The Sun.
London, England, 1859-07-20 00:00:00

THE FORTHCOMING CONFEREN( .7.E.

. ,
(From the Jiorning Post.)
The rumour that a Conference is to be hold: at
Zurich turns out to be true. It is there that the
Treaty of Peace is to be signed, and the fat ure' of
Italy settled if, as is proposed, the prelimin iries, of
a Congress can be agreed to. We use the wor, I " i f"
advisedly, for the more the whole subject is. co n-
sidered the more difficult the settlement of ap-
pears to be. In the first place, it is well known that
Austria is altogether averse from the settleme, it of
the Italian question by a Congress of the ne. atral
Powers. Two are Protestant and the other is in
communion with the Greek Church. There is t here-
fore little chance that those objects which have
usually been attained by concordats, and which
',low
hang upon the neck of Italy like a millstone, will
receive much sympathy. The proceedings of a
Congress would in all probability assume, in • 'be
eyes of Austria, too destructive a character ; al_ id,
forewarned by the fear of this, she is not unlikf .ly
to persevere in her reluctance to see the affair 3. of
Italy composed by such parties. The question ii e xt
arises, if Austria obstinately refuses a Congr
what then ? Will the other Powers take up Ihe
Italian question and fight it out ? Assuredly trot.
England is pledged to neutrality; Prussia ha:i no
motive for attacking France; and Russia none :for
going to war with Austria. Nothing will then ;re-
main for France but either an utter abandonir to nt
of the Italian cause altogether or a recomme, ac2e-
ment of hostilities. We cannot suppose the fora ;
the latter therefore, upon the premises assume El, is
inevitable.

