The Sun.
London, England, 1859-12-08 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON TIATASD.AY EVENING, DECEWEII 8, 1859.

opinion upon_the.Ciovernment anVarliament ; the.
landlords being the only authorities to whom they
looked for remedying the political evils to which
they might be subjected. So it was with the work-
ing classes, when a grievance affected them, instead
of regarding it as the effect of evil laws or of op-
pressive taxation, they charged all the evil to the
capital by means of which they were employed.
They knew nothing about Parliaments, or Cabi-
nets, or monarchies; but they did know the ca-
pitalist who employed them, and with whom they
were in. daily contact, and feeling a pressure from
a cause with which he could have nothing to do,
they got up a fight with him, because, being shut
out'from the free consideration and examination of
those great political questions which affected the
wellbeing of the working classes more severely and
directly. than • any other, they were unable to dis-
tinguish the true causs of the evils of which
they complained. As an employer of labour
he held that every man who had capital
so invested had the greatest possible, as he believed,
the most direct interest, in extending the elective
franchise to, the largest possible number of those
who were employed by him. Let them once feel
that they were not oppressed by those injudicious
and: unwholesome divisi
andhonse halt
no doubt that h the law had
created among them,i
the strike in London, or any strike in Lancashire or
elsewhere, the more the men could feel that in the
law and the constitution they were upon an.equa-,
lity with their employers and all other classes, the
less would they bo disposed to combine in narrow
sections and trades to wage war, not against their
enemies but against the greateet friends they had
in the world—the capitalists by whom labour was
maintained. (Cheers.) 'With regard to those timid
gentlemen who were so terrified at the prospect of
admitting large numbers of the working classes,
they must show to them that the conduct of those
classes for many years past had been deserving of
all the praise which. had been bestowed upon them,
and much more. (Hear.) He was not himself ac-
customed to praise the working men ; ho .did not
like patting men upon the back ; he would rather
show his appreciation of them by offering them free
admission to • those political .rights to which he
deemed himself entitled as a citizen of a free coun-
try. (Cheers.) And now, with regard to the Go-
vernment, he should he very sorry. to say a word
that appeared ill-natured or that was calculated to
increase their difficulty in dealing with this ques-
tion. Unquestionably the Government would have
difficulties, and very considerable difficulties, to
overcome: .When Lord John Russell's proposition
was made last summer there was a general feeling
in the
. • country that it was, the sort of offer that
would be likely to be received as being a long
way from the absurdity: of the Reform Bill of
Lord Derby's Government, while it also left at a
considerable distance- the advanced scheme which
the Reform Association' had laid before the coun-
try. (Hear, hear.) And although many wished
that it had *gone further yet, looking at the result
of the late eleetione and at the discussions which
had taken place in Parliament and out of Par-
liament, he believed he was justified in saying
that great numbers of all classes of reformers were
willing to acquiesce in the fairness of Lord J. Rus-
sell's proposed measure. (Hear; hear.) He spoke
of the fairness of it taken from that noble lord's
point of view; surrounded by his associations, and
knowing the insuperable difficulties by which legis-
lation was beset at every step in such a question
knowing the state of the public mind--sa state not
of perfect satisfaction, but yet of what he might call
toleration or acquiescence, he thought they had a
right to urge on the Government that there should
be no'departure in an adverse sense from the terms
which Lord J. Russell offered, upon which the elec-
tions took place, upon the faith of which the pre-
sent' Government came into office, and upon which
alone he thought the Liberal party could be justi-
fied in giving to the Government all the support in
their power in the event of such a measure being
introduced. At all events such a measure would
be an honest one. It might not be the best, but so
far as the Government were concerned it would be
fairly carrying out that which they offered before
they were a Government, and would at all events
exonerate them from any charge of treachery or
feebleness. Upon these grounds, therefore, he felt
that he and those who acted with him would
be bound in honour to give to the Government
el the support in their power in promoting the
enactment of such a law. - (Hear, hear.) That:
was the course which he -should take. At the
same time he agreed with Mr. Clay, that he
could not be bound—he should never think of
being bound—nor did this resolution pretend to bind
