The Sun.
London, England, 1835-10-03 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Tories, as every one knows, are accustomed to
assume for themselves a monopoly of loyalty, and also
put forward pretensions of the most unbounded per-
sonal devotion to the Sovereign ; it generally happens,
however, that in the feasting:and orgies of " Conser-
vative" Societies the loyol toast which proclaims re-
spect and attachment to the Prince, is coupled with
another term which is to include the loyal and patriotic
drinkers themselves, and which is most carefully and
loyally put first in the partnership—" The King"
coming afterwards by way of postscript or appendix, as
it were. It is not deemed proper for Tories, in their
exuberant loyalty, to drink the health of " The King,"
as first magistrate of the country, and representing by
his exalted splendour and high functions the majesty
of the British nation ; but it must be coupled with
44 the Church :" it must be " Church and King."
—Now 46 the Church" means, in one sense, the
members of the Church, and in another and a
narrower sense the Ministers of the Church ; and
in Tory eyes, moreover, it includes the maintenance
of the system of Baronial Bishops and well-bred Pre-
bends--of " fat Rectors and lean Curates," which
carries about it such internal evidence of its heavenly
origin, and clearly evinces its direct apostolic descent.
But however this may he, the toast of " Church and
King" means either " our noble selves" and " the
King," or it means Bishops, Deans, Prebends, Rec-
tors, Curates, and King ; and in either case " the
King" stands last in the firm, and can lay claim but to
a small portion of the devotion which is so largely and
so courteously divided. So much for Tory devotion,
which toasts " Ourselves and our Sovereign," under
the name of " Church and King." With respect to
Tory devotion to " the Church," we all know how de-
termined the whole body of Tories are to " maintain
the Church ;" " to die, if necessary, in defence of
the Church ;" to shed their blood in support of
" the Church," whether it be of England or of Ire-
land. Very commendable these sentiments, no doubt ;
but only, when the thing comes to be examined, it
will be seen that they really involve no practical or
tangible meaning. The Tories do not say, we will
spend the last shilling of our incomes in contributions
for Church purposes, in subscriptions for ill-paid
ministers of the Protestant Establishment in Eng-
land, or unpaid ministers of the Protestant Establish-
ment in Ireland. Oh, ho I It would be manifestly
undignified, and be too degrading to the clergy, to
think of such a common way of proving their devo-
tion to " the Church" as that of pecuniary sacrifice.
Blood they will shed—their own or that of others, it mat-
ters not ; but money is not to be forthcoming, except in
the shape of forced contributions from other people.
Upon these, levied upon the poor, and collected, per-
haps, with violence and bloodshed, a Christian Church
may subsist with all dignity ; but voluntary contribu-
tions from its own wealthy friends it would be as in-
sulting for the latter to offer, as degrading for the for-
mes to receive ; and the destitute clergy of Ireland are
told, "We cannot subscribe, but we '. ill die in your
defence. Spare our pockets, we beseech you, and we
will shed our blood, if necessary, in supporting your
your vested interests in the pockets of other people."
In short, the whole of this affected devotion to " the
Church" and the King is a mere cloak to conceal sen-
timents of the narrowest selfishness ; put it in what
way you will, it means nothing more than " the
Church," as the patrimony of Tory aristocracy—the
King, in so far as his prerogative may be employed to
advance Tory interests—both, therefore, only as iden-
tified with Toryism, which expresses, in one word, the
real meaning of the toast of " Church and King."—
Morning Chronicle.

