The Sun.
London, England, 1866-10-26 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FR,,DAY EVENING-, OCTOBER 26, 1866.

Mr. Bradley was accidentally drowned by the upsetting of
a boat." The Coroner thanked the jury for the attention
they had bestowed on the case. He had sent in his resig-
nation of the office he held as coroner, and he thought it
was accepted. He had a strong desire to be relieved of it,
owing to defective sight and hearing. At the express wish
of the Vice-Chancellor, however, he had presided on that
occasion. It was four years since an inquest had been held
on a similar case—viz., that on the body of Mr. Luke.
This long interval proved that better precautions were
taken now than in former times, when accidents on the
river were so numerous. The men now seemed to be better
prepared as swimmers, and the boats, although slight,
were not so dangerous as they had been.

of the sewers, which even its warmest advocates doubted
would pay. The question then arose shall we continue this
waste of time, health, and money ? He then proceeded to
point out the advantages of the earth-closet sTstem, by the
use of which human excreta became absorbed, and in place
of being a nuisance became a valuable fertilising manure.
If removed and attended to twice or thrice a week it be-
came easy, convenient, and perfectly practical. He then
detailed his plan for the adoption of the system in London.
He proposed to divided the metropolis into 200 sections,
and fit each house with earth closets. The necessary at-
tention to these, he estimated, would require I 0 carts, 20
men, and 20 horses to each section from six to nine o'clock
each day. Each van would be fitted with 200 buckets and
the necessary earth. The estimated value of the produce
of each closet was 14s. per annum, and the result would be
a profit of 30s. to £4 per annum to each house. Mr. Hawks-
loy went Into a variety of detailedstatistics, and was speak-
ing when the report left.

IRELAND.

DUBLIN, Tuesday Morning.

Mr. Mulholland has announced his intention of
not contesting the representation of Belfast. There
is a Conservative already in the field ; no principle
is at stake ; such a contest would rest on personal
grounds only, and lead to disunions and divisions.
These are the reasons that have induced Mr. Mul-
holland to turn a deaf ear to the call of a section of
the Conservative party, which it is said, from his ex-
treme views, do not wish that Mr. Lanyon should be
returned. The supporters of the latter gentleman,
however, appear resolved that he shall triumph
over all opponents that may enter the lists against
him, for they are holding meetings every evening,
and carrying on an active canvass. A. deputation
waited upon him yesterday, to ascertain his views
on several subjects, when a little "sparring " took
place. Mr. Lanyon, when asked what course he
would pursue in reference to some question of local
importance, said he required some time for conside-
ration before giving any reply, which caused a Mr.
Trimble—an admirer, probably, of Mr. Mulholland
—to tell him it was rather soon to be returning
" Parliamentary answers." Another elector stated
that his political principles might not altogether be
the same as Mr. Lanyon's, and he would like to
know would Mr. Lanyon support a just measure
of Reform ? Mr. Lanyon replied that he would
support such a measure as the Opposition of last
year would have supported. Mr. Lanyon (the ques-
tioning being over) rose from his seat, and coming
round to Mr. Trimble, proffered his hand, which
Mr. Trimble accepted, remarking that " this was
before an election, and that he quite understood it."
Two young men, who formed part of a mob that
attacked the military at Tipperary, have been found
guilty of that offence at the quarter sessions, and
one of them sentenced to six months' imprisonment
with hard labour ; the other got four months and
hard labour.

It is stated that the Lord Lieutenant has ordered
an investigation on oath to be made into all the
circumstances connected with the recent attempt of
a convict to escape from the Mountjoy Prison. The
utmost reticence is observed with respect to this
mysterious and extraordinary affair, but, from hints
which have reached me, I have reason to believe
that the escape of the convict in question was only
a minor object, and that the investigation will bring
to light a most nefarious conspiracy inspired by per-
sonal malice against an official of the gaol, who had
become obnoxious to some of his colleagues in con-
sequence of having exposed in the public press many
instances of favouritism and mismanagement.

