The Sun.
London, England, 1835-03-16 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, MARCH 16, 1835.

SECOND EDITION.

SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock.

THE PARLIAMENT.

(THIS EVENING.)

HOUSE OF LORDS.

---
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at
a few minutes before five.

Mr. BERNAL, from the Commons, brought up the Dublin
Oil Gas Bill.

The Duke of GORDON presented petitions from various
parishes in Banff; Elgin, and Ross, in support of the Church
of Scotland.

Lord ROSEBERRY presented a petition from Stirling to
the same effect.

Lord BROUGHAM moved for a return of the number of
schools in each town in Ireland, from the year 1809. The
Noble and Learned Lord observed that these returns were
already in existence, as they had been furnished in conse-
quence of a motion made by a noble friend of his ( Lord Kerry)
In the other House.—Ordered.

On the motion of the Earl of SHAFTESBURY, the
Chester Criminals' Execution Bill was read a third time and
passed.
The East India Compay's Indemnity Bill passed through a
Committee.

The Earl of ROSSLYN presented three petitions in fa-
vour of the Church of Scotland.
EXPLANATIONS.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY then rose, and
claimed their Lordships' indulgence while he detained them
for a few moments upon a subject purely personal to him-
self.—( Hear, hear, hear..) It was perhaps out of order
to address thorn upon such a subject, but referring to the
printed votes of the proceedings in the other House, now
on the table, their_ Lordships would excuse him for detain-
ing them for a few moments--( Hear)--while he ventured to
disclose the course which the Government and himself had
taken upon proceedings relative to his own appointment.
When Sir R. Peel made his arrangements for car-
rying on the duties of the Government, he was pleased
to address him with an offer of the post of Ambassador to the
Court of Russia. He confessed that he received that nomina-
tion with a great degree of pride, for he had no right to ex-
pect such an intimation from him—that appointment or offer
was accompanied with a letter from his Noble Friend (the
Duke of Wellington), and he felt great pride and satisfac-
tion that it should be considered that his Majesty's service
would again be, in any degree, the better for his service.
He confessed that he did not receive such a communica-
tion without pride, and he most certainly believed that
after serving in the service of the country at Dresden,
at Berlin--(Loud cheering)—and at Paris, and at Vienna,
(Cheers)—where he considered that he had been instrumen-
tal in preserving the best interests of both countries—after
having been the companion in arms of the most distinguished
diplomatist of the day, he did think, however presumptuously,
that so much opposition was undeserved. He might not be
possessed of all the sagacity or prudence of the Noble
Lords opposite him—(Cheers)—but he did believe that his
conduct, while in the capacity of Ambassador before, had
been for the benefit of bc,th counties. Another circumstance
was, that he did not hastily embrace the offer, but it being
made to him, and he believing that his services might be of
use to his Majesty, he had certainly accepted the appointment.
Hs felt it an honour to serve his King, but he felt also, as soon
as he read the report of the discussion in the other House, that
there was but one line for him to pursue as a subject, and a
public servant. During a long course of military and other
duties, he could say,—and he thought those who had of late
become his political enemies could not contradict it--( Hear,
hear)—that he had endeavoured to serve his King and
his country to the best of his ability. If he were to depart from
this country, after what had passed in the House of Commons
be should feel himself, as a representative of Majesty, to be placed
in a new and false situation. The remarks and animadversions
which had been made by one branch of the legislature were
so strong, that he conceived it impossible for him to fill the
office to which he had been called, with proper effect. It was
on these grounds, and standing, as he did, upon his sense a
duty to his Sovereign, without meaning to succomb to faction,
(though he should be devoid of feeling, if he was insensible
to the scoffs and scorn which had been so unjustly levelled at
him)--he was determined, upon no consideration what-
ever, to accept that appointment, which his Majesty had been
most graciously pleased to offer him.—( Hear, hear.) He
had come to that determination, upon the grounds he
had stated, and without any communication with the Govern-
ment as to the course he should take; he had neither
sought advice, nor had it been profered.—( Hear, hear.)
Another opportunity might be afforded him of answering
those unfair, unjust, and unexpected animadversions which
had been passed upon circumstances that had elapsed
sixteen years ago, but at this moment it was impossible
to meet them in that House.—( Hear, hear) He wished
to say nothing of the House of Con-Lions ; it was
omnipotent, but if any member of that House had been placed
in his situation, would he not have claimed and have been al-
lowed to defend hiinself?—( Hear, hear.) He would not al-
lude immediately to the originator of the motion, or particu-
larly to any one of those who followed him ; but very gross
and false statements were made, and from them it
was seen, (and he hoped, therefore, that that House
would reflect upon it). how a public servant after a long per-
formance of duty to the best of his ability, were treated.—
( Hear, hear, hear.) After thirty years' service he could
challenge his most determined enemy to bring one stain upon
his character._ (Cheers.) He thanked their Lordships for
the attention with which they bad heard him, and would not
then trouble them further.

