The Sun.
London, England, 1832-11-20 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We feel confident that we only re-echo the
better part of public opinion when we say that
the clergy rarely or ever mix themselves in what
may be called the turmoil of party politics with-
out lessening their own usefulness. We are not
among the number of those who would deprive
spiritual persons of their civil rights, or contend
that, as regards public affairs, they should he
mere automata in society ; but, when people talk
of the civil rights of the clergy, they should re-
member that they have also civil exemptions and
civil disabilities. We will take, from among
others, the two most popular and ready instances.
The clergy are exempt from serving, upon Ju-
ries, or in the militia. In the latter instance the
exemption is peculiarly strong; for whereas a
layman, even with a wooden leg, or any other
physical impediment, must, unless he can swear
himself worth less than 1001., pay a fine, or find
a substitute, the law exempts a clergyman alto-
gether both from the duty and the forfeiture ;
and why ? Not because he is less able to per-
form the one or conform to the other, but be-
cause he has other duties to attend to, which are
wholly incompatible with civil services, and
which occupy, or ought to occupy, the whole of
his time. Yet, we regret to say, how often are
the clergy apparently anxious to convince us
- that civil duties are more to their taste than spi-
ritual ones ? This is evinced by their eager-
ness to thrust themselves into the Magistracy ;
and still more by this notorious fact, that,
wherever the bitterness and acrimony of party
warfare rage most violently, there are we un-
happily too sure to find the minister of
peace joining in and fomenting the strife.
We have been led to this line of remark, at the
present moment, principally by having been
compelled to read the speeches of more than
one Reverend Divine at an election dinner, the
other day, of the Essex Ultra-Tories, or, as
they call themselves, " True Blues." When a
clergynran becomes a " True Blue," it reminds
us of the not very commendable example set I,
them by Horne Tooke, who, when known as
" Parson Horne," threatened, on some such oc-
casion as turns these gentlemen " blue," that
he would " dye his black coat red" in the poli-
tical squabbles which he had espoused. The
speeches to which we allude are of a character
neither calculated to aid the cause of religion,
nor, consequently, to reflect any credit upon the
speakers. They harp, with a sort of cuckoo
note, upon the one great evil which seems to
haunt the imaginations of these " Blues"—viz.,
Reform—a measure which another Reverend Di-
vine, from the Temple pulpit, on Sunday last,
pronounced to be " a great and awful change
in a Constitution, under which, be its defects
what they may, we have, with the blessing of
God, lived happily and prosperously." What !
have the great majority of the working clergy
lived " happily and prosperously" under a sys-
tem which steeped them in poverty, while the
overloaded Leviathans have wallowed in pro-
fusion ? Instead of giving these persons
credit, or even apology, for such senti-
ments as were uttered upon the occasion
alluded to, we should unhesitatingly declare
that opposition to reform comes with as bad,
or worse, a grace from the clergy than from
the very boroughmongers themselves—for this
reason, that they present next to the latter that
very class in whose case reform is most of all want-
ing; and therefore, for men so situated, and be-
longing to an establishment of which its warmest
friends are now among the first to proclaim its
abuses—for such persons either to harangue po-
litical meetings, or to declaim from the pulpit
against reform, while it betrays personal soreness,
are proofs of any thing rather than sound dis-
cretion or good taste. Though we despair of'
our counsel being taken, yet we would, as sin-
cere friends to the Chureh and the clergy,
earnestly recommend the latter to abstain from
putting themselves forward in the turmoil of
party strife, or of lending their pulpits to sub-
jects so little connected with religion or religious
feeling. Let those who live by the altar live at
the altar. As a body set apart for pious pur-
poses, do not let them injure their own useful-
ness by deserting their proper post to take up a
felse position ; and, above all things, do not let
that part of them do so whose peculiar situations
subject them to the double imputation of wish-
ing to perpetuate abuses in their own persons,
and of depriving their less fortunate brethren of
the boon which a reform in the application of
the Church revenues would confer upon them.
----J'llorning Herald.
As the necessary period of the dissolution
approaches, election matters begin to excite an
anxious interest in every quarter of Great Britain.
There are some persons, calling themselves Re-
formers, who seem inclined to estimate the
merits of " the Bill" by the number of new
faces which it is likely to admit into the House
of Commons. Our notion is different from
this. Unquestionably the old borough system
was the means of shooting into that assembly a
considerable mass of rubbish. The creatures
who, instead of transacting any business in the
House, were mostly asleep upon the back
benches, or in the recesses, or, if seen about any
Hart of the building save Bellamy's, made their
qporance only when the division bell had run,!,
—such ;inimals
i as these, whose sole qualifica-
tion for seats n the Legislature arose out of
their relationship to the patrons of certain family
boroughs, did at no time represent the people of
England, could never have commanded the votes
of half a dozen independent electors through-
out the country, and, as they became Mem-
bers of former Parliaments by the reverse of
creditable or honest means, and exhibited
therein neither public virtues nor intellectual
powers fatting men for an important national
trust, so ought they not to be seen or heard
din a Reformed House of Commons, and, in fact,
few such, if any, will be found there. Again,
411,a known petty jobbers of the old Parliament,
—the, foxes, ferrets, and vermin of the day, who
iiever were fairly incorporated with any great
section of the political world, but hung upon the
skirts of party,like vultures round a caravan, watch-
ful for what they could pick up,—that class of
adventurers likewise, being factors for their own
selfish interests, and not for the people, have no
business to present themselves before au un-
fettered constituency. So, with men who have
all their lives been voting for the Minister of the
iiine, and against every popular right, privilege.
and advantage,—men who would vote for a corn
law, not for the sake of the agricultural body,
but for the abstract love of its exclusive prin-
ciple,—who upheld game laws because they
were a restraint upon the mass,—and commer-
cial, manufacturing, corporate, borough mono-
polies, less for their supposed profit to the few,
than for their prohibition against the many,—
such men ought to be dismissed from every
hustings in the empire, as instinctive traitors
o all popular trust, and undeserving the suf.-

