The Sun.
London, England, 1835-07-29 00:00:00

NEW WORKS,

Just published by LON GAIAN, REES, ORME, and Co., London.

THE EDINBURGH REVIEW, No. 124.
CONTENTS.

SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH ON THE REVOLUTION, MEL
ARISTOPHANES AND THE ATHENIANS.
BOTELER'S VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY TO AFRICA AND
ARABIA.
BENTHAM'S DEONTOLOGY, OR SCIENCE OF MORALITY.
MRS. BUTLER'S AMERICAN JOURNAL.
DALGARNO'S WORKS—EDUCATION OF THE DEAF AND
DUMB.
ROSS'S SECOND VOYAGE TO THE ARCTIC REGIONS.
THE PHILOSOPHY OF MANUFACTURES.
MONTGOMERY'S POET'S PORTFOLIO, OR MINOR P0E315.
STATE OF THE IRISH CHURCH.
NOTE TO THE ARTICLE IN No. 123 ON LIGHTHOUSES.

The LIFE and TIMES of WILLIAM 111.,
King of England and Statholder of Holland.
By the Hon. A. TREVOR, M.P., M. A. F. A. S., &e.,
Christ Church, Oxford.
Vol. 1., Bvo., with Portrait, &c., price 12s.
*** The Concluding Volume is in a state of great forwardness.
The FUDGES in ENGLAND.
Being a Sequel to the Fudge Family in Paris.
By THOMAS BROWN the Younger,'
Author of " The Twopenny Post Bag," &c. &c.
THE DOCTOR, &c. Vol. 111.
Post Bvo., 10s. 6d.
Also, the Two previous Volumes.
" That singular production called The Doctor, &c.,' is rich
beyond almost any other of the time, in the best knowledge and the
most beautiful literature."—Quarterly Review.

THE MORAL of FLOWERS.
With 24 beautifully-coloured Plates.
Bvo. 2d Edition, with additions, 30s. half-bound.
*.* This Edition contains some Additional Poems.
" Full of exquisite poetry."—Blackwood's Magazine.
VI.
SACRED HISTORY of the WORLD.
Philosophically considered, in a Series of Letters to a Son.
By SHARON TURNER, F. S. A. and R. A. S. L.
Vol. 11. Bvo. 14s- bds. Also,
The Fifth Edition of the First Volume. Bvo. 14s.
VII.
A POET'S PORTFOLIO.
By JAMES MONTGOMERY, Esq.
Foolscap Bvo. Bs.