The Freeman is, of course, bitterly opposed to
the Established Church, and, apropos of the vacancy
in the see of Tuam, it makes some remarks that are
not in very good taste. " Lord Derby," it says,
" will no doubt prove his desire to govern Ireland in
a catholic spirit by selecting some nominee of the
Ulster lodges for the bishopric of Tuam—unless, in-
deed, he should hand over the appointment to Mr.
Waldron. Mr. Waldron says that Lord Derby is the
Wellington' who alone can remove the Irish Church
anomaly. Let him begin by advising her Majesty to
make no appointment to Tuam until Parliament meets'
The country is not so peaceable, nor is Fenianism so
entirely quelled, as to warrant the offensive experi-
ment of sending another mitred champion of the
Low Church into the controversial field. The fire
already kindled may be well left for a little time
without an immediate supply of episcopal fuel." The
Premier will experience no small embarrassment in
choosing a successor to Lord Plunket, arising, how-
ever, rather from an embarras de richesses than from
any paucity of able and well-qualified divines from
among whom to make his selection. As usual in all
such cases, the names of several clergymen are men-
tioned as likely or worthy to wear the vacant mitre,
whose claims to the notice of the dispensers of eccle-
siastical patronage are earnestly and zealously pro-
claimed by their respective friends. Among the most
prominent is the Rev. Dr. Todd, S.F.T.C.D., author
of "The Life of St. Patrick," whose great learning,
acknowledged excellence as a preacher, amiable
character, and administrative talents, highly deve-
loped in the management of the affairs of the
college, constitute powerful recommendations. But
there is a very general feeling that as the last four
vacant seats on the Irish episcopal bench were filled
by the appointment of non-parochial clergymen—
two of whom were fellows of college and two mini-
sters of free churches—the working parochial clergy
should now have their turn. Of this class the Hon.
and Rev. Charles Bernard, rector of Bandon, is
highly spoken of. This gentleman was formerly
mentioned in connection with the bishopric of
Meath, and is said to be a great favourite with the
clergy, while he is equally esteemed by the laity for
his zealous performance of his duties as a parish
minister. The Dean of Ferns (Dr. Atkins) ; Arch-
deacon Martin, of Killeshandra ; the Rev. Alex. Ir-
win, precentor of Armagh ; and the son of the late
bishop, the Hon. and Rev. Wm. Conyngham Plun-
ket, are also put forward. Another able and talented
dignitary of the Irish Church (Dr. Alexander, dean
of Emly) has been much spoken of ; but the fact
that he was one of Mr. Gladstone's most energetic
supporters at the last Oxford election will probably,
when there is such an array of unswerving and con-
sistent supporters of. Lord Derby's policy to choose
from, deprive him of any chance that his station in
the Church and his acknowledged abilities would
have given him.
The commission for the county and city of Dub-
lin will be opened to-morrow. The calendar is
rather heavy, comprising 34 cases, for which 47 pri-
soners are to be put on trial. The most important
case is that of William Kearney, who is indicted
on his own confession (afterwards retracted) for
the murder of George Clarke, on the Royal Canal,
some months ago, during the height of the Fenian
agitation, and which arose out of that senseless
treason, the murdered man having been sus-
pected by the brotherhood of having given
information which led to one of the numerous
seizures of arms which then took place, and the
arrest of some of the conspirators. There is also
one of shooting with intent to murder, one of man-
slaughter, four of passing base coin—the persons
charged with which are members of a Manchester
gang of coiners.
The Bishop of Meath met with a serious acci lent,
on his arrival at the palace, Ardbracean, a few days
ago, from the effects of which he is still suffering
severely. The gas had been allowed to escape in
one of the rooms, and his grace having entered the
apartment with a lighted candle, an explosion took
place. He sustained a violent shock, but providen-
tially escaped any serious injury.
At a lottery for a Roman Catholic charity,• which
was held here last summer, one of the prizes was the
fee-simple of a handsome cottage, picturesquely si-
tuated near Daltrey.. This tempting prize fell to
the lot of a man in rather humble life, employed, I
believe, at the railway works in Holyhead, who ac-
cepted in lieu of it the sum of £l6O, from the
owner, the Rev. Mr. Nolan, C.C., in whose posses-
sion the cottage still remains. Mr. Nolan claimed
to vote out of it, and his claim was objected to by
the Conservatives at the revision which has just ter-
minated, on the ground that, when the ticket was
won, the premises passed out of his possession, that
the giving of the pecuniary equivalent constituted a
repurchase of them, and that he had not been long
enough in
possession of them after that repurchase
! to entitle him to a vote out of them. On the other
side it was contended that, as lotteries are illegal,
the whole transaction was a nullity, and therefore it

