The Sun.
London, England, 1866-07-07 00:00:00

UST.

OCTOBER.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—On Thursday Windsor was all holyday-
making, and at the Castle there were gorgeous pro-
cessions, heralds, triumphal marches, courtiers,
diplomatists, pillars of State, and the cheif celebri-
ties of the realm. All was bright and glorious and
peaceful for the day. Yesterday the mirage had
melted away, and in its place there were two pro-
gresses to Windsor, one to resign the government
of this great empire, the other to assume it. No
doubt, both were serious enough, for if in the for-
mer case there is a sense of diminution, there is also
a relief from labour and anxiety, and if in the lat-
ter case there is victory, there is also instant care
and future solicitude. If we are to judge by ex-
perience, it is only common kindnesss to political
men to relieve them periodically from their burdens,
and give them intervals in which they may either
do nothing at all or amuse themselves with the
lighter office of speculation and criticism. Unless a '
man has, like Lord Palmerston, a special power of
taking his troubles lightly and disengaging himself
from them altogether, a statesman wears fast in
harness, and ought to repose now and then. It is
the master faculty of judgment more than any other
that suffers by a long strain, and the result of over-
work is not that a great man cannot remember,
calculate, declaim, and reason after a fashion, but
that he sinks to the level of ordinary men possessed
of these accomplishments. The men who went to
Windsor yesterday to hand over the insignia of of-
fice to their opponents were fortunate in this, that
they are the survivors of a long war in which many
have been, one may say; killed or rendered incapa-
ble of action. However, such is the spirit of Eng-
lishmen, and so slow are they to give in, that no
doubt all these high functionaries felt rather crest-
fallen when they returned to Paddington in the
capacity of private gentlemen. No doubt, too,
their successors, particularly those who were
new to office, felt elated. That feeling will
soon give way to more serious occupations, and
in process of time the incomers will find them-
selves outgoers, and will have the opportunity of
comparing the two sensations. The British public
is respectful to political misfortune, but not very
sympathetic. It sees too many changes for that,
and it can give its own reasons for them, generally
quite as good as those fancied by the sufferers.
Just now there is something else to compare with a
Ministerial resignation and the defeat of a party.
.Just now our ousted Government may favourably
compare its case with that of the Austrian Emperor,
Archduke, or Commander-in-Chief, or any one of
the crowd of potentates suddenly submerged by the
rising tide of German unity. But what means this,
movement to and fro, and why has our Government
passed from a dozen old andstried hands to a dozen
others, certainly with less stamp of popularity, ex-
perience, and actual achievement ? Never was
there so little occasion for so great a change. The
party which has just performed this sad pilgrimage
to Windsor has cut out its own destiny as tho-
roughly as the poor creatures who used to travel
not quite so far in the same direction, and there
end their journey. Lord Russell and Mr. Glad-
stone, if, indeed, they are equally responsible in
this matter, took a course that was scarcely possible
not to end in failure. They were well aware that
Parliamentary Reform was the most delicate, the
most difficult, and the most dangerous affair they
could undertake ; and they had before them`warn-
ing of several recent attempts. Indeed, they be-
trayed their own sense of the perils before them at
the very time that they refused warning, rejected
advice, disdained assistance, and took the very
course that was most hazardous. They combined
two great errors of an opposite character. Instead
of being cautious in design and bold in execution,
their design was rash and precipitate, their excution
weak, timid, and suspicious. There is something
almost feminine in the temerityof the project,and the
