The Sun.
London, England, 1866-06-12 00:00:00

NEW WRIT.

Col. TAYLOR moved that a new writ be issued for the
election of a member for Nottinghamshire, in the room of
Lord Stanhope, called to the House of Peers.

The writ was ordered.
STRAND-UNION.

Mr. J. SIMEON, asked the. President of the Poor Law
Board whether the inquiry into the treatment of the sick
poor in the Strand Union Workhouse was completed ; and
whether he would lay a copy of the evidence and the re-
port founded thereupon upon the table of the house ?
Viscount ENFIELD said the inquiry had taken place,
and he hoped to be able to lay the report on the table with
the least possible delayr
AUSTRIA,
.PRUSSIA, AND ITALY.
Mr. kINdLA.KiI mid he was anxious to ask a question
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and it was, if possible,
to elicit the advice which her Majesty:s Government had
given to some of the disputing States. He had reason to
fear that the peace of Europe had been broken at that
moment, especially as the Austrian commander had deter-
mined to convoke the estates of Holstein, and the Prussian
commander had determined to prevent it, and under these
circumstances ho thought the house of Commons should

have an opportunity of expressing its opinion. The great
difficulty appeared to him to be, Venetia, and Italy was
placed in a peculiar position, because in consequence of her
relations with France she was enabled to threaten a greater
power than herself, and therefore Italy was acting as a dis-
turbing State with impunity. Italy had had no quarrel with
Austria; but her objectappeared to be to wait until Austria
was involved with another power before she made her
move. That moment had now arrived, and it was
said that Italy, to enable her to gain her ends, had
entered into a treaty offensive and defensive with
Prussia, and she was thus enabled -to take her
part in the dispute. He could not believe that her Majesty's
Government had given any direct advice to either of the
parties which might lead to a disturbance of the peace, yet
rumour, with her busy tongue, had asserted that her Ma-
jesty's Government had advised Austria to give up
Venetia, and, if such advice had been given,
nothing, in his opinion, was more calculated
to bring about a terrible war. True it was
that the advice of the English Government had not been
taken, and he, for one, thought it most unlikely that it
ever would be taken, but he contended that if they had
given it, it was a matter which tended to involve matters in
greater difficulty than any other matter that could arise.
If the proposal to Austria had been made to give up such
a vast province, then he thought it extravagant.
It was extravagant in principle, because she had
been asked to give it up on a principle, which for the
want of a better word, ho must call a Fenian—(hear, hear)
—principle, because she was advised to give it up on the
ground of nationality. With respect to the Conference,
Austria said before she could consent to go into con-
ference she must know there was no attempt on the
lAA of any of the Powers to aggrandise their estates, and
the Proposal therefore at once collapsed. The Government
of France was first of the opinion that a Conference on
such terms would be useless, and the English Government
agreed with them. lie was certain that the maintenance
of peace was inconsistent with a change of territory, and
therefore he concluded by asking whether the Govern-
ment were in a position to communicate any further infor-
mation with respect to the failure of the Conference at
Paris.

The CHANCELLOR of theho EXCHEQUER said he
did not contemplate that the
so
gentleman itt asking
his question would travel over field, because
planwaitdioenanat the present
he could not enter into a full ex
not that any
conjuncture of affairs, and because ho could
the subject taking
good purpose could arise by a debate on th
place. The hon. gentleman said the German quarrel
would have been arranged had it not been for t
but that was not so, at least as far as the
Y
in the possession of the Government allowed therato
form an opinion. The question of the Duchies, just as
much as Venetia, formed the ground for quarrel, and the
cwould
of the States of Holstein was the subject which
would lead to war, and not Venetia. There were, how-
eirer, other questions involved. The honourable gentle-
man said that Italy was a disturbing Power, and
that that was brought about by the protection she
received from France. It was not his duty to defend
the Government of France ; that was beyond his
province, but not stopping there the hon. gentleman had
said that it was rumoured that her Majesty's Government
had given encouragement to Italy, and advice to Aus-
tria. He had, however, acquitted them of giving
advice ; he might have done more and acquitted them
of giving encouragement to Italy. The hon. gentleman
had said the Government had expressed its opinion that
Austria ought to give up Venetia. He did not know

where the honourable gentleman had obtained his
information, but he might say that that being the
opinion of her Majesty's Government it Was no secret
to kuitria, as she was well aware that that opinion
prevailed seven years ago. it was the opinion
of Lord Palmerston in 1848, and notwithstanding
the most friendly feeling entertained by Great Britain to-
wards Austria, her Majesty's Government felt that they
ought not to recede from that opinion. Ho thought it was
most unkind and uncalled for to cast this matter in the
teeth of Austria when she was involved in another and
distinct misunderstanding with another Power. While
entertaining a good feeling towards Austria on the first
point, he could not say that their sympathy extended to
her second position. With respect to the question of the
hon. gentleman as to the preservation of peace, he regretted
he could entertain no solid opinion that such a state of
things existed, and with respect to the failure of the Con-

ference it arose from the assurance demanded by Austria
that no territorial aggrandisement was intended not being
given. He could only express his deep regret that the
meeting of the conference was prevented by obstables that
it was impossible to remove.

