The Sun.
London, England, 1866-06-06 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 6, 1366.

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 6, 1866.

The proverbial lull which succeeds the storm last
night made itself felt in the
fliouse of Commons.
Reform, The all-absorbing topic of
with the atten-
dant excitement of a threatened
Ministerial • •s,
gave place to quiet discussions about the manage-
Crisi
raent of the Metropolitan Board of Works, and the
grievances of Irish Poor-law medical Officers. Even
the questions and answers relative to the progress
of public business failed to create much animation.
Mr. GLADSTONE'S elaborate explanation of the
changes in the Order Book appeared to give some •
members a little uneasiness, and Lord CnANBOIINE
caused some laughter by frankly 'declaring that he
should be glad of a day's interval to discover his
motive. The proceeding itself was very simpYe.
Mr. GLADSTONE stated that the instruction to fuse
the Franchise and Redistribution Bills into one had
necessitated a number of amendments which for
greater convenience would be embodied in the form
of an
ordinary draught bill. This proposal gave
rise to some discussion
; several members preferring
the regular cour„,, of passing the Bills through Com-
mittee pro forma, sotheatthey might be reprinted
with the proposed
aradraents ; while others, in_
eluding the Speaker, approved
proposal as calculated to time Mr. GLADSTONE'S
save
and trouble.
Finally, it has determined to postpone the matter for
further consideration on Thursday, it being
appa-
rently impossible to proceed harmoniously
for a
single step in discussing either the manner orthe
matter of these unlucky bills. No further reference
to the course proposed to be taken by th,, Govern_
went, or to the prospects of the bill itself, was made
and the House passed to the consideration of mat-
ters less immediately interesting, though not in
themselves unimportant.
After a brief explanation of the failure of
the Conference by Mr. GLADSTONE, and the dis-
cussion and withdrawal of Mr. M.EvoY's motion
respecting the claims of the Irish medical officers,
Mr. COCHRANE moved for the appointment of a
royal commission, with the object of seeing whether
. the metropolis may not be improved in a more COM-

prehensive and economical manner, and with
greater unity of purpose. Mr. COCHRANE sub-
mitted the existing system to some severe criticism,
and declared that it was quite clear
Worksthatt and theherewas
no harmony between the Board of
representatives of the Crown. The hon. gentleman
expressed his conviction that the public
works were now being carried on in the most
costly and extravagant manner without producing
any adequate result, and his plan of reform would
be to fuse the Metropolitan Board of Works,
the office of Public Works, and the office of
Woods and Forests in one State Department,
with a Minister of State at the head, and
two Under-Secretaries—one being a permanent
officer and the other appointed for Parliamentary
purposes. There is very little doubt that our Board
of Works might be considerably improved, both as
regards its constitution and management, but Mr.
COCHRANE'S proposal is not likely to find favour
with the public. It would throw great additional
power into the hands of the Government, and
though we may admire and at times envy the results
achieved by the great central authority of Conti-
nental States, we must remember that such
a system would be intolerable to the
people of this country. Englishmen cherish their
municipal privileges as safeguards of civil liberty,
and if they are sometimes too tolerant of the atten-
dant abuses, it is because they are both by habit
and conviction so very reluctant to grant excessive
power to the Central Administration. At the same
time, there is no reason why considerable reforms
should not be carried out, and Mr. Cow PER
last night did not hesitate to declare that
Loudon was one of the most uncomfortable
capitals in the world, with water, gas, and pave-
ment, all in a most defective condition. At the
same time we must remember that Parliamentary
inquiry into the local government of the metropolis
is now being carried on, and we have yet to see
what its recommendations may effect.

