The Sun.
London, England, 1866-04-17 00:00:00



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rights, immunities, dignity, and power with the
several States with which they are united ;
" And whereas the observance of political equality
as a principle of right and justice is well calculated
to encourage the people of the aforesaid States to be
and become more and more constant and persever-
ing in their renewed allegiance ; and

" Whereas standing armies, military occupation,
martial law, military tribunals, and the suspension
of the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus, are,
in time of peace, dangerous to public liberty, incom-
patible with the individual rights of the citizens,
contrary to the genius and spirit of our free institu-
tions, and exhaustive of the national resources, and
ought not, therefore, to be sanctioned or allowed,
except in cases of actual necessity for repelling in-
vasion or suppressing insurrection or rebellion ;
and

" Whereas
rr
oo from t thea nd bfie
tion to its overthrow United .Statesthfe policy of the Government of the
in conformity with ngiallininsupgproefsstihoen,ihnassurlrieeeen-
he principles herein set forth
and enumerated ;
"Therefore, I, Andrew
Johnson, President of the
United States, do hereby proclaim and declare that
the insurrection heretoforewhichhror existed in the
Ca
States of Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina,
Virginia, Tennessee, Alabama,, Louisiana, Arkansas,
Mississippi, and Florida is at an end, and hence-
forth to be so regarded. _ _

"In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my
hand and caused the seal of the United States to be
affixed. . _

PCEPITIvfifk
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ce
yfiv ' • re
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nowia,the
Ad

discussed as literary rather than
There is at present before ?arils.' tail
one issue, and at the most two.
it is consistent with the duty of r
the people to commit themselves to
of one branch of a scheme without .
wh
etoetlrhedeoar a
fyw
‘hviicthhiit i
Franchise s a
Billpar
s;
bi f
by itself
add
sauseehe oailn\
im-
provement of our existing system as to be worthy
Sir
of adoption.
trh He
duigahleeCtaieirnsksiplluotfthwehseiehheis a
questions
yesmaster. We believe the dispassionate answer to
both must be in the negative, and certainly there
was no reason adadroutsscbleseyll,ea, last night which could make
oner
both
Francist wha v
estimablee waver
ci
etheMaguire list
of
f aoarnetiv,di
icnNtvi
coan,
different
u.al Id. r•b
aawnnaydy
to accuse either of them of a lack of intelligence,
but the Government must be indeed ill supported
whose best defenders do not appear to understand
the arguments it is incumbent upon them to meet.
HERALD,—The speech of Mr. W. E. Forster, yes-
terday eveniug,was directed with good effect to one
of the most mischievous delusions which have ever
obtained a place among political ideas. fie assailed
the error of those who in looking on England can
see only the, division of classes. The theory of, re-
presentation which finds favour with Sir Bulwer
Lytton, Mr. Adderley, and other leading members
of the Opposition ; which supplies the basis of most
of the arguments used in the press against the
Franchise Bill, and which is likely to become the
received Conservative doctrine on the subject, dis-
tributes the population of England into a hierarchy
of social orders, to each of whom it would assign
power in the inverse ratio of its numbers, and, so
far as the essentials of national life are concerned,
of its importance. The many, on this theory, are
to be allowed but slight direct influence on the
course of affairs, because they are many ; the few
much, because they are few. The strong are to be
artificially weakened ; the weak to be artificially
strengthened. The object of these provisions is
avowedly to prevent the many from gaining the
objects which it is thought they desire. If the motive
and the process could be kept secret, it is possible
that the experiment might succeed. But openly to
ask the majority of the English people to allow a
few timid theorists and landlords to tie their hands
lest they should reach out for things which, by
assumption, they wish to have, does not seem a very
wailasisigbusinesa.- If= they wish for these things,
strong
oenter into the strong man's house and bind
be
him is a task which can only effected if the
man has a docility and submissiveness
which make it unnecessary to bind him at all.
rDne
iieeaocnleel
esys
se
aaeoxdrfypj eEr inegni ea en, d a,n
edo u en st
ep
ne cai
na lel
ey
tthhee
idea
e ae c e
tnht a
te xipetis
ustotinadgotphte ienlgaiemnisouosf
classes, expedientss o
as for t
oa rptirfie --
vintertr hsiignheeertohredie
tr
es f
ofrom
Act.being
lodecline
ve
of merely sectional feeling, and the growth of a con-
viction that all classes from the highest to the lowest,
have common interests, so that the well-being of any
is inseparable from the well-being of all, has been
conspicuous. The sentiment of social and national
the
unity is characteristic of the age.
.If the animosities
formerer
r to periobedtaisntillsasutbesryisteody
if
lower classes rivalries
ses ofwere a
eage
pro-
perty and intelligence, the calamity which a few
have befallen us. The
higher, and numbers were bent on swamping
apprehend would already
As
Reform Bill of 1832 affords the means of doing all
that is feared from the Franchise Bill of 1866.
Mr. Forster pointed out, an absolute majority in the
borough constituencies consists of the lower middle
classes, occupying houses of from £lO to £2O annual
value. Yet we do not see them combining against
the rest of the community. With the power of
taxation and of legislation entirely in their own
hands, we do not find them only taxing their neigh-
bours, and legislating solely for themselves. The
working classes have even now an absolute majority
in certain boroughs. Yet they do not unite to send
mere delegates and spokesmen of their own order
to the House of Commons. The Reform Act of
1832 did not attempt any invidious discrimination
between different classes ; and hence none of these
classes have, attempted to assert its own electoral
predominance. If the theory of class-represatation
recommended now had been acted upon then, the
result might have been very different from that
on which we now congratulate ourselves. If the
course wisely adopted in 1832 be followed in 1866,
the same merging of class distinctions for the pro-
motion of the common weal may be confidently
anticipated ; but if, neglecting experience, and at-
tending only to a priori forebodings, the upper and
middle ranks discriminate against the working:,
classes, the working classes will certainly discrimi-
nate against the middle ranks. Sir Bulwer Lytton
and Mr. Adderley seem trying all they can to put
into the heads of labouring men that idea of class
ascendancy which, in their own interest and that of
the country, they should carefully avoid suggest-
ing. The misgovernment of the territorial aris-
tocracy in its days of power, which is sometimes
urged as a reason against giving supremacy to any
class, is scarcely to the point in the present dis-
if. ktleaalh
drapeTh . e muses oan o 'gam
properly converted into an argument against popu-
lar self-rule. The interests of the few may some-
times be, or appear to be, distinct from those of
the nation at large. The interests of the many are
inseparable from the:well-being of all. The con-
trast between the aristocratic legislation which pre-
ceded the Reform Act and the popular legislation
which followed it, justifies and compels this dis-
tinction. The landlords did combine, but the £lO
householders have never acted together as a class,
and the £7 householders are not in any way more
likely to do so, except as a consequence of the dis-
cussion of theories of class representation, and of
attempts to reduce those theories to legislation. If
they were really animated by the desire for predo-
minance they would achieve it far more readily
by accepting the separatist doctrines of Sir Bul-
wet Lytton and the Liberal-Conservative press,
than by acquiescing in a measure which will blend
them with the rest of the community. The
complete and exhaustive social statistics which
Mr. Adderley demands, as the necessary condi-
tionZof a satisfactory Reform Bill, are not likely to
really help in its manufacture. John Bull would
probably be as ill-fitted with a constitution framed
from these data as Gulliver was by the tailor in
Laputa, who proceeded about his business with an.
affectation of scientific method and precision worthy
of the most deeply-thinking Liberal. " This officer
did his office after a different manner from that of
his trade in Europe. He first took my altitude with
a quadrant, and then, by rule and compass, de-
scribed the dimensions and outlines of my whole
body, all which he entered upon paper, and in six
days brought in my clothes, very ill made, and
and quite out of shape, by happening to mistake a
figure in the calculations." In the Lapatan tailor
there seems to be a prophetic satire on the political
projectors of our own day, who model constitutions
on electoral statistics. One thing is quite clear to
us, that if classes are to be numbered, for political
purposes, as Mr. Adderley suggests, the effect will
be to teach the most numerous their strength ; and
whatever the first arrangements of our constitu-
tion-mongers, the end of such class-representation
will be to ensure the unteinpered predominance of
the largest class. With characteristic blindness,
the nowruling orders are, by their conduct, inviting
the calamity which in words they deprecate.
he

