The Sun.
London, England, 1835-05-16 00:00:00

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'of d Melbourne's rnment, or the can 'ng, and
u ity (ST ,- O'C e-ti 0,,,,„ _ ell, it is
e
E.,e7 .It, nr an to A
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's QO-
vernment wit lout mercy or reserve, an . jil by
degrading it to a point at which any attempt at resist-
ance, or any manifestation of spirit, will be impossible. '
-What remains for Lord Melbourne and his colleagues
but implicit submission to the dominion of the Agita-
tor,
after their Viceroy of Ireland has been paraded
through the streets of Dublin, with the insultinglabel
" Here goes Dan's Lieutenant" flaunting in his ?
With what front can this Government set itself to op-
pose illegal assemblies in Ireland after its Representa-
tive has permitted himself to be a party ._the leading
and most prominent party—in an illegal assembly ?
How are they to oppose themselves to agitation, when
by the first act of his government their Lord Lieutenant . •
became an instrument of agitation? And are the Pro-
testants of Ireland to be debarred the privilege of display-
ing those badges and banners under which they have
heretofore preserved the allegiance of Ireland to the Bri-
tish Crol,Nn, while those whose object has always been
to dissolve and renounce that allegiance are encouraged
by the King's Representatives to unfurl the banners,
and parade the emblems of their past treason ? Would
there be anything like impartiality or justice in the •
conduct of a Government attempting to establish so
foul and odious a distinction between two classes of its
subjects ? Would it not be too flagrant a violation of
common sense even for the present Administration thus
to restrain and coerce the loyal, while it affords a
boundless license to the turbulent, the seditious, and
the treasonable portion of its subjects ? The natural
consequences, nay, the plain import, of the recent pro-
ceedings in Dublin can be no. other than this, that the
laws which have been passed for the purpose of re-
pressing in Ireland exciting and mischievous manifes-
tations of party or sectarian feeling are henceforth to
be regarded as utterly obsolete and extinct—requiring
no obedience—..deserving no respect. Such is the
proper tendency—such the legitimate construction—of
what has been already done or permitted by the Irish
Government ;' and it will require greater vigour and
more independent authority than Lord Melbourne and
his colleagues are every likely to possess, to avert the
pernicious consequences which such an example, and
such a lesson, are calculated, and we firmly believe hare
been intended, to produce.—Morning Post.
The Times of yesterday contained the following pa-
ragraph :—" We have to announce that the Marquis
Wellesley, the last Lord Lieutenant of Ireland but one
before Lord Mulgrave, the Whig Lord Lieutenant under
Lord Grey and Lord Melbourne, has resigned his office
of Lord Chamberlain. On being asked yesterday whe-
ther the report was true, the Noble Marquis, we have
reason to believe, declared, to this effect—' that he had
not resigned from any inability to execute the' duties of
the office, but because, if he retained it he must support
Lord Melbourne's Administration, and this, as a man of
honour, lie could not do, it being evident to him that
the Government of Ireland had been delegated by Lord
Melbourne, or through some irresponsible colleague of .
the Noble Lord, into the hands of Mr. O'Connell.'
We have received the above statement from such au-
thority as entitles it to implicit credit ; nor will any-
thing but gross ignorance or barefaced impudence, both
of which, however, are sometimes put in requisition for
party purposes, enable any man, journalist or not, to
deny the truth of it." The high authority on which
which the Times made this false statement is no lon-
ger a secret. That authority entitled to implicit credit
is the Marquis of Londonderry. The Noble Marquis
is not one who likes to hide his candle under a bushel;
so last night, in the House of Lords, he took care to
let the world see that it was indebted to him for the
valuable information. In the course of a conversation
of some length on the subject of the reception given to
Lord Mulgrave on his entrance into Dublin, to which
we shall presently advert, the Marquis of Londonderry
observed—