Another topic of some moment was touched
upon earlier in the evening when Mr. LAIRD asked
the Secretary to the Admiralty why the alterations
in H.M.S. Scorpion bad been suspended, and when
the vessel would be ready for sea ; also whether the
Government were aware that there were several
ironclads belonging to foreign Governments on the
Pacific and North American stations, and whether
they were about to send any iron-clads to those
stations, and if so, whether they would any of them
carry 12-ton guns? Mr. BARING'S reply to the
queries was characteristic of the dilatory and un-
satisfactory manner in which our Admiralty carry
on business. The Scorpion's alterations are being
proceeded with in a leisurely fashion, that will, he
confesses, occupy a considerable time. The Go-
vernment are aware of the presence of the foreign
iron-clads, many of them heavily armed, on the
North American station, but they are not prepared
to state their intentions with regard to her MAJES-
TY'S vessels. The 12-ton gun has not yet been
supplied to any armour-plated ship. It has been
found to be a good broadside gun, and will be
supplied to some of the iron-dads as soon as the
carriages are ready. So that we have, as usual, a
series of delays and postponements—the guns
waiting for the carriages, the ships for the guns,
the Government for the ships. The alterations of
an important vessel like the Scorpion are suspended
on every frivolous pretext, until we have the hope-
ful confession from official quarters that they are
not likely to be completed for a considerable time !
As for the armaments, if there is such delay in
supplying what Mr. BARING terms a good broad-
side gun, when are we to hope for the introduction
of the turret? If such tedious postponements
hinder the ordinary routine, when may we antici-
pate a fair trial of the new system which in other
parts of the world is working admirably ?

( In reply to General PEEL, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer announced to the House of Commons
last night that the proposed Congress was given up.
The first communication made to the English Go-
vernment was a telegraphic message from Paris
stating that, in the opinion of the French Govern-
ment, the " Conference was at an end in conse-
quence of an answer from Austria imposing condi-
tions that were impracticable." This celebrated
despatch of Austria contains a request that an as-
surance be given by all the Powers assembled that
they must renounce any special or particular inte-
rest, and in order to obtain that object Austria
deems it necessary that they should make
it a condition of the Conference that they
should exclude anything that gave to any of
the States a territorial augmentation, or increase of
power. The Government of France considered that
to require such an engagement beforehand was tan-
tamount to a refusal of the Conference, or even as
making it impossible. The English Government
• concurred in that view of the question. Therefore
all proceedings connected with the Conference must
be considered as at an end. Although this decision
was anticipated yesterday, it is now a settled thing,
announced in an official manner, that the pro-
jected Conference is a failure, and the intelligence
will no doubt be received by many with regret,
partly by those who are averse to war, and partly
by those who favour the cause of Prussia. It cannot,
however, excite much surprise in those who have
been studying the course pursued by Austria for
some time past. She has at length aroused herself
to the conviction that active resistance must be sab-
stituted for the passive policy which has hitherto
prevailed in her councils. It cannot be said that
the Vienna Government are justified in the decisive
step they have taken in thus throwing over the
Conference, because it is a fearful responsibility for
any Power to take upon itself the virtual decision as
to peace or war, and in a great measure this is what
1 they have done ; but it is certain that there are many
rperasuossnias togeb:eragilvl given for the course they have taken.
Conferences,y gets the best of it in all these
and
would,' in all probability, have
done so in the present instance because of the
i favouritism shown by this country.
which has taken so
muTchhe
trForuebnlcch
inG°tvheernararte•auntg' ement of this matter,
were quick to discern the difficulties in the way of
carryingit out, and we find that a communication
h
Austria referring to the
as been sent by them to
reply sent by that Power respecting the proposed
They regret that it must be considered
as a Conference.
“refus
"refusal to take part in the Conference, and
therefore as frustrating the efforts for the preser-
The Government has also inti-
vation of peace."
•
mated to Prussia that, in consequence of the de-
cision of Austria, the project for a Conference must
be abandoned, and the settlement of the difficulties
now existing be left to the " three Powers now at
variance."

This is certainly a very sorry solution so far as
regards the prospect of peace, but there is one thing
to say, that this abandonment of the
Conference
leaves things no worse than before its agitation,
and in some respects indeed they are better, because
the disputants have had more time for reflection
during the last few weeks. Of course the Paris
journals are annoyed at the non-fulfilment of
the plan, and it is disheartening when we reflect
upon the losses and sufferings soon to follow upon
the declaration of hostilities. The Constitutionnel
of yesterday comments upon the affair, and << deeply

regrets eie attitude assumed by Austria, declaring
that Wb ile each Power must regard its interest from
its OW7 1 point of view, Europe had a right to expect
other determinations from a great Conservative
Pow er." The real thing to be regretted in this
mat ter is the refusal of Earl RUSSELL to the pro-
posal made by the French EMPEROR as to a Con-
gress being held in Paris some years back to settle
the Schleswig-Holstein question. Had that been
acceded to no doubt the Dano-German war might
have been prevented altogether, but the past can-
not be retrieved in its errors and mistakes.

