The Sun.
London, England, 1866-07-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JULY 12, 1866.

to them at all, but that I would not seem to deny or
ignore their existence. (Hear, hear.) I have often
spoke of these subjects before, and I have nothing
to modify or disturb. But there is a misunderstand-
ing in the public mind as to what is the proper
policy of non-intervention. It is spoken of as a
purely selfish policy, as if it meant that we were to
sit wrapped up in the contemplation of our own
happiness and our own privileges, quite indifferent
to the sufferings of the rest of mankind. Now, if
that were the view I took of it, it is a policy with
which I would have nothing to do. Mere selfish-
ness does not pay. (Hear, hear.) We shall find
that out sooner or later. And selfishness does not
alter its character, whether it relates to a nation or
whether it relates to an individual. The subject of
non-interference in continental disputes lies deeper.
It lies partly in our vast Indian and colonial interests
making up the British empire, and throwing upon
us duties and responsibilities with which continen-
tal states have nothing to do, and which are in
themselves a burden heavy enough for one nation
to discharge. It lies partly in the duty we owe to
our poorer classes at home, for whom we
are trustees, upon whom an increase of
debt, and consequently of taxation, must fall
with crushing weight. It lies partly in the con-
viction we entertain that example is worth more
than precept, and that by simply existing as we do
as a free .self-governed nation, we are doing more
than could be doneby a thousand despatches or any
combinations we might put in practice against both
the policy of despotism and the policy of revolution.
(Loud cheering.) It lies also in our experience and
recollection of past mistakes, in the lessons which
our own history teaches, how often in former days
we have fought for objects which after all we did
not secure, or, if we did secure them, were not
worth the price we paid for them. (Hear, hear.) A
man may feel deeply interested in European affairs,
and yet may reasonably doubt whether hasty sym-
pathies and imperfect knowledge are the best quali-
fications for dealing wisely with such complicated
matters. (Hear, hear.) But the result which Eng-
land expects her Ministry to work out is not of easy
accomplishment. 'We object to take action in con-
tinental quarrels ; but we object also to see our
moral influence lost or greatly lessened. How to
satisfy these apparently conflicting claims is the
problem we have to solve. That advice, or, if
needs be, mediation, should not be refused when
asked for and likely to succeed, and yet that it
should never be offensively obtruded ; that neutrality
should be maintained without a cynical affectation
of indifference; that, making peace at home our first
object, we should seek the peace of Europe—these
are rules easy to lay down ; the difficulty is to ap-
ply them in practice. (Hear.) To that end my
efforts shall be applied. Less than that I cannot
promise ; more than that those who can appreciate
the difficulties will say I ought not to promise. (Hear.)
It is the wish of England to live in harmony with all
her neighbours. (Hear, hear.) But there are two
powers which, by their greatness andposition, affect
us more peculiarly than the rest. One of these powers
is France, our nearest neighbour, formerly our rival
in arms, now our friendly competitor for the first
place in the civilisation of the world. (Hear.) When
we speak of France with relation to public affairs
we necessarily speak of the Government of France,
and whatever judgment any individual may be dis-
posed to pass on the internal or general policy of the
Emperor of the French, a question with which we
have nothing to do, and which history alone can de-
cide in a satisfactory manner, no man can reason-
ably deny that to England he has been a firm and
a faithful ally. (Hear.) lam not aware that in 16
agitated years we have ever had occasion to reproach
' him with a single hostile word or for a single un-
friendly act. (Cheers.) The respective lines of policy
of the two countries has not always been the same.
France is continental; we are insular. But I say
for the future, as I say for the past, the least appre-
hension which ought to disturb the mind of a rea-
sonable man is that of a quarrel with France. (Hear.)
The other country is the United States, which, by
its extent, by its population, by its rapid increase, by
the energy and intelligence of its people, and lastly,
1 by its display of naval and military strength, has
come to rank among the foremost nations in the
world. I look on a proper and friendly understand-
ing with the United States as almost the first requi-
site of English diplomacy. (Hear.) No one power
except France can do us so much harm. No other
power, not even France, is so closely bound to us by
ties of public interest. (llear.) It would be idle
to deny, after the late war, that there was some
portion, perhaps there is still a portion, of the
American people that bears no good will to this
country. But I believe that portion to be utterly
inconsiderable—inconsiderable in point of numbers,
inconsiderable in point of power. (Hear.) No doubt
during the war there may have been some unplea-
sant feeling, and in our hasty and positive way of
judging our neighbours' affairs, I am not surprised
of that ill-feeling. (Hear.) But there has been time
for that feeling to have subsided. I believe it has sub-
sided, and if we look at the last action of the United
States Executive in the Fenian attack on Canada,
I think we must acknowledge that it has acted, I
will not say a friendly part towards England, but
that it has acted on a law-abiding and a law-re-
specting principle. (Hear, hear.) We have just
witnessed a new spectacle of a war being decided, if
it be decided, in a ten days' campaign. I do not know
what the settlement may be ; but this we know, that
our whole interest lies in the return of peace ; not of
a mere truce, but the establishment of peace on a
lasting basis, and the comparative disarmament of
Europe. (Cheers, and hear, hear.) Ido not know
that I have more topics on which to detain you now.
Schemes of domestic legislation you can hardly ex-
pect at a time when the session is about to close, and
from a member of an Administration which has
hardly yet had time to consult together. The only
promise I can give you, because it is one I can be
sure to keep, is the promise of sincere gratitude for
your past and present kindness, and the assurance of
my earnest endeavour to play a part in your and the
public service which, whether it be or be not what
the world calls distinguished, which I care very little
about, shall at least be sincere and useful. (Cheers.)
An ELECTOR (Mr. Trenoworth) said the noble
lord had addressed the electors and non-electors—
would his lordship say what extension of the fran-
chise he would advocate ?

