The Sun.
London, England, 1859-09-10 00:00:00

Candid, and, much more, if also a literary man,

acknowledge that few political letters in these de-
generate days of verbiage will bear to be compared
with it. The style and composition of the letter
would do credit to any party ; and the Northern
Reform Union, to whom it is addressed, will cer-
tainly distribute it by millions. They will see to

it, that every elector at least has a copy.

Some may repeat the old objection, that it is
.00 abstract in its first statements especially ; yet

what policy is there of any worth which does not start
from some principle? This is indeed but the old stock

objection which was blown to the winds by Free
Trade, by Religious Liberty, by Negro and Roman
Catholic Emancipation, and by every great onward

movement. Representative Government, like every

other policy, must have its starting point in some

great abstract principle, to which assent cannot be
refused ; and, to develop which is the business,
and should be the aim of every intelligent and
honest statesman. Who, then, can deny either the

well-condensed facts, or the brief inference from
them, of the following paragraph :

"An unborn child in the United Kingdom is not only
protected by its mother, it is surrounded by the shield of
the law. Soon after its birth its existence is vouched for,

.
identity and its presumptive inheritance are cared for
by the law of vaccination. And no sooner does it know
right from wrong than it is required to be obedient to the
government of the country. And, from the first, directly
or indirectly, its sustenance, and many things which com-
bine to secure the welfare of its being, are taxed. Thus,
the beginning of its life and of its ijiterest in the legislation
of the Parliament are contemporaneous. Throughout its
existence on earth that interest exists likewise without in-
termission, and after death the laws of the country protect

the sacredness of its totib.
" He whose whole life on earth is thus acted upon by
Parliament is justly entitled to have a voice in choosing his

own representative in that assembly."
From the claim of every child born under our
laws to representation, Lord TEYNHAM proceeds to

the first limitation—age. " The Scriptures and
our laws say the same thing; we, when we were
children, were in bondage.' Thus a child is not

qualified to become a voter. Let him become a
man. The franchise will thus become the inheri-
tance of every male child ; but he will not enter
on his inheritance till he becomes of age." Of
course mere sneerers will say that here a great deal
is assumed; that women and children too are en-
titled to the franchise, on Lord TEYNHAM'S starting
principle. This, however, is mere banter ; un-
vorthy of serious refutation. A physical, intel-
lectual, real difference exists between immaturity
and maturity ; we may truly say, also, between
the sexes, which gives to the full-grown man the
government of all. Divine and human laws, and
the sentiments and usages of the most Christian
and civilised states so distinctly acknowledge the
difference, that we might well spare ourselves, as
Lord TEYNHAM does, any notice of such quibbling
feints. Suffice it to argue the " women's rights
question" when British wives and daughters are dis-
satisfied with being represented by their husbands
and fathers. But Lord TEYNHAM has another
limitation, one which, as our readers may remem-
ber, has been frequently insisted on in this journal,
as most desirable, if only a practicable one—the
qualification of being able to read. This also is
neatly stated—
,' We thus reach another point of concord. Universal
suffrage reduced to practice is manhood suffrage. Would
a man give his vote for a member of Parliament wisely he
must exercise his mind on political subjects ; he must col-
lect accurate information upon them. Independently he
should vote ; independently think. That he be not depen-
dent on others for • mere smattering of politics, he must be
able to read, and thus to store up knowledge for himself.
He who cannot read is not qualified to give a vote which
he can know will be beneficial to himself and his country;
he who can read, having within himself the mean of all
knowledge is qualified to vote well. If I gain the assent,
and I expect it unanimously, of reformers to this step, uni-
versal suffrage is practically that of every reading man. It
will not be hard to persuade the man who cannot read that
he should leave the suffrage to him that can, even as the
blind man is willing to be led."
His lordship hopes that such reform as he seeks
would be in many ways beneficial to the country,
and especially that it would tend to make every
youth desirous to enter on manhood as a man capa-
ble of reading. We know too well the practical
difficulties which would be at once suggested, and
which would doubtless to some extent exist ; we
shall be asked (as we have been before) what mea-
sure of fluency in reading should be accepted as a
qualification. And we should again reply, two or
three fair jurymen on each side, in the Revising
Barristers' Courts, could decide the question always
with practical ease and fairness. Given, the prin-
ciple of such a suffrage, and we would answer for
giving effect to it. Our educational standard has,
however, always been somewhat higher : we
would add writing. It would afford one great
aid towards detection of personification if each
elector signed the registration list. It might be
taken to him by the overseers. And on the day of
voting, if required to sign again, the comparison of
the returning officer's previously signed private
copy with the signature of the voter would be an
almost certain detector of fraud. We need not re-
mark on the value of the habit of writing, as well
as of reading, as a qualification.
Lord TEYNHAM concludes, however, with some
well-stated reasoning against exacting a higher
qualification than what is just sufficient. The dif-
ference, he remarks, is overlooked between being
qualified and being better qualified. We have in
legislation to do only with simple qualification, and
must resolutely reject all gradations. A reading
man has the qualification to know all that is desir-
able for an elector. We have no more right to
require that he should have higher qualifications
than to require that a man should be more than
barely compos mentis to enjoy his paternal in-
heritance. If a return were moved for of Lord
TEYNHAM'S letter, in the House of Lords, it might
be of more value to their lordships than half the
papers which are thus placed in their hands.

