The Sun.
London, England, 1835-07-20 00:00:00

'r CHAIRMAN said he could assure Mr. Foster that this
' .'4 of his petition, but when he went

1 i•.. ..

wos the first be hart new,.
home he should inquire about it.
Mr, Posfma.— I wrote your Lordship a letter to know. ..
you would present It, arid that letter' remaining unanswered,
I concluded you declined to comply with my fetiitegt.
The CHAIRMAN observed that he had no recollection of the
letter, and asked when it had been sent?
Mr. FOSTER.—About a fortnigN ?tee,
CHAIRMAN said he feared the answer kOlt. to
give woUld be anythit!st but satisrav:;;;" to Mr. Foster. The
nuftiiief of iettefl
,Vtiiich readied him daily, varying fl-urn 90 to
100, obliged bird to iive4 &en'i , pireeedeue'd id the order in
which they were receives, atld it Wag Much as he; Msse-
cretary, and his clerk could do, to dispose df them even in that
won He, did not doubt, but that though this convergittlun had
not ensued, Mr. t'ostcr Wco,ld have received an answer to his
letter in the course of the ensuing Week, At all events, he
should give his attention to the subject, dad If Mr, Foster
affixed a priver to his petition he (Lord Brougham) would un-
dertake to present It to the House of Parliament to which he
belonged.
The resolution having been put and carried tmonimously,_

-• ;f•

The CIIAIRNIAN then explained to the meeting that' ft would
be necessary for them to sign the petition. By the rules of
the House of which he was a Member, a petition signed by the
Chairman of a public meeting, was treated as the petition of
an individual. Now, he knew that he had very little weight
in the place to which he alluded—and, therefore, he did not
wish the petition to be considered as proceeding from him.
Mr. O'CONNELL here stood forward, and was received with
enthusiastic cheers, and cries of " Get upon the table." He
said that he was in favour of the floor.—( Laughter, and cries
of " Oh, but we want to see you.") He was ono of the peo-
ple, and he therefore did not desire, and certainly would not
seek elevation. --( Renewed laughter.) He was one of that
sect of politicians that was deeply persuaded that every ame-
lioration of the social system could be made only in one way,
—namely, by the force of public opinion ; that alterations
might be effected by means of force, but improvements could
only be brought about by the moral strength of combined and
informed intellect. The history of this country proved that
fact, especially the pages which told of the restoration of
Charles 11., and which narrated the tyranny of Cromwell.
The latter, by reason of an appeal to brute force, left the coun-
try in a worse state than that in which he found it while the
former, by working upon the intelligence of the land, had ef-
fected a bloodless change. So also, so far as his own experience
had gone, every amelioration had been produced by the effect
of enlightened understandings. The meeting would remem-
ber, as well as he himself did, the times, when a proscription
was placed on the man who did not believe in the exact
square of 30 articles—when the Protestant Dissenter who
threw overboard 18 of the 39, and the Roman Catholic who
aided about 100 to them, were equally proscribed in their
native land ; and because they worshipped God in the sin-
cerity of conscientious conviction, they were for that very
virtue declared criminals, and proscribed as such in the land
which gave them birth. A change in this respect had in
their own times been brought about, not by an appeal to force,
not by the effusion even of a single drop of blood, but by the
improved sense of the community. So also with respect to
the great change recently effected by the measure of Par-
liamentary Reform. That great measure had been brought
to maturity and efficiency, not by an array of constables or of
soldiers from the Horse Guards,—no sword had been un-
sheathed, and no weapon been brought forward except the argu-
ment, the reasoning, and the moral combination of the intellect
of the people of England. It seemed to him that this was a dull
sermon he was preaching, because these facts were well known
to all who heard him. He must, however, remind them
of a few obvious facts, and first he would point at the
improvement which must result to many of the institu-
tions of the country by such additional information as
would necessarily be afforded to the people if the press was
free. He would first take the Sovereign on the throne, who,
though irresponsible, became more secure as his subjects be-
came more informed; for when men became aware that the
safety of their own families depended on the " fixity" of the
throne, doubtless the security of that throne was increased.
Again, in this manufacturing country, in which, though griev-
ances calling for redress existed, let but the people know and
Ettnderstand that one day's insurrection would break up all her
interests, and lead to the starvation of 2,000,000 of her people,
and strict peace and tranquillity would result from such in-
formation being promulgated. This was said to be dangerous
ground; he, however, thought otherwise—nay, he firmly be-
lieved that the more information was spread, the more secu-
rity would be afforded to the throne, as well as to the best and
most important interests of the community. He hesitated not
to declare his conviction that never was monarch safer on his