should be deemed that Mr. Nolan had never ceased
to be the owner of the property. The revising bar-
rister, on the authority of a decision of Judge Jac-
kson, took this view of the case, and decided that no
sale had taken place, and therefore that Mr. Nolan
had never forfeited his right to vote.
The Roman Catholic prelates have just held a
meeting in this city for " the transaction of im-
portant business ;" but what its nature was remains
a secret. Rumour has it, however, that they as-
sembled for the discussion of political matters, and
this is not at all unlikely. Their lordships, with
Cardinal Cullen, were entertained last night by the
Lord Mayor at a private banquet. All the Roman
Catholic judges, The O'Donoghue, The O'Conor
Don, and a large party of the nobility and gentry
of that persuasion, were invited to meet them.
Our agricultural and botanical readers will pro-
bably feel interested in a phenomenon which recently
presented itself in the ice-house of the Lord Pri-
mate's episcopal residence at Armagh. It is vouched
for by a correspondent of the Daily Express:—
" The ice is always covered with straw, and it would
appear that a grain of wheat got dislodged, and
germinated, striking a root fully four inches into a
solid piece of ice, at the same time sprouting up
so as to develope the leaf. The plant and the piece
of ice were sent to the Primate, who• forwarded
them to the Rev. Dr. Robinson. When returned to
Mr. Walsh (the gardener), he placed the plant in
what he considered. more congenial soil, with the
hope of cultivating it, but it perished on exposure
to the atmosphere, notwithstanding all his skill."

SPIRIT OF THE PDBLIO JOURNALS.

TIMES.—A few days ago England might have
celebrated, with very good reasons, the eighth cen-
tenary of an event which may be fairly regarded as
the foundation of this realm, and no small part of
our making as the British people. The Battle of
Hastings was fought on October 14, 1066, and on
that day the Conqueror became the possessor of
the sovereignty still enjoyed by his descendants
with ever-increasing glory and security. It was
one of the very few occasions in the history of the
world in which accidents, and trifles, and secondary
causes seem to have had no part, and in which the
authors, the preparation, the circumstances, and the
expectation all were suitable to the incalculable im-
portance of the results. The "great Baron" led to
these shores the noblest and most civilised race of
that age. He carefully armed himself with the
highest, religious sanction, and a claim sufficient at
least for the wager of battle. Politic before his age,
be threw away no chance. With the eyes of all
Christendom upon him, he made the most elaborate
preparations on the opposite shore, aad secured by
diplomacy an important diversion on our northern
coast. It was greatly in his favour that he had to
encounter a thoroughly united realm, an ancient
and loved dynasty, a people proud of their unmixed
race, or a dominant class ; for in all these respects
England was made to his hands, and like a house
waiting for its lord and master. Indeed, with the
exception of the governing power which England was
then to receive, and to see speedily developed into
King, Lords, and Commons, it bad a remarkable
resemblance to England of this day. It had been
made up of many races, engrafted on a stock of
unknown antiquity. Its people had always claimed
self-government and equal laws. The tribal sys-
tem and slavery-_if pure and simple slavery had
ever existed in the island-.--had early given way to
the allodial system, and to that relation of master
and man which is become almost nature in this
country. England would have been a very barren
conquest, and could never have been more than
another Normandy, had the Conqueror not won the
people as well as the soil ; and, although he brought
over then and afterwards many thousand adven-
turers, whom he was able to plant all over the
country, all inquiry tends to prove how small, in the
first instance, was the change in the inhabitants of
this island, their manners, and their laws. At first
the two races lived apart ; then the lordly Norman
element began to work like a leaven in the mixed
mass of this people, as it has worked ever since,
and works at this day. Though there is not a family
in the island that could claim a pure descent, had it
so foolish an ambition, yet Norman blood flows in
the meanest veins, producing everywhere and in
various classes the genius of mastery, of organisa-
tion, of handiness and helpfulness, of high moral
discipline, of loyal obedience, and paternal authority.
During these eight centuries we have undergone
changes so great, and seen events so extraordinary,
as to invite the remark that our history is the tale
of a novel-writer. But in the most itnportant sense
we have been singularly changeless. For the whole