frages of their countrymen. To any of the
above descriptions of candidates for public
support we are far from offering the shadow of
assistance ; and in respect of all such, it may
well be said that the Reform Bill will not have
done its duty if in every instance a " new face"
be not substituted for the old. But there are
other candidates for the representation of the
people who claim far kinder treatment,—men of
known experience in public affairs, the whole
course of whose Parliamentary life exhibits con-
sistent adherence to the principles on which they
originally rested, and an independent and incor-
rupt discharge of their duties. For such valu-
able senators to be turned adrift, out of mere
passion for novelty, or peevish caprice, would
be an example of stupid ingratitude in their
constituents, and a stigma upon the whole re-
presentative system of this country. Why should
Sir Francis Burdett and Sir John Hobhouse
be abandoned by any portion of the electors of
Westminster at the capricious bidding of a fac-
tious and arrogant junta ? What upright or
honourable Englishman will deign henceforth to
accept the trust of representative from the peo-
ple, if he finds that all the reward he has to
look for is reproach anti thankless dismissal at
the last ? The rumours which have reached us,
for as .yet they are nothing more, of certain
projected movements by the " Rump," or,
to use the significant circumlocution of
Mr. Burke, " the shameful parts" of the
Westminster constituency, imply a degree of
impudence and injustice, on the part of
those who threaten them, which must render any
gentleman, capable of being an efficient Member
of Parliament, not a little repugnant to under-
take the office for a city which so treats its re-
presentatives. In the city of London, again,
who could with greater activity or honesty have
watched over the interest of their electors, or of
the kingdom at large, than the Aldermen Ye-
nables (whose pretensions, though not men-
tioned yesterday, have been repeatedly and de-
servedly noticed by us), Wood, and Waith-
man ? These gentlemen have done nothing to
forfeit public favour, but everything to secure it.
Will London gain anything by setting up such
Tory tools as Mr. Lyall in their place, or in the
place of any one of them ? Then for Mr.
Hume, who seems to mistake us for his enemies,
we have already disclaimed the title and the
feeling. It is our opinion that if Mr. Hume be
thrown out for Middlesex, all things considered,
he will have ample reason to reproach the elec-
tors with rashness and ingratitude. No man
who ever sat for Middlesex effected more good
in his office, especially in that most important
branch of labour which Mr. Hume has selected,
than the Hon. Gentleman. Mr. Hume
may have committed faults, and fallen into
errors (which we have often noticed, and shall
again, when we think it right), as regarded
other persons and other parts of England ; but
how or when has he failed in his duty to Mid-
dlesex ? and why should the people of Middle-
sex desert Mr. Hume for such a compelled and
kiln-dried Liberal as Lord Henley ? While upon
this subject, we must add, that we have received
a letter from Mr. Whittle Harvey, in terms of
direct, manly, and indignant complaint at the
treatment which he states himself to have expe-
rienced from prominent parties in the present
Government. Such charges, if made, as they
have been, and publicly circulated, ought to be
publicly met.— Times.

