The Sun.
London, England, 1866-05-09 00:00:00

ITtifililAl PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF LORDS—LAST EVENING.
The LORD Ca&Ncirrzoit took his seat on the woolsack
at five o'clock.

PETITIONS.

The Bishop of OXFORD presented petitions from
Exeter, praying for the house to take into consideration a
bill for settling the question of a final court of appeal in
reference to ecclesiastical questions. He presented peti-
tions also from Ashbourn, in Hereford, against the aboli-
tion of church rates and the alteration of the law in re-
spect to marriage with a deceased wife's sister.
THE NES TOBIANS IN PERSIA.

Lord STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE asked his noble
friend (the Earl of Clarendon) for some information re-
specting the sect of Nestorians in Persia. That sect had
for a long period been subjected to persecution from the
professors of religion in Persia and from the Roman
Catholic body in that country. The Nestorians were
very closely united to the Established Church, and their
history was very interesting. lle understood that the
King of Persia had not only given the sect in question a
site for the erection of a church, but had contributed £lOO
towards that object. Ile wished to know whether the
Government had received any information similar to his
own, and whether they would act so as to show their ap-
preciation of the encouragement that had been shown by
the King of Persia to the sect in question.
The Earl of CLARENDON said that the information of
the noble lord was correct, and that the attention of her
Majesty's representative in Persia had been directed to the
subject, which he brought under the consideration of the
Persian Government. Her Majesty fully appreciated the
act of the King of Persia, and that approval had been sig-
nalised to his Majesty.
After a few words from Lord SHAFTESBITRY,
The Bishop of OXFORD said that there were different
doctrinal points between the Nestorian sect, and their
chief similarity was protesting against the power claimed
by the Church of Rome.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.
The following bills were read a second time :—Congleton
Gas and Improvement, Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway
(West Riding Branches, &c.), Metropolitan District Rail-
way, and Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway (Blackburn
and Padiham).
and Wexford Junction Rail-
The Waterford, New Ross,
way, and Magdalen Hospital Bills were read a third time
and passed.
The standing orders were dispensed with in reference
to Taylor's Estate Bill, which went through its different
stages.
LEGITIMACY DECLARATION BILL.

This bill was read a second time.
DOCKYARD EXTENSION ACT AMENDMENT
BILL.

On the motion of the Duke of SOMERSET,
The house went into committee on this bill, and the
different clauses were agreed to.

CONTAGION DISEASES BILL.
This bill went through committee.
DRAINAGE LAND IMPROVEMENT BILL.

This bill was read a third time and passed.
The Labouring Classes Dwellings Bill was read a second
time.

AUSTRIA, PRUSSIA, AND ITALY.
The Earl of CADOGAN asked whether her Majesty's
Government had made any offers of mediation, either alone
or in concert with the Emperor of the French and the
Emperor of Russia, to the Courts of Austria, Prussia,
and Italy, with a view of assisting the Governments of
those countries in arriving at a pacific settlement of the
questions between them. He said that, notwithstanding
the answer which had been given to a similar question, he
thought it would be desirable if a statement were
made by the head of the Government in that
house on a matter of such grave importance. He thought
his noble friend (Earl Clarendon) had too keen a sense of
the imminenee.of the danger which threatened Europe by
the present aspect of affairs on the Continent, not to have
felt a desire to bring the moral influence of this country in
the councils of Europe to bear on the subject, with a view
to avert the evils of war.

