The Sun.
London, England, 1835-08-12 00:00:00

CITY OF LON DON-.

GREAT MEETIG.--(THIS, DAY.)
A meeting of the electors and other inhabitants of London
took place this day at the Guildhall, for the purpose of peti-
tioning- the House of Lords to pass the Corporation Reform
Bill with as little delay as possible. The Hall was crowded
by respectable citizens, who seemed to take deep interest in
the proceedings. On the platform we observed Mr. Alder-
man Wood, M.P., W. Williams, Esq., M. P., James Pattison,
Esq., M P., W. Crawford Esq., M. P., Messrs. Raphael and
Midge, the sheriffs, (with their chain of office, but without
their gown,) Alderman Scales, Messrs. Wooler, Stevens,
Wire, Dilon, Fearon, Pearson, Ashurst, Wilson, Law-
rence, &c., &c.
From the crowded-state of our columns we find it impossible
to give the speeches of the several gentlemen who addressed
the meeting at full length.
At one o'clock Mr. STEVENS came forward and said—
Gentlemen, all of you present arc aware that we ought to have
the Lord Mayor in the chair at our meeting to-day, but such a
Lord Mayor as we have is a complete antidote to the progress
of all improvement, whether it regards the interests of our City
or the institutions of the country. But it is fortunate that
although we have such a Lord Mayor, " whose like we ne'er
shall see again"—(Laughter)—yet we have a Worthy Alder-
man present to-day who has been always in front of the battle,
when times were not so favourable to Reform as at present.—
(Cheers.) The Worthy Alderman will take the Chair, and
will prove to you that although the Lord Mayor may do all in
his power to put an end to your exertions, he never can
do it so long as we possess in our own body men who
are the decided advocates of Reform, and who are ready to
take the post of danger at all times, when called upon by
their fellow-citizens.—( Loud cheers.) He begged
_to pro-
pose that Alderman Matthew Wood do take the Chair.—
(Renewed cheering. )
Mr. WIRE seconded the motion, which was unanimously
carried.

