The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-11 00:00:00

MECHANICS' INSTITUTES.

Are mechanics' institutes frequented mainly by
mechanics ? Certainly not. If they were, would
they languid
manadnyalomfosttheemleenmoowsynarae ?ry
conditbieonininthe lttnwhich
g too
Most emphatically we say no. Very many, if not
the great bulk, of the institutions thus designated
are in the main mere places of amusement—danc-
ing schools, singing rooms, amateur theatres, and
so forth, carried on for the amusement of mere lads
and girls, who do not, in the majority of cases, be-
long to mechanics at all. We are not now speaking
against such places of amusement. They may be
very useful things in their way. But to disgrace
the name of mechanics by placing it upon such
places is to insult the class. We have no desire to
flatter mechanics ; we should not know how to do
it if we had. But we do say that they, as a class,
respect themselves far too much to beg for anything
—least of all for the means of acquiring knowledge
and in the name of the mechanics of this country
we call upon the promoters of institutions every-
where either to make them self-sustaining—no
matter how humble that may. render the—or
them altogether.—llfechanics' Magazine.
else to wipe the name " Mechanics' In. stitution" off

THE WEATHER..--SVN OFFICE, APRIL 10.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
63—highest since noon yesterday.
53—lowest this morning and during the night.
60—this day at noon.

BAnomETER-29.33.
WIND, W.S.W. ; rather fresh, with fine spring weather,
It rained this morning.

APRIL 11.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
61—highest since noon yesterday.
49—lowest this morning and during the night.
58—this day at noon.
BAROMETER-29.27—5ti1l falling.
WIND, Westerly; fresh, with dull, cloudy weather,
and slight showers.

• Austria seems determined to precipitate war.
She has abandoned all moderation, and refuses to
enter into the Congress, save upon conditions so
utterly unreasonable, that there could never be the
slightest prospect of their being conceded. Why
should Piedmont disarm, in the face of such threat-
ening demonstrations, while an enormous Austrian
force is menacing her very frontier, and is prepared
for aggression at an hour's notice ? Under such
circumstances it is absurd to suppose that VICTOR
EMMANUEL could consent to set aside any of his
preparations, unless Austria would act in a similar
manner, and exhibit a stronger desire for the main-
tenance of peace than she is now doing.
The fact seems to be, that she has " screwed her
courage to the sticking place," and having made up
her mind that war is inevitable, thinks that
it might as well take place at once
while her army is in the highest state
of efficiency—and while it is costing as much as it
would do during the fiercest contest. She well
knows that in
,Congress she would have to abate
ber unreasonable pretensions respecting the Italian
States over which she has exercised a species of
Protectorate, and obtained a preponderating influ-
ence. If Austria insists so strongly on her own
rights under the treaty of 1814, she should respect
the rights of others,- and abstain from the armed
occupation of other States, which she has practi-
cally converted into so many Austrian provinces,
nspirations
with German Viceroys deriving their i
from Vienna, and supported in every impolitic and
unjustifiable act by a numerous body of Austrian
soldiers, sufficient to crush the hope of freedom in
every heart.

Such an untoward state of affairs could not be
permitted to continue, and it is quite certain that
Austria would have been requested to abstain from
her unwarrantable interference with the other
Italian States. This, indeed, might fairly be
insisted on, and if the demand were met
with a negative, she would stand alone
in the contest that would inevitably ensue.
Besides, without in any degree interfering with
existing treaties, a gentle hint might also be given

