The Sun.
London, England, 1866-04-06 00:00:00

THE SON, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 6, 1866,

liberty.
The health of Mr. Gladstone was drunk amid the
most enthusiastic cheering. The whole auditory as-
sembled in the hall rose en masse, and for some
minutes the cheering subsiding in the interior of the
building was taken up by the populace without, and
again and again renewed.
Mr. GLADSTONE said--Mr. Rathbone and Gentle-
men—No adviser of the Crown and no representa-
tive of the people ever had occasion for deeper
gratitude to a conspicuous portion of his fellow-
countrymen than on that occasion created by your
conduct towards me personally in July last. (Hear.)
You have added greatly on the present occasion to
that debt which I have contracted towards you ;
but I did not come here for the purpose of explain-
ing to you in wearisome detail the particulars of
the sentinents with which your conduct has inspired
me, for we have graver matters to consider. We
have arrived at a critical point in the history of the
nation, and I now address in you the largest con-
stituency of the country which has, perhaps more
than any other, led the opinions—has led the policy
of the last 30 glorious years. (Cheers.) I now
address you at one of those moments at which it
becomes us to review our position, and to consider
not the past alone, but likewise the future of that
country which we so love. (Cheers.) The period
which has passed since I had the honour of meet-
ing you has not been wholly unfruitful in events ;
on the contrary, the calm which has for along time
overspread the atmosphere of political affairs has
been rudely dissipated by occurrences arising from
more quarters than one, and we have been re-
minded by the many events, each of them of a serious
and critical character, that we do not in the
highest affairs and interests of the empire possess
an immunity from disturbing causes ; on the con-
trary, from time to time we are prepared to
see them arise, and look them manfully in the
face. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, several of these causes
have assumed a character of importance and pro-
minence within the last six or eight months that it
would have been difficult to have anticipated at the
time when I had the honour of meeting you for the
briefest possible period a solicitor for your suffrages,
and within the briefest possible period crowned with
the honour of receiving them ; but the political state
of affairs is so important at present, the position of
those whom you specially represent—l mean the
Liberal party in South Lancashire—is of itself a ques-
tion so grave with respect to the future course of
political affairs, that I must ask your patience while
I advert briefly to circumstances. (Hear.) Since
the month of July last we have had to encounter the
painful question raised by that outbreak in Jamaica,
which, when the first intelligence reached the coun-
try, cast a thrill of horror through the community.
Ido not mean to say—on the contrary, I would say
the very opposite—that there was no one who was
prepared at once to form a deliberate and final judg-
ment upon it ; but, gentlemen, the nation did feel
that the occasion which had arisen was one of the
utmost gravity. The preservation of peace and order
was in itself a fact not to be disposed of by vague
and wnsustained assumptions. It was one of those
occasions when not only the colonial authorities of
a particular island, and not only the Ministers whose
business it was to superintend those colonial autho-
rities, who were on their trial before the mass of
their countrymen, it was an occasion when England
herself was on her trial before theworld. Gentlemen,
in those painful circumstances we did not hesitate,
but we endeavoured to support ourselves on the one
side, and the other by our positive obligations to adopt
those measures which were recommended by a full and
conclusive investigation of the facts. And, gentlemen,
permit me to say that, so fax as I aro able to under-
stand the relative positions of the different civilised
communities of Europe, I think that, after all, the
greatest of the advantages which we may claim to
which happens in this
possess is that everything
country or in the public interest is sur to see
the e
light. There is no powe on earth, there is no
is n
the
Government,o there is no power of a
party, there
Power of a class that can conceal
facts of public interest, We live in times when
there is
gradually wir,
e
formed a tribunal and an
public
authority of opinion, which is confined, not
to the limits of any one country,
and however civilised, however powerful
but which
Pervades the whole
Christian world, and it is said
that, whatever be our
merits, whatever be our faults, they are told plainly
to the whole world. Well, gent
presume during the brief period vulhieleilx, I will not
must
elapse
before we receive the full results of the
iadicial in-
quiry which has been instituted in Jamaica
will
not presume in any degree to dwell upon their pro-
bable character, but I will venture to express a mo-
o-nine anticipation that, not the Executive Govern-
meat, but that the Parliament, and not only the
Parliament, but the people of this country, will
arrive at their conclusion upon these sad and painful
events with a full and a fair consideration of all that
is due on the one hand to those in authority, and,
that justice, and justice alone, and no respect to any
foregone conclusion, will govern any party or any
class among us in the final steps which may have to
be taken with regard to the results of the inquiry ;
and I do believe that, although in foreign countries
when these calamitous occurrences became known
there was the disposition to think that in England
we should endeavour to cover the acts of those who
wielded authority in the name of the Queen, I am
Convinced that what has since taken place has shown
plainly to the world that no other consideration will
govern the final determination of the State and people
of this country with regard to the outbreak in Jamaica