After the above remarks were written we re-
ceived an interesting account of what occurred
last night at a meeting of the friends of Sirs
Francis Burdett and J. C. Hohhouse, in West-
minster. Our opinions are confirmed by all
that passed on that occasion. Why will that
respectable and estimable officer, Colonel Evans,
hermit himself to be made the tool of an unwise
(if not worse) petty faction, when the certain
consequence must be to bring contempt or ob-
loquy on some sincere Reformers, himself
amongst them, and the probable consequence
the smuggled return of a Tory candidate ?
How can Colonel Evans bear to stand on the
same hustings with a man like Sir Francis Bur-
dett, after reading the following expression of the
straightforward Baronet—" I would rather be
turned out with Hobhouse than returned with
an)body else ?"—Times.

A mediator, if his mediation be fair and im.
partial, commonly disgusts both the parties be-
tween whom he mediates. But if, in defiance of
law and equity, he espouses the interest of the
one and shuts his ears against the claims of the
other, he may expect at least that the gratitude
of those he befriends by his patronage will repay
him for the resentment of those he wrongs by
his injustice. The mediation of the two great
Powers between Holland and Belgium is, there-
fore, peculiarly unfortunate. 'We cannot wonder
if the Dutchman shall look with distaste upon
the trade of those who blockade his coast, and
with hostility upon the arms of those who attack
his fortresses ; but it is rather hard that the
Belgian should vent his reproaches against the
patrons whose Ministers are vindicating his
usurpation, and whose soldiers are protecting his
imbecility. Such, however, is the fact. The
entry of the French army into Belgium appears
to be as little liked in Brussels as it is at the City
of London Tavern. The regiments which but a
year ago ran from the field of fame as hastily
as a deer from the hounds, or Lord Palmerston
from Penryn, are now vastly indignant that
France should take part in a triumph the labour
and laud of which belongs of right to Belgium
alone. They are weary of their dishonourable
repose, of their ignominious security. They
are longing to be cut down and blown up.
They wish that the old Baron had even a stouter
citadel and a stronger garrison. They are
ready to dance minuets over his mines, and
play at shuttle-cock with his shells. King
Leopold's Minister of War has, iu conse-
quence, addressed to the army an Order of the
Day, in which lie endeavours with much inge-
nuity to reconcile the brave Belgians to the loss
of the entertainment which General Chasse is
preparing for his guests at Antwerp. He sug-
gests to them that the continued retention of the
citadel of that town by its Sovereign is a matter
with which Belgium has no concern at all, a cir-
cumstance which gives no Belgian any right to
be killed or wounded. It is " a permanent act
of hostility against the five Powers of Europe."
Nothing can be clearer, according to the argu-
ment of this gentleman, than the title of the
French army to the Baron's powder and ball, and
we suppose the heroes to whom he speaks will
be quite convinced of the propriety of being
"out of court" on the occasion. But the Mi-
nister of War will not leave those valiant spirits
inconsolable. They may yet hope for the hap-
piness of a little shooting and thrusting. Their
destiny is not quite out of the range of a can-
nonade. "/f," says the Minister of War, "
ihe enemy dare undertake a rash commencement,
the King will appeal to his battalions, and doubts
not that he shall then discover the successors

