The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-19 00:00:00

far as the POPE was concerned, but it was Austria

alone that influenced Parma, Modena, and Tuscany,

that erected the formidable fortress at Piacenza,

and encouraged even Naples to persevere in the

conduct of which POERIO and his liberal associates
were at once the scandal and the victims.

Towards the close of last year the true state of
feeling between France and Austria became known
to the Government, and immediate instructions were
given to our representatives at both countries to do all
in their power to remove any existing misconception.
The first overt act, the inauspicious statement by
the Emperor NAPOLEON, which entitled her MA-
JESTY'S Government to more direct interference,
was not made until the opening day of the year,
and no time was lost in directing every energy to
the preservation of peace and averting war. Lord
COWLEY ascertained the views and sentiments of
NAPOLEON, and, after a brief conference in Lon-
don, proceeded forthwith to Vienna. His mission
was one of mediation, and it was eminently suc-

cessful. Everything promised to be speedily and
satisfactorily arranged, so as to get rid of the
dead weight that was consuming the resources
of both countries, and acting on their finances
with almost as destructive an operation as even
war itself.

It was at this stage of the proceedings that
Russia most unfortunately, and, we fear, somewhat
designedly, interfered by proposing THE BUBBLE
CONGRESS, which knocked every beneficial and
satisfactory arrangement on the head. The Cabinet
of St. Petersburg well knew the difficulties that
impeded every attempt at forming such an assem-
bly with full and ample powers to remove every
difficulty. It might have been that they were
jealous of exclusively British mediation, or that
they desired delay for any of the purposes to which
delay might be turned; and the certainty of the
exhaustion that must have attended the costly arma-
ments maintained by the rival Powers might not
have lessened its anxiety to do a little quiet mischief
with perfect impunity. Its exertions in the cause of
peace (!) would give it an additional claim on the
Bourses and Stock Exchanges, of Europe to meet
its little demand of ;612,000,000 a mere trifle to
the Autocrat, but which might lcie &nployed in
rather a different manner from that anticipated by
the over-credulous lenders.

The course proposed had, however, the sanction
and acceptance of NAPOLEON, and therefore could
not be rejected ; certain conditions, however, were
introduced—" Subject to the general condition that
the Congress was not to interfere with the settle-
ment of 1815, which was uniformly admitted.
The four conditions on which it was agreed
the Congress should meet were :—First of all

,he evacuation of the Roman States by foreign

troops ; second, the reform of the administration
of the Roman States ; third, the best means of
preventing a war from breaking out between
Austria and. Sardinia; and, fourth, the providing a
substitute for the separate treaties between Austria

and those of the Central States of Italy, between
whom and Austria separate treaties have been en-
tered into. Those conditions were accepted by
France, by Russia, and by Prussia; and they were
accepted by Austria, with a fifth condition, which
in reality was only her interpretation of the third
condition. Thb third condition was the means by
which peace can be best preserved between Austria
and Sardinia; and the fifth condition of Austria
was, as we have said, an interpretation of the third
condition, for it was a definition of it—namely,
that in the opinion of Austria it involved the dis-
armament of Sardinia.

This last condition we long since repudiated, as
we are happy to say it has been repudiated by
statesmen of all parties—by the Earl of MALMES-
BURY and Mr. DISRAELI in the first instance,
and subsequently by Lord. PALMERSTON and others
of the Opposition.

It had been suggested that if Piedmont would
voluntarily disarm, she would receive the guarantee
of the great Western Powers to protect her against
any attack by Austria. We do not see that this
proposition was by any means open to the objec-
tions that have been offered against it by those
only anxious' to damage her MAJESTY'S Govern-
mentperfas aut nefas. It is scarcely possible that
Austria would have ventured on any onslaught,
when she must have brought against her such
formidable opponents as England and France.
The proposition for a general disarmament was,
however, a more felicitious solution of the great
problem. And that although accepted by the Five
Great Powers, has been rejected by Sardinia. It
will, however, be easy to bring VICTOR EMANNUEL
to his senses. The English Government has faith-
fully and efficiently discharged its duty, and we
are rejoiced to find that England will preserve a
neutrality, albeit, it may be an armed one should
war unfortunately ensue. There is, however, still
hope of peace, and for that we shall be indebted to
the prudence and discretion of her Majesty's
Ministers.

This great fact cannot be lost sight of at the
approaching elections, and Lord PALMERSTON may
see cause to regret having elicited the explanations
in every respect so creditable to his opponents.

We are of course set down es impracticables, by
all the timid and all the trimmers. We can see
bat one thing, and we would peril everything for
one favourite point. The 81424 has identified itself
With the Ballot ; and whoever is in office, Whigs
or Tories—whoever presents himself at the hustings,
Vnlig, Radical, or Tory, Conservative or Liberal
Conservative—we give them no rest, we must have
the Ballot. The best man of the day must be told
he is not up to the mark unless he will support our
object. In a word, say some, we would spoil all
for eue thing.

ow, we are not very desirous to repudiate any-
thing but the obvious temper of such accusations.
The substantial justice of the description of our
Policy is undeniable. We have repeatedly told a
Tory Cabinet that to concede the Ballot would be to
establish
their power ; that it must be forced from
them on, day if they would not give it, and better
give it and keep in than withhold it, go out, and
leave others to go in and give it. We had little
hope, indeed, of our arguments being successful,
but we would
the Ballot
ten times rather have Toryism with
than pseudo-liberalism without it. We
have also been
JOHN," or ever ready to " embarrass Lord
even Mr. BERKELEY, or Mr. Anybody,
when they were not taking what we thought the
manly and fair course on what we deem the most
fundamental of all reforms. We have stuck to our
point in season, and out of season, too, as some will
think. We stick to it still, but we nevertheless
have a practical suggestion to offer ; we have made
it before, but it may be of special use just now.
We will admit that there may be apprehensive,
timid Liberals, as well as hypocritical ones—men
who really are in favour of popular liberties, but
who think, as people say of slaves, or as Austrians
say of Italians, that the people are not prepared
yet for too much liberty. We may know that a
dcandidatenot really does lean to popular rights, and
es
use them only as a hustings cry ; and we
confess it may b, hard,
Liberal constituency,
may-perha,pr% split up a
and " let in a Tory," if such
a "good-hearted candidate" be required to swallow
the Ballot unmodified and entire. We say then,