The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that considering that
he was the person who was officially responsible for the nomi-
nation of his Noble Friend, he hoped their Lordships would
excuse him for saying a few words. He had made the recom-
mendation to his Majesty upon his knowledge of his Noble
Friend's real and important military experience, and upon his
knowledge of his fitness for a diplomatic employment from va-
rious diplomatic services for many years, more particularly in one
Embassy at the Court of Vienna for nine years. During that
period he had performed the most important services to the sa-
tisfaction of those Ministers who had employed him up to the
very last moment, and retired from that office with the strongest
of approbation from the Secretary of State for that time. He
was aware of some of the peculiar talents of his Noble Friend
—( Hear, from the Duke of Cumberland)—and which were
necessary for the particular office to which he was appointed ;
and he was aware also of the peculiar fitness of his Noble
Friend for this particular diplomatic employment, being a
militpry officer of high rank and;reputation in the service of
his country ; and, under such circumstancees, he considered
himself justified in recommending that his Noble Friend should
be appointed Ambassador to St. Petersburgh, and he was happy
to find that his Right Hon. Friend concurred in that recommenda-
tion, and his Majesty was pleased to approve of that appointment.
Under these circumstances he confessed that he felt the greatest
regret that the nomination had gone no farther, and that it
had not been approved of in another place, as it was in con-
sequence of that that his Noble Friend had thought proper
(with that delicate feeling which could not but be admired) to
decline the office. There was no prerogative of the Crown
which should be held more inviolate than that of the ap-
pointment of its ambassadors. The Ministers of the Crown
were responsible for their nomination—they were responsible
for the instructions under which Noble Lords and others acted,
and for the manner, in which they discharged their duties,
Moreover, they were responsible for the due performance of
those duties to the country and to the other House. It was
impossible that the Commons could have interfered so far with
the prerogative of his Majesty, as to say that the person
nominated should not fill that situation, inasmuch as
by so doing the House of Commons would have taken
upon itself the nomination of the officers, and the
direction of the particular duties they were to dis-
charge, and they would likewise relieve Ministers from
the responsibility under which they laboured. For his part
he would not believe the House of Commons would have
taken such a part, and he thought the country owed a debt of
gratitude to his Noble Friend for having declined the office to
to which he bad been nominated.—( Hear, hear.)
The Marquis L A ND SDO WNE objected to the irregular
conversation which had just taken place, but as an individual
lie could not allow the Noble Earl, or Noble Lord,
to leave that House with the impression, that the disapproba-
tion which had been expressed at the appointment of the
Noble Earl to the Embassy of St. Petersburgh, was in any
degree connected with any personal disrespect whatever
to the Noble Earl.—( Hear.) Were it to be so supposed, he
(the Marquis of Lansdowne) would not stand there to make
any explanation upon it, nor should he in any degree participate
in it. Whatever might be the motives of different persons li
he was bound to say that those which he (the Marquis
of Lansdown) enteatained might be entertained consistently
with the greatest respect to the Noble Earl's consistency.
and character, because he believed that the greatest objection
to that appointment (so signally characterized as being the first
appointment of his Majesty's present Ministers) the greatest
objections were founded upon the belief that in all the opi-
nions recently recorded and expressed by the Noble Earl
in that House and elsewhere, as ro the policy of the
late Government, and as to the present state of Europe, the
Noble Earl was most strenuously and decidedly op-
posed, and that he was, therefore, sincere in his
opinions. It, therefore, was anything but disrespectful to' the
Noble Earl so far as regarded the peace of Europe, as con-
nected with Poland, and as connected with the illegitimate
pretensions of certain pretenders to the thrones of both
Spain and Portugal. As regarded the peace of Europe,
which was connected with the close alliance and understand-
ing with the kingdom of France, on which it was essential that
this country should found and build its concert to preserve
that peace, but to which the Noble Earl had repeatedly de-
clored that he was completely alien and averse. On all these
points, if they believed in the sincerity of the opinions, and if they
were convinced of the consistency of the conduet of the
Noble Earl, they must naturally expect that he would be
any thing but a zealous, willing, and efficient instrument
to carry into effect that policy which they had not yet heard was
to be changed—Loud cries of " Hear") but on the continuance
of which he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) believed rested every
chosen for the peace of Europe, and of that country. It was
natural, therefore, that great anxiety should be felt on that sub-
ject by the country, and that that anxiety sheuld be partaken.
In the country the public bad not the same means of
ascertaining what passed, at their Lordships deliberations,
and therefore that they could not feel the same interest which
the people of that country did. He was satisfied that
the House of Commons would, at all times, be careful bow it.
would in any degreqinfringe upon:the;prerogative of his Ma-
jesty. He was sure it would at all times pause and deliberate
and in every instance it had shown that inclination before

