The Sun.
London, England, 1835-05-15 00:00:00

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LONDON,
FRIDAY EVENING, MAY is, 1335.

The Hon. GEORCE BYNG, the candidate for Poole,
is appointed Comptroller of the Househqld.

The Marquis WELLESLEY has resigned the office
of Lord Chamberlain.

The cordial reception given to Lord, JOHN Rus-
SELL, by the electors of Stroud, is no less gratifying,
to the friends of Reform, than it is galling to the ad-
vocates of civil and ecclesiastical abuses. These con-
sistent upholders of " iniquity in high places " would
fain play the same game among the liberal and en-
lightened inhabitants of Stroud, which they found
so successful among the ignorant clod-hoppers
of Devonshire. The priest-ridden believers in witch-
craft—those glorious seals of a gospel Ministry—
those living proofs of the usefulness of an established
Ministry—supplied them with proper tools for their un-
hallowed work. The "No Popery" cry was raised
and re-echoed from the one end of the county to the
other, and so unscrupulous were the " spiritual
pastors and masters" of the flocks of South Devon,
in the use of means towards the end they had in view,
that some of them actually announced from the pulpit,
that that pulpit would probably be filled next Sun-
day by a Popish priest I Such a fact as this—the
very utterance of such an absurdity—laying aside all
consideration of the want of principle in the man who
uttered it—shews in what a benighted state the con-
gregation must be, on whose credulity its pastor
could dare to make so bold an experiment.
Such priestly pranks, however, will not succeed
with the electors of Stroud. Should they be at-
tempted, they will be met by the only notice of which
they are deserving—the smile of derision. The Tories,
we are well aware, are above all things anxious to defeat
Lord JOHN RUSSELL a second time ; but, alas, they have
little hope, and no expectation, of accomplishing their
favourite object. They have in the silence of the
night placarded the walls with " No Popery," but no-
body heeds it. They have also circulated a report that a
candidate is to be started in opposition to Lord JOHN
in the person of a Mr. MILDMAY, a son-in-law, we
believe, of the -person who was lately- shovelled in
among the Peers, under the style and title of
Lord ASHBURTON. They have also sounded the
constituency, and find to their great mortification that
they cannot muster, at the very utmost, 300 votes out
of the 1,300. On discovering how little chance they
had in case of a contest, they gave a soft of
demi-official intimation to Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S
Committee, that the Noble Lord would not be
opposed, with the insidious purpose of throwing
the liberal party off their guard; for at the very time
they made this communication, they sent off two per-
sons, the most active of their body, to London, to see
what the Carlton Club would do for them. The aid
they want is money, and the use they mean to make
of it may easily be imagined. There is, however, no
fear for the result. Should the Club empty its coffers,
LORD JOHN is safe. It is possible that some of the
electors may be deterred from voting ; but at the very
lowest computation, the Noble LORD will have a ma-
jority of more than 500 votes.

The charges brought forward last night in the
House of Commons by Lord MANDEVILLE against
the Earl of GOSFORD are a very fair sample of
Orange calumny—full of rancour ; put together with
much adroitness and plausibility ; insisted on with a
world of emphasis ; presenting an imposing array of
sophistical arguments ; yet, when subjected to the
searching test of common sense, found to be wholly
destitute of foundation, and dissolving before the light
of truth, like snow-wreaths in the morning sun. Con-
sidered per se, the Noble Viscount's charges scarcely
merit even a passing notice ; but as illustrating the
favourite mode of attack adopted by the Irish Con-
servatives towards their adversaries, they become of
some little importance ; and from the masterly expo-
sure of them by Dr. LUSHINGTON, the public will
deduce this inference, that no calumny is too ridicu-
lous to be propagated—no falsehood too monstrous to
be uttered by an Orangeman—provided it tends, for
the time, to injure the characters of thaw who may

be opposed to him in politics. Not the faintest
shadow of a foundation had Lord MANDEVILLE for
his attack on the Earl of GOSFORD ; yet he adhered
to it with a pertinacity which in a good cause
would have been firmness, but in a had one,
is sheer obstinacy. When, one by one, his
charges were refuted—when, driven from post to
post, be had none left to take refuge in—he did
not even then surrender, but still maintained a sort
of Parthian fight ; contending, in his reply, that " the
investigation had not been fairly conducted," because,
forsooth, it was only confined to the points at issue,
instead of going back to periods and events with which
it had no more connexion, than a squabble between
Catholic and Protestant; at the present day, would
have with a similar squabble in the reign of King
WILLIAM I If, however, our readers imagine that
this was a mere absurd, random assertion, on the part
of the Noble Viscount, they will be mistaken : it had
a far deeper origin ; it was neither more nor less than
a cunning, methodised attempt to revive the recol-
lection of half-forgotten party feuds. In this light
Mr. SHAW viewed, and commented on, it. We are
beaten, to be sure—so ran the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman's line of argument—still we shall have ef-
fected some little good for our party, if we can only
contrive to fan the flame of bigotry, by one or two
dexterous allusions to " the previous occurrences at
the Armagh races." Accordingly he tried this last
chance—it being quite in his peculiar way—but with
no other success than that of at once deciding the
House to " negative the charges against the Earl of
GosFoRD" as being wholly " without foundation."
We should not omit to state that the Tory mag-
nates took no part in this debate. Sir ROBERT
PEEL was silent ; GOULBURN breathed not so much
as a whisper; even the fiery HA RDINGE kept the
peace. What is to be deduced from this ? Why,
that Doctor LUSIIINGTON and Mr. SPRING RICE
had so triumphantly disposed of the question, as to
leave even Conservative intolerance itself without a
peg to hang a sophistry upon I