The prospect of peace seems very doubtful, and
and when we come to consider that it rests upon
the sense of Prussia, the moderation of Italy, and
the concession of Austria, it seems almost idle to
expect its duration. Prussia is apparently willing
to forego her determination of not being the first
to commence war, and means to send troops into
Holstein. It is said that she will assert her claim
to co-possession of the Duchies on the ground
that the Austrian Government has violated the
Gastein Convention. If she attempts to carry
out this plan, there is no hope left of
hostilities being avoided, and Austria must per
force take up arms in order to preserve her position.
On the other hand, Count MENSDORFF has issued a
Circular Note declaring that Austria will observe
the Gastein Convention until a definitive settlement
of the Duchy question be arrived at. The two
Powers are evidently acting upon quite contrary
principles, and it is indeed difficult to find out what
conclusion they can arrive at, except a declaration
of war. The policy now being pursued by Austria
towards Venetia is a very false one, and it must be
a source of great vexation to her friends and well-
wishers. The proposal of a loan from that province
to meet the extraordinary wants of the time is
quite out of character, and if it be persisted in, it
must inevitably lead to unhappy consequences. The
people of this country will watch anxiously the course
of events, and while they will deeply regret that the
nations of the Continent are plunged into the hor-
rors of war, they will have the additional annoyance
of thinking that the mistaken policy of our Govern-
ment two years ago has greatly contributed to the
present imbroglio, and may be pointed at as a lead-
ing feature in the causes that produced the impend-
ing catastrophe. One of the most striking incidents
in this affair is the aversion displayed by the people
of Prussia to the war, they seem quite as unwilling
to engage in a contest as the Austrians and Italians
are eager and ready to join in it. We should feel
more sympathy with them if we did not remember the
encouragement they gave to their Government in
the prosecution of the attack upon Denmark. To
further this end they sacrificed the interests of their
own freedom at home, and it was thought by many
—the opinion having turned out a correct one by
the way—that things had gone too far to admit
of a Conference taking place at this juncture. In-
deed, nothing is more difficult than for Govern-
ment to draw back when they have once committed
themselves to " declarations" and " reservations,"
as the Cabinet of Austria and Prussia have done for
some time past.

CORRESPONDENCE FROM PARIS.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)
PARIS, Tuesday Evening.
_ _

The Jloniteur has nothing to say to-day about the
Conference. According to the Journal des Debats
"The chances of pacific solution are considerably
decreased by the reply of Austria to the invitation
of the three Powers."

The Constitutionnel, after remarking that if Aus-
tria should persist in her present views a Conference
would be useless, says : " We deeply regret the
attitude assumed by the Cabinet of Vienna. No
doubt each Power understands its duties and its
interests according to its own fashion, but it ap-
pears to us that Europe had a right to expect other
determinations on the part of a great Conservative
Power. Be this as it may, one fact results ; it de-
monstrates more clearly the disinterested policy of
France, and her active solicitude for the preserva-
tion of peace. France took the initiative in making
proposals for an amicable arrangement ; England
and Russia earnestly joined in the task, and it is
known with what care and spirit of conciliation the
proposals made by them were drawn up. Should
their proposals not be attended with success, Europe
ought not to be the less grateful towards those
Powers who, with a disinterested feeling and desire
for peace, undertook such a noble and generous
task."

The Constitutionne/ proceeds to quote articles from
German papers to show the irritation produced at
Berlin by the declaration of Austria referring the
affairs of the Duchies to the Diet. They consider the
conduct of Austria as a direct provocative to war.
According to the leading Berlin papers the Cabinet
of Vienna has opeLly violated the treaty of Gastein
by authorising the convocation of the States of
Holstein, and they add that if Austria should per-
sist in this policy, Prussia will be compelled to op-
pose her.

A private letter from Berlin, written by a well-
informed correspondent, states that the " reserva-
tions" of Austria imply a decided refusal to enter
into any discussion relative to Venetia. The conse-
quence of this is that at Berlin the idea of the Con-
ference is considered as a complete failure, and that
war is inevitable. There is an impression, too, that
at Paris the Venetia question is considered in the
same light as in Italy, and that in case of war
France will support Italy in her attempts at inde-
pendence. War, therefore, is considered at Berlin
to be inevitable, or as only a question of time, or of
an hour.