anybody as'ao his perfect freedom of action under
whatever circumstances might arise. He should not
oppose-the Government Bill, because it did not in-
clude the ballot; if it should so happen that the
ballot formed no part of it. Provided it offered a
fair suffrage, and that extension of the suffrage
which they had a right to expect, he would give it
his support: (Hear, hear.) If it were a measure intro-
duced in good faith, as in that case it would be, he
should feel that he was not doing his duty to
the hundreds and thousands who would be included
under such a bill, but who were now excluded,
if he placed himself as a difficulty in the way of
the Government in their endeavours to pass it. He
wished the Government success with ail his heart.
and the great element of their success would be
their adherence to what they had already offered,
and a firm resolve to rely on the good sense of the
country at large, believing that even those of their
countrymen wo might consider that there were
some short-comings in . the • Bill, but who, being
anxious for reform, would be prepared to extend to
them a generous. and hearty'support. (Cheers:) If
they would take up the question in this spirit, de-
termined to stand or fall by it, they might depend
upon it that they would find force enough in Par-
liament, in the country, and in. the press to carry
the measure to a successful termination. But it
would be an unhappy thing and fatal tp the Go-
vernment it' they receded from the £6 borough
franchise. If there was to be only the difference of
some 20s. between the franchise proposed by Lord
Derby and thiit which after all the present Govern-
ment were. disposed to accept—for Lord -Derby's
G ivernment, it was said, would in their extremity
have agreed to an £S franchise—what justification
could they advance for turring out the late Cabinet
and taking office themselves ? • Considering the
corruption which had taken place at the last elec-
tion—the exposures at Wakefield, Gloceeter, Nor-
wich, Berwick", and other places whose sores were
as bad, but from which the bandages had not been
stripped—(a laugh)—he was more than ever re-
solved to support any attempt that promised to
place our electoral system upon a basis where we
could approach it with satisfaction, and feel that
we were not doing a dishonour to Liberty itself
when we boasted of being a free nation. He inti-
mated, in conclusion, that should the Government
Bill fail he would introduce the one which he had
prepared, and which he said was in so perfect a
state that it might he brought in at any moment.
(Hear.) • If he' did not go so far as some of his friends
desired, he hoped they would give him credit for
seeing difficulties which were not perceived by-them,
and that they Would not imagine that he had with-
drawn a hair's breadth from the principles ho
had ever professed, or that his feelings in favour
of a more extended reform were less iatense than
at any former period. (Cheers.)
Mr. Luellen', 'as a manhood suffragist, said the
working classes had no confidence in them because
they did not go out boldly for that measure. All
their speakers admitted the justice of the demand
for that suffrage. Mr. Bright himself bad just ad-
mitted it; yet as a body they did not demand it,
and he told them at once that that was the secret
of their weakness as a body. The people were not
apathetic, bat they had lost all confidence in leaders,
because those leaders themselves were not true to
principle. He denied that the working classes did
not understand politics. They understood politics
better than any other class, certainly better than
the middle classes, or at all events they thought so,
and that came to the same thing. (Laughter.)
Mr. BRIGHT did not mean to say that there were
not great numbers of the working-classes who did
not know as much about politics as other classes;
but the fact. of their exclusion from the franchise
had a tendency to make political questions of less
interest to them than if they had votes, as he wished
them to have. (Hear, hear.)
The resolution was then agreed to.
Mr. RAWLINGS, of Liverpool, moved—" That,
to meet the expenses of the Parliamentary Reform
Committee for .the ensuing year, a subscription list
be now commenced and publishe
The resolution having been egr eed to,
Mr. Fa Form:A, of Manchester,. moved--•-•" That,
inasmuch as the defeat of the obnoxious and illusory
Reform Bill of the Derby Administration was ac-
complished by the zeal and co operation of Parlia-
mentary Reformers, this Camfarence appeals to
them to continue their efforts: with unsparing
earnestness, mind to be pr pared, (iv the produc-
tion of a new Refortu Bill bye the present Govern-.
merit, to pronounce with equal promleitude upon its
fitness to satisfy the just requirements of the coun-
try." He approved of the course Me . Bright pro-
posed to take with reference to they Government
measure.,
The resolution was seconded by Mr. it. Cosrt.i7.i,
and, after sonic
.übscrvations from Mr. ELT, was
agreed to.
The proceedings closed with a vote vf thanks to
the chairman.