it approached a subject surrounded by so many im-
portant considerations as the present one.—(Hear, hear.)
Bound as they were to take care that the peace of Europe
was preserved, it was their duty to watch every move-
ment of the Ministry, in order that the appointments to
foreign Courts were properly filled up.—(Hear.) \Thal
he had thought it his duty to offer in respect to that question
was totally unconnected with sny persimal feeling towards the
Noble Marquis; but he must say that the Noble Marquis
had acted nobly in paying so much deference to the feeling of
the House of Commons and the country as he had done upon
that occasion.

The Duke of BUCKINGHAM then rose, and said he
would not consent that the subject should be put
on personal grounds—it stood upon much higher—
upon constitutional grounds; and he, for one, would not
consent that it should be lowered.—( Hear.) Such opi-
nions as they had heard might do very well for a Com-
mittee of Saftey, but were not worthy of a Bri-
tish House of Parliament.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He had
seen the Speaker of the Hobse of Commons often at the
bar and claim the privilege of speech ; but that was the
first time that he had heard that such a privilege was
to be made the ground for taking a-,Tay the character and
the appointments of any Noble Lord. The publishing of the
reports of any speech in that or the other House,
was a gross breach of privilege ; but now upon these
reports, a Noble Lord came down to that House and
made a speech founded upon the breach of privilege.
Who, he would ask, was responsible for the appointment in
question ? Not the House of Commons certainly, but the
Government ; and it was the first time in his life that
he had ever heard the character as the appointment
of any Noble Lerd sacrificed to the caprice of any body of in-
dividuals. He contended that the other House had no
right to express their opinion upon the appointment of any
Minister until his unfitness had been shown—cntil the peace
of Europe had been thought to be put in jeopardy, the
House of Commons had no right to find fault with the
appointment, which was a direct interference with the pre-
rogative of the Crown. That prerogative had now been ques-
tioned for the first time—would it be the last? Encouraged
by the success upon this occasion, would the enemies
of the Crown stop at that point ? He waredd
the statesmen opposite, who might be Ministers soon,
that the question was most important to them and to the coun-
try. Now was the time to make a stand for the prerogatives
of the Crown—they were now attacked, and must be defended
now or never.

tional Whigs in Lower Canada. The petitioners further ,
stated that they were not insensible to the grievances that had
been complained of, or to the fact that there were members of
the House of Assembly holding office under the Crown.
To the redress of those abuses he requested the attention of
Hon. Members, and he could not but deprecate the inter-
ference that had taken place on both sides of the Atlantic on
the affairs of Canada, firmly believing that had they
been allowed to proceed according to their own plans,
the complaints contained in the petitions would never
have been put forward. In order to afford the Honourable
and Learned Member for Bath an opportuninity of contra-
dicting statements that had been widely circulated, he
would refer to an anonymous letter which had been as-
cribed by every Newspaper to the Honourable and Learned
Member. It was dated on the 27th of November after
the change in the Ministry, and was sent to Ca-
nada without any signature. It congratulated the
Canadian legislature on the near approach of the Radicals
to power, stated that Spring Rice had deceived them, and
asked them if he returned to power to make his place as
difficult as possible, by granting no supplies.—( Hear, hear. )
He was glad to learn from the speech made by a Right Hon.
Gentleman opposite a few nights ago, that it was the inten-
tion of Government to do what they could for Canada. He
learnt with pleasure that the Tenure Act of 1826 was to be re-
pealed, and that some other obnoxious laws were also under con-
sideration. He knew that it would be said that he was per-
sonally interested in the subject as a member of the Canada
Company ; but in that respect he could say, that he had paid his
money, and got nothing for it, and his only object, as well as that
of the Company, was to encourage emigration, and to spread
education in Lower Canada. That Company had been esta-
blished under the sanction of a Committee of that House, and
its establishment was for the sole benefit of Canada itself.