" The Noble Viscount (Melbourne) could not have any
feelings of enmity towards him because he brought these. cir-
cumstances forward—for he must know that a noble person
high in the confidence of his Majesty, and in that of the Go-
vernment, had just resigned office because he felt that the in-
fluence of Mr. O'Connell was so great in the Government,
that, with his opinions, he could not properly continue in
office. If the Noble Viscount's personal friends were thus
alarmed, could he wonder that his political enemies were
frightened ?"
Lord Melbourne gave his statement an unqualified •

denial. .
" The Noble Marquis (said his Lordship) bad adverted to
the Chamberlain of the Household, and had said that that
Noble Marquess had resigned his situation on account of dif-
ferences with the Government on the subject of Ireland. He
assured their Lordships that the statement was wholly erro-
neous. He had the authority of the Noble Marquess him-
self for stating most distinctly, that any report to. that effect
was entirely without foundation. It was not upon the grounds
stated that the Noble Marquis had resigned his office ; and,
with respect to the state or Ireland in general, the Noble Mar-
quess agreed with the views of his (Lord ' Melbourne's) late
Government, and with what he presumed to be the -views of
the present Government, with respect to that country."
When a skilful barrister receives an answer from a
witness which satisfies him that he is on a wrong scent,
he instantly sto)s short, while a bungler, who has not
the same tact, flounders from bad to worse, and sup-
plies proof against himself which would not otherwise
be obtained. Thus Lord Londonderry, not having
sense enough to perceive that he had been imposed on,
followed up his question. " With regard (he said) to
the report about the Lord Chamberlain, a person
had told it to him who had it from the Noble
Maiquis himself." Lord Melbourne said he " be-
lieved that the Noble Marquis over-rated the
value of his information." The Marquis's autho-
rity, who had it from the Marquis, will no 'doubt
assure his Lordship that he must have misunderstood
him-....that he did not state that lie had the story from
the Marquis, but that he had a friend who had it from
the Marquis. And that friend will have been misun-
derstood in the same way. The story is a pure in-
vention ; but it will he as difficult to discover the
author of the invention as it was for the Indian, in his
chace of the sun from hill to hill, to reach that lumi-
nary. It is possible that the Marquis was pitched oa
as a recipient, on account of his being just the man to
gulp down any story, however iinpiobable, and tosend
it to the Times, to live its little day like the other lies
coined so plenteously in the Tory mint. But, as if to
overwhelm the poor Marquis, Lord Brougham also fell
on him:—

" In opposition (said the Noble and Learned Lord) to the
second-hand report of the Noble Marquis, there were to be
placed two personal communications with the Noble Marquis,
showing that it was wholly incorrect. He happened to be a
witness who could give evidence which would place the matter
of the cause of the retirement beyond the possibility of a
doubt ; for the intention of the Noble Marquis to resign, and
the grounds of the intended resignation, were known to hint
long before the account of what took place in Ireland reached
this country. He knew of the intention and the reasons for it
so early last Saturday, and it was taken—he was going to
say—on grounds diametrically opposite, but he might say com-
pletel different, and standing wholly apart, from those sup-
posed." _ _

Before the Times publishes any statement hereafter
On the authority of Lord Londonderry, it ought to
inquire whether he had it
.at first or second-hand ; for,
though the Noble Marquis may be entitled to implicit
credit for the intention to state only what is true, he
is as voracious as a pike, and would swallow whatever
is told him. Besides, admitting the intention, we are
not quite certain of the ability of the Noble Marquis
to report correctly a statement from the Marquis of
Wellesley. The birth and death of this falsehood
have been separated by a .very brief interval. It is
not always that a lie is so speedily disposed of. It
would be singular if the Times should disclaim the
Noble Marquis, and that another high authority should
be stated to have deceived it with second-hand autho-
rity. So much for this most improbable story, which
no one who knows any thing of the Marquis of
Wellesley would have credited for a moment.
And we may add, moreover, that if any per-
son assert that " the Government of Ireland
had been delegated by Lord Melbourne, or
through some irresponsible colleague of the Noble
Lord, into the hands of Mr. O'Connell," that
assertion, come from what quarter it may, is as des-
titute of every quality of truth as the fabrication of the
Times already mentioned.
.But the conversationwas
begun by Lord Wicklow, who approved of the de-
monstration of feeling at the departure of the Earl of
Haddington, but did not approve of the demonstra•
tion of feeling on the entrance of Lord IVlulgrave into
Dublin. In the first place, the multitude who wel-
comed Lord Mulgrave to Dublin was very great, and
in the next place, the people were marshalled under
leaders, having assembled in consequence of orders

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