The Hereditary Peers last night betrayed their un-
questionable feelings and real intentions on the sub-
ject of the Ministerial measure of Corporation Reform.
Rumours had been prevalent for several days that the
Tory Lords meditated the ultimate rejection of the
Bill ; that they would not have the manliness to effect
that object by a direct vote on the second reading ; but
that they would accomplish their secret purpose by an
ingenious but palpable mode of delay, viz., by receiving
evidence and hearing Counsel against the Bill. Their
Lordships, in their infinite wisdom, and with sui-
cidal folly as respects their own interests, came
to this solemn decision last night. Thus, in the last
week of July, when the majority of the Commons
have left London, the Peers have elected a course
of procedure which, persevered in, must infallibly
occasion the speedy loss of the Bill. If the self-
elect Corporators,—the notorious and convicted
usurpers of the municipal rights of the people--
are, in one instance to be allowed to defend
themselves at the bar of the Lords by counsel and evi-
dence, it is obvious that the same measure of grace
must be conceded to all. In this way the Lords clearly
place in the hands of the existing corporators the
power of delaying their reformation to an indefinite
period. Will the country quietly admit this mockery
of legislation ? We can scarcely find terms to express
our disgust at this extraordinary proceeding of the
Peers. Do the Tory Lords mean by this course
to feel the pulse of the nation—to discover how
far they may hereafter proceed with impunity, and
whether it will be "safe" finally to reject the
Bill ? If this experiment be their real design
we doubt not that the great majority of the inhabitants
of all the corporate towns will quickly manifest not
only their opinions on the determination of the Peers
last night, but express some startling opinions, as
to the Hereditary Corporation of the Upper House of
Parliament. We plainly tell the country,. that if the
Lords persevere in this course of delay, Corporation
Reform is lost. A solemn farce will be acted for the
remainder of the Session ; Corporation after Corpora-
tion will claim to be heard in self-defence ; and we
should recommend the Lords, for decency sake, and to
save their own time, to delegate their judicial powers
to some tribunal where the forms of justice, and bar-
risters on each side, may be heard. Last night their.
Lordships, instead of debating the second reading,
passed the whole evening in discussing the admis-
sibility of evidence and counsel ; they ultimately
read the Bill a second time, pro forma, without one
word of debate on its principle or details ; they com-
mitted it, and agreed, Mill. con., to hear counsel
and evidence on Thursday evening, at five o'clock,
on behalf of the corporators of the cities of Bristol,
Oxford, Coventry, and one or two other municipal
towns, who have clubbed together and retained Sir
Charles Wetherell and Mr. Knight, two ultra-Tory
members of the Chancery Bar I Before even the
Lords have discussed the question—after they have
read the Bill a second time—they are to hear two re-
tained
barristers, paid from the public funds of the pro-
testing corporators. The Bill has passed the Commons;
its principle has been distinctly admitted by Sir Robert
Peel and Lord Stanley, the leaders of the Opposition ;
two points only of any moment have been disputed,
the inchoate political rights of the freemen, and a pe-
cuniary qualification for the Municipal Representative;
and yet the Lords must needs, in a measure almost ex-
clusively relating to the Commons, step in at the
eleventh hour to disappoint the nation, and repeat their
schemes regarding the Reform Bill of 1832. When it
suited the Tories they could disfranchise the whole
body of forty-shilling freeholders without a hearing ;
they passed the Scotch Burgh Bill in 1833 without
any of this parade or mockery of justice, and when the
late House of Commons showed a bold front, the
Tories in the Commons have silently admitted a new
franchise to supersede the municipal rights of the
freemen : in brief, all that the Tories really care a
a straw about is to preserve the corporations as po-
litical party engines, and the freemen for the pur-
pose of corruptly returning Members to Parlia-
ment. And why should Lord Brougham, after the
opposition of Lord Melbourne to the Tory propo-
sition, conform to this notable scheme of hearing
counsel and evidence? Probably his Lordship desires
to see the Peers adopt a course which out of doors
will be viewed as we all know. But we leave
Municipal Reform in the hands of the people : it
is their concern ; they can carry it if they will, and
we neither doubt their will nor their power. It is now
time that this country should be no longer torn by fac-
tions, or exposed to the arts of courtiers ; it is fitting
that this annual collision, threatening the best inte-
rests of the empire, between an Elective and Here-
ditary Legislature should cease ; and the Lords are
pursuing a course which must bring matters to a
speedy and decisive issue. Assuredly they will rue
the day on which they came to the determination of muti-
lating or rejecting the Ministerial measure. If they be
determined to raise a premature political discussion of
the rights of Hereditary Legislators, the Peers will
proceed in their course of last night. Ministers
must, on their part, display a moral courage pro-
portionate to the emergency, or the Whigs, as
a party, will follow the fall of the Tories. It is
impossible that the anomaly in our Constitution
can long continue, if the people be incessantly trifled
with in this manner. We think that the Lords would
be much better occupied on Thursday in hearing coun-
sel and evidence on the state of public opinion respect-
ing themselves, and the sinister interest which they no-

The painful subject of Irish famine came again be-
fore the House of Commons on Monday. Mr. S.
Crawford on that occasion discharged a duty, of which
every humane man must feel the imperative and solemn
nature, by pressing upon the attention of Parliament
the necessity of some act of prompt and resolute legis-
lation, in the hope to render less frequent, if not wholly
to avert, the recurrence of evils which are as disgrace-
ful to the upper classes of Ireland, as they are afflicting
to the poor. We wonder how men can ever again hold
up their heads in places where they are flatly denounced
in unmeasured terms as the most heartless beings on
the surface of God's earth—the most oppressive in
their dealings—the most selfish in their feelings—the
most unchristian in their spirit towards their fellow
mortal. Yet such is the language in which the great
bulk of Irish landlords have been addressed, in writing
and in speech, by those who know them ; such, in
substance, was the language of Mr. S. Crawford, who
blamed Parliament for " allowing session after session
to pass without attempting to, enforce from the rapa-
cious landlords of Ireland, a contribution to the
means of relieving the aged, the feeble, and the dis-
tressed." How does Mr. Crawford describe the rents
exacted from the poor of Ireland by their landlords ?
" In many parts of Ireland the rents reserved exceeded
whole produce of the land." A tolerable sure re-
ceipt for the starvation of the tenantry. Is it not
something more than monstrous that these owners of
the soil, who do so much to ensure the misery of