except those considerations by which we should be
determined in the examination of any domestic
question, whatever it may be. Well, gentlemen,
besides these most deeply painful and most impor-
tant, but yet strictly local occurrences, we
mani-
festation another strange, painful
singular, and
in the sister island. I advert now to that
which is known by the name of Fenianism, a
phenomenonwahgicehn,uynaona influence.
doubt, derives
But,gentle-
men, erives
its
force
from a foreign
when I say a foreign agency and influence,
don't let it be for one moment supposed that I in-
tend, directly or indirectly, to charge on the great
and mighty people that inhabit the opposite shores
of the Atlantic the responsibility, or any part of the
responsibility, of that deplorable and calamitous
manifestation. I am deeply assured that our brethren
in America, that the mass of those who form public
opinion in America, regard the proceedings of those
unhappy persons with the same feeling of grief and
the same judgment of condemnation with which you
and I regard them. (Cheers.) It is but a sprinkling
of persons in that great but gigantic community to
whom these influences are owing. And, gentlemen,
of these influences themselves what are we to say?
It is impossible to contemplate them without the
deepest pain. Acting upon those principles of genuine
confession which lie at the root of public affairs in
this country, we cannot hesitate to admit that this
deplorable principle, this deplorable power, would
never have come into existence had it not been for
the record of past misgovernment and abuse. In
the signs of providential retribution for the ills that
we have endured, for the errors that we have com-
mitted, we derive these lessons, that in the future
we must even more carefully than now endeavour to
treat all our fellow-citizens—whether they be called
Englishmen, Irishmen, or Scotchmen—upon prin-
ciples of pure and equal justice—(cheers)—but that,
in the meantime, we must, without hesitation, al-
though not without grief,
use every method, adopt
every measure that may be necessary to maintain
the authority of the land and to preserve the peace
of the country. And, gentlemen, permit me to say,
that notwithstanding these painful events, we have
loNurethhreaavke ,
sneoetnbienenlrweliatuhdou; t uriupruenastshe
nocgcassyronptoortshis
of disaffection, such signs of union and unequivocal
proofs of sympathy with the Government, pervading
all classes, and embracing all opinions and all reli-
aions, as I will venture to say never was seen before.
(Cheers.) And to what have these improved symptoms
been due? Why, without doubt, and without ques-
tion, to the conduct and temper which has guided
the policy of this Government towards Ireland dur-
ing the last 30 years. Have we not in this state of
facts the most marked encouragement to persevere
in the fearless adoption of these principles, to cast
aside every narrow and partial conception, to reno-
vate entirely all effort to make our fellow-citizens in
Ireland conform in all particulars, whatever they
may be, to the ideas which we think best for our-
selves ? These are lessons which we learn for the
future. For the present it is our duty to administer
with mercy, but firmness, the power of the law and
to preserve the authority of the Crown over her Ma-
jesty's peaceful subjects. I think in what I have
said I have not taken a one-sided view of the case,
but have endeavoured to make due and full allow-
ance for those misguided men whose feelings of
resentment to this country, founded upon the acts
of other times, have led them into these deplorable
proceedings. But, gentlemen, I cannot part from
the subject without referring to one point in parti-
cular. We are told that Canada and New Bruns-
wick are threatened with fire and slaughter from
the revenge of the Fenians for the wrongs inflicted
by England upon Ireland ; and this I must say, that
if the men of Canada and New Brunswick, who are
wholly guiltless of these wrongs—be they what they
may—who are not entangled in the controversy,
who have no more to do with it than the people of
the Sandwich Islands—if the Fenians, as they call
themselves in America, are capable of the abomin-
able wickedness of passing their frontier and of
`making their impotent miserable attempts, which
they will be—(cheers)—to carry desolation over
these peaceful districts and among those harmless
colonists, then I say, that so far from your treating
the conduct of these men—let them be Americans or
whom they like—with allowance or indulgence, no
more execrable manifestations of folly or guilt have
ever been made in the annals of the human race
from the time that it commenced its existence upon
the earth. Men who are capable of such proceedings
would at once by their insanity and their guilt place
themselves entirely beyond the sympathy of the whole
civilised world. (Loud cheers.) I feel the fullest
confidence that these men who inhabit the provinces
of British North America, who have proceeded from
our loins, and who are governed by principles in
the main our own, know well how to defend their
homes, their wives, and children ; and if, unhappily,
the need arose, there is no resource possessed by
this country that she would not fairly spend to
assist them in their holy work. (Cheers.) Gen-
tlemen, we have been greatly troubled in the House
of Commons by one subject—a very sad one, one
that I am afraid has caused you annoyance and loss,
\
I mean the cattle plague. I don't intend to dwell
very long upon that question. I cannot honestly
say that it is one of the most satisfactory chapters
in the history either of this or of any other Parlia-
ment. Great suffering has been inflicted by that
visitation in special districts of the country. It has
been my lot in Flintshire to witness some of the
severity of that suffering, but I frankly own that I
think that the excitement which pervaded the Par-
liamentary debates, and the sense which appeared
to prevail in a considerable portion of the House of
Commons of the overwhelming importance of the
cattle plague as eclipsing every other subject of na-
tional interest, was in some trifling degree beyond
the mark—(cheers and laughter)—but, however
that may be, I trust that by degrees we may arrive
at a fuller knowledge of the means by which that
severe and serious visitation is to be encountered
when it appears in one locality of this country or
another. For the present retaining all my loyalty
to the country in general, and Liverpool in parti-
cular,
I would incline to pin my faith upon Aber-
deenshire. I hope there is some Aberdeenshire man
present, but, whether there is or not, I am bound
to record my opinion that the common sense and
the self-governing energy of this country, indepen-
dently of all central action whatever, was during
last autumn—l will not say exclusively manifested
ewasemacertainly
econcentratede
thein al
alna
dr gl
oer d
sd e garnede
—inbtuhte
farmers meeting together, and availing themselves
of the power that had been granted by Orders in
Council, met the cattle plague point by point at every
place where it came into the country, and as often
as it came in turned it out again. (Hear, hear.) I
humbly, earnestly recommend the starting of the
Aberdeenshire plan, with whatever modifications
may seem desirable, according to circumstances, ac-
cording to the merits of the particular locality, as
being a really valuable and practical lesson of a most
important character, which has been adopted with
much beneficial effect in other portions of the coun-
try. These have been disturbing causes of a very
serious character, but I must venture at the same
time to state that the new Parliament chosen
by the people of this country last summer does not
uestion affecting the pub-
appear at all less competent o
than any f its prede-
cessors to dispose of any q
lic interests. lam glad to say that, considering
how few weeks have elapsed since we met in Febru-
ary, no inconsiderable progress has been made in the
work of unostentatious, but certainly beneficial,
legislation. I will mention three instances during
the last year. There was a transaction connected
with a
gentleman named Edmonds,
on which I wouldpronounce no opinion, as his share in it is the subject
of aeial investigation which created considerable
scandal and
much astonishment •mind of that
11l the
rather mythical person called John Bull • for it ap-
peared that there we • '
re many little rivulets of public
money with regard to Which
ni o one was responsible,
and none could tell whether
nation at the Treasury orent
tieyT was an reached their desti-
unsatis-
factory state of things,his
and I am glad to tell you
that during the few weeks of the present
pro-
vision has been made for the efficientsession
and indepen-
dent audit of every branch of the public revenue.
Last year some astonishment and
were caused by the disclosures of the
of the law with respect to the pensions of
legal and