that something should be done to allay the irrita-
tion of the Lombardo-Venetians, and to render the
Government more consonant to the views and
wishes of the people—so as to remove the chronic
irritation under which they have so long and so
naturally been labouring. Having decided
against r making these much-required conces-
sions, it was just as well to avoid the Con-
gress, at which they would unquestionably
have been earnestly recommended, and under
the worst possible circumstances she would not
have to give more for the restoration of peace than
she would to avert war, and that a settlement after
a war would be final and conclusive, while one
before it would only lead to new and more
stringent demands.
The success of Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S resolution
and the danger of Lord PALMERSTON'S again
coming into power might also have materially in-
fluenced Austria in the unfortunate decision at which
she has arrived. The Cabinet of Vienna cannot
possibly repose the same confidence in the mode-
ration and pacific tendencies of the Noble Viscount
as they do in that of Lord MALMESBURY. They
fancy that he would be more strongly opposed to
them, and they are, therefore, disposed to precipi-
tate the crisis before the dreaded event should
occur, and Lord PALMERSTON again hold the seals
of office for the Foreign Department. The factious
Opposition were fully warned of the danger to the
tranquillity of Europe which they were incurring
by weakening Lord DERBY'S Government. They
were, however, reckless. They would not suffer
the bill to go into committee, where every requi-
site change could have been carried. They little
anticipated a dissolution ; scarcely thought that
the result of the division would be that they would
have to render within a brief period the ac-
counts of their respective stewardships, and perhaps
to forfeit the magic initials appended to their
names. The condition of Europe, the chance of
war, was as nothing in comparison to replacing
Lord JOHN RUSSELL in Downing-street, and ob-
taining a share in the " loaves and fishes," dis-
pensed with careful hand for their political suste-
nance. We trust that the electors in every
district will thoroughly appreciate the selfishness
and total absence of fair play which they have
displayed, and which will cause many of them to
bid " a long farewell to all their greatness."
Whatever may be the motives by ;which Austria
is actuated, she will be guilty of a very insane and
suicidal policy in forcing on the emergency and
flinging away the scabbard. It will deprive her
of the sympathy -,vhich she might otherwise have
obtained, notwithstanding her proceedings in Italy.
If she waS willing that all points of dispute
should be submitted to a fairly constituted Con-
gress, with ample powers of arbitration, she would
have gained the goodwill of other nations, who
would scarcely have consented to witness any
wanton aggression on one of the Great
Powers of Europe. But she has thought
proper to assume the initiative, to become the
aggressor, to disturb the public peace, and all this
with a bankrupt exchequer which cannot defray
the national expenditure in time of profound
tranquillity. We shall speedily know on good
authority the real state of the case. But certainly
nothing can be more unfavourable than the present
state of the political atmosphere.

Eleven years have now now elapsed since that
memorable tenth of April, 1848, when all the male
adult population of London turned out into the
streets, baton in hand, to preserve Order in the
noblest spirit of Conservatism.
Within that interval of eleven years—in one
sense, how much—in another sense, how little has
been accomplished.
As to Parliamentary Reform, literally not one
inch has all this while been gained. And this
chiefly if not entirely owing to the apathy, or the
unfaithfulness, or the perverseness of the chiefs
of the so-called Reform movement. During
nine of these eleven years last passed the leaders
of the Liberal party have been in power—during
those nine years they have had the Government of
the country entirely to themselves. For very
nearly four years after the 10th of April, 1848,
the Prime Minister was no other than the Whig
nobleman to whom the country has now become
indebted for the factious Resolutions, which, while
pledging himself and his party to nothing, have
plunged the nation into the turmoil of a general
election—it may be upon the very brink of
an European war! From the 10th of April,
1848—as previously up to that time from the 26th of
June, 1846—Lord JOHN RUSSELL remained in
power up to the 22d of February, 1852, as First
Lord of the Treasury, during (in all) five years and
eight months of.a Whig, quasi Liberal, nominally
Reforming Government ! With the December of
1852 commenced the famous Coalition Administra-
tion, that renowned ABERDEEN Cabinet compris-
ing within it All the Talents, and ending before
it could be done with, in all the muddle and
confusion well imaginable. After the three years
of the ABERDEEN Cabinet, came the three
years of the PALMERSTON administration. These
six years combined with the more than three
last years of Lord JOHN'S nearly six years Govern-
ment, make up the nine years rule of the so-called
Liberal and Reforming statesmen, to whom, since
the 10th of April, 1848, we are beholden for our
advance by not one single inch upon the path ofi
Parliamentary improvement.