Mr. W. E. GLAD STONE here rose to explain, but
most of his observations were inaudible in the gallery. We
understood the Hon. Member to ask Mr. P. Stewart whe-
ther he thought it wise or prudent to open up such a dis-
cussion, under present circumstances?
Mr. P. STEWART resumed. He observed that in Up-
per Canada representation was founded on population and
property combined, but in the lower province it rested on
population alone. He had now done his best to support the
petition entrusted to him, and he hoped the Government
would take the subject into their most serious consideration.
He thanked the House for the kind manner in which they had
heard him, and he considered that he had proved to the House
that there were in Canada a sensible people, who could distin-
guish between right and wrong.
Mr. ROEBUCK charged the Honourable Member who
had just sat down with the most unjust garbling of his
(Mr. Roebuck's) statements, by saying that he endea-
voured to persuade the people of Canada to take up arms,
and his reply to this would consist in his reading the letter
which had been referred to by the Hon. Member. The Hon.
Member then read a long extract of a letter which concluded by
exhorting the people of Canada to try all means before resorting
to arms. He would ask whether that justified the statement which
the Hon. Member then made ? What he had stated in that
letter he still adhered to. Then the Hon. Gentleman talked
a great deal about constitutional doctrine ; but he would ask,
did not the Whig Government, in order to get the Re-
form Bill passed, excite the people of England, and he
would in the same spirit endeavour to excite the people of Ca-
nada, in order to get them a Reform Bill, and a Reform Bill
which he hoped would give them the power of governing them-
selves. They had resolved not to grant the supplies: would
any one say that was unconstitutional, when such a course was
even contemplated by a British House of Commons ?
He knew it was contemplated in a very short time to
try the strength of the House upon that, and it was
intended to try that strength upon the Navy Estimates. Was
rot that a constitutional mode of harassing the Government?
If no one took that step in the course of ten days, he himself
would do it ; and if the House did not stop the supplies, he
would say, they did not fairly represent the people of England.
The people of Canada had resisted the supplies, and he de-
clared that according to his notion of the law that was a consti.
tutional step, and he hoped the House of Commons would endea-
vour to stop the supplies, in imitation of their good brethren
of Canada. We are told by these parties, that it is an Eng-
lish and French dispute ; but he would tell him, that it was a
dispute between Tory and Liberal principle—though the truth
was, that the Tory party were much weaker, he was happy to
say, in Canada than they were in this country. The only
remedy that appeared to him, was a proper alteration of their
Constitutional Assembly ; for he was convinced, that unless
they did take away their constitution, as it stood at present,
there would be no possibility of effecting any amelioration in
their condition ; and if they did not, they would make one for
themselves. He intended to abandon the first of his three mo-
tions—that for the better regulation of Canada—but he did
intend most positively to press his other two—the principle of
tenure and the Land Company Act. It was said by
one that they proposed to reduce this grand tenure
Act to what was termed the feudal system. Now
the fact was, that it would embrace a system forming, as near
as possible, an exact copy of the copyhold tenure in this
country. Instead of, as he had been represented by some
parties, stirring up a spirit of undue commotion in Ca-
nada, he had requested the people to give a hearing
to the Commissioners, that they should meet them in
a calm state ; but that in their representations they should
adhere to these two distinct propositions, namely, that
they should have the whole of the revenue under their
controul, and that a decided alteration should be made in the
legislative assembly.
Mr. STEWART explained.
Mr. Hume said it would appear, from what had fallen from
the Honourable Gentleman, that as if the persons comprising
this petition were the only loyal persons in Canada. Now,
nothing could be more contrary to the fact, as he could assure
the House that it was a principle deeply fixed in the minds
of all the persons composing that colony.
Sir R. PEEL was not then able to give the final answer
which he had hoped to be able to give the Hon. Gentleman
this evening.
Mr. ROBIN S ON denied that there was anything in the
petition presented by the Hon. Member for Bath ( Mr. Roebuck)
of the menacing tone which that Hon. Gentleman had adopted
himself, and described it to contain. It was a petition emanating
from no particular sect or party in Canada, but was signed by
persons of all religious persuasions, and of every distinction.
There was not the slightest imputation on the conduct of their
Canadian brethren, and what was stated by the Hon. Members
for Bath and Middlesex was done for the purpose of mislead-
ing the House. The Hon. Member for Bath (Mr. R.) has
expressed himself as desirous that the Canadians should harrass
the British Parliament until they should obtain justice, and that
unless they took that course justice would never be done to them.
He hoped that the case of the Canadians had been still en-
trusted to the Hon. Member for Taunton (Mr. Labouchere),
and they would have had their grievances sooner redressed.
The petition was ordered to lie on the table.
IRISH CHURCH.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in consequence of what passed
the other evening relative to the Irish Church, begged
to state, that since that time, he had taken the opportu-
nity of making some enquiries, and in the course of
the week, had been informed, that some special reports of
the Ecclesiastical Commission would soon be laid upon
the table of the House, or at least were in readiness. Un-
der these circumstances, he begged to ask whether it would not
be more advisable to postpone the motion,whichhe had previously
given notice of, until the reports were in the possession of the
House. If it were the pleasure of the House, he should
therefore move for the production of the reports he had
referred to without delay, and if it now met with the
concurrence of the House, he would postpone the
motion, which he had given notice he should bring before the
House on Thursday next, until the following Monday. The
Noble Lord concluded by moving that the special reports of
the Irish Ecclesiastical Commissioners be printed and laid on
the table.
Sir R. PEEL—I beg to ask the Noble Lord whether he
should not have given notice of his motion? The Noble Lord
has means of procuring information upon this subject
which the Government does not possess, and the House
should, at least, have notice of this motion before it was
called upon to affirm a resolution—namely, that the Govern-
ment was desirous to withhold information, which would be
the effect of assenting to the motion which the Noble Lord
now proposed.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL had not the slightest objection to
comply It ith the suggestion of the Right Hon. Baronet • but
he begged to inform the Right Hon. Gentleman that he (Lord
J. Russell) had communicated his intention to make this mo-
tion to the Secretary of the Colonies, and to the Under-Se-
cretary of State.
Sir li. HARD INGE—Since the commission has been
established we have not interfered in the slightest degree.
Mr. SHE IL—There is a clause in the commission by
which the Commissioners were directed to report immediately,
after they have investigated the state of each parish.
Sir R. PEEL—all I can say is that they have not exercised
the power given to them under the commission.—( Hear.)
Mr. SHIELD, it was for his Majesty's Government to call
upon them to fulfill their duties.—(Loud cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL—I must then beg leave of the House
to postpone my motion.—( Cries of " Hear, hear," and " No.")
I will to-morrow state to the House what is the course I mean
to pursue.—(Laughter from the Ministerial benches.)
AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS.

