The Sun.
London, England, 1832-10-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT EDF TIMTPI7I3LIC JOURNALS.

Again we hear, forage hundredth time, through
- -

what we must presuM.e to be an official an-
nouncement, that coercive measures against
Holland are determined on, and that a French
and English combined fleet are to sail to block-
ade the Dutch ports. It is curious enough,
and like all the inexplicable matters connected
with the proceedings of the Conference, that it
is only when the season of fogs and storms is
about to set in a determination should be taken
to send out a fleet to blockade the ports and
rivers of Holland. Where every thing has been
so mystified, a preference of foggy weather for
naval manoeuvring is quite in character ; but no-
thing is said about the more effective way of
proceeding, if the Allies really desire to reduce
the right of Belgian independence from a theory
to a fact, by enforcing the evacuation of the
Belgic territory by the Dutch, and which no
other means can so readily accomplish as the
sending a French army over the borders. That
army being already hovering over Belgium,
ready for active service, the evacuation of the
citadel of Antwerp might possibly be effected
before the combined fleet could appear off
the coast. Looking at the strange and
awkward position in which this country is
now placed, by the interference of our Mini-
stry in a quarrel of which they ought to have stu-
diously kept clear, we think the advice which we
gave to Government, from the beginning, to ab-
stain from intervention in the dispute of Holland
and Belgium, was, at least, somewhat wiser than
the 'interineddling policy which has negotiated
affairs into so much confusion, by the way of
preserving peace, as to make war inevitable.
If war with Holland be indeed resolved upon,
what a situation does it place England in? A
commercial nation, which has already brought
itself so near the verge of bankruptcy by wan-
tonly indulging the passion for military glory,
enters into a conflict with one of its best custo-
mers, without having any original cause of quar-
rel on its own part with the people of whom it
becomes the assailant. In such a contest nei-
ther honour nor profit is to be reaped. On the
contrary, great damage must be inflicted on
British trade to obtain an object in which Eng-
land has no interest equal to those interests which
it sacrifices. The more clearly it is shown to
us that the Belgian question cannot be settled
without war, the more are we convinced of the
impolicy of our Government mixing itself up in
the quarrel at all. In the case of Poland, though
bound by a solemn treaty to protect her inde-
pendence, we allowed the utter extinction of that
nation by the ruffian violence of the Autocrat of
Russia. We allowed the barbarian conqueror
to insult us by setting aside, of his own
will, the quintuple treaty of Vienna. Our
cry was then non-intervention. Though,
if we made any exception to a pacific line of
policy, the Poles had not only stronger claims
upon our assistance, but were incomparably more
deserving of our active support than the Bel-
gians. Not only did we refuse all succour or
sympathy to that gallant people, but we actually
paid large sums of money, which we had no
right to pay, to enable Russia to proceed in her
detestable and exterminating enterprise. A fleet
to the Baltic, and cutting off the supplies, would
have saved history the shame of recording the
consummation of the crimes of the Northern
Barbarian against Poland, in the full blaze of
the boasted intelligence and civilisation of the
nineteenth century ! While Russia does all she
can to discourage the importation of British
goods, and, in a great many instances, prohibits
them altogether, Holland, we say, is one of our
best customers. She has, since the Belgian re-
volution, reduced the duties on many articles of
our merchandize from thirty to five or six per
cent. We supply Holland with great quantities
of our cotton, iron-work, cloth, coal, &c. ; and
her ships are laden with our commodities for her
colonial market. Why, then, bring ourselves into
a position in which we must become the derision of
Europe for our impotent menaces, or enter a war,
in which to injure Holland we must still more
seriously injure ourselves, and cut off some of
the few remaining resources of profitable com-
merce ? As to the members of the Holy Al-
liance, by getting into whose company we
brought ourselves into this most unpleasant pre-
dicament, they have deceived us so long and so
often that no reliance can be placed upon their
engagement. Even the Treasury scribes, who used
to assure the public so solemnly of the honourable
intentions of the despotic Powers, now admit that
they have been all along pursuing a deceitful
and treacherous course of policy ; and that it
is only the threats of England of resisting their
projects that has brought them to reason. It is a
pity that our Government did not threaten with
such good effect before all the mischief which
their machinations have now produced in Eu-
rope was done. We have said, and now repeat
it, that those Powers have encouraged rather
than resisted Holland in her opposition to the
decrees of the Conference all along. If they
now effect to give consent to coercive measures,
it is to cloak some design connected with, their
great object of deceiving and circumventing both
France and England.—Morning Herald.
We learn from the Ministerial Journals a con-
firmation of our worst fears. To the embarrass-
ments of domestic insolvency, to the horrors of
internal dissension, the burthens and the blood-
shed of foreign warfare are now to be added.
Our Whig rulers have accomplished their des-
tiny ; they have completed their last title to the
scorn and distrust of every honest Englishman.
They had already sacrificed many principles, vio-
lated many pledges, betrayed many trusts.
Economists, they had squandered the public
treasure with an unprecedented profusion ; Con-
servative Reformers, they had effected what their
own pens had by anticipation painted as a revo-
lution ; declaimers against patronage, they had
disgusted even their pensioned advocates by
the shameless indecency of their nepotism.
One wreath was yet to be ' won. Babblers
against interference with foreign Powers—
metaphor-makers about the benefits and beauties
of peace—they are now closing the inter-
ference of Protocols by the interference of
three-deckers, and proving their pacific disposi-
tions by unfurling the banner of unjust and un-
holy war. To the Whigs, indeed, it will not
appear either unjust or unholy. They have a
logic by which the bombardment of Antwerp be-
comes perfectly consistent with equity and more.
lity :—.‘. Justum est helium, quibus necessa-
riuni ; pia arena, quibus nulla nisi in ariclis re-
linquitztr sees." To Lord Palmerston this war
is just ; for it is the necessary consequence of
a series of false steps, the like of which we
seek in vain through every written record of di-
plomatic folly and diplomatic fraud. To Lord
Palmerston these arms Ware holy ; for, save in
them, he has no hope of escape from the meshes
in which he has entangled himself by his own
tortuous policy, by the imbecility with which
he has conciliated the -mighty, by the arro-

