The Sun.
London, England, 1859-12-05 00:00:00

THE SUN,
_LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 5, 1859.

AGRICULTURAL MEETINGS.

STURMINSTER.

The annual meeting of this society took place on
Thureday at SturmMster, and in the absence of the
Hon. H. B. Portman, M.P., owing to an acci-
dent in the hunting-field, Mr. H. K. Seymer, M.P.
officiated as president.
There vas a capital show of stock, and a number
of silver cu-s were awarded to the owners of the
best animal's:. Premiums were also given to a num-
ber of laboure.s.'s and domestic servants. and many
of the gentry and leading agriculturists of the
county afterviatrds dined together at the Crown
Hotel.
en drunk, the
The usual loyal toasts having be
health-of `i the Me aebers for the County" was given
by Mr.' M. Yeatmevi) son of the chairman of the
Dorset Sessions.
Mr. H. G. STURT:, in returning thanks, said
there were some questions of national interest to
hese were the dif-
which he would briefly allude—t
ficulties in China and Ainerica, the state of our re-
lations with France, the gatestion of entering into a
Congress, and last, though not least, the subject of
Parliamentary reform. These were all delicate ques-
tions, but if they were dealt with in a straightfor-
ward manner the difficulties evith which they were
surrounded would be surmount nd with credit to the
31inistry and with advantage ste-the country. He
said this because he had obsersasd during the time
he had been in Parliament that governments bad
fallen and Cabinets crumbled to, pieces through a
sheer lack of common sense in not .asking or caring
about the public opinion of the cou'rxtry. He would
give them an example, and ask if h.;s statement was
not fortified by facts and corroboratOd by evidence.
He would take first the Governmen t of Lord Pal-
merston which preceded that of Lor, d Derby. If
Lord Palmerston had come to him or any other gen-
tleman present, and said," We have received a me-
nacing, if not an insulting despatch from ta'`e French
Government, but as we are in alliance evith the
French we do not intend to answer it," what would
have been the reply?" Why this—" Noble viscount,
you may answer that despatch or not as you like, but
if you don't the moment Parliament meets out y'elu
go. (Laughter.)-Not to allude to one side more that:
another, he would go to the Government of Lord
Derby. If Lord Derby had said, "We are going
to bring forward a Reform Bill, by which we are
going to disfranchise 300,000 freeholders," he
should have replied, " My dear Lcrd Derby, you
may bring forward your Reform Bill, but you have
just about as much chance of carrying it as you
have of discovering the philosopher's stone." He
mentioned this because he understood—and he
would tell them this, a Cabinet secret—that there'
had been considerable difference in the Cabinet on
the subject of the Peiho expedition. Four or five
members of the Government had opposed the send-
ing cut of any naval or military expedition, or the
claiming of any sort of indemnity from the
Chinese Government. Had their recommenda-
tions, however, been adopted he believed that
the existence of the Government would not
have been worth a fortnight's purchase
after the meeting of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) He
didn't know what Lord Palmerston would have
said, but he (Mr. Sturt) should have said, " Those
couples want draughting." (Laughter.) , Well, the
more vigorous policy had succeeded, and we were
about to en ;age the Chinese, in company with the
French. He; himself was rather opposed to our
engaging in any military expedition with the
French, because in the Crimea we got all the fight-
ing and they got all the glory—we got all the kicks
and they got all the halfpence. (Laughter.) He
did not blame the Government, under the circum-
stances, for what they had done, but he hoped that
orders would be given to our generals that if this
or that fort were to betaken it should be done by
our own men, and that if we won, as of course we
should, that the credit due to the victory would
trot be swallowed up in the flowery reports of
oar Imperial ally. (Cheers.) Having thus
touched upon our Imperial ally, he was
almost compelled to say a word upon our rela-
tions with France. He had no hesitation in saying
that the Emperor Napoleon was a very expensive
ally, for there was not a gentleman present who
was not in the habit of paying large sums of money
solely on account of the policy of his Imperial Ma-
jesty. Within the last eight or ten years the Em-
peror had increased his navy to a most unprecedented
extent, and as a necessary consequence we had been
obliged to increase our own. Would they believe it,
that since the war of 1815 wehad spent £300,000,000
on our navy ? Still, it was so, and the mere mention
of the figures was enough to make his hair stand on
end. It was difficult to know what to do, but at pre-
sent our alliance with France was like one person
greeting another with his right hand and holding a
revolver behind him with his left. (Cheers.) The
Government, however, had taken every precaution,
and had exerted every influenceto avert the impend-
ing daneer. They had given countenance for instance