Alderman Wools then came forward, and was received with
enthusiastic cheering. Although he felt unequal to the task
of presidingover almost one of the largest meetings he bad ever
witnessed within the walls of that Hall, he was quite willing
to obey the call of his constituents.—( Cheers.) He regretted
that the Chief Magistrate of the City had failed in his duty
in complying with the request of' his constituents.—( Groans
and hisses.) He regretted that there should be any interfer-
ence between the citizens and those sentiments which they had
always advocated, and that an attempt was made to stifle them,
by
ereventing tne holding of this meeting. He trusted the
meeting would support him in his endeavours to maintain
Order as their Chairman, and as it was possible that there
!eight be some present who differed from the majority, he
hoped they would receive a patient hearing. He asked this
?.s a particular favour. He now called upon the gentlemen who
had charge of the resolutions to put them to the meeting.
Mr. DILLON said they were met that day in consequence of
delay in passing the Bill for the Reform of Municipal
orporations. He hoped that delay would be only temporary,
and that the measures adopted by the meeting that day would
expedite its prole ss and hasten its triumph.—( Cheers.) The
Bill before the eHOuse of Lords was denounced as de-
laocratie, destructive, and revolutionary—and Sir C.
Wetherell had come forth from his obscurity to abuse it.
-t-4(CheerS.) There had been a determination of town clerks
o the head of the country to bear witness against it.—
(Laughter.) Mr. Dillon then proceeded to point out the
Ilielat oetiPies of the Bill, and the advantages which the country
• Would derive from its salutary operation. There was nothing
" fright the isle from its propriety." He (Mr. Dillon)
eta not afraid of it—were they ?—( Loud cries of " No.
Aue Lords, however, were afraid of it, and with good reason.
(Cheers.) Mr. Dillon here proceeded to point out the
Zigin of Corporations, which he contended had been originally
stituted for the benefit of the inhabitants at large. But the
corporators had allowed themselves to be superseded, and their
iwers to be usurped, by self elected bodies appointed by them.
Various most important consequences had resulted from these
boroughs, the respectable inhabitants of the boroughs, being
i4wbeodithse privilege of electing their own officers, the govern-
bad ususped the power of selling the freedom of the
town
o • and so making a profit of themselves. The property
given to them as trustees for the benefit of the public was now
?averted into private property, and it had been gravely
argued by Mr. Knight at the bar of the House, that the
ommission was illegal, because it was for enquiring into pri-
'ate Property which Lord Lyndhurst spoke of it, as robbing
Private persons of that property which belonged to them, as
much as the estates of their Lordships. These Corporations
lle "' appealed to their Charters, but from whom did they re-
eneri vge o fthem but from the Tudors and the Stewarts, and that
Merely for the purpose of influencing the elections of Mem-
Parliament for their own ends. At first Cor-
porationswere instituted for the benefit of the people,
t.O be administered by the people, and to render their accounts
to the people—(lmmense cheering)—but now they were
tarred to be the instruments of the most foul corruption.
-"eV they had the benefits of the " Reform Bill—( Loud
cheering for some time)—which had taken from their Corpo-
tate i°as the means of returning a majority to the House of
re-e'ranloils ; and now it was that the people and the Govern-
--pent lotted out that these Corporations were of no use. The
It'is°lllt missiosiers had been calumniated, but he was glad to bear
have
td the gentlemanly conduct which he had always
-een them exhibit, a,ed he fully believed that from what he had
, and from what he had heard, that no body of men could
,?..7 acted collectively in a more gentlemanly manner.—
(Great cheering.) cheering.) They reported that there were in this
250 Corporations of a most anomalous and complicated
, that in all of them the most respectable inhabitants
Were without any power or influence in the town—that the
freemen
Rene were a most corrupt body, and that the revenues
without any controul or investigation, and had often
been, as in the case of Leicester, applied to the most corrupt
113 cses—that trade was interfered with, and that in many
Instances the magistrates were most incompetent to the duty
theyc had to perform. In London they were exposed to some
of these evils—they were excluded from the present Bill, but
bevtrusted that ver early in the next Session they would
ta e a Bill of their own.—(The conclusion of the sen-
°ace was lost in the loud cheering.) They had ma-
gistrates who were incompetent—( Cheers)—they had to
get rid of the Aldermen for life—(Renewed cheers)—
her the dec. present system they had a Mayor who was totally
for
for his duty—a man who had not the wit to qualify him
r the office of Lord Mayor's fool—( Laughter and cheers)—
mraaa who had not the manners to qualify him for the Lord
lasted
footman.—_(lmmense cheering and laughter, which
the for some time.) These were the things which
d
lees Commissioners reported of those Corporations, an
t. for them was it that they had an honest Administra-
sel°ll,-; (Immense cheering)—and a reformed House of Com-
si°'--(Cheers. ) They had done their duty upon this occa-
dpn most nobly, for even Sir Robert Peel had been afraid to
it might
the House upon the principle of the Bill, and therefore
sesmeeight be said to have passed unanimously. It was under-
snlduedncroethat the Lords would have done the same, but they had
departed from an implied pledge and called for evi-
e----for evidence of the most ridiculous nature—they might
" well
have esven ave called all the criminals confined in Newgateto
• erks was
evidence against the Central Criminal Courts Bill.
the nature of that evidence ? Why, the Town-
serefo,rrep
at me
of
• said their Corporations were the purest in the world
ruche ttihon. and bribery they never heard of—abuse never
thattheir ear ; but what was most extraordinary was,
them stated.they never heard any complaints
ge es,--(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) It had been sug-
tht-", hY‘ some, and by the Lord Mayor among others,
v get the electors of London need not interfere with respect to
'1 Bill that was now before the House, because it did not
that it
them. He would answer that in two ways. First,
t it was to do good to their fellow countrymen, and for
tutilat reason they should interfere—( Cheers) ; and secondly,
tv:t, it was not true—it did not concern them. He
wind call on them, therefore, to do the utmost in their
the Lords
to raise their voices and sign the petition, in order that
Lords might see the people were determined upon the
Passing of the Bill, without delay, and without mutilation, re-
membering the old watch word under which the people of
England formerly so gloriously triumphed, " The Bill, the
whole
Bill, and nothing but the Bill." Mr. Dillon concluded
Y moving the following resolutions
" I• That the right of Municipal Government in cities and bo-
roughs within this kingdom, by means of magistrates and other
corporate officers freely chosen by the inhabitant householders, was
Ong of the most ancient and valuable privileges of the people.
hat this right of free election has been in many boroughs limited
by the restriction of the numb. r of freemen to a small minority of
tue inhabitants, and has been further abused by the admission of
"I'n-residents • and finally, that by the establishment of self-elected
Prerning bodies, principally under the authority of Royal Charters
l's‘led during the reign of the Stuarts (under the pretext of grant-
additional privileges to corporate towns), their ancient free
Itstitutions have been subverted, and the rights of the people
Ust,TPed."
2. That in consequence of such substitution of self-elected
41,4stglatrates and other corporate officers for functionaries freely
11-"°sen by the inhabitants, local imposts have been partially and
ejustly levied by the governing body—the corporate revenues have
or secretly squandered and grossly misapplied—the magistrates'
th_." has been perverted to objects of oppression and injustice—so
at, throughout the country, the corporate instruments of local
LT,ernment hare failed to protect the interests or secure the respect
confidence of the peole, for whose benefit their functions oug
toht
have been exercised." p
.
3. That the inhabitants of these ill governed cities and be-
10s, long weary of the evils of such a vicious system, have
W
re-
peatedly by petition to Parliament and otherwise, protested against
' ss continuance ; but the self-elected corporators, who had unjustly
Pessed themselves of the local government of the towns, had like-
se usurped their representation in the Commons' House; and
bring in the habit of trafficking the seats of Peers and rich Com-
moners.
m. ners. both Houses of Parliament were filled with the creatures
NiZr_rulat Corporations, and all applications for the redress of cor-
..'e grievances were systematically refused."
11i alr• ADAM SMITH begged to second the resolutions which
_s worthy friend had just moved. He wished it had fallen
to upon a person of more weight than himself, and better known
the Meeting to have had the honour of seconding these
resolutions but his excuse in undertaking that important task
'Ton the present occasion must be that he felt warmly in the
arid that he thought it behoved every individual, how-
everee humble his situation might be, to stand forward on such an
i'r.easion as the present. They were met to consider whether
y should support the Government in their honest endea-
th7.!3 carry through both Houses of Parliament the Bill for
feeetieform of Municipal Corporations, They could not re-
js. to do that, if they were agreed upon the general prin-
7e. that there should be no :elf-election, no nomination, and
...:(t;xhation without representatioes in their corporate bodies.
it was the
And in order to be consistent with themselves,
rue_
.s.the duty of those who had assisted hie Majesty's Govern-
tio:t
..111 carryine through Parliament the Bill tot the destrue-
4tt boroujh corruption, now to come forward to as-
• in destroying municipal corruption.—(Cheers.)

