The Sun.
London, England, 1859-09-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 17, 1859.

THE C'OESERVATIVE FESTIVAL AT

MAIDSTONE.

No stronger testimony could be adduced in favour
of Lord Derby's late attempt to conduct the affairs
of this mighty empire than the fact that it enlisted
the sympathies and commanded the respect of many
high-minded statesmen, who do not generally fol-
low the lead of either party into which politicians
are usually divided. The independent criticism of
such men is sufficient to stamp the character of the
intrigues by which that Administration was ejected
from office, and the fact that the proceedings of
Lord Palmerston and his allies are by them con-
demned speaks volumes. Thus the grand Conser-
vative festival given at Maidstone to commemorate
the triumph of the Conservative candidates for
West Kent, was presided over by Earl Stan-
hope, better known to the public as Lord
Mahon. Distinguished both as a statesman and
historian, the noble earl has never figured promi-
nently in mere party warfare. Our readers will re-
member that he was appointed his literary executor
by the late Sir Robert Peel.. Upon his accession to
the peerage a few years since he was not a member
of the House of Commons, and in the debates in
the new sphere on which he then entered we do
not find him enlisted strongly on either side. Yet
the noble earl has always stood well with the pub-
lic, and his " History of England from 1713 to
1783" bears away the palm from all others by its
strict impartiality. That such an independent po—
litician should deem it his duty to assume a more
decided attitude, and to preside at a banquet in-
tended to commemorate a victory gained over the
Liberal candidates, shows that a period has ar-
rived when even peace-loving and moderate men
cannot remain silent. It would be a breach of duty
for them in such a crisis to keep aloof from the
struggle, and their example must have the effect of
exciting general enthusiasm in the good cause.
The duty 'devolved upon Earl Stanhope, as chair-
man at the banquet, to propose the toast of the
evening., ‘.‘ Success to the Conservative Cause in
West Kent," and in the execution of this pleasing
task the noble earl stated the reasons that had

.uduced him to assume a moredeeidedtiiiid;ii;

political matters. Earl Stanhope explained that
for the last few years he felt it his duty to " abstain
from taking part in any party celebration," and
that even' on taking his seat in the House of Lords,
he did not " seek to connect himself anew with any
political party. He was content, as an individual
peer, to consider measures as they came before him,
and he decided on them as his conscience might de-
termine." The factious tactics of members of the
" great Liberal party" induced him to relinquish
this neutrality. When the adverse vote against
the late Government was obtained by a coali-
tion between discordant sections several persons
thought fit to refer to Lord Stanhope's judgment
and counsel as to the course which .they ought
to pursue. The struggle had assumed such a
character that neutrality became impossible. Earl
Stanhope felt that Lord Derby and his associates
had been unjustly treated, and he did not lack the
manliness to give expression to that opinion. This,
naturally enough, brought the noble earl for ward
more prominently ; and he explained that " it did
appear to him, that, taken as a whole, the Govern-
ment of Lord Derby was entitled to support. The
foreign affairs of the country had been conducted in
accordance with the just. requiremen ts of the honour
of the nation, and with an unremitting anxiety for
the preservation of peace, while in domestic affairs
there was, with the desire to maintain the institutions
of the country, a readiness to frame and bring for-
ward measures of practical amendment." Having
once made up his mind on these points, Earl Stanhope
showed that he did not lack enthusiasm. The counsel
he then offered to private friends indeed placed him
"more in a party character and position than he
had been for•some time past." But this was not to
him a subject of regret. It brought him on his own
admission, into cordial co-operation and communica-
tion with gentlemen whom he highly respected, and
who had assembled to do honour to the same cause.