to the formation of rifle corps, which was a very
capital movement. It ought to be encouraged
throughout the length and breadth of the lind, for
the panics by which England was occasionally
seized were humiliating to the country. (Cheers.)
He thought we ought to take such steps to put the
country in such a state of defence that it might
defy the world in arms ; and he was certain that
every person present would be ready to make any
sacrifice to bring about such a result. (Hear, hear.)
They had heard something of a general disarmament,
but he hoped the answer of the Government would
be, although in more diplomatic language, " Catch
a weasel asleep." (Hear, hear.) It was all very
well for the French, with their system of conscrip-
tion, to make such a proposition. The French Ern•
peror had only to write a few lines to raise as many
soldiers as he liked; but it must be remembered that
in this country the raising of an army was a work
of time. (Hear.) No doubt we were living in mo-
mentous and critical times, and he hoped that in
the ensuing session the Conservative party would
offer no factious opposition to the existing Govern-
ment. Parties in the House of Commons were, no
doubt, evenly balanced, and there would probably
be great temptations to a trial of strength in the
ensuing session, but he himself would be no party
to a factious vote as long as the Government kept
us prepared against every foe. (Cheers.) With
regard to the subject of Parliamentary reform, he
said the necessity of a change had been acknow-
ledged by all parties, and therefore the sooner the
question was set at rest the better. That question
would doubtless be the battle-ground of the ensuing.
session. lie had no doubt the Government would
bring in a Reform Bill, but he was afraid that his
party (the Opposition) would attempt to make po-
litical capital out of it. It was a most dangerous
question. The country was quiescent it was true •
but in his opinion that was the very time to legis-
late ueon it. He only hoped the Government would
bring in a moderate bill, and one which would set
the country at rest for the next 25 years. Not-
withstanding the temptations there might be to turn
out the Government, it was the bounden duty of
every. Conservative, and of every man who called
himself a Conservative, to support such a measure,
and to assist in carrying it into effect. (Cheers.)
Mr. KEn SEYMER sai he had lately read in the
Economist that county members at all the agricul-
tural meetings were raising the war cry in order to
avoid disagreeable questions between landlord and
tenant. Now, he (Mr. Seymer) was not aware ,
that there was at this moment any disagreeable
questions between landlord and tenant.; if there
were, he should have no hesitation in discussing
them. He had. already dealt with every question
that could possibly arise—rents poor-rates, cottages,
game laws—without the slightest hesitation; but
he must say that, although it might be desirable to
talk in public on public questions, a great deal
more might be done in five minutes' conversation
between landlord and tenant than by all the discus!
sions that could possibly take place at agricultural
meetings. (Cheers.) Having already exhausted
those topics he would proceed to offer ,)'few re-
marks on the subjects broached by Mr. Sturt. They
all knew that the English were a peaceable people,
that they were capital fighters, but that they would
a thousand times rather go on improving the breed
of cattle and on making a steady, quiet, commer-
cial, and manufacturing progress than go to war.
We had no wish to send out a single man to invade
France or any other country ; but, while such ,was
the feeling on this side the channel, he, regretted to
say that there were thousands on the other side
who would like nothing better than a " go" at this
country. That was exactly the difference between
the two nations—we wished for peace and the
other wished for war, and more particularly
for a
war with this country. Our French neighbours,
who possessed many ex. cellenlia?tuaa_lditci7es, were so
.eni
restless that, having upset
Govern-
ments of their own, they now wished to disturb the
peace of Europe, and we had therefore become
alarmed. This time last year Europe was in'a state
of profound peace. Everybody knew at that time that
Austria did not govern her Italian provinces as she
ought, but the mere fact of that misgovernment
could have afforded no ground of offence to France,
and France had no more right to go to war with
Austria than with England. And vet, at the be-
ginning of January the French Emperor came out
with a warlike speech, and it was evident fror . that
time that France was determined to pick a quarrel
with Austria. That quarrel had resulted in war,
and we were told that it was all for an idea. Now,
people who went to war for an idea were most dan-
gerous enemies, for it was impossible to say what
the next idea might be. (Hear, hear,) We Eng-
lish were practical men ; if we went to war it was
for a substantial interest, but when another country
went to war for an idea we could never be safe.
The next idea might be to avenge Waterloo, and
that, he believed, was the idea of France. If so, we

