The Sun.
London, England, 1866-04-10 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 10, 1866

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LONDON, TUESD4Y, APRIL 10, 1866,

Nothing of much consequence took place in the
House last night, but various subjects were briefly
discussed. It was a satisfaction to all parties that
the Speaker was able again to make his appearance
after his recent severe illness ; the right hon.
gentleman made a few remarks, thanking the House
for the consideration he had received during his
retirement, and expressing a hope that he should
now be able to pursue his customary duties. The
respect and esteem in which the Speaker
• is held has
been fully proved
since the commencement of this
session, and the
right hon. gentleman declared last
night that he felt
bound to the House by new
ties of gratitude and duty in consequence
of the kindness he
had received. It is
always an advantage
when such good terms
exist between the bead of a representativet assembly
tend and its members, and it mustfacilitate the
transaction of public business, and render its cause
more agreeable and effectual. Sir G. GREY
in-
formed the house, in answer to a
question, that
the 4, temporary provisions," those which affected
the slaughter of cattle which were to expire on the
15th of April, would continue in operation until the
10th of May. This is as well, because the great
decrease in the cattle plague which has been ob-
servable lately may, in all probability, be traced in
a great measure to the stringent rr'gulations
which have been made. It is a proof that much
might have been done to abate the disease had the
recommendations of the Royal Commissioners been
carried out in the autumn as was advocated by
many. The hesitation which the Government exhi-
bited, and the many delays which they interposed,
have been productive of great evil, and a warning
has certainly been given to all future Administra-
tions to deal more promptly and decidedly with such
a calamity when it unhappily occurs.
• On the Tote for the Houses of Parliament leing

proposed, Mr. DARBY GRIFFITHS called attention to
the great inconvenience now incurred by the faulty
arrangements of seats. The hon. member very
forcibly declared that " it was a monstrous thing to
have a House not large enough for the members
who were entitled to sit in it." It certainly seems
very bad management to have had the House so
constructed that there are only 170 seats in which
members can really hear what is going on. The
consequence is great loss of time, because those
who are desirous of good places have to come down
an hour before prayers, and differences arise
that might have been prevented by better manage-
ment. As for the moral aspect of the question,
Mr. GRIFFITHS complained that no provision was
made for those who did not belong exactly to
either party. " Members of Parliament now
exercised an independent judgment, and they
had a right to expect that there should be neu-
tral benches for hon. gentlemen who wished to
maintain an independent opinion." A semi-circular
form is that in which the seats are arranged in most
of the legislative assemblies in foreign countries, and
it removes many objections, besides offering advan-
tages. Mr. COWPER, as usual, was against
all improvements, and seemed to consider
that things should remain in statu quo. The right
hon. gentleman was equally inexorable concerning
the improvements that had been suggested for the
Ladies' Gallery, and seemed determined to follow
out the principle of doing with to-day the same as
we did with yesterday. Mr. HoitsmAN, in alluding
to the subject, said that it was a satisfaction to hear
the existence of independent members made men-
tion of, and that they deserved to be treated with
the consideration foi inerly their portion. The right
hon. gentleman made some amusing remarks on the
real state of things, declaring that the division of
the house into two parties is a proposition that can-
not be fairly established, and proceeded to carry the
war into the enemy's camp. He observed that "it
is the courtesy of the house which gives to the
Government the undisturbed occupation of that
bench, for I apprehend that any member of this
house might go and sit where the Chancellor of the
Exchequer is now sitting." Mr. HORSHAN said that
he did not think the house had become more tolerant
since it had become more liberal. That is • likely
enough, because it is always a distinguishing
feature of those who profess Liberalism to
a great extent that they have little or
no sympathy with those who differ from them. The
right hon. gentleman declared that it was a serious
thing for those who. like himself, came down from
taking part in the committees upstairs, and wished
to speak in the debates of the night, if they were
obliged to take their seats au hour before, or else lost
their places. Mr. HonsmAN declared that he and his
friends were not so small a party as some imagined,
and those new arrangements did not suit conveni-
ence and comfort, and thanked the hon. gentleman
for having made a " suggestion which brings back
the House to the old courtesies and the old
practices, in which there was always a
great deal of good sense and good feeling,
and much of which might be adopted without taking
away from the efficiency of the House." Mr. GLAD-
STONE did not seem to pay much heed to the matter,
but said that the existing arrangements worked well.
Certainly the present juncture is not a very pro-
pitious one to choose for enlisting the services of
the occupants of the Treasury benches on behalf of
independent members. Mr. GLADSTONE ignored,
or affected to do so, that there was a party to be
classed under the name of independent, and said
that members of such individual distinction as Mr.
HOP,SSIAN would, in courtesy, have a seat
reserved for them, as the House had done in the
cases of the late Sir JAMES GRAHAM and Mr.
ICOBDEN. Sir C. O'LoGHLEN made a more practical
suggestion when he asked the First Commissioner
of Works if the dining-room could not be enlarged,
because it was too small ; and it was of importance
that this evil should be rectified, or else the House
would be liable to be counted out over and over
again. It is to be hoped that the remarks of Mr.
LEEMAN will be attended to, for he drew attention
to the bad state of the atmosphere in the committee
rooms of the two houses, which is such as to injure
health in the hot months of the year.
A postponement of the bill for the Patent-office
was moved by Mr. BATED, on account of the great
inconvenience that existed in its arrangement, but
the Attorney-General explained this provision
was' only temporary until the general policy of
the Patent Laws had been determined upon, so
that the rule was agreed to. The Chancellor of
the Exchequer, in moving a string of resolutions
on the Crown Lands Act, explained that, among
other provisions, the bill would transfer the
forestal rights of the Crown on Epping Forest
to the Board of Works. It is to be trusted
that in this case better care will be taken
to preserve the place from the encroachments
which have threatened to ruin it altogether
and deprive the Londoners of it as a place of public
resort. In the discussion of the Civil Service Esti-
mates SirM. RIDLEY mentioned that " many compe-
tent authorities believed that gas was most injurious
to pictures, especially in London, where the gas
was most impure, and truly said that the
matter should be carefully considered, because it
should be an object to preserve our national collec-
tion as long as possible, and not to expose the pic-
tures to the injurious influences inseparable from the
i lighting of the picture galleries by gas."