So Earl Stanhope could refer in eulogistic terms to
the triumph they had achieved in West Kent, and to
the gratifying result of the late general election as
far as the Conservatives are concerned. While

refusing to offer anything like a predetermined
or undiscriminating opposition to' Lord Palmer-
ston and hig colleagues, Lord Stanhope
points out two unfavourable and unpromis-
ing circumstances in the formation of the

present Government. These were, first, the entire
exclusion of Irishmen from any share in the new poli-
tical and Government appointments; and secondly,
the elevation of certain adherents of the Whig party
to the peerage. They are both, in fact, mistakes of
the gravest character. It is an act of injustice to the
Irish people, while great questions affecting their
interests are pending, to ostracise, as it were, Irish
statesmen. Nor was the indiscriminate manner in
which honours were conferred one whit less desert,-

ing of censure. Mr. Smith, Sir Benjamin Hall, and
Mr- Labouchere were sent to the Upper House be-
cause they were not qualified to fill an office in the
Cabinet. The system of converting the Upper
House:into an asylum for destitute and incapable
Whigs fully merits the censure conveyed by Lord
Stanhope. It is, as he justly remarked, a remnant
of the old Whig party system of carrying on the
Government by means of the great Whig houses.
These leadees have of late put forward the preten-
sion that they possess the prescriptive right to
govern. This is the hobby that Lord John Russell
rides whenever the opportunity occurs. Nobody
else is to be permitted to meddle with reform
because he has tried twice and failed. This was

the plea under cover of -which he brought forward
the most factious motion ever made in the House

of Commons, and on a similar plcathree legislators,
who in various departments had failed most miser-
ably, had greatness thrust upon them.
The malpractices, the intrigues, the party conflicts,
that have compelled Earl Stanhope both to speak
and to act with vigour, have during the last few
months had a wonderful effect upon members be-
longing to the more moderate section of the com-

mumty. They perceive that a contest impends in
which it will be treason for any one to remain neu•
tral. A fierce onslaught is to be made on all the
most honoured institutions of the country, and the
experiment tried to place all authority in the hands
of a class. Hitherto we have been ruled by men of
position and intelligence; henceforth we are told
by these later luminaries that the mob are to wield

the supremacy. It is evident that the English na-
tion will not submit to such despotism. Principles
will once more be weighed and examined, and the
value of party government understood and appre-
ciated. And at such a crisis the testimony of

Earl Stanhope as to the real efficacy and authority
of Conservative principles is doubly important.
" Above all," Lord Stanhope urged, " let them
cherish Conservative principles with regard to all
public questions—implying by Conservative prin-
ciples the maintenance and promotion of the an-
cient institutions of the country. This he took to
be the meaning of true Conservative principles, the
support and maintenance of our ancient institu-
tions. Not that this definition of Conservatism

was to be taken as excluding measures of improve-
ment and repair, but the very reverse. They all
knew that reconstruction and repair were called
for in all material things—that repairs aye,
and large repairs—might often be necessary for the
preservation of the fabric. Changes, and consider-
able changes, might be made, provided they were
made upon the principle of tending to support and
strengthen those old and glorious institutions in-
herited by us from our forefathers. There was a
great and vital difference between those improve-
ments that tended to give new nerve and vigour to
the fabric and those changes which the revolution-
ists of the day had called for, asking them to sub-
vert the fabric altogether." It is not salutary
change but wholesale destruction to which all Con-
servatives •re opposed, and the career of the late
Government furnishes several proofs that the Con-
servatives are more entitled to the designation of
" Liberal" than the party who usurped that title.
Mr. Bright and his supporters, by their reckless
conduct, are actually imparting strength and power
to the Conservative cause. People not only mistrust
these demagogues, but all politicians that depend
upon them for aid and encouragement. The present
coalition offered office to Mr. Cobden, and actually
includes Messrs. Gibson and Villiers, two of his lieu-
tenants, in its ranks. Although it is an e?,:clusive
Cabinet its existence depends upon the favour of
members of the revolutionary school. Such an in-
congruous gathering will soon bring the vessel of the
State amongst the breakers. But the peril is fore-
seen and a way of escape afforded. The party that
can command a majority in the country as well as
in both houses of Parliament, has the sole right to
the direction of public affairs. When they are
summoned to the helm the danger will disappear,
and England will be restored to the position which
she has, by the fatal policy of the coalitionists, so
suddenly forfeited. The duty of all is to be pre-
pared for an emergency, and we cannot point to a
bate; example than that afforded by the conduct
of Earl Stanhope. The noble earl desired to re-
main in a neutral and independent position, but
felt forced to take a more decided part, from the

injustice practised against Lord Derby and his coi-
-1
I
col-
leagues, and the disastrous consequences with
which the country is thereby threatened.—Morn-
Ina Herald.