must look out for squalls. (Hear, hear.) If he were
asked his opinion, he should say that the whole
matter rested with ourselves. His belief was that
the Emperor of the French was a wary and clever
man, and that he had no desire himself for a war
with England ; but he was obliged to do that
which was necessary to keep him on his throne.
(Hear, hear.) He might have no desire to attack
or invade this country, but it must be remembered
that the army was his master, and that if the feel-
ing of that. army was in favour of war; he must
engage in it. It therefore rested with ourselves to
show such a bold front that, whatever the desire
might be, the actual operation of invasion should
not take place. (Cheers.) 'The Emperor Napoleon
was too prudent a man to think seriously of invad-
ing England unless he had, or thought he had, the
command of the Channel, for without such an advan-
tage he would soon lose all communication with
France and his army would have to surrender as
prisoners of war. It was therefore highly important
that we should look to our fleet: (Cheers.) But, sup •
posing it possible, as had been suggested, for the
French fleet and the French army to slip over in a
fog, he believed that such a spirit had been aroused
among the general population as would show the
enemy that we were prepared to resist foreign
aggression to the last. (Cheers.) Looking at the
great interests we had to defend, he would say, we
will continue to arm, and we will not disarm.
(Cheers.) Ho highly approved of the rifle movement,
and he would tell them why. If the French Em-
peror talked about a mutual disarmament, he could
not ask us to disarm our volunteers, who, to a great
extent, had been at the eirense of their own equip-
ment. (Cheers.) As long; illerefore, as we had
200,000 or 300,000 men ready to iight for the coun-
try he thought we should do pretty well. (Cheers.)
At all events, he thought our position was better
than it would have been if the alarm had not been
excited; and he was not one of those who thought
the language of the English press had been pro-
ductive of harm. Expressions might have been
used with reference to the French Emperor which
all must regret, but he believed that the repeated
appeals of the press had had the effect of bringing
about the volunteer rifle movement. (Hear, hear.)
It was hard for Englishmen to realise the idea of
being attacked by a foreign enemy, but having at
1 last realised such an idea, wqe betide the enemy
,',l.lat dared to assail them. (Cheers.) These were
h. 's feelings on the great topic of the day. lie
should not detain them on the question of Parlia-
mentary reform, because he thought it rather a bore
and bihould have been content without it. The
China question was an important one, and the Ame-
rican dispute was of a somewhat ticklish character;
he should nc.-t, therefore, touch upon it, more par-
ticularly as the Americans were so sensitive that a
joke in au English novel was almost calculated to
bring about a war between the two countries.
(Laughter.) All he would say was-:---let us take
care to defend our sLiores, and let us hope that no-
thing will occur to prevent a continued cultivation
of that good feeling among neighbours which social
gatherings like the present have a tendency to pro-
duce. (Cheers.)
Several toasts of a local character were after-
wards given, and the speakers, one and all, ex-
pressed a very strong feeling in favour of the
volunteer movement.