their humble neighbours, to whom they ought at all
times to extend a cordial and parental protection, do
absolutely nothing for their relief ? Is it not a stand-
ing stigma upon human nature, that landlords who
draw thousands of pounds per annum from their es-
tates, and spend those sums in distant countries,
should, when the hour of distress arrives, throw the
entire burden of charity upon us ; and then when
you propose that they should be compelled by law to
perform the duties which are here entailed upon and
freely undertaken by English proprietors, they
twist, and writhe, and shuffle, and cry mercy, de-
claring " that Ireland would be ruined by such an in-
novation, and that the English poor-laws, and the
wretchedness which they had caused, ought to prove
a warning to Parliament respecting Ireland, rather
" than a temptation." Nothing in the shape of im-
pudence can exceed this mode of talking, as if any
distresses connected with English poor laws had been
inherent in the laws themselves, or as if the want of
them had not produced more suffering in one week to
the Irish poor than their maladministration had inflicted
on those of England in a twelvemonth. If the land-
lords are not made to feel that the wretchedness of
their tenantry will recoil upon themselves, Parliament
grants a bounty on their barbarity, and England, as has
been the case in every instance, pays out of her own
pocket the claims of the Irish poor upon their own
oppressors. It is impossible that such a system should
be perpetuated. The public will remark, that Mr.
Daniel O'Connell took no part whatever but that of
dogged silence in the discussion which had for its ob-
ject the suggestion of some remedy to the distresses of
those miserable beings from whom he wrings his own
exorbitant income. We will venture to affirm that
there is not a landlord in Ireland who charges the
poor so high a " rent" as Mr. Daniel O'Connell for a
tenement which never yet produced to any man, wo-
man, or infant in the land, a single meal of potatoes.—
Times.

The discussion in the House of Lords last night,
relating to the Municipal Corporations Bill (nick-
named by its authors a Bill of Reform), will obtain
the applause and excite the general gratitude of the
people of England. The country will retain a deep
and lasting sense of obligation to the Earl of Fal-
mouth, Lord Strangford, the Earl of Winchilsea, Lord
Lyndhurst, the Duke of Wellington, and other Peers,
who manfully stood forward upon this occasion to
arrest the career of bold and profligate injustice, and
to stern the torrent of unprincipled calumny—injustice
not the less flagrant that it was devised by disloyal
Ministers of the Crown, and faithless servants of the
people, for their 'own base and selfish purposes—ca-
lumny not the less pernicious or offensive that it has
been promulgated by a body of mercenary Commis-

to speak evil of their superiors, with the certainty that
they may tell lies with impunity, the harvest of slander
is not likely to be scanty. The time, however, has at
length arrived when the falsehoods collected with so
much diligence and zeal, and at so considerable a cost
to the nation, will be duly sifted. We know, from the
very nature of the inquiry carried on by the Corpora-
tion Commissioners, that the great bulk of the infor-
mation which they profess to have given the country,
in return for their abundant pay, must, of neces-
sity, turn out to be false on the first approach of
anything like close investigation. Had we ever
entertained any doubt of this, the desperate attempt
made last night by Lord Melbourne to deprive
the traduced corporations of the common justice for
which they petitioned, of being heard in their own de-
fence at the bar, would have entirely removed it. His
Lordship pretended, in order to debar the accused par-
ties of a hearing, that the Bill before the House had
no reference to the past conduct of Corporations, but
was to be regarded as a great measure of national po-
licy. Why, then, we beg to ask, were the Commis-
sioners appointed ? Why did they travel through the
country, to collect what they call evidence, and what
we call calumnious tattle ? Why has all this mass of
slander been printed at the public expense, and to the
grievous injury of numerous bodies of respectable men,
who can have no legal redress ? Why, we repeat, all this
cumbrous, and useless, and pernicious apparatus ? Is
Lord Melbourne driven at last to the hard necessity of
confessing that the Commission was appointed for the
mere purpose of putting certain large sums of the
public moifey into the pockets of sonic dozen or two
of briefless lawyers, whom it suited the party purposes
of the Whigs to patronize.—Morning Post.
As we anticipated yesterday, the Municipal Corpo-
ration Bill was last night read a second time in the
House of Lords without opposition. The refractory
Peers contented themselves with the presentation of
adverse petitions, and a motion that the petitioners be
heard through Counsel at the bar of the House
against the measure. This was acceded to, on the
understanding that the pleadings of the Counsel shall
not occupy more than two days, and to-morrow is
fixed for going into Committee and the opening of the
defence of the corruptionists. It was indeed a foolish
request--the delay will be but trifling, and the more
discussion the greater must be the exposure of Muni-
cipal abominations. As Sancho Panza would say,
" The more you stir it ;" but the proverb• Is
somewhat nasty. It would be astonishing, however, if
their Lordships were to suffer ally measure of public
good to come into operation without evincing their here-
ditary hostility to popular rights. It is a strange infa-
tuation which urges their Lordships to incur still fur-
ther odium amongst the people by skirmishing on the
flanks of a measure against which it would be madness
to risk a general engagement, and which, being sup-
ported by the combined and determined will of a na-
tion, must overwhelm all opposition. It is a dangerous
time to provoke a discussion on the utility of hereditary
senators. Any man at all acquainted with the public
feeling throughout the empire, will perceive by the con-
clusion of - his speech, that Lord Melbourne is fully
awake to the exigencies of the times, and we trust that
his words may prove a salutary warning to the Upper
House when he said, " the stability of your Lordships
is unmoved, but no set of men in any time can be
safe, if they trifle with public justice."—Morning
Advertiser.