7---
judicial persons, who it was found were not subject
to rules of public control, and that in consequence
considerable want of fair discretion prevailed in
granting such pensions out of the revenue. lam glad
to say that, with the full concurrence of the highest
legal authority, an act has been passed which places
the granting of such pensions under the same
rules of control and superintendence as those
which prevail in every branch of the civil service.
A more important progress, which might attract
more general interest, has been achieved during the
last few we'ks of the present session. I refer to
the passing of a measure which is called the Oaths
Bill. By that measure, which we have sent to the
House of Lords under circumstances fairer than any
other after a century of controversy, all persons
holding positions of political trust in either House
of Parliament for civil purposes will be wholly and
individually released from the necessity of making
any religious profession. I cannot but congratulate
you on this most signal triumph that we have
achieved. Mark the change of circumstances. This
bill has gone to the House of Lords almost unop-
posed on the second reading, and only in committee
by a futile amendment, which was rejected, and the
bill passed the third reading without any division,
and now awaits discussion in the House of Lords ;
and my belief is that the House of Lords will treat
that bill with the judgment and discretion which it
usually applies to such measures when reaching them
with the decisive approval of the House of Com-
mons. (Laughter and cheers.) But, gentlemen, let
us note this bill as a mark of progress in the past
and a sign of encouragement for the future. In this
bill the whole question which was so long contended
for in the case of Jewish emancipation is at once
decided by this bill ; the Roman Catholic oath is
I entirely removed. The Roman Catholics have long
complained, and most justly, of this grievance,
which placed a limit on the exercise of their indi-
vidual agency. This grievance has entirely vanished
and become a thing of the past. This is the Act of
the present year, but let me see how this matter has
been treated in previous years. I give all credit
to those who sit opposite to us for the manner
in which they have proceeded this session. They
did not endeavour to maim the bill more than they
thought they had a prospect of successfully maim-
ing it. It is important in such matters to note the
progress actually achieved; the secularity of the
Roman Catholic Oath has been entirely removed,
and one common oath is to be taken by all mem-
bers of Parliament. Nine months ago Sir H. Cairns,
one of the ablest members of the Opposition,
its most accomplished legal organ, made a motion the
effect of which was to retain all the peculiarities of
that oath, and just before the dissolution of Parlia-
ment that solution was defeated by a majority of 14
or 16 only. A bill which was brought in by Mr.
11Ionsell, who was then a private member, was sent
up to the House of Lords, and it became almost im-
mortalised by the felicitous expressions of the high,
distinguished, and justly celebrated leader of the i
Conservative party in the House of Lords, who said
that, having got his Roman Catholic fellow-country-
men muzzled he was not the man to set them un-
muzzled. I don't quote the exact words beyond the
singular word " muzzled," which is deeply impressed
on all our memories, and which I indeed recollect
with a certain degree of gratitude. (Cheers and
laughter.) I only refer to it in order to ask you to
note the progress of one year, and to take encou-
ragement from that progress ; for when we are as-
sembled at this table in the interchange of our views
and sentiments, and confirming each other in these
views and sentiments, we are not engaged in an idle
ceremony, but in one which is closely associated
with the happiness and greatness of our country. In
1865 this bill was thrust out of the House of Lords
somewhat contemptuonsly ; but we now see the
change that has taken place in the short interval
that has elapsed. I say that these are the signs of
real progress and marked as the milestones on a
road, and in counting up these political milestones
you may take consolation from the past and hope
and encouragement for the future. (Cheers.) I am
bound to say frankly that I have been surprised my-
self at the facility with which the bill has progressed
in Parliament—l frankly say I was not prepared
for it ; I think that the obstacles might have been
more serious, but in Parliament it often happens
that measures are considered not only-in connection
with their own merits, but likewise in connection
with the merits, prospects, and chances of other
measures impending—(cheers and laughter)—and
it happened that a great subject is coming on
which an important party means to rally all its
strength, and exhaust all its powers of opposi-
tion ; it universally avoids, if it can, committing
itself disadvantageously on other measures which
may happen to precede it. (Cheers.) It is said that the
works of good men follow them ; and therefore, in a certain
sense, they may lee said to do good after they are dead, but
it is very seldom we can find a case of a man who is said to
do good before he is born. (Laughter.) Now, I claim that
merit for the Electoral Franchise Bill. (Cheers.) The
Electoral Franchise Bill did great good before it was born,
inasmuch as it formed the passport to the second reading of
the Oaths Bill. I trust you will not feel that there is any
betrayalof confidence in any disclosures which I have made
but I believe them to be of a practicable character, and not
unworthy of the notice of the historian or the anatoreist,if
he chooses to examine the secret grooves by which conven-
tional and party Government is conducted; but the franchise
bill has other aspects and other characters, in which it is
highly requisite that we who sit in Parliament, and even
you who sit out of Parliament, should consider it. I frankly
own that I do not think that we are at all sufficiently aware
of the importance of the issues which it involves. The
comparative narrowness of the proposals tends to blind men
to the magnitude of the issues that are at present involved.
Addressing you as the representative of the Liberal party
in South Lancashire, I cannot for one moment hesitate to
express a confident opinion that for years to come the
Liberal party will derive its colour, tendencies, and fortunes
from the course of progress with regard to this important
measure ; it was my fate to introduce that measure to the
house of Commons, and it was my duty to introduce it
with a total forgetfulness of every party interest, and by a
rigid abstinence from any topic which could, by any possi-
bility, give a particle of offence. That abstinence was
founded on a deep conviction of the importance of the sub-
ject, mid upon a determination that if angry controversy
was to arise, it should not be in consequence of what was
done by me. (Cheers.) We have not paraded this measure
as one of our stepping-stones to success, nor have we branded
our countrymen who do not support it with contumely and
reproval. Wo have been content to be dry, unimpassioned,
and dull, rather than to light up flames the range of which
we could neither limit nor foretel. (Cheers.) If there are
gentlemen who hastily infer that on account of that studied
calmness and tranquility of tone, the Government are not
in earnest, 1 appeal to the character of my noble friend at
the head of the Government, and to the honour and expe-
rience and the names of my colleagues. (Cheers.) I wish
I could adequately convey to you what I feel to be the
gravity of the issue. It is a proposition which ought to be
commended in its moderation to all well-judging and dis-
passionate minds. As to the weight of authority the sub-
jecthasbeon seven times solemnly recommendedto the con-
sideration of Parliament by her Majesty. I will take the
party with respect to which it might might most naturally
be supposed they were free to withhold any such declara-
tion—l mean the party led 'by that most distinguished
nobleman whom you all respect as a great Lancashire
nobleman. (Laughter.) The Earl of Derby in 1858 on
assuming Government declared his desire and willingness,
—the willingness of a Government is the desire of a Go-
vernment —to introduce a Reform Bill. Ho introduced it
it was not satisfactory to a majority of the House of Com-
mons, ho dissolved the Parliament. Upon the election of
a new Parliament what did he do ? Did he retire from his
declaration ? No. He said by the mouth of Mr. Disraeli,
" I will do more than I have done. You censured me in
thelast Parliament for not reducing the borough franchise.
lam ready to reduce the borough franchise." Is it pos-
sible to conceive anything more serious and grave in the
face of this great community than such a state of facts ?
Let us recollect the principle on which our Parliament is
constituted. We have a limited constituency which
amounts perhaps to 900,000. There aro four and a half
million of living and breathing men, citizens like ourselves
payers of taxes like ourselves, bound to every civil duty
like ourselves, fathers of families like ourselves, having
an interest in the peace and order of the country like our-
selves, and in the face of these men these solemn pledges
have been given, which pledges there are men who
advise you to cast away with scorn to the winds
of heaven. You will take no such course. (Cheers.) At
all events, I humbly presume to say for myself, for my col-
leagues who aro present, and for my colleagues who are
absent, we will not take any such course. (Loud cheering.)
We aro like travellers who have come to a place whore two
ways meet : our mind is made up to take one way, let
those who choose it take the other. (Cheers.) We are not
willing, and no consideration can make us willing, to sub-
ject the Parliament, the Throne, and the institutions of
this country to a renewal and an accumulation of that dis-
credit which they have already incurred from the miscar-
riage attending the history of this question of Parliamen-
tary Reform. We are met with an allegation which, if it
be true, is perfectly sufficient for its purpose ; its purpose