does .press on the poor, not directly, but indi-
rectly—(hear, hear)—that it crushes_ the springs-1
of prosperity and industry ; that it drives capital
abroad ; that it reduces the wages of the labourer,
and that it is paid by the honest man but
evaded by the dishonest. Perhaps you will allow-.
me to give this general answer to Mr. Bright, not
venturing at such a time as this to enter into de-
tails of the figures he has quoted. I would also
make this further remark on Mr. Bright. In all
his speeches he has held up America as the model
that we are to copy. Mr. Bright says, "It is very
hard"—he is always very plaintive if you don't
agree with him—" that you take your inventions
from America; if they invent a new gun, you hal e
no difficulty in adopting it, if they build a new boat
on a better line than your own, you have no diffi-
culty in adopting it; but the moment I say adopt
their republican institutions, you fly off and say,
We have a constitutional monarchy that we think
gives us more liberty than any other State we
know of." But if you adept the one, he says, why
not adopt the other ? Mr. Bright forgets, however,
that one of the main distinctions between this coun-
try and America is, that while we raise our revenue
partly by direct and partly by indirect taxation,
America raises the whole of her revenue by indi-
rect taxatian. (Hear, and cheers.) Mr. Cobden,
who, I am sorry on account of the cause, was not
able to be present at Liverpool yesterday, lately
been to America, but I doubt whether even with
his eloquence he has been able to persuade the
Americans to give up one jot of the protection
which they give to their manufacturers in that
country. (Cheers.) Mr. Bright made another re-
mark last evening. He thought there would be a
millennium of happiness and prosperity; that all
nations might be brought into one happy family,
if you could do one thing; and that is, to do away
with all the custom-houses. If we could do that,
all war would subside ; we should fraternise, em-
brace the French, and be all happy together.
(Laughter,) But Mr. Bright—though I observe he
lectured the landed interest, and told as we ought
to be very modest in what we said and did on this
question of taxation, seeing what has happened—
has not, I think, set us the example of modesty. He
' says, do away with all your custom-houses, and then
you A will have this fraternity. But almost, in the
same breath, Mr. Bright takes credit for having re-
pealed the corn laws, and having initiated free-
: trade measures in this country.' Then how in com-
mon sense is it, if • this has been accomplished by
Mr. Bright and his friends, that there was never, I
will venture to say, a year- in which Europe was in
so precarious a state, we in this country so much
alarmed by invasion frem our neighbours, and in
which .vid'have been so nearly dragged into a war
with America ? (Cheers.) The noble duke, after
a few other observations, thus concluded,—l am
old-fashioned enough to think the most important
thing in this country is the production of bread,
and beef,
.and beer ; and I am also old-fashioned
enough to think that. the more we can raise in our
own country, whether by means of associations like
these, or by whatever means may be suggested, the
more we shall conduce to the happiness, the wel-
fare, and the morality of the labouring people of
this country. (Cheers.)
A number of other toasts were given, and the
proceedings terminated shortly before 9 o'clock.

THE CONGRESS.

Vpom the Times.)