feebleness and inconsistency with which it has been
prosecuted. No Reform is possible but a mode-
rate and fair measure, which shall not greatly dis-
turb thebalance of classes and of parties. Parliament
may pass such a measure ; it will not pass more ; and
there is no power or'spirit in the land to make it
pass a larger measure. Nor is there any reason
for a larger measure, since the strongest advocates
for Reform—nay, the most violent partisans of the
late Government—do not allege that the country is
misgoverned, that its rulers fail of their duty, and
good laws cannot be passed. A moderate measure,
then, was a necessity of the case. But that measure
ought to have been carefully elaborated, produced
in a complete form, openly exhibited, and boldly
pressed on the Legislature, with a clear understand-
ing as to the details left open-for discussion. Such
a measure, so conducted, might have succeeded;
and, at all events, its rejection would have thrown a
serious responsibility on the Conservative Opposi-
tion, a still more serious responsibility on dissenting
Liberals. What has been actually done is the pre-
cise contrary of all this. Lord Russell could not be
plain, open, and bold, because his design did not
admit of it, and could only be prosecuted by a dif-
ferent policy. The measure was aggressive. It
aimed at the invasion and annexation of seats from
the one side of the political world to the other.
The propriety of such an attempt we cannot gain-
say, if a justification can be made out, and if the
circumstances are favourable. This was the case 30
years ago; it is not the case now. However, Lord
Russell conceived the design, and found he could
not effect it by an open, straightforward policy. He
took ill advice. He had an understanding where he
ought not. He attempted strategy, by which to
win a position which would place Parliament at his
mercy. Of course he failed, and his yesterday's
journey to 'Windsor is the inevitable consequence of
the attempt. The consolation which the late Go-
vernment takes to itself, and which no doubt greatly
consoled the dreariness of yesterday's ceremonial, is
that their successors have now to run for the same
stakes. That, of course, is the probability, as far
we can see. Not only is it the probability,
but certain heads are doubtless already at work
to devise the Resolution which shall compel
the new Government to bring in a Reform Bill,
should it ask time or betray hesitation. The annals
of Parliament, however, are not perfectly uniform,
or capable of exact anticipation, for many things
may occur between this and next February which
would make any mode of dealing with this subject
inopportune. They who insist upon a repetiton of a
highly dangerous and unsuccessful experiment have
not all the reasons on their side, for their example
is itself a warning against their advice, which can-
not, moreover, be supposed altogether disinterested.
We will hope that the peaceful and prosperous state
of the country, and the more settled condition of
continental affairs, will present an opportunity for a
moderate and well-considered measure of Reform
that shall be fair to all classes, interests, and parties.
For such a measure Lord Derby may reckon on a
very considerable and decisive support beyond the
ranks of his partisans. His predecessor managed
to dissipate a majority which was once estimated at
seventy, and was certainly not less than fifty ; and
it is quite' comfortable to well-known precedents
that he should reverse the operation by converting
a minority into a majority. In fact, what is Con.
servatism,. and what has been Lord Derby's own
career? The test of political creeds is their results,
and so-called Conservative Statesman have gene-
rally shown themselves ready for any Liberale mea-
sure,e except when it was purposely made an engine
of political warfare. The Conservatives are now
on their trial. On the other hand, Lord Russell
and his friends are not quite clear of the ordeal. If
they oppose a good measure factiously, as they did
in 1859, posterity, possibly Parliament, will
appre-
ciate their motives, and condemn them as Reformers
when it answered their purpose, and then