The Easter festivities have come off with great
éclat at the Mansion-house, and one or two little
incidents served to give a variety to the ordinary
form of a civic banquet. Royalty was represented
by his 'Highness the Commander-in-Chief, and
Parliament by Mr. GOSCIIEN, who showed that
however new to office he might be he had not failed
to acquire the necessary art of speaking without a
meaning. The ingenious manner in which he
framed his discourse, so as neither to offend his
hearers of any party nor commit himself, excited
some amusement, though Mr. GOSCHEN is of course

in reality an advocate of the Government measure..
The most interesting feature in the evening's
entertainment was not, however, in any way con-
nected with the all-engrossing political topic of the
day. The presence of the United States Minister
and the absence of that distinguished American
to whose munificent liberality our poorer classes are
so much indebted, afforded the LORD MAYOR an
opportunity of giving utterance, on behalf of the
i citizens of London, to those sentiments of gratitude
and admiration which have been already so grace-
fully
PEABODYhthe
thatexpressed by her MAJESTY as the representa-
tive of
L pp
the whole community. It had been hoped
that Mr.would have been among the
guests at
MAYOR'S hospitable table,
but llit
modesty and simplicity,
which especially
distinguished him, Mr. PEABODY
declined the honour,
was intended to renderbhieg n
mininsoomdeoumbatnanweraitihe
ethgautesitt
of the evening. The LORD MAYOR, in referring to
citizen,
grizene,act unocinometnrtyedwhui
pchoncltaihemsp providential
ern Et
iAaBl PEABODY as
mannera
in which a man had been raised up to occupy the
chief post in the national councils, who was espe-
cially suited to the moment. It is gratifying, said
the 14OLD ~\LUCTI to find in such a position a man