But supposing a Congress assembled, it is t Een
that the difficulties will begin. Then it is that the
practicability of the bases of peace will be pu .t to
the test. One of them is the establishment ol' an
Italian Confederation. But in order to do t his
surely the representatives of existing States in I t; xly
will have a right to be heard in council. Is Austria
likely to consent to this ? But grant that she does
consent, the Congress cannot deal with Ital'ir as
with a conquered country. The consent of .the
Italians themselves must be given to every pr c to-
col affecting their peace, possessions, and Ebert ;ies.
What security have we for such consent ? II ow
do we know that the King of Sardinia will be ct. )n-
-tent to merge his present independent. position i.n a
Confederation ? At preknt he is a free monar ;
he is the representative and the hope of Italian
patriotism. The eyes of the peninsula have for
years been turned to him; and, to do him justice,
he deserves that position. He has proved hirr is. elf
as brave a soldier as he is patriotic a king. But
when he becomes a member of a Confederal pzin,
even should he be its leader, his own volition will
be circumscribed; he may be outvoted any ; Lay.
But then it is not at all certain that he woulel be
leader, for it is at least equally probable that
Naples would claim to be at the head. Here is a
new difficulty. Naples has become a taunt and
a reproach to Italy, a bye-word amongst the St ates
of Europe for everything that can disgrac e a
Government and degrade a people. Is it likely
that a strong, free, and constitutional king; iom,
like Piedmont, will play second to such a St ate ?
And is not the improbability enhanced by the
astounding proposal that Austria herself shall be a
member of that Confederation in virtue of her pos-
session of Venetia? It will strike the world a; a dis-
appointing that Austria should hold Venetia a t all
after what was promised by France. But as slim-
ing, as we are willing to do, that circumstances
compelled a compromise, yet what would be the
effect of making Austria a member of the Ita..lian
Confederation in right of Ve etia but to facilit ate,
and even to legalise, that intlsaence which hitherto
she has so unjustly exercised in Italy? With Aus-
tria as leading member of the federal body, and the
Pope as its honorary president, the bonds of oppres-
sion would be fastened upon that aspiring people
with greater severity than ever. Between absolute
temporal and absolute spiritual power, the liberty
of the subject, civil and religious, would be crushed
out. To assent to such an arrangement would be
to lend the sanction of the most enlightened Powers
of Europe, with the prestige of the 19th century
upon them, to modes and principles of government
which were hold in abhorrence even in the middle
ages. By any such arrangement both the Emperor
of Austria and the Pope would be placed in a posi-
tion incompatible with the present age. There is
no dark design, no scheme of cruelty or tyranny,
which by such a system could not be carried out.
It would come to this, that Austria would virtually
rule Italy, and the Pope would rule Austria. Austria
would lend the civil sword to Papal domination ; and
the Pope would farm out the thunders of the Vatican
in return for the material assistance of Austrian
arms. We cannot comprehend why the astute mind of
Louis Napoleon has not seen this. We do not wonder
that with such a prospect in view Francis Joseph
should tell his subjects that he found he could get
better terms out of the Emperor of the French than
out of his Federal Allies, or a Congress of the
Powers of Europe.
We assume all the way through an honest desire
on the part of the Emperor of the French to help
Italy. We assume the existence of disturbing in-
fluences to his plans, of which we are not yet in
possession (notwithstanding Lord Malmesbury's
taunts of French inspiration), and we assume ade-
quate motives to a compromise: But we cannot
understand, and therefore cannot defend, such a
compromise as that announced, because the more
-we look at it the more we see that it leaves Italy
worse off than ever. It leaves Lombardy to Sardi-
nia indeed, which is good for all parties, but the
cause of Lombardy is but a moiety of what we un-
derstand by the Italian cause. Lombardy may
rejoice in her annexation to Piedmont, but what
will that do for the relief of the Papal States ?
What will it avail in the way of comfort to the op-
pressed Sicilians ? How will it benefit the States
of Modena, Tuscany, and Parma ? The truth i 3
that, looking at Italy as a whole, the peace is a
greater calamity than the war, for it introduces far
graver complications. Before the war, hadthe
a Con-
gress met, it would have been free to considermust
causedoso oofoltthe
alyu
basespon
of
the general
treatyprinciples.
between N
rnperors, which is a very different task. It is a
notable fact that in all these proposals the will of
o Now it
two
the Italian people has never been mentioned, and
yetmre that i
ea
intse
ebe
ed kaetyt
ht oe tohoet s
ot, solutionao dwoof
mt
ahien
tparionbsl
teimll:
that if the undue influence of Austria and the Pope
could be stopped, Italian affairs would right them-
selves. We believed, from all the statements of the
Emperor of the French, that he waoesns mo
shouldo marching rwet hobh ieeon
bdgpir
eliavonptetasnol.
Italy
fof olrtrratol hyme,
promise
accomplishment ohmat
htpel
theisandmAmeuinsnttirsoitafrnatsthi
o
States be vested in lay hands, we read the pledge
of a glorious future for italy,
n
that promise and that pledge awed
hien). ufarstt rbuys tin
the
ho
Italian cause, and to Louis Napoleon's share in it,
through evil report and good report. We do not
fieyeeen yet
tien despair.
, andwhen
u 'We
the believe
representations that on
effurther
this and
d-
other countries are taken into consideration, the
Emperor of the French will see that, however mer-
ciful, wise, and good the armistice was, the peace
that instantly
haste,nstantly followed it was wanting in these
qualities; and that terms agreed to in the excite-
ment,and heat of a bloody campaign are not
such as can be insisted on when weighed in the
balances of a calmer judgment, and estimated by
their probable results upon the parties entitled to
the first consideration. We are therefore not with-
out hopes that the bases themselves may be recon-
sidered before the judgment of the five Powers is
invoked upon them. In that case much may yet
be done to secure the grand object of the war—the
recovery of Italy for the Italians.