Lord STANLEY—My friend here asks me to pro-
pose a Reform Bill on my own account, at a very
short notice. +(Hear, hear, and laughter.) A mem-
ber of an Administration which can only act collec-
tively is not justified in giving, apart from his col-
leagues, a pledge as to what he will do in a future
session. (Laughter.)

The ELECTOR—I think I heard you say, on a
former occasion, that you would support a compre-
hensive measure of reform. Is that so ?

Lord STANLEY—Whether I would support a com-
prehensive measure or not depends on what that
comprehensive measure is. (Laughter.)
The ELECTOR—Have you made up your mind to
what extent you would give the franchise?

Lord STANLEY—I am asked what are the provi-
sions of a Reform bill which I might hereafter sup-
port. Ido not think lamin a position in which I
can fairly answer that question. (Hear, hear.) I
have no objection to say this, that I have always
held that it was for the interest of the public gene-
rally, and I think more especially for the interest of
the Conservative party, if it can be done by a fair
and reasonable compromise, that the question should
be settled. (Cheers.)
" Three cheers for Stanley," given most enthusi-
astically, were followed by " Three cheers for Glad-
stone," with about the same degree of energy. The
meeting then dispersed.

so long represented, and, more notably still, the
ladies, a bevy of whom crowded the grand jury
gallery.
The MAYOR presided, and, after the usual forma-
lities, called for the proposition of candidates,
whereupon
Mr. DENNIS HERBERT proposed General Peel.
Mr. FREDERICK HOWSON seconded the nomination.

After having replied to some questions respecting
the franchise and other matters, the Mayor, no other
candidate being proposed, declared General Peel
duly elected.