is to overthrow not only the bill of tho Government, not
only the Government with its bill, but to overthrow the
whole subject of Reform in the sense of the extension of
the franchise—l mean the allegation which was so man-
fully made by Mr. Lowe. (Laughter, and cries of "Oh! oh!")
He has a kind of mania on this• particular subject ; but I
firmly believe that Mr. Lowe is entirely honest in his
opinion, (" No, no !") Lot us see what his opinions are.
He was understood in the House of Commons a few nights
ago to have delivered this opinion—that the labouring
classes of this country wore totally unfit to be intrusted to
any greater extent than at present with the electoral
franchise. Those of the labouring classes who now pos-
sess the franchise were conspicuous for three remarkable
virtues. Their virtues were—ignorance, drunkenness,
venality, and violence. There is a singular parallel to
this quadripartite description of the virtues of the
labouring classes. The ancient philosopher held that
there were four cardinal virtues, which together made up
the character of the perfectly virtuous man—wisdom,
temperance, justice, and fortitude. Let us cantrast
them with the description of Mr. Lowe. The cardinal
virtue of wisdom is represented by ignorance, the cardinal
virtue of justice is represented by venality, the cardinal
virtue of temperance is represented by drunkenness, and,
lastly, the cardinal virtue of fortitude is represented by vio-
lence. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, as I was leaving London
this morning had the advantage of reading a corres-
pondence, which, perhaps, you have read, between Mr.
Lowe and his independent constituency of Caine. I am
almost tempted to propose an interruption in the order of
toasts, and drink a health to Mr. Bishop and the indepen-
dent electors of Caine. (Laughter.) Don't laugh at this.
They represent a really respectable portion of that consti-
tuency. Mr. Bishop challenges Mr. Lowe on his sweeping
condemnation of the working classes, and I was so struck
with Mr. Lowe's answer that I risked losing the train in
order to copy it out. Mr. Lowe is the real leader of the
Opposition. Mr. Disraeli has been exceedingly prudent,
and no member of the Opposition has been allowed to speak
except the most ungovernable and a few exuberant spirits
from Ireland, but on the whole the Opposition have been
reserved, because they have found on the Liberal side men
ready to express sentiments more violent than they them-
selves were ready to give utterance to. Not ono has told
us what he thinks of the character of the working classes
of the country. In a letter iu the Times to-day, Mr. Lowe
says, "I entirely agree with you, gentlemen, as to the pos-
session by largo numbers of the masses of my fellow work-
ing countrymen of great prudence, self-reliance, and per-
severance, and, indeed, of many other qualities to which we
owe the present position of England among the nations of
the world." That is a very satisfactory admission, but it
draws a singular picture. It statesthat the labouring classes
who, wo are told are ignorant, venal, drunken, and violent,
have among them men of self-reliance and perseverance to
whom England owes her present position among the nations
of the world. There is an implication there that the franchise
exercises a very corrupt influence over the unenfranchised
labouring man, and that to the u nenfranchised England owes
the virtues which have given her station in the world. I
find in Mr. Lowe's letter, after representing the vices of
the working men, this extraordinary passage :—" I should
consider it very unfair to the working men who have
already achieved this honourable distinction to mix them
up with others who may not have exercised the same pru-
dence and self-denial ;" that is to say, that they are
brought out of the same category of the virtuous man whom
Mr. Lowe, in the exercise of his judgment, describes as
ignorant, drunken, venal, and violent. Is that allegation
true ? What is the alternative ? Perhaps some of you
have seen a notice that on Thursday, the 12th of April,
when it will be my duty to move the second reading of the
bill in the House of Commons—(loud cheering) —a motion
is to be made which declares—it is not important what it
declares—no man cares what it declares—l don't suppose
any man knows what it declares. (Laughter.) It is not
what it declares, but what it does not declare, that is the
real question. It says something about intense anxiety to
know what is the whole intention of the Government, as if
we, without further reference to Parliament, were to settle
the question of the representation of the people. But what
it really means is this. There are few who have the
courage of Mr. Lowe—courage for which I honour him,
courage for which I greatly honour him, till I read his
letter. There are are few men who can be induced to stand
up in the House of Commons and speak in that way. The
meaning of the motion is this—" We don't know how to
get rid of it by direct means, and therefore we will resort
to indirect means." Yet in that motion it has been thought
prudent to insert a consolatory parenthesis. It says, "That
this house"—l don't believe that this house will say any-
thing of the kind—(cheers)—" that this house, while ready
to consider with a view to its settlement the question of
Parliamentary representation." Gentlemen, how often do
you usually in business transactions allow a man to renew
a bill. (Laughter.) The measure has been considered by
five Governments, and been mentioned in seven Queen's
Speeches. The question now is, Is there a serious propo-
sal ? All wo can do is to step ourselves upon it. The
matter will rest with the country. Whatever word we can
speak,whatever act we can do, is solemnly pledged, and long
ago. It rests with that public of which you form an im-
portant part to determine what shall be the issue. We call