In the Senate, on the presentation of a petition re-
specting coalitions among workmen, Baron Charles
Dupin made some interesting observations relative
to the industrial progress of Paris, which he termed
the richest and most splendid capital of Europe. In
1847 the value of the articles at Paris, the produce of
French industry and taste, represented 1,500 mil-
lions. After the misfortunes of 1848 the value fell to
8 millions. In 1860, however, the value augmented
to 3 millions,. and, it might be anticipated that it
would hereafter reach 4 milliards, or 4 thousand
millions of francs. That rise and that fall in
the value of industry to which he had alluded
formed a striking illustration of the advantages
of peace, and of the folly which had produced
revolutions and successive regimes. The speaker
proceeded to allude to the good feeling which now
existed between the masters and workmen of Paris,
which had been very beneficial to both, and ex-
pressed his satisfaction that the Socialist agitation
of last year was now extinct.

A letter from Berne (Switzerland) says :—" There
is another victim of the war. Our Consul-General
at Leipsic, AI.H.,
who was at Zurich yesterday
(May 31), blew out his brains, in consequence of
the severe losses he has experienced from the anti-
cipations of war."

All who reckoned upon settled summer weather
have been disappointed. Since Sunday night, when
We had a good deal of lightning, the temperature
has been variable. Yesterday was a very rainy day,
and last night was a winter night in every respect.
To-day it has been showery, like April, and not
over-warm.

The evening papers do not contain any news to
be relied on. The tendency at the Bourse has been
downwards, but sanguine politicians say that the
depreciation is not so serious as the real position of
affairs might justify.

ABORTIVE ATTEMPT TO POISON A DOG.—A dog
belonging to a person in Manchester having exhibited
symptoms of madness, twelve drops of prussic acid—three
being quite sufficient to cause death—were administered
on a piece of raw beef. The doso appearing to have no
effect, ten drops more wore given with a like result.
Shortly after a teaspoonful of axeenio was given ; but the
dog also a tuyived this.

LATEST INTELLIGENCE.

(REU TER'S TELEGRAMS.)

PRUSSIA AND AUSTRIA.

BERLIN, JUNE 6.

The Prussian Government has addressed a des-
patch to Vienna, declaring that the measures an-
nounced by Austria in the Federal Diet violate the
treaty of Gastein, and cause the suspension of the
co-possession as now existing in the Duchies. The
two Powers are therefore restored to the position
and rights accorded them by the treaty of Vienna,
which retains its European validity.

VENETIA.

VENICE, JUNE 5.

The municipality of Venice have published a
notification ordering certain measures to be taken
with the object of provisioning the city for three

The Real Meaning of it,

The following is the explanation put forth in tho
interests of the Government :