General PEEL, on rising to return thanks, was re-
ceived with renewed cheers. He said—Mr. Mayor
and gentlemen, electors of the boroughs of Hunting-
don and Godmanchester,—lt is now exactly 40
years last month since I was first returned a member
of Parliament, and 35 of those years have been
passed in your service. (Cheers.) There are doubt-
less members—some 12 or 13, perhaps—who have
sat in Parliament longer than I have done, and some,
perhaps, have served the same constituency longer
than I, but I think there are few of them who have
had the necessity to present themselves on extra
occasions such as this for re-election ; but of this I
am certain—that none have received greater kind-
ness than I have done, and I beg to thank you for
the honour you have done in returning me once
moros your representative to Parliament. (Cheers.)
I beg to thank those gentlemen who are opposed to
me for the way they have received me during my
canvass. I think every man is entitled to hold his
own opinions upon political matters—(hear, hear,
and applause)—and I am also much obliged to Mr.
Herbert and Mr. Howson for the very kind manner
in which they have proposed me. I little thought
last year that I should so soon have to present my-
self before you for re-election, still less upon the
occasion of having accepted office as a Minister of
the Crown. At the last election the Conservative
party were in a majority of 70—(A voice, " A minority
of 70," and laughter)—l mean in a minority of 70. I
allude to this matter to show that majorities are often
dangerous to the parties possessing them. Experi-
ence proves this, in fact, that the Government
possessing such majorities are often defeated by
them. In 1832 there was a large majority, but
in 1835 that majority defeated the Government,
and brought Sir Robert Peel into office. Sir Robert
Peel retired, and returned again with a majority of
90, and that very majority turned Sir Robert Peel
out. Again, when Lord Palmerston dissolved Par-
liament on the question of the war in China he was
returned by an overwhelming majority, who ulti-
mately turned him out. Now, it is not the case
that Lord Derby's Government has an overwhelm-
ing majority—there appears to be danger in such a
state of things, but we need not be apprehensive on
that ground—(laughter)—but I trust the measures
we shall propose will be of such a character that we
shall gain general support without having to guard
against any such contingency. (Cheers.) What
those measures are to be an infant Government can-
not of course proclaim ; and I may say at once that
no Ministry can be held responsible for any obser-
vations I may make upon such an occasion as this.
What the principles are upon which Lord Derby's
Government is formed may be gathered from the
admirable statement made by him in the House of
Lords on Monday last. I may say that I entirely
agree with that statement. I don't think there is
anybody who has so frequently maintained the doc-
trine of non-interference with the affairs of other
nations as I have done. I have always been the ad-
vocate of maintaining peaceful relations with them,
without mixing up in their affairs—(applause)---at
the same time offering, when it is asked for, our own
best advice and mediation to maintain peace amongst
all nations. But the only plan by which we can main-
tain a dignified neutrality—that we can make our-
selves respected—is to keep our own forces in a state of
efficiency; and, as Secretary for War, I will take
care that the army is maintained in such a state.
(Cheers.) Now, I am very glad that Lord Derby
has not fettered himself by a pledge on the subject of
reform. I quite agree with him that the only chance
of passing a Reform Bill is to be found in some
mutual understanding between the two great par-
ties in the State, and Lord Derby has shown his
desire for that agreement by endeavouring to form
his Government on a broad basis, and to do away
with the line which really was perfectly nominal.
Lord Palmerston sat on one side of the house, the
Conservatives on the other, and there really was
nothing on earth to prevent us joining each other.
(Cheers.) I will read to you the very words which
1 made use of before the election of Huntingdon in
July last—" If the mere popularity of a Prime
Minister were sufficient to secure support to a Go-
vernment, he would himself, perhaps, be a supporter
of the Government of Lord Palmerston. Nay, he
would go further, and say that if he were certain
Lord Palmerston would always carry out his own
opinions, he should probably be a supporter of his
Government, because he believed those opinions to
be perfectly Conservative. But, unfortunately, it
was notorious that upon some important questions
Lord Palmerston was overruled by his colleagues,
and in some of those colleagues he, for one, had no
confidence whatever." (Hear,hear.) The result was
what I foresaw would take place immediately on
Lord Palmerston's death, and I could not have
joined that party. I could join no Government of
which they formed a part. I think that the fact of
Lord Derby having appealed to the Liberals to join
him only shows his desire to bring forward popular
measures. I can fully bear out what Lord Derby
said about the unanimity of the Conservative party
in sacrificing all personal considerations, in waiving
all private interests, and their readiness to make any
sacrifice in order to enable him to form a Govern-
ment on the basis he had laid down, and that we
would support such Government whether we were in
or out of office. I not only agree with Lord Derby's
resolution not to bring in a Reform Bill, but also
with the opinion he expressed on the matter. I
say there are many not at present in possession of
the franchise who might be safely entrusted with it;
but with regard to the bill lately before Parliament,
there were no fig,uresagreed upon. The house passed
without a division the second reading of the Fran-
chise and the Redistribution of Seats Bill, thus ad-
mitting the principle ; but when the bills got into
committee, it was decided that the franchise should
be founded upon rating, and not upon rental, by a
majority of 11. But there were no figures whatever
adopted. It was perfectly competent for the Govern-
ment to lower the rating from £7 to £5. The divi-
sion was upon rating versus rental, and the mem-
bers of the House of Commons were as good judges
as the Ministry upon that subject. I could not see
that the Government were justified in resigning
upon it. We must recollect, too, that what we were
passing was an English Reform Bill, and from first
to last, at every division, a majority of the English
members were against the Government. I do not
deny the right of the Irish and Scotch members to
vote on the question, but it is at least fair to say
that Englishmen have at least the best right to ex-
press the opinion as to what will best suit their own
country. (Cheers.) Now, I have been called an ultra
Tory. If the late Sir H. Peel was an ultra-Tory, I
am not only an ultra-Tory, but I glory in the title.
(Loud cheers.) I held office under him. I perfectly
coincided in his political principles, and supported
all his measures. In truth, I was on the most iati-
mate and affectionate terms with him, and I know
his earnest desire was to maintain the dignity of the
Crown, the privileges of the House of Lords, the
purity and high character of the House of Commons,
and the honour and welfare of this country. (Loud
and long-continued cheers.) Now, during the course
of my visit to the electors, there was a gentleman
whom I waited on who was a great admirer of the
Morning Star. (Cheers and laughter.) He said he
took his politics from it, and told mo lie would not
vote for me because I did not vote for Mr. Bright's
Reform Bill. It was because it was Mr. Bright's Re-
form Bill- of 1866, and the precursor of Mr. Bright's
Reform Bill of 1868, that I voted against it. I am
not going to say one word against Mr. Bright : I
have a high respect for him. (Hear, hear.) But the
hon. gentleman himself said that he accepted the
bill of the Government as a lever whereby he should
be able to carry out his own purposes. It has been
said that the figures 14 and 7 could not be altered,
because the alteration would break the engagement
made between the Government and the extreme
party on the left. I could never learn what -that