with power of mind, with a spirit of con-
eiliatictu, and with a love of justice. Mr. ADAMS,
in his reply, naturally avoided any reference
to American politics, but confined himself princi-
pally to the conduct and characteristics of Mr.
PEABCEDY. It was amusing to see how anxiously the
American Minister endeavoured to combine the
Reptiblicanism of his own country with his respect
for thet loyalty of his hearers; but there are few
Americans who would be inclined to resent the
grateful appreciation of a marked and personal
tribute of respect paid to one of their countrymen.
Mr. PEABODY'S ambition, said Mr. ADAMS with
truth, has been a very remarkable one. He has spent
his life in accumulating money, without having
any regard for the mere possession of wealth,
or the selfish luxuries which it confers. But if there
is one characteristic usually more strongly marked
than another in the possessors of great wealth
it is their reluctance to part from it, their un-
willingness to lose their hold over wealth,
even if it should be productive of no direct
benefit to themselves. But Mr. PEABODY, with a
noble superiority to all such petty feelings, has
made it the business of his life to see his vast means
properly distributed, to apportion and divide his
wealth among the different districts in which it has
been mainly acquired, with no special regard
to class, sect, or country, only disbursing it with a
liberal hand in the true spirit of the Samaritan.
To such a man the record of his own approving
conscience is enough, without the acclamation of
his fellows ; but it must be gratifying to him, as an
American by birth and feeling, to know that he
has not only brought health and comfort to many a
poor man's fireside, and called forth the grateful
thanks of a QUEEN who never fails to sympathise
with her people, but has also done more than any
other man of his day to draw closer the bonds of
union and affection between two great peoples.

We have now before us the full text of Presiden

JOHNSON'S Message to the Senate, giving at length
his reasons against the Civil Rights Bill. His veto
on this measure was confidently looked for,
although, in the opinion of many eminent constitu-
tional authorities, there was nothing directly op-
posed to the principles of the Constitution implied
in it. Mr. JOHNSON, however, thinks differently,

and kas very little doubt that its practical effect, if
allowed to become law, would be most injurious to
the public interest, and directly antagonistic to the
ultimate welfare of both North and South. Ile dis-
cusses the bill clause by clause, giving his objections
to each, objections which, as we have said, are alike
creditable to his sagacity and his constitutionalism.
In the first place, he shows that the terms of the
Bill include the Chinese of the Pacific States,
Indians subject to taxation, gipsies, as well as
negroes and mulattoes. It may reasonably be
asked, he says, whether it is necessary to constitute
all these classes citizens of the United States, in order
to secure for them the " civil rights" which it is
proposed to confer ? " Those rights are by Federal,
as well as by State laws, secured to all domiciled
aliens and foreigners, even before the completion of
the process of naturalisation, and it may
safely be assumed that the same enactments
are sufficient to give like protection and
benefits to those for whom this bill provides
special legislation." The Bill, in fact, proposes to
discriminate between large numbers of intelligent
foreigners who are, by educational experience, in
some degree familiar with the national institutions,
and the negro, who must of necessity " from his
previous unfortunate condition of servitude," be less
informed on such points. Further on in his analysis
the PRESIDENT says that the great end for both master
and slave in the Southern States in their new rela-
tive position of capital and labour is to make a har-
monious adjustment of the terms of their
mutual engagement. This Bill interferes be-
tween capital and labour, and attempts
to settle questions of political economy
through the agency of numerous officials whose in-
terest it will be to foment discord between the two
races, because that discord will preserve their occu-
pation. These officers and agents of the Freedmen's
Bureau would possess an irresponsible power, which,
as Mr. Joinisox points out, might be made a terri-
ble engine of wrong, oppression, and fraud. The
I whole tendency of the Bill, whether its letter ac-
tually transcends the bounds of the Constitution or
no, is undoubtedly to centralise the legislation of
the country ; and one part of its seems especially to
imply that a permanent military force is to be
always at the command of the Government for the
enforcement of the measure, and in fact the
maintenance of a kind of martial law. If the civil
power has to be propped by the sword, it is a
doubtful project for the liberties of the people ; and
the people of the United States ought to be thank-
ful that they have at the head of their affairs a
man who is sagacious enough to detect the insidious
danger, and resolute enough to resist its faintest
approach.