The friends of civil and religious liberty, whether
Churchmen or Dissenters, will rejoice to learn that a
motion is to be made this night in the house of Com-
mons by Mr. Po T TER, forinformation respecting the bar-
barous persecution of Mr. CHILDS. To have allowed so
scandalous an outrage upon the liberty of a British
subject to pass without animadversion would have
been disgraceful to a British Legislature, and we are
happy that the task of holding up to the reprobation
of the national Senate this—we trust, transient—rem-
nant of ecclesiastical tyranny, has devolved on one so
able to do it well.
A letter which we have received from Mr. CHILDS
himself, written in the gaol of Ipswich, will be found
in another column. Nothing that we could say would
give additional effect to the simple pathos and truly
Christian spirit which run throughout this letter. Mr.
CHILDS hears his sufferings not only without repining,
but with the inward satisfaction whish arises from a
consciousness that he is suffering in the greatest of
causes—the cause which forbids all human interposition
between man and his MAKER. "I am removed,"
says he, with apparent cheerfulness, " forty miles from
my family—have, for the first time in my life, slept on
an iron bedstead—and am, I believe, the first of my
family who has been the inmate of a prison." Gracious
GOD I and this for a Church-rate of 17s. 6d. I Who
would not rather be the prisoner on his iron bed,
than the man, if man he can be called, who placed
him there ?

We have received the whole of the Paris Papers of
Wednesday. The Court of Peers held two secret
conferences respecting the letter in the defunct Tri-
bune, brought forward by the Duke of MONTEBELLO,
as a breach of privelege, when it was finally agreed
upon by their Lordships that the ninety-one persons
whose names were affixed to the letter, together
with the late editor of the Tribune, should
be summoned to appear at the bar of the
Chamber. We dare affirm that so striking an
instance of judicial imbecility as this resolution of their
Lordships, is not to be found in the annals of any
state in Europe. What ! summon the very persons
to appear at the bar whose name terrified the Govern-
ment into an act which threatens to lead to the judicial
assassination of the prisoners ? What was it but the
fear of encountering the withering looks of these
honourable and talented men—the dread of awaken-
ing the thunders of their eloquence—that induced
the KING to outrage the Constitution—to trample upon
the established laws—to spurn the equitable rights of
Frenchmen, by refusing to permit the prisoners to be
defended by the advocates of their choice ? To the
KING the question of defence, considered in the ab-
stract, was of no importance. It was the agents of
the accused that he dreaded. He knew that the right
of defence once generally admitted, would allow of no
restrictions capable of screening his own acts, and those
of his Government. He was aware that the conspi-
racies could be easily traced to the Tuilleries—that
the leading anarchists would be found to possess a
large share of the Royal confidence. There was
but two ways of extricating himself from these diffi-
culties—either to gag the prisoners altogether, or to
allow them to be defended only by such members of
the legal profession as he knew to be disposed to bow
to the behests of the Court. Such was the crooked
policy of Louis PHILIPPE; and yet it was by far
the safest that could be adopted under the circum-
stances by which he had voluntarily surrounded him-
self. But mark the discrepancy between the conduct
of the KING and that of the imbecile instruments of
his despotic will. He refused to allow the prisoners
to be defended by the writers of the letter in the de-
funct Tribune, because he dreaded the exposures they
might make, and the effect which their eloquence
would have upon the country ; and here we have the
mere tools of his ambition goaded on by a hair-brained
young nobleman, who expects to be repaid for his ser-
vility to the Court by the Embassy to Naples, issuing
their mandate for the appearance at their bar of the re-
volutionary advocates ! Now, if their possible de-
fence of others so terrified the KING and Cabinet,
what may not the Government apprehend from their
actual defence of themselves, as abettors of the crime of
the accused ? From a passive opposition, the Cham-
ber of Peers will now force the chosen advocates of the
accused into a strenuously active resistance of the un-
constitutional power attempted to be exercised by the
New Court of the Luxemburg. The Peers have vir-
tually extended the accusation ; for it was suggested
by one of their body, that the surest way to vindicate
their honour would be to try the writers of the letter in
the Tribune, as accessories to the crime of high treason.
But the consequences of the appearance of the chosen
advocates at the Bar of the Chamber of Peers, is not
the only mortification to which the Government is likely
to be exposed. Three of the persons whose signatures
are affixed to the letter are members of the Chamber
of Deputies, and, consequently without the consent of
that body, beyond the jurisdiction of the Chamber of
Peers. Now, before a summons is addressed to these
gentlemen, it will be necessary to ask the Chamber's
Consent to their prosecution--a boon which the De-
puties will not grant, without re-opening afresh the
whole question of the policy of following up the pre.
sent prosecutions. The Government knoWs its own
position too well, to desire the adoption of such a course