"Solvuntur risu tabules !" Captain Hayter's parent's
opinions, and Captain Hayter himself, and Captain Hay-
ter's amendment, and the motley party which sought to
filch a victory by such cat's paws, were all laughed out of
the House of Commons together, in the ever-to-be-remem-
bered scene of Monday evening. Only the pencil of the
painter could vividly represent so extraordinary a spec-
tacle. Pen and ink are inadequate to portray this ludi-
crous and consummate rout, this Parliamentary "Battle
of the Spurs," this headlong, helpless, sauve qui pout of the
session—a session which had heard so many ferocious
threats of victory on the part of the discomfited warriors.
We wish that, instead of a mere description, we
could present the public with a picture of the
House of Commons at that juncture when "the
dignity of Parliament" was to have avenged itself upon
Mr. Gladstone. The " dignity of Parliament," so
far as the Tories and their allies represent it, was at that
moment crowding "neck and crop" out of the Chamber,
in an agony of dread lest Mr. Sergeant-at-Arms should
shut the door in its face, to make it keep its promise about
"reading a lesson to the Ministers." Descend, Muse of the
satiric song, and relate the woes of Adullam ! tell how
Elcho great in arms, and the chieftain Disraeli, and the
white crest of Calne, turned and fled from their own field
of battle ! The Muse can't do it for laughing; the thing
must be told in prose. Be it understood, then, that until
the hour when Lord Grosvenor declared he should vote
for the Government, the camp of the Tories, "pioneers
and all," were full of hope, and ready to assassinate Re-
form, or rather, we beg pardon, to " consider it"—for
that is the Parliamentary. phrase. Such a proof that
the plot had collapsed made all the courage ooze out
of their fingers. Mr. Disraeli left off commanding,
and spent his despair upon Lord Clarendon ; Captain
Ilayter stuttered and stammered out that he would like to
withdraw his amendment ; Lord Elcho implored him to
make haste, now that Lord Grosvenor had left the Cave;
and while the Liberal side, with sarcastic cheers, chal-
lenged the wavering ranks to stand and fight as they had
threatened, the entire Tory force broke suddenly away
with a rush, and skedaddled, " horse, foot, and dragoons,"
Adullamites, Disraelites, and the rest, in dire confusion
through the doors. The Tory organs have reported that
the Amendment was withdrawn, hut unluckily it could
not be withdrawn save by the leave of the house. More
than 400 Liberal members thundered "No" to the propo-
sal; and when the Speaker formally put the precious com-
position to the Commons, they negatived it with "inextin-
guishable laughter," and with ringing rounds of cheering.
By this time, however, it had struck the Tory chiefs that
the Ministers might go on with the bill in committee
undisturbed; so they stayed their panting flight,
and rallied to return. But the stampedo at the door was
still tremendou, and when the warriors emerged—dishe-
velled, angry, and hot with the contact of excited senators
—they found the bill comfortably proceeding, and Mr.
Gladstone sitting placidly by Mr. Dobson, surveying with
a smile the most complete and laughable triumph which
Truth, in her merriest mood, over gave over shuffiers and
trimmers. Mr. Lowe had fared especially ill the rout and
the rally—so badly that he sprung up to protest against
it ; but as • the right hon. gentleman reads Hudibras, ho
will find his comfort in the famous lines about him " who
fights and runs away." Mr. Beresford Hope, trampled
upon by some Tory horsemen or footmen in the flight,
lost his temper ; Mr. Darby Griffith lost only an
amendment. Honesty, statesmanship, and the cause
of Reform 'gained a signal victory, heightened
by such ridiculous circumstances, that if Mr. Glad-
stone could but feel the passion of vengeance, the delays
and insults of the session would have been amply counter-
balanced in that brief five minutes of Conservative panic.
All credit, of course, is due to those heroic Tory organs
who, on the morrow of such an unexpected and distressing
defeat, pretend not to be disappointed. It is like Varro's
conduct after the battle of Cannes, and deserves as much
gratitude from the party as that unlucky general obtained.
They are quite right, too, in remarking that the occasion
was one of "no loss" to the Tories, for there cannot pos-
sibly be any slaughter where the enemy runs clean off the
field. Indeed, if the Tories feign contentment with the
result, we would rather aid than hinder such admirable
powers of resignation ; for the punishment of the baffled
conspirators is bitter enough without any infusion of gall
into their wounds. Nothing could be kinder, for example,
than Mr. Gladstone's allusion to the tableau as " a
way of quitting the house not often seen." We desire to
imitate his generous euphonism, and only to speak of the
catastrophe attending the amendment as a "away of going
into committee not often attained." If anybody hereafter
should advert to the manner in which, after three nights'
debate, Mr. Disraeli and his followers " voted,' let it be
by such amiable allusions. It will seem unchristian to call
the bill, as Coriolanus does his scars, tho memorial of an
hour "when certain of you roared and ran from the noise
of your own drums." The utter and consummate discoM-
fiture of the party is hard enough to bear. The amend-
ment, be it remembered, was to be fatal to the Govern-
ment. It was thought so sure to be carried that the Tory
journals, out of pure compassion, wanted the Cabinet to
withdraw the bill. Should it decline, Mr. Disraeli and
Lord Cranborno were ready with a modest sigh to save
the country; and Sir Stafford Northeote stood prepared,
to explain true financial principles to Mr. Gladstone. These
sacrifices, however, have.not been demanded; and the
Reform Bill is in Committee, where amendments cease
from troubling, and Adullam is at rest.— Telegraph.