A GIRL WITH TWO HEADS.—A correspondent at
New York sends us a description of a phenomenon in natu-
ral history even more wonderful than the Siamese twins—
viz., a two-headed girl, who is being exhibited publicly in.
Georgia. Her colour is that of a dark mulatto, and she ap-
pears to be two girls, so far as two heads, four arms, and
four legs and feet would indicate personal identities, and
yet she has but one body. The spinal column branches off
ba bl
aoduets t
ahne d position owf
itthhet
hleo wn ee raps ti of nhs
heads
s theofshoulder
.
The abdominal portion seems the natural formed body of
one person. The child, we understand, was born in North
Carolina, and is about eight years old. It has two sym-
metrically-formed heads, very handsome faces, and spark-
ling eyes, and is very pleasing in manners, address, and
appearance. Ihe announcement bill states that "her
mental quilities are of a superior order, and double, thereby
enabling her to converse with two persons at one time, on
one or different subjects ; or ono head may be engaged,
while the other remains passive. No difference in the
intellectual faculties of either head is perceptible."—Bul-
T
s
ibsp as
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average
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ee SCOTLAND,-The
delightful.
The
The Scotsmancrops
are
An early harvest is looked for."

MPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY).
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
•t five o'clock.

CHANCERY COURT.
Viscount SYDNEY brought down an answer from her
Majesty in reply to the address to inquire into the system
of taking evidence in the Court of Chancery. Her Majesty
had considered the address and had ordered a Commission
to issue for the purpose required.

BURIAL OF SUICIDES.
Lcrd BROUGHAM presented a petition from Leicester
complaining of the conduct of a clergyman who had refused to
buy a man who had committed suicide, although a jury had
Ce:to a verdict that the unfortunate party was insane.
etitioners prayed that, if the clergyman in question
had acted in accordance with the law, that it might be
altered so as to prevent a repetition of such a proceeding.

THE RIOTS AT KINSALE.
The Earl of RIPON said he had received a letter
from Lord Massareene on the subject, expressing
very great surprise- at the statement of the
noble marquis (Clamicarde), and denying that the riot
was of so serious a nature as had been reported. His lordship
had,. however, ordered a strict inquiry to be made into the

whCkle of the Circumstances. - -
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said he had obtained
his information from the public papers, and had only asked
if the statement of the amounts were correct. He had no

other means of obtaining the information.
THIRD READINGS.
Tile following bills were read a third time and passed :
--Herne Bay and Faversham Railway (Margate Exten-
sion) ; Mountsorrel Railway ; Somerset Central Railway ;
Wear Navigation and Sunderland Dock, Wirrel Water and
Vale of Llangollen Railway.
CLERK OF THE COUNCIL BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
ATTORNEY AND SOLICITORS' BILL.
This bill passed through committee, after a few verbal
amendments had been agreed to.
NEW BARRACKS AT GALWAY.

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE asked whether any
steps had been taken for the erection of new barracks at
Galway, beyond the large expenses incurred by the pur-
&aim of land and the construction of a bridge.
The Earl of RIPON said he was unable to hold out any
hope that new barracks would be erected imme-
diately on the land referred to by the noble marquis.
The subject was ,one surrounded with difficulty.
Be admitted the desirability of improving the
barracks at Galway, and he could only say the subject
would receive the best consideration of the War Department.
It had been found necessary before the land was purchased
to hire a spot at the rate of £6O per annum for the purpose