upon you to say whetheryou aro satisfied with this attempt
for the seventh or eighth time to put off that which I shall
best describe in Liverpool as a mere renewal of a bill.
(Cheers.) But, gentlemen, this is a serious matter. I
frankly say that during the 34 years that have elapsed since
the Reform Act, the proceedings of the various Parlia-
ments by which you have been represented have been in
general most honourable to their good faith, patriotism,
and energy, but there is one dark spot on the record. I
do not say on whom the blame rests. I may myself de-
serve a share in it which Ido not disclaim. There is, I say,
one dark spot on the record, and that history will not fail
to note, and will say that Parliament, which behaved well
in all other things, was below its duties and its pledges
with respect to Parliamentary Reform. The moderation
of the proposal which we have made (for moderate we
conceive it to be) was intended in the first instance to se-
cure these primary objects, to disarm honest misapprehen-
sion, and without reference to party interests to close a
question which, if longer kept open, will become full of
danger—how full of danger we have had during the last
few days a familiar illustration. Until within the last few
days it was the fashion to say that the whole country cared
nothing for the bill. Within the last few days a gentle-
man—l cannot call him a wise man, but I will call him the
next thing to it, a wiseacre—(laughter)—ho was a special
constable in 1848, but I hope that the country had special
constables on that occasion of greater nerve, for he is ac-
tually calling out for protection to members of Parliament
in order that they may go down to the house and give
their votes free from intimidation. There is no pleasing
them; they pass from one extreme to another with a
rapidity which cannot be described ; but there is this
truth in the matter, that the danger of stirring up from
the depth of the slough of reproach has been left to
others. We ourselves have but one duty to perform,
having to abide by our programme, and to shrink from
no responsibility which the demands of the country make
legitimate. To do that is our only rule of action—namely, to
make the success of this measure our whole and sole object,
and so proposing it to ourselves to leave the issue of the
cause in the hands of the great British public. (Loud and
general cheering, in the midst of which the right hon,
gentleman resumed his seat.)
The next toast was " The House of Lords," to which
the Duke of ARGYLL responded. He observed that the
House of Lords had never stood higher in the respect of
the public than it did at the present moment, and he was
convinced that in dealing with the Reform Bill of the Go-
vernment, of which he made an elaborate defence, the
House of Lords would give it a calm and dispassionate
consideration, and place themselves still higher in the
esteem and admiration of their fellow-countrymen.
The next toast was that of " The House of Commons."
Mr. GOSCILEN, in responding, said—After the speeches
made, and the wishes expressed, I take your kindness to
mean that you take an interest in the improvement of the
House of Commons rather than that you are satisfied
with its condition, and that you aro anxious that its as-
sembly should be as representative as possible. I take it
to be a constituted principle that it is by representation,
and by that alone, that we can determine what good go-
vernment is. It is unconstitutional to lay down the doc-
trine that the country should be made happy in outswa,y
and not in its own way. (Cheers.) No section of the
country has a right to force down its own idea on the sub-
ject, and if the country will stand or fall by its represen-
tative institutions, it is our bounden duty, unless we desire
to change the character of our institutions and to leave
the interpretation of happiness to enlightened theorists, to
make the Government of the country as representative as
possible. This is our principle, and this is our answer to
the question they put as it was difficult to answer—" Why
do you teach Reform at all ?" Well, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer has touched on the question, but we are scarcely
bound to answer the question, because those on the other
side, we are told, were pledged over and again to the ques-
tion of Reform. (Laughter, applause, and " Hear, hear.")
And now, gentlemen, having been converted on the Reform
question, they call on us to show why we aro not converted
too ? (Laughter.) But there is another tack they take ; they
say the House is hypocritical and not sincere on the subject.
That is a favourite line of argument they take. Mr. Lowe
challenged those who did not believe in Reform to throw
down their false colours and do their duty to their country
by breaking their pledge to their constituents. Well, that
was very appropriate, because it was before the new elec-
tion, and before the renewal of the pledges ; but now that
Parliament has sat seven weeks, and not seven years, for
any one to come to the House of Commons and say " Your
pledges are insecure and hypocritical, and you should listen
to me," is a piece of political seduction of the most extraor-
dinary character, and on in extraordinary scale. (Cheers.)
Well, not all are pledged to Reform ; this new section touches
all Reform Bills, including Lord Derby's. I don't say Mr.
Lowe is acting with the Conservative party ; because I
don't see how he can do so, for ho told us only a few days
ago that he was against all religious tests whatever. How
then, bravely and honestly, can he join a party which
which strains every nerve to retain and perpetuate these
tests ? (Cheers.) Surely, in a country proud of its institu-
tions, we may hold fast to the principle that there are advan-
tages to be derived from broadening the basis and deepen-
ing the foundations of the Constitution beyond those to be

