The Sun.
London, England, 1866-12-25 00:00:00

SPEECH OF COUNT BISMARCK.

The following is the speech delivered by Count
Bismarck in the Prussian Chamber of Deputies on
the 20th instant :
" The European system of 1815 meant a defensive
system against France. It afforded security to Prussia,
but at the same time restricted her action ; it fell
in consequence of the policy followed since 1850 by
Austria towards Prussia and the Crimean war. The
subsequent situation has been such that Prussia
seemed to have need of support against France and
Austria, and the secondary States then speculated
on the disposition of Prussia to make concessions.
But in reality Prussia had no need of being sup-
ported against France, and there were no natural
causes of hostility between those two countries; for,
unlike former French Governments, the Emperor
Napoleon desires in his wisdom to remain in harmony
with Prussia. Their interests are the same, France,
like Prussia, being desirous of promoting in common
the development of civilisation. An independent
Prussia could alone enter into such relations with
France. This is a truth which could not be admitted
to the same extent by all the Emperor's subjects.
But we have official relations only with the French
Government. In order to walk side by side in this
path of progress the interests of the two nations re-
quire kind and reciprocal forbearance. Now what
are in general, and without stopping at the chance
clash of passing events, the interests of France with
regard to Germany ? Divesting ourselves of all
German prejudices, let us consider them from a
purely French point of view, which is the only
mode of judging justly of the interests of others.
France could not desire that there should be
formed in Germany a preponderating German
power united under the head of Austria•—an
empire of 75 millions, an Austria extending to
the Rhine and against which a France even
extending itself to the Rhine would not form a suffi-
cient counterpoise. For a France desirous of living
in harmony with Germany it is an advantage that
Austria should not form a portion of that Germany,
for the interests of France are found to be in colli-
sion at several points, whether in Italy or in the
East, with the interests of Austria. On the other
haul, points of contact of a nature to produce hos-
tile conflicts are far less numerous between France
and a Germany separated from Austria. Moreover,
is it not the interest of France to have a neighbour
with which it can live in peace, and against which
35 or 38 millions of Frenchmen are perfectly capable
of making head in a defensive war ? I think that
in a just appreciation of her interests France could
not allow Prussia any more than Austria to disap-
pear as a power. Furthermore, the policy of France
is based on the principle of nationalities, and for
this reason she showed herself in 1864 less hostile to
the pretensions of Germany to Schleswig-Holstein
than to any other power. Prussia has always de-
clared she would not consent to compromise her line
of defence, but that she might take into account the
reasonable and proved wishes of the population. I
have always been of opinion that a population which
strongly desired to be neither Prussian nor German,
but to belong to a neighbouring State, could not aug-
ment our strength. Such was the state of things
when France was induced by the events in the month
of July of this year to emphasise her desires by an
unusual pressure. I have no need of drawing a pic-
ture of the situation ; it is sufficiently well known,
and nobody could wish to ask Prussia to burden.
herself at the same time with two great European
wars, or to compromise, at the moment when she
was engaged in one of these wars, and when not yet
assured of the result, her relations with the other
great powers. In these circumstances France was
called in by Austria as a mediator in the difference ;
she had, therefore, a legitimate ground for insist-
ing on her opinion. Nobody can blame France
for having taken into account the exigen-
cies of her own policy ; I think it is still
too soon for the public to judge whether she has
urged her opinion with moderation, and I must beg
of you to leave to the Government the appreciation
of this incident. It was a question for us whether
we should accept or reject the whole of what Aus-
tria, through the intervention of France, offered us.
Our decision had to be guided by the general situa-
tion of Europe. We could confidently reckon upon
Italy, whose unalterable fidelity to treaties I cannot
sufficiently praise—a fidelity which affords the best
hope for the future. But for all this, it would not
have been wise to stretch the bow to the breaking
point and to risk all that we have acquired for some
secondary concessions. I therefore advised his Ma-
jesty to accept the clause in the Treaty of Prague
as it has been drawn up, in order not to place the
whole in jeopardy. This clause in its actual form

allows a certain latitude, but the Government can
in no case refuse to fulfil the engagements which it
has contracted, and in accepting the bill as it has
been drawn by the commission, it must protest
against any intention of withdrawing from its in-
ternational obligations, in consequence of a decision
of this chamber. We must take care that no doubt

should exist as to the freedom of the vote to be given
by the inhabitants of North Schleswig. Ido not
know whether this discussion will be prolonged, or
whether it is to be wound up by a motion. In the
first case I beg of members not to take advantage
of this discussion in order to make attacks more or

less hostile, but to turn their regards exclusively
abroad, and not to forget the necessity of remain-

ing with our ranks closed and our eyes fixed exter-
nally in order to protect our interests."

THE AMERICAN YACHT BACH ACROSS THE
ATLANTIC.—Captain John Britton, the United States Con-
sul at Southampton, has received a letter from the Lords of
the Admiralty, of which the following is a copy, together
with the captain's reply :—" Admiralty, Dec. 20.—Sir, —I
am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admi-
ralty to acquaint you that they have directed Admiral Sir
T. Pasley, on the arrival of the three American yachts,
which left New York on the 11th inst., to race to Cowes,
Isle of Wight, that ho is to communicate with their cap-
tains or owners, and, in case of need, offer them the assist-
ance of the dockyard.—l am, sir, your obedient servant,
H. G. LENNOX.—John Britton, Esq., American Consulate,
Southampton." "United States' Consulate, Southampton,
Dec. 24.—Sir,-1 have the honour to acknowledge the re-
ceipt of your letter of the 20th inst., and in reply I beg to
state that I shall have great pleasure to inform the cap-
tains and owners of the American yachts now on their
way to Cowes of the offer of assistance extended to them
by the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. I have the
honour to be, &c., J. BRITTON, United States Consul. To
the Hon. Secretary of the Admiralty." Preparations are
making at Cowes to give the yachts and the gentlemen
on board a suitable reception on their arrival, and it has
been decided to invite the American visitors to a grand
banquet, to which the authorities of neighbouring towns
ars also to be invited.