of exercising the troops.
SUBMARINE TELEGRAPHS.
Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY presented a petition
from bankers, merchants, and others of the City of London
in favour of the establishment of direct lines of submarine
telegraphs between Great Britain and her Ma-
jesty's possessions abroad. The noble lord urged the
necessity of improving the existing arrangements
of telegraphic communication. At present the lines
visaed through many foreign countries, so that
to the event of an outbreak in any of those
States communication would be all at once interrupted.
England was even now looked upon with jealousy by
foreign States, and the dependence on Continental Go-
vernments was altogether avoidable by establishing
iirect and independent submarine telegraphs. The cable
might be taken from England to Gibraltar, without touch-
ing France, then to Malta and Alexandria. If the Go-
vernment were to issue tenders for the laying of a cable from
England to Gibraltar, the commencement of an independent
line to India, the greatest good, both politically and com-
mercially speaking, would be effected.
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH thought it most ob •
:;ectionable that this country should be dependent on foreign
nations for the transmission of orders, particularly in time
of war. We ought to have an independent communication,
and he rejoiced to thinkthat her Majesty's Government had
undertaken the establishment of an independent line to Gib-
raltar. There was another matter worthy the notice of the
government, and that was that in the event of an invasion of
this country the first step of the enemy would be to take pos-
session of the points at which the submarine lines were
merged. These points were utterly undefended, and might
ie attacked by means of a small boat. By obtaining posses-
sion of these lines the enemy would have the means of ascer-
taining the intentions of the Government, and of communi-
cating them to other countries, together with all the move-
ments of our armies. He should rejoice exceedingly at the
establishment of a telegraphic comnumicationwith America
looking forward to the probability that the two great
branches of the Anglo-Saxon race would find it their inte-
rest and honour to draw much closer the bonds of connec-
lion which had existed between them, by acting on the
principles of an offensive and defensive alliande. It was also
desirable to establish a direct communication with the
Western Coast of Africa, so that in the event of a war our
ships might instantly spread along the route of commerce,
and capture the mercantile vessels of hostile nations. He
also trusted that the attention of the Government would be
directed to the application of the power of the steam engine
for the purpose of excavation.
Earl GRANVILLE wasunderstood to say that the sub-
ject was one of great importance, and that the suggestions
which had been thrown out would receive the due con-
sideration of her Majesty's Government.
In the course of a short conversation which followed,
which was all but inaudible,
The Duke of SOMERSET remarked that it was no doubt
desirable to proceed with the line to Gibraltar as speedily as
possible, but the necessary surveys would occupy some time,
and there were other reasons for not proceeding too hastily.
The Earl of DONOUGHMORE inquired whether the
Government had determined to lay down the line between
Malta and Alexandria.
Lord. WODEHOUSE replied that the subject was under
consideration, but no decisive conclusion had been arrived at.
Lord STRATFORD de REDCLIFFE said the subject
was one of great importance, and the Government would be
perfectly justified in making great sacrifices for the purpose
of carrying out independent lines of communication.
The subject then dropped.
THE DANUBIAN PRINCIPALITIES.

Lord STRATFORD de REDCLIFFE said he wished
to say a few words before their lordships adjourned with re-
spect to the Danubian Principalities, and on a subject so iu
portant he need not apologise for bringing it under the
attention of the house. This was well known to be one of
those matters, in connection with the state of the Turkish
empire, which had been a subject of discussion in the con-
gress of Paris, and which was of a very serious character.
It had come to his knowledge, generally, that some difficul-
ties had accompanied the arrangements of that part of the
question which-related to the government of the country by
a single prince, and indeed the question of the union was
one of the most difficult connected with that matter. He
would venture now to ask the noble lord (Wodehouse) what
was the state of the negotiations as to that matter, and he
(Lord Stratford de Radcliffe) might then form his own judg-
ment as to whether it would be necessary for him afterwards
to bring the question under the consideration of the house.
Lord WODEHOUSE replied that the question of the
Principalities was in this position. After the election of Col.
Couza as hospodar of both the Principalities, it was found
necessary to have recourse to the different Powers who signed
the treaty of 1856 to decide what should be done. The Con-
ference took the matter into consideration, and the result at
which they arrived was that it was advisable that the Perth
should upon this single occasion recognise Col. Couza as
hospodar of both the Principalities. That would be an ex-
ception to the principle which was undoubtedly laid down
by the treaty of 1306, which was, that there should be a
separate host:Rider for Wallachia, and a separate one for
Moldavia, bui it was thought that under the circumstances
this should be regarded as an exceptional case, and that
Col. Couza should be recognised as hospodar of both Prin-
cipalities: The Conference came to that decision before the
late change of Government in this country. The protocol
had been transmitted to the Porte, and the Porte had made
some difficulty as to accepting it in the precise form in which
the Conference had drawn it up ; but although this had
caused some little delay, he thought they would be able to
make the arrangement proposed. The basis of that ar-
rangement was the acknowledgment, not of the hospodarate
of the United Principalities, but of a hospodar acknow-
ledged by the Porte for each of the two Principalities, be-
ing the same person in this single instance. That arrange-
ment, which had been adopted by all parties in the Con-
ference, would, he had little doubt, also be adopted by the
Porte, but the arrangement was not yet completed.
Lord STRATFORD .de REDCLIFFE said that the ex-
perience he had had in Turkey convinced him that this was
a question fraught with the most serious consequences with
regard to the Ottoman empire, and with regard to the rela-
tions between the great powers of Europe and the Ottoman
empire established by the treaty of peace. He should very
greatly regret it, for the sake of the important interests in-
volved, if the principle agreed to by the Conference were to
be in any way lost sight of ; and if it were found necessary
that the election of Col. Couza should be admitted sepa-
rately for both the Principalities, at least a very distinct
security and guarantee should be given to the Porte that
this was to be only an exception, and that the principle laid
down by Congress should be kept in view hereafter.
Lord WODHOUSE wished the noble lord distinctly
to understand that the recognition of Col. Couza was only
proposed as an exceptional case, and one which was not in
any way to alter the permanent settlement of things.
Their lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.-(YESTERDAY.)
The SPEAKER took the chair at 12 o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.

