The Sun.
London, England, 1866-05-09 00:00:00

it is satisfactory to find the subject taken 1
up by one so well able to treat it as I
the noble earl at the head of the Opposition. It
is well at the present juncture that some protest
should have been entered against the course pur-
sued by the German Powers in both Houses of the
Legislature. What with the official silence BO ob-
stinately preserved, and the unworthy manner in
which the doctrine of a non-intervention policy is
carried out, the part that this country now plays
among the nations of Europe is a very mean one,
and quite inconsistent with her character and pre-
vious reputation.
_ _

_
A great demonstration is to take place in part of
Count BISMARCK'S hotel to congratulate him
upon his escape. The assassin has died in prison
from the effects of the wounds he inflicted upon
himself. It seems very strange indeed that
a man like this should have been allowed to keep
knives in his possession after he was captured.
The warlike preparations still continue; the seventh
army corps is now to be mobilised, and the town
of Erfurt is to.- be placed in a state of defence.
Count MENSDORFF has addressed a Note to the
Austrian Minister in Berlin, in which he mentions
that the Prussian Government do not acknowledge
the necessity for Austria to prepare to repulse
an attack upon her Italian possessions, and states
that Prussia will not consent to proceed with ne-
gociations unless the entire Austrian army be placed
upon a peace footing. Therefore, declares Count
MENSDORFF, we must consider the nego-
ciations for a simultaneous withdrawal of
the military preparations of Prussia against Aus-
tria, and of Austria against Prussia, to be exhausted.
This is one of the most significant signs of war that
have yet appeared, for so long as the despatches on
the subject were sent forth so repeatedly, they
kept up a semblance of peace at all events, but now
we really must not be surprised at what we hear.
Besides this announcement, Count MENSDORF de-
clares that they consider the King of SAXONY has
as much cause to arm as they themselves, and that
they do not approve of the course taken by
Prussia in insisting upon the Saxon disarma-
ment. It must be confessed that the Count
has the best of the argument all through this
despatch, and particularly when he asks how Prussia
can reconcile her demand that the Austrians should
leave the German frontiers unguarded, withithe duties
of a German Power. The conduct of Prussia to-
wards Saxony has excited universal indignation,
and in consequence of the proposition of Saxony at
the Federal Diet, Bavaria is said to have addressed
a Note to Prussia requesting an explanation, to
which the reply was that Saxony would not be
entered by Prussian troops so long as the Austrian
troops did not occupy it. This assurance, however,
is not to be relied on, and indeed we cannot place
implicit confidence in any of the assurances
of Prussia, except those which relate espe-
cially to her; own interests and career, her che-
rished policy of aggression and annexation. To-
day is the time which was fixed on as likely to be
decisive in the settlement of the all-important ques-
tion of peace and war, and things are now in such
a state of preparation that we may surely expect
to hear shortly which way the decision has been
made. While peace is still possible, it no longer
seems to be very probable, and the result of a war
ill not surprise any one who has watched the
cause of events for the last few years, and noticed
the tone which German policy has lately assumed.

The long-vexed question of church rates appears
at length to be in a fair way of settlement. Wearied
with -controversy, which only succeeds in stirring up
feuds and dissensions, without pleasure or profit to
any party concerned, both sides of the House seem
to have listened with satisfaction to the moderate
and sensible proposal of Mr. GLADSTONE last even-
ing. The Chancellor of the Exchequer distinctly
announced that although the Government was
anxious for the success of the measure_they had no
intention of pressing it on the House, but were
willing to be guided by the amount of support which
it received. It is not, indeed, a question which
can be settled by the exercise of arbitrary power,
but it deals so much with men's consciences
and convictions that any attempt at solving
it would be perfectly useless, unless it
leaves full scope to free and independent
opinion. The friends of the Church of England
have long been anxious for a settlement both in the
interests of justice and reason, and in those of the
Church itself, inasmuch as it is decidedly deroga-
tory to any ecclesiastical establishment to be
engaged in perpetual disputes about petty rights
which are neither popular nor profitable. The great
hardship of compelling men who hold another form
of faith to pay for the maintenance of a form of
worship from which they conscientiously dissent
is too glaring to need evidence, and this
grievance Mr. GLADSTONE'S measure will en-
tirely remove. After the passing of the bill no
suit or proceeding shall be instituted for the
recovery of church rates, but vestries are to be en-
abled to assess a voluntary rate. Unless the mem-
bers of the Church of England are willing to ap-
pear in a very unworthy contrast to the Catholics and
Dissenters who support their own establishments
without any State aid, they will not allow their
edifices of worship to suffer by the change. As for
the clause which provides that after three years
non-payment of rates a householder shall not be
eligible for the office of churchwarden, or to vote
on any question relating to the maintenance
or management of Divine service in the parish
church, we see no possible hardship. A conscienti-
ous Dissenter would certainly not wish to interfere
with affairs which he disapproved of, and which
could not possibly concern him. In fact the clause
is based on the great constitutional principle of the
unity of taxation and representation. The bill, on
the whole, was favourably received by both sides,
and we hope that all parties will agree to give it
a fair and impartial consideration, with the view of
removing a fruitful source of contention and annoy-
ance.

The influence of time and reflection is beginning
to show itself in the United States. The temporary
excitement which the Radical party succeeded in
stirring up a few weeks ago has died out, and men
are asking themselves What end, private or public,
they can gain by the reckless policy which would
sacrifice the very objects for which the war, rightly
or wrongly, was waged. The enforced subjection
of the Southern States, the maintenance of military
rule, the general sense of insecurity, and the depres-
sion which the measures so strenuously advocated
by Mr. STEVENS and his friends would infallibly
create, must seriously interfere with that revival of
commercial activity and enterprise which it is espe-
cially the interest of the North to foster. The PEE-
SID LIT', has known how to wait until the effer-
vescence of the crisis had subsided. As he himself
de-
cision have exercised'
, recently said, " He knew he could not get through
without
public mind,
a struggle " but his quiet firmness and de-
to point to the alteredast7ewoerffufelellinnflguienntchee on the
Ile is able besides, as time goes on
and to show the reviving prosperity of the on,
Vice-President STEPHENS and of
as evidence in his favour. _ y country
General LEE
greatly assisted ill The examination of
enlightening th
o people of