[AnyruTrsii'mv.:,';T:l--.-- Mr. Benson, Lndgatt-bill, has
ju: t published a new illustrated pamphlet on w Itches (free
by post for two stain). It c<hr ud be toad by .111 who are
about buying a watch, a 3 it cont ..ins prices and iirsnortant
information, as to—What watch to Imp I where itc 'tray it I
and how to use ii I

MR._ERNEST JONES.;ON DIRECT

TAXATION.

The Manchester school has issued a financial pro-
gramme in favour of direct taxation, much of it,
like the .corn-law repeal agitation, very good as far
as it goes, but practically merely a decoy to draw
thepeople off the right political scent. For this
purpose the financialist:speeches are highly spiced
with political allusions. We arc told that we have
a class Parliament, that the rich impose taxes to
suit themselves, and spend them to subserve their
own interests. All very true. But if .the asser-
tion proves anything, it is manifestly the necessity '
of an alteration in the electoral law, and that a
financial reform agitation before a suffrage agita►
tion is simply putting the cart before the horse.
But we. will suppose that by getting up a great
agitation under false pretences Messrs. Bright and
Cobden could force from Government a reform in
the system of taxation, of what benefit do the
working classes suppose this would be to them ? I
repeat that the result could be obtained only by
holding out false hopes to the people—hopes of
plenty of work, high wages, and cheap food.
Would these, I ask, flew from direct taxation, or
even from Government? Nothing of the kind, un-
less other and most radical reforms accompanied the
financial change. Labour, like everything else in
this country, up to the very soul of man (as witness
the sale of livings and patronage), is an article of
barter. If taxation decreases in amount. prices
fall in amount; and if prices fall in amount, wages
do not remain stationary—they fall in proportion.
Invariable experience has proved this. Nay, the
presumption from such experience is, that they fall
disproportionately. Of what avail to the working
classes is, then, low taxation and cheap Govern-
ment, unless the demand for labour be increased, or
the supply of labour diminished ? Not the slight-
est. I now come to, another point.
There is not a greater bugbear in the world than
this said one of taxation. • Suppose that a country
depended on and existed on its home trade entirely,
that it supplied all its own wants, it would not make
the least difference to the people as a whole, or to
the working clae3ses in particular, whether taxation
were high or low. A certain amount of purchasing
power implies the employment of a certain amount
of lab Our power, and whether that purchasing
.power be in the hands of A or B. makes no other
difference to C. who, I will assume, represents the
working man, than that he would have to supply
his' labour to A instead of B, or to B instead of "A,
according to the amount of taxation and the appli-
cation of its proceeds. It is only in as far as fo-
reign trade or competition with foreign countries
is affected by taxation that an influence for good
or evil can be exercised towards the working
classes. But how will a change to direct taxation
operate on the British working man ? It cannot
alter his condition in the least, unless accompanied
by a reduction in the amount of taxation to a very
serious degree; and it will not benefit him even
then, unless, as I-have already said, other and very
great social changes accompany the measure. If
cheap Government were to _accompany direct taxa-
tion, that is if, in other words, the amount of
taxation were to be reduced, the British manufac-
turer would, without a doubt, be able to compete
more easily with the foreign manufacturer. If, in
such a case, the British employer reduced•the price
of his goods, the working man would gain nothing
(subject to a reservation I shall make below) ; for
with the reduced prices the employer would not be
in a better position to pay higher wages than at
present. If, on the other hand, the employer did
not reduce the price of his goods, his profits would
be increased, although his market would not be
extended, there would be no increased demand for
labour at home. The labour surplus would there-
fore remain the same, and it is the labour surplus,
not the master's profit, that regulates the Nice of
labour. But I will suppose that the employer
'loners the price of his goods. In that case he
would certainly either increase his market,
or, at least, prevent its debrease through
foreign competition as rapidly as would other.-
wise occur. This brings me to the reserva-
tion I have. alluded to above. The point re-
served is, tha.4-, according to a superficial view, al-
though there might be no rise in wages, there
might yet be an increase of employment, or at least
a diminution of employment might be prevented for
a time. This I readily admit is possible, but the
benefit would be of the most transitory kind, since
foreign competition would rapidly "overtake" the
advantage, if I may use such an expression, and the
increased development of machine power would
neutralise the demand for labour.
The benefit accruing to the working ,classes 1
would be therefore of the most infinitesimal kind
and of the most transitory nature. It is doubtful,
more than doubtful, whether any benefit would
accrue, because the employer would probably prefer
making large profits on his present amount of busi-
ness to extending his business by lowering his
prices ; in which case, although small capitalists
(or large ones as competition grew fiercer) would
certain lyfprocced at last to reduce prices, that they
might undersell each other, yet some time would
elapse before this took place, and that time would
be filled by the increased development of machinery,
which would neutralise the direct benefit that
would accrue to the working man.
It will be seen from the above remarks that I
am decidedly in favour of direct taxation, but
I feel convinced, if the working classes expect
any tangible benefit, any benefit worth an. agi-
tation, any benefit equivalent to an abandon-
ment of suffrage-agitation, to result from Mr.
Bright's scheme, they are vastly mistaken. The en-
tire scheme is in the interest of the employing classes
only; and this disadvantage would attend its suc-
cess, that theY, having accomplished what they de-
sired for themselves, would say not another word
about the enfranchisement of the masses of the
people. •
It may be said that in the above I admit that a
system of direct taxation will not injure the work-
ing man, and must benefit the manufacturing em-
ployer. Be it so; my object simply is, not to oppose
direct taxation, hut to show the working classes that
Mr. Bright's taxation movement is not worth em-
barking in to the exclusion of that to them vastly
more important work, a reform in our electoral
system.