The Lords' Amendments to the— London and South-
:Western Railway Bill were agreed to, and the bill was
faltered for third reading.
..21'he following bills were read a third time and passed :
unnalet and Leeds Road. changed from Leeds and Hunslet
Lawton, Burslem, and Newcastle-under-Lyme
-1▪ I'44,,!;.(l,tlidland Railway Id Burton-upon-Trent Bridge.
third llewing bills were considered and ordered for
rung. ' Gloucester and Cheltenham Tramway
Abandonmen
London Jan tk.Kensington Station and North and South
Swilly Raiiwftl°ll Railway ; Londonderry and Lough
Stockton and alTal;r M
Ilalltraeth and Corsddauggan arsh ;
ineten Railway.
BRITISH
AND CANADIAN TELEGRAPH
The adjourned debateCOMPANY
sumed by on this bill, as amended, was re-
Lord DIJNCAN.—Iie said
an interview with the agent that since yesterday he had
and he was happy to say that helaod was preparing the bill,
consented to striking out
the clauses winch were deemed objectionable. Healluded par-
ticularly to the clause which cofoefrraeia vir the Treasury the
power after the bill was proved,
rentees to any amount. Under these . g Prospective gua-
fircuanstanees he had
no objection to the bill passing.
After some conversation the bill, as amended, was eon-
sidered and ordered for third reading.
PUBLIC HEALTH ACT.
Mr. LOWE, in moving the third reading of this bill,
said that he objected as much as possible to compulsion with
reference to subjects like the present. It had, however, been
found necessary to vest the powers which the Board of
Health possessed in the Privy Council, and the object
of the present bill was merely, to make the posses..
sion of those powers perpetual, for at present it
was only temporary and was about to expire. The
manner in which these powers had been exercised had been
most beneficial to the community, and he referred to the
last visitation of cholera, when the steps that were requisite
were promptly taken in virtue of these powers. He pro-
posed to confer by these powers the right of visitation, of
ascertaining the qualifications of those employed to vacci-
nate, and of inspecting those localities where disease was
suspected to exist. As a peace offering, he would withdraw
the clause by which persons failing to have their children
vaccinated might be sued at law ; but he could not consent
to the powers vested in a Privy Council being only tempo-
rary, al he considered it was reflecting on that body, and
he would therefore persevere in conferring on it permanent
-powers.
Mr.'AYRTON strongly objected to this bill, in conse.