Th-J arguments used against them were that they should first
examine into the delinquency of these corporations, and into
the vested interests and privileges, which it was said they were
about to attack. There had been a report made by the mu-
nicipal commissioners, gentlemen appointed during the last
session of Parliament, without any primary or personal
interest, whatever their views at large might be, and in that
report they stated there were most enormous abuses, and that
it behoved Parliament to amend them. In order to meet
that, the House of Lords said they did not believe
the Commissioners—that they would net trust their report—
they would have nothing to do with it, but for the sake of
getting at the truth, they would appoint certain Town-
Clerks, who might think they had vested rights in the
abuses of these Corporations, to make an impartial en-
quiry, and to give impartial evidence.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. Roebuck in the House of Commons called such a process
a farce—was, or was not, Mr. Roebuck right in so denominat-
ing such an examination before 400 gentlemen at the bar of
the House ?—( Cheers.) He would now confine himself to a
very short extract from the evidence of Mr. Burbidge, town-
clerk of Leicester. Ele was cross-examined, and on that
cross-examination he acknowledged that the Corporation of
Leicester had paid 7,0004, not to public charities, not to pub-
lic institutions, not for the benefit of the town at large,
but for the purpose of supporting the election of Sir Charles
Hastings against Mr. Evans, a Liberal Member.—( Great and
long continued cheering.) The Town-clerk of this immacu-
late borough acknowledged this. He was asked what, in his
ol,inion, were the Corporate rights and privileges? He re-
plied that he considered the people of Leicester had no more
interest in the Corporate property than they had in their
Lordship's estates.—(Loud cries of " Oh, oh, oh.") He
would not give much for their estates if such were
the case.—( Hear, hear.) He thought the Corporation
might divide 'the corporate property among themselves.—
( Cheers and cries of " Oh, oh !") What did the Meeting
think of this ?—and yet it was part of the evidence brought by
Sir Charles Wetherell and Mr. Knight. Sir Charles
Wetherell must surely have been demented in bringing for-
ward such evidence, and Lord Brougham, with his usual
ability, extracted these little facts from him. They had
been told that it would be a disgrace, and indecent to
do anything like coercion to the third estate ; now
he would ask whether, in the history of the last four or five
years, the House of Lords had not allowed coercion to be put
upon them, not by the people, but by the Duke of Wellington
himself.—( Great cheering.) Upon the Catholic Bill that
Noble Duke undoubtedly coerced the House of Lords. He
made the House of Lords pass that Bill very much against
their will, and without their consent.—( Hear.) Was not
that coercion.—(Cheers.) What was the second instance of
coercion ? Why, the King and the People, in the case of the
Reform Bill made the House of Lords succumb and pass that
Bill. Was not that coercion ?—( Cheers.) The present was
the third instance in which they would be coerced.—( Great
cheering.) He would not say that in the present instance
they had the Duke of Wellington on their side, but he had
gone out of town heartily ashamed of his company. He could
not say much for the support which they would receive from
the courtiers about the Throne.—The fact was, the peo-
ple must look to themselves. They had no support
from either branch of the realm, with the exception of the
House of Commons. They must look, therefore, to their
own support ; and that support, if properly carried on—if the
people acted vigorously yet temperately—he had no hesita-
tion in saying they would bring the Bill to an ultimate
triumph.--( Great cheering.) Let the people support Lord
Melbourne. He was the man who had taken this Bill under his
care, and if he was only supported by the people of England
he would carry it through triumphantly. He, personally,
would not derive anything like the benefit from it that the
people of England would. It would give him, it was true, re-
putation and honour, but to the people of England it would
give substantial and everlasting advantages.—( Cheers.)
Who were the persons opposed to the measure? One was an
Illustrious Person near the Throne, the Grand Master
of the Orange Lodge, who had issued his warrants to
soldiers—(Tremendous hisses)--making them Orangemen,
and by that means creating the army into a vehicle for politi-
cal passions.—( Hisses.) They were opposed also by the Duke
of Newcastle, who it wds well known had repeatedly declared
" he would do what he liked with his own."—( Disapproba-
tion. ) Notwithstanding all this, he sincerely believed, by
united and honest efforts, they would succeed in perfecting
this great measure, which was only second to the Reform
Bill. The Hon. Gentleman concluded his speech by second-
ing the Resolution.
The CHAIRMAN—I believe it is not necessary to detain you
by reading the resolutions, as you have heard them read ; but
if you will it, I will do so.—(".No, no.") Does any gentleman
wish to make any observations before the resolutions are put ?
No reply was made, and the resolutions were put and car-
ried unanimously, amidst much cheering.
Mr. PRITCIIARD—It had fallen to his lot to introduce the
next resolution. To say that he did not approach them for
that purpose under feelings of deep and powerful interest,
would be doing injustice to the feelings which he really did
entertain. If anything was calculated to cheer and encourage
him in the discharge of this sacred duty, it was the glorious
opportunity it gave him of contemplating a scene to which they
had of late been little used, but which was the proudest distinction
of that hall in times gone by, he meant the whole assembled
citizens collected together in their Common Hall, for the
purpose of assisting the great principles of the administration
of public property, upon the due maintenance of which de-
pended the future prosperity of the empire. He trusted that
the time was come when there should be no longer meetings