derived from any paternal legislation, however benevolent.
We may be silent on the question of justice and right.
We may fall in with the whim of those who call it senti-
mental
rant to speak warmly of the working classes, but for
whom no extravagance of expression is too wild in speak-
ing of the British lion. (Laughter.) We may be silent as
regards the anti-democratic character of the working
classes, and the claims they may have to the franchise. I
believe that widening the electoral basis will give Parlia-
ment a greater hold over the country, and that the ques-
tion may be argued on the grounds of expediency alone, for
the strength of the Government depends on the faith which
it inspires in the people. (Cheers.) I believe that a broader
electoral basis will create additional support to the foreign
policy of the country by making a larger portion of the na-
tion parties to the adoption of that policy, and in all time
of doubt increasing the guarantee that the action of Par-
liament will be in harmony with the sympathies of the great
body of the people. I believe that a broader electoral basis
will strengthen the effort.-, of Parliament on behalf of edu-
cation, and overcome the difficulties with which that ques-
tion is now surrounded. The greatest danger in this coun-
try is not that classes should make war on each other, but
that they should be ignorant of each other, deficient in
sympathy and in that confidence which is engendered by
the joint discussion of separate interests. There was a time
when the upper classes were ignorant of the middle classes,
and when there was a great gulf between land and trade.
That ignorance was removed, that gulf was bridged over
by the firstßeform Bill in 1832. Should this bill become law
Earl Russell will be able to say at the close of his illustrious
• career—" I began my work by building a bridge to span
the gulf which separated trade from land. I have ended
my work by building a bridge to unite labour with both."