The following is the Opposition account of it :

To one who looks at it merely from the outside the
scene which took place in the House of Commons between
ten o'clock on Monday night and three on Tuesday morn-
ing, is, of course, utterly incomprehsible. As it appeared
in our Parliamentary report it is one piece of inextricable
confusion ; a phantasmagoria, of which the explanation, if
there be one, is entirely hidden from the spectator.
The speeches and conduct of various parties are
related to one another only as - the speeches and
conduct we witness in our dream, when we act
upon what seems then to be a close and connected
chain of reasoning, which, when we wake, is seen
to be no reasoning whatever. Of course, the scene.is per-
fectly intelligible to those who have the key, but that key
is not to be found in anything which reached the reporters'
gallery. Looking merely at the surface the situation of
the house at the close of the-debate is simply inexplicable.
A great battle suddenly ceases ; the conflicting hosts dis-
solve ; and all unite, as at a review, in a pacific " march
past" the director of the spectacle. The Ministry had in-
troduced, with great parade and grandiloquent protesta-
tions, a measure affecting the highest political interests of
the country —a measure which, if it passed, must unsettle
the foundations of the representative system, must
commit us to a wholly new course of constitutional
policy, alter the basis of. power, and affect fur ages to
come the relations of the various classes of society
to one another and to the community : a measure
which in the eyes of its supporters would rectify a
great injustice, and raise to their rightful position a large
and important section of the people ; which in the opinion
of the Opposition would commit the country to a career of
innovation which could end onlyin an absolute democracy.
Ministers:had declared their purpose to stand or fall by this
measure ; tliey had talked of burning boats and breaking
bridges; had vowed that they would not recede, or com-
promise, or suffer delay ; had taunted their adversaries
with faction and their reluctant-followers with treachery ;
had done their best to enlist the fiercest passions of both
sides in the struggle ; had gone so far as to warn Parlia-
ment that they would put up with no evasions, no post-
ponement, and that it should sit till winter if it did not
previously dispose of tho bill. That the Government
should yield ornegotiate seemed impossible. Mr. Gladstone
had done all that words could do to render it impossible.
On the other hand, the opponent; of the bill were
equally decided. The Conservative party, to a man, was
resolved to throw it out. A large section of the Liberals,
comprising many of the ablest and most respected, many
of tho richest, noblest, and most influential members of
the party, had also declare'd against it, and Committed
themselves in open opposition to their chiefs. They did
not wish to throw out the Government, but they were
prepared to throw out the Government rather than let the
bill pass. In one great division they had almost done this
so nearly that they had extorted a great and vital con-
cession. In a second they had actually beaten the Minis-
try. And now the whole issue had been broadly stated
and fairly raised by a motion condemnatory of the entire
measure ; battle was joined ; the Liberal malcontents
had chosen their line, and one of their number, se-
lected apparently because he was peculiarly allied
with the Ministry, as if to show that even the son
of their oldest and staunchest follower could not
stomach their bill, had moved the amendment which was
to decide the fate of the Ministry and of the Reform scheme.
Suddenly a halt occurred. Rumours of negociation flew
about. The debate languished. Questions were put ; but
the Ministry would admit nothing, would retract nothing,
would explain nothing. One would have supposed that
the contest would be resumed as fiercely as ever. But no !
the temper of the house was manifestly changed. The
mover of the amendment announced that he should wait
for a declaration of the Ministerial intentions. The dis-
cussion dragged on ; the Minister rose, spoke, and sat
down without promising anything or withdrawing any-
thing, after a speech almost as bitter and offensive as
ever; and thereupon the amendment was withdrawn, and,
one after another, the Liberal malcontents expressed their
satisfaction, and let the house go into committee on a bill
which a few hours before they were resolved to defeat at
any cost. The utter inconsequence of these proceed-
ings—the absolute want of apparent sense, reason, motive
—sufficiently proves the existence of something that was
not apparent ; proves that the issue was decided by under-
ground influences. What were they ? Lord Grosvenor
was the only " Adullamite"- who attempted to explain his
conduct. He had to show how it came to pass that he,
the representative of a great Whig family, the connection
of several Ministers, the friend of all, who had neverthe-
less fought against this bill, who had led one great attack
upon it, who had nearly overthrown the Government, who
had declared his radical disapproval of their Reform policy
and had resolved to defeat it at the risk of ejecting them,

