The Sun.
London, England, 1835-10-07 00:00:00

certainly have dreamed that the patriarch of Holkham
said it, and so put it down to his account. But pray
how long has rfforming the House of Lords—how
long has sifting that House formed a part of the
Whig creed ? If Mr. Coke could be made sensible
of any thing, there would be no difficulty in bringing
him to understand that this is not, and never. was,
Whig doctrine, but pure Radicalism. So much,
then, for the consistency of Mr. Coke as a Whig, the
only thing, except his farming, that we ever heard he
prided himself upon ; and if his boasts as to the latter
have no better foundation that they have with re-
gard to the former, neither Agriculture nor Whiggism
will be much indebted to him. The peerage, we
know, has ever been a sore subject with Mr. Coke,
but this language with regard to the Upper House is
new in him. Can it be possible that the sulkiness and
ill feeling consequent upon the refusal to make him
Earl of Leicester has lasted so many years, or found so
foul a vent at last ? Mr. Coke would certainly not be
the first person whom disappointment has made a
nominal Whig—an actual any thing. By the way,
we must not forget to mention that the Court is quite
as cavalierly and as insultingly spoken of by this gar-
rulous old gentleman as the Peers are. He said, " I
have the utmost confidence in Lord Melbourne as an
able, independent, and inflexible Minister" (indepen-
dent of the " Tail," inflexible to Dan ?) " and I hope
he will hold the Court at arm's length." Mr. Coke's
loyalty does not appear to have been much improved
by the visit recently paid him by the Princess Victoria
and the Duchess of Kent ; but he can hardly know
what he is talking about, and the people whose duty it
is to take care of him are much more in fault than he
is. With the following specimen of Whig unfair-
ness we shall conclude our notice of the sayings of
this daft old gentleman at Yarmouth. The " Health
of the Heir of Holkham" having been given,
Mr. Coke, in returning thanks, is reported to have re-
lated a little anecdote of his son " as indicative of his
son's political notions, and of the probability that he
would tread in the steps of his father. When on a
visit lately to Holland-house, they happened to be in
an apartment in which was a number of busts of emi-
nent men, either now living, or recently deceased—
turning to Lord Holland, his son inquired, Are all
these Whigs ?" No,' replied his Lordship, they
once were, but many of them are gone over to the
Tories.' " Now, suppose this to have been the case,
why should Lord Holland have acted so disingenu-
ously by the boy as to have told him only half the truth?
Why did he not candidly. add, after " many of them
are gone over to the Tories," and "a much larger
numer have gone over to the Radicals?" This omis-
sion was very unfair in an old Mentor towards an inex-
perienced youth asking for information. To the par-
tial information, however, thus communicated by Lord
Holland, young Coke replied, " Then, why don't you
take them down ? I know my papa would." No
doubt, my boy ; but would he take doWn the busts or
pictures of those Whigs tvho have gone over to the
Radicals ? Undoubtedly. not, for,P7en he would have
to take down his own among the rest, and you know
there are plenty of his at Holkham.—Times.