The Marquis of C HAND 0 S wished to ask the Right Hon.
Baronet when he meant to bring forward his plan of his agri-
cultural relief.

7 _
Sir R. PEEL thought that the best plan would be to wait
until the end of the financial year, when he would be able to
bring forward the whole of the financial statements at once,
which he promised to do at the earliest possihle period. He
thought the best time would be in the month of April, when
the attendance was fullest.
LORD LONDONDERRY'S EMBASSY TO RUSSIA.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL wished to know after what had
passed in this House on Friday night, whether it was still the
intention of his Majesty's Ministers to send the Marquis of
Londonderry as the representative of this country at the
Court of St. Petersburgh.
Sir R. PEEL—I will give the Noble Lord an answer
without the slightest hesitation.—(Hear, hear.) About an
hour since I received from my Noble Friend, the Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs, a letter which he had received from
the Noble Lord, (the Marquis of Londonderry) in which
letter that Noble Lord stated that he felt, after
considering the debate which took place in this
House on Friday night, that on accepting the high situ-
ation of Ambassador of this country to the court of St. Peters-
burgh, his services would be greatly impaired. He felt it his
duty, therefore, to resign the situation to which he had been
appointed.—( Hear, hear.) I am bound to state !that this
course has been taken by the Noble Lord entirely upon his
own judgment, without any solicitation directly or indirectly
from any person.—( Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches.)
Lard JOHN RUSSELL—I rise to say that I think that

