The Sun.
London, England, 1832-10-08 00:00:00

:SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Lord Henley, a Master in Chancery, and the
brother-in-law of Sir Robert Peel, has put forth
what may be called a " faint-hearted" address to
the electors of the county of Middlesex. We
doubt whether that which, according to a com-
mon adage, " never won fair lady,' is likely to
win the voters of the metropolitan county. Lord
Henley appears to see clearly enough through
the flimsy veil of a requisition, and prudently
enough asks for something more than the con-
tents of a mere side of foolscap before he em-
barks in the doubtful warfare of a county elec-
tion. Lord Henley is, as far as we have ever
heard, a highly estimable man ; but Lord Henley
is a placeinan, and that, with us at least, is rea-
son enough why he ought not to represent the
county of Middlesex. What ! the county of
Middlesex represented by a servant of the House
of Peers ! Is it to be borne, even in idea, that
on some night, when a question of the highest
moment is to be discussed in the House of Com-
mons, the Member for the metropolitan county
shall be absent—that the debate shall be inter-
rupted by " a Message from the Lords"—that,
on the words " Call in the Messengers," the
Member for Middlesex shall be seen advancing
bowing to the mace, and then with equal dignity
retreating, not only from the Speaker's chair, but
from his post! No—the two situations are wholly
incompatible. Till schedule A intruded itself
into the Statute-book, a Master in Chancery
might find, through Gatton or Old Sarum, a pas-
sage to the House of Commons ; and schedule
B perhaps may still have left him a chance ; but
that a large and enlightened body of constituents,
such as the county of Middlesex now comprises,
should submit to be so represented, implies a
satire upon a reformed Parliament, which, till
we witness it, we cannot credit as being possible.
—Morning Herald.

With whatever interest the animated letter
from Oporto may have clothed the military oc-
currences of the 29th ult., these latter cannot
be honestly represented as otherwise than incom-
plete and indecisive. If Miguel's commanders
were aware of the loss sustained by the Consti-
tutionalists, they would be wanting in their duty
to refrain from renewing the attack ; in which
case, as a considerable number of the bravest
men and officers of Don Pedro's corps had
fallen, it seems doubtful how far what remained
to fight would have succeeded in repelling the
assailants. It is true that the Usurper has not
excited in his own behalf (how could he ?) any
active spirit of attachment or support among the
people of Portugal. But he has, undoubtedly,
by dint of sanguinary tyranny, reduced their
preference of Donna Maria to a mere inert feel..
ing, not likely to show itself, even in words,
until after the day shall have turned in her fa-
vour,—that is, until the necessity for such a de-
monstration shall have ceased, or its value been
sensibly diminished. For the conduct of the Bri-
tish Government, we repeat our satisfaction at its
apparently amended character. The wrongs inflict-
ed on this country by Miguel ought not to have
been left unchastised so long, nor the lives of
his Majesty's subjects at Oporto exposed to
dangers which on their parts were wholly unme-
rited. It might seem strange to any person not
fully alive to the principles on the operation of
which the fate of Europe at present hangs, that
a certain magnificent faction in this country ma-
nifests with regard to the Portuguese contest a
degree of sore and bitter uneasiness, not less
conspicuous than on the Reform Bill itself ; and,
indeed, that somehow or other the battle of the
boroughs is felt by these personages to be fought
over again between the Reformers and Anti-
reformers of the Douro. The reason can he no
other than that Miguel is regarded as an im-
portant link in the chain of European despotism,
and is endeared to every advocate for the " wis-
dom of our ancestors" throughout the whole
world, by his inevitable dread and hatred of free
institutions. If Portugal should be emanci-
pated, so must Spain ; so, with no very long in-,
terval, must Italy ; and with every one of these
revolutions, these " great calamities," as the
Duke of Wellington described the results of the
French and Flemish barricades, some new chain
will be rivetted upon the Briareus of anti-popu-
lar power in Great Britain, where, at this mo-
ment, in the bloom and freshness of our own
reform, the very provisions of the law by which
the liberties of England were to have been se-
cured are perverted by the Anglo-Miguelite
party, to the intimidation and oppression of the
people. Hence it is that the Tory landlords,
and other monopolists of this country, are in
agonies of terror lest their kindred cause in the
south of Europe should share the fate which, if
the friends of freedom be true to her and to them-
selves, is already prepared for every remnant of
misgovernment amongst Englishmen. But in
the same proportion as it is felt to be a contest
for hearth and home on the side of the borough•
mongers, so ought it to be on that of the people
of England and their reforming Government,
and no womanish scruple, suggested by a defer-
ence to unmeaning forms, when everything of
substantial use and value to nations is at stake,
ought to weigh with either against the interests
of the liberal Government in Portugal.— Times.
The history of loans for foreign states has
too often, for some years, been a history of fraud
and jobbing. The object for which the loans
have been contracted has generally been frus-
trated by the misapplication of the money. In-
deed, the parties for whom the loan is raised
seldom touch a shilling in cash. The loan con-
tractor, previous to taking the loan, finds an
agent who is to supply every thing. Of course, the
agent is a creature of his own. The funds are
placed at the disposal of this accredited agent.
He forms all the contracts for ships, stores,
arms, ammunition, with just whom he pleases,
and at what price (the contractors for the loan
insisting on seeing the contracts fulfilled be-
fore the money is finally paid) he thinks
proper. The contracts are of course given to
those persons who are recommended by the
contractors, and with whom there generally
is a secret understanding. No matter if he con-
tracts for the supply of 5,000 stand of arms at
265. 6d., and rejects an offer at 12s. 6d., it is a con-
tract, it is binding ; there are the bills—the money
has been paid. So on with everything else, until
the proceeds of the loan are squandered away,
when the public are called upon for a second
loan to secure - the first ; and thus they go on.
By such means as these may be traced the failure
,
of many enterprises which otherwise would have
proved successful, and of mutual benefit and ad-
vantage to the contracting parties. Indeed, it
is impossible for the public to form an idea of
the monstrous arrogance and assumption of
power on some occasions by what is called the
agent of the Powers. Besides the purchasing
of ships, stores, &c., he engages all officers and
men ; he does everything at his leisure ; sends
out whom he pleases, at his own time and con-
venience, regardless of all consequences. He
traits with contempt all suggestions from highly