The Earl of Normanton has dispossessed a number
of tenantry near Cashel.
.. _ .

GnotisE.—We find we must qualify in some
respects the favourable report we last week gave of the pro-
spects of the ensuing season. While that report xas correct as
regards some of the more extensive shootings, we understand
that the snow storm of Marah did great and irretrieveable in-
jury on some of the Perthshire hills ; in many places the
parent birds were frozen on the nest, and on some hills
those which were merely driven off by the storm never re-
turned. The sport this year, therefore, is likely to be very
unequal.—Perth Courier.
THE BLOOD.—The red matter of the blood, when
carefully separated from the fibrin, consists of innumerable
minute but distinct particles, each of which has a definite
structure. When carefully examined by the best microscopes,
these particles are seen to be circular, flattened, transparent
cakes. Their magnitude is differently estimated, from the
2,000 th to the 600th part of an inch ; the most recent obser-
vations fix them at the 3,000 th part of an inch. In all the
mammalia the red particles of the blood are circular; in the
three other classes of vertebrated animals, the bird, the reptile,
and the fish, their figure is elliptical.—Literary Union.



( From the Correspondent of a Morning Contemporary.)
Lisnou, JULY 19.—The Queen's marriage has been set-
tled at last—Prince Carrignano, of the Royal family of Sardi-
nia, aged 22, is the happy man fixed upon for the Royal con-
sort. This match is deemed free from every political and
canonical objection, and provided the Camareira Mor can be
removed from her Majesty's presence, all things are likely to
proceed prosperously—if not there will be always much fric-
tion and intrigue in the Palace.
Prince Carignano, the Queen's intended Royal Consort, I
understand, has been educated at Paris, and passes for a great
Liberal, on which account he remained aloof from the Court
of Turin. His political sentiments and moral character are
described as coming as near as possible to those of the late and
lamented Prince Augustus of Leuchtenberg, and being a Le-
gitimate by birth, he cannot prove objectionable to the Mo-
narchs of Europe. The marriage is to take place forthwith.
The Queen and Empress have not yet thrown aside their
mourning.
To the very last moment the friends of M. Campos made
sure of his remaining in the Finance Department. For this
purpose a loan of twenty millions of cruzados (2,000,000/. )
was proposed to be raised in Lisbon, at the contract price of
86, payable half in cash, and the other moiety in titulos, a pro-
portion of one-third of which was to enter into all payments at
the Custom-house. A notable condition of this loan was, that
its proceeds were to be applied solely to the internal wants of
Portugal, no particle of it was to go abroad on any ac-
count. The dividends on the Portuguese Loans in Eng-
land were, therefore, to be left to their fate, to Pro-
vidence, and the chapter of accidents. The Lisbon Loan
was said to be rapidly filling up. One party subscribing 800
contos, another 400, and a third 80 ; besides the Cambists
and money changers were expected eagerly to contribute to it,
to participate in the various advantages it held out, which, in
fact, reduced the price to 50. The Queen was said to be de-
termined to keep Carvalho out at any sacrifice, and to be re-
solved to sell her own jewels and trinkets (for the Crown
jewels she could not legally dispose of) rather than submit to
having an unpalatable Ministry forced upon her. She was
reported to have offered to give up even half her income of
one conto (2301.) per day, which M. Campos deemed too
much, but would be satisfied with reducing from a daily mil-
lion to a daily 800,000 rees (2001.) an example of Royal
frugality to be followed by all public functionaries. In short,
matters went on swimmingly, and in their own imagination
they had talents, resources, and money enough to carry all be-
fore them. But as there is often a material difference between
soldiers upon paper and soldiers in a field, as well as between
millions upon paper and millions in the Bank or Exchequer,
so it happened here likewise ; and the august and patriotic
Queen, her talented Ministry, and its supporters were in ano-
ther four-and-twenty hours obliged to seek the salvation of the
State in the re-appointment of M. Carvalho to the office of
Finance Minister. The Queen must needs have been much
mortified at the necessity of foregoing her Royal will and
pleasure so loudly and imprudently expressed after she put so
high a trump on the stake, as her readiness to part with her