THE " ANGLO-AMERICAN TIMES."—The Rev.
Henry Ward Beecher lately preached a ser-
mon, taking for his text the Divine precept,
" Overcome evil with good." His sermon -was poli-
tical, and therefore a subject which we have a right
to follow in the steps of this great orator. Mr.
Beecher preached peace and goodwill, and his text
was brought forcibly to bear on the action of the
United States against the Fenian invasion of Canada,
and more forcibly still on the manner a Christian
nation should act towards conquered brethren.
We feel the greatest diffidence in approaching a
subject of such vital importance as this latter ' .
but we feel also the keenest interest in what re-

dounds to the honour and fame of a country we
hold to be the greatest of nations. It is our highest
hope that we may not unworthily represent Ame-
rica here, and, uninfluenced by American party
spirit, dispassionately, as far-off spectators, record
unbiassed opinions. Consider how immense the ter-
ritory is—from the Rio Grande to the North Pole
—occupied, or over which our race is spreading !
Consider the magnitude of such interests, not only
involved now, but to be influenced now, in the future !
Then we begin to learn that the statesmen of the
Union have a greater task than those of any other
nation. Some of the leading Powers have equal
material subjects of present importance, but what
nation has, in comparison with the States, a tithe
of such in the future ? Indeed, it is not every mind
that can fully grasp the responsibilities that rest on
the shoulders of leading American politicians, and
the people should feel bow grave the duties are
which devolve on them, who make or mar these
statesmen. All true lovers of the Republic,
equally with Mr. Beecher, wish to see the grand
spectacle of a Christian nation actuated by
Christian principles. Ihe way to live in peace
is to be better than your enemy—in his opinion,
not in yours ; to " overcome evil with good."
There is a wisdom in such action independent of
the good. Compromise is said to be the essence of
politics, and compromise partakes, though in a low
and debased form, of the spirit of St. Paul's pre-
cept. By compromise the enemy is met half way,
—a portion is surrendered that the remainder may
be retained. With the enemy, however, at your
feet, where no present necessity exists for any sur-
render at all, the nation who voluntarily waives
its rights, and aids its fallen foe, sets a bril-
liant example of forbearance and wisdom. It
is thus Mr. Beecher would have the North over-
come the South, as effectually in peace as she
has in war. " I had hoped," he exclaimed, "to see
the North showing her superiority in Christian
nobleness and generous forgiveness. You can no
more change rebels to loyal men by casting them
out than you can convert the wicked by building
up a wall of separation between them and the
good, shutting them out from the very influences
which should be brought to bear on them." ,
The late President felt this, and acted on it ;
the. present President feels this, and acts on it ;
and if Mr. Stevens succeeded Mr. Johnson to-
morrow, the chances are that he also would feel this
and act on it. Nothing tends more to modify and
subdue opinion than the responsibility of high
office ; and the higher the intellect, the keener the
intelligence, the closer will be the line of ac-
tion of a succession of able men, when fairly
elevated out of the influences of party contests.
No more convincing document could be put forth
than the Report of the Committee on Reconstruc-
tion, and their facts justify their arguments. But
we feel there is a higher wisdom than this ;—the
wisdom of overcoming evil with good, which Mr.
Beecher taught, and Mr. Johnson feels. We
know of no instance of the folly of pushing affairs
to an extreme more convincing than the present posi-
tion of the Southern States. They began by advancing
extreme demands—they continued by adopting ex-
treme measures—and they ended by extreme ex-
haustion, having pushed the war beyond the
limits of concession, until they fell helpless at
their conquerors' feet. The South certainly pre-
sents no argument for the adoption of strong mea-
sures. Nor indeed would the North be consistent
in acting harshly towards their Southern brethren.
They have borne with them as an indulgent parent
bears with the petulance of an unruly child. A
spoilt child comes to grief, but the relation who
spoils it ought not to forget that a portion of the
blame rests on him. Had the North not been in
the habit of conceding every demand of the South,
and placidly bearing with a defiant tone and bully-
ing manner, Southerners would never have presumed
on the course they adopted. They have learned a
bitter lesson—the first severe whipping they ever
got, and one of the soundest ever given to
a bad boy. Let the bitterness die away, and the
wholesome teaching remain. It is positively ab-
surd to expect a people thus crushed to express
aught but dislike of their crushers. They have
learned to respect, and will soon learn to admire.--
and they may yet learn to love. But to pile up
facts as the committee do in their Report, showing
that the feeling of the South is hostile, is quite
superfluous. If the feeling were not hostile, the
South would show either more or less than
humanity. That a bitter feeling should exist in the
South is the very fact it is wise policy in the
North to recognise and overcome ! And how is
this most natural feeling to be overcome ? The
South has been all along in the wrong—the North
should be all along in the right. So far they have
been. Let them continue in this course, and they.
will surely overcome evil by good. " There, go,"
ended the preacher, " vote that, you have been
talking it long enough—do it ; you have been
praying it long enough—try it."

COUNTB.Y MARKETS.

WAEEFIELD.-FitmAy.

The wheat trade, influenced by the news of the probable
speedy termination of the continental war, ruled dull hers
to-day ; holders would generally concede a decline of Se
per qr., but this does not induce millers to purchase to all
extent, consequently the business passing to-day is quite
of a retail character. In barley and other articles of the
trade there is no material change.