The Sun.
London, England, 1832-04-09 00:00:00

CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, APRIL 7.

At half-past one o'clock, M. Girod de l'Ain, the Pre
sident, took the chair. A report of petitions was first as
the order of the day.
After some unimportant report of M. Leroy,
M. Parent rose to present the report of the commission
appointed to examine the project of law relative to the re-
sidence of the foreign refugees in France.
M. Parent slid that the commission had seen with
pleasure, in the expos," des motifs of that bill, the deter-
mination of offering an inviolable asylum in France to fo-
reiv.ners who should be driven from their country by poli-
tical events. Measures of prudence, however, should be
taken to prevent their presence from being attended with
any consequences detrimental to the safety or peace of
the State. He then examined the question of the
propriety of enacting such a law, and placing fo-
reigners on a footing with the natives. No doubt
but the Chamber had a right to make a special
alien law. England-the land of liberty-had a severe
Alien Bill. There existed a law, of the year 7, concerning
foreigners, but it contained a clause of surveillance, which
the present Bill abrogated. It would be unbecoming the
dignity of the nation to have strangers, particularly those
who fell after a heroic struggle, treated as common crimi-
nals. Those who received succours from the Government
might, without any breach of h,spitality, be compelled
to reside in a particular place ; but foreigners who did
not participate in that allowance bad not alienated their
liberty on arriving in France, and they might in perfect
freedom select their place of residence. The majority of
the Commission was of opinion to adopt the project of
law, such as was presented by the Ministers, there being
no fear (he stid) of their abusing the power confided to
them by the B 11, so long as die Press remained free.
After some desultory debate on the day for the discus-
sion of that Bill,
M. Guizot presented the report of the Committee to
whom the examination of the other projects of law, rela-
tive to the funds demanded on the 26th of March last, for
the support of foreign refugees, had been referred. The
Commission was unanimous in recommending the adoption
of both those projects of law. M. Guizot observed that
the three Bills, being so closely connected together, might
he discussed the same day.
M. de Montalivet, Minister of Public Instruction, con-
tended that humanity and the internal safety, required
those Bills to be speedily voted, and proposed to the
Chamber to hold an extraordinary sitting to-morrow
(Sunday) for that purpose.
The Chamber decided that it would sit on Sunday, but
deferred the discussion of those projects of the law to Mon-
day, because the different reports could not be printed and
distributed time enough for the discussion to take place.
FRENCH FUNDS.-PARIS, APRIL 5.-Five per Cents., 96f. 30c.
40c. 30c. 55c. GOc. 70c. 60c. 65c.; Four per Cents., 82f. 75c. ;
Three per Cents., 69f. 95c. 90c. 70f. 70f. sc. 70f. sc. 70f. 701. sc.
10c. • Bank Actions, 1,660 f. 1,665 f. 1,670 f.; Rente de Naples,
80f. Inc.;
60c. 50c. ; Roman Five per Cents., 7955 ; Royal
Spanish Loan, 80 79% ; Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagne, 56
.14 N 56% % ; Belgian Certificates 77% 78 7714
Exchange on London, one month, paper, .251 60c. ; money, 25f.
60c.: three months, paper, 25f. 45c. ; money, 251. 45c.-Cours
duthentique.
FRENCH FUNDS.-PARIS, APRIL 6.-Five per Cents., 96f. 96f.
20c. 40c. 50c. 45c. 30c. 35c. 25c. 96f. 20c. Isc. 20c. 15c. 10c. sc. 10c.
25c. 961. 20c. ; Four per Cents., 82f. 50c. ; Three per Cents. f9f. 60c.
55c. (ioc, 70c. 80c. 63c. 70c. 60c. 69f. 55c. 50c. 55e. 55. c. 50c. 40c. 50c.
45c. 50c. 6.)1. 55c. 60c.; Bank Actions, 1,565 f. ; Rente de Naples,
80f. 25c. 20c. 25c. 80f. 80f. 10c. ; Roman Five per Cents. 795,j ;
Rente d'Espagne, 1041 ; Royal Spanish Loan, 7956 ; Itente Per-
petuelle d'Es_pagne, 57X, ; Haytian Loan, 2'40.
FRENCH FUNDS.-PARIS, APRIL 7.-Five per Cents, 96f. 40c.
25c. 30c. 35c. 30c. `2.5c. '2oc. 25c. 20c. 96f. 30c. • Four per Cents.,
5.21. 75c. ; Three per Cents., 60f. 60c. 50c. 55c. 60C. ; Bank Actions,
1.6701. 1,6751 Rente de Naples, 801. 10c. 15c. '25. ‘2.cc.; Roman 5
per Cents. ; Royal Spanish Loan, 75% S 4 a ; Rent Per-
netuelle d'Espagne, 56% ; Belgian Certificates, 77%. Ex-
Change on London, one month, paper, 25f. 60c.; money, t2.5f. 60c.;
three months, paper, 251. 45c. ; money, 2.7af. 45c.-Cours Au-
thentique•
• I am justified in apprehending that Lord Grey is allowing
himself to be too hard run by two facts-the departure from
l'aris for London yesterday of Lord Ranfurly, in his 78th year;
and the approaching departure of Lord Granville, at a time like
the eresent, in compliance with Lord Grey's pressing request.
f l'he variation between the temperature of yesterday and the
preceding day, was no less than 10 degrees of Reamur, or 43
Fahrenheit.

