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A WINTER IN THE FAR WEST
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ENGLAND, FRANCE, RUSSIA, AN I)

TURKEY.

SECOND AND LAST ARTICLE.

We demonstrated in our preceding article that the
treaty of Unkiar Skelessi was _much more advantageous
(whatever the Journals may say) for the safety of the Porte
than the campaigns of 1828 and 1829 had been. Such at.
least is the Sultan's opinion, and it will doubtless be allowed
that he is more interested in the matter than anybody else,
not excepting even the Journal des Debats. But to ex-
haust the subject entirely, we have yet to examine the truth
or falsehood of the accusations of the Press, with regard
to a certain separate article, which is annexed to the treaty
of Bth July. Let us see, in the first place, what is stipu-
lated in it, and let us then examine in what it is blameable,
or calculated to excite apprehensions. The separate article
of the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi, if we may believe our-
selves to be as well informed as others pretend to be, con-
tains as follows :
" That the two contracting parties are bound by virtue of
the principle of mutual defence, established in the treaty of
alliance, to afford to each other mutually and reciprocally the
most effectual succour for the safety.of their respective States;
that, however, to spare the Porte the burdens which might re-
sult from the furnishing .of actual succour, the Emperor of
Russia would not claim it if circumstances should arise to
hinder the Porte from fulfilling this obligation ; that in this
case, instead of the succour to be given to Russia on the prin-
ciple of reciprocity laid down-in the treaty, the active part of
the Porte should be confined to closing the Dardanelles against
foreign men-of-war:"
Such is the spirit in which the separate article of the
treaty of Constantinople is drawn up. Translated into
plain language it means no more than this : Turkey has no
men to give you, in case you should be attacked ; but to
give you an indemnity for the services which you have
rendered it, and for those which you are still to render it,
it promises you, on the supposition that you should be en-
gaged .in a war, to keep the Dardanelles closed, as it has
wisely done at all times.
Has Russia by such stipulations at all violated the Eu-
ropean law of nations ? Not at all : it has only formally
confirmed-the principle of the closing of the Dardanelles
against ships of war, a measure of security which has
been established at all times, and without exception by
the Ottolnan Porte itself. But it is said, if the principle
existed already, why insert it in an article of the treaty ?
For the very simple reason, that the principle had hitherto
been recognised by the Porte only for its own security.
Now its application extends likewise to the security of
Russia. Is this the real grounds of the complaints made
of the separate article of the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi ? Is
it really taken amiss that the Cabinet of St. Petersburg-h
has taken care of the southern provinces of its empire ?
And by what right has Russia secured to herself the
exclusive privilege of freely passing the Dardanelles, to
transfer at its pleasure the theatre of war to the Mediterra-
nean ? The principle of closing the Dardanelles against
foreign ships of war is laid down in the treaty of Unkiar Ske-
lessi, without making an exception in favour of any power.
Russia has not stipulated any privilege in its own favour
in this respect. Its treaty of alliance with the Porte is
entirely defensive, and excludes all idea of aggression, con-
sequently it no more permits Russian ships of war to at-
tack Malta or Toulon, than English or French vessels to
attack Sebastapol or Odessa. Thus the Ottoman Porte,
when it confirmed the principle laid down in the separate
article of the Treaty of the Bth July, did not impose on
itself any obligations burdensome to the Ottoman empire,
or prejudicial to the rights of other States. It has only
secured and maintained its independent position, and,
We may say,, fulfilled the pacific mission which Europe
seems to have assigned to it, since it has considered
the Dardanelles as the line of separation between the
East and the West. Suppose that the present state of
things were changed—that the treaty of the Bth of July
were annulled, as well as the principle of the closing of
the Dardanelles—in a word, " That the Porte were sub.
jected to the obligation to open the Straits to all ships of war,
that they might navigate without obstacle," the moment this
was done, the independence .of the Ottoman Porte would
be in fact annihilated ; it would be rendered the sport
and the slave of the dissensions of Europe, and forced to
be the spectator of the combats of which the Bosphorus
might become the theatre. Nay more, it would be exposed
to the danger of being engaged against its will in every ag-
gression which the power first come, might commence after
having passed the Strait. In a word, it would be con-
demned, sooner or later, to a collision, the consequences of
which are incalculable, but of which the Ottoman empire
would infallibly be kltovictim. For this reason, the safety
of the Porte requires, as imperatively as the preservation
of the balance of Europe, that the Dardanelles, as hither-
to, shall remain closed against the ships of war of foreign
nations. It is thus that we must understand the declare

tion of the Emperor Alexander, recently quoted by the
Journal des Debuts. " The Dardanelles are the keys of
my house." Now the public law of Europe, and the well
understood interest of all civilized nations, watch over the
entrance of Turkey, which, as we have said, has hitherto
for the repose of the world separated the rivalry of the
East and the West. Woe to him who should be the first

to touch the Icy• which a great monarch has called the key
to his house.