throne than was King William IV. the day on which he
affixed his signature to the measure of Parliamentary Reform.
There was another institution in this country which in his
judgment would be benefited by an increased circulation of
information—he meant the House of Lords. He owned
that he was not much pleased with the system of here-
ditary legislation, but this might be prejudice in favour of the
noble individual who that day presided. —( Hear.) But he
could not accord to the system by which, because a man's
father was a peer, that man should become at 21 years of
age, if his father should die, an hereditary judge of dernier
ressort, and net only a Judge himself, but a begetter of
Judges. How strange it would be if a man should ask another
to be allowed to make him a coat, urging, as a qualification
for the task, that his father was a tailor. Yet, this was quite
reconcilable with the system of hereditary legislation. It
might be said that the Peerage frequently served as a reward
for a man whi had devoted his gigantic talents and energies
to the cause of his country. He believed so, and was ready in
that case to give that man the benefit of it. " Yes, my Lord,"
continued Mr. O'Connell, " vote are entitled te- that benefit ;
and when I see the people's friend and the Peer in one and
the same person, I am ready to contribute that crown of glory
and honor which may serve as a halo round the head of the
man." But still this was no reason why some additional light
should not be thrown into the House of Lords ; upon the rats
and owls who there delight in darkness, the light of knowledge
ought to be made to shine, for there was ample room for it.
The House of Commons, too, stood in need of illumination in
this respect. With respect to the brood of hypocrites that
House contained—hypocrites who said they would support the
principle of the Corporation Reform Bill, yet sought to des-
lterodygeitiscedreetadiliskuhseedWgoellilideraatlylNa'hmeothngers,tift
hienfpoermopaltei,onthaonsde know-
hypo-
crites would not be scouted out of society by every well-
thinking man ? If the people were fully informed, would the
House of Commons continue long to contain the Represen-
tatives not of the people, but of the 101. qualified, and the
50/. enfranchised portions of the community only ? No.
In the present state of the representative system, be feared
they would never have what they required ; the people would
never be properly represented until every man was entitled to
his vote. They had heard of such things as freemen in towns ;
but, if knowledge was more generally diffused among the peo-
ple, they would know that these persons had obtained their
freedom by a usurpation of the rights of their fellow citizens.
The system was similar to that existing in the city of London,
where none but liverymen were entitled to vote, and a payment
of 401. to the Corporation to take out the livery gave a privilege
which the other citizens of London did not possess till the passing
of the Reform Bill.—( Cheers.) If newspapers could be circu-
lated at a cheap rate—if the people were better informed upon
the principles of legislation, and that every man could ascertain
his right to demand that representation should be coequal with
taxation—( Loud cries of " Hear")—and that his share in the
honours and advantages of the State should be coequal with his
liability to serve his country in war, these anomalies would not
exist much longer—( Cheers)—and a few would not enjoy all the
honours and emoluments to the exclusion of the many. Why
had not these defects in our social system been sooner reme-
died? Because the people had not had sufficient education
and information upon these matters, and because the sources
of knowledge were a sealed - book from the great bulk of the
community. If this general knowledge was more generally
diffused would the law remain in its present state—a disgrace
to civilized society ? Would not those necessary reforms be
speedily introduced, and the legal profession stripped of the
cabalistical nayste,•y at present attached to it ?—( Cheers.)
Was it not a fact that the most intelligent and enlightened man
upon all other subjects, was a perfect child with respect to the
law until he came to one of us legal conjurors ?—( Hear, and
laughter.) He would not say one word of Judges in Equity
—( Hear, and a laugh)--but was it not a fact that the intrica-
cies and absurdities of our Courts of Equity had almost
swamped one of the most powerful and gifted intellects
that had ever adorned the human frame ?—( Hear, hear.)
He would not allude to the ridiculous importance and im-
plicit deference paid in that profession to the opinions of
old judges, but this much he would not hesitate to say,
that there never was a class of men who had done so
much mischief to the cause of human liberty as the Judges
of former times.----( Cheers.) If the people had but the
necessary information to fathom the depths of this mischief—
if the means were only placed within their reach of ascertain-
ing the amount of human misery occasioned by bad legislation,
these things would not continue twelve months longer. Look
at the effects of the present system of taxation upon the press.
Look at the daily papers, the atrocious Times and the blood-
stained Standard.—( Hear, hear.) Could there be a more
frightful lesson respecting the importance of throwing open
the channels of political knowledge to the people. It had
been rightly said that power was apt to corrupt those who
possessed it, and it was thus with the villains belonging to the
Times: when they had endeavoured to make the most of one
party and had found they could not make enough, they could
not resist the lure of bribes—not bribes of mere paltry money,
for that they had, but bribes of power ; they had therefore
wheeled to the right about, and thus this instrument of great
influence and great talent, he admitted, had exhibited a most
frightful instance of human profligacy, corruption, finesse,
and treachery. They had abused him (Mr. O'Connell) on
Monday—( Hear, and laughter)--ansd during the whole week
they had abused him te, ice a day. --(Laughter.) Why had
they done so ? Because it took 25,000/. to establish a news-
paper under the present system.---( Cheers.) Because, unless
a man had 15,000/., or 20,0001., or 30,0001., he could not
attempt to compete with them—and thus, by this monopoly of
Power, they were enabled with impunity to affright the people
with these instances of profligate immorality. The Dorchester
labourers were in Botany Bay ; but what was their crime—what
was the enormity they had committed compared to the crimes
of the writer of the Times 2—( Hear.) Public pickpockets
and thieves were sent to the treadmill for their misdemeanors
against society ; but what was their crime, compared to that
of the writers of the Times ?—( Laughter and " Hear, hear.")
These men (the great offenders) " walked in purple and scarlet '
and fine linen, and fared sumptuously every day ;" while tli.
sentence of the law was inflicted without mercy upon petty
offenders and minor wretches.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Let
there be but a cheap press, and what, he ( Mr. O'Con-
nell) would ask, would become of Printing-house-square ?
In4eacl of having one overgrown miscreant selling himself
','4l 9ne party to. ay, and to another party to-morrow—in-