of those warriors who, during a period of
Glory, have so often shared the same perils and
gathered the same laurels with the French."
The spirit displayed in these expressions, does
infinite credit to the taste of the Prince who
uses them, and will undoubtedly give great satis-
faction to the protectors by whom he is sup-
ported. " The King" is a gentleman who, for
many years, received fifty thousand pounds an-
nually from the bounty of England. The
" period of glory," to which he so exultingly
alludes, was a period during which France and
the nations which were her slaves, carried on a
war of extermination against the liberties of
Europe. Leopold of Saxe Coburg, so long
our pensioner, is the last man who should re-
mind his despicable subjects of the perils they
shared, and the laurels they gathered, with the
French.— Morning Post.
Notwithstanding the efforts of the Conserva-
tives to kindle a war in Europe, by encouraging
the King of Holland to hold out against France
and England, in the hope that, should the re-
sistance be protracted for any length of time,
something untoward may grow out of it, we are
satisfied there will not only not be a general war,
but that the King of Holland will soon be
brought to his senses. Prussia, as a measure of
precaution, has moved a corps to the Meuse ;
but we have not the slightest idea that a wise
and prudent Government like that of Prussia, to
which one false movement might bring ruin (for
we need not observe that, from the nature of the
Prussian territory, the half of it might be much
easier lost in a general war than recovered), will
take any step in this matter which is not war-
ranted by the strictest necessity. The comments
of the Journal des Debuts in our French
extracts, on the article in the Prussian State
Gazette, which has give such a bindle to our
Conservatives, are fair and reasonable. In all
great towns like Paris, London, and Berlin,
there are no doubt numerous individuals to
whom war has its attractions. The whole of the
soldier caste, too, have a strong interest in war
and confusion ; and, we have no doubt, the same
sort of extravagant language may be heard at
the mess-tables of Prussian regiments, that are
often heard from English officers. In one of
Sacchetti's Tales, two monks waiting on Gio-
vanni Augeit, one of the CondoMieri who so
much infested Italy, at his castle, accosted him
with their usual salutation, " May God give you
peace." To which he instantly answered,
" May God take from you your alms." On
the demand of the friars for explanation, lie
said, " Why do you come and pray that God
should make me die of hunger knowing as you
do that I live by war, and that peace would
ruin me ?" We must always, therefore, dis-
tinguish between mere soldiers and a Govern-
ment. We know of no Government that has a
deeper interest in preserving peace than Prussia.
Industry, according to all accounts, has made
prodigious advances in Prussia since the peace.
In the Anglo Germanic Advertiser of Friday
last, the iiillowing account is given of the present
state of Germany, and of Prussia more particu-
larly :

" Scarcely had the times of the French dominion passed
away, when a visible improvement, in which Prussia took
the lead, began to manifest itself i❑ every direction ; roads
were marked out and formed between all the larger cities,
and every where manufacturing industry found employ-
ment in the preparation of those articles, which, a short
time before, were imported almost wholly from foreign
countries. It is true that this did not start up as if by
magic ;—it was not the creation of one year ; and in the
commencement, few persons would have ventured to pre-
dict the extent of improvement that has been effected since
the termination of the war ; but fifteen years have since
elapsed, and the traveller, who passed through Germany
at that period, would scarcely recognise the country of his
recollection, in the comparatively high state of civilization
to which it has now attained.

" That this age of improvement could have passed away
without leaving its impression on the surface of Germany,
is not to be presumed ; but on the other hand, the
astonishing progress it has made can only be accounted for
by the introduction of some material to work upon, which
did not previously exist; and there cannot be the least
hesitation in fixing on the prodigious accession of capital,
created by the introduction of the Merino sheep into Ger-
many, as the means which have enabled that country to
get the energy and activity of her people in motion.
" To the live King of Saxony, when Elector, is due the
merit of having first brought the breed of Spanish Merino
sheep into Germany, which has since transferred the va-
luable trade in fine wool almost wholly from the Spanish
to the German soil. From the period of its first intro-
duction until 1814, when Europe once more began to en
joy the blessings of a general peace, this wool WAS gradu-
ally, although slowly, spreading itself over the surface of the
kingdom of Saxony ; but when the continental trade was
thrown quite open, by the events of the short campaign
of 1815, and men's minds were set at rest by the final ca-
tastrophe of Napoleon, the Saxon wool dealers began to
open a regular trade in the article to England, and they
soon discovered the real value of this new branch of Ger-
man commerce. In the first year, viz
In 1814, there were imported into England only, lbs 3,595,146
In 1819 4,557,938
In 1824 15,432,657

In 1828 t.,110,822
This prodigious increase in the demand for Germa❑ wool
naturally excited the emulation of the States lying conti-
guous to Saxony ; and the flock masters of that kingdom
carried on, for a considerable period, a very prosperous
trade in their rams and ewes with the land-owners of
Silesia, Bohemia, Austria, and other parts, who were de-
sii ous of changing the nature of their flocks to this more
profitable breed. All the superabundance of grain, which
had no external vent to carry it off, was given to the
sheep, in order to accelerate their approach to the maxi-
mum degree of fineness of which their (wool was suscepti-
ble ; thus actually creating a profitable consumption for
their corn, through the eagerness exhibited in England to
obtain a superior quality of wool."