gance with which he has dictated to the
weak, by the fickleness with which he has aban-
doned the right, and by the obstinacy with which
he has allied himself to the wrong. But
the King and his people are guiltless of
the incapacity and the perfidy of the Whig ne-
gotiations. Why . must their fair fame be tar-
nished and their depressed resources exhausted
in the conflict which these negotiations have pro-
duced ?—lf the Times is to be believed, his
Majesty is
.understood to have said, when the
resolution of the Cabinet was submitted to him,
" I see clearly that it cannot be helped—it must
he done." And the Times is of opinion that in
using these words, " expressive at once of his regret
at the obstinacy of the Dutch King, and of his firm-
ness in supporting the national honour, his Ma-
jesty has acquired an additional claim to our re-
spect and gratitude." If the reporter of the re-
volutionary journal has indeed access to the pri-
vacy of the Palace, and commits to his ready
note-book the comments upon passing events
which fall from the King's lips in con-
fidential communication with his servants,
we question whether his interpretation have
all the accuracy of his tale. The words he
attributes to our Sovereign are truly expres-
sive of regret ; that regret, however, is surely
excited in the mind of an English Prince,
not by the firmness with which the ally of Eng-
land has resisted spoliation and wrong, but by
the lamentable position in which England her-
self is placed—a position in which she can neither
recede without humiliation nor advance without
guilt. In old time we should have deemed it
sin to doubt in any difficulty, in any danger, the

triumph of the skill and the valour of our coun-
trymen. But we look upon the battle which is
about to be joined with none of the confident
exultation of the Times. " The Conference,"
says the Times, in an article in which it ventures
" to take credit to itself for the steadiness with
which it has pointed the views of the public to
their present result "—" the Conference are re-
solved that the peace of Europe shall no longer
he threatened by one of its weakest States."
We are old fashioned enough to think probity of
intention and rectitude of conduct essential to
national strength ; and therefore it is with fear
and anxiety that we pray our struggle with one
of the weakest of the European States may not
be as humiliating in its result as it is unjust in
its outset.—Morning Post.
We have • received the Edinburgh Review

for October, which contains an article on the
" 'Working and Prospects of Reform," that may
be considered to embrace, pretty accurately, the
views of Ministers with reference to our do-
mestic affairs. The chief object of the writer
is to show the unreasonableness of the complaint
urged against
.Ministers, more particularly in
the southern part of the island. It strikes us
that there is too great a disposition to forget
what Ministers have done, and to expect more
from them, than, under existing circumstances,
they can do. But we will allow the Reviewer
to speak for himself:—
" It is the right of the people not only to be well and
cheaply governed, but as well and as cheaply governed as
possible. It is reasonable as well as natural, that they
should be impatient of any unnecessary delay in beginning
those great and necessary improvements. But it is
neither natural nor reasonable to require them all to be
brought forward at once. It is in the highest degree un-
reasonable to complain of •any one being postponed, with-
out considering what are effected ; and it is altogether
senseless to clamour for more measures than there is time
to discuss. Yet we cannot help being apprehensive that
some such feeling as this is rising in the country ; because
we find it strongly directed to the proceedings of last
Session, even while the old unreformed Parliament was
the arbiter of every matter propounded. How constantly