of this period we have -been engaged more or less in
political controversies assuming various forms, but
almost invariably recognising the Dynasty, the Con-
stitution, the Church, the rights of property, the
legal system, local authority, and even territorial
arrangements of a less important character. Of these
things it is hard to say which is the oldest and most
respected in this country, and no sooner is any part
of our complex social and political system threatened
than the descendant, may be, of Saxon or British
patriots can point to chapter and verse of the Nor-
man records, with the presumption in favour of a
much greater antiquity. The Conquest, which found
Enland in no very peaceful and settled condition,
had to plant its steps in the smouldering embers, and
encounter and quench not a few rebellions. Then
came wars of succession, an evil old as the lleptarchy,
but also imported, and culminating in the battle of
Bosworth, near four centuries ago, since which we
have managed this buskpass better. The Normans
brought with them some ecclesiastical controversies
which are still pending, and which have occasionally
influenced political affairs. We have claimed a na-
tional church, and one which tolerates dissent—a rem
turn, as some tell us, to British simplicity, but less
doubtfully fortified y Norman example. Profiting
by the example of the Norman barons, the Commons
claimed their place in legislation and laws. I he land
was covered with castles, but burgesses grew bold;
and when castles were levelled wholesale, there were
more and more royal charters, with still larger li-
berties. The genius of the country was adverse to
all political pretensions of an unaccommodating and
overbearing character. The great Norman families
that felt and acted as heirs of the Conquest and
masters of the people gradually decayed, giving
place to a gentry of a more moderate bearing. The
wars of the Roses and the iron rule of the Tudors
are commonly said to have given the finishing
stroke to the confederacy of Norman chiefs that still
thought England their own. But what record that
stormy period left of itself fared ill at the hands of
succeeding generations, and we only know what sur-
vived. Thus gradually, and after many struggles,
the conquerors themselves, the Crown, the barons,
and the Church, have had to enter into compromises
with the people, and accept laws made in the interest
of the whole commonwealth. For six centuries
Parliament and the Courts of Law have been sub-
stantially what they are now. When we are speak-,
ing of that which has grown, and gained, and lost,
and remained the same for eight centuries, we have
no choice but to call it England. England in Nor-
man hands acquired Ireland and Wales, mere after-
claps of the Conquest. She lost her continental
provinces, and with them the last links of Norman
fetters, for the Norman element from that day was
a social-rather than a political influence. As soon
as the dream of French dominion had passed away,
England found a good sister, instead of a bad neigh-
bour, in the northern part of the island. Since that
she has lost the best part of North America, her own
children, and gained India and Australasia. They
are the largest losses and gains that history tells of,
and the superstructure may seem too large for the
basis of a single battle fought on the Sussex Downs
800 years ago. But that was not the scale by which
causes and effects were measured by the Saxon
Thanes, who, having watched the Normans disem-
barking on Michaelmas Eve, in the year 1066, and
then intrenchino- and hutting themselves, rode be-
yond the Humber to tell King Harold, Godwin's
son, what they had seen. They found him resting
at York, after having slain his namesake, the Nor-
wegian King. The Saxon King was no craven. He
rode from York to Sussex, gathered a second army,
and met the Normans at the hoary apple-tree—a
" sour apple-tree" for him. There he fell, and thou-
sands of his army with him, as the gigantic King of
Norway and his huge host had fallen a few days be-
fore. Within 15 days both the Harolds had got
their seven feet of English earth. That was the
masterstroke of the Norman Duke. Indeed, all
that we have done, and the whole series of our
conquests and acquisitions, far and wide, are but
echoes of the Norman original. The wandering
Celt, the hard-working Saxon, the adventurous
Dane, whatever the peculiar and inscrutable quali-
ties of the English race into which all are fused,
might have roamed, and laboured, and fought in
vain, but for the master Norman mind, that could
plan, and construct, and inspire; that neverintended
without doing, that seldom did without succeeding,
and that never began :without completing its work.
That the succeeding chapters of so changeful a his-
tory should not belacking in interest, and the pro-
blem of British greatness is still working itself out,
is both a natural and a necessary faith. It cannot be
said that we have attained to any consummation, or
even any resting-place, or any ideal so satisfactory
that we may now thank the Conquest for putting
the finishing stroke on our composition. But they
who would ameliorate our public policy or remodel
our institutions will never do this well, if at all, un-