Lord Seymour, eldest son of the Juke o,
Somerset, is reported to.have become a convert to the politics
of his Noble Father, and report affirms that he will be included
in the contemplated creation of Peers. The Noble Lord, as
Member for Okehampton in the last Parliament, expressed
him,elf hostile to a Reform in the representation, and voted
against the first Bill introduced by Lord John Russell.—Morn-
ing Herald.
The King's undertaker has been lately ap-
pointed a Middlesex Magistrate ; on hearing which a certain
banker remarked that it was " quite ap-pall-ing."

Duk,

- -
A gallant M.P. of the Tory party, who came
to London express to vote against the third reading of " The
Bill," took up his quarters at a hotel at the foot of Westmin-
ster-bridge. A hatter, living not far from St. James's-street,
who had an execution against the Hon. Gentleman's goods
and chattels, took a room in the same hotel, and in this way
ascertained his particular chamber. He then introduced a
sheriff's officer in the morning, before the M.P. was stirring,
but who claimed the privilege of a friend, and tapped at his
room door. The customary invitation "come in," was given
by the M.P., and accepted by the officer, who, showing his au.
thority, took possession of all the gallant Member's movables,
including his whole wardrobe, even to his hat and gloves, lea,
ing him nothing but the shirt and nightcap he had on. This
was a sad mishap. The M.P. was eloquently pathetic, but the
hatter was inexorable. At last Id. were scraped together by
the anti-reformer, for which the creditor agreed to give up all
the chattels he had seized. It is said the gallant Member is
connected with a great Westmorland nominator.—Obierrer.

I'OLANb.

(From the Times.)

The Emperor Nicholas has consummated that
act of perfidy and tyranny which we have an icipated
ever since the fall of Warsaw, and which has only
,ince been delayed by the difficulty of making
the previous arrangement necessary for accom-
plishing his object With effect and without
danger. In the face of solemn treaties, and
more solemn declarations ; in breach of his sworn
faith to his Allies, and his engagements to his
qwn subjects—he has audaciously issued a de-
cree, annihilating the nationality of Poland, and
incorporating the Polish provinces with the Mus-
covite Empire. It is hard to repress our feel-
ihgs of indignation at such an announcement,
and it is difficult to say whether the liberal Go-

vernments of Europe, who have heard from the
lips of the Autocrat such solemn protestations
of his rosolute purpose to maintain the separate
and independent existence of Poland, will feel
themselves more humiliated or insulted by so
glaring an instance of faithless ambition and
arbitrary violence. All the world will remember
that in the midst of the tumults which occurred
at Paris on the fall of Warsaw, the French
Ministry presented themselves to the Cham-
ber of Deputies, with a body of documents,
which, in their opinion, not only exculpated
them from any criminal connivance at the vio-
lence of the Russian barbarians, but were calcu-
lated to procure them the grateful approbation of
the friends of Poland. It is true that they could
not pretend to have threatened Russia with a
hostile interference in her dispute with the
Poles,—it is true that, instead of sending an
army to the Vistula, they had only sent an envoy
to St. Petersburgh ; but it is likewise true, that
though they did not attempt to disturb the ge-
neral peace in order to rescue even a noble and
gallant nation from the fangs of despotism, they
had thrown the whole weight of their diplomatic
influence into the scale of the Poles, and had
procured solemn guarantees in their favour.
The French Ambassador at St. Petersburgh
wrote to his Government that the Emperor had
assured him, that whatever might be the result
of the war, the independence and nationality of
Poland would he maintained according to
treaties. The same assurances were sent by the
Emperor to his father-in-law at Berlin, and re-
peated, through his mouth, to the French Am-
bassador at the Court of Prussia. The Em-
peror on both occasions employed that solemn
appeal to Heaven which in all times has been
employed by the male and female barbarians on
the Russian throne to cover their duplicity, and
which has added the crime of blasphemy to that
of cruelty and treachery. Though Lord Pamerston
has read no despatches on the subject of
Poland in the House of Commons, we