Mr. D. GRIFFITH asked whether any compensation
for Venetia had been suggested to Austria in the Danu-
bian Principalities ?
After some remarks from Mr. B. COCHRANE and Mr.
SANDFORD,

Sir G. BOWYER regretted that the Chancellor of the
Exchequer had expressed an opinion on the part of the
Government that Austria had better give up Venetia. He
wanted to know, not only whether the Government or any
members of the Cabinet had in any way intimated that opinion
to Austria, but whether the Government, in the private or
surreptitious manner of which they were so fond, or in
any public manner, had intimated that opinion to the Court
of Florence, or given that Court to understand that they
would use their influence with Austria to give up Venetia.
(Hear, hear.) He feared that this was the case, and that
there were private letters which would not be laid before
Parliament, but which, like the postscript in a lady's letter,
contained things of more moment than the public despatches.
He regretted to observe a disposition to throw upon Austria
the blame of the Conference not being held, but nothing
could be more unjust. Austria could not, with any sense of
dignity or justice, accede to any Conference in which the
affairs of Venetia and the demands of the Court of Florence
could be entertained. The Government itself must see that
to entertain such a question must be subversive of the law
of nations, because it would imply that the Government
held that the Court of Florence had some right to Venetia.
He contended that the Court of Florence, .or rather the Bingof Sardinia—for he would call him so stall—(" hear, hear"
and alaugh) —had no more right to Venetia than to Middle-
sex. To recognise such a principle would lead to the utmost
confusion of all notions of right or wrong between nations.
Did they suppose that Austria could give up the Quadri-
lateral with any regard to her own safety ? The Quadri-
lateral was one of the bulwarks, not only against the en-
croachments of the Court of Florence, but also against the
possibility of the encroachments of France. They all knew
that Italy was now a province of France. Italy had no real
unity, for it was composed of discordant elements that
would not be held together except by force of arms. If the
cession of Venetia ought to be consider ed at the Conference,
why not, also, the case of the Danubian Principalities ?
What had Venetia to do with the question of Schleswig-
Holstein ? The peace of Europe depended upon Schleswig
Holstein and not upon Venetia. Why were the rights of
Austria sought to be compromised by a question not rele-
vant to the matter atissue ? Tobring the questionof Vene-
tia into the Conference must be the greatest obstacle tothe
settlement of the Holstein difficulty. That question was
troublesome enough of itself without bringing in the ces-
sion of Venetia. He was afraid it would turn out that it
was her Majesty's Government who were responsible for
the failure of the Congress, and not Austria. The noble
lord (Earl Russell) when he was at the head.of the Foreign
Office was always fond of giving advice to other nations
how to manage their own affairs, and his policy was very
well described by the noble lord in the other house as a
meddling and muddling policy. The present seemed an-
other instance of this policy. (Hear.) If her Majesty's
Government must give advice, why did they not advise the
Court of Florence to be quiet? They were ruining them-
selves by the course they were pursuing, although he (Sir
G. Bowyer) cared very little for that. (A laugh.) Their
finances were a disgrace to Europe, and they were approach-
ing a state of national bankruptcy. The Government ought
to have advised them tolookat home, and especially tolook
at the south of Italy. If it were for the good of Austria to
give up Venetia, it was ten times more desirable for the good
of the Court of Florence that they should give up the Two
Sicilies. If hon. members would look at the correspondence
of the Times of that very day, they would find it plainly
asserted that what had been thought to be brigandage was
not brigandage, but reaction ; and that a guerilla warfare
was being carried on. In the south of Italy there
were actually committees of private persons whose busi-
ness it was to hunt out people who were in any way sus-
pected, and to accuse them to the authorities. They were
then arrested and thrown into prison, where they suffered
greater severities and hardships than were inflicted upon
Poerio, tho friend of the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
The King of Sardinia governed by force of arms in the
south of Italy, where, according to the Government, he had
been welcomed as a deliverer. If that were so, tranquillity
would king since have been restored to the country.
Year after year greater disinclination was displayed in the
Neopolitan provinces to submit to the dominion of a people
and a King whose language they did not understand. The
people of that country had always been greatly attached to
their native princes, they wished to see those native princes
restored (" oh, oh !"), and by the progress of events they
would be brought back again. Charles 111., an ancestor of
the present King of Sardinia, was still remembered and
celebrated as a patriot because he bad delivered his country
from the rule of the Spanish Viceroys. The condition of
Naples at the present day was calculated to awaken sym-
pathy. With a population of 400,000, and properly the
fourth capital in Europe, it was reduced to the position of
a country town,with a decaying market place. (Laughter.)
So visible, indeed, was the decay that the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, were he dealing with it in a Reform Bill,
would surely take away its members ; and it might be said
to Lave been " grouped " already. (Cheers and laughter.)
Plainly, the King of Sardinia could never keep his present
territories. He should theroforo advise him to give up the
Two Sicilies and the Papal dominions, which he had
acquired contrary to the law of nations, and restrict him-
self to the limits of his ancient monarchy. The people
groaned under the pressure of taxation, and exceptional
laws were necessary to make them submit to his govern-
ment. If, then, he could not govern what he had got,
how was it possible that he could hope to govern
Venetia ? The transfer of that province would only con-
summate its ruin ; and the Government in stimulating the
talians to look forward to its acquirement was doing its