Now, why should the Government of Prussia
wish wantonly to spread ruin and devastation
over a country of which we have so flattering a
picture ? The Government is not jealous of its
own subjects, because there is no country in
Europe in which the Government relies more
on the people than Prussia does. We choose to
call the Government a despotism ; but this is an
abuse of terms. A Government which intrusts
arms to the body of the people, and contents it-
self with a small standing army, cannot with
propriety be called a despotism. A Government
depending chiefly on landwehr cannot disregard
the wishes and inclinations of the people ; and
the people of Prussia, however unwilling they
might be to displease their King, to whom they
are strongly attached, cannot wish to plunge into
a general war. Our correspondent, 0. P. Q.,
is much fonder of the arbitrement of the sword
than we are. In a letter in this day's Chronicle
he thus addresses us—

" And you, Sir, the Editor of the Morning Chronicle,
were wrong, when last Wednesday you pleaded for delay
in this affair. We have no right to postpone the settle•
merit of so important a question to another period. At
this moment we have the people of Europe roused—the
people are for liberty, for Belgium, and for the spirit and
the genius of the Revolution ; and therefore, a war made
now would be a successful war, notwithstanding the mil
lions of soldiers of Russia, Austria, and Prussia. But, in
five or seven years' time, it might he otherwise. The en-
thusiasm of the millions might be checked, and the people
might be once more in a state of lethargy. No, no !--in-
stead of delaying the union of France and Belgium, let it
now be assented to, and thus secure to Belgium repose,
happiness, civilization, and prosperity, and to France her
long- demanded frontiers, and a compensation for the
treaties of 1811 and 1815."
Our correspondent takes a number of things
for granted, of which we are by no means cer-
tain. It is easy to say that the people of Eu-
rope are at this moment roused. However,

roused or not roused, the millions of soldiers to
which he alludes could only be defeated by con-
verting Europe into one general camp ; and it is
much easier to put armies into motion, than to
devise a means of combining constitutional
liberty with the existence of large armies. We
should as soon think of trusting a flock of sheep
to wolves, as constitutional liberty to the mercy
of soldiers, Sir Thomas More well observes,
that a soldier becomes an excellent robber, and
a robber easily becomes a soldier ; but it is very
difficult to make a good soldier a good citizen.
We cling to peace. We are not afraid of Holy
Alliances. Peace is the parent of industry and
wealth ; and wealth is the parent of knowledge
and liberty. Let peace only be continued, and
the career of improvement must be reaped in
spite of all the efforts of all the Governments of
Europe.—Morning Chronicle.

ROLLS COURT, Nov. 19.

THOMPSON V. ANDREWS.

This was a question arising on the construction
of a will, in which the testator devised his interest
in a leasehold estate, together with his capital in
trade, to his widow and eldest son, to enable them
to carry on the business of brewers. The will fur-
ther directed that, in case the widow and son should
disagree, or dissolve partnership, the leasehold in-
terest in the premises, of which there were 44 years
to run, upon the testator's death should revert to
the younger children. It appeared that the widow
and son had carried on the business in partnership
until they became bankrupts ; and the question which
then arose, and for which the present bill was filed
by the assignees of the bankrupts, in order to have
decided, was, whether the leasehold property re-
mained bound to the trusts of his will, or whether
it became liable to the debts of the partnership, and
should go to the assignees 2
After hearing the plaintiff's Counsel, the Court
pronounced for the defendants.

COURT OF KING'S BENCH, Nov. 19.

