The Sun.
London, England, 1859-03-28 00:00:00

(From the Morning Herald.)

If the faculty of speech was really bestowed upon man
for the purpose of enabling him to conceal his intentions
Lord Palmerston's share in the debate on Friday evening
must be regarded as a great success. On that occasion the
leader of the Opposition declared—" When my noble friend
the member for London showed me his atnendment on the
Government Reform Bill, I said, I think your amend-
ment is excellent, and I am perfectly ready to give it my
earnest and most cordial support.' " What joyful intelli-
gence to Lord John Russell I How ho must have chuckled
over the admission, and rubbed his hands with glee as he
thought of the success of his dodge ! He had actually
taken in a politician whom it was no easy matter to entrap.
The artful expedient produced under the specious guise of
zeal for the interests of reform—though in reality a bold
bid for office—could scarcely. miscarry. His noble friend
had not seen through it, and had promised "his earnest
and most cordial support." So, through the long and
weary strife of words in whieh the precious hours of a ses-
sion overladen with pressing claims had been wasted, Lord
John Russell felt secure and confident. No earnest ap-
peals to his patriotism could wean him from his uneasy am-
bition. No ominous forebodings of the dire calamities
which the success of his factious scheme might produce,
could induce him to swerve from his purpose. No winged
shafts of indignant sarcasm, no taunts of party motive,
could disturb his complacency. It was playing for a high
stake, and he knew that he held the winning card.
Our legislators and the public puzzled themselves in
endeavouring to ascertain on which side the ex-Premier
would throw the weight of his influence. At length
the decisive moment arrived ; Lord Palmerston rose and
announced his intention of giving the amendment of
his noble friend his "earnest and most cordial
support." Indeed, he confessed "It was the only
method of at once bringing under discussion those
two points which if left in the bill it never would
have passed ; but which if taken out of it might leave the
bill in such a state that the house would agree to go into
committee upon it." Therefore Lord Palmerston earnestly
advocated the adoption of his noble friend's amendment. Hav -
ing done this, and thus, to his noble friend's infinite satisfac-
tion, promised his cordial support to his resolution, and
further expressed his firm conviction that that resolution
would be carried, the ex-premier proceeded to speculate on
its consequences :—" It is asked what course will the Mi-
nisters pursue We are told that they will resign. Sir, I
believe in no such thing. I think it would be a dereliction
of duty on their part if they did resign." After some more
remarks in this strain Lord Palmerston continued :—" But
then, sir, it is said they might dissolve. 'Well, I have no
greater faith in their dissolving. I believe if even such
was their intention this house would be wiser than they,
and would not lend its aid to a course which I think would
be very injurious to the interests of this country." What,
however, was the matter with the noble lord the author of
the resolution while these extraordinary admissions were
being made I Why that look of blank dismay 1 Can a
thunderbolt have fallen at his feet ? Or is that look of
mute despair caused by the melancholy conviction that the
member for Tiverton has cracked the nut for his noble
friend, and, taking out the kernel, handed him back the
shell? What does it all mean ? Is it malice, or
mischief, or a mixture of both ; and has Lord Palmer-
ston repaid with interest certain sharp practices of the last
session of Parliament? Even-handed justice has again
been at work, and once more the schemer is disappointed.
What a humiliating position for a legislator who has stood
so high, and was just flattering himself that he had again
overthrown his opponents, outwitted a rival, satisfied an old
grudge, and obtained the object of his ambition I
To turn to something of greater importance than the de-
feat of a crafty scheme, let us endeavour to arrive at a con-
clusion as to the probable issue of this debate. Will Lord
Palmerston's oracular assertion be verified ? Is it so "certain
that this resolution will be carried ?" We do not believe that
the house will be induced by plausible but shallow arguments
to adopt a course which will only create difficulty and cause
delay. This trifling with the subject must produce
even worse consequences than inconvenience. Is it consis-
tent with the pledge which our legislators have given to her
Majesty of offering the measure submitted to them by the
Government a calm and impartial consideration? Is it
dealing generously, or even fairly, with that Government
which acceded to office under circumstances of peculiar dif-
ficulty, and have, relying upon that pledge, honestly en-
deavoured to deal with this intricate question, which their
predecessors have studiously avoided ? We think not.
Ministers had a right to expect that their bill would have
been allowed to pass its second reading without this mockery
of discussion, and then its various clauses and provisions
might have been discussed, and, if expedient, amended.
This is the course which Earl Grey, a veteran Reformer, as
warmly devoted to the cause as Lord John Russell himself,
and as well versed in the tactics of Parliamentary usage
and of party contests, has advocated with a force of argu-
ment that is irresistible. There can, indeed, be no just
cause for opposing the second reading of the Government
measure. It does not contain a single provision that may
not be dealt with in committee. Opposition members rise
one after the other and concur in the same view, proclaim-
ing their intention of voting in its favour. The Solicitor-
General has brought forward a happy precedent, and com-
mended this course by the declared opinions of no less
authorities than the late Premier and Sir Charles Wood.
In the teeth of these facts it will be hard indeed for Lord
John Russell and his supporters to show that, as far as re-
gards the question of Reform itself, they had no other alter-
native. By seeking to defeat the Government measure they
endeavour to postpone indefinitely any settlement of this
difficult subject, and we think that those who are anxiously
longing for the boon have not much cause to be gratified by
their factious proceedings.
Apart from the immediate question of Reform, in the event
of a dissolution no party can present themselves to the coun-
try with so good a case and such confident expectations of
support as Ministers and their adherents. The people believe
that their rule has beeapatriotic and beneficent, and have no
misgivings for the future. Look at home. Was there ever
a time when tranquillity and the sense of security seemed
more generally to prevail ? Was commerce ever more
active ? Was prosperity ever more widely diffused amongst
all classes ? Has any period witnessed mere determined
efforts for the removal of abuses. which have grown up
around and disfigured our ancient institutions, both in
Church and State ? Was greater encouragement ever be-
stowed upon every well judged scheme for the promotion
of edUcation and the intellectual, moral, and social improve-
ment of the people ? Though others have aided in the
work, Ministers have given the impulse and set the exam-
ple. In the course of a few months they have accomplished
more than their predecessors performed in as many years.
Then look abroad 1 To say nothing of the content and
prosperity that prevail in our various colonies, of the sup-
pression of the great Indian rebellion, of the improved
aspect of affairs in that vast empire, of the opening of China
and Japan to our commerce, and of various efforts to advance
Christianity and civilisation by wisely-framed treaties—
does not what is now actually passing on the continent of
Europe redound to the credit of Lord Derby and his col-
leagues ? Words would fail to describe the wisdom, the
firmness, and the dignity with which, under circumstances
of unparalleled delicacy and difficulty, the present Ministry
have directed the foreign policy of Great Britain and re-
stored the country to her rightful position in the foremost
rank of European powers. To their firm yet conciliatory
policy it is mainly owing that Europe is still in the enjoy-
ment of peace, and that war and bloodshed have been pre-
vented. Are these men, who have served their country
and the world, to be embarassed for the sake of gratifying
the inordinate vanity of one who does not even enjoy the
confidence of his own party? Is Lord Palmerston so pacific
that we should at this crisis, when a word may evoke the
storm, feel safe under his guidance ? 'Was Lord Claren-
don's management of the Cagliari business so satisfactory
as to justify an effort for his restoration to the Foreign-
office ? Shall Mr. Smith or Lord Clanricarde be summoned
to control the destinies of our Indian empire? The
British public has had enough of these men. If a
majority of the House of Commons could by any
artifice be induced to reject the measure the present
Ministry have offered, and compel them to bring their
cause before the country, to the country they may conscien-
tiously appeal, in full and perfect confidence of obtaining
that good working majority which will enable them to carry
out the wise policy which has already produced so many
beneficial results.