after what passed in this House on Friday night, the Noble
Marquis (Londonderry) could not proceed as our ambassador
to St. Petersburgh, with, as the Right Honourable Baronet
has just said, any hope of public usefulness.—( Hear,
hear, hear.) I admire the .manliness with which
the Noble Marquis has come to this determination, but
at the same time I am bound to say that the prerogative of the
Crown must suffer by the judgment of the House of Com-
mons passed upon the appointment. I must, at the same time,
say that the appointment was altogether so ill advised, as to
render the interference of this House necessary, and to
justify the observations of the Honourable and Learned
Member for Tipperary, and other Hen. Members.—( Hear. )
But I must say, that in the experiment which we are making
—an experiment which the Right Hon. Baronet ( Sir Robert
Peel) calls a fair trial—we arc running a considerable hazard
of bringing the most useful prerogatives of the Crown into
some discredit. If offices of great trust are confided
to persons in whom the House of Commons and the
country feel no confidence, the House of Commons are
bound to express their opinions upon those appointments.
He felt that in the present case it was most unfortunate that
his Majesty's Government had not selected a person against
whom such strong objections were entertained.—( Cheers. )
He felt that it would greatly diminish the respect in which the
Government of this country was viewed by Foreign Courts
—( Great cheering)—when they found the notification of the
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, that an Ambassador
had been appointed, cancelled, if not by a direct vote, by the
implied censure of the Houseof Commons.—( Great cheering.)
he could not help giving expression to these statements, con-
sidering the Noble Marquis by no means a fit person to be sent
out as the Ambassador of this country to the Court of St. Peters-
burgh. The blame, rested not with that Nobleman or with
the Crown, who had made the appointment, but with the Mi-
nisters who had advised the Crown to do so.—( Loud cheers. )
Sir R. PEEL—Sir, the Noble Lord has assumed that the
retirement of the Marquis of Londonderry took place in con-
sequence of the course that had been pursued by the House of
Commons.—( Great cheering, for several minutes, from the
Opposition.) I was not going to deny that it took place in
consequence of the discussion in the House of Commons. No-
thing would be so unfair and unjust.—( Cheers.) But I wish to
remind the Noble Lord that it was a discussion, and not an
act or authorised proceeding of the House of Commons
which could be considered in the nature of an address.
When the Right Honourable Baronet, the Member for Not-
tingham, asked me whether it was my intention to advise
the Crown to cancel the appointment, I felt it was
my duty to state that I should not consider it my duty, as
a public man, to tender that advice.—(Great cheering.)
Some lion. Gentlemen may suppose that the act of the
Marquis of Londonderry has taken place in consequence
of some indirect communication with the Government to
those gentlemen. I would say that such is not the case
and that the proceeding is the unsolicited act of the Marquis
of Londonderry himself.—(Loud and repeated cheering.)
The appointment had no doubt met with the disapprobation
of some of /the Members of that House who expressed them-
selves dissatisfied with it in the course of the debate. But if the
Noble Marquis requires it, it will be some consolation to know
that the same Members who were dissatified with his appoint-
ment also objected to the re-appointment of Viscount Canter-
bury to the Chair of the House. If the Noble Lord opposite
and those who are connected with him that they can form a
Government possessing more of the Confidence of the
country then that to which lam attached.—( Cheers.) The
proper course for him to pursue will be to give notice
of a direct motion which the Hon. Member for Middlesex
has intimated will be given, and then we shall
be able to see whether uppon the result of that
motion. The Ilouse of Commons will be prepared
to accede to a motion, the acceding to which will
be tantamount to the removal of Ministers.—( Hear, hear. )
In my situation I consider that no slight vexations, no personal
disagreeables, should induce me to relinquish the place which
I fill. If the question respecting Government is to be brought
to issue, the only way to decide it will be, not by indirect
motions, which it is- hoped will not be acted upon, but by a
dirett appeal to the House respecting its opinion of the Go-
vernment.—( Hear, hear.) The questioe should be put di-
rectly to the House, whether a government more fit and more
in accordance with its sentiments can be formed ; and no man
can ba more anxioussthan myself that the question should be
tried.