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

NEWMARKET CRAVEN MEETING—TIIURSDAY.
With finer weather than on any of the previous days o'
the week, although a smart shower fell during the after.
noon, the racing of to-clay was pleasant, and its character
more important than even on Tuesday (the Handicap day).
The attendance was very good, and a deal of speculation
rendered tho various events particularly interesting. Racing
commenced at ono o'clock with a Sweepstakes over the
Criterion Course for three-year-olds ; but of the five sub-
scribers only two animals went to the post—King Hal being
so strongly fancied, from the immense form of the Dane-
bury stable, that 2 to 1 was freely laid on the Marquis of
Hastings's colt, but the odds were as freely accepted by the
fielders, who imagined that if it came to a struggle Bertie
would prove the gamest. These anticipations, however,
were not realised; for the latter, when called upon for a
final struggle, shut up in a very cowardly manner. The
principal race of the week, the seventh Newmarket Bien-
nial Stakes, was contested for by 11 of the 12 " coloured "
on the card, the presence of The Duke, Sydmonton, and
Archimedes investing it with more than ordinary interest.
But even in the face of such formidable antagonists The
Duke was a very hot favourite, level money being accepted
immediately the betting opened ; nor were his followers
daunted by the demand for odds, and large sums were in-
vested at 5t04 on him. It will be seen that the race was
never in doubt, as The Duke, pulling over his opponents
all the way, cut down Sydmonton, the only horse who
made the show of a fight, in the easiest manner, and won
by two lengths. Lord Glasgow's popular colours were
carried triumphantly past the post iu The Sweepstakes
over the Rowley Mile, by a colt by brother to Bird on the
Wing, out of Rapid Rhone's dam, and the success of the
" crimson and white " attracted the attention of backers
to his lordship's chanco in the Two Thousand, and the
Maid of Masham colt, stable companion of the winner,
would have been backed for The Guineas at 25 to 1, but
20 to 1 was the highest offer. The invincible Gladiateur
walked over for the Claret Stakes, and concluded a pleasant
day's racing, full particulars of which are appended. During
the afternoon Auguste was backed for the Two Thousand
at 1,000 to 80, and the Derby at 1,000 to 40, but immediately
the racing concluded, a decidedly hostile movement was
observable, 1,000 to 70 for the first event, and 1,000 to 30
for the Derby being freely offered against the stable com-
panion of Gladiateur. The following are the returns :
Sweepstakes of 50 sovs each, h ft, for 3-year-olds ; colts,
Bst 101 b ; fillies, Bst 61b ; winners extra. Criterion course
(6 furlongs). 5 subs.
Marquis of Hastings's King Hal, Bst 131 b (inc. 31b ex.)
(Cannon) 1
Mr. H. Chaplin's Bertie, Bst 131 b (inc. 31b ex.) (Custance) 2
Betting-2 to lon King Hal, who waited on Bertie to
half way up the rails, when the favourite, who ran very
unkindly, quitted Bertie (who also ran ungenerously at the
finish), and won by two lengths.
The Seventh Newmarket Biennial Stakes of 10 soya each,
with 100 added, for four-yr-olds ; colts, Bst IMb ; fillies,
Bst 61b ; with certain penalties and allowances. D. I.
(2 miles 105 yards). 79 subs.
Marquis of Hastings's The Duke, Bst 101 b (Cannon) 1
Lord Portsmouth's Sydmonton, Bst 101 b (Wells) '2
Mr. F. Pryor's Friday, Bst 1011 (Custance) 3
The following also ran : —King Charming, Ostreger,
Advance, Argences, Love Apple, Haarlem, Archimedes,
and Alexandra.
Betting-5 to 4on The Duke, sto 1 agst Archimedes,
6 to 1 agst Sydmonton, 10 to 1 agst Friday, 100 to 6 agst
Love Apple, and 100 to 5 agst Ostreger. Upon the lot
being despatched Advance, Archimedes, Friday, and Syd-
monton showed the way, with a slight advantage of The
Duke, who, in the centre of the course, headed the others.
The pace being slow, the lot, with the exception of Alex-
andra, who dropped into the rear in the first 200 yards,
kept close order to the turn of the lands, where Archimedes
disappeared from the front, and The Duke, mending the
pace, ran along side of Sydmonton. In the next 200 yards
Advance, who had been leading, suddenly retired, leaving
Lord Portsmouth's horse in command, attended by The
Duke and Friday till ate' entering the rails, when Cannon
let out the favourite, who at once took the lead, which he
retained to the end, and won easily by two lengths ; Friday
a bad third ; Love Apple, many lengths off, fourth; King
Charming, Ostreger, and Archimedes, at wide intervals,
next ; Haarlem and Alexandra, beaten off, walked in.
The Abingdon Stakes of 40 sovs each, h ft, for two-yr-old
fillies, Bst 101 b each ; with certain penalties and allow-
ances. Last half of Ab M. 12 subs.
Mr. Pardon's Fair Weather, Bst 71b (Loates) 1
Mr J. Woolcott's Blush Rose, Bst 71b (Challoner) 2
Mr. Chaplin's Problem, 9st llb (inc Mb ex) ...(Custance) 3
Botting-5 to 4 agst Fair Weather, 11 to 8 agst Problem,
and 4to 1 agst Blush Rose. The latter jumped off in
front, followed by Problem with Fair Weather, who ran
very green in the rear. After proceeding about half the
distance, the three took close order, but on entering the
cords Problem gave way, and a fine race home ended in
favour of Fair Weather by a neck, Blush Rose defeating
Problem by a similar distance for second place.
Handicap Plate of 50 sovs, for three-yr-olds and upwards.
A.F. (1 mile 2 furlongs 73 yards).
Baron Rothschild's Guinivere, 4 yrs, 7st 71b (Peake) 1
Mr. Hughes's Melinda, 3 yrs, 6st 41b (Huxtable) 2
Mr. T. Stephenson's Jolly Jack, 3 yrs, sst 121 b (Gibbons) 3
The following also ran : —The Lizard, La Dauphine,
Duplicity, Royal Tartan, and Tambourine.
Betting-7 to 4 agst Guinivere, sto 1 agst Royal Tartan,
and 100 to 15 (at first sto 2) agst Tambourine. The
favourite made play throughout, and won in a canter by
four lengths ; Jolly Jack a bad third ; Tambourine and La
Dauphine next.
Sweepstakes of 50 sovs each, for three-yr-olds ; colts, Bst
101 b; fillies, Bst 51b ; with penalties and maiden allow-
ances. R.M. (1 mile 17 yards). 5 subs.
Lord Glasgow's Rapid Rhone's darn c, Bst 51b(Challoner) 1
Prince D. Soltykoff's Duke of York, Bst 51b...(J. Mann) 2
Mr. W. Morris's Ambition, Bst 51b (J. Daley) 3
Betting—Even on Ambition, and 7 to 4 agst Rapid
Rhone' dam's c, who made all the running, and won easily
by three lengths. Ambition beaten off.
Sweepstakes of 25 sovs each, for for two-yr-olds ; colts, Bst
71b ; fillies, Bst 51b. Last half of Rowley Mile. 5 subs.
Mr. F. Pryor's Verulam, Bst 71b (Loates) 1
Prince D. Sotykoff's Bounceaway, Bst 71b (J. Mann) 2
Betting opened at 6 to 5 agst, but closed at 6 to 5 on,
Verulam, who waited on Bounceaway till within a distance
of tho chair, when he got his head in front and won a good
race by half a length.
Subscription Plate of 50 sovs, for three-yr-olds and upwards;
weights for age, with selling allowances. D.M. 7 fur.
210 yards.
Mr. York's Kingmaker, 3 yrs, Cst 121 b, £l5O (H. Covey) 1
Mr. Perry's Hollyfox, 5 yrs, 9st 41b, £3OO (Loates) 2
Mr. S. Thelluson's Lord Douglas, .5 yrs, Bst 101 b, £l5O
(Deacon) 3
The following also ran :—Catalogue, lona, War Cloud,
and Whalebone.
Betting-6 to 4on Kingmaker, sto 2 agst Whalebone,
and 10 to 1 bar two. Kingmaker and Hollyfoxlay in front
throughout, the former winning in a canter by five lengths;
Hollyfox (who ran very unkindly at the finish, and swerved
across the course) defeated Lord Douglas by a head for
second place. Whalebone was fourth, War Cloud next,
lona beaten off.
Sweepstakes of 100 soya each, h ft, for three-yr-olds ; colts,
Bst 101 b ; fillies, Bst 61b. D.M. 7 furlongs 210 yards.
6 subs.
Mr. Merry's The Primate, Bst 101 b (B. Covey) w.o.
The Aske Produce Stakes of 50 soya each, h ft, for three-
yr-olds; colts, Bst 101 b ; fillies, Bst 71b ; certaix allow-
ances. D.M. 7 furlongs 210 yards. 3 subs.
Mr. Savile's Leybourne, Bst 101 b (Custance) w.o.
The Claret Stakes of 200 sovs each, h ft, for four-yr-olds;
colts, Bst 101 b ; fillies, Bst Sib ; the owner of the second
to save his stake. D.I. 2 miles 105 yards. 7 subs.
Count F. de Lagrange's Gladiateur, Bst 101 b
(H. Grimshaw) w.o.
Lord Stamford's Archimedes saved his stake.