of particular portions of the constituency, but that, as now,
they would meet altogether in furtherance of their common
interests, standing by each other in the assertion of their com-
mon rights, and prepared to maintain them to their full ex-
tent. It was true that there was a great principle involved
in the Bill which was now in progress through
the House of Lords but that principle was not
now to be advocated on the me:•e ground of expediency_
it involved the restoration of those ancient rights which
originally belonged to them, on which depended the interests
and prosperity of the empire. He trusted they would be una-
nimous in asserting this great principle. The resolution
stated that the people of the country having obtained the
right of electing their Parliamentary Re?resentatives, were
determined not to rest till the principle was carried,
to its full extent, in corporate institutions. If anything were
wanted to encourage them let them look at the measure of
corporate reform in the Scotch boroughs—they had got rid of
oligarchical misrule, and why should not England, Ireland,
Wales and London do the same ?—( Loud cheers ) The bo-
rough of London was for the present postponed—but it was
postponed for a time only—it would shortly participate
in the advantages that were proposed to be extended
to the rest of the country.— ( Cheers.) He did not mean to
assert that the Corporation of this City had in it less evils than
other boroughs, and he was sure that if anybody had any doubts
upon the subject, the experience of the past year would force
the conclusion irresistibly on their minds.—( Hear, hear.) He
would read the Resolution which he had to propose :
" 4. That by the operation of the Reform Bill, the nominees of
Peers and other Representatives of the self-elected corporate juntas
were expelled from the Commons' House, and the Parliamentary
Representation within cities and boroughs was for the most part
restored to the inhabitant householders. As a part of the early
fruits of that salutary measure, a Bill has passed the Commons like-
wise restoring to the people of England and Wales their ancient
right of Municipal government and local taxation ; another Bill is
in progress assuring to the people of Ireland the free exercise of the
same right ; and we have learnt with the highest satisfaction that a
further Bill will shortly be introduced into Parliament restoring the
same invaluable privileges of self-government to the corporate in-
stitutions of this city."
That bill had been delayed only by some little difficulty in
the details of it, but he believed it would soon make its ap.
pcarance ; and he was sure they desired that it would come
quickly, and advance, and perpetuate the happiness of this
city.—( Cheers.)
Mr. STEVENS in seconding the motion, said the time was
when it was necessary to say a great deal from those hustings
to persuade them to come to a vote for their own advantage,
but such was the progress of knowledge—thanks to Lord
Brougham—(Cheers)—and such the progress of information,
that the greater portion of the gentlemen present were quite
as capable of expressing their feelings in defence of their rights
as those who addressed them.—( Hear.) But there was one
advantage of this meeting--the gentlemen of the press ( The
Sun) attended and reported their sentiments faithfully, and
con•eyed information to those who in distant parts of the
country were not yet so enlightened as the citizens of London.
—( Applause.) The Reform Bill was but a means to an
end. Some of the first fruits of that great measure was
a Reform in the Municipal Corporations of the country, which
were corrupt, and sent corrupt men to tho House of Commons
to impede the progress of Reform. He was almost surprised
that the other House should dare to stand in the way of the
people.—( Loud cheers.) Was it possible that the
people could consider themselves represented in the
House of Commons, while another House exercised a
veto upon whatever was done there. There could be no pro-
gress of Reform in that House until Lord Brougham,
or some other Noble Lord, enlightened the House of
Lords, and made them see their own interests as
clearly as the people saw their rights. He stood
forward as an elector of London, but it was well he was a
member of the Corporation, and 10 years ago, in his address
to his constituents, he told them he should support Muni-
cipal Corporations as far as was consistent with the general
good. Acting upon that principle, he now came forward,
together with several of his friends belonging
.to the Corpo-
ration, not to retain ancient and corrupt practices, but to as-
sist his Majesty's Ministers in reforming and removing them.
They did not come forward as members of the City Corpo-
ration to defend its corruptions, but to assist in the refor-
mation
of other Corporations, in the hope that it would
soon be applied to their own. In a Corporation in the North
of England, it was discovered that when it was said that 1001.
was lent to young tradesmen, without interest, the fact was that
the members of the Corporation took the 1001. to themselvcs,and
gave two or three to their porters or gardeners.—(" Shame.")
When the legal document was referred to, it was found that the
endowment was to the poor, and in answer to the question,
who are the poor, the members of the Corporation replied, We
are.—( Laughter.) He called upon them to sign the petition
with all speed, and show Lord Melbourne that at the shortest
possible notice, 4,000 or 5,000 of the most respectable of the
electors of the City of London had come forward to pray his
Lordship not to give way in carrying this !great measure.—
( Loud cheeea.)
The resolution wrs unanimourily gdopted.
Mr. BENJAMIN Wool), on moving the next resolution,
would not occupy much of their time, as it was important
that their petition should be presented at the sitting of the
Houses of Parliament that evening. They had been told that
they had nothing to do with the subject, and had been recom-
mended to leave it to the House of Lords to deal with it.
But they would recollect that many of these Nobli
Lords had obtained their properties and rank by the rotten