was it said ' Nothing has been done for tie abuses that

prevail on every side: Yet no one attempts to remove
them ; and the Government, engrossed with the Reform
Bill, cares for no other measure.' Never, since Parlia-
ment had an existence, was there a charge more ground-
With all their sins, neither the Government nor the

Parliament can be accused of having done too little, in
spite of the one being engrossed with the Bill, and the
other distracted with changes at home and abroad, of no
ordinary kind; and in spite of both being exhausted with
the unexampled fatigues of the preceding eleven months'
Session. Far from nothing but the Bill having been car-
ried, we will venture to say that more important and sa-
lutary measures wholly unconnected with the Bill received
the sanction of the Legislature than in any other equal
period of time to which our Parliamentary history reaches.
Laying the Reform and eberything connected with it aside,
there were somewhere about a dozen most beneficial
changes effected in the jurisprudence of the country, and
six or seven other improvements in our political system ;
any one of which would in any former Session have been
reckoned a great and happy triumph of sound principles
and enlightened policy.
" We pass over such important improvements as the
consolidation of the Navy Board with the Admiralty—of
the Board of Works with the department of Woods and
Forests—measures which have both abolished much pa-
tronage, saved a large sum yearly to the country, and
greatly facilitated and improved the transaction of public
business in two of its greatest branches. We say nothing
of the improvements in the Irish law relating to tithes,
and to subletting, because these measures may still be said to
excite difference of opinion. Neither shall we dwell upon
merely Consolidating Acts, which, how beneficial soever,
cannot be cited as amendments of the law; although cer-
tainly the Coinage Consolidation, besides repealing fifty-
one Statutes, and branches of Statutes, and reducing the
whole enactments upon the subject to a few simple
clauses, bad the additional merit of making the
offence of coining no longer puniahable capitally. BO
let it be remembered how many important general im-
provements of the law were effected, such as all or almost
411 men now admit well to merit that appellation. The
process in ail personal actions was simplified and made
uniform ; and the foundatinn laid for simplifying and
making uniform the whole practice of opr courts of law.
The process of courts of equity in the different parts of the
IJnited Kingdom was made interchangeable, so as to pre-
vent evasion by. the removal or non-residence of parties.
The like extension was given to the process of the Eccle-
siastical Courts, which, from the variety of local jurisdic-
tions, was before imperfect ; and persons having privileges
of Parliament were subjected, like the rest of the King's
subjects, to the power of those tribunals. Two Courts of
long standing, and one of them at least of great import.
ance—the Scotch Court pf Exchequer, and the English
Court of Delegates—were wholly abolished, and their
functions transferred to other tribunals, where justice may
be had better and cheaper than the latter could give it,
and the scandal connected with the former may be
avoided of a Court of sinecure Judges. Corporations
were prevented from applying their funds, of whatever
descriptions, to defray any expenses connected with elec-
tions. The law was repealed which made it criminal to
study Anatomy or Surgery, and regulations were substi-
tuted in its room, tending tocheck any abuse in procuring
subjects for dissection, while the facilities given for law-
fully pr, secuting such researches must effectually prevent
the atrocities which bad arisen out of the formic state of
our jurisprudence in this respect. The payment of the
Judges was planed upon a better and more Constitutional
footing, and considerably reduced in amount; and the
Chancellor's in particular was made to depend wholly
upon salary, and in no degree upon fees, Twelve or
thirteen large sinecure places too in his Court were
abolished, with an important saving to the public, and a
still more important diminution of patronage. A most
beneficial change was introduced into the law of pre-
scription and limitation of actions, tendirig greatly to
quiet poeseasion, and prevent vexatious claims. In the
two Acts passed upon these branches of jurisprudence,
by far the most important provision is that relating to
Tithes; it is, in truth, a complete nullii* Ternpzts Act
aga'nst the Church. A great improvement in the admi
nistra don of justice in India was introduced by making
natives capable of holding tl.e office of Justice of the
Peace at the Presidencies, and of acting on ,Juries in cases
where they hail before been unwisely excluded; and---to
enumerate no more----the severity, alike impolitic and revolt-
ing to the feelings of mankind, which had been so long
the reproach of the Criminal Law, was mitigated in the
most important particulars in which it remained liable to
this charge—horse and cattle stealing, privately stealing
in the dwelling, and the forging of uegociable and other