TUSCANY.

( From the Times' Correspondent )

FLOREXCE, SEPT. 12.
The people here have survived the article in the
At-mite/tr. The Emperor Napoleon can puzzle and
perplex, can startle, and even annihilate, but can-
not deceive the Italians. They never believed; never
trusted him. When, in August of last year, he in-
timated to Count Cavour, at Plombieres, that
" France must flow over, and the tide must set in
upon Italy," that great and good' gambling states-
man, who had all Italy in the leash, wisely decided
for himself and his country men that it was better
France should come in as a friend than as a foe.
The game was a hazardous one, but circumstances
allowed the Italians no alternative. Between the
French Monarch and the Sardinian Minister three
points were clearly settled. Piedmont agreed to
the cession of Savoy and Nice to France. Piedmont,
in return, secured all Italy, from. the Alps to the
Adriatic. Tuscany, or Central Italy, was to be
erected into a kingdom for Prince Napoleon Jerome.
Cavour and the Italians had no faith that the Em-
peror would abide by his own terms of the bargain.
Up to the day that French soldiers first landed at
Genoa they had no firm hope that war would even
begin. But hostilities broke out, and Cavour and
Italy, from choice no less than from necessity, lent
themselves passively to all Napoleon's behests. The
Italians fought manfully by the side of the French;
they rose when, where, and as they were bidden.
At every forward step of the allied armies Piedmont
hastened to secure the share that was allotted to
her. She took direct, immediate, and sovereign pos-
session of Massa and Carrara, of Parma, Modena,
and Milan. She dared not touch Tuscany, and fore-
bore meddling with the Legations, well knowing the
designs that France had on those districts. All was
done as per programme, and had the enterprise been
followed up to its termination every one would have
remained with his own preassigned part of the prey.
Of all the men who had been charged with the
task of working out that great scheme only one was
unsuccessful—and that was Prince Napoleon Jerome.
Whether it was owing to that excessive cunning
which often ends by overreaching itself, or whether
the antipathy of the Tuscans to the person of the
Prince and their strong national aspirations stood
in his way, certain it is that the Commander-in-
Chief of the Fifth Corps marched from Tuscany into
Lombardy, as the Italians have it, " colle give nel
sacco," that is, re infecta. The Frenck Emperor, per-
haps, thought himself cheated ; he fancied he per-
ceived that " la biscia aveva beccato it ciarlatano,"
or that he played there the part of "the biter bit."
He threw up the game in dudgeon, and came to
terms with Austria at Villafranca.

Now, in their tarn, the Italians were the losers;
and now the Emperor, whose first design was per-
haps merely that his allies should not have their
share of the bargain while he was swindled out of
his own, gradually saw the possibility of turning
the tables upon them, by still getting his own share,
and doing them out of theirs. He agreed with Aus-
tria upon the restoration of the runaway sovereigns
of Central Italy, at the same time that he declared
those princes should not be brought back by foreign
armed intervention. He thus give Austria a pro-
mise which he well knew would never be realised,
and encouraged in the Italians hopes which he was
equally sure would lead to nothing but disappoint-
ment. The result of these manceuvres was fortunate
beyond his most sanguine expectations. The Italians
proved stubborn to the last, and they proceeded in
their career of emancipation with a steadiness, unani-
mity, and dignity which not only enlisted the sym-
pathies of Europe in their behalf, but brought even
Austria to the verge of despair, and inclined her to

•
renounce the benefits accruing to her from the ful-
filment of that part of the Villafranca compact.
Matters having been brought to this satisfac-
tory point, what says the Imperial writer in the
Moniteur? "The Archdukes shall not be brought
back by the, armed interference of a foreign
Power.' Consequently Austria must for ever

give up every thought of re establishing her sway
over Central Italy. The Italians, however, " have
been wrong in thwarting the consequences of the
Treaty of Villafranca." " They have nothing to
hope from a Congress, and must prepare for new
calamities." The Italians shall not have their