:. ~+' •T

THE SUN, LO.IDON, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 12, 183&

boroughs they were now defending. - They bad first obtained
seats in Parliament, and then had obtained Peerages through
the influences of corrupt Ministers. That might account for
the'r adherence to some of those corrupt boroughs.--(Cheers.)
They could not be surprised therefore if the Duke of New-
castle advocated the interests of East Retford—if Lord Fal-
mouth defended Truro—if Lord Harrowby vindicated Tiver-
ton—and they should not be astonished if Lord A;aburton de-
fended the interests of Callington.—(Cheers and laughter.)
The people were daily encreasing in knowledge, but the
Peers wished still to keep them in ignorance, and make
them slaves.—( Hear.) Every thing rested with the people
themselves—if they supported Lord Melbourne, who was a
man of determination, but who had been coerced into the late
delay, all would be well. They had also the support of Lord
Grey, who, on leaving the House, had given his blessing to
the Bill, and he need not tell them that the blessing of the
Noble and Venerable Lord was of more value than that of the
whole Bench of Bishops.—(Cheers.) Mr. Wood here read
the resolution as follows : _ . .

"5. That this Meeting have witnessed with surprise and sorrow
the conduct of the House of Lords, in tolerating at its Bar, two
paid Advocates who, under the pretext of representing various cor-
rupt Boroughs, have taken occasion to scandalize and vilify the
Representatives of the People ; and by flippant and frivolous
harangues, and by the tedious examination of witnesses (directly
implicated in the corruptions which the Bill was intended to re-
move) have endeavoured to destroy the English Bill of Corporate
Reform, although its principles were recognized, and its necessity
admitted, by the unanimous vote of the Members of the Commons
House of every shade and variety of political opinion."
Mr. STACEY, in seconding the Resolution, observed that
the demand of the friends of the Corporation to allow the
Lords to have their own way, came with a very ill grace from
those who wished to usurp the privileges of the people, and
who had designated a Bill for the protection of the
rights of the people as "infamous and atrocious."—( Cheers.)
Among all the witnesses summoned to gite evidence relative
to the Corporations, not one had urged a word in favour of
them, than that they were their own property—all was selfish-
ness—there was nothing of generosity or justice in their tes-
timony. He was satisfied that they were all anxious for the
benefits which this Bill would confirm, and the best way to
evince that was by signing the petition.
The CHAIRMAN then put the resolution, which was carried
unanimously.
Mr. AsnURST said the next resolution was for the purpose
of introducing to their notice their especial friends, the Lords
Spiritual and Temporal.—( A laugh.) Some of the wisest
among them had said, " Might they not do what they liked
with their own ?" He (Mr. A.) said certainly—but he hoped
they would allow the people also a similar privilege. The
Peers had had a fair share in the way of thinking for them-
selves; the people would now shew them that they were re-
solved to think for themselves.—( Loud cheering.) If
the Peers inquired into the right of the people to have
this Bill, the people would begin to examine into their title to
question the right of the people to have it.—( Tremendous
cheering.) The Peers seemed to have forgotten that the
end of all government -was the good of the people. The
representatives of the people had given them a Bill en-
titling them to self government, the power of taxing them-
selves, and all the regulations of a local government, and
they were the parties entitled to think for the people.
In every instance where liberty was to be restricted, they
had been ready to assist in effecting that restriction, and
the Meeting knew that when green- bag conspiracies and
septennial bills were in vogue, they were ready to support
them.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Ashurst concluded by moving the
following Resolution:
"6. That in the opinion of this Mcesing, a Bill for regulating
the municipal Government and local taxation of the Commonalty,
is peculiarly an affair between themselves and their Representa-
tives, in their own House ; and that if the Peers were arbitrarily to
reject or mutilate in its important features, a measure whose princi-
ple had been recognized by the unanimous vote of the House of
Commons, such a proceeding would be as indefensible as if the
Representatives of the nation were factiously to invade the privi-
leges, or to threaten the existence, of the House of Lords, as an
independent branch of the legislature of the country."
Mr. SAUL seconded it.
Mr. WIRE said he came forward to move a resolution em-
bodying the sentiments of those which had previously been
passed, to the purport that they should present a petition that
was then lying for signature at the bottom of the Hall,
and outside the door, which was to be presented to the
House of Lords this evening, preVious to the grand debate
that was to decide whether the Lords would be mad enough
again to invade the rights and privileges, and to reject the
prayer of the people of England. The Duke of Newcastle,
that type of everything that was intolerant, illiberal and op-
posed to the people, had last night given Lord Melbourne
notice that he should move that the Bill be read this day six
months. If this were a Bill which the House of Commons
had introduced for the purpose of destroying an hereditary
Legislature, they might admit the Lords were doing that
which was justifiable ; if this were a Bill, as it had been called,
of spoliation and robbery, they might be justified in
pursuing such a course ; bit when the character of
the Bill was that which was good, honest, and true, and
when it proposed to return to the ancient privileges of the
Constitution the people would feel surprised and indignant, at
the factious opposition that w;.s made to it in the Upper House
of Parliament.—(Loud cheers.) Wha tsas the object of the
Bill? Let them look at it, and see if it deserved the character
which the paid and hired advocates of corruption had given to it.
What was its principle, but to give to every Englishman what
he ought to possess, the absolute control over his own affairs?
—( Cheers.) What was the second principle, but to destroy
those strong holds of corruption, those dens of Toryism, which
had in former times returned a corrupt House of Commons, and
crushed the people by fiscal regulations and unjust laws. What
was the next object of the Bill ? It was to secure the im-
partial administration of justice, as between man and man—
that was a right which every member of society was justified
in claiming, and who denied it to any man but the
Tories— (Great cheering) but the men who were
on one side of justice, and who were anxious to perpetuate
abuse, corruption, and Toryism, in order that they might crush
the people, and restrict their liberties? What was the object
of the Bill, but to give to the people the right of choosing
their own magistrates ; and if they professed that right, did the
meeting think the people of England would be insulted by
the exhibition of such insane folly as the City of London had
witnessed?—(Cheers.) Did they think what the Commis-
sioners had told them had taken place would be continued—
viz., that of the magistrate of a borough fighting with
the criminal at the bar and struggling with him ?
—( Hear, hear.) Did they think, that if this Bill
were to pass, there would be any complaints, any bicker-
ings, or that the people would be indifferent when flames
were raging about them as at Bristol, and when the
indifference of the people rose from the flagrant abuse
and corruption which existed in the Corporations ?—( Hear.)
The Bill would give to the people the power of taxing
themselves, and he would ask whether, if their repre-
sentatives in the House of Commons had not had the
power of stopping the supplies, where would have been
the Reform Bill ?—( Great cheering.) Lord Brougham
to his immortal honour, twenty-five years ago, had wrung from
a reluctant House of Commons a Committee of Inquiry
into the charities of the country ; and any body
who read the Report of those Commissioners, would
see that while there were funds enough in the country
to give to every child of every man a sound, liberal, and good
education, those funds had been diverted from their original
purpose, and had been appropriated to the sons of the rich and
the noble.—( Hear.) One of the objects of this Bill was
to prevent that mismanagement, and to compel any Corpora-
tion to give a true account of their funds, and faithfully and
honestly to administer them for the benefit of the people.
There were a great many other things of vital impor-
tance embraced by this Bill, and this was the measure
which for interested and unholy purposes had been denounced
as a violation of the rights of the people.—( Hear, hear.) Yes
—that was the pretence of some of the Lords, to protect the
rights of thepeople, they with unhallowed hands seized upon the
Bill which was to restore to the people their rights, and to give
to them a just control of their own affairs.—(Hear, hear.)
His object was, having detailed to the meeting the principles
of the Bill to excite them to action. Then was the time
and then was the hour. At six the debate would be-
gin ; at five it was necessary that their petition should
ho presented to the House of Lords.—(Hear, hear.)
Let it be shown to the House of Commons, and Lords and
Commons, that the citizens of London met to-day at ten
o'clock, and that at five o'clock they appeared at the bar of.
the House with a petition signed in that short space of time,
by upwards of 3,000 persons.
" 7. That this Meeting do forthwith petition the House of Lords,
to pass the Bill for the Reform of Municipal Corporations ; and
that this meeting do likewise present an Address to the house of
Commons, congratulating them upon the passing of the
measure for English Corporation Reform ; and thrt they do pray
the House speedily to pass the Bill now in progress for giving the
people of Ireland an equal measure of justice. And much as this
meeting hope that the House of Lords will be endued with wisdom
and justice to avoid a collision with tll4, Commons of England and
Ireland upon a question which peculiarly and almost exclusively
affects the commonalty of the empire, this meeting do confidently
trust that the House of Commons (should such an event arise), will
manifest becominc, firmness in the important crisis. This meeting,
assuring them that' their best exertions, collectively and indivi-
dually, shall not be wanting to give to their Representatives their
ardent and enthusiastic support in the discharge of a duty of such
vast importance to the inhabitants of the British empire."
The reading of the Resolution was received with loud
cheers.