as this. It is doubtful, at the present moment, whether
the Opposition might not obtain a majority, and were
this to happen, a revolution would as assuredly follow
as the morning succeeds the night.
In the Chamber of Peers on Wednesday little was
(lone besides the continuing to read the Act of Indict-
ment, which will occupy two or three more sittings.
There were only twenty-three of the accused present.
The accounts from Bayonne, received this morning,
are rather favourable, although there is no ground
for presuming that the war draws towards an imme-
diate close. The belligerents on both sides are, how.
ever, apparently resolved to spare the effusion of as
much blood as possible—consistent with what they
regard as their duties to their respective Sovereigns.
The following is from the Memorial des Pyrenees :

" On the 2d, in the morning, Zumalacarregui attacked the
fort of Irurzun with 4,000 men and six pieces of cannon ; but
hearing that Valdez was advancing with 12,000 men, he set
fire to the church, and retreated into the mountains, hoping,
probably, to draw his adversary after him. It may be pre-
sumed that experience has rendered both parties more circum-
spect, and that the war will assume a more regular character,
and be carried on in a manner more conformable to the law of
nations."

FRENCH FUNDS.—PARTS, MAY 13
Five per Cents., 108 f. 20c. 40c.:10c.
Four per Cents., 90f. —c.
Three per Cents., Slf. 85c. Tic. 82f.
Bank Actions. 1,972 f. 50,;.
Rente tie Naples, 90f. isc. 40c. 30c.
Roman Five per Cents., 100,4 11.
Bente d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 493, %N.
Bente d'Espagne, Three per Cents., 31.
Royal Spanish Loan, 30 491%.
Beate Perpet. d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 494%36.
Belgian Loan, Five per Cents, 102.
Portuguese Lan, Five per Cent., 101 101%.
Haytian Loan, 440 f. 437 f. 50c.
EXCHANGE ON LONDON.
One month, paper, ne. 40c. ; money, —1 —c.
Three months, paper, 25f. 25c. ; money, 25f. 9.5 c.
—Cours Authentique.
BOURSE, THREE O'CLOCK.—The same calm as yesterday
prevails. All the securities are flat, particularly Spanish
stock. The Differes are kept up by those who have them on
their hands. Every means is used to avoid their conversion
into Passive stock. In a few days we shall know the end of
the struggle on this head.
QUARTER TO FOUR O'CLOCK.—Five per Cents., 108 f. 45c.
Three per Cents., 82f. 10c. ; Five per Cents., Spanish, 491 ;
Three per Cents. Spanish, 31 ; Cortes, 491 ; Coupons, 201;
Guebhards, 49i; Differes, 201; Definitive, 631 ; New
Loan, 64i ; Passive, 18 ; Ducats, 99f. 45c. ; Romans, 1001;
Belgians, 102 ; Pedros, 1021 ; Haytian, 437 f. 50c. ; Bra-
bant Bank, 202- pm.

Brussels and German papers have been received.
Their contents have been anticipated in the extracts
which which we ps VP in 'r7-, c;-, 7^-4-r '7.
VII. SA, :LAY Per Cents. 1021; 4 Per Cents. 97k;
Bank Shares 1350.—Allgemiene Zietung, May 10.

We have just received the following extract of a
letter written by Commodore HENRY, dated San
Sebastian, May the 6th :
" I am happy to tell you that the reports circulated at San-
tander are without foundation to the extent stated. I called
at Lcgueter this morning, and left yesterday for Bilboa.
Iriarte was compelled to retreat, with the loss only of 345
men, killed and wounded. Espartero has destro7ed the Car-
list town of Guernica, and from St. Sebastian I learn that
Valdez's flight is all a humbug; in fact the truth is not in these
fellows. I would soon clear the coast of Carlists with a small
division of effective men."

CHANCERY COURT.-(THIS DAY.)

IN THE MATTER OF CHAMBERS, A BANKRUPT.

Mr. TEMPLE applied in this case that an early day might be
appointed for the hearing of the petition. The case was one
of great importance, as his client (Mr. Chambers) had suffered
an imprisonment of sixteen years. The Learned Gentleman
trusted that their Lordships would appoint scme day in the
holidays.
Sir W. HORNE protested against any course being adopted
that would interfere with the holidays.
The VICE-CHANCELLOR observed, that if Mr. Temple's
client wished the hearing of the petition to be postponed from
to-day, it must come on in the regular course.
After some further discussion, it was arranged that the case
should come on for hearing on an early day in the Term.