Princes forced upon them, but neither must they
hope that France or Europe will ever consent to
their scheme of a union with Piedmont. Their vote
of the decheance of their sovereigns was a matter
which concerned them alone. Their vote of an-

nexation to the North Italian Kingdom depends on
them no less than on King Victor Emmanuel; and
Austria, France, and Europe will know how to tic
down the hands of the King, so that the tender of
a Central Italian crown to him shall come to nought.
The Emperor has three-fourths of the game in his
own hands. He has bent Austria to his own views,

even against her interests, for he has bowed her to
necessity. With Austria in his train, he can either
refuse to face a European Congress, or ho will have
the power to obtain the Congress's signature to any
agreement he may have come to with Austria, and
it will go forth as a European fiat that the Central
Italians are quit of their Princes, but are not to be
united to Piedmont. Thus shall the field be free
for- the French Emperor, or for his lucky cousin,
Prince Napoleon Jerome.

Now, is an open field always sufficient to enable
a champion to achieve his victory ? Will the mere
vacancy of the throne of Central Italy secure
the success of Prince Napoleon ? —The Emperor
Napoleon well deserves all the difficulties which
are still before him, and is aware of the neces-
sity of more than ordinary caution and circumspec-
tion. I said in my last letter that after giving the
subject all mature consideration, I came to the con-
clusion that the arts hitherto resorted to in order,
to create a Plon-plonist party in this country
have been unavailing, and that that party has been
hitherto simply despicable both as to what con-
cerns its numbers and its personnel. I am fully
convinced the Palais Royal are acting without
the consent of the Emperor, who would rather
they showed less haste and less zeal in their in-
trigues. His day has not yet come. As yet the
Italians are flushed with the success of their an-
nexation endeavours, and unwilling to dwell on the
possible disappointment of their sanguine hopes in
that quarter; but let a day come in which France
and Austria, with or without the rest of Europe,
shall plainly intimate that the Po and the Arno
will never be allowed to flow in the same channel,
that the phrase " Il n'y a plus d'Appennins" has
no more chance of becoming a truth than Louis
XlV.'s famous " 'n'y a plus de Pyrenees," or, in
a word, that Turin, Milan, and Florence shall never
be ruled by one sceptre—and then we must see in
what manner the Central Italians will be able to
avail themselves of their freedom of suffrage. Then
the Emperor may well fancy he will have them.
They will be made to choose a Prince, and that
must be neither a Savoy, nor an Austrian, nor a
Bourbon Prince. The world is wide for them to
choose out of, yet the cards are so well shuffled, the
sleight of hand player whirls them so rapidly be-
fore the dazzled audience, that only one of the whole
pack is obtruded before their gaze. There will then
be no lack of honest patriots to teach their country-
men the wisdom of submitting to necessity with a
good grace, illustrating the old French adage,
" Quand-on n'a pas cc qu'on aime, it faut aimer ce
quo's a."
Those among the readers of the Times who have
had the 'patience to read my letters ever since the
landing of the doughty commander of the fifth
corps, in May last, will be aware of the steadiness
with which the Emperor Napoleon has pursued his
scheme for the establishment of what he calls French
influence in Central Italy. His tactics have changed
with the various phases of great European vicissi-
tudes, but the intent is the min?, and he never per-
haps was nearer the attainment of his object than
he vows is. Austria gives up the game to him alto-
gether ; she leaves him an open field in the Lega-
tions and the whole Papal States. As the sworn
champion of the Papacy, the French Emperor must
needs leave his 60,000 men to winter in Italy ; they
lie in the way to oppose any outbreak of hostilities
between Austria and Piedmont ; they are at hand
to profit by the least disorder in the Duchies, in
Romagna or Tuscany, to have a pretext for violat-
ing the promise of non-intervention. We may have
the Pope's death presently, and the jobbing, ca-
jollity", and bullying of a conclave. Naples also may
any day present an opening. There is hardly an in-
cident but it is sure to turn out in favour of the
great French Cunctator. He has only to keep his
own counsel and bide his time. The wisdom and
moderation, the love of order of the Italians, may
vet baffle him for weeks or months, but the bitter
disappointment arising from the rejection of their
vote for annexation, and the sense of their aban-
donment by all the Powers of Europe, may work
greater mischief among them than either French
intrigues or Austrian threats.
One week, one rinonth, perhaps, and the world
may see a French Prince of the blood seated on the
throne of Tuscany and Central Italy, another Prince