' stead of having a miscreant conducting himself in such a
way—and, really, he was astonished, in an enlightened society
, where there Waylike that of England
villain, a double-
r villain, with one face one day, and another
Fe another
::
jf t-ould still continue to purchase his ware---
day, that they.
his, political and moral information
(bond lattgliter)—inateaa.
would tie thfcatn.open to wholesome and salutary competition.
mNo respectable an i-inVid gdattd shake hands in the street
with a common sheep-stealer ; in Ms (Mr. O'Connell's)
ophtien, the sheep-stealer was not half so great eeiaereant as
the 17irli:a§a-4eleeere, and cries of " No, no.") These Issareona
tell us iliat they do rite( leant to Iraae the stamp duties lessened,
and they put forward pataigraphs amazingly disinterested, in
which they state that they pay thirty, forty, or fifty thousand
pounds a year to the revenue, in the shape of stamp duties.
They say we bear all this heavy impost ourselves—why
sliceald the public complain that we have to pay it ?—(Much
laughter.) That laugh convinced him ( Mr. O'Connell) that
the people undetatoed the trick.—(Hear.) In the first place,
saving their presence, they lie !--they only handed the money
over, but it was the people who were obliged to pay it.—
(Loud cries of " Hear.") They advanced the money, but
only that they might have it come back into their own pocket
with compound interest. They charged the people with the
stamp duty, and a commercial duty thereon, and thus they not
only fleeced the people, but kept cheap and useful instruc-
tion from them.—(Loud cheers.) There was also the
Morning Herald, but God knows it was not worth mentioning.
—(A laugh.) There was also the Chronicle, vcticli had the
good fortune to have men of honour and principle connsacted
with it, and accordingly they found it standing up for tt:
rights of the people. But he had against the Morning Chroni-
cle also to complain of the monopoly that existed, and in which
it was a sharer, for if that monopoly was annihilated they would
have, instead of one, twenty Morning Chronicles. The daily
press would then be not pandering to the depraved appetites of
the people—not disgusting the public with their gross immo-
rality—not having their conductors gorging themselves at the
tables of state paupers, who lived in splendour on the pecula-
tion and plunder of the public. But the Chronicle, and
Times, and Herald of the day would then be newspapers
looking for public support through the honesty and integrity
of their writers, and they would then be more dependent upon
popular favour, as forming a portion of the great moral power
of the nation—their tone and subjects of discussion would take
a more enlarged and comprehensive range, they would study
more to promote the happiness and improvement of their
readers, and they would grow into wealth by diffusing literary
strength and moral worth among the people.—(Loud cheer-
ing.) It might be said, that in looking for the reduction of
these taxes they were asking for too much ; but this he (Mr.
O'Connell) denied. He did insist on sweeping away the whole,
for it was not worth making " two bites of a cherry."—(A
laugh.) Taking off half the stamp duties was really doing
nothing more than giving the evil a kind of paralytic stroke—
making it dead on the one side, while the other remained in
full vigour.--(Laughter and cheering.) 'net was in fact all
they would do, so long as they continued any peration of these
iniquitous taxes—the monopoly still remained behind, and
the principles of free trade and cheap information were pro-
hibited.--( Great cheering.) And here he would ask, bow was
it that in a country in which men were accustomed to eat bread
every day of their lives the oppressive corn-laws were permhed
to remain on the statute-book ? If the nation was' sufficiently
informed, did they suppose that it would allow a tax to be
placed upon human food, and such in his (Mr. O'Connell's)
opinion was the operation of the corn-laws. What was the
operation of these laws? Why, simply, that the poor man,
who had only enough of money to buy one loaf for his
starving children, was obliged to cut it in two, and give one
half of it to the tax-gatherer, while his family must be con-
tent with the other half.—(".Hear, hear, and cheering.") If
knowledge was more generally diffused, the corn-laws would
not remain a block on the 'scutcheon of England. The tax
upon the press prevented men knowing and feeling these,
and many other equally important truths, and day after day,
and hour after hour, some defects in the present system were
concealed from the public by this tax. It might be said that
the Ministers wanted the present tax, and that he (Mr. O'Con-
nell) should not be the man to deprive the Chancellor of the
Exchequer of this money, which was necessary to carry on the
business of the State. He avowed that he was decidedly a
supporter of the present Government, and was deeply grateful
to it. That might be considered by some an offence. Why
was he a supporter of the present Government ? Was it that
he forgot the past history of his country? No; but he chose
to remember only the best part of it, and it might be asked
why? Because the Whigs were opposed to another party
in the State.—(Cheers.) Because they stood between the
people and the revival of the Six Acts to which a former
speaker had alluded, because they stood between the people
and such atrocities as the Manchester massacre.—( Loud
cheers)—because they stood between the country and the man
of iron heart and brazen head, who, because British valour
had placed him in a situation of pre-eminent distinction, would
seek still to trample them down with the iron hoof of his mili-
tary boot.—( Laughter and applause.) What was that man's
merit but that he had marched the people in a row, when they
had been called out as soldiers, and then, when the victory
had been gained, at the price of the blood of these brave men,
he took from the people their privileges, and assumed the
highest offices of the State upon himself? He (Mr. O'Connell)
would not calumniate those gallant spirits who had hearts as
well as heads—who had sympathy as well as courage, who had
feeling as well as swords, and who drew these swords in the
defence of the sacred cause of liberty—there were many choice
spirits among them, but he, the chief among them all, had
none of those attributes which would entitle him to the grati-
tude and love of the people, and which adorned the lovers of
true freedom. He promoted—he (Mr. O'Connell) could not
say whether he loved—those that flattered and fawned upon
Is", and bestowed 'upon them all the places asas-perisaals as nie--
disposal, without regard to qualification or merit. But so far
as he (Mr. O'Connell) knew, there was nothing in that man
to raise him above the scale of others, or entitle him to the
extraordinary pre-eminence he claimed. What was it that be
had created and perpetuated, those mighty Gogs and Magogs
of the state? The want of information among the people.
—(Cheers.) When he (Mr. O'Connell) saw such a vast
number of goodly beings—when lie saw before him such a
mass of intelligent British freemen, when he recollected that
the intelligence of these men had been applied, through the
medium of machinery, to crude matter, so as almost to make
it think, that it had created powers of combination almost
beyond the reach of thought, working self-possessed and self-
directed with a force and rapidity exceeding that of myriads
and myriads of human beings, combining the stupendous force
of the thousand horse power with the nicety and accuracy of
pointing the Whitechapel needle, and mixing up the minutest
details of ingenuity with the grandest and most sublime efforts
of power.—(Great applause.) When he saw all this he asked
himself, why had not the sources of knowledge been laid be-
fore them on every other point ? Why had these men not been
put in possession of the means of reaching the instruments of
Government, and directing the making of the laws, and the
appointment of responsible Magistrates ? Why had not all
this been done? Because the press was not free enough for
it. The press was the oil that would make the machinery of
Government move regularly and smoothly—the press was the
steam-engine that would overcome every resistance—the press
was the hundred-thousand-horse-power, which would grind
Toryism to the dust.—(Cheering.) Let it loose upon the
Magistracy—( Cheers)—that enlightened race of men, and here
he would observe that in the House of Commons every Hon.
Member who was a Magistrate praised the Magistracy, and
every one who was not did not praise them.—(Laughter.)
How could it be expected that this body would be efficient or
impartial, when they wc.c totally irresponsible ? But if they
had a press which would hang them up whenever they had in-
flicted the slightest injury or hardship upon the poor—( Hear,
hear)—if they had a press which would be vigilant on behalf
of the poor, and whose reporters would devote themselves to
finding out instances of oppression and illegality for the pur-
pose of having them exposed and redressed—if the press
became thus really useful, and had hunters out of that sort,
what would be the consequence ? Why, that the Magistracy,
instead of being appointed by the Crown, in violation of the
prerogatives of the people, would be appointed by the people ;
and, instead of being as at present, wholly irresponsible, they
would be responsible to that law which they now set at defi-
ance for every violation of human liberty.—( Loud cheering.)
How was this to be obtained but by the power of information
diffused among all classes of the people? When offences
against the law were committed, the Press, as the recognized
organ of public opinion, would then be stria: :',T to punish and
denounce the offenders to the full extent the Law awarded ;

