The Sun.
London, England, 1866-10-09 00:00:00

be good. I shall not appeal to the writers in newspapers,
one of whom—and not a very creditable one—is concealed
somewhere in this town. I shall appeal only to the truth-
loving, vast majority of the people of this country. Our
object is this,—to restore popular representation in this
country; to make the House of Commons the organ and re-
presentation of the nation, and not of a small clads of it. If
you look over all the world, you will now see that repre-
sentation is extending everywhere, and the degree of its
completeness is becoming the measure of national liberty,
not only in the North American continents, but in the na-
tions and kingdoms of old Europe. (Cheers.) I have men-
tioned the North American continents. To-morrow is the
groatest day in the United States, when, perhaps, millions
of men will go to the poll, and they will give their votes
on the great question whether justice shall or not be done
to the liberated African ; and in a day or two we shall hear
the result, and I shall be greatly surprised if that result

does not add one more proof to those already given of the
solidity, intelligence, and public spirit of the great body of
the people of the United States. I have mentioned the
North American continent. I refer to the colonies which

are still part bf this empire as well as to those other colg
vies which now form this great and free Republic, founded
by the old Genoese captain at the end of the 15th century.
A friend of mine, Cyrus Field, of New York—(cheers)—
is the Columbus of our time, for after no less than 41 pas-
sages across the Atlantic in pursuit of the great aim of his
life, he has at length by his cable moored the New World
close alongside the Old. (Cheers.) To speak from the
United Kingdom to the North American continent and
from North America to the United Kingdom now is but
the work of a moment of time, and it does not require the
utterance even of a whisper. The English nations are
brought together, and they must march on together. The
spirit of either Government must be the same, although the
form be different. If it be true that a broad and generous
freedom is the heritage of England, our purpose is this—
to establish that freedom for ever on the sure foundation of
a broad and generous representation of the people. The
hon. gentleman then resumed his seat amid loud cheers.
Mr. E. BEALES and Mr. ERNEST JoNEs proposed and
seconded a resolution similar to that passed at the morning
meeting, acknowledging the services of the Liberal mem-
bers of Parliament who had supported the cause of the
people.

Mr. FORSTER, M.P., who responded, was loudly cheered
for some minutes. He said he esteemed it a high honour—
he thought the highest that was ever bestowed on him—

to receive the thanks of the meeting, which had proved a
worthy ending of a magnificent demonstration in company
with the distinguished patriots who had been mentioned;
for himself he could only say that, knowing the character
of the working men of the West Riding, of Leeds, and
Bradford, knowing their virtues and their faults, if he had
not said what little he did say in the House of Commons on
their behalf, he should have most grossly misconceived his
duty and disgraced the constituency he represented. Before
Mr. Gladstone took up the question it scarcely Was worth
attention, but it would now be no longer trifl3d with, and
the settlement of it could no longer be postponed. The man
who of all others had placed the question in its present
condition was, next to Mr. Bright, the best abused man in
the House of Commons. And why had he been so abused?
Parliamentary politics, and especially Parliamentary politics
upon the question of Reform, had become utterly unsound,
insincere, and untrue, and all those who were content with
this insincerity greatly condemned the conduct of those who
had made it difficult, if not impossible, for the future. All
those who claimed the credit of being Liberals, while they
carried out and supported the Conservativepolicy, all those
who wished to run with the hare while they hunted with
the hounds, bitterly blamed Mr. Gladstone because ho had
forced them to choose their side. (Cheers.) Well, so strongly
was this insincerity in the House of Commons that sincerity
in the House of Commons, especially upon this question,
was generally considered bad manners. They knew the
charge which had been brought against Mr. Gladstone, that
in the conduct of the Reform Bill rte had lost his temper ;
but this he had always observed that when Mr. Gladstone
showed he was in earnest he was invariably charged with
being'in a passion. For years,Lord Palmerston, as a Liberal
Premier and the head of the Liberal party, governed the
country upon Conservative pi inciples. He did not blame Lord
Palmerston for that. He honestly b3iieved that Lord Pal-
merston thought he was doing his duty, and there wore
many men who now praised him for it. At any rate, there
was no disputing the fact, and there was also no disputing
this result—that, whatever Lord Paltnerston's motive, the
effect was that the Liberal party was becoming weakened
and demoralised, especially upon this Reform question, and
it would speed-'y have been utterly destroyed. Mr. Glad-
stone had made that state of things impossible for the future.
Alluding to the absence of Mr. Baines from the meeting,
he said that, although Mr. Baines was not with them that
night, they would find him faithful and most efficient in
suppom t. of their cause in Parliament when Parliament
met again. Ho concluded by observing that, for his own
pail, he was not an advocato for manhood suffrage, but
preferred household suffrage. He bespoke a fair heating
for any measure that might be introduced by the present
Government, and hinted that it was not impossible that Mr.
Disrael'; like Sir Robert Peel, might close his career by
sacrificing his pal ty and producing a really Liberal Bill.
A vote of thanks to the chairman terminated the pro-
ceedings.