THE BRIBER.Y-PRQC_EERINGS AT

OR TVICII.

The Norwich town council, at a special meeting
held on Tuesday afternoon, well sustained the inte-
rest of the -proceedings instituted with a view to
the repression of bribery in that city. The meeting
was convened by a requisition to the Mayor, signed
by three Liberal and three Conservative councillors.
Mr. Sims Reeve, a member of the Liberal party,
moved a resolution to the effect that the peace and
welfare of the city would be best promoted by the
cessation of political strife, and that, with a view to
the attainment of that objectfurther legal proceed-
ings against Mr. Henry Croxford, Mr. Albert J.
Collins, and others, for conspiracy be stayed. Mr.
Reeve supported this motion in a speech of con-
siderable length, his two main arguments being—
first, that it would promote the peace and welfare
of the citizens generally to stop the inquiry com-
menced into the alleged. attempts to corrupt. Mr.
Joel Fox (which he denounced us a party prosecu-
tion got up by the Liberals against the Conserva-
tives) ; and secondly, that the funds at the disposal
of the council could not be applied to the support
of. the
.proceedings. Mr. Reeve, referring to the
refOsal of Mr. Harvey, the banker, to answer the
goes/ions addressed to him, said it arose from a be-
lief that it was his duty as a commercial man. not
to violate the confidence reposed in him by his
customers ; so far from Mr. Harvey being a
party man, he had scarcely ever Toted at all
in municipal or Parliamentary elections, his
whole attention being devoted to commercial
pursuits. Mr. Field seconded the motion, and,
while expressing an abhorrence of bribery, said be
must deprecate the prosecution of one particular.
offence at the expense of the city. Lord Bury .and
Mr. bchneider, he added, offered on the evening
before the sitting of the ComMittee of the House of
COmmons by whom they were unseated to bribe Sir
Samuel Bignold, their Conservative opponent, with
the view of inducing him to withdraw his case.
This had been stated publicly in the papers, and
had notheen denied by Lord Bury or Mr. Schnei,
der. but the Liberal party in the council had never
said a word about it. The council, he contended,
ought to ask themselves•whether as party men they
ecold prosecute cases of bribery with clean hands,
and he believed they had much better apply them-
selves to the consideration of some plans to prevent
for the future the disgraCeful state of things
.which
had prevailed. Mr. Gibson, in moving an amend-
ment to Mr. Reeve's resolution, to the effect that
the council believed that the due administration of
iesiie„, was essential' to the '.iieace and welfare of
Nfr orc.,ielf, and that the proiehitiou should, there-
fore, he proceeded with,: itsked—waS there no
honour or regard for public virtue and morality
left in the council? A great deal had been said
about the cessation of-political Strife ; but what was
lie to understand by the phrase? Ilid Sir Samuel
Bignold withdrawn his opposition as regards the
coming- election next spring?: I.lave you, Sir
Samuel?" said the speaker pointedly, amid much
laughter. Sir Samuel Ngnold, amid renewed mer-
riment, replied, " Why, I had it over with you the
other day, and you .concurred with me;" to which
Mr. Gibson replied, " What you read to me as the.
basis of a proper understanding I assented to, but
you told me the other day that it was not
entered into at all." Mr. Gibson resuming his
argument in support of the amendment, said there
could be no peace without purity, and therefore let