have no doubt that the Noble Lord could pro-
duce assurances from St. I'etersburgh similar to
those read by M. Sebastiani in the Chamber of
Deputies. Thus is the treaty of Vienna, by
which Poland was surrendered to the Emperor
Alexander, openly violated, and the repeated
asservations that its stipulations would be re-
spected unblushingly contradicted by an impe-
rial ukase. NI hat course the Powers of Europe
will pursue on this last occasion in which Po-
land can be expected to present herself as a na-
tion without their assistance, it is not for us to
say. The noblest portion of that great people
are scattered as exiles in various lands, and can-
not consider that region their country where
they find the throne of a barbarian conqueror.
Those who remain have no army,—no civil go-
vernment,—no legislative diet, no national co-
lours,—no separate administration,—no trea-
sury,—no native judges,—no freedom of speak-
ing or writing. Whether is the exiled or the
resident Pole the most to he pitied ? We ob-
served that the Emperor has abolished confisca-
tion, except for high political crimes,--that is,
he has retained it wherever it could add to his trea-
sures, or satiate his revenge. Has he spared
Prince Czartoriski ? Has he restored the estates
of any of those ❑oble Poles now in exile ? The
Russian Government has taught the civilized
nations of Europe another lesson on the spirit
with which it is animated. Will they still court
its alliance or care for its ratifications ?
(From the Morning Advertiser.)
The infamous Manifesto of the Emperor of
Russ;a, which we publish in another column,
puts an end to the independence of Poland as a
country, except in name, and to the freedom of
its people as a nation distinct from their masters.
Poland is henceforth to be incorporated with,
and to form an integral part, of Russia. There
is in future to be no Polish armv—no Polish
King, even in name, but the Autocrat of all the
the Russias—no Polish Viceroy—no freedom of
the press, except such as it may please their Im-
perial Master to permit--no any thing, in fact,
if we may use the expression, which can either
deceive the Poles into a belief of their indepen-
dence, or leave them a glympse of hope that they
will ever regain it, except by foreign aid ! Such
is the tender-heartedness of .the Russian Auto-
crat ; such his paternal regard for his subjects
and their feelings ! Unhappy Poles ! How
nobly ye fought the fight of freedom, and how
basely have ye been betrayed and abandoned by
those who ought to have saved you ! Immortal
glory is yours, but your only reward : eternal
disgrace will for ever blight the proudest laurels
which may be won by those who ought to have
fought your battles for you, as you had fought
theirs !

(From the Morning Herald.)

Various warlike demonstrations are reported,
as well upon the Flemish as the Dutch side of
the boundary ; but for what precise purpose, or
in the contemplation of what definite result,
neither party seems to comprehend. Both ap-
pear to be well appointed for a struggle, if such
a thing should be decreed necessary ; but, if the
intelligence of the German Papers be authentic,
the peace of Europe cannot now be seriously
compromised by anything which may take place
in the Netherlands. The King of Holland is
but a feather in the Continental scale when he
carries with him only his own weight ; and it is
now certain that Russia has not only refused to
lend a finger to turn the beam in his favour, but
i ready to kick it up in his face, to the advant-
age of his revolutionary rival at Brussels. For
a solution,of this enigma our readers have only
to•look into the extracts which we make from the
last numbers of the German Papers. There they
will find the copy of a proclamation, in which the
" magnanimous" Autocrat, in the teeth of every
promise which had been previously made to the
Poles, and in scorn of all the pledges which the
present Ministers of France, particularly, had
given that the " nationality" of Poland should
be has extinguished wholly and for
ever rtehsed'
last gleam of national pride, and yearn-
ings of national independence, which still re-
mained for that interesting, but unfortunate,
country. This decree of the Emperor Nicholas
revokes, without ceremony, the Constitutional
Charter of Poland, by announcing the incorpora-
tion of that unhappy kingdom with the Russian