securities—all which offences have now ceased to be pu-
nishable with death. All this was done by the lat Session
of the last unreformed Parliament, over and above the
Act for its ..own Reformation ; and as we may safely defy
any one to show another Session iu which more good was
accomplished, we think, if any Session of the Reformed
Parliament should deserve as well of the country, that no
gr•at ground of complaint will be given."
The Reviewer observes with regard to the fu-
ture, that the chief parts of Government and Le-
gislation must, notwithstanding every improve-
ment, be still in the hands of a few ; and " it

therefore becomes physically impossible that
many measures of importance should be dis-
cussed and matured in the course of a single
Session. Thus, if the East India Charter, the
Batik Charter, and the West India question are
all brought forward together, it is difficult to per-
ceive how time and strength can remain for dis-
cussing the Irish Tithes—a subject that presses
most of any; and the English Church Reform,
which can hardly be delayed, if that of the
Irish Church must be immediately settled."
After alluding to about ten other questions,
the Reviewer observes, it is manifest that if more
than a few of them are crowded into one Session,

they must be disposed of without sufficient deli-
beration. Some of the measures in the cata-
logue of the last Session may be dwelt on fully
as much as their importance deserves, and we
believe one or two of these stated to have been
introduced—as the Indian Justice of Peace
Scheme, for instance—were anything but im-
provements. Still there is much truth in the
observations of the Reviewer. Sufficient allow-
ance is not made for the difficulties of Ministers ;
and there prevails rather too great a disposition,
in spite of their honesty of intention as proved
by the Reform Bill, to lower them to the level
of those who, if they had their will, would have
deluged the country with blood rather than con-
sent to a Reform. We shall return to this
subject.—Morning Chronicle.
It had long become obvious to every body,
that the feverish uneasiness produced here and
on the continent by the unrepressed arrogance
and stubbornness of the House of Nassau, must

inevitably, if continued longer, plunge all
Europe into war. The Belgians, provoked by
repeated disappointment and acknowledged in-
jury, and the French people by that sense of
deep humiliation with which the failure of all

the most favoured objects of their foreign policy
had stung them, would, in spite of their re.•
spective Governments, without the sanction of
England, and at the risk of direct hosility from
the despotic Courts, have shortly attempted by
open force to expel the Dutch garrison from
Antwerp,—a step of which the results must be

incalculable. Much folly has been talked by
the factious opposition press in this country
about the shame of taking part with France
against Holland, our ancient and beloved ally,
and thus imitating the vileness of Charles 11.
Now Charles IL leagued himself with Louis
XIV. in a war undertaken by the latter for the
invasion and conquest of the United Provinces,
an enterprise of which the immediate conse-
quence was, to break up the existing tranquil-
lity of Europe, involving Germany as well as
France, England, and Holland in the quarrel—
an enterprise, moreover, the success of which
appeared to every human judgment certain,
Louis in a short period seized upon three of the
Dutch provinces out of seven, and of which
the subsequent defeat may be looked upon as
all but miraculous. What, besides, was the mo-
tive of Charles 11. for this monstrous accession

to a wicked scheme for extingishing the Dutch
Government and nation ? Corruption. He
sold Europe and England for a bribe from the
French Court, to enable him to prosecute a
course of guilty pleasures—a baseness worthy
only of a Stuart of the 17th century, or a
boroughmonger of the 19th. What is there in
common between the present policy of William
IV., and that so justly reprobated of Charles
11., in their motives, principles, or pos-
sible results ? We have already said that a
joint armament of France aand England is on
the point of proceeding to the Scheldt. Is that
for any project of selfish aggrandizement in fa-
vour of France, and to the detriment of Hol-
land ? Is it an armament calculated to inspire
the rest of Europe with jealousy, by altering in
any respect those relations between neighbour-
ing States which have been fixed and established
by the consent of all the leading European
Powers, as tinder all the circumstances of the
period, essential to the well-being of the whole
community of nations? Manifestly not. All
Europe has agreed upon the separation of Bel-
gium and Holland ; both those countries esteem
themselves benefited by it. In order to effect