EX-PARTE FREELING,

Mr. POLLOCK moved for a rule Nisi against the
Deputy Comptroller of the Post-office, whose name
did not transpire, under the following circum-
stances :—Mr. Freeling, the Assistant Secretary to
the Post-office, had received an anonymous letter,
which contained charges against the Comptroller
and Deputy Comptroller, and handed it over to the
latter, for the purpose of ascertaining the author,
upon an understanding that it was to be returned
when demanded. The Deputy Comptroller had
since charged Mr. Freeling with being the writer of
the letter, and with having directed it to himself for
improper motives, and had brought an action of
libel founded upon the contents. Mr. Freeling had
made an affidavit, which he (Mr. Pollock) held in
his hand, denying that he was the writer of the
letter, and stating that he did not know who was
the writer. He (Mr. Pollock) trusted, therefore,
that the Court would grant a rule Nisi, directing
the Deputy Comptroller to hand over the letter io
question to Mr. Freeling.—Rule Nisi granted.
An Irishman, who stated his name to be Bus-
tard, applied at the rising of the Court, for the
Judges to interfere in an abuse of the Royal prero-
gative. He stated that he was formerly chief ma-
gistrate and chief registrar (as we understood) of
the island of St. Lucie, and that he had been re-
moved from his situations without any just cause,
leaving him, with six children, entirely destitute,
and, he declared to God, without money in his
pocket to buy them potatoes.
The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE inquired if he had an
affidavit setting out what he complained of ? Ap-
plicant—No, my Lord, I have not. I have been
seeking justice for the last six months, but have
not been able to obtain it. I have not money to
employ Counsel.
LORD CHIEF JUSTICE—You need not employ
Counsel, unless you please ; but you must make an
affidavit before the Court can assist you.
Applicant—How can I make it, my Lord ?
LORD CHIEF JUSTICE—Make it, swear it, to-
morrow morning, and we will hear you at the rising
of the Court.

Applicant—Thank you, my Lord: thank you.
LORD CHIEF JUSTICE—The Court has no means
of judging of the truth of your statements without
an affidavit. Make that, and the Court will then
have jurisdiction.
Applicant—l will, my Lord; I thank you.

COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, Nov. 19.

RIDLEY V. GYDE.

The plaintiff in this case is the assignee of a
bankrupt named White, who carried on business as
an upholsterer at Leamington; and the action was
brought to recover sundry articles of furniture from
the defendant, a brother-in-law of White's, to whom
it was alleged he had given a fraudulent preference.
A verdict passed for the plaintiff.
Mr. Sergeant JoNEs, on the part of the defendant,
obtained a rule Nisi to set aside the verdict, on the
ground of the inadmissibility of certain declarations
which were received in evidence.

Mr. Sergeant BOMPAS showed cause; and Mr.
Sergeant JONES was heard in reply.—Rule
discharged.

COURT OF EXCHEQUER, Nov. 19.

GODDARD, GENT., V. HODGES.

gfeo rc doims bpuarns e-
m eTn
thsi Ts
nw aase
caonu
taitc t
ofi o rti
the
ey
n
of which the defendant a (distiller) was Chairman.
Ca rea itittioer-nberyi d
The case was tried at Guildhall, at the Sittings
after last Term, when a verdict was returned for
the plaintiff. A rule to show cause why the ver-
dict should not be set aside, and a verdict entered
for the defendant, having been obtained in this
Term, on the ground that the plaintiff was a partner
in the Company,

Mr. HOLT, with whom was Mr. lIOGGtNs, showed
cause. The only evidence of the plaintiff having
been a partner was that of Mr. Fall, who stated
that the plaintiff induced him to take some shares
in the Company on plaintiff's account, as he (the
plaintiff), being the solicitor, was precluded from
taking shares in his own name. Mr. Fall further
stated that the plaintiff paid him certain sums of
money to pay the calls on those shares. The
Learned Coups,' contended that such evidence was
not St/ffiCient to fix the plaintiff as a partner.
Lord LYNDHURST (without hearing Counsel on
the other side) entertained no doubt but that the
sum in question had been expended by the plaintiff
on account of the Company ; but the question was,
whether he was entitled to recover that sum from
the defendant, as a member of the Company ?
Mr. Baron BAYLEY—It is a rule of law that one
partner cannot recover against another until an ac-
count be settled.----Rule made absolute.
It was agreed that a noneuit should be entered,
or a verdict for the defendant.