The Sun.
London, England, 1866-06-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—The diplomatic rupture between Prussia
and Austria is now complete. Yesterday Count
Karolyi, the Austrian Minister at Berlin, asked for
his passports, and he will leave Berlin with all the
Legation to-day. Such a consummation was to be
expected after the correspondence which has passed
between the two Governments during the last few
days.lThe despatch of Count Bismark went beyond
every such document we have ever read in dis-
courtesy, invective, and provocation ; and it has
been replied to by Count Mensdorff in a more
guarded style, but in language which shows offended
pride and unconquerable resolution. The Austrian
Minister for Foreign Affairs makes a solemn pro-
test against the proceedings in Holstein, and the
statements by which it has been attempted to
justify them. He declines all responsibility for the
consequences, and declares that for months Prussia
has taken up a position which endangered the
former settlement. In conclusion, Count Mens-
dorff reserves to the Imperial Government the right
of taking such steps as may be found necessary,
since nothing remains for Austria but to defend
her honour and guard her rights from contempt.
Viewed by the light shed on it by this despatch, the
recall of Count Karolyi is an event of grave impor-
tance. It not only puts an end to negotiation, but
even to communication. It would seem to show
that Austria will not wait to be actually attacked,
but looks upon the breach of the convention as an
act of war, which justifies her in retaliating at any
point and with all her strength. Prussia was, it is
said, about to send an ultimatum to Vienna ; but
Vienna has anticipated any such missive. Of course
a diplomatic rupture is not necessarily followed by
war, and it is still possible that the two Powers may
remain in that sullen state of inactive enmity called
a suspension of relations. But it would be an ex-
cess of hopefulness to expect such forbearance in the
present case. The tone of the two Powers denotes
anything but passive unfriendliness. They have
defied each other too fiercely, and have made pre-
parations too formidable, for them to be content
with an armed peace. Austria particularly has
every reason to cherish the desire of vengeance. She
has seen her position threatened and her rights in-
vaded in Germany, and she also knows that an im-
placable enemy behind her has been roused into
action by Prussian intrigue. The Emperor cannot
reflect without bitterness on what is passing in Hol-
stein. His troops occupied the Duchy last week
under a Convention only a few months old. On the
pretence that this Convention is annulled, the Prus-
sians have entered Holstein in force, and with a pur-
pose which the affected legality and moderation of
their General's utterances have not made less formi-
dable. The Austrian Government has been convinced
that only a retreat could save its troops from cap-
ture or destruction. General Gablenz has received
orders to withdraw. The whole Austrian force
abandons the Duchy, which will now pass com-
pletely into the hands of the Prussians. How these
are prepared to use their power may be learnt from
the proceedings of GeneralManteuffel. On Monday
the Holstein Estates, which had met at Itzehoe,
were dispersed by his orders. Thus ends the reign
of law and constitutionality, and the Schleswig-
Holsteiners behold King Stork firmly enthroned.
Herr Lesser, the Holstein Government Commis-
sioner, is arrested and sent to Rendsburg ; Herr
Hoffman, the Austrian Civil Adlatus, retires pre-
cipitately, and the work of conquest is complete.
From this time forth the Duchies, for which Ger-
man Princes and patriots were ready to convulse
Europe, may be considered as forming part of the
Prussian Monarchy. Count Bisuaark has so far
gained his ends. He has used first the people of
the Duchies, then the Governments of the minor
German States, and lastly the Kaiser himself for his
purposes, and has at the very outset accomplished
the object which he has all along proposed. It is a
great victory, but the more complete and conspi-
cuous it is the greater is likely to be the irritation of
the Austrians. They cannot conceal from them-
selves that they have been really driven out of the
country. It is said, and the proclamation of Gen.
Gablenz seems to confirm it, that orders had at first
been sent from Vienna for the Austrian force to
maintain its position, but to avoid firing the first
shot. To this the General replied that resistance
was impracticable, that the Prussians were vastly
more numerous, and that the Austrian force must
be sacrificed or withdrawn, upon which he received
orders to retire. " The forces at my command,"
says General Gablenz in his proclamation, " are not
sufficient to offer resistance to a hostile attack
from a German Power which has hitherto been our
ally. lam not in a position to protect the right
with my small force. Following the Emperor's
orders, I yield to superior numbers and leave the
country." If this proclamation speaks the spirit of
the Austrians, we cannot but fear that it will be
followed by some act of retaliation. The Emperor,
who has shown himself so little inclined to bear any
slight, is not likely to hear with patience that his
troops have been hurried from their position by an
invading enemy. In the meantime, the minor States
of the German Confederation have to make up their
minds as to the part they will take. Prussia has
given
notice to the Northern States that if the pro-
position just made by Austria be adopted to-
morrow, it will deem the Confederation to be dis-
solved, and act on considerations of military ex-
pediency alone. This probably means that, relying
on its strength, the Prussian Government will assert
a right of transit or occupation with regard to the
territory of its neighbours, and will not hesitate to
make use of their resources. Should war not be
averted, the day of trial for the minor German
Sovereigns will have come. They may then judge
of the wisdom of their incitements to the Schleswicr-
Holsreiners in 1864. The proposals for a reform bof
the Confederation set forth by Prussia are little
likely to be discussed at such a moment. If there
be a great war, it will very effectually reform Ger-
many for good or evil ; but whether it will leave the
King of Bavaria as a joint Commander-in-Chief
with the King of Prussia may be doubted. The
whole country is now hushed in expectation of the
first cannon-shot. Armies more numerous and com-
plete have seldom been arrayed against each other.
According to trustworthy estimates, the Austrian
army will number not far from 350,000 men, while
the Prussians have 280,000 in the field, with a re-
serve of 50,000 between Berlin and the Saxon fron-
tier. Of the probabilities of the campaign it would
be presumptuous to speak, but no one ought to be
surprised if Austria now strikes a blow. She may
consider that both her honour and her interest bid
her delay no longer. She is fully prepared, and
a victory over Prussia might decide the fate of the
war. Much must depend on the use which Field-
Marshal Benedek is able to make of the Saxon ter-
ritory. Should he be able to operate from so good
a base of operations against the level country of
Prussia, he will have important and almost decisive
advantages. On the other hand, the Prussians,
even though they should prove to be inferior in
numbers, and even though their hearts may not be
in the war, will be fighting for their homes against
an invading enemy, and will, doubtless, do their
part manfully. The contest will be severe, but we
trust it will not be prolonged. Any day now may
bring us weighty intelligence. Great events are at
hand; and we, having done our part, must be con-
tent to look on in silence.