jewels to carry a favourite point. She would have sold them,
you will say—even the diamond bracelets presented to her by
King William and Queen Adelaide of England—to exclude
from her councils the only Statesman really anxious to pay
the British creditor of this nation, the confiding million-lend.
ing subjects of King William ! But the necessity of standing
well in the opinion of these monied plebeians was stronger
than the whims of the Queen, and her Majesty was ultimately
obliged to give in, and keep her jewels. Oh the giant strength
of this money monster
The present Ministry consists of three principals, each of
them having his second or bottleholder, namely—the Marquis
of Saldanha and his man Louie, the Duke of Palmella and
his man Pinto de Souza Magalhaes, and Silva Carvalho, and
his fidus Achates, Rodrigo da Fonseca Magalhaes, who though
no Fidalgo is unquestionably the best man of the three secon-
dary constellations, and by his eloquence and savoir faire in
the Council and Cortes, eclipses even the primaries. This
admixture in the Administration, though objected to by many,
was perhaps, after all, the best that under existing circum-
stances could have been formed. An administration taken
exclusively from the cote droit would have united the whole
of the old Opposition against it, and thus conferred great
strength and union on that side. One exclusively formed
from the cots gauche would have excluded Carvalho, which,
after the late experiment, proved impracticable, whilst an
an Admistration entirely consisting of Palmellistas and aris-
tocrats would, of course, have been impossible, as, from its
inherent weakness, it could not have stood a single week
against the united efforts of both the right and left, whilst
its present necessary, for I will not say happy mixture, pro-
duces that sort of juste milieu, or balance of powers, which
has been deemed the perfection in politics. To the very last
moment Saldanha buoyed up the hopes of the old Opposition,
that they alone should come in with him. His amalgamating
subsequently with their opponents has somewhat damaged his
reputation, still his own friends will treat him with some de-
gree of tenderness, as he appears to have yielded only to the
force of circumstances, upon the old maxim that no one is
bound to impossibilities. The aristocracy is quite satisfied of
the good will of Palmella to give them the preference had it
been in his power to do so, and the Carvalho party is also
fully aware that it was not their leader's fault that M. Freire,
and the other stars of that political hemisphere, do not at pre-
sent shine on the horizon, but hope that they will soon emerge
again from their temporary occultation. The bank and mo-
nied men have already restored their confidence to the new
Finance Minister of the Government, allowed several matters
to stand over, and cordially put their shoulders to the wheel
whenever required. M. J. J. Gomez de Castro and M. Lobo,
the Councillors of the Tribunal of the Treasury, displaced by
M. Campos, have been restored to their office, and M. Lariher,
a Deputy of the centre and Prefect of Alerntejo, it is said,
will be under Secretary for the Home Department ; and M.
Comez de Castro goes to England in the William Fawcett,
as Financial Agent for this Government.

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
ORDERS OF THE DAY FOR THIS DAY.
1. County Coroners Bill--Committee.
2. Polls at Elections Bill—Committee.
3. Inns, Alehouses, and Victualling Houses Bill—Committee.
4. Election Expenses Bill—Further consideration of Report.
5. Q9alifieation of Members Bill—Further consideration of Report.
6. SZe of Bread Bill—Committee.
7. Lighthouses Bill—Second reading.
8. Music and Dancing Licenses Bill—Committee.
9. Small Debts ( Scotland) Bill—Second reading.
10. Excise Incorporation ( Scotland) Bill—Second reading.
11. John Clipperton—Adjourned Debate.
12. Thomas More Keith—Adjourned Debate.
13. Bankrupts Estates ( Scotland) Bill—Further consideration of
Report.
14. Reform of Parliament ( Scotland) Bill—Second reading.
15. Sayings Banks (Scotland) Bill—Further consideration of Re
port.
16. Supply—Committee.
17. Ways and Means—Committee.
IR. Loan Societies Bill—Lords' Amendments to be considered.
19. Sheriffs' Declaration Bill—Adjourned Debate on Second reading.
20. Church of Ireland Bill—Committee.
21. Church of Ireland,—Act 3 and 4 Will. IV., c. 100, s.
19—
Committee thereupon.
22. Public Carriages (Metropolis) Bill—Committee.
23. Prisons Regulation Bill—Second reading.
24. Registrar Office Improvement Bill—Committee.
25. Bankrupts' Estates Bill—Further consideration of Report.