this object in the only way advantageous to
all parties, and therefore likely to be du-
rable, a certain demarcation of territory
was settled, as necessary for the equal indepen-
deuce of both countries. Under this head of ar-
rangement, Antwerp was recognized to be, what
it always had been, a part of the Belgic, not of
the Dutch, dominions; and the navigation of
the Scheldt was declared to be free from the
odius monopoly once inflicted on it, and on the
commerce of all maritime nations, in the year
1648, by the treaty of Westphalia. The con-
quest of Holland by France, and formal extinc-
tion of Dutch national sovereignty, had virtually
abrogated the above treaty. The peace of Vienna
did so formally, imposing conditions upon the
King of Belgium, whereby the navigation of the
Scheldt and the trade of Antwerp ought to have
been as open as that of the waters which serve the
commerce of Amsterdam, Rotterdam, &c. The
freedom of the Scheldt, and the incorporation
of Antwerp with Belgium under King
Leopold, has, over and over again within
these two years, been solemnly stipulated by
the acts of all Europe—save of William of
Nassau only—as an essential portion of the law
of Europe, and the execution of that provision of
the Conference is avowedly held by every one of
its members as indispensable to the settlement of
the European world. Then why is a combined
fleet to be despatched to the Scheldt ? Is it for
any purpose of separate ambition, like that of
Louis XIV. ? No, but for the effectual re-
moval of an obstacle to the maintenance of peace,
which in a short time might be found insur-
mountable,—namely, the stubborn aggression of
the Dutch King upon the recognized territory
and s jpulated rights of Belgium, which, so
long as it shall be endured
in fact by those
Powers which have so repeatedly and una-
nimouslyieav
e the peace
condemned o
f theit
Continent worth a i n principle, will never
week's purchase. It is, then, with the general
assent of Europe to an indisputable proposition,
that England and France have at length begun to
enforce their own principles and those of their
allies. We do not say that all the allied Powers
have concurred in the treaty of the Conference
without great unwillingness and regret. They
have, in truth, given way to nothing less than
the sense of an overruling necessity ; and under
the same moral coercion is it that England, at
the eleventh hour, and after numerous earnest

and fruitless endeavours to prevail upon the
Dutch Sovereign by amicable means, has finally
resolved to set the matter at rest. That the Bri-
tish Government would have been fully justi-
fied in taking this course more than twelve
months ago, all reasonable men are persuaded.
The occupation of Antwerp, and Dutch pre-
tension relative to the Scheldt, had become an
ulcer in the heart of Europe. The never-ending
protocols were laughed at every where—they were
especially held in derision by the Conservatives of
this kingdom, and they, at least—we mean the
scoffers at an hesitation to act, which ought to
have been looked upon as an evidence of the
mild, forbearing, and tolerant spirit of Lord
Grey's Government,—can least of all men now,
with any consistency, turn round and upbraid
that Government with hastiness or precipitation
in its measures for recalling Holland to her
senses. As for the mode of executing this un-
avoidable measure, the wisest policy will be to
present to the King of Holland a force so ut-
terly irresistible, that he must resign at once all
thoughts of resistance as abortive. Antwerp
and the Scheldt being free, we are not aware of
any further question that need now of necessity
embroil the States of Europe with each other.
But it is clear as light, that so long as Holland
shall be suffered to stand out against the general
interest and policy,—so long the idol, peace,
Often worshipped more in name than substance,
can never for one moment be secure.—Times.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HO USE.

On Saturday, John Lilies, a seaman, who is
believed to be a returned transport, was brought be-
fore the LORD MAYOR.