and, if the poorer classes were better informed upon Ncli sub-
jects, was it likely that those foolish burnings of liaggari and
stocks of corn would occur? Or would they not be aware that
the silliest possible way to make bread cheap was to destroy
the corn of which it was made; and the most absurd way to

make employment general and remunerative, was to destroy
the property the sale of which would procure the farmer money
to pay for their labour? The Press would soon convince the
most miserable and discontented among the peasantry, that

such abominable proceedings tarnished even the wild justice
of revenge. A free Press, capable of instructing the people
fully as to their rights, would be thus almost omnipotent for
good. It would, back those who had no votes in the re-
presentation of the country to surround those who had, and
to say to them, you are the trustees of our privileges, and if
you vote for the upholder of useless taxes and pensions, and
all sorts of State extravagance, you vote against us all.—
(Loud cries of " Hear.") With such sentiments generally
diffused, the franchise need hardly be extended universally,
unless for the purposes of justice ; and on that ground he (Mr.
O'Connell) should always advocate its extension. The people
would become too honest for the lovers of corruption, and

. .
would scorn the paltry bribe by which they might be tempted
to betray their rights and their country. lie bad addressed

them at great length, although when he got up he had had very
little to say, and he feared they would think so—(" No, no")
—but the subject was interesting, and had supplied him with
materials. What he (Mr. O'Connell) wished to see was
knowledge extended and reaching to every human being—that
knowledge should be of the best sort, and that could only be
obtained by opening the field for the competition of all ; mere
brute violence and the force of ignorant men, instead of giving
strength and tapidity to the wheel destroyed the power of the
machinery—but informed power worked its way to utility.
They had two great. parties in the State—the Whigs on
the one hand, and the Tories on the other. The Whigs were
not going on perhaps so fast as . they ought—( Hear and a
laugh)—but he ( Mr. O'Connell) ought to speak well of them
at all events, they had introduced some excellent measures
during the present session : and, after seven hundred years of
misrule, they were opening the door of justice to the loved
land of his birth. Oh ! (continued the Hon. Member) may
they be confirmed more every day in their good purpose of
doing justice .to the poor people of Ireland—of that country
for which nature has done so much, and man so little : and
oh ! may that God who has shed to many benefits and blessings
.on Ireland (although she has been so fatally cursed by misgo-
vernrnept), strengthen their power and fortify their hearts to