less they fully recognise the character of the mate-
rials they have to deal with. The elements of our
race are indestructible, even though it be of the
mixed character proved by history and the evidence
of our own senses. We are what we have been made
by successive invasions, successive occupations, and
successive additions from various parts of the Con-
tinent. The refugees of poverty or persecutions to
whom we havegiven a home must outnumber many
times the entire Norman importation. But it is
plain to the bluntest senses and the dullest under-
standing that the men who conquered, held, go-
verned, built up this country till they were one with
it, and lost in a common unity, are still among us
and in us, in our institutions, our laws, our language,
our customs, public spirit, our policy, our very flesh
and blood. These are the actual ingredients, andthese
the facts of the case that we have to deal with, and all
legislation that should ever attempt to mould and
fashion our race without caring what it is and what
it is made of will utterly and disastrously fail.
Nations have their characters, like individuals, and
we have ours, though, as in the case of most men,
it is various. It is painfully evident that our cousins
across the Atlantic inherit this variety, and that no
success is to be expected from the attempt to make
one quality, one class, one type of men the normal
citizen and ordinary unit in that society. What we
see there is the violent antagonism of numbers,
strong chiefly in the weakness with which they allow
themselves to be massed and moulded. against a
minority with stronger hereditary qualities. These
are given to be helpmeets for one another, not for
the triumph of Dne or for mutual destruction. But
the greatest of all losses a nation can suffer is the
loss or the degradation of those whose very appear-
ance and manner mark them for mastery and head-
ship, and whom instinct, education, and position all
combine to qualify for responsibility and command.
But it is not at all necessary that we should sup-
pose England still divided into Norman, Saxon,
Dane, or Briton. The truth is, the medley is com-
plete, that the type of each race may come out any-
where, and each one of us may be all. It is enough
that the qualities are in us, and the traditional
parts remain to be filled. In no country in the
world is the relation of master and servant so
firmly established, so thoroughly developed, and
conducive to such great and happy results as in this
country. No doubt it is the creation of our history.
Ireland has never passed through the feudal sys-
tem ; for though it had its Norman conqueror, it
had not gone through the previous training and
formation which made the Norman Conquest so
beneficial to this country. The result is that the
Irishman will be at once master and servant, land-
lord, tenant, and labourer, his own lawmaker, his
own minister of justice,—indeed, everything in one.
That he may be a faithfal servant when his nature
inclines that way none can doubt ; but his will
generally inclines to that personal independence
which crumbles society into units, and ends in social
dissolution. When he does find his master it is on
the soil and among the, race conquered by and finally
associated with the Norman. But if we say that
the English master and servant are the best of our
race, as it now exists, and if we seem to read its
origin in the successive conquests of this island
always by a race superior to the last, we are only
asserting what is evident in the framework of Eng-
lish society, in the qualities that fit people. for one
or both of these positions. To be a good master, it
is often said, a man must be a good servant, or have
been a good one ; and to be a good Englishman a
man must be at once Celt, Saxon, Dane, Norman,
and whatever else has contributed to form the British
character.