It is surely an instructive consideration at this
moment, when upon the advent of the re-
nowned anniversary (the 10th of April, 1859), we
find the Parliament scattered back upon the country
upon the very question of its Reform, and this, too,
by the pseudo-Liberal Reformers themselves, led
on by their redoubtable Whig leader, upon the very
eve, apparently, of the outburst of a disastrous war
upon the European continent !
Lord JOHN RUSSELLIis Premier for nearly six
years—for exactly five years and 239 days—be-
gining with the 26th of June, 1846, and ending
with the 22d of February, 1852 ! Lord JOHN is
nearly six years in all Prime Minister of England
—yet he quits office after that long tenure of power
without having effected anything at all in the
way of improving, or expanding, or reconstructing
the popular representation. Lord ABERDEEN, within
a month after the close of that Whig regime follows
suit with All the Talents—including among his col-
leagues Lord JOHN himself, the Duke of ARGYLL,
and the Duke of NEWCASTLE, Lord CLARENDON,
Lord GRANVILLE, Lord LANSDOWNE, and Lord
PAL3IERSTON, Sir JAMES GRAHAM, Sir GEORGE
GREY, Sir CHARLES WOOD, and Sir WILLIAM
MOLESWORTH, the Right Hon!SYDNEY HERBERT,
and the Right Hon. W. E. GLADSTONE—Whigs,
Peelites, and Radicals ! They all come in together
—and after two or three years' jumbled adminis-
tration, during the lapse of which the country is
drifted
(thanks to them) into a frightful war
—they go out, leaving Parliament still en-
tirely unreformed, the representative system still
un expanded and
follows for three yearsunimproved. w
and Reformers, a ith t e pLi oc
kr d ofP the 3 ILiberals
a
n when that boasted Adminstra-
tion in its turn collapses—Parliamentary Reform
is still left untouched, unadvanced by one iota.
And now, in the very year (1859) during which
at last—thanks to any one but
a Whig, or so-called

Liberal—a Reform Bill is eventually submitted to
the consideration of the Legislature by her
MAJESTY'S Government—the bill is refused to
be considered by a factious combination of the
quasi Reformers : and the Cabinet which has
been treated thus disingenuously finds itself com-
pelled to appeal to the Country—driven less by the
dictates of policy, than by a sense of honour and
a feeling of patriotism to dissolve a petulant and
impracticable Parliament.
Upon this morrow, therefore, of the eleventh
anniversary of the 10th of April, 1848, we are
vividly and painfully reminded of how large a
debt of gratitude is owing by the nation to the per-
verse Whig faction headed by Lord J. RUSSELL—
stiII for a few days longer M.P. for the City of London.
To the Whig Reformers (!) for years past we owe
Nothing in the way of Reform, nothing even
in the way of the seriously and honestly attempted
Reform of Parliament. The Whig leaders, in fact,
have really in very deed been all this while the
true obstructives. They have been unable to
carry their own wretched little modicum of im-
provement ! They have been averse—directly and
absolutely opposed, to the carrying out of any really
great improvement, such as the Ballot! And they
have been unwilling at last to allow any other
political party to attempt the solution of a problem
in every respect above their own capacity ! Such
are the considerations thrustupon our remembrance
upon the morrow of the 10th of April, reflections
distressingly revived by the recurrence of this me-
morable anniversary. Recollecting not simply
how little, but, in truth, how absolutely Nothing
has been effected in the shape of Parliamentary
Reform during all thek fruitless years past by the
so-termed Reformers—we say as earnest and tho-
rough-going Reformers, we say fervently now upon
the eve of this general election—Any one rather
than a Whig ! Any one rather than one of these
sham Reformers, one of these implacable enemies
of the Ballot, one of these factious opponents of the
first Bill giving genuine promise in any way of its
capability of expansion into a real and comprehen-
sive Reform of Parliament.

Taunton shares with London the honour of being
a battle-field for the Ballot. Our readers will
remember Mr. LABOUCHERE'S reply to the memo-
rial of many of his oldest and most respected sup-
porters in the faithful borough, which has, from
1830 to this day, given him a seat in Parliament.
They may also remember that we thought it of
sufficient importance to notice it at the time ; and,
though like the electors, we entertain a high regard
for Mr. LABOUCHERE'S public character and
services, we felt compelled to suggest that they
could not compensate for a hostile vote in regard
to that Reform which is the line of demarcation
between efficient and effete Reformers. While we
deeply regretted having to say—don't vote for
Mr. LABOUCHERE—because, though one of the
most respectable of the Whigs, he is too much of a
Whig to concede a real franchise to the dependent
elector—we yet could see no alternave. The Ballot
is of more consequence than Mr. LABOUCIIERE, as
we think : to resist it is of more consequence than
to retain his seat, as he thinks. In this wide
divergence of opinion, such old friends as Mr.
LABOUCHERE and Taunton had better part. For
the Liberals to elect him would be to proclaim that
all the old Whigs might safely imitate the hon.
member, and that they did not consider the Ballot
fundamental in a Reform Bill. For him to vote
for the Ballot would be, he says, to vote against
his convictions.