give to the good and enlightened people of England the gra-
ee inugstitcheemat dleisnpeginhsetojusltriecleantod.EnTheelaend,igoticaentdo
tsiaccoatitaionn of seeing
j
d
,an
Learned Gentleman sat down amid loud and long-continued
cheering, which lasted for some minutes.
• WALLACE, Esq_, M. P., rose to second the resolution,
which
-eith much •
which he u pleasure. He said he would not de-
tain the meeting for any length of time, but they must al-
low him to remark that the piper which had been shown to
them by Mr. Hume came from America—that glorious country
where the people elected their own magistrates ; and he was
proud to say that no longer ago than yesterday, he had the ho-
nour to present a petition to the House of Commons from his
native town of Greenock, which was signed by every one of its
Magistrates and Council, in favour of the object for which that
Meeting was held. It might be in the remembrance of the
Meeting, that about three years ago a Bill similar in character
to that now in the House, for the purification of the Corporations
of England passed, with respect to Scotland. The people in that
country now had the important privilege of electing the council,
and through those upon whom their choice fell, the Magistrates,
and therefore it was that he could now boast that the Magistrates
and Council of the town he had the honour to represent—the
largest seaport in Scotland, had petitioned for the immediate
removal of the Stamp Tax upon information.—( Cheers.) Had
the Government of Towns been under the old system, the
petition, he was afraid, would have had a 'very different
prayer. He most cordially supported the resolution proposed
by his Hon. Friend who preceded him.
The resolution was put to the meeting, and passed unani-
mously.
General EVANS, M.P., then rose and was well received.
He said he felt honoured in being asked to propose a Reso-
lution to the Meeting, which he was certain to have the con-
currence of all in—it was one of thanks to the Noble, Lord
who had been so kind as honour them by taking the Chair.—
Immense eeeeein,g.) There might be some of his consti-
tuents present, ana as that was the first time he had been in
public since he had joieed the cause of liberty, by entering the
service of a Foreign Power, they might expect him to address
himself to that point. He felt that was not a proper opportu-
nity, but he could assure all, that he would take a very early
opportunity of meeting his constituents and explaining to them
the position he was placed in.—(Cheers.) He ( General E.)
had not the facility of expression possessed by some of his
Hon. Friends, but not one of them was more deeply sensible
of the debt the meeting owed to the Noble Lord for his con-
sistent and long-continued labours for the education of the
people. The Resolution was seconded and. carried with loud
and long-continued cheering, and one cheer more.
Lord BROUGHAM rose to express his acknowledgments for
the kind reception they had given him, but was for some time
prevented from proceeding by ehe loud and general cheering;
it was indeed the same he had always met among his fellow
citizens of London and Westminster, with whom he had passed
so many years of his life; but upon no occasion had he ever
met them with greater satisfaction than at present, because he
had never yet known then:, among all the important designs
in furtherance of which they had been fellow-labourers, en-
gaged in one of superior importance—he might almost say of
importance equal to that for the promotion of which they
had that day assembled. The time would fail him if' he
attempted to describe the prodigious consequences which he
expected to result to the improvement of mankind from mak-
ing knowledge cheap and free. They bad been labouring
for seven or eight years to diffuse cheap knowledge among
the people, and at every turn and step of their progress
they had been defeated by the tax and the stamp. It was in
vain they toiled; it was to no purpose they made others
write ; it was fruitless to correspond with the uttermost
ends of the earth for the purpose of diffusing what those men
wrote, and which they caused at the cheapest rate to be
printed ; they were met by the tax-gatherer and the stamp-
collector at each pace they made, at each turn they tried, and
over all the' powers they could put forth to enlighten the peo-
ple there was thus exercised that control which the powers of
darkness had over the children of light—not because wiser in
their generation, i'er they were less wise—they were foolish in
their generation, but• because they had the power in their
hands, and because, thOugh knowledge was power, it was not
force, and its strength cee7e by slow degrees. But why did
he detain for one moment lonaen- those who, on coming into
that room were satisfied on amat .subject? Arguments there
were none required to convince
lease who were already
persuaded—(Hear, hear, hear)—information there was none
wanted to fill minds which were alreamlY brim-full and
overflowing with all the information upon the subject—
( Hear, hear)—but he rejoiced they had been addressed by those
gentlemen who had preceded him, because these speeches
would encourage and animate, and make them tero onward
fearless and firm, though temperate in their course; fo: beyond
firmness, and beyond temperance, nothing was required w pro-
cure for them the greatest of victories. But let them not be
taken in_ by any man who should talk to them of a partial re-
duction—(Hear, bear)—don't let them be deluded for one in-
stant of time, by those who would offer even two-thirds of the
tax. If one penny remained (said the Noble and Learned
Lord), I tell you the necessary consequence will be, I cannot
send penny knowledge into the country ; for that penny must
be paid to the stamp duty, and there would remain another
penny to be paid, of which the hawkers took about one half,
and whose assistance was absolutely necessary, before in-
formation could reach the cottage and the farm. He had
gone into the market-town and the large city, but igno-
rance, like the desolating plague, was not confined within
walled towns and fortified cities, and knowledge was
stopped not at the walled town and fortified place, but it
was stopped where wanted most of all—it passed not the
threshold of the peasant—the ignorant farm-house. " Take
off that tax," said he to the late Mr. l{uekisson, in 1827,
take off that tax, and there is not a farmer or farm-ser-
vant, or ploue-hmen, or plomiebboe in the laud._ that shall not
read next hall-year, what he never read before." Not that he
denied the paramount importance of taking it off, and making
all knowledge. political as well as general, cheap and univers-
ally distributable in towns as well as the country, but he named
the case where it was most wanted, and most excluded by the
pernicious tax which they all so fervently deprecated. He had
addressed them thus shortly, because more words would be
superfluous, and he had addressed them late in the day, be-
cause he was anxious that others should precede him in illus-
trating a subject on which he had so often expressed his
opinions, and so reneatedly stated his views—on which so re-
cently in another pleee, in the House of Parliament to which
he belonged, he had se fully urged and largely enforced so
many arguments in favour of the only thing they could think
of or listen to, or at all sut'l'er--he meant the total and absolute
repeal of this obnoxious impost. He had even done what was
most unusual with him, and certainly very laborious, in having
taken the pains of publishing an accurate report of what he said
on that occasion, so that. it would be in vain to think of longer
occupying their time, most, if not all of them, having no doubt
read all he had to say, and much more than was wanted to be
said in defence of their great cause. But he rejoiced heartily
he had heard that day from so many mouths that in England,
in Ireland, and in Scotland there was but one prevailing
wish and one universal desire—that the fyod of the mind, the
staff of virtue, the staff of the better life of man, should not
be burdened by a tax of 200 per cent., when no man durst
name the purpose, directly at least, and in plain downright
terms, of imposing a tax of one farthing on the cwt. of
that bread by which they had the highest authority for
saying man did not alone live. If the bread which they
ate to support their natural life were proposed to be taxed
to the amount as lie had said of a farthing in the cwt.,
the Minister who broached the scand&ous proposition durst
not hold up his head. Would not the press in that case •
lift up its voice against such a measure? Aud yet, for
reasons best known to itself, because not on that footing
on which they all hoped, before many months', to see it
placed, the press, with very few exceptions, breathed not one
whisper against this tax of 200 per cent. upon whet he had
ventured to call the staff of the intellectual, the better, the
immortal life of man. The Noble and Learned Lord then
shortly referred to the excise duty of 3d. on the pound
weight of paper, which should also come down ; but to take it
off altogether was another matter; he did not certainly for
the present recommend that; "but I know for certain," said
the Noble and Learned Lord, " I know it, I may say profes-
sionally and as a tradesman, as a preparer and dealer in cheap -
works, a trade to which I am devotedly attached, and which I
have carried on many years of my life in my capacity of schol-
master—l know for certain that hundreds and thousands of
works now altogether prevented from appearing to the edifica-
tion, amusement, :.-nd still more the instruction of the people
in political and general knowledge, and hundreds of others, not
newspapers, but other publications, now languishing or strug-
glingf for existence under the severe pressure of the excise on
paper, •would, if' that duty were diminished by one half
gi;ring into new life and spread universally through the coun-
try, diffusing knowledge and by knowledge diffusing
virtue.
He did not wish to detain them longer, indeed
it was out oe. his power, having made arrangements which re-
quired
his immediate departure from town, in order to fulfil
some promises m.2de long ago, but accidentally still undis-
charged, to one or two mechanic and other institutions of that
character, in the great any
populous town of Lancaster. He
was glad, however, to have attended that meeting, when
it did take place, because, it pos,tz.ned for a fortnight, they
might then have been told by the Min;ster that they were too
late, and that the plans of Governirent were fixed for the
present year. Ilis opinion on the subject was very strong,
and he never heard anything that could et.'nvince him of its
error. Ile would much rather see the whole cxe the stamp-tax
kept on, th in 2d. out of the 3d. repealed ; became se sure he was
if retained for another year, the voice of the co.'intry would
spurn all bounds—the desire of the people woe'ld force
itself to be heard, Government must yield to that desire, and
Parliament, with the Government, must take off time tax. But
if 2d. out of the 3d. were remitted, they might have mane
years longer to contend mvith the remaining Id., which he re-
garded as at least 3,000 fold worse than the other 2d., because
it would still prevent cheap knowledge fiam being generally
diffused. The Noble and Learned Lord again expressed his
thanks for the kind reception they had given, him, and con-
cluded by strongly recommending them to sign the petitions
which lay at the door for signature, embodying the sense of
the resolutions which had been adopted.
The Meeting then bloke up. Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Hume,
and Mr. Grote were enthusiastically cheered on leaving tho
Meeting.
Such was the anxiety of all present to sign the petition, that
the tables on which they were placed were completely beset far
some time after time conclusion of the Meeting.