Mr. HUME rose, and was commencing to speak, when
Lord Stanley rose to order, observing that there was no ques-
tion nefore the House.
Mr. HUME continued—He said he considered the Noble
Lord's call to order quite unnecessary. The Right Hon. Baronet
had, in alluding to Viscount Canterbury, cast a reflection upon
him and other Members near him, which the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet had no right to do. From what had just been said by the
Right Hon. Baronet, it was evident that it was not a slight
mark of want of confidence which would convince the Right
Hon. Baronet and his colleagues. It was only a direct
expression of opinion which would convince them, and he
hoped that this would soon come.—( Hear, hear.) The con-
duct of Lord Londonderry had raised him in his opinion, and
proved that he had more discretion than the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet and his colleagues.—( Hear.) His Lordship had not run
counter to the opinions of that House as the Ministers had.
—( Hear, hear. )—They said they wouid proceed notwith-
standing the opinions of that House.—( Hear.) The Right
Hon. Baronet had said the other night, that his ( Mr. Hume's)
eggs had brought forth no chickens—(hear, hear, and loud
laughter)—but his egg was good as long as it was left
in a good nest.—( Hear and laughter.) The Right Hon. Ba-
ronet's egg, however, had produced nothing, although he and
the Noble Duke had been sitting on it se long.—( Laughter. )
he sould like to see the letter which had been addressed
to the Autocrat of Russia on the appointment of the
Noble Marquis. He should also like to see how he
would receive (as the Autocrat was not usually consi-
dered very much in favour of popular measures), in what
manner he would receive the letter certifying their obligation
to withdraw.

(LEFT SITTING.)

RELATIVE POSITION of WEYMOUTH
and SOUTHAMPTON with Regard to GUERNSEY.*

We have no other motive in calling the attention of our
readers to this important subject than guarding them against
being misled in their own conclusions. The present mode of
ready, safe, and efficient steam conveyance to and from Wey-
mouth is highly satisfactory and most creditable to the Post-
office department. We should not presume to introduce the
matter, but that we have heard some inquiry is geing forward,
and report has even given us to understand that an idea is
entertained of removing the packets from Weymouth to South-
ompton. We proceed therefore to the material points of the
subject.

Guernsey bears from Weymouth (by chart) S. 4 W., distant
65 miles : Guernsey bears from Southampton (by chart)
S. S. W. W., distant 95 miles, thereby showing an increase
of distance by sea more than Weymouth, of 30 miles. South-
ampton bears (by chart) from Weymouth, E.N.E., distant
between 50 and 60 miles.

" A sight of a chart will at once satisfy any sailor of the great
advantages of Weymouth as a packet station. It will be seen
that Southampton lies between 50 and 60 miles E. N. E. of
Weymouth ; and as the winds are from the W. to the S. W.
quarter full two thirds of the year, or at all events in the winter
months, it is obvious that Southampton labours under the
greatest disadvantages both in point of distance by sea as well
as position in the British Channel to leeward. Having fairly
shown the advantages of Weymouth over Southampton, the
more inquiry is made into the relative merits of the two posi-
tions as packet stations, lesser no doubt will be the probability
of Southampton becoming the chosen port.
" Weymouth's great superiority of position to windward,
added to the extensive local advantages of Portland Roads
over Southampton as a station for packets, is so great that we
shall confidently leave the subject to rest on its own merits."
* We transfer this article from the Star and Guernsey Advertiser.

ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE.
HOME CIRCUIT.—CtrELmsFonD, MARCH 13.

George Risby, a labourer, aged 43, was indicted for the
wilful murder of John Spooner, at West Bergholt, on the
4th of August last, with a scythe.
After a long trial the Jury found that the prisoner was
Guilty of the fact, but that he was in an unsound state of
mind.

Lord DENMAN—You then acquit him, on the ground of
insanity ?
The Foreman assented, and his Lordship ordered the
prisoner to be removed.