It appears that" very many of his old tried sup-
porters" take the same view as we do of their duty.
By the resolutions forwarded to us from a meeting
of the Ballot Society in Taunton, we are informed
that they " will not be prepared to vote for him, or
for any other candidate whose opinions are opposed
to the Ballot, on which question Mr. LABOUCIIERE
was for many years neutral." They point out to
Mr. LABOUCHERE that his reply to them proves the
need of the Ballot in Taunton, since he acknow-
ledges that he should, if the Ballot were adopted
there, receive more votes than he now does—that
is, that many DARE not support him under open
voting. Also, that in stating that he has
" left his tenants as free in the use of their
elective franchise as he is himself, he shows
the existence of a power over the minds of others,
with which no man can be safely.trusted in a free
representative country." In truth, Mr. LABOU-
CHERE'S argument is that of kind slaveholders on
behalf of slavery. He uses his own political slaves
so kindly, that he thinks slavery no harm. Pater-
nal despotisms might be very good if all were
NERVAS and TRAJANS. The misfortune is
that absolute power endangers also NERDS and
DommANs.

The Liberals, it seems, think that Mr. LABOU-
CHERE, by his own speeches, and those of some
leading suppOrters, was the chief cause of a Tory being
returned at the last election, instead of the Hon.
W. F. CAMPBELL. On this ground, if Mr. LABOU-
CHERE prefers a Tory to an intelligent supporter of
the Ballot, the liberal electors would be surely
justified in preferring a Liberal friend of the
Ballot to him. Possibly, it is intimated, Mr.
LABOUCHERE may succeed by Tory aid ; the same
aid to which Lord JOHN RUSSELL looks in London
and in the House of Commons ; if so, we wish
him joy of his allies. He may find, before many
years are past, that the country will get rid of
both the aristocratic cliques, adopt Mr. ROEBUCK'S
views, and set up, as it is well able to do, for
itself.

Mr. LABOUCHERE is, however, invited to go
down to Taunton and discuss the matter with his
friends. He cannot be afraid to do that. He, an
old-seasoned debater, and they, we suppose, chiefly
relying on personal experience and native mother
wit. If they are in the dark, while he, Lord
JOHN, Lord PALMERSTON, Sir CHARLES WOOD,
Sir G. C. LEWIS, and the whole clique of old Whig
stagers are in the light, it behoves these gentlemen
to enlighten those whom they at present 9nis-
represent. The burgesses of Taunton now say
that " nothing but a large reliance on what is
called the Tory party in this borough" could secure
Mr. LABOUCHERE'S return, while he remains hos-
tile to the Ballot. He will surely not furnish such
flagrant proof that he is a Tory after all. He
will argue it out with his old friends.

Their language, meantime, is courteous, though
firm. "As at present informed—they say—we
believe freedom of election (without which the
great principle of representation is clearly a
nullity), can only be secured by secret voting ; and
that no other mode of protecting the honest voter
has been suggested or can be found." They further
say that " being of opinion that the Ballot is the
.only practical means for the effectual removal of
evils so great and humiliating, it does outweigh all
other considdrations with them." They object
also to extension of the suffrage without the
Ballot as only an increase of political tyranny.
its deeds will
cToartrinestpoonnldntsospitoskwetoir-sdvse.ll ; we hope

We regret to announce the death of M. de
Tocqueville, whose great work on America, and
whose other literary labours, replete with the
soundest political philosophy, have won for their
author world-wide fame.

WATEST •N EWS.

THE CALCUTTA 11 C AIL.

ALEXANDRIA►„ APRIL 3.

The Calcutta and China mails have :arrived. The
dates are—Calcutta, March 9th; Mttaras, March
14th; and Hongkong, February 25th.,
The Governor-General has propose. 3. to increase
the Customs' duties to the extent otf £1,300,000

as-year.
The Begum was in Nepaul.
Tantia Topee was in Bundelcund.
The Calcutta import markets contin t te depressed.
The Fives, 12 ; the Fours, 23 per ce: at. discount.
Exchange, 2s. 17d. ; freights were dull.
There was no political news of •interest from
China.
At Hongkong business was dull- Exchange
4s. 7d.

SHANGHAI.., FEB. 19.

The import market was quiet. Silk h ad advanced
10 taels to 15 taels for Tsatlees, and s't aels for Tay-
saams. Exchange, 6s. 2d. for Bank-bolls.

The supplies of tea very short, and. prices higher
at all the ports.