justice be done. If the magistrates of Norwich were
afraid to do their duty, let the matter be taken out
of their hands, and it be transferred to a higher
power.' Mr. J. J. Colman seconded the amend-
ment, and, recapituating the course which the pro-
ceedings instituted had taken—proceedings with
which the public are familiar, as they have been
copiously reported in The Sun—said he feared
persons of higher station than either Mr. Croxford
or Mr. Collins were concerned in the matter.
Pressed by the Conservatives to name the indivi-
duals to whom he referred, Mr. Colman replied
" Sir Samuel Bignold and Mr. Harvey." Sir S.
Bignold, with considerable warmth, said Mr. Col-
man had grossly insulted him withour having a
tittle of evidence to sustain his statement. He must
call upon Mr. Colman to state the grounds upon
which he sought to implicate him (Sir S. Bignold)
in the matter. As all the world knew his connec-
tion with railways, insurance offices, &c., led him
(Sir S. Bignold) frequently to the Norwich banks.
at all of which he kept accounts ; and the fact that
he was at Mr. Harvey's bank on the 9th of Novem-
ber was quite consistent with his not being in any
way implicated in the alleged attempt to bribe
Mr Fox. He defied Mr. Celman, or any one else,
to implicate him in any way, closely or remotely,
in the transaction. Mr. Colman said the proceed-
ings, then, ought to go on, that gentlemen occupy-
ing a high station in the neighbourhood might
have an opportunity of vindicating themselves. Mr.
Druery, on the part of the Conservatives, taunted the
Liberals with having obtained their ascendancy in
1835 by bribery, And, referring to Mr. Harvey,
stated that all the money transactions connected
with the election of Lord Bury and Mr. Schneider,
the late Liberal (unseated) members, passed through
that gentleman's bank. Mr. Druery also urged
that if the council were sincere in their crusade
against bribery they should adopt the suggestion of
Lord Brougham, and endeavour to have it made
felony ; the stone would then be set rolling, other
cities would take the matter up, and some
good might be done ; but at present there was only
a mummery of purity bandied about from side to
side. There could be no objection to private indi-
viduals taking proceedings at their own expense,
but let them not dip into the city purse for such a
purpose. This argument was repeated by several
other Conservative councillors, but after further
discussion pro and con, personalities and very acri-
monious observations being indulged in, the Mayor
said he had heard nothing with reference to the
alleged attempt to bribe Mr. Fox to show that no
crime had been committed ; and,therefore, he should
decline to put the resolution submitted by Mr.
Reeve, as it had a tendency to compound a crimi-
nal offence. Mr. Reeve strongly commented on this
proceeding, remarking that if the Mayor refused
to do his duty, he and his friends would call
upon him to leave the chair. Several Coun-
cillors insisted on the Mayor being bound to
put the motion, after he had once consented to
convene a meeting specially to consider it. Even-
tually, Mr. Reeve altered his motion, so that it
simply tended to rescind the order passed at a
previous meeting for instituting proceedings.
Mr, Gibson withdrew his amendment ; but Mr.
Young moved, and Mr. Bacon seconded, a direct
negative to the amended resolution. A division
was then taken, and Mr. Reeve's motion was car-
ried by 28 votes to 19—Sir S. Bignold, Sir W.
Foster, and Mr. W. Wilde, jun. (against whom in-
formations have been preferred fsr bribery at the
general election), voting with the majority. Mat-
ters will not end here, a large number of the Liberals
having determined to continue the inquiry by means
of a private subscription. The city is greatly ex-
cited on the subject, and it will be difficult to calm
the troubled waters. The adjourned inquiry is,
according to the arrangement made a fortnight
since, to be proceeded with before the local magis-
trates to-day (Thursday); but further delay will
probably now take place.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE—Dec. 7.

MANSION-HOUSE.---James Powers, 26, was
charged with committing a rape upon the person
of Hannah Percival, in the warehouse of her em-
ployers, Messrs. Chavasse and Co., iron bedstead
makers, 10, Upper Thames-street, on the 18th of

