The Sun.
London, England, 1866-02-20 00:00:00

one—a fact which very few persons can
doubt. To have the franchise on the rating
would be virtually to defeat the whole measure, to
" keep the word of promise to the ear and break
it to the hope." The same gentleman observed, that
for lack of proper representation the working
classes had been driven to legislate for themselves
on matters closely concerning their interests, their
hours of labour, the rate of wages, trades unions,
and co-operative societies. So far, he was, no doubt,
perfectly correct, but when he came to speak of the
influence of the working classes in France and
America as superior to that of intelligent and
well-conducted men of the same rank in this
country he was not so accurate. The working men
of this country have far more individual and collec-
tive freedom of thought, of speech, of political
action, than their Continental neighbours. The
journals which they chiefly patronise may not
indeed always give them unbiassed opinions
or correct judgments, but at least they
supply them with full intelligence from which
to judge for themselves; they report to them in
full the debates on public questions, and the cur-
rent criticisms on the acts or policy of the Govern-
ment. The working men of England, so long as
they behave with order and propriety, which collec-
tively they seldom fail to do, are free to debate, to
deliberate, to discuss what they will. It may be
said that words are not of much use unless they are
followed by deeds, but if the working classes of this
kingdom were deprived of these privileges they
would soon learn to value them, and we must
remember that the united sentiment or wish of any
considerable body of the community, consistently
and perseveringly expressed in a constitutional
manner, never fails to produce an ultimate effect
on our Executive. In America the same turbulent
spirit generally pervades all political ranks, so that
the more noisy declaimers make themselves
heard, to the silencing or yverpowering of moderate
men ; but we doubt whether the working-classes in
America as a whole deserve or receive more respect
or consideration than those in England.
Earl RUSSELL in his reply, which, as usual on
such occasions, was couched in the conveniently
ambiguous terms of official reserve, remarked that
having possessed representative institutions for GOO
years, he thought the people of this country could
not do better than to found any amendments which
they might require in their political system upon
their old constitution, instead of looking for models

'to the institutions which other nations might
possess. He might have added that the other
countries in which representative government has
been attempted have, for the most part, looked
to the English Constitution for their example,

and that the alterations which have been made in

it are at the best very questionable improvements.
If theoretically more perfect and more liberal, they
fail to give the same practical amount of individual

liberty. In our colonies, where democratic prin-
ciples have been more fully carried out, the politi-
cal system comes occasionally to a deadlock, and
there is a general complaint that men of intelligence
and public spirit are averse to entering the struggle.
The tendency in Australia, if the opinion of the
educated classes were taken, would be rather re-
actionary than progressive ; that is to say they

rather assimilate their constitution to the mon-
archical than to the democratic standard.

In younger countries the legislators are at least
spared one difficulty which presents itself in very

formidable proportions to the English Reformer.
He has not to deal with the invidious question of

the redistribution of seats, a matter in which the

wisest and most disinterested Minister is certain to

provoke opposition. Earl RUSSELL, while object-
ing to basing the representation entirely on num-
bers, reminded his hearers that if such a method

were adopted the metropolis would return as many

members as the whole kingdom of Scotland. From

the tenour of the noble Earl's remarks on the question
of redistribution we may infer that he is not

prepared to deal with that branch of the subject at

present. It did not appear to him, he said, to in-
volve as obvious a defect or require so immediate a

remedy as the state of the franchise. He alluded

to the inaccuracies of the old system, and reminded

his hearers that abuses like the representation of
Old Sarum and Gatton, and the non-representa-
tion of Liverpool and Manchester and Birming-
ham, were not now crying for remedy. The
noble Premier carefully avoided committing him-
self on any particular branch of the subject,
while expressing in general terms his assent to the

propositions of the memorial. This was as much
as the deputation could have expected or hoped for,
since Cabinet Ministers are not in the habit of being
too communicative on the subject of their intended

measures, but it is quite as well that the topic o:

Reform should not be allowed to sleep, lest an excuse

should be made on the ground of public indifference,

and other pressing questions to secure a year's re•

prieve for the newly-elected members.

The Cattle Diseases Bill occupied the attention of
both Houses last night, and made great progress,
being read a third time and passed in the Upper
House, and the committee in the House of Com-
mons getting through the discussion of a great
many clauses. Earl GRANVILLE, in introducing the
second reading, observed that if the bill showed
deficiencies, another bill on the same subject would
be introduced, which would remedy many of these
evils. His lordship proposed that the standing
orders should be suspended in order that the bill
might more speedily be passed. Some noble Peers
offered rather captious objections to the
bill, but they amounted to nothing in
reality. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH objected
to the arrangements in Scotland. The noble
Duke also demurred to the great haste being
made, and complained that the Government had
not given any intimation of their intention to pro-
ceed with so much celerity, Lord DALHOUSIE ob-
jected to the indiscriminate slaughter. In order to
meet the wishes of the discontents Lord GRANVILLE
altered his intention of regulating the Committee,
and the House proceeded to criticise the several
clauses. Earl GREY spoke to the point, and declared
that it was very advisable for the bill to be passed
at once, and as for saying that it was only a skeleton
it contained some very important provisions, that
would operate effectually in stopping the plague.
It gave the power of compulsory slaughter, and
also provided compensation. It also stopped all
the great markets, and therefore met the require-
ments of the case so far. This was a very sen-
sible remark, and most appropriate, because in
cases of this kind people are very apt to stop at
trifles
and waste precious time in discussion, in-
stead of dealing with generalities and settling diffi-
culties With ail possible despatch. The Duke of
ARGYLL explained the alteration of the local autho-
rities in Scotland, which had been attacked with
such extraordinary warmth by one or two noble
lords. By this bill for the first time the of
taxation is given to local authorities, and therpowerefore the
Government gave it to the Commissioners of Sup-
ply, because in Scotland " there was an old consti-
tuted body which alone had the power of laying
on rates." The Earl of DERBY came to the rescue
of the Government, and recommended the reten-
tion of the clause relating to Scotland which
the Duke of BuccLEITcH insisted to strike