There was a decrease in exports to Great Britain
of 4,528,0001 b.

THE PENINSULAR MAILS.
[BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH:2i
• SOUTHAMPTON, MONDAY MORNING.
A telegraph announces that the Alhambra
steamer, Captain wroodgates, with mails of the
7th instant from Lisbon, passed Must Castle at
10.35 a.m.

The following telegrams have bee•Lt received a
Mr. Reuter's office :

TRIESTE, APRIL 10.

The Austrian Lloyd steamer, just arrived, brings
the following advices from Calcutta to the. Bth of
March :

Major Wallace had marched against the revolted
Bheels.

The Portuguese Governor of Macao h ad concluded
a treaty with Siam.

According to advices received from Cochin China,
the French squadron and expeditionary corps had
quitted their station, leaving, however, a party of
occupation, who had boen attacked by the Cochin
Chinese with a loss of 200 men on the French side.
Rich gold mines had been discovered at Tonquin,

MARSEILLES, APRIL 9.
Advices have been received from Constantinople
to the 30th March.

The Grand Vizier having become convalescent,
will not tender his resignation. The troops being
insufficient to form a second corpsd'artnee at Shumla,
the Porte has called in 150,000 men of the reserve,
half of whom have deserted, In some parts the
people have used menacing gestures towards the
recruiting officers.

The deputation from Bosnia and the Herze-
gowina, wearied by the refusal of justice, are about
to depart ; but Fuad Effendi is endeavouring to
detain them.

The Governor of Suez had ordered the arrest and
punishment of workmen in the quarries engaged by
M. de Lesseps.

TURIN, APRIL 9.

Letters from Milan confirm the authenticity of
the warlike order of the day recently stated to have
been posted up in the barracks of that town. The
same source also announces that the attitude which
Austria has assumed on the Piedmontese frontier is
of a menacing character. Reinforcements are con-
tinually arriving at Milan and Pavia.

The Vienna correspondent of the Times, in his
letter dated the Bth inst , says :
" In a few days it will probably be my painful duty
to inform you that Austria has declared war against
Sardinia, information having reached me of an
authentic character that the Emperor Francis
Joseph has expressed his resolve not to be
the Spielball (" football" is the most correct
translation of the word) of the Emperor of the
French. Great complaints are made of the want of
good faith of the French Government, which so.
lemnly promised that it would make Sardinia dis•
arm. Instead of keeping that promise—which
was made to the• British and Prussian Govern-
ments—the Paris Cabinet advised Count Cavour
not to disarm, and subsequently proposed that
both Austria and Sardinia should withdraw their
forces from the frontiers. The proposition was
made by one of the mediating Powers to Aus-
tria, who rejected it, but at the same time ex-
pressed her readiness to disarm, if France and
Sardinia would do so likewise. The mediating
Power—it vas probably England—communicated
the offer made by Austria to the Emperor Napoleon,
who indirectly rejected it, inasmuch as he ordered
the armaments to be continued with the greatest
possible despatch. Such conduct on the part of the
French Monarch naturally confirms the Austrians in
their suspicion that he is resolved on gOing to war,
and they are, therefore, now considering whether it
would not be better to take the initiative, and
endeavour to put the Sardinians hors de combat
before the French are fully prepared to take the
field. The night before last a Council of War, at
which the Emperor presided, was held, and it was
not at an end until towards four in the morning,
although it had met soon after 10 in the evening,
Count Buol still has a faint hope that war may be
avoided, but the Emperor is of opinion that any
more time spent in negotiation will be time lost."

FRANCE.
PARIS, APRIL 10.

Sir James Hudson has just left Paris for London.
From letters which have been received, we learn
that the Austrian troops continue to advance upon
the frontiers of Piedmont, and are taking up very
threatening positions.
Thus the seventh corps d'arnzee (Zoebel), which
for the last three weeks has established its head-
quarters at Verona, has just transferred them to
Bergamo, while at the same time it has despatched
a brigade to Molza.
The third corps d'armee (Schwartzenburg) which
had arrived only a few days from Vienna, and esta-
blished its head-quarters at Breccia, has changed
them from that place to Lodi.

The fifth corps d'armee (Stadion) still has its
headquarters at Milan, but it has commenced its
march towards the banks of the Lago Maggiore.

The eighth corps d'armee (Schaffgotsche), which
was at Padua, is to be replaced by the ninth corps,
now expected from Olmutz,
The direction of the Lombardian railways has
received orders to hold in readiness a sufficient
number of carriages to convey into Italy 25,000
men.