Mr. DttION -rose to move a vote-of -thanks to Lord Mel-
bourne and his Majesty's Ministers—( Loud cheering),—par-
ticularly to Lord Melbourne, for the manly firmness and de-
termined resolution with which he resisted an overbearing op-
position to those measures, which, in the discharge of his duty,
he hut submitted to the House of Lards.—(Loud cheering.)
The following is a copy of
..the Address:—
TO Ti-ID RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD—VISCOUNT
MELBOURNE, Lc., &c.,'&e.

The Address of the Electors of the City of London, assembled on
Wednesday, August 12, 1335, in the Guildhall of the said
City. Matthew Wood,- Esq., Alderman, and M.P., in the
Chair.

My Lord,—The Electors of the City of London beg to express
to your Lordship their high sense and warm admiration of t he manner
in which your Lordship has fulfilled the duties of the distinguished
office which your Lordship has been called upon to hold; and respect-
fully, but most earnestly to request and entreat that your Lordship
and the Administration over which you preside, will persevere in
the prosecution of that temperate, needful, and valuable measure
of Municipal Reform in England and Wales, which has already
passed the House of Commons, as well as the similar measure for
the reform of the Municipal Corporations in Ireland. Assuring
your Lordship, that, however much those measures may be op-
posed by parties ignorant of their value, or interested in the per-
petuation of the abuses which they are intended to remedy, the
passing of them is anxiously desired, and will be regarded as of in-
estimable advantage by the great mass of the people of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.
Signed by direction of the meeting, and on their behalf.
Mr. \VANDSEY seconded the Resolution, which was car-
ried unanimously amidst loud acclamations.
Mr. GALLOWAY rose toy move a vote of thanks to their
excellent and patriotic Representatives. The City had never
had four men in the House of Commons more devoted to
the public interests and the welfare of the people.—( Cheers.)
Mr. HEBBLE seconded the Resolution.