We regret to learn that after a full discussion of
the subject by the Cabinet it his been determined
that Lord Palmerston shall not attend the Congress
as the Plenipotentiary of England. We had hoped
that the obvious advantages resulting from the
Premier's representation of this country would have
outweighed the inconvenience of his absence at an
important time. However, the original plan is to
be carried out, and Lord Cowley will attend to ex-
plain, and, as far as possible, enforce, the views of
his Government among the Plenipotentiaries. It
need not be said that the reasons which have dis-
suaded the Government from parting with their
chief have reference to the very important business
-Which must be transacted on • the meeting of Parlia-
ment. The Congress assembles nominally on the sth
of January, but practically and for real business not
earlier probably than the 15th, while Parliament
meets earlier than usual,—namely, on the 24th.
Lord Palmerston must, then, either be absent dur-
int, the earlier part of the session, or there must be
a change of plenipotentiaries, which would certainly
be worse than leaving everything to Lord Cowley
from the beginning. We had anticipated the proba-
bility that the Government would be able to bring
forward its minor measures at the outset of the
session, and that the Reform Bill and other impor-
tant business might be deferred again until the re-
turn of the -Premier. Ministers have, however,
thought that this would not be consistent with their
duty, and we have no wish to differ fauul thew ou a
matter respecting which they are the best judges.
We only hope that the early day fixed for the meet-
ing of Parliament, and the determination of Lord
Palmerston to be present at his post, indicate that
the legislative business of the country is to be pro-
secuted vigorously and steadily. The two houses
hare, indeed, long arrears to make up. For three
years running, we have had Ministerial crises ; and,
though in 1857 some measures were carried through
by delaying the prorogation until the very end of
August, yet this was an expedient which Parlia-
mentary nature could hardly bear, and it has not
been repeated. The sessions of 1858 and 1859 have
produced hardly anything, and there remain for
next year the great question of the Reform Bill,
the amendment of the Bankruptcy Law, and of the
laws reldting to the tenure and transfer of land, im-
portant questions connected with the national de-,
fences, and the ever-pressing subject of our financial-.
system. If the wisdom and vigour of the Govern-
ment and the patriotism of the Opposition allow
these matters to be settled, we may perhaps be re-
conciled to the thought that England has lost some
opportunity of extending her principles on the Con-
tinent,-and that she has failed to play in a general
Congress that high part which belongs to her.
We doubt, not however, that a part of the public
will learn with a kind of satisfaction that no Pleni-
potentiary is to be " despatched" to Paris, but that
Lord Cowley; being Already there, merely attends
as the representatiYe of England, and makes
our adhesion to the. Congress as little conspicuous
as posiible. They will. b glad, after all, it comes
to this—that England, • merely out of international
courtesy, puts iu an appearance, and leaves Italian
affairs to be settled by those more 'immediately con -
corned. The doctrine of non:interference, they will
say, to be possible, must be complete. It is impos-
sible that a country which sets out by saying that
in no possible case will it interfere forcibly in Italian
affairs can have the influence of those who are always
ready to march an army into the plain of the Po ;
and conversely, if England assumes it as necessary
to her position that she should have a hand in
regulating Italian destiny, it is certain that a time
will come when she will be tempted to enforce her
logic by a movement of the Mediterranean squadron,
or, perhaps, the despatch of a few thousand troops.
But these arguments, though reasonable enough,
prove too much. They bring us to a conclusion
which finds favour with many sensible men—that
we should not join the Congress at all. If we have
nothing to do with Italy, and if the policy which the
nation enforced on its Government a few months
since be the true one, no Plenipotentiary of England
should sit in this Council of European diplomatists.
As they fought without us, and made peace without
us, so let them make up without us the quarrels be-
tween petty despots and their subjects. 'We own
that this is a view which we have been much inclined
to take, but it has not been a view which our Govern-
ment, after communications with the various Euro-
yeari Powers, has felt willing to acquiesce in. Out of
regard to the solicitations of France and the tradi-
tions which link together the community of States,
the British Government has agreed to join the Con-
gress, and so there is an end of the question whether
we should send a Plenipotentiary at all. What re-
mains now is to determine whether, since we are to be
represented, we shall be represented efficiently. It
certainly seems plain that, having once made up its
mind to take part in the affairs of Italy, the English
nation should send the best man it can find, and
endeavour to make its influence as much as pos-
sible felt. This, we think, Lord Palmerston would
have done, and, whatever respect we may have for
Lord Cowley as a diplomatist, it seems to us that
he does not possess the weight which as old and
tried Foreign Minister of this country would have
in the councils of men of less age, genius, and ex-
perience.
Nothing now remains but to hope that the British
Ambassador will successfully exercise ais temporary
functions to the honour of his own country, and the
profit of the unhappy race which is now struagling
against its oppressors. Of the prospects of the Con •
gress we do not pretend to know anything. It is
probable that the crowned heads themselves know
but little. That the influence of England has been
exerted., to. secure the independence of the Central
Italians in the choice of their rulers is no secret;
and it may be that the French Sovereign would not
be displeased to see the arrangements of Villa franca
overruled by an international assembly which should
take from him the responsibility of ratifying the
dethronement of the Dukes and the disruption of
the Pope's dominions. It may be, however, that
the Emperor will show himself a better son of the
Church and stancher partisan of order than the
clergy and the Legitimists believe, and that he will
fight the battle of the late Sovereigns in a spirit
worthy the applause of Austria. for is itpessible
to say beforehand with what temper the Plenipo-
tentiaries of Russia and Prussia will treat the affairs
of Italy.. These Governments, particularly the
former, are, of course, adverse to such displays of
• -a

popular independenc3 as are exhibited at Florence
and Bologna, but they are neither of them very
partial to Austria, and may, perhaps, both be willing
to show their independence of France. But ali
remains as yet uncertain, for experience has taught
us that even the viers oiGovernments are changed
at the last moment. So much the more reason is
there that Lord Cowley should be cautious and firm,
and that the Government which supports him
should not fail to wake his task easier by a clear
statement of its priteiples.

THE TrIcKLOTTP HOMICIDE.