THE NEW PATENT OFIICE BUILDING,

(From the Mechanics' Magazine)
It is tolerably well known by this time that a splendid
library lies awaiting exhumation in the " dark arches" of
the present Great Seal Patent Office, and also that covetous
bands are endeavouring to drag library, museum, and
offices all westward. "To South Kensington with them 1"
was the first cry ; and now that this has become hopeless of
success, "To Burlington-house 1" is the new note of certain
gentlemen who have already more to do with the Patent
Office than is desirable. Now, it is to the Commissioners of
Patents, and especially to Sir Fitzroy Kelly and Sir Hugh
Cairns, that we have looked for an official resistance to

--s.
these cries. That the removal of the office and library to
Piccadilly would be a highly improper thing, must be very
evident to all who think for a moment on the subject. The
persons who visit them daily and hourly are inventors,
patentees, patent agents, and lawyers. The first three
classes have, as a matter of course, perpetually recurring
occasions of attending both the office and the library; and
as to barristers and solicitors, there are now no less than
3,000 registered deeds in the office, in which these gentle-
men almost exclusively are concerned. Now, do inventors,
patentees, patent agents, banisters, and solicitors, congre-
gate at Chancery-lane, where the Patent Office and library
now are, or at Piccadilly ? Further, it is well known that
a concentration of all the law courts and offices, with
which the Patent Office is most intimately concerned, is
extremely likely to take place on ground adjoining
Chancery-lane. Sir Richard Bethell, for one, has set his
heart upon the accomplishment of this, and with the suitor's
fund of unclaimed millions to draw upon, he will doubtless
attain his end. With what reason, then, can the permanent
removal of the Patent-office and library to Piccadilly be
contemplated ?
In the Patent Law Amendment Act of 1852 provision
was made for the payment of certain sums, part in fees and
part in stamp duties. The stamp duties were £5 payable
on the law officer's warrant for letters patent; £lO out of
the third year's fee of £5O ; and £2O out of the seventh
year's fee of £lOO. Now, some official gentlemen or other
—we know not who exactly—chose to put down these sums
as so much " revenue," and paid them into the Treasury
as such. In 1853, however, another act was passed con-
verting the whole of the payments (including fees) into
stamp duties, and therefore abolishing his pretended dis •
tinction between the two kinds of payments. But, strange
to say, no corresponding change has been made in the man-
ner of keeping the accounts. Every year, away goes a large
sum from the surplus patent fund as " revenue still." The
amount thus abstracted since 1852 is nearly £90,000. The
Commissioners estimated the " Revenue stamp duties" for
the current year at £16,000 more. So that the actual sur-
plus fund raised from patentees since 1852 is at least
£lOO,OOO more than the Commissioners represent. This
sum ought—every farthing of it—to be available for the
new building if required, and with it we have no need to go
begging a bit of Burlington-gardens from Lord Derby.

ETIQUETTE IN THE MONKEY TRlBE.—Mon-
keys have their code of etiquette as well as men ; and, as they
do not possess cards, the correct mode in which a monkey
announces its presence to a human visitor is by dropping a
piece of stick upon him. Perhaps he may consider the
stick to be only a twig fallen in the course of nature, and
so take no notice of it. DOWII comes another stick, and if
that does not cause him to look up, several more are let
fall upon him until his attention is drawn to the assembly
in the branches. This point having been gained, the next
object is to let the intruder know that his company is un-
desirable, and that the sooner he takes his departure the
more agreeable it will be for all parties.—Routledge' 111u,9-
ended Natural Eistory, by the Rev. T. a. Wood,