Mr. WIRE put the motion, which was unanimously adopted.
Mr. PATTISON felt it very gratifying that they had approved
of his conduct as their representative. He had endeavoured
to conduct himself conscientiously, and with a view to meet
the honest and honourable wishes of his constituents, whom ho
congratulated upon the magnitude and unanimity of this meet-
ing, whiCh he believed would tell most forcibly upon
ttiat House which in vain endeavoured to oppose the
the Reform Bill, for that Bill would be passed in spite of
them because the people willed it.—( Cheers.) He should
quote the words of Lord Melbourne, in reference to a passage
r.md by Sir Charles Wetherell. His Lordship said every one
knew very well that the passage alluded to self-immolation,
self sacrifice, even suicide itself, and if their Lordships op-
posed this Bill they would certainly make that passage appli-
cable to themselves.—( Cheers.) What had been told by his
Lordship, and at this meeting, would certainly be fulfilled if
they did not listen to the voice of the people.—' Cheers. )
Mr. CaawFoan -returned thanks. He should be at all
times ready to respond to the call of his constituents, and
when he did not give them satisfaction he should be ready to
resign the trust they had confided to him.
Mr. Alderman SCALES then came forward and was loudly
cheered. He had on many occasions stood forward to propose
a vote of thanks to the public men of the city, which was in
fact the only reward they should receive.—( Cheers.) But
they had a chief magistrate—( Loud groans and hisses)—
and although they had met contrary to his wishes, and to the
insults he had bestowed on the gentlemen who waited on him,
what riot, or disorder, or impropriety of conduct or sentiment
had been inculcated ?—( Loud cheers.) Was not the
Lord Mayor the most severe, satire that could be
brought forward with respect to annual elections ? How-
ever ignorant, embecile, prejudiced, or insignificant a man
might be, yet, in rotation, according to custom, the contemptible,
disgusting rotation had placed over them such a man as
Winchester, and made him Lord Mayor of London !
( Hear, hear, and roars of laughter.) He should propose
a resolution, embodying his own sentiments in the first
place, and he was satisfied it would also embody theirs. He
should take the opinion of the Lord Mayor as a public man,
from his fellow-citizens publicly assembled--if he de-
served thanks let him receive them ; but if he deserved
execration and condemnation at the hands of that
meeting-, as Englishmen he asked of them, honestly and inde-
pendently, to state that opinion. There was no man among them
so pusillanimous as to be afraid to express his sentiments
openly. Let them give their opinions upon the man whom
their voices had blown into power, and let this autocrat—
this satire on the citizens of London have his deserts.
He would move that the present Lord Mayor, by the con-
duct he had pursued, had brought eternal disgrace upon him-
self, for which he richly deserved the severest reprobation of
the meeting. The present Resolution he thought it his duty to
bring forward, and he hoped that it would have the effect
of bringing the Lord Mayor to his proper level. In his opi-
nion he was a man that ought never to have been placed in
the high situation he at present filled—in fact he was intoxi-
cated with the situation. He hoped that the Liverymen of
London, as a new Lord Mayor's Day was now approaching,
would look round and see if they could not find one person
among the whole Corporation of London—(Looking signifi-
cantly at the Chairman, Alderman Wood)—who would repre-
sent their voice, and do honour to the City of London.—
(Considerable cheering.) He trusted they would not again
be cozened by custom, and that they would elect the man of
their choice whatever difficulties might he thrown in their way.
They had got business to do—let them perform it. He trusted
that nothing would prevent any of them from signing the pe-
tition.—( Cries of " Time.") He would not detain them any
longer, but would conclude by seconding the resolution.

The resolution was then put and carried unanimously.
Mr. HARMER came forward to propose a vote of thanks to
their Chairman.—(Great cheering.) They all knew his
merits so well, that he was sure they would unanimously sup-
port the resolution.

Mr. SELLSON seconded the resolution, which was then put
and carried amidst the loudest acclamations.

The Worthy Alderman then came forward to return thanks,
and was received with tremendous cheering.
Mr. Grote at this moment entered, and was received
with loud cheering.
The Alderman gave way and—

Mr. GROTE sincerely regretted, that having been de-
tained at a Committee of the House of Commons
iu,irtetsilentthatve-ry instant,
himself
to their he had been
notice
atanquietacrlitnale to
earlier period.
IL could not help expressing his great gratification
at seeing so numerous and respectable a meeting con-
cerned in such an admirable cause.—( Hear, hear.) He
trusted that the expressions which had been made,
both there and elsewhere, as to the Municipal
Corporation Reform Bill would have the effect of satisfying
the house of Lords that that Bill must pass, substantial
and entire. He trusted that their Lordships would see
that they could not, with safety and with honour to
themselves throw out the Bill altogether, or strip it of any of
its essential principles.—( Cheers.) But he would say if the
Lords intended to adopt either of those two courses,
he would prefer the open and more honourable method
of throwing the Bill out altogether.—( Loud cheers.)
The House of .Commons had done its duty in passing the
Bill, and he trusted the Lords would not be mad enough to
reject it. This Bill was one of the fruits of that Reform Bill
for which they had all struggled, and struggled successfully.
If there was one thing more than another which recom-
mended the Bill to his notice, it was that it made the
representation of Municipal Corporations co-extensive with
taxation, and brought things back to the old principle of
giving to all rate-payers an effective control over the
funds that emanated from them. He congratulated
them on their demonstration of opinion in favour of the Bill,
and upon the conviction he felt that that demonstration
would be attended with the result they all desired, he would
not trouble them further.—(Loud cheering.)
Mr. Alderman Noon (the Chairman), then came forward
to return thanks. lie could assure the meeting that he
carried along with him that sentiment to which an honourable
speaker had alluded, viz. the approbation of his fellow
citizens, which was all the reward that a public man
ought to look for.— (Hear, hear, hear.) That was all
the reward he ever looked for; he wished for nothing but to
live in the estimation and approbation of his fellow-citizens,
considering as he did that that was the greatest
reward he could receive at their hands. It gave him great
pleasure to see the meeting of to-day so orderly and regular,
that it was impossible for their enemies even to say they had
not conducted themselves like free citizens. (Loud
cheers.) He believed that the feeling which they had
expressed was very general throughout the country.
He (lid not think they could reject a measure which had re-
ceived the general approbation of the country, and he hoped
the House of Commons would not separate until they had in-
sisted upon the Lords passing this Bill.—(Cheers.) After
again thanking them the worthy Alderman retired amid loud
and continued cheers.

Mr. WIRE proposed a vote of thanks to the Sheriffs, which
was seconded by Mr. SCALES, and carried unanimously.
Mr. Sheriff RAPIIAEL returned thanks. He was proud to say
that the first vote be had given in the House of Commons was
in favor of the third reading of this Bill, and he should
be always found in the minority or majority on every liberal
question.—( Cheers.) He knew not how long he might be in
the House of Commons, but as long as he remained in it he
would do his duty.—( Applause.)
On the motion of Mr. SCALES, a vote of thanks was passed
to the Common Council of London, for their spirited conduct
in opposition to the Lord Mayor, and after three groans had
been given to the I ord Mayor, the meeting separated.