NORFOLK CIRCUIT.—ArLEsauRr, MIRCH 11.

THE EARL OF CHESTERFIELD V. JOHN LEE, ESQ., LL.D.

This was an action of trespass brought by the plaintiff
against the defendent for cutting down some trees in three
closes in the parish of Hartwell. The parish of Hartwell
was enclosed in 1777, and about ten years afterwards two
pieces of ground at Twivydale were planted with trees by
the plaintiff who has at various times cut them down and
used them on his own farms. It also appeared that his
Lordship had exercised similar acts of ownership in a plan-
tation called Starveacre, situated in another part of the pa-
rish. The defendant claimed these three closes as some of
the manor, he contending that they were part of the waste
lands, and cut down trees to try his right. The Court and
the Jury were of opinion that the Earl of Chesterfield by
his planting and cutting down trees in the closes in ques-
tion had obtained such a title to the freehold as the de-
fendant was now unable to make, and returned a verdict
for the plaintiff accordingly.—Damages 5/.

ATTORNEYS AT LAW IN THE SIXTEENTH
CENTURY.—Attorneys at common law, men verie honest and
learned, yea, and also verie necessarie for the practice of the
common laves of this realme, and finishing of other civill bu-
sinesses ; insomuch that by no
i means their labour and ser-
vices may want. And yet such s the unthankfulness of this
afrbe, that even their own events (of whom they have best de-
served,) when they have served their turns, so that they see
no present occasion to use them any -longer for the fault of
some few will uneth afford the best of them one good word
for many good deeds. Nay, which is worse, they will gene-
rally slander and condemne them as covetous persons and dis-
turbers of the common peace and quietnesse of all men by un-
necessary suites. Where, in verie truth, the most part of the
said attorneys, being very peaceable, do oftentymes dissuade
their clients from the same, so much as they can, by means
whereof they greatly offend their minds, insomuch they will for
that only cause suspect them of affection towardes the adverse
parties, and threaten earnestly that if they will not intermeddle
therewith others shall.— West's Symbolcograpky, 1590.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HO USE.

A man named John Glover was charged with having
passed a bad shilling.
A shopkeeper of Wormwood-street, deposed ;that the
prisoner walked into his shop, and in an off-hand way paid
for some trifle with a shilling, which the witness, not for a
moment suspecting, threw into his till. At that instant a
neighbour entered and said, " This fellow is passing bad
money." The prisoner attempted to get away, but was
detained. A woman was outside apparently waiting for
him.

Prisoner—My Lord, you must not believe what he
says ; I know too well what good money is to take bad.
Prosecutor—l found upon looking into the till that there
was a bad shilling in it.
Prisoner—Aye, aye! Bow many were there? Fellows
like you keeps bad money in your till to change for the
right sort.
Prosecutor—The only shilling in the till happened to be
that which I got from you.
Prisoner—Your Lordship won't believe him, I'm sure.
The Loan MAYOR—lndeed Ido believe him. Why
should I not Prisoner—Why, how could any one think
I'd be such a fool as to go to pass bad money when I had
a twelvemonth already for it.—( Laughter.)
The LORD MAvon—Oh, then you are an old trader?
Prisoner—l've had a taste, and you don't suppose I want
to cross the water when I can get a living here with honest
money ?
The Comptcr turnkey said that the prisoner was ready
to acknowledge that he bad had twelve months' imprison-
ment, because he knew that if he (lid not say so mention
would be made of it by somebody else.
Prisoner—l have sarved my time like a man for the
time I was in, and that's the very reason I won't do any-
thing wrong again. Say what you will, there's nothing
like an honest penny after all. I'm sure I wouldn't put my
hand to anything that's out of the way.—(A laugh.)
The LORD MAYOR—WeII, you are a clever fellow, but
Mr. Powell shall have a look at you, and I think we may,
with his assistance, send you over the water.
Prisoner—Can the prosecutor swear that I gave him a
bad shilling? Not a bit of it ; don't you believe it.
The LORD MAYOR—You shall go to the Compter till
Monday.
Prisoner—But you will order my good 3s. Gd. to be
given back to me ? If it gets into that man's possession it
may turn bad like what I gave him. There's no trusting
' anybody now at all. I'm bless'd if I'd trust my mother.—
(Laughter.)—Remanded.