POST.—Nothing could be more natural than that
a proposal to erect in the immediate vicinity of the
Victoria Park an immense gas factory covering
many acres of ground should have aroused an op-
position of a very determined and indignant
character. If there be a feature especially charac-
teristic of the present day it is the great and grow-
ing care of the classes of ease and leisure for the
well-being and happiness of those in worldly cir-
cumstances less fortunately placed. It is not merely
that the age recognises in every man the right to
live, tending him in sickness, and supporting him
in want by rates levied legally upon his more pros-
perous brethren. It goes much further than this. It
recognises distinctly and actively—not perhaps so
much in direct legislation, but in the whole tone of
thought and course of action—the right not only to
live, but to live a life at least of decency, and when-
ever possible, of happiness and comfort; a life which
shall be something more than one long struggle
against want, disease, and care ; which shall afford
at least the opportunity for better things, and en-
courage, so far as may be possible, the pursuit of
them. So strongly does the current of public feel-
ing run in this direction that there is at times dan-
ger of amiable but enthusiastic men being carried too
far by its stream. The care for the working man de-
generates sometimes into patronage, and well-inten-
tioned but misdirected benevolence becomes some-
times a positive injury to those whose welfare it
seeks, with zeal, indeed, but not according to know-
ledge. Against one peculiar characteristic, however,
of this universal desire for the happiness of the poor
no such charge can be made. The " people's parks,"
and more especially that beautiful pleasure-ground
known as the Victoria Park, are an unmixed and
almost une palled good. They have nothing in them
of patronage in its modern and offensive sense of
charity. For the comfort, the happiness, the gene-
ral physical and moral well-being of thousands, for
whom little other provision of the kind has been cr
as yet can well be made, they are almost invaluable.
To interfere, then, with one of these—to poison its
air, destroy its lovely vegetation, and turn it from
a healthy playground to a breeding place of pesti-
lence—would not merely be a crime, but a crime of
that sort which, being opposed not only to the whole
moral sense, but to thew hole sentiment, of the nation,
would be the very worst of blunders. If such were
really to be the result of a step the chief object of
which was to promote the interest and economise
the expenditure of a wealthy and powerful com-
pany, no opposition could be too determined, no

~r

- r__—
hostility too uncompromising, no words of dentin'
ciation too strong. But this should not be too
hastily assumed, and we are compelled to admit
that the position of the Charter Company,
shown in evidence before the select committee,
and to some extent briefly recapitulated in 3
letter published in another portion of our
columns, puts forward a strong claim to at least .a
fair and impartial consideration. According to this.
0,
the works proposed will actually be farther from th_
people's park than the present works of the salt',
company from either the Green Park, the houses °L
Parliament, or Buckingham Palace ; and certain*:
if the recreation-seekers of the east are to be 111'
more annoyed by gas smoke and gas effluvium Oa',
the denizens of these aristocratic regions, the fear?
expressed do flavour somewhat of the hypercritical.
Our correspondent doubts whether one in a til°,ll,:e
sand walkers in the Green Park guess even at ''e
existence of the Westminster Works, and we are
fain to agree with him. Nor .is it only from the
point of view of distance that Hackney has then a
vantage over Westminster. The east wind-1
.iEolus be praised—prevails even in London for N.,
a small portion of the year ; for the remainder it 1'
chiefly from the south and west, and of this diffej;
ence the Victoria Park reaps the entire bell_,
Other reasons, too, are alleged against the objeui,
tions of opponents. Coal, it appears, is not burn in
and coke is smokeless ; lime is no longer useclille
purifying, and it is the lime from which comes vb.
offensive effluvium. In fact there is hardly an °b,
if
jection raised but is met by a counter arguraent,.th
not always conclusive prima facie, at all events Wiat
good claim to consideration. Nor must we look e
the case from this point of view alone. If it weir
merely a question whether or not harm would A
I done, we might for mere safety's sake put the ciarco
tion on one side. Quieta non movers is a sound roil.
mit in
where no benefit can be gained by moving. ---
this case it must be borne in mind that there
ce
a very solid and substantial benefit. The praelito
of a wealthy proprietary, contributing largely
the rates and paying in wages, most of whieVi,
be spent upon the spot, something very like a t,_"°o,l
sand pounds a week, is to so poor a neighbooru°;„,
as that of Hackney a very substantial benefit '-ce
deed. Whether it be of a nature to counterbalan,
accompanying disadvantages is a fair and PI'S
question enough ; but it is a question to bediscun:
not settled by interest or prejudice out of 1100
and to be discussed with the more delibernb,
and impartiality, in direct proportion as we r';rst
value the well-being of those with whose biter
it deals.