of the same blood wearing the crown of the two
Sieilies, or Southern Italy, and a French Cardinal,
or an Italian prelate in the French interest, occupy-
ing the chair of St. Peter—a chair propped up by
French bayonets at Bologna, as it is now at Rome.
Piedmont, as the Turin Liritto aptly expresses it,
surrounded by French forces on three sides, will be
nothing better—nay, something far worse, than a
French Prefecture, and Venice in the hands of Aus-
tria will be made to atone for the sins of her stiff-
necked sisters of Central Italy, agreeably to the
prospect ominously held out by the Moniteur.
Such is the interpretation some of the keen-
sighted people about me put upon the severe and,
to say the least, ungenerous declaration put forth
by the official organ of the French Government.
It is only a repetition of the message brought to
Bologna and Florence by the Reisets and Ponitt-
towskys, whom nobody believed here and whom
the French Government itself repeatedly affected
to disavow. The Emperor does not wish for the re-
storation of the fallen Princes of Central Italy, and
does not seriously chide the Italians for the stub-
bornness with which they thwarted the views
of the negotiators of Villafranca. He does not
believe that the leaders of the Italian movemOnt
were "more preoccupied with small partial suc-
cesses than with the future of their common
country," or that a different policy followed by
them " would have bettered the condition of
unhappy Venice." He does not believe that
" France made war for an idea," or that
" her task was accomplished." He does not believe
ono word of what he wrote in the Moniteur, not one
word of what he ever writes or speaks. 'But the
Italians have very nearly provoked him out of his
usual temper. Their upright instincts, their dignity
and unanimity have roused the worst passions within
him. The cloven foot shows forth, and the " new
misfortunes" that are said to be in store for Italy will
be the subAitution of French ascendancy instead of
that Austaian influence which the Italians were by
Napoleon himself so loudly incited to shake off.
We had yesterday a grand review at the Cascine.
The National Guard made their first appearance,
mustered up in four battalions, the fourth part, as
we are told, of the whole legion which is to be. The
papers reckon the soldier-citizens at 1,800, or even
2,000; but one of the staff-officers assures me they
were not more than 1,500. It is, however, a very
encouraging odvance from the statement I made 10
days ago, when, upon the same good authority, I
gave the number of the inscribed militia at 500.
Indeed, the organisation of this militia has proceeded
at a very rapid pace, and the result is most satis-
factory. I have already repeatedly praised the manly
appearance and martial look of the fine Tuscan
youth. I must add that yesterday they went through
their evolutions with great precision, regularity,
and spirit. It would not be possible for any town
in so short a time to turn out mere recruits with a
more complete look and behaviour of veterans.
Were it possible to pick out from their ranks a few
companies to be trained as riflemen, or even artil-

lerym- en, this merely civil institution could be easily
turned to useful military purposes. Their uniform,
a mere blouse and kepi, is both cheap and becom-
ing. They have a few old officers to command
them, and even, I believe, Sardinian sergeants,
to introduce the Piedmontese drill among them.
The Lieutenant-Colonel, Cavaliere Carle Fenzi,

•
and others of the superior' officers, are, how-
ever, laymen, elected by their companies, or
appointed by Government, out of regard for
their popular character and well-known active de-
votion t ► their country's c Luse. On the whole, I do
not know a sight that could gladden a patriot's
heart more than yesterday's muster at the Cascine.
The battalions defiled before Baron Ricasoli, with
loud shouts of Viva it .Re ! The baron did not ad-

dress the vast multitude, as was expected ; perhaps
his voice was not strong enough to be heard. nis
harangue has, however, been printed, and appears
to-day in the newspapers. Here it is :
" Officers, under-officers, and soldiers of the Flo-
rence National Guard—The review I have just held

surpasses my expectation. After less than two f
months' exercise, you showed on the field as fit for t.
the use of arms as an old and regular militia. I give
you praise in ti e name of the country, and in the d
name of our chosen King, Victor Emmanuel. I
trust the other legions of Tuscany will be equal to t

you in their rez.diness to learn military manoeuvres,
in their diligence in the discharge of their duties,
in their respect for discipline, in their firm purpose