PosT.•—Prussia may easily miss the opportunity
which was opened up at Sadowa. It requires con-
summate tact to improve a great but inconclusive '
victory, and the Prussian Government has already
made more than one false step on the high ground
which it took up. What is worse still, it has appa-
rently,
rently gone out of the plain straight way on con-
siderations which niay only be accounted for at the
expense of its character—the self-respect which it
was expected to display, and the dignity and for-
bearance befitting its position. The circumstance
that, with complex problems to be resolved, and in
the presence of undissembled difficulties, this Go-
vernment should have stepped aside, as it were,
from the path of discretion to concern itself about a
simple wedding present, is significant not merely
because the Princess Dagmar is the affianced bride
of the Czarewitch; and the sister of the Princess of
Wales, but because it is in itself evidence of an
almost incredible want of confidence. We do not
for a moment suppose that, in forbidding the Danish
Schleswigers to express the regard they entertain
for the daughter of their former Sovereign, the Go-
vernment of Berlin intended to offer an insult to
the imperial and royal families interested in her ap-
proaching marriage ; but the act reveals apprehen-
sions which a strong Government would not expe-
rience, and which a weak Government should seek
to conceal, and it is, moreover, unspeakably mean
in all its aspects. Such things, paltry as they seem,
and paltry as tley really are, cannot fail to pro-
duce a painful and lasting impression on the public
mind. They excite feelings of indignation or of
contempt, and Prussia, in the plenitude of her
power, is subjected to hatred or to scorn through
her own wrongdoing. It is these " trifles light
as air" that turn the scale of enterprises, and
provoke opposition by the mistrust which they
justify. This, too, unfortunately, is a sample of
the irritating and vexatious proceedings to which
the Prussian Government has condescended in the
hour of its success. The annexation of Hanover
and Frankfort may be vindicated, and so may the
humiliation of Saxony ; but a high-handed policy
ought to be carried out consistently. Powers that
make war and dictate peace should stand erect
before the world, and observe the conditions of ,
their action with scrupulous exactitude. One more
instance will suffice to show that Prussia is capri-
cious and hesitating. The grand Duchy of Baden
has, by the vote of its Chamber of Deputies, declined
the Prussian alliance. This also may appear to be
a very small matter. But it must be borne in mind
that the Deputies were advised by their Government
that " the adhesion of Baden to the Northern Union
was for them a question of existence, and the sole
way leading to the unity of Germany." in point of
fact, they were requested to vote away their inde-
pendence, which is substantially what Prussia exacts.
German unity, as it is understood-at Berlin, signifies
the enlargement of the Prussian State, and the
Northern Union is the means to that end. Now, the
end may be right—that is to say, the union of Ger-
many under the Prussian monarchy might eventu-
ally prove beneficial to the whole of the German
community ; and we know from history—from the
history of our own country--how right ends have
been arrived at. But precisely because the ques-
tion is one rather of expediency than of morality,
the means employed should be, ostensibly at least,
moral means. In other words, the mission of
Prussia does not admit of any double dealing.
When the fortress of Konigstein is claimed from a
State occupied by Prussian troops, the claim is in-
telligible. If it is not given up it will be taken—
that is understood. But when the Prime Minister
of Baden declares that its existence depends on
the will of Prussia, the representatives of the in-
habitants of the Duchy have to consider whether
he speaks with authority, and, in effect, whether
he is their Minister or a Prussian missionary. In
short, a national movement cannot be worked out
with the machinery of a conspiracy. Everybody is
prepared to allow that revolutions are not made
with rosewater, but, to last and wear well, they
should have a solid foundation. This was exempli-
fied in Baden a few years since, when Prussia was
endeavouring to stamp out the theory of German
unity. The unionists of 1848-9 had no foundation
to stand upon, and they could not resist the Prus-
sian liayonets. At present, however, the Germans
are not offered unity, but are asked to walk with
Prussia in a way which she says will lead to it. They
are invited to shut their eyes and be guided by
Count Von Bismarck, and told
.that there is no
alternative between submission and extinction. But
recollecting that the people of Hanover and Frank-
fort were differently dealt With, the Baden Depu-
ties may not unreasonably think that they see
another course. 'They can hardly imagine that
Prussia would beg for anything which she was com-
petent to demand, and looking at the situation from
that point of view, there would be scope for free and
refreshing speculation. Further, the Prussian Go-
vernment is protesting too much. Its relations with
the Governments of St. Petersburg and the Hague
may be quite satisfactory. There may be no mis-
understanding anywhere. But, be that as it may, if
the policy of Prussia is not defined it can hardly fail
to be misapprehended, and if the Government which
aspires to lead Germany cannot permit the poor
Schleswigers to congratulate the fair daughter of
• their nationality, the misapprehension may be ag-
gravated by obvious inferences. If the fear be pro-
vident its manifestation is susceptible of another inter-
pretation. Just so, also, if Baden can stand in the
way of German unity as it is pointed outby Prussia,
the vote of its Chamber of Deputies may be thought
to represent something beyond what it expresses. For
ourpart, we are not persuaded that the Germans as a
nation desire union as the Italians did. In all else they
may be equally well qualified to appreciate it ; but
we doubt very much if the minor States are ready
to renounce their independence, such as it is. Those
of them that have been conquered had, of course,
no choice ; and for the rest there only remains the
chance to which we adverted yesterday, and which
• may or may not have been considered in Baden.
But one thing is certain. Prussia could not com-
pel Germany to embrace her proposition by force,
unless, indeed, it was provided beforehand that
other Powers were to be passive spectators of the
conflict ; and as this happens to be a fact which no

protesting can shake, it might be well for the
Prussian Governmeht to devote a portion of the
attention which it'bestows on the English papers,
and occasionally on the journals of St. Petersburg,
to matters which, if they were properly explained,
might not be misunderstood.