TRADE IN LANCASHIRE.—=The silk weaving eon-
tinues brisk, yet some alterations are taking place. The fancy
waistcoatings, woven by the Jacquard loom, are nearly all
changing to figured sarsenets. Plain and check sarsene49
continue in good demand. Cotton hand-loom weaving is de.
dining. The trade at Bury, Heywood, Rochdale, Oldham*
&C., is brisk. flatting is in a middling way. Brickkers,
masons, joiners, &c., are very busy, and hands a *a, arse.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

deemed worthy to entail upon him who endures them a I
numberfer
in
gs . of a
Sirc cite sosbo
er yr t dpi segerl
sc eesx
paioe
sdu
roe f
ofe xt
ht rea
fee.7e
nscus fs-,
inconsistency, and obliquity of course pursued by
Lord John Russell was terrible. It was the smashing
of a little dog by a boa constrictor. A pretty confes-
sion it was truly, for Lord J. Russell, that he teal his
party had held out false hones in favour or the freemen's
franchise to induce the House of Lords to pass the
Reform Bill ; and a fine encouragement to the Lords to
co-operate in the present instance with the Ministers in
the violation of those rights which three years ago it was
promised to perpetuate ! Rightly had Sir Robert Peel
predicted, some three months ago, that the first muti-
lations of the Reform Bill would proceed from its own
eoneoctors, the moment they found that any of its
provisions bore hard upon their own faction's interests.
The notorious case of Stafford, where the householders
were bribed by hundreds together—the flagrant case of
leiverpool, where retired brewers, militia captains, and
other " most respectable gentlemen," received large
bribes, and sulked because they did not get more ;
these are examples whiCh it might have been no less
modest than impartial in Lord John Russell to re-
member, did not affect the poor freemen whom he
makes his victims, but did affect in the most emphatic
manner those " virtuous and respectable" bodies of
voters on whom he makes it his boast to rely. • We
agree with an Hon. Member who spoke afterwards,
that when Sir R. Peel's speech goes forth to the coun-
try, the Ministers will fare the worse for it. They
have proved themselves deadly haters of the poor man's
rights, and whether the right in question appertained
( Signed)
to rich or poor, it was guaranteed by the Bill of -Par-
" Place of abode. alimentary Reform.—Times.
" Nature of qualification. Those all-professing friends of libetty the Whigs
" Where situate." never received a more severe castigation than, that
Voters once registered need not make a claim again, which befel them from Sir Robert Pecl in the debate
unless they have changed either their qualification or on Thursday night. If we were not prepared by past
their residence, in either of which cases a new claim experience for tergiversation and inconsistency in all
will be requisite. Voters for cities and boroughs must their most outrageous forms, we could not have ima-
go immediately to the Overseers, and pay up all poor- gined any thing half so preposterous as the fact which
rates and assessed taxes due on the 6th April last. If is now opened and defended, that the very same per-
this be not done, the overseers will exclude their names sons who, only three years agog were the warm and
from the lists. This day is the last day for the pur- uncompromising supporters of the rights of freemen in
pose. No claim is requisite unless the voter's name boroughs, under the Reform Act, are now pre-
should be omitted in the lists subsequently made out. pared, under the Corporation Bill, to swamp them
Reformers I never did there exist greater demands all, and actually to throw overboard the rights of
upon your active exertions than now. For the last those very persons, and the very persons themselves,
time we call upon you—Register ! Register ! ! Re- on whose behalf, when it suited a
party purpose,
gister !! ! —Morning Chronicle. they were so eloquent and uncompromising. And
In one sense, doubtless, it is an obvious truth that on what alleged ground is it that this change of
the Reform Bill was not a final, but only a prelimi- opinion takes place ? Because, forsooth, the freemen
nary and preparatory measure, inasmuch as nothing of boroughs belong, in a great measure, to the lower
can be more certain than the insufficiency of a mere classes of society, and have not, on that aceount, the
apparatus of any kind for the production of public be- same virtue and self-denial as their betters. Truly,
nefit or happiness, if such apparatus be never put in this is a notable discovery, but one not more remarkable
movement, but remain to be looked at by the curious for its untruth than for the quarter from which the in-
reasoner, as a piece of mere speculative and curious, suit emanates. But how speedily was this audacious
but idle excellence. We admit, in the most ample fallacy contradicted and blown " into thin air" by Sir
manner, that the Reform Bill was supported through- Robert Pea§ reference to the Liverpool case, where
out the country, and by none more eagerly or zeal- the fact stands recorded that the higher and lower
ously than ourselves, as a means to the accomplish- classes of freemen in that large town were only distin-
ment of various great national objects, one and all em- guishable on the score of bribery by the greater rape-
braced within the general term, and conducive to the city of the higher price demanded by the former. Yet,
practical realization, of ‘i good government." But there in the face of these facts, in face of the daily expe-
ls another sense in which the, Reform Bill was never rience of those who know what the true character of
Contemplated by the well meaning part of its supporters the different gradation of society really is, we find a
as a prelimisiary measure, or in which it was so re- compliant majority of the House of Commons ready
presented by those who framed and introduced it. to vote away the birthright of the poor man, while the
No such proposition was heard from that quarter, wealthier convicted receiver of bribes is left to revel in
at Me time, as that the nature of the reform his past and future profligacy. We feel anything but
apparatus itself should be exposed to further satisfaction in adverting to this circumstance. Our
and indefinite alterations, or that the principles of its wish and object is to see all classes of the community
action should be made the subjects of still renewed, convinced that they are liviug under the equal protec-
uncandid, and almost fraudulent practice. It was at tion of the laws, and that every tribunal of the country
least understood by the country, that whatever changes is actuated by a common wish to administer to them
in the direction of our national affairs were thereafter equal justice. But the Legislature—the highest tri-
to be worked out through the Reform Bill, such as re- bunal known to the Constitution--is not doing so when
dress of grievances and correction of abuses, should under a specious fallacy like this, it draws a distinction
be wrought by means of that system of political media- where none ought to exist. The result of such a pro-
nism which the Reform Bill itself created, and of which ceeding is to unhinge and dissatisfy a most important
it may be said to have consisted. Nobody could have • class of the community, who are already but too much
assumed that the relations between the constituent and prepared to look upon theirsuperiors as their oppressors,
representative bodies, or that the composition of either, and who want but such an overt act as this to swell
were to undergo further experiments, of the necessity the tide of discontent. We trust, therefore, that the
for which no proof could be drawn from any test of country will not have to deplore this decision as final ;
more positive and enlarged experience than had been but that either the House of Commons will repair its
within the reach of Parliament at the time when the own error,_ or that the credit of doing so is reserved for
Reform Bill was passed. Nobody, without imagining the House of Lords.—Morning Herald.
the deepest affront to the reforming 'Ministry of- that On Tuesday neoet,---on-ilte motion. :f01.:414e _Speaker
period, and to the Noble Lord who introduced the leaving the Chair, on the Church of Ireland Bill, Sir
Bill, could admit the possibility of their concurring, Robert Peel will move his instruction to the Commit-
only two years afterwards, in a scheme, of which the tee that the Bill be divided into two. On this occa-
sure, though indirect, and therefore self-condemned re- sion it is indispensably necessary that every Member of