We shall say no more on the question of the Dardanelles,
and of the Conservative and pacific object of the article of
the treaty which relates to it : it will be sufficient for us to
speak briefly of the navigation of the Black Sea. The
Journals have again called the attention of the public to
this subject, which they have not properly explained. We
therefore think it may be useful to place the matter in its
true light. We must first inquire whether the navigation
of the Black Sea is open or not to European commerce ?
The answer to this question is in Art. 7 of the Treaty of
Adrianople. The Russian Cabinet, by the stipulations con-
tained in it, opened the entrance of the Black Sea to all na-
tions without distinction, which had not hitherto enjoyed the
privilege, by virtue of a treaty concluded immediately with
the Porte. They, have all obtained for their mercantile navy
full and entire liberty to pass the channel of Constantinople
and the Dardanelles, and that on the same conditions as
are stipulated for merchantmen under Russian colours. We
leave it to all impartial judges to decide whether these
stipulations are made in a spirit of exclusion, unfavourable
to the interests of all commercial nations ? But it is said
the Black Sea is open only to merchantmen—not to men-
of-war. The answer is easy :—lf the entrance to the
Dardanelles is closed against foreign men-of-war (and we
have sufficiently demonstrated how wise this measure is),
we confidently ask, whether the closing of this strait does
not necessarily imply the impossibility of foreign ships of
war being allowed to navigate the Black Sea ? It is
only the men-of-war of the two states which form its shores
—Russian and the Porte—that can have the possible means
and legal right to navigate that Sea, so long as it is sur-
rounded by countries which belong exclusively to Russia
and the Ottoman Porte. The consequence of this was,
that at all times those powers agreed together to consider
the Black Sea merely opened" to the merchantmen of
.•

foreign powers, and that those vessels have not been ad-
mitted into the channel -of Constantinople, except by vir-
tue of existing . stipulations. This may suffice on the
question de jure et de facto. Let us now examine the
question of utility and convenience to this end. We ask
plainly, in -our turn, whether any power can have a
legitimate interest in displaying the flag of its men-of-
war, on the Black Sea in time •of peace ? Have pirates
ever captured merchantmen in that sea, so as to make it
necessary to send men-of-war into it to protect-commerce ?
Was the negro slave trade ever carried on there, that it is
necessary to search and detain vessels suspected of being
engaged in that infamous traffic ? Or do the. maritime
Powers think of making discoveries, or finding colonies in
that sea ?• There is nothing of this kind. With that view
then, should the French and English men-of-war visit the
shores of the Black Sea ? To exercise their crews ?—from
curiosity ?—.from novelty ? Truly, questions which are
connected with the repose of nations, are of too serious a
nature to allow vanity-or self love to lead to disputes with-
out object, and which might in the end bring on conse-
quences so disastrous and fatal to the real interests of the
navigation and commerce of Powers which are destined
mutually to esteem each other, and to live at peace.* •
In this point of view, we say it without reserve, the insi-
dious tactics of many journals, and a quantity of new
pamphlets, merit' the attention of all well-disposed men.
T. •

It is not without design that the authors of these writ-
ings, composed in a spirit hostile to Russia, are again
seeking to 'excite vague apprehensions with respect to
the affairs of the East, and. to propagate reports of war;
it is not the independence of Turkey that they have at
heart ; it is not the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi that offends
them : what vexes them is the peace of Europe, and the
wisdom of the Governments which maintain this salutary
peace. This is . the bridle which restrains them, and
which they would be glad to get rid of at any price ;
it is for this that they, endeavour to e)ccite rivalry and
'animosities between nations, in order to implicate the
great. Powers, in spite of themselves, in difficulties, which
it is equally their wish and their interest to avoid. Deeply
impressed with this truth, we flatter ourselves with the
hope that the good sense which everywhere prevails among