The Sun.
London, England, 1859-03-16 00:00:00

FRANCE AND THE CRISIS.

The Moniteur of yesterday publishes the follow-
ing article, a telegraphic summary of which (from
Mr. Reuter) appeared in our paper of yesterday :
" A portion of Germany presents at the present
moment a spectacle which saddens and astonishes

" A vague, indefinite question, which touches
upon the most delicate problems as well as upon
the highest interests, suddenly arises in the politi-
cal world. The French Government sees therein
a subject worthy of examination and the duty of
being on its guard. It only occupies itself with the
alarming situation of Italy with a view to its solu-
tion in concert with its allies, and in the interest of
the peace of Europe. Is it possible to show a more
sincere desire to unravel difficulties pacifically and
to anticipate complications which always result
from a want of foresight and decision ?

". Yet a portion of Germany responds to this most
calm attitude by the most inconsiderate symptoms
o alarm. On a simple presumption, which nothing
justifies and everything rejects, prejudices are
aroused, mistrust is propagated, passions are let
loose, a sort of crusade against France is preached
in the Chambers and in the press of some of the
States of the Confederation. France is accused of
entertaining ambitious views which she has dis-
avowed, of preparing for conquests of which she
does not stand in need ; and attempts are made by
calumny to frigbten Europe by imaginary aggres-
sions, of which not even an idea ever existed.
" The men who mislead German patriotism in
this manner are out of date. Of them it may truly
be said they have forgotten nothing and learnt
nothing. They went to sleep in 1813, and they
awake after a slumber of half a century with senti-
ments and passions wrapped up in history, and
which are a contradiction to present times ; they
are visionaries who wish absolutely to defend what
no one has an idea of attacking.
"If the French Government was not convinced
that its acts, its principles, and the sentiments of
the majority of the German people gave a denial to
the suspicions which have been attempted to be
thrown upon it, it might reasonably feel offended;
it might see therein not only an act of injustice,
but an attempt against the independence of its
policy. In fact, the whole movement which is
attempted to be got up on the Rhine, on a question
which does not threaten Germany, but in which
France is interested as a European Power, would
tend to nothing less than to contest her right of
exerting her influence in Europe and of defending
her own interests, even with the most extreme
moderation. This is a pretension which would be
insulting if it could be looked upon as serious. The
life of a great nation like France is not confined to
its own frontiers ; it manifests itself throughout
the whole world by the salutary action which it
exercises to the advantage of its national power, as
well as at the same time to the advantage of civili-
sation. When a nation gives up this part it abdi-
cates its rank.
" Thus, then, to challenge this legitimate in-
fluence, which everywhere protects good faith, or
to confound it with ambitious views, which threaten
it, is to disavow at the same time the task which
belongs to France and the moderation of which the
Emperor has given so many proofs since the French
people raised him to the responsibility of the
supreme power.
" The Emperor, who has known how to over-
come all prejudices, might have expeeted that they
would not have been invoked against him. What
r
would have happened if, on ascending the throne,
he had taken along with him the narrow views and
sore remembrances which are now appealed to to
throw suspicion upon him ? Instead of making
himself the intimate ally of England, as the in-
terests of civilisation led him to do, suppose he had
become her rival, as the ancient rivalries of the two
nations seemed to command him ? Instead of
giving a welcome to men of every party, suppose
he had rejected with distrust the servants of former
dynasties ? Instead of reassuring and calming
Europa, suppose he had shaken it and redeemed, at
the price of its safety and independence, the souvenirs
of 1814 and 1815 ?
" If the Emperor, giving way to such suggestions
had thought fit, without a reason, to renew, in
a period of peace and civilisation, the wars and
conquests of the first Empire, he would not have
been the man of his time, and would have incurred
the severest censure that can fall upon the head of
a Government. A man cannot reign with glory if
he obeys the impulses of resentment and hatred.
There is no true glory for a Sovereign except that
which is founded on the generous appreciation of
the wants of his country and upon the enlightened
guarantee of the interests of society.
" We simply state here a question brought into
the foreground by so many decisive acts of the
Emperor's policy. Considering this frank and
clearly defined situation, Europe will feel strength-
ened in her sense of security, and those who en-
deavour to alarm or deceive her may feel somewhat
embarrassed.

" As regards France, she has not as yet paid any
attention to these vague rumours and unjust at-
tacks ; she does not make the whole of Germany
responsible for the error or of a few mani-
festations which must be described rather as petty
resentment than serious alarm. German patriotism,
when not blinded by prejudice, knows very well
how to distinguish between the duties it has to ful-
fil and the misrepresentations which would lead it
astray. Germany has nothing to fear from us as
regards its independence; we have a right to ex-
pect from it as much justice for our intentions as
we entertain sympathy for its nationality. It
is by showing its impartiality that it will display
its foresight and best serve the cause of peace.
"Prussia has understood this, and she has joined
England in giving good advice at Vienna at the
very moment that some agitators were endeavouring
to arouse the temper of the German Confederation,
and make it form a coalition against us. This
reserved attitude of the Berlin Cabinet is certainly
more advantageous to Germany than the reckless-
ness of those who, by appealing to the resentments
and prejudices of 1813, run the risk of irritating
the national sentiments of France. The French
people are susceptible of their honour at the same
time as to moderation in their strength, a.nd, if
menaces excite them, conciliation calms them."

(From the Ti,nes.) ,
It is a great misfortune for a Government when
men lose confidence in its veracity.
at home, -vast military resources, the Absolutemost astute
power
diplomacy, are unable to compensate for this
on
weakness. Credit is indispensable to a sovereign
State, for where people have not the means of en-
forcing the performance of promises they will trust
only where they have a good reputation as security.
Where they see, or even suspect, a lack of -truth
they withhold their co-operation with a tenacity
which it is difficult to overcome. The offending
Government is at once smitten with a paralysii;, so
far as political influence is concerned. It may,; in-
deed, rush into hostilities and try to hide the G 2is-
esteem into which its character has fallen amid the
alarms which its force inspires ; but even then the
curse of insincerity follows it, increasing every dif-
ficulty, cooling wellwishers, rousing the suspicion
of neutrals, and making peace unattainable even
after decisive successes. The French Government
needs to be careful if it would avoid this fate. No
one who has followed the proceedings of the Im-
perial Court during the last twelvemonths can fail
to perceive that habitual disregard of truth is be-
ginning to produce its natural result in the dis-
trust with which every official rt. asse ion is re-
garded. Perhaps no Governthent of our
own time
was ever in so embarrassing and dishonourable a
position. There • •
have been ambitious Governments
•Governments,
like that of the late Rufssian
o Emperor; there have
been Governments ignorant adventurers, like
those which have ruled
in Spain; and there have
endr the name of Isabella
sive despotisms of Austria, Naples,
the old unprogres-
There might be reason to diaxliets, and the Papicy.
distrust the intentions of these, butc the principles or
an accepted code of morals in their still there was
their neighbours which was never t dealings with
the Government of the Czar Nicholas,us transgressed. If
of Naples, or General O'Donnel'r thestated King
fact officially, or declared an intention
ofa ;
acting in a certain manner, the assertion j
was believed as a matter of 'Course, al3
neither foreign Cabinets - nor their own pe, ,
pie thought it necessary to inquire by the
aid of correlative matters whether the statement
was worthy of credit. It has been left to the
Government of the Emperor Napoleon to put an