Tho Earl of CLARENDON having thanked the noble
lord for the tribute paid to him 2ersonally,said as far as the
action of Government was concerned, there was no inten-
tion to depart from the principle of non-intervention in
the event of war being declared. There was no intention
on the part of Government to refuse any information that
might be required, but he could only give the same
answer that had been given in the other house last
night. Ho regretted to say that the aspect of
affairs was very threatening, and the circumstance
of 1,000,000 men being armed and assembled on the fron-
tiers face to face was one of those facts which give rise to
serious fears that Europe would be condemned to witness
the calamity of a war without the ground of a just cams
(Hear, hear.)
Lord STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE observed that it
was obvious that in spite of the influence of public opinion
in Europe, those at the head of great armies were disposed
to carry out on the one side their ambitious projects, and
on the other they were resolved to act on their apprehen-
sions. The consequence wets that Europe would be in-
volved in a war of a magnitude not witnessed in the pre-
sent century nor in the past, and that this country, with
all its lova of Fence, would be fortunate if it were not drawn
into that war. He regretted that England had not now
the power which it once had of exercising her influence to
control a policy which would turn out, if persevered in,
most pernicious to the interest of Europe. He did not be-
lieve that Austria could be an aggressive power. (Hear,
hoar.) Her doubtful position in Italy and in Germany
made it perfectly impossible that she should be willing to
bring on a war. (Hear, hear.) And it was lamentable to
the last degree that the peace of the whole world was to be
compromised in order to effect the ambitious and aggres-
sive schemes of any Power. (Hear, hear.)
Earl GREY—I must say that I do not look upon this
quarrel with the same surprise as the noble viscount. It
seems to me that what is now taking place in Europe is
the natural consequence of that conduct which we thought
it right to pursue some two years ago. (" Hear, hear,"
from Lord Derby.) Your lordships will remember that it
was then laid down, ostentatiously I may say, as the rule of
conduct of this country, that we were never to interferein
the quarrels of foreign States except our interests were di-
rectly and immediately threatened. (Hear, hear.) The rule
with reference to intervention, which had been understood
in a very different sense by our great statesmen, had been
abused to some extent. In former times, when the principle
of non-intervention was invoked, what was meant was, that
no State had a right to interfere with the internal affairs of
another. It was considered a scandal and abuse if one nation
prevented another from settling the general government in
the manner it thought best for its own welfare and pros-
perity; but no man ever dreamed that the principle of non-
intervention applied to the case of the disputes which arose
between civilised nations. It was never supposed that a
great country like this had no duty to perform in endeavour-
ing to prevent the oppression of a weak State by a strong
one—(hear, hear)—not only to secure peace, but in the in-
terest of justice throughout the world. (Hear, hear.) My
lords, this is a new doctrine for the first time put forward,
and for the first time acted upon in a manner which has
I;e[tara stain upon the fair fame of this country. Some two
inansnaegro we not only acted upon this principle, but in this
we deluded unfortunate Denmark by implications,
if not by promises, of our false position, in which support.
We brought her into a
we abandoned her. (Hear, hear.)
P
I always foresaw that U this • ciple was to be laid down
and acted upon, and we were to proceed upon the purely
selfish principle of thinking onlye own interests, that
it would very soon happen that some of
esrtrong and unscrupu-
lous Power would avail itself of thisf nu
w principle to
guilty of acts of spoliation and theviolencnee;sotohaerbe
peace of
Europe would be endangered, and that n
should see these principles of wrong and violenceer wlahteicrhwwede
have encouraged by our sufference rise to such a height
be applied in such a manner as to fill the world with bloodblood
and with misery.. (Hear.) I venturedto express at that time
my conviction that this would be the effect of the policy
then pursued. We encouraged by our sufferance scandals,
-wrongs, and robbery, which we stated in our official papers
to be scandals, wrongs, and robbery, when I am persuaded
that a single word properly said at the right time, and with
proper firmness, would have stopped the whole mischief
without any real danger. (Hear, hear.) We were told it
was a great triumph by the Administration of that day—
that they had kept us out of war. (Hear, hear.) I beg to
say they ought not to boast until they have seen the end of
l ; and looking
now at the threatening state of affairs in
Europe,inmore
danger will any man tell me that we are not at this moment
Chad we should of
being
drawn into a European contest
bolder 4 have been if we had taken at that time a
if the position
are wn: The consequences may be awful, but
sponsible for theseiliall hold her Majesty's Government re-
Earl RUSSELL_ ear'
hear.)
the remarks of my
node lords, I must say a few words after
—1 do not know that 11'1,39. I never heard it laid down
country should not anyinterten
rn: ever laid it down—that this
interests were directly or immediately
except where its own
thattely concerned. What 1
la
said on a former occasion was,if neither your honour
nor your interests were concerned you must consider with
long deliberation before you enter into a. va
If you enter into a war meraly for the sake o, (Hear, hear.)
f general
balance of power in Europe, without your 110
interests being involved, you ought to see whether or
year
interests
not incur far more danger than you can possibly remedy.youm
(Hear, hear.)
My noble friend said that this was no
ques-
tion of Denmark being at war, of Germany being at war
but here was an opportunity of going to war, and we ought
to have availed ourselves of it. I 'differ entirely from
friend, and I really cannot
the policy of my noble
accept his representation of the conduct of her Majesty's
Government. (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of DERBY—It is not possible to more com-
pletely misrepresent my noble friend the noble earl upon
the cross benches (Earl Grey) than has been done by the
noble earl at the head of the Government, when he said
that the noble earl had laid it down that it was no question
for us as to whether Denmark orGermany was in the wrong,
but that he desired the opportunity of dragging this coun-
try into a war. Nothing could be more different from the
language of the noble earl. His language was this, and I
entirely concur with him, that you had laid it down that