suit must be, to destroy one considerable portion of the the Conservative party should be in his place, and the
constituency, of which the undisturbed existence had Protestant constituencies of the country will be slow to
been respected and guaranteed by that organic measure receive any excuse, however plausible or well devised,
-of reform. The freemen of towns have, in their most for the omission or neglect of this now sacred duty.
numerous denomination, represented a venerable right We deem ourselves peremptorily called upon to give
in this kingdom, and a most important moral power. this notice to the Members of the House of Commons
Those who had acquired their franchise by apprentice- in the most solemn and impressive manner that belongs
ships to particular trades, took their political title in to us. When the magnitude--the vital importance—
virtue of acknowledged industry and intelligence. Are of the motion that day to be submitted to them is con-
these qualifications for an enlightened or generous Le- sidered, no explanation for our solicitude on this point
gislature to look down upon, and to say that they shall will be necessary ; and we hold such a warning to be espe-
not be encouraged ? True it is that the great bulk of cially required in the present case, inasmuch as many
such constituencies are composed of poor people who religious and conscientious persons are at this. mo-
live by the sweat of their brow. Is that, again, a dis- ment the victims of the most barefaced " ruse" ever
qualification of men who in other respects fall nowise yet attempted to be practised by one political party
below the average of their fellow-citizens ? It has be- against another. There is nothing which marks the
come the fashion to say that numbers of the old free- real character of this measure so much as the change
men have taken bribes. What then ? Has there been of tone in, and the different ground taken. up by, the
ono jot less bribery among the new household electors ? Ministerial organs, respecting it, now and previously
Does the evidence before committees, or the information to the promulgation of the Bill itself. Before this latter
received through other channels, go to affix one particle event the line of argument adopted was,—" the ab-
more of the crime of corruption upon the more indi- surdity of having the Protestant religion the esta-
gent artisans and individuals who live by manual blished form of worship in a country where the im-
skill or labour,- than on the class immediately above mense majority were Catholics ;—that if there were
(? ) them ? We believe the reverse. We have any established v.,liion at all in Ireland it should evi-
beard frequently that the poorest orders of the Consti- deetly be the Catholic ;—that, at all events, if this
tueiley of Westminster and Londert have evinced more were not the plan pursued, each persuasion should be
sturdy honesty and independence than the richer class allowed to pay their own Ministers." But what is
of tradesmen. Are there any among 'the former capa- the tone adopted now ? Why, the ground is alto-
ble of more base and vile subserviency than that of gether changed ; and those very persons who main-
which the troop of cousins, connexions, dependents, tanned that the Catholic religion should, in all reason,
&c., of a Noble Duke, who, with his family, boast of be that established in Ireland, if there were any es-
being the head end front of the Reform interest in tablished faith at all,—these very persons now advo-
Greet Britain, must commit, if they fulfil the condi- cate the present measure as the only one calculated
Lions and execute the services for which they have been to perpetuate, on a firm and sound basis, the Protes-
so audaciously packed and regimented in certain ho- taut faith. The Protestant faith !---this very faith, the
roughs lorded over by the house of Russell ? So the abolition of which, in its present shape, they before
freemen in right of birth combined with residence re- argued was absolutely necessary. But what is the
present in another form the moral interest of the indus- cause of this eudden change in the tone adopted, and
trious classes, by deriving under parents who have lived in the ground taken up, by the supporters of the Go-
in wedlockandresidedin the midst of community, amongst verament, and by Mr. O'Connell and his party ? Why
whom they have exercised their own political privileges, is it that they who before argued for the abolition of
in itself some pledge for general character and good coal- Protestantism should now be so anxious that Protes-
ainet. Allthiseamyounilbranch oftlie corißtitnene.y;iilee- •. tantisin should be firmly established ? The reason is
tors by servitude, and electors by birth—are now, un- plain and simple. The principle of destruction to the
less some remedy of the mischief can be applied before , Protestant Establishment is so perfectly worked out
the Corporation Bill passes the House of Commons, by this Bill that it would be worse than folly in those
to be swept away with calculatiog cruelty, to serve the persons who desire that event to bring in a Bill openly
supposed interests of Whig-Radical innovation. Mr. to effect that which this measure will perfectly bring
Praed's motion to preserve the riehts of freemen as about. In the event of either Ministers or Mr. O'Con-
a
they were left by the Reform Bill was lost on a divi- nell introducing a measure which, flinging off all dis-
sion last Thursday evening, notwithstanding a power- guise, professed for its object the subversion of the Es-
ful argument by Sir R. Peel, and in spite, likewise, tablishedChurch in Ireland, opponents to such a measure
we do conscientiously declare, of the very weakest, would rise up by thousands, in every town, city, and ham-
most shuffling, most unprincipled, and most unfeeling let in England. But when an enactment is offered
view of a high political question ever taken in Parlia- which will bring about this object just as effectually,
ment. as an excuse for this outrage upon the rights of . under the
guise of establishing Protestantism on a
an Immense body of our poor industrious countrymen, firmer basis, and for ever—opposition is, as it were,
presented to the House by Lord John Russell. His silenced—except, indeed, in those who see through
Lordship asked, was there anything "so peculiar in the " ruse." Can any man in his senses, we k,
the nature of those bodies (of electors) or of the rights suppose that Mr. O'Connell would agree, as quietlyas as
which they possessed, that we should be induced to re- he has agreed, to this Bill, if
lie supposed that it was
tain them ?' We answer, since his Lordship's sense likely to bring about its professed object, namely, the
of public justice and honour will not enable him to sug- establishing on a firmer basis, a religion opposed to
gest a fit reply to such a question, that these his own, and to that of his supporters ? The suppo-
bodies have been for ages the repositaries of a sition is too palpably absurd to require an answer.
momentous and sacred right, that they are Om- Why, by this Bill the Protestant Clergy of Ireland,
posed, almost exclusively, of industrious, intelli- instead of having, as heretofore, a freehold interest in
rent, and useful, though not affluent Englishmen, their livings, become at once the stipendiaries of the
that their industrious habits have grown up, and flou- State--dependant altogether, for the amount and con-
rished, in partnership with their political privileges— tinuance of their incomes, upon the good-will, and
that the anomaly of their character as electors, so
much good humour, of the Commissioners of Woods and
jcomplained of by the Noble Lord, has been in the Forests, by whom they are to be paid. Let our readers
udgment of wiser men than Lord J. Russell, one of just fancy purchasing an annuity dependant ur-
the choicest recommendations of their independent en- such a contingency as this. Take, for instar-
joyment of the right. now to be wrested from them. present first officer of that department. W the
But it seems that our superb Whig potentates Wt
reliance
will can any Protestant Minister place upon justice of
,allow no one redeeming quality to the poor--that the this man,—the humblest,- the me- '1,the 7 e° AOil of the fingers and sweat of the brow shall not bel most passive—of all Mr.. O''
est subservient,: -
Connell's instruments,
merely a punishment in themselves, but than be'' for slide is Lord Duncar . . .
,inon.s position in reference