Need we remind our readers that to-morrow will be
the third centenary of the great and glorious event of
the Reformation, it being that day three hundred
years ago when the deliverance of Great Britain from
the dark yoke of the Papal dominion was consum-
mated by the completion of the translation of the Holy
Scriptures into the English language ? Let it be ,re-
collected that it was to obtain the knowledge of the
pure and unadulterated word of God, as transmitted
through the oracles of the Christian redemption, that
the Reformation was effected—at least that was the
main object, and all the other advantages followed of
course.. It was Miles Coverdale who perfected what
Wickliffe and Luther began. The Church of Rome
had built the gloomy fabric of its superstitious and
persecuting faith upon the ignorance and credulity of
the human mind. To perpetuate the system of
religious delusion, it was necessary that the light of
the Gospel should be carefully excluded. The sub-
lime and saving truths which the Divine Founder of
Christianity ordered his disciples to teach all nations
were prohibited to the people for whose salvation they
had been intended. The sacred volume of scriptural
wisdom was sealed and deposited beneath the footstool
of him who, while assuming
.the modest title of the
" fisherman," and the style of " servant of servants,"
wielded the thunders of the Vatican on the throne of
the Cmsars. The Christian oracles were silenced, while
the oracles of priestcraft spoke. The precepts of re-
vealed truth were forbidden to be learned, while the le-
gendary tales of pious fraud were laboriously disseminated.
The human mind grovelled in religious darkness and
terrors until the Reformation dispelled the sorceries and
the charms of superstition, and brought the Scriptures
to light. The translation of the Bible into English,
though not a miracle, was next in point of usefulness to
that great miracle of the " gift of tongues," because it
began the great work which has since prospered, of
translating the Bible into the various languages of the
earth, that the people of all nations might hear " each
in their own tongue, the wonderful works of God."
Is it not, then, an event deserving to be held in ever-
lasting and hallowed remembrance ? There is no na-
tion on the earth that has so much reason to be grate-
ful for the blessings of the Reformation as England.
With the possession of the civilizing and elevating
influence of pure Christianity, her greatness and un-
exampled prosperity among the nations of the world
commenced. From the severe scourge of war and
conquest which within living memory has passed over
other kingdoms of Europe, which is, even now,
afflicting some of them, she has been wonderfully de-
livered ; but it cannot be denied that, of late years,
national thankfulness- to Divine Providence,
has not been commensurate with the Manifestations of
Divine protection. Modern Statesmen are, in general,
but too ready to sacrifice religious principles on the
altars of political expediency. The Senate is tainted
with a liberalism which is not an enlightened liberality,
but a culpable indifference to religious; truth or error.
Mammon is the God of the idolatry of our most vehe-
ment patriots—men who would depose Divine Provi-
dence, and set up the golden calf in its stead. The
emissaries of the Papal system, ever vigilant and ac-
tive, have taken advantage of this state of things.
They have all but succeeded in destroying the Church
of the reformed faith in Ireland, by the assistance of
British Statesmen and British legislators. Is it not
time then for all who deserve the name of Protestants

and Britons, to show that the spirit is not dead which
kindled the altars of the Reformation, and laid upon
the foundation of the Scriptures the magnificent system
of civil polity of this great country ?—Morning
Herald.

O'Connell has got back again to Dublin at last,
having been escorted to the house he rints there by an
assemblage of ragamuffins, which are supposed to have
disgraced even the streets of that city. To show his
power, and, we suppose, to give a lesson to his Lord
Lieutenant, he forbade the use of banners in his pro-
cession--he was obeyed, and all the labour and lacker-
ing that had been bestowed upon the superannuated
pocket-handkerchiefs, and tattered tablecloths, which
were to have served for flags, were thrown away. He
addressed his ragged audience from his first floor win-
dow in no other than his wonted strain, only that,
like all cocks whose feathers are of the same colour
as his own, he crowed loudest on his own dung-
hill. Abuse of the House of Lords, and the ne-

cessity of reforming (that is of destroying) it, uni-
versal suffrage, vote by ballot, praise of the Ministers,
the extirpation of the Orangemen, and the " volun-
tary principle," were the chief topics of his speech.
We have already exposed Daniel upon all these
points, and especially the latter, the " voluntary prin-
ciple," which is the most remarkable, for one would
have thought it must have required more insensi-
bility to shame, and more want of principle, than cha-