November last: 7
Hannah Percival, a neat-looking girl, with an
ample show of crinoline, said—l live at 16, Little
Trinity-lane, City, with my mother, and am 16
years old on Saturday. I have worked for about
three months at Messrs. Chavasse's, Horseshoe
Wharf, Upper Thames-street, where the prisoner
was employed as foreman. The warehouse is
close to the river. I was on the second floor, and
my duty was to wrap up bedsteads. There were
about six ether girls employed there, and two or
three married women. We went at nine in the
morning and stayed till six .in the evening ; and
the prisoner, who used to put out the light himself,
told me, soon after I first went there, to stay atter
the other girls were gone to put the fire out. A
fortnight ago last Friday I put out the fire, and
went down stairs with a candle to show the pri-
soner a light. The door of the first floor was open,
and he'put the key into the lock, and pushed the
door to, and caught hold of my hands without say-
ing anything, but afterwards pushed me against
the wainscoting, pulled up my clothes, and said I
- must oblige him. I could not get away from him,
although I struggled and called out several times,
and he succeeded in his object. (She here described
the perpetration of the offence) After doing it, he
said, " This is the first time." I made no answer,
but went down stairs and went home to my mother.
I did not tell my mother that night, nor the next.
morning ; nor did I tell my sister, who is a married
woman, and works in the same warehouse. The first
person I told was Mrs. Dawson, who also works
there, and I did not tell her till the prisoner had re-
peated the offence. I went to work the next
morning without saying a word to anybody, as
I .did• not like to speak about it. On the
Friday following, while the other girls were
gone to dinner, I took the prisoner his dinner,
and he threw me down on a bedstead, and again
had connexion with me againd my will. I strug-
gled with him, and as he was pulling me alone. my
dress got torn against the bedstead. Afterwards I
went home to dinner, but did not sayanything about
it to my mother. Next day, which was Saturday,
I told Mrs. Dawson about it, and last Friday I told
my sister. Mrs. Dawson examined my linen, but
I did not. show it to my mother or to anybody else.
On the Wednesday after the second Friday he threw
me across, a plank in his counting-house, and com-
mitted the offence a third time. That was in the
evening. I did not notice the time particularly,
but the- other girls were none. Last Saturday he
aFked me to say nothing about it, and if any one
said anythinr, abont it, to deny it ; for he said it
was very hard if he could not have a lark without
having it talked about in the warehouse.
Mr. Goodman (chief clerk)—Are you sere that he
did all this against your consent ?

Witness—Yes, quite.
Mr. Goodman—Did your mother notice that any-
thin(' was the matter with you ?
Witness—Yes, after the second time she noticed
that I looked very heavy with sleep, and she asked
me if anything was the matter with me.
Mr. Goodman—Well, what did you tell her ?
Witness—l told her there was nothing the mat-

ter.
Mr. Goodman—Why did you tell her that ? Why
did you not tell her the truth
Witness—l did not like to.
Mr. Goodman—But if it was done'against your
will, why should you not like to tell her ?
Witness—Why, I was afraid she would throw
the blame upon me. My sister told my mother last
Friday, and on Saturday I went with my mother
to the station-house. I have been examined by a
medical man to-day.
Mr. William Costall May, surgeon, 13, Great
Trinity-lane, deposed that ho had that morning
examined the girl Percival, and had found no marks
of violence. Since the 18th November marks of
violence might have dilappeared.
Elizabeth Dawson, a married woman, deposed
that she worked at Messrs. Chavasse's factory,
and had never seen any impropriety on the
part of the prisoner towards the girl Percival,
who, however, told her a fortnight or three
weeks ago, that the prisoner had had. connexion
with her three or four times, but never showen her
her linen. Witness told the prisoner of it, who
immediately called Percival up to the table, and
said, 6' Hannah, how came you to say this cruel
thing of me ?" She made no reply, and he asked her
again, upon which she said, " No, sir ; you only
tried to do it." On Saturday night witness met
Percival's mother, who told her to ask the prisoner
for some money, and she would say nothing about
it. WitnOs asked Mr. Powers, who said he was
not ga-:lty of it, aid would not give her a shilling.
Ibyitness told the mother, who then s!=id she would
glue him into custody.
Goodinnn---Ycn have seen nothin,r between
them yourm2lf ?

Wiiness—No, only last Wednesday or Thursday
I saw Percival give him a very imprudent book,
called " Fanny Hill." She had brought it there as
her own, and lent it to a named Sewell. She
took it from Sewell's hands and gave it to the pri-
soner. I had heard of this affair a fortnight before.
Maria Bradley—l am a married woman, and am
sister to the proseeutrix. I work at the warehouse.
When I heard some of the girls talk about this
affair last Fridav; I did not believe it, and I asked
her, if it was true. Then she told me that the pri-
sonex had ruined her. She said he came out of his
counting-house and caught hold of her as she was
ihowing him a light down stairs, and that as she
was calling outOie said it was of no use hallooing,
L•