The Moniteur of yesterday publishes the follow-
ing curious article :
" The French Government, as well as any other,
understands and respects national susceptibilities.
If in its intentions or its conduct it had given to
Germany a ground of fear for its independence, far
from disdaining the outburst and alarms of Ger-
manic patriotism, it would have praised them as
noble and legitimate.

" But we cannot easily believe in an act of injus-
tice against us from men to whom we have given
no cause of offence. Our confidence in the equity

of other States is only the result of the honesty Of
our policy. When manifestations were made in
certain districts of the German Confederation we
read them without emotion, because we counted
upon the healthy and enlightened portion of Ger•
many, which would soon admit that those effusions
were silly.

"This confidence has not been deceived. The
agitation in the German press and in the German
Governments is diminishing instead of increasing.
We state this with great satisfaction.
"To throw suspicion upon the French Govern-
ment, it was made indirectly responsible for news-
paper articles hostile to the independence of the
German Confederation, published by a press which
has no control over it. Such opinions, for which the
writers alone are answerable, were looked upon in
Germany as a threat. Ill-nature spread them, alarm
was created, and they gave rise, ' perhaps,' to
lamentable errors as regards the intentions of the
Cabinet of the Tuileries.

" When justice is all that is required, light is not
feared. The French Government has nothing to
conceal, because it has nothing to disown. The
position it has assumed in the Italian question, far
.from warranting the distrust in Germany, ought,
on the contrary, to inspire it with confidence.
France c3uld not think of attacking in Germany
what it wishes to shield in Italy. Her policy, which
disowns all ambition for conquests, follows only the
rules laid down by international law, the happiness
of peoples and the interests of Europe.
"In Germany, as in Italy, it wishes nationali-
ties recognised by treaties to be maintained and
strengthened, because it considers them as one of
the essential bases of order in Europe.
"To represent France as hostile to German
nationality is not only an error, but a contradic-
tion. The Government of the EmperOr has for ten
years exerted its influence to remove difficulties and
settle them equitably. In Spain it has always
supported the constitutional throne of the Queen by
keeping a strict watch upon the refugees which
successive revolutions threw upon our frontiers. In
Switzerland its friendly mediation contributed to
settle the Neuchatel question, which might have
led to complications with Prussia. Even in Italy
it anticipated present difficulties, and, having re-
stored the Pope to his authority, it inspired mode-
rate views everywhere. At Naples, acting in con-
cert with its ally the Queen of England, it endea-
voured to induce the Government of the Two Sicilies
to introduce reforms which would have consolidated
it. In Germany, in the delicate question which arose
between the Confederation and Denmark on the
affair of the Duchies, it understood, despite its sym-
pathies for Denmark, the just susceptibility of
German patriotism for provinces which are con-
nected by so many ties with the German Confede-
ration, and the counsel it gave to the Copenhagen
Cabinet was perfectly conciliatory.
" As regards the Danubian Principalities, it en-
deavoured to promote the success of the legitimate
wishes of those provinces to insure in that portion
of Europe order based upon satisfied national in-
terests.

" The policy of France has not two weights nor
two measures ; she weighs in the same scales the
interests of all nations.

" What she intends to make respected in Italy,
she will respect herself in Germany.
" It is not we who will be menaced by the example
of a national Germany which would conciliate its
federate organisation with the unitary tendencies,
the principle of which has been already established
in the great commercial union of the Zollverein.
Everything which developes in neighbouring States
relations created by commerce, industry, and pro-
gress promotes civilisation, and everything which
promotes civilisation raises France.":
BOURSE, April 9.—A great agitation has pre-
vailed to-day on the Bourse, owing to the legal
proceedings of the parquet against the jobbers of
the coulisse, whose books and papers have been
seized by commissaires de police. Securities have
been, also depressed in consequence of a fall of 1 per
cent. on the English Consols, and of 11 per cent.
on the Metalliques of Viznna. Threes, declined to
67f. and 66f. 85c., rallied to 67f. 20c., and are now
at 67f. ; Mobilier varied from 650 f. to 645 f. ;
Austrian, 517 f. 50c. ; to 512 f. 50c. ; Orleans,
1,245 f. to 1,240 f; Eastern, 615 f. to 612 f. 50c. ;
Northern, 905 f. to 902 f. 50c. ; Lyons, 815 f. to
812 f, 502. The following were the closing quo-
tations :

4f per Cents. 95 10
Do. end month
3 per Cents 67 30
Do. end month 67 15
Bank Shares

Credit Foncier.. ..