racterize even him, to enable a Papist to stand up in •
public and gravely advocate the voluntary principle in 1
religion. No one can doubt that if Daniel, being a, 1
Papist, was sincere, or supposed to be so, in this, he I
would be driven with ignominy from all communion 1
with his intolerant and tyrannical church.. Every well-
informed child knows in what miserably abject bondage
the authorities of that church hold the minds and con-
sciences of its slavish worshippers ; and it is equally
notorious that for a Papist to dare to form an opinion
for himself upon any, even the most indifferent, point
connected with religion, is nothing short of high trea-
son against his spiritual Sovereign the Pope. Is Da-
niel an exception to the rest ? That question will be
best answered by a reference to the scene in Ennis,
when he went down upon his knees in the gutter to the
priests. The sole object of his preaching up the
voluntary principle is clear enough ; it is to establish
Popish supremacy in Ireland, in the first instance, and,
by introducing the principle in this country, to sacri-
fice the establishment to the sectaries, thus accomplish-
ing a late but sweeping vengeance for Britain's greatest
glory--the overthrow of Popery, the foundation of
the Protestant reformed faith, and—what is still more
galling to the Papists—the maintenance of that faith,
which never could have been effected as fully, if at all,
but for an Established Church, any more than half-a-
dozen straggling, undisciplined, and unofficered bands,
acting independently of each other, can be as efficient
for attack or for defence as a regularly organized, con-
centrated, and well-directed force. Daniel's object, we
repeat, is clear, and all men who value Protestantism
more than schism, and who rank religion higher than
politics, will cheerfully join heart and hand to defeat
him. He told the deluded mob under his window,
that " every man should pay his own parson, as he
pays his own doctor," that "he was for allowing
every man to do as he pleased in this respect."
" There is," he said, " common sense in this principle,
and I will tell you who told me so. The people of
England told me it was common sense, the people of
Scotland said ditto, and the people of Ireland say
Amen." And it is with lies such as these, which are,
" like the father that begets them, gross as a mountain,
open, palpable," that this man feeds the greedy gulls
that swarm about him. Because his stuff about the
voluntary principle (the voluntary want of principle
would be a better expression) was cheered by the va-
gabonds who crowded from mere curiosity to see him
at Manchester, Newcastle, Edinburgh, and Glasgow,
he declares that the people of England and the peo-
ple of Scotland assent to the demoralizing and unchris-
tianizing doctrine I There has been nothing equal to
this since the three tailors in Tooley-street began their
petition with " WE, the people of England." Daniel
and his backers, especially those of the Ministerial
press, will find that both the people of England and the
people of Scotland—all that is respectable in both parts
of the empire—hold this doctrine in utter abhorrence, as
indeed every sincere Christian, whether Churchman or
Dissenter must hold it. But there is no falsehood too
gross for O'Connell to utter, or for his dupes to cry
" Amen" to. Let us track the Jesuit-juggler more
nearly, and the motive of this falsehood, and of some
others, will be apparent. He has evidently had some mis-
givings whether the Irish, whom he has for so many years
past been schooling into disaffection to all Govern-
ments, would suffer themselves to be coaxed into sup-
porting this Government as he supports it. Hence
this false lure—this barefaced deception. It suc-
ceeded—for the time, at least. See how he follows