Mr. WIRE then read a petition to the House of Lords,
and also one to the House of Commons. The latter of which
expressed an earnest hope that the House of Peers would be
endued with wisdom and justice to avoid a collision with the
House of Commons. The worthy Gentleman read these pe-
titions amid much cheering.
Mr. Wit.soN, on seconding the resolution, expressed
his great satisfaction at the manner in which Ireland had
been taken notice of in the petitions.—( Loud cheering.)
The Corporation Bill was now in danger, and they were
met for the purpose of expressing their opinion that this
Bill should pass, their Representatives having expressed their
opinion that it ought to pass. Ile would not detain them
longer in those dog-days, but would content himself with
seconding the Resolution.
" 8. That the cordial thanks of this meeting be given to his Ma-
jesty's Ministers, but most particularly to the Right Honourable
Lord Viscount Melbourne, for the manly firmness and determined
resolution felt and expressed by him \Alien resisting the arbitrary
and overbearing opposition to this measure, to which he was ex-
posed when in the discharge of his duty as First Minister of the,
Crown, he submitted it to the consideration of the House of Lords.

The Resolution was carried unanimously.
Alderman Wool) knew that some gentlemen had an ob-
jection to sign a petition to the Lords. He trusted that this
would not influence their feelings ; he knew some thought
that no redress was to be had from the House of Lords.
He believed it would be found otherwise, end as they were
very much limited as to time, he hoped that those gentle-
men would see the necessity of controlling those feelings.—
(Loud cheers.)

O 56 tt,
"
I :7.: 8 I 2
tO
I = I
I

Whitehall, Treasur:

.y Chambers, July 15, 1835

SIIIPPING`,.-(THIS DAY.)

FROM LLOYD'S.
DEAL, AUGUST 11.—Wind E., fine weather.—Arrived from
the river and proceeded—the Derwent, Riddell, for Hobart Town ;
Montrose, Alexander, for Barbadoes ; -Sea-witch, Baker, from St.
Helena ; Emilia do Liviromento, Da Sylva, for Terceira ; Amelia,
Kinniment, for Quebec; and the Lord Sidmouth, —, for St.
John's, New Brunswick. Arrived and proceeded for the river—
the Herald (S.), Pile, from Cork ; his Majesty's ship Athol, from
Quebec ; and the Maria, James, from Newcastle.
PORTSMOUTH, AUGUST 11.—Wind S.E. to W., fine.
PLYMOUTH, AUGUST 10. —Wind S. S. E.
FALMOUTH, AUGUST 10.—Wind E., fresh breezes and fine.—
Arrived the Renard packet, from the West Indies—sailed from St.
Thomas on the Bth ult.

PENZANCE, AUGUST 11.—Arrived off port, the Columbine,
Brown, from Rio Janeiro.

BRISTOL, AUCUST 11.—Arrived the Caroline, Smith, from Ja-
maica; and the Eliza, Foster, from Trinidad.

MA itYPORT, Aucimr 11:—Arrived the Sarah and Marianne,
—, from Quebec.

LIVERPOOL, Auc. Io.—Arrived the Ceres, Bahlruy, from Me-
mel. Off port, the Rival, —, from Maranham ; Argentia,
—, from Buenos Ayres ; Dampier, —, from Jamaica ; Hylans,
—, and Carruthers, —, from New Orleans ; British Tar, —,
from Halifax ; and Samuel, --, and Malay, --, from Quebec.
ABERDEEN, Auc. 9.—Arrived the Mercury, Davidson, from
Archangel.
LYNN, AUG. 9.—Arrived the Dorothy, Paul, from Quebec.
HULL, Ann. 10.—Arrived the Minstrel, Jenkinson, and Eller-
gill, Ward, from Quebec ; Din Rumney, Mosey, from Miramichi ;
and George IV., Burton, Memel.

THE MARKETS-(THIS DAY.)

CORN EXCHANGE.

There is a good arrival of Wheat and Oats this week ; bid, not
much other Grain. The Wheat trade is still influenced by the fine
weather, and is very dull, at lower prices. Barley, Beans, and
Pease, remain as on Monday. Oats meet a slow demand at last
quotations. Flour remains at Monday's decline.
ARRIVALS.
1 Barley. Oats.
590 qrs. 1,210 qrs.
!0,71,1
3,300

Wheat
English I 3,14.)qrs
Irish
Foreign

1,470 sack•

THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.)

CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK.
Demerara Papers to the 13th of June have beer► received at the
North and South American Coffee House.

(From the above Paper!..)

" GOVERNMENT 'HOUSE, BARBADOE;, Mar 21, 1835.—The
Government having learnt with great concern that the complaints
against the apprenticed labourers, for neglect of work and for thefts
and injury to crops, are so frequent and numerous, that special
magistrates in some districts can hardly get through their
business—l am commanded, previously to his Excellency's
departure, to express his reliance on your firmness and
diligence in preserving order, discipline, and obedience to all
lust commands of proprietors ; and, as many of the apprenticed
abourers can read, his Excellency desires that the printed paper
which accompanies this Circular, may be dispersed among them.
" C. H. DARLING, Private Secretary.
" To the Special Magistrates."
Arrivals this morning :—One French mail, anda Leeward Island
mail, which, contrary to the expectations of the merchants, has not
brought a Jamaica mail—the steamer which was to convey it having
been damaged,