expire ; thus cancelling, witl► one dash of th
ien, the treaty of Vienna of 1815, to which
England and France were parties, as well as the
three great despotic Powers of the Continent,
Ind which treaty erected the then Duchy of War-
iaw into a kingdom, and guaranteed its hide-

pendence.
The Emperor Nicholas prefaces the act of
aggression by the usual tyrannical pretences of
the necessity of preserving order and tranquillity
—order meaning, in the tyrant's vocabulary,
nothing but slavish submission to all the acts of
power, however unreasonable or oppressive, and
trangaillity that total extirpation of all civil
freedom which does not allow the slave even the

privilege of complaint. The despot might well
afford to make a show of marching with the

times by assenting to the recognition of Bel-
gium, whilst he was thus richly indemnifying
himself in Poland for the sacrifice which he had
made. But with reference to this subject we
cannot do better than quote the powerful expo-
sition of a contemporary, the English Chronicle
and Whitehall Evening Post:—
" It is natural enough that the Cabinet of St. Peters-
burgh should take advantage of the present crisis, when
the obsequious servility of the Governments of England and
France to the influence of the great barbarian Power of the
North opens a most favourable and inviting prospect to
the inordinate ambition which is at the bottom of all the
crafty policy of the Russian Councils. In the course of
a few ye ire, an 1 while our diplomatist tell us that Europe
has been in a state of profound general peace, t'ie danger-
ous and indefatigable barbarian of Russia has been gaining
an ascendancy which threatens terrible calamities to
Europe. So lightly does the Autocrat regard the other
Powers who were parties to the treaty of Vienna, that
he actua ly ascribes the establishment in the independence
of Poland to the voluntaty generosity of Alexander. This
is not merely a gross falsification of history, but it is a
deliberate insult to the other Powers, at least those of
England and France, whose representatives at the Court of
Vienna, Castlereagh and Talleyrand, insisted on the
erection of the Duchy of Warsaw into an independent
kingdom, as a check upon the ambition of Russia,
for it was not intended, in the first instance, that the
Czar, who had a direct interest in breaking down the in-
dependence of Poland, should receive the sceptre of that
kingdom ; but Alexand r contrived to gain over b )th Cas-
tlereagh and Talleyrand to his ambitious project of being
appointed King of Poland ; and the catastrophe, which all
ri fleeting persons foresaw, and which honest and capable
representatives of the interests of England and France
would have guarded against, has taken place. Toe con-
stitutional charter, which Alexander was bound by his
compact with the allies, to give the Poles, was given, but
in a short time means were taken to violate it, which
were followed up by the oppression and banishment of
those who dared to demand its obs-rvance. To increase
the discontent thereby produced, the monster Constantine,
who was set as,de from the succession to the Rus•ian throne

for his incapacity and his crime, was sent to govern Po-
land. Whatever remained to the unfortunate Poles of
political rights or the forms of justice he soon struck
down, and established, in the fullest vigour, the
system of terror, by all the machinery of espionage,
arbitrary arrest, cruel punishment, and confiscation.
The object for which he was sent there was an-
swered—his intolerable tyranny led to that insurrec-
tion at Warsaw which the Court of Russia wished to
provoke, in order to have a pretex, for annihilating the
nationality of Poland, and converting it—as Persia and
Turkey arc likely soon to be—into a province of the co-
lossal empire. This is now accomplished, and Russia has
made one grand step towards the extension of her power
in Western Europe. France and England were bound,
not less by reaty than by a regard to their own interests,
to have prevented this ; but Casimir Perier looks to the
wishes of the Cabinet of St. Petersburg!' as the pol tr star
of his policy, and our own Ministers, having already
bribed Russia with some millions of the public money to
keep the peace, and being now engaged in feasting Count
Orloff for coming over to carry on the delusion respecting
the ratification of the Belgic treaty, cannot be surprised if
the Autocrat treats them with contempt, when a treaty to
which England and France are parties stands in the way of
his ambition."