could consent to oppose an amendment which entirely ex-
pressed hie own views, and to vote for going into committee
on a bill which he intended, in his own words, to fight
against tooth and nail. And his explanation was a very
lame one. We can quite appreciate his wish to avoid
depriving brothers-in-law and cousins, and innumerable
connections, of their political offices or their salaried places
in the Household or elsewhere; but he had been willing
to run this risk before, and the bill was no better now.
We can, though it be a stretch of credulity, believe that he
thinks Lord Clarendon a first-rate Foreign Secretary, and
desires at this dangerous juncture to keep him in his place ;
but Lord Grosvenor did not pretend to think that fiord
Clarendon was more precious than the Constitution, or that
it would be worth while, rather than lose him, to let the
Reform Bill pass. No ; the real pith of Lord Grosvenor's
explanation lay in his assertion that the bill was in no case
likely to pass ; that he could afford to vote for it because
it could not be carried. Additional force was gives to
this significant sentence by the conduct of Capt. Hayter.
That gentleman pronounced, not only that grouping was ab-
surd, but that the bill was otherwise " unfit to be the basis
of a satisfactory measure." Mr. Gladstone intimated that
grouping was not a vital point—i.e, that if defeated on it
ho would not resign ; but he said nothing that could
satisfy the demand implied in the second half of the
motion. Yet Captain Hayter expressed himself content,
and withdrew ; and Lord Elcho, the most discontented of
all that had resorted to the cave, approved the withdrawal.
Can any one doubt that something had passed which was
not in Mr. Gladstone's speech? Can any o'ne doubt what
that something was ? The missing link between the
speech of the Minister and the conduct of Captain Hayter
—the wanting reason for the withdrawal of the amend-
ment—the only possible explanation of the course taken
by the Adullamites—is to be found in the truth of the
rumours which were floating about from Friday to Mon-
day. Lord Grosvenor, Captain Hayter, and Lord Elcho
had two objects in view. They did not wish to defeat the
Ministry ; they did wish at all hazards to defeat the bill.
If, then, they are content, it is because they have secured
both their aims; if they have suddenly consented to save
the Government, it is because the Government has agreed
to sacrifice the bill. This is the only supposition consis-
tent with the consistency, honour, and common sense of
those who, up to Friday night, were resolved to vote for
the amendment, and who, on Monday night, agreed to its
withdrawal. They never would, they never could have
done so, but that they knew that in abandoning the form
they secured the matter ; that the bill was doomed. Doomed
it assuredly is. Into the terms of the arrangement, the man-
ner of its negotiation, the date of its fulfilment, we do not care
to inquire. It is enough for us to know that by some moans
and at some time the bill will be abandoned, and the Minis-
try will remain in power. They would stand or fall with
the bill ; true, but the bill will not fall, it will simply be
withdrawn. Mr. Gladstone has satisfied himself that he
can honestly and honourably retain office.without carrying
a Franchise Bill this year ; that his pledges will be fulfilled
if he brings one in next year, with a better chance of car-
rying it. That is a matter between himself and his party;
it concern any others, it is only in so far as such ex-
amples of lax interpretation weaken public faith
in the sincerity and straightforwardness of states-
men, diminish the weight of Government in the Legis-
lature, and tend to perplex the morality of public life.
Henceforth, when a Minister endeavours to enforce steadi-
ness and ebedlence among his supporters, and to im-
pose a sense of responsibility upon the Opposition, by
pledging himself to stand or fall by a particular measure—
to carry it or to resign—he will be understood to speak
with an arriere pensee, and the effect of the menace will be,
not that he will bo better supported, but that the efforts of
malcontents will be directed not to the open defeat of the
measure, but to its compulsory withdrawal. Henceforth
it will be understood that no words, whatever their appa-
rent sense, really mean that a Minister will in a given
event resign; and if a statesman should bo taunted with
a positive and formal promise of that purport, he will
always be able to shelter himself under this precedent, and
to observe that, however strong his language, it was not
stronger than that which, in 1866, Lord Russell and Mr
Gladstone found it possible, in the space of four months,
wholly to avoid and treat as of no effect.—Standard.