,o ennoble and utilise the material exercise of arms

by the highest national feelings. We have the re-
putation of being a civilised people—by the prac-
tice of manly exercise we shall also acquire the re-
putation of a brave people. If ever the freedom and
independence which we have conquered were dis-
puted by any one—though I believe it never will
be—you, who are the guardians of internal order,
would manfully defend them, together with our
brave army, against foreign foes. I see shining on
the breasts of many of you the medal of honour ac-
quired on the Lombard fields 10 years ago, Your
behaviour, your earnestness today, assure me that
you all would know how to deserve it."
The Government opened yesterday a railway
branch from Sienna to Asinalunga. They were
greeted all along their progress by the most cordial
cheers of the assembled population. The remote
rural districts they traversed seemed animated by

even greater enthusiasm in behalf of the union

with Piedmont than the people in and about the
capital.

SUICIDE AT NORTII

Mr. S. Reed concluded an inquest on Thursday,
in the Town Hall, North Shields, on the body of
Mr. Richard Bell, traveller to Mr. W. H. Allison,
brewer, North Shields, who was found dead on
Tuesday afternoon under the circumstances detailed
below :

The Coroner, in opening the inquiry, said that
this was a case of self-destruction, for there was no
doubt that the man had made away with himself ;
and there was only one point that they need direct
their attention to in the inquiry : it was whether
the deceased man knew right from wrong at the
time he committed the rash act; for if he were com-
petent to know right from wrong he was guilty of
felo de se, and mould be deprived of Christian

burial.
Mr. Hewitt, superintendent of police, said that
yesterday, about half-past two o'clock, a lad came
and told him that Mr. Bell, the traveller to Mr.
Allison, brewer, had hung himself in the porter-
store, Kirby's Bank, Duke-street. Witness found
lying beside the deceased his hat and coat, which
he had put off, and also a letter addressed to W. H.
Allison, Esq., his employer. Mr. Hewitt read the
letter, which was as follows :
" High Brewery, North Shields.
" To W. 11. Allison, Esq."
"Dear Sir—As I can no longer stand against the
bitter anguish of mind, I must now take leave of
everything which is dear to me. I find that
struggling sensation within me which would render
death a comfort rather than life. In my endeavour
to do the best for everybody I have only succeeded
in ruining myself. This I must say, that whatever
may be wrong in my affairs I have not kept a
single item towards my own interest, and every-
thing has been disposed of either directly or indi-
rectly for your welfare. My actions may have
been legally wrong but they are morally right.
There is one thing that I implore of you, that, in
the adjustment of my affairs, you will not disturb
my private house, and do nothing harsh to my wife
or two dear boys, which happiness I have not
known for some years except when in their pre-
sence. I am sorry I have adopted this fatal remedy,
but I cannot live to be the most miserable of human
beings. Wishing you and everybody farewell—l
am, Sir, yours truly, " It. BELL.
" P.S. I was worth money when I came into
your service, and feel assured that if you give those
who may be left behind me to the 2d of February
next, you will be satisfied so far as anything I may
be indebted to you. Only I ask you not to take
severe means, so that what I am worth may not be
given away. You are aware you have a security.
" It. BELL."

Mr. George Martin, agent to Mr. Allison, brewer,
had known the deceased about six year, while in
their service. He always appeared to be very atten-
tive to business. He always considered him a steady
man. He had not been afflicted with illness lately,
though for the last fortnight he appeared much ex-
cited. Within the last fortnight they had susp'cion
that he was misapplying the funds of his employer.
Deceased did not say anything himself about being
in difficulties. Within the last fortnight it was
understood that Mr. Allison taxed him with receiv-
ing money and not accounting for it. Witness be-
lieved that Mr. Allison did not threaten to discharge
him,but treated him kindly. Witness saw Bell on
Sunday morning, and he also saw him on Monday
at the office. Ho appeared in a very depressed state.
He believed he hardly knew what he was doing or
saying at the time.
The Coroner at this stage read to the witness the i
letter written by Bell, and asked him if he thought
that was the effusion of an insane man ?
The witness did not think he could say so.
After a long
deliberation and discussion the jury
returned a verdict of "Temporary insanity."