CATTERIrK-BRIDGE RACES.—THURSDAY.
Tho Craven Handicap of 5 sous each, with 30 added. One

mile.
Pedant (late Alumnus), 3 yrs, 7st 131 b (J. Snowden) 1
Vagrant, 4 yrs, 9st 41b (Batel 2
Arabia, 4 yrs, Bst 81b .............................. W pram 3
Dart, 3 yrs, Bst
Cores, 4 yrs, Bst 21b .............................. (N . Martin) 5
Betting-6 to 4 agst Vagrant, 4to 1 agst Dart, sto 1
agst Pedant, 6 to 1 agst Arabia, and 8 to 1 agst Ceres.
Won by three lengths ; a length between second and
third ; a bad fourth.
The Eighteenth Easby Triennial Produce Stakes of 10
soya each, for two-yr-olds—colts, 8t 101 b fillies, Bst

Pedant (late Alumnus), 3 yrs, ist 81b (in c. 71b ex.)(Carroll 1
Bachelor, 3 yrs, 6st 81b • • (Cameron 2
The Count, 5 yrs, 7st 31b (Dunbar 3
Festival and Deerhound also ran.
- -

Betting-6 to 4 agst Pedant, 3to 1 agst Festival, 4to 1
agst Deerhound, 6 to 1 agst Bachelor, 10 to 1 agst The
Count. Won by a length ; a bad third. Deerhound threw
her rider.
The Sixteenth Triennial Produce Stakes of 10 sovs each,
for 4-yr-olds ; colts Bst 101 b, fillies Bst Glb. Two miles.
Eight subs.
Lord Zetland's St. Magnus, Bst 1011) ~.(J. Snowden) w. o.

YORK SPRING MEETING—MAY 10.
Acceptances for the Great Northern Handicap of 200 sovs.
in specie, added to a sweepstakes of 20 sovs each. Two
miles, over the Old Course.

Ago st lb
Regalia ... ... 4 9 0
Cambuscan 5 8 12
Brown Bread ... 4 8 9
Cathedral ... ... 5 8 7
Moulsey ... 5 8 7
East Lancashire ... 5 8 4
Windham ... ... 5 8 3
Raglan ... ... 6 7 13
Buckfoot 5 7 12
Friday ... 4 7 11
Lion 4 7 10
Salpinctes ... 1 7 10
Dalby ... 5 7 10
Redcap 5 7 9
Success ... ... 4 7 6
Harry Brailsford ... 4 7 5
Pintail ... ... 5 7 4
Watchbox 4 7 2
Bradaniante 5 7 2
Ghillie Callum 5 7 0

Age st lb
Zenobia, 4 6 9
St. Magnus ... 4 6 8
Esca 3 6 6
Treasure Trove ... 3 6 5
Dubiety ... 4 6 4
Staghound ... 3 6 2
Aldcroft ... 3 6 0
Miss Haworth ... 3 6 0
Fitzroy ... 3 6 0
The Czar ... 3 6 0
Miss Williams ... 3 513
Cranmore ... 3 5 12
Savernake, by Van
Galen—Vacuna... 3 5 12
Hawks well 3 5 11
El Cid ... 3 5 7
Dolan ... 3 5 7
Duty Free... 3 5 7
BlackPrince(J.Day) 3 5 7
Dark Agnes ~. 3 5 7

HORSES STRUCK OUT OF THEIR ENGAGE-

MENTS.

March 30, at 9 a.m., Robin Hood and Pas de
Charge, out of 3-yr-old Biennial, Newmarket.
Alarch 31, at 9 a.m., Contraband, Lord of
Eltharn, and Chesterfield, out of 7th Biennial,
Newmarket. _

March 31, after 6 p.m., Harefield, out of New-
market Handicap.
April 1, at 5 55 p.m., Beatrix and Alerte, out of
all engagements.
April 2, at 8 p.m., Mazeppa, out of 3-yr-old
Biennial, Newmarket.
April 3, at 9 a.m., all Mr. F. Watt's horses, out
of Catterick engagements.
April 3, at 9 a.m., Dutchman, out of Grand Na-
tional Steeplechase.
April 3, at 11 15 a.m., Wild Agnes, out of her en-
gagements in the Craven Meeting.
April 3, at 12 30 p.m., Bigote, out of City and
Suburban.
April 3, at 12 30 p.m., Whalebone, out of New-
market handicap.
April 3, at 12 30 p.m., Fitzroy, out of Newmarket
Two-yr-old Plate.
April 3, at 12 30 p.m., Vandunck, out of all en
gagements.
April 4, at 10 15 a.m., Roland, out of Prince of
Wales's Stakes, Newmarket Ist Spring Meeting and
City and Suburban, Epsom Spring.
April 5, at 2 18 p.m., Turnham Green, out of en-
gagements at Crewkerne.