It is not without feelings of the most poignant sor-
row that we read in almost every provincial Journal
published in the agricultural districts renewed accounts
of incendiary fires, more frequent and more extensive
than those which have unhappily taken place in former
years. No sooner have the fruits of the earth been
housed in abundance, and almost unexampled condi-
tion, than the midnight torch is applied to that main-
stay of human food and human labour. We lately
described this crime as a novel stain upon the charac-
ter of the country, and such it undoubtedly is ; nor
can we at the same time cease to deprecate the appa-
rent calmness and indifference with which its rise and
continuance seem to have be: hitherto viewed by Par-
liament and the Government. We flatter ourselves
that this Journal has some claim to the title of " The
Poor Man's Friend." At least, without at all dispa-
' raging the labours of others, •we may, we think, ap-
peal to our past endeavours to mitigate the lot of the
labouring classes, to demand justice for them at what-
ever hands it appeared to be withheld, and in depre-
cating every inroad which appears to approach their
rights and comforts, as proofs of our intentions. Up
to this hour our readers must be aware that our la-
bours to this end have been incessant. But it will
be in vain for the friends .of the labouring classes
to exert themselves in their behalf, if this diabolical
spirit of outrage is allowed to defeat the efforts of
those friends. That the poor have .wrongs, our efforts
to redress them are, as far as our awn conviction goes,
an unerring test ; but if the poor would increase
those wrongs, and wilfully postpone the hour of re-
dress, they cannot take more effectual means to that
end than by lighting up incendiary fires, which,
while they inflict the intended injury only on the
insurance offices, constitute a species of crime with
which no parley can be held. If men were once to be
told, that outrage could effect their object, such an ad-
mission must eventually lead to the breaking up of all
the elements of society. But while we thus deprecate
any parley with or concession to crime, we would appeal
to those who have hitherto been deaf to all advice and
remonstrance, whether they should continue to persist in
those fatal errors which have had the combined effect of
producing the miserable scenes to which we are alluding.
Had the tune of Parliament been occupied as it ought'
to have been during the two last Sessions, the causes to
which we allude, and their remedies, would have occu-
pied rather more of its attention. We hold the first
duty of the Government and the Legislature to be to
eonsult the happiness and prosperity of the great bulk
of the people. That bulk, we need hardly say, must
ever cons: st of the labouring classes. When, there-
fore, we compare their numbers with those who were
to be affected either by Municipal Reform, or even by
the still =settled question of tithes in Ireland, we do
not hesitate to say that, without undervaluing their
importance, !there were questions_ of greater moment,
because of fax more extensive consequence, about which
the time of Parliament might have been employed.
Let then the state of the English and Irish poor be
the first object of its attention when the Legislature
meets ; an d in the meanwhile, if we have any influence
with the lower classes, let us earnestly counsel them
to abstain from outrages which can only postpone re-
lief, and in every respect still further deteriorate their
own cot edition.--Morning Herald.
The • article in the Quarterly Review, entitled " Ro-
bespierri on which we last week commented, con-
tains .a .fallacy much more important than the one
which we exposed, and which engages us now to re-
peat our -notice of the article in question, as we pro-
mised. 'The fallacy concerns the party of the Giron-
dists, v. rho occupied the right side of the National
Convent ;ion, and who were engaged with the Moun-
tain—th tat is, the Jacobins—who occupied the left,
in a dew ily struggle, which terminated in the destruc-
tion of t, ie former. It was of some consequence to
set the 1 aublic right on the subject of Robespierre,
partly of i account of the jobs and plunder of the
" life-an, 1-property" Tories which grew in Pitt's
time from calumniating the successive chiefs of the
Revolution: ; partly on account of the comparison
which the :French people are alleged by the Quar-
terly Reidt! w to be now drawing between Louis
Philippe ;t nd Robespierre. We could have added
many other proofs to those we adduced in demon-
stration th a t Robespierre's character was painted in
colours c the darkest exaggeration for the above insi-
dious obj iects. We might have added the domestic
fact, that mutual affection and humanity were so noto-
rious in the Robespierre family, as to be accounted
hereditary r. We might have added the political fact—
and Nap( Aeon declared his belief in it to Doctor
O'Meara it St. Helena—that Robespierre had a design
of termina, %ing the excesses of the Revolution by a
Constitutio n exactly similar to that of the United
sta:es, he h ii nself enacting the part of Washington, as
presid;llit. ie might have added the second political
fact, that he ffended his own party (and drew on him-
self thc..conspi] •acy of the Hebertists thereby) the ultra
Jacobins; firs by the clause which he maintained in
the declare :11( of the Rights of Man, for the
protection rof property; and secondly, by his
effort to reca Ipublie opinion in France from atheism,
or rather ir. religious brutality, to a sympathy with
class, and race of men, by a pro-
every nation, •
fession of a -.lief in one God. But we avoid this
line of arguitiit, in order to address ourselves to the
exposure of a illacy which, as we have said, we con-