engagement was. I never heard that the party on
the left had pledged themselves not to go any
further, and I will venture to say that if Mr. Bright
was to be asked the question to-morrow, he would
say he was not pledged to the maintenance of the
permanency of the measure. A great deal has been
said during the arguments upon reform about the
working men. I defy any man to say that I have
ever said a word in disparagement of working men.
(Cheers.) There is no family more indebted to the
working men than mine. Before the Reform Bill
I represented the working men of Norwich, and ex-
cellent men they were. They never changed their
colours, and if a freeman was asked, he would re-
ply, he was " born purple and orange," or " blue
and white," and though, of course, there was a
floating balance—some who were not perfectly pure
yet, if you will look to the last election you will
find that it was not freemen or the lower order of
voters alone who were subject to improper influ-
ences. (Cheers.) Another point. I will never
agree to the disfranchisement of a small borough
simply because it is a small borough. My first act
of disfranchisement would be to take away the power
of voting from any town where corruption prevailed,
be it large or small, but not at once, not until a com-
mission had proved corruption prevailed. I would
rather disfranchise such a borough as that than
yours which has, since 1290, I believe, returned two
members to Parliament, and has never been sub-
ject even to the breath of insinuation of bribery. I
can only say that since I have represented it I
have never spent a shilling in bribery; but more, that
I have never been asked for it. The bill introduced
by the late Government was marked by anomalies
worth notice. The proposals as to the redistribution
of seats were perfectly astounding. For instance,
Tamworth, with a population of 10,000 and 500
voters, was to retain two members, while Lichfield,
a cathedral town, with 750 electors, was to have its
political power partially taken away from it by the
loss of one. Well, we are either the representatives
of the electors or we represent the whole popula-
tion, and the population and number of electors of
both these places considered, what becomes of the
argument that the working men are not repre-
sented ? It is clear we represent the electors, and
therefore we were bound to act in the manner best
calculated to conserve their interests. I promised at
your late wool fair dinner to tell you what had been
done with the view of giving the army breech-load-
ing rifles, and I repeat what I said then, that owing
to the discoveries of science matters are now deter-
mined, not so much by the numbers, skill, or bravery
of the troops engaged, as by the efficiency of the
arm employed, and I say we should have every ad-
vantage we can attain towards saving our brave
soldiers' lives. Experience has proved that even a
very bad, or at least an indifferent breech loader, is
better than the best muzzle loader ; so it would be
unwise to delay for a single day to place breech load-
ing arms in the hands of our troops. Fortunately, no
thing has to be done upon the spur of the moment,
my predecessors, I am happy to say, having paid at-
tention to this subject. (Cheers.) They had already
made arrangements for converting 40,000 Enfield
muzzle loading rifles into breech loaders, and I am
perfectly certain those weapons as altered will be
superior to the " needle gun." (Loud cheers.) I
have made arrangements that that number shall be
,increased from 40,000 to 100,000, to be delivered
from our o ,vn factories, and, as will be seen by this
day's papers, I have already with a view of giving
further effect to these arrangements, asked for ten-
ders from the trade. I am perfectly satisfied to
carry out the good work begun by my predecessors,
and which I am persuaded they would have done
had they remained in office. (Cheers.) I claim no
merit to myself in this respect. (Renewed cheers.)
I don't know that it is necessary I should detain
you one moment longer. lam perfectly aware of
the difficulties of the task that lies before us. The
principles of Lord Derby are to maintain peace, but
at the same time the prestige, the power, and hon-
our of this country. Having your approbation to-
day, I shall go back, determined to do my best to
carry out such measures as will, in my humble
judgment, most tend to the furtherance of the in-
terects of this country. (Loud cheers.)
The usual complimentary votes followed, and the
meeting broke up amid ringing cheers for " The
Ladies," proposed, as usual, by the gallant general.