The Dublin Evening Mail contains the following
detailed account of the recent homicide committed
on the Fitzwilliam estates in the county of Wick-
low. For downright savagery this outrage has
scarcely its parallel in the annals of Tipperary
crime in its very worst days :
" WICKLOW, Dec. I.—Au inquest has been hold-
ing at Mucklow since yesterday mornings(Wednes-
day) on the body of an old man named Michael Bo-
land, aged 75, who was a comfortable farmer under
Lord Fitzwilliam, living on the roadside about
midway between Au,ghrim and Tinahely, and who
lost his life in an affray which took place on last
Monday under the following circumstances :—Ac-
cording to the evidence which was adduced on the
investigation, which has not yet terminated, it I
appears that Lord Fitz william's agent wished to
'square' the two adjoining farms, held respectively
by deceased and the accused, a man named Richard
Behan, also residing at Mucklow, who holds two
farms under Lord Fitzwilliam, one of which ad-
joins that of deceased. The agent wished to square'
the two farms, as I have said, so as to make them
look better and tidier. Behan objected to the arrange-
ment, in consequence of which he was served with
ejectment notices for both farms, and decrees were
obtained at the quarter sessions at Tinahely. On
Monday last Mr. Lawrenson, the receiver to the
estate, sent to the surveyor and bailiff, with other
assistants, to take possession of both farms. They
went to Behan's house and demanded possession,
producing the decrees. Behan was at home at the
time, but did not appear at first. His wife, how-
ever, presented herself, and spoke to the bailiff,
abusing him' and saying, Although you have men
at the Bawn' gap, I was never afraid of a man yet.'
The bailiff replied that he had a duty to perform,
and that he should do it. Behan then appeared,
and said to the bailiff that he might take possession,
as he would not offer any resistance. The bailiff
then sent his men to drive the stock off the farm.
Mrs. Behan then came out with a pitchfork in her
hand, and asked the bailiff ' did he think that
would do ?' After these words the surveyor and
bailiff went to take possession of some cottiers' pre-
mises, and on their return towards Behan's house
they found Mrs. Behan in the act of sharpening the
prongs of the fork on a' bank.' The husband was
in view, and he asked the bailiff to feel the' prongs'
(by way of threat), which ha did as he was passing.
Sho then said that ho might be the first himself to
get it.' The bailiff passed on, and took possession
of the dwelling-house and holding, aid put a man
in the house to keep possession. After they had got
nossession of all the tenements Boland (deceased)
was sent forto get possession of that part of Behan's
land which it was intended at first to add to his
farm. At this time there was a crowd of 20 or 30
collected in the field, all on Behan's side. As soon
as Boland entered the field, Behan and wife, with
several others of the crowd (Mrs. Behan holding the
fork in her hand) rushed down upon the old man,
and forced him violently over the' fence' on the
road. Behan also shook him violently on the
road. During these proceedings the surveyor, bai-
liff, and an assistant endeavoured to keep peace and
protect the old man, who came at his own requesA
by himself.' When Boland was rescued from_ the
hold of Behan the bailiff strove to get him sap the
fence again to take possession. Mrs. Br:hap met
him on the top of the fence with the fork in her
hand, and kept thrusting' it at but did not
actually strike him with it. The 'oailiff helped him
up the ditch, and the assistarA (Gilbert) who stood
on the top of the ditch or fence took hold of him by
the hand to ' haul' him up. While these exer-
tions were making on the poor old man's behalf
two young women (on Behan's side) were not idle,
for one of them exerted her strength in pulling him
down by the skirt of the coat, with the other pushed
him back, and jostling Gilbert took the stick (a
small walking stick) out of deceased's hand. At
this time the deceased was noticed by the sur-
veyor to be in a fainting state and to have
completely lost the use of his limbs. On exami-
nation he was found to be in a dying state,
and he expired shortly after. When it was
found he was dying Behan danced on. the road
and clapped his hands with joy, thanking
God that he had 'struck him dead' before he
got possession ;' and while being carried to his
house five or six of the women were seen kneeling
on the road praying that he might never recover,
and that he might never be forgiven ' in this world
or the next—the priest-selling dog !' I should have
mentioned that the deceased had sawyers cutting
timber for the purpose of roofing an outhouse, and
one of the women said on coming up the road that
the sawyers Were cutting the old dog's coffin.'
This was said before the row commenced. Before
possession was demanded Behan got £1.5 from the
agent, as he (Behan) said that he had paid some
arrears that were due on the farm. The inquest
commenced on Wednesday morning, and the above
is an epitome of the evidence given up to that
night. It was still proceeding. It is supposed
that the deceased got serious kicks, which must
have caused his death, but no more than the fore-
going has as yet been given in evidence. There
are six persons in custody—viz., Richard Behan,
son, and wife, and three other women."
The evidence taken at the inquest is reported at
great length in Saunders's Newsletter of this morn-
ing. One of the witnesses deposed that after the
deceased fell down he saw women on their knees,
saying " He's dead! his soul to blazes ! he'll never
come to life ! " The coroner having addressed the
jury, they were left alone, and after deliberating
for about three quarters of an hour they found the
following verdict :—" That Michael Boland came by
his death from a rupture of the heart which might
or might not be caused by excitement and violence
which he received on Monday last, the 28th of
November, 1859, at the hands of Richard Behan
and Bridget Cullen, assisted by Edward Behan,
Catherine Behan, and Mary Byrne." One of the
jury observed that the country could have no com-
plaint to make against Earl Fitzwilliam, and that
Mr. Lawrenson had always given general satisfac-
tion. The six prisoners were then remitted to gaol
on the warrant of the coroner.