Her Imperial Highness the Grand Duchess Marie
of Russia, accompanied by Madame de Malzoff and M.
Manowsay, have left Claridge's Hotel for Torquay.
The Marquis and Marchioness of Headfort have
left Claridge's Hotel for Paris.
The Earl and Countess of Cork have left Marston
for Pencarrow, Cornwall, on a visit to Lady Molesworth.
Viscount and Viscountess Doneraile have arrived
at Claridge's Hotel from Doneraile, Ireland.
His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge
arrived yesterday evening from Calais by the Royal Mail
Packet Campany's boat Prince Frederick William, J. Pit-
tock, commander. His Royal Highness was received on
landing by General Crawford and Major Barnard. His
Royal Highness left for London by the 9.30 p.m. train.
DEATH OF LORD JAMES STUART.—We have to
record the death of Lord James Stuart, M.P. for the county
of Ayr. His death was somewhat unexpected, as .he was
present at Ayr races last week, apparently in the enjoy-
ment of good health. He died on Wednesday at Dumfries
House, Ayrshire, one of the family seats of the Marquis of
Bute, to whose titles and estates his lordship was heir-pre
sumptive, being the uncle of the present marquis, who is a
minor. He sat for Cardiff from 1818 to 1820, and from
1826 to 1832 ; sat for the county of Bute from 1820 to 1826 ;
was an unsuccessful candidate for Perth city in 1832 ; re-
presented the Ayr district from 1834 to July, 1852 ; and
was first returned for Ayrshire in 1857. He was a Liberal
in politics, and voted for the ballot and fur short Parlia-
neolnt: as Hcoilinsdeleautehiatly will of course occasion a vacancy in the
representation of Ayrshire. His lordship was born in 1794,
n
in the 65th year of his age.
: DEATH OF SIR WILLIAM NORRIS.—We have to
record the death of Sir W. Norris, late Recorder of Penang.
He was admitted to the bar by s'
the Hon. Society of the
Middle Temple in 1827, and t:hohyearster;vards proceeded
in India, where he practised
iceconsiderableof
fce slueencesisle.viehri„
1835 he was appointed Chief Justine
puisne iudge there. Ceylon,
death todi
acted as a
nesday, at Ashurst Lodge, near Sunningdale, in
his 66th year,
ponrevlivouAly
LORD STANLEY, M.P., AND HIS CONSTITUENTS.
we ard about 50 interest-
ing—Lord Stanley, 11,1. P., who recently presented £5OO to the
library named after him
has
liiitil,'s Lynn, and liberally en-
dowed by him in 185 , li
noble lord.has not acted
e and to ire
as people generally do in r
he
volumes to the instiltustii,:uns. forwarded
presenting odd volumes which has never cared to read
himself, but his donation comprises standard and really
valuable works.