This is 'the last day for Payment of Rates and
Taxes clue on the 6th of April in respect of qualifica-
tions in Cities and Boroughs, and the last Day for
sending in Claims for County votes, The Reformers
of the Metropolis, and within a. hundred miles, who
may see this notice, and have not conformed to the
provisions for Registration in the Reform Act, may
vow secure their ffiective franchise. It is not necessary
that the date of notices should be filled up at length,
it may be inserted in figures. For Counties, it is not
requisite that rates and taxes should be paid ; but all
who are qualified and not registered must deliver their
claims to the Overseers of the parish or township
where their qualifications are situate ; or, if extra pa-
rochial, to the Overseers of the smallest adjoining
parish, and pay with this claim one shilling. In all
cases of doubtful qualification, we recommend the Re-
formars, at all events, to make their claim, as thereby
they preserve their right, if they have it : and if their
claim be not good, it will afterwards be disallowed by
the Revising Barrister. For the convenience of any
persons who may not have a form of claim by them,
we give the following, in which the property should be
fully and accurately described :
" To the Overseers of the Parish (or Township)

" I hereby give you notice, that I claim to be inserted in
the List of Voters for the County [or for the riding, part, er
division of the County] of [as the case may
be], and that the particulars of my place of abode and qualifi-
cation are stated below.
" Dated the day of in the

year