it is

EARL FITZWILLIAM'S HO uNDS.—In consequence
of the appearance of rinderpest on a farm at Jordanthorpo,
the meet appointed for Friday last, at Beauchief Abbey,
was countermanded by Earl Fitzwilliam. The hounds
will not hunt again this season.
DEATH OF MR. HENRY HOARE.We regret to an-
nounce the death of Mr. Hoare, banker, of Fleet-
street, which took place yesterday morning at his country
residence, Staplehurst, Neut.
in the month of March, 1865,
the deceased gentleman met
with a serious accident, which caused a
concussion of the
brain, while travelling on the Great Eastern
Railway from
London to Cambridge, from the effects of which, however,
it was thought he had recovered. On Thursday last he
cams to London for the first time since the accident, and
wen
went to his town house, New street, Spring-gardens,
daughter, accompanied by his
where he remained till
Saturday, when he returned to Staplehurst. On reaching
there he complained of pains in the head, and Lady Mary
Hoare at once resorted to medical aid, but human skill was
of no avail, for he took to his bed and gradually sank. His
death had occasioned
keenly felt b
ythe
urdeep regret, and his loss will be
poor, both in London and Staplehst,
towards whom he always evinced a kindly and benevolent
disposition.

AN EXTRAORDINARY INQUEST.—Dr. Lankester
held an inquest in Great Wild-street, St. Giles's,. oft
Saturday, at which there were some incidents of an extra-
ordinary character. The inquest was on tho boa
child nine years old, named Toovey, who in September‘eYe lastnee
swallowed the part of a bone needle case. In
when ho one
showed that he retained this until Febrdiug,
an abscess in
day coughed it up. Death was
,catiiiiesewound made by the
the right lung, this arising frtohne
death of the child a
portion of needle case.
Afr to make a post-mortem
medical man was instructed
examination ; but the parents ob;ected, and even
threatened to stab
the policeman and the surgeon if they
proceeded with thou' work. It was only at the pressure of
consented to the examination being
a priest that they
made. At the inquest, the mother was very violent, and
such a crowd, gathered about that something like a riot
,in cr. The mother was with some difficulty
wasper nsuaadieL ‘e
persuaded to evidence of identity, &c., but insisted,
and loudly, that she would have hack the bit of bone thab
her child had thrown up. The jury returned a verdict of
"accidental death."