friends anything but a service : it was encouraging wild
hopes andundermining those rights and laws without which
the peace of nations could not exist at all. Sooner or later
a break up was inevitable. The people of Italy wanted their
native princes. (Oh, oh.) He was not surprised to hear
that cheer from hon. gentlemen oppposite, sitting below

the gangway, for he knew many of them held principles
utterly subversive of the law of nations. The Royal family
of Naples were at one time French, no doubt, in the same
way that our Royal family were originally Germans ; but we
no longer spoke of them as Germans,—we always called

them our native princes. (Hear, hear.) It was true that,
while they still reigned at Naples there were, as there
always would be, discontented people in the country.
(Hear, and laughter.) Yes, he repeated it. Look at the
history of the Old Testament. (Laughter.) When the Jews
were governed by God Almighty himself—(laughter,fol
fol-
lowed by loud cries of " order, order ") —they were
discon-
tented and called for a King. It could not, therefore, be
matter of surprise that discontent should exist in any State.
He would tell the Government what would happen if the
native princes did not return to Italy. France would de-
clare that it was necessary for the preservation of peace in
the south of Italy that she should march an army of occu-
pation into the country. She would thereupon take pos-
session of those provinces. The Kingdom of the Two
Sicilies would become French, probably be governed by
a French Prince. Was this a result which her Ma-
jesty's Government wished to see attained ? (Hear, hear.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer had arrived upon
this question of Italian policy at a foregone conclusion, and
they all knew it to be part of his disposition, that having
once made up his mind, he was reckless of consequences.
(Cheers and laughter.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer
would allow him to say as an old friend—(laughter)--that
he was so clever he often deceived himself ; by a process of
self-persuasion he arrived at a belief to which he then ex-
pected everything to give way. With regard to Reform,
the Chancellor of the Exchequer had plainly deterrninedto
listen to no remonstrance; but to force the measure upon
the house. (Cheers, and cries of " Question.") Ho was bent
on carrying the bill, though he believed if the votes of
members could be taken ke(nchbeyebrasllaontditwouldbe laughter.) riejnecthe sametedbya
very large majority
delg
men at Turin, and he had since
gweanyt,lewmiathn
treegsganrdbyto theudideluding
affairs
himself Italy,
w f tthbee
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encourath
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Ar eul ys
tnaToe
givel)rinukpovf rnueitni a
was a monstrous iniquity and absurdity. ,
peoples o, it c
whooul d
wereonl y consummatethe
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Chancellor of the Exchequer and his colleagues.
Sir r friendsthe final
na
andl overthrow
creaturess.
Sir B. PEEL concurred with the hon. baronet of
of thehte
in the
belief that a strong feeling of discontent existed in Southern Peel)
Italy against the present Government. He (Sir R
was one of those who at first had strongly advocated the
cause of the Ring of Sardiniauntil he had seen the treachery
in which ho had embarked, and then he had begun to
doubt whether the policy of the House of Commons and of
this country would be beneficial to Italy. He believed the
expectations formed of the good government of Italy, and
of the unity of Italy, had signally failed. (Hear, hear, from
the Opposition.) He had information which assured him
that in Naples and other parts a state of things existed far
worse than before the union of that important province with
Sardinia. He entirely dissented from the view taken by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer in deprecating the discussion
of the subject brought under the notice of the house by
the hon. member for Bridgewater. If that subject was