it up W:—
e have the King's Ministers with us for everything'
useful. I have been rallying the Whigs of England and
the Radicals of Scotland, and endeavouring to effect a con-
solidation between both, with tolerable success. Having
promised a gentleman in the House of Commons I would
do so, he said to me, " but the people of Ireland won't
go with you now." To which I replied, only wait awhile.'
—(Loud cheers and laughter.) I told him the people of
Ireland would support the King's Ministers. Did I not say
right ?—(Loud cheers, and cries of " You did.")
Those who have marked the recent journeying and
the jabbering of Daniel need not be told that, so far
from endeavouring to effect a consolidation of the
English Whigs and Scotch Radicals, and " with to-
lerable success," he never hinted at any such consoli-
dation either to the Radicals of this country or of
Scotland. On the contrary, in one place he said,
speaking of the support given by himself and his
" tail" to the Whigs, " We had but a hang-dog
choice of it, certainly, for it was a choice between
the Whigs and the Tories." But has not Daniel here
" let the cat out of the bag ?" Has he not inad-
vertently admitted that his mission was planned in
London, and that its object was to effect that junction
between the Whigs and the Radicals out of doors,
which has already taken place between the respectable
representatives of those two parties in the House of
Commons ? And in this case, may he not have been
really commissioned to propose the sacrifice of the
House of Lords as a sort of propitiation and peace
offering ? If these questions are to be answered in the
affirmative, there is no longer anything inexplicable in
the panegyrics which the Ministerial press are bestow-
ing upon Daniel, for he certainly felt the pulse of the
Radicals with the view to effect the junction, though,
finding it beat unfavourably he had not courage
enough to propose anything of the kind. In
another place, too, Daniel seems to have allowed
the truth to escape him accidentally. Among other
reasons for supporting the Ministers he enumerated
this—" because the Ministers are determined to draw
the fangs out of the police." So, then, this is part of
the game, is it ? The " fangs of the police are to he
drawn," that the Whitefeet and Blackfeet may pike
and plunder the Protestants with impunity. Oh I no
wonder the Lords are abused for refusing to pass the
Bill which was to effect this mighty improvement in
the condition of Ireland. There is nothing else in
this new display of Daniel which is worth notice, nor
should we have said a word about it, if we could have
supposed that it would pass as gospel only among the
Merrion-square mob to which it was addressed. We
know, however, that it will be read and believed by all
his followers in Ireland, and hence the necessity of
exposing its falsehood, that the people of England may
know by what base and dishonest means this bad man
manages to keep up his power in that country. We
dare say that we shall be again reproached with
" making too much of him," with " giving him undue
importance by noticing him." This is might-3r fine
talking, but reduce it to practice;and it will be-found
as absurd as would be an attempt to obviate the danger
of a threatening fire by putting a screen before it. The
flames would soon mount above your screen, and when
you commenced your process of extinguishing, you
would find that you were a little too late. What the
Duke of Wellington said of O'Connell is quite truer—.
namely, " that he has more power than any individual
has possessed since the Revolution." It is true also
that that power was obtained, and that it is sustained, by
a course of.wickedness equally without parallel during
the same period of English history ; and we believe it
to be not less true that if his selfish and destructive
schemes, his utter want of principle, and his habitual
mendacity be but sufficiently exposed in this part of
the empire, his ill-gotten influence will become neutra-
lized and of none effect, and that he will be driven from
the stage of public life with all the scorn and indigna-
tion he so richly merits. For these reasons we shall
not cease to hold up the conduct of O'Connell to the
public, in all the unsightliness of its deformity and its
depravity, as frequently as occasion may require.—
Times.

There is an article in the Quarterly Review, just
published, which, we perceive, is obtruded on notice
by the proneurs of that decayed Conservative depo-
sitory of bigoted and unclean things, as its tower of
strength. It is entitled " Robespierre," and it pro-
fesses that its treatment of the subject is called for
by a growing inclination among the French people to
palliate the acts and measures of that great leader of
the revolution. The foundation of this necessity is as
supposititious as the entire tenour of the paper it-
self is fallacious and perverted. The French
people, looking at the monstrous acts of the
apostate of Orleans,--who affects to close the crater
of the revolution while every act tends to widen
the gulph and inflame the combustible materials of
revolution beneath,---are naturally disposed to compare
his acts with one of the most marked characters of
the revolution, on whom political calumny and party
prejudice have emptied the whole quiver of their arrows.
Robespierre gains by the comparison with Louis