Belgian 4f —
Piedmontese (5)
Roman B6 75
Austrian —
Spanish Threes
Homo Debt 4O 25

Mobilit;r .. 655
Do. Account ..... 656 25

RAILWAYS.

Cash. Account
Orleans
Northern
New ditto. 782 50 .. 775

- _
Lyons and. Mediterranean B2O .. 820
New ditto
Geneva .515

.. 505 -

Midi —
Southern
Western 525 .. 530

Eastern - 620
Grand Central
Sardinian .

--- --- .. 355 --

Austrian

:: 517 50 .: 520 -

Exchange,on London, at sight, paper, 25f. 71e. ; money
25f.2±c. ; three months, paper, 24f. 971 c.; money, 24f. 921 c.

SPAIN.

The Madrid journals of the 4th have arrived.
The Chamber of Deputies had been again occupied
with the affair of the statue of Mendizabal. M.
Pidal, in a somewhat violent speech, defended him-
self and the Narvaez Cabinet, to which he had
belonged, from certain attacks made on it, and
especially against the charge of having, in the in-
surrection at Madrid in 1848, acted in a most arbi-
trary manner, causing numerous persons of high
respectability to be arrested or transported without
any form of trial. His observations drew forth re-
peated marks of disapprobation, and he at last said
that the persons arrested in 1848 were " all crimi-
nals or traitors."

Against this declaration all the Progressist party
vehemently protested, and a scene of great: confu-
sion ensued. At length the President of the Colin,
cil, by some remarks, restored calm, and the Cham-
ber decided that the petitions praying that a statue
might be erected to Mendizabal should be referred
to the Government, and that it should do what
might seem best. This decision puts an end to the
Mendizabal affair, which has been a long time in
suspense. Although the Senate had resolved not
to try M. Santanella, a committee had reported that
that gentleman ought to abstain from appearing in
his seat in the Senate until the charge of pecula-
tion brought against him should be disposed of.
This resolution of the committee had created great
sensation.

The Vienna journals continue to employ very
strong language when, ppeaking of matters con-
nected with Italy. The Austrian Gazette asserts
that the warlike preparations of Austria do not in
any way menace Sardinia, although the 30,000
Austrians concentrated on the frontier could easily
defeat the 70,000 Piedmontese who- are echeloned
along a line twenty-five leagues in extent. Besides,
adds the same, journal, Austria displays mag-
nanimity towards Sardinia, in order to prove
to Europe how mod,erate she is. The Aus-
trian Gazette states against what Power the war-
like preparations of Austria are directed :
" The extensive preparations of Austria are not
made with a view to Piedmont, but with a view to
France. As to commencing an attack on France,
that would be on the :part of Austria such an ex-
travagant act that neither the Siecle nor the
Opinione have dared to ascribe it to her. Austria
arms in order to be•able to repel a combined attack
of the troops of France and Piedmont. If Sardinia
were to disarm, that would be a proof that France
does not mean to attack, and that she is even dis-
posed to suspend her warlike preparations. Now,
when Austria shall be convinced that she will not
be attacked, she will hasten, people may be
assured, to reduce her army."

On its side, the Ost Deutsche Post recommends
Prussia and England to join Austria :---" Eurnpeam
diplomacy is striving to preserve peace. But instead
of giving to the common idea a uniform and ener-
getic expression, it loses its time in sterile and con-
fused proceedings. How many notes and despatches
have been written which have had no other result
than to complicate the existing differences. And

yet a single little word would put an end to all
that. Let lusimple No' be pronounced by three
powers, and all the world, including France, would
understand it. This little but powerful No' would
be in a practical form a defensive alliance between
Austria, England, and Prussia. An opportune
alliance is the best means of preventing war. If
Prussia and England had joined Austria, two
months ago, to oppose the aggressor, Europe would
have been spared great disquietude and many
onerous sacrifices. This triple alliance, however,
will, we feel certain, arise from future events, but
unfortunately not until the flames which might
have been smothered at the beginning shall have
produced a general conflagratton."

„
Aire g ,
4 „ t
00111,
1%. Y.on•

THE SUN.
MONDAY, APRIL 11, 1859.