rE SENTENCE UPON DR.
S ME TH URS T.

~.ne public is probably not aware that the con-
viction and sentence of this prisoner will entail
many forfeitures and disabilities upon him, in addi-
tion to the actual punishment that he will have to
undergo. The offence of bigamy, as the law at
present stands, amounts to felony, and any person
convicted of it immediately loses all claims to pro-
perty, whether goods, chattels, or land, of which he
may be possessed, or be entitled to in reversion,
at the time of his conviction. It will be recollected
that the unfortunate deceased lady, Miss Bankes,
only two days before her death, made a will, at the
request of the prisoner, under which Dr. Smethurst
was made sole executor, and would have become
possessed of the whole of her property. If, there-
fore, the pardon had closed the proceedings, and no
further steps had been taken in reference to the
charge of bigamy, he would, in all probability, have
put the will in force, and as it is doubtful whether
the relatives of the deceased could, under the circum-
stances under= which the will was executed, appa-
rently with the full knowledge and consent of the
deceased lady, have resisted it, Dr. Smethurst
would have come into possession of the whole of the
property of Miss Bankes, which is said to amount
to several thousand pounds. The effect of his con-
viction, however, precludes him from obtaining a
single farthing under the will,and as those on whom
the right devolves to take possession of his pro-
perty are not likely to interfere, Miss Bankes will
probably be considered as dying intestate, and the
property will revert to her family. It has generally
been the practice, where parties possessed of pro-
perty have been charged with felony, in order to
obviate risk of going to the Crown, for the prisoner
to execute an assignment of all his estate to some
relative before the trial, so that, in the event of a
conviction, no seizure might be made. The law
with regard to this matter is very peculiar. In
ordinary cases the property of a felon vests in the
Crown, but in some districts the lord of the manor
claims the right; and there are instances on record
wherean extensive landed estate belonging to a per-
son convicted of felony has been claimed and seized
by the lord of the manor. In the City of London, the
Corporation, by virtue of ancient charters, claim the
right to the property of all felons convicted within
their jurisdiction, and the sheriffs take possession of
all property found upon the prisoners who are con-
victed at the Central Criminal Court ; and although
articles of a trifling character are usually given up,
still the right is invariably observed. It may be re-
membered that in the case of the extensive gold
dust robbery upon the South-Eastern Railway a few
years ago, when it appeared that Turkish Bonds to
a considerable amount had been purchased with the
proceeds of the robbery, that the sheriffs success-
fully asserted their right to take possession of this
property on behalf of the Corporation. AU the in-
terest in any property that was possessed by the
prisoner prior to his conviction, is now, therefore,
vested in the Co, ,oration of the City of London,
and they would be the parties,
if any, to claimwilt
headney-
interest ho might have under
ceased lady. It is very probable that It was in
order to prevent this result that the endeavour was
made at the trial to procure annaTuittal by show-
ing that the first marriage was et a valid one, and
this view is confirmed by the fa
a very short time before the that it was only
easec was to come on
that the facts relating to the Supposed marriage of
Nfrs. Johnson or Mary Durham were laid before
counsel. The counsel for the Crown were of course
well aware of all the circumstances connected with
the supposed martirro.