Mr. Bennet, the tailor and draper, who resides at
the bottom of Prince's-street, near the Bank, stated
that about four years ago he lost a son at sea, under
very singular and awful circumstances. In March,
1828, the young man went on beard the Illoodlark,
at Hobart Town, for the purpose of coming to
Europe. The vessel was lost off the rocks of New
Holland, but he, along with seventeen others, were
saved, after having experienced for twenty-eight
days at sea, in a small boat, the most inconceivable
hardships. Having reached Batavia, he took an-
other passage homeward, in the Frederick, which
left that place on the 22d of June following, but
never was heard of afterwards, and no doubt all on
board perished, for not a syllable about him had
reached any person at all interested in his safety.—
The loss, of course, became less severe by the ope-
ration of time, when suddenly in walked the de-
fendant, a day or two ago, to the complainant's
shop, and said he brought the father intelligence of
his son. "Of my son !" said Mr. Bennet, " that's
impossible—he has been dead nearly four years." The
defendant assuted the complainant that he had lately
left Hobart Town, where he shook hands with
young Bennet at parting, and promised to call upon
his father in London, and say that all was well.—
The complainant added that the defendant had
called at the house of the sister of the deceased at
Bexley, and told her a similar falsehood.
Mr. Hanley Smith was in Mr. Bennet's shop
when the defendant entered with the intelligence.
The defendant, in addition to what had been stated
by Mr. Bennet, said that Captain Hopkinson, of the
ship Sarah, had sent him to Mr. Bennet, to beg of
him to call at the Jerusalem Coffee-house at 11
o'clock next morning, to receive the sum of 1501.
which the son had transmitted to his father. Upon
inquiry it was found that there was no such C:aptain
known at the coffee-house.
The LORD MAYOR—Did the defendant ask for
any money ?—Mr. Bennet replied in the negative ;
and he believed that all the fellow received at Bex-
ley was a glass of gin. It was reported that the
defendant had called upon a widow lady at Peck-
ham, and informed her that he had lately parted '
from her husband, who was alive and hearty, and
would soon be at home with her. This was just as
wicked a falsehood as the other ; no doubt existed
as to the death, for many years, of the lady's husband.
The defendant had gone out to India in one of
the trade-vessels, and from thence sailed to Hobart
Town, where he saw young Bennet, who told him
where his father lived (at the back of the Bank),
and asked him to give a call to say how he was.
' With respect to the 1501., that statement was a
mistake ; there was neither money nor appointment
with Captain Hopkinson, and he (defendant) had
only mentioned the matter to some of the men,
who, being tailors, were very curious to know every
thing, whether true or false, about the young man.
Mr. Hobler mentioned a curious instance of the
re-appearance of a man supposed to have been for
many years lost at sea, and suggested the propriety
of a minute inquiry by Mr. Bennet.
Mr. Bennet was satisfied that his son had perished.
Nothing, in fact, could be more certain. The de-
fendant, in endeavouring to get over one lie, had
told several, which were easily detected; and it was
evident he had never seen the person of whom he
pretended to bring intelligence.
The defendant, in answer to a question from the
LORD MAYOR, was three months in London, but
having been confined in an hospital, had no opportu-
nity of delivering the message before.
The LORD MAYOR remanded him for a few days.

Ralph Mendoza was charged with being the
father of an illegitimate child, and with having ne-
glected to maintain it.

:ftCetharaglottetae Be
t deal
ted th
lioafimposrttauneity:patt Mendozaevaile
prevailed
upon
had,
onher
to live with him as his wife, and that she had, in a
great measure, supported the establishment, which
consisted of two rooms, and an occasional char-
woman. Of late Mendoza had shown symptoms of
changing, and at last he left the whole burden on
her hands, and now was throwing dirty water upon
her character, although she would take her oath of
her fidelity to him. She then exhibited the baby.
The complexion strongly resembled that of both
father and mother, being about midway between
brown deal and mahogany ; but the nose, which was
what is called a Munster nose, appeared as if it had
been flung at the face, and stuck there, without any
relationship to the other features or to the Jew.
Mendoza declared that he was as well convinced
as that he was alive that Charktte had sarved him
out in a shabby sort of a vay ; any body who looked
at the baby know'd it warn't his'n. The child had
a Jewish complexion, but a very Christian puggi-
ness about the nose, and Mendoza said, " Ah, look
at that ere little konk ; there an't now much of the
Jew there ; that nose an't my nose."—(Laughter.)
Charlotte Benjamin—Please you, my Lord, it is
his nose, s'elp me God, and he knows it. Why
did he get the baby circumcised if he thought it
warn't his'n
Mendoza—Please you, my Lord, I'll tell you the
rights about that ere. As I vas going along
Houndsditch I meets my uncle Sol. Davis, and I
stops him and tells him as this here voman vas
agoing for to swear that I vas the father of that ere
little hoffspring--.--and says I, I am blessed if I knows
anything about it, for I knower! it wan't none of my
git.—(Laughter.) So my uncle Sol. says to me,
you sees, says he, if she goes for to swear it to you,
R,lph, do you make a Jew on him— (loud laughter)
—and so we did make a Jew on him, but he an't
no Jew for all that, except only in that ere von
spot.--(Laughter.)
The LORD MAYOR—The child is as like you as
possible. 'Tis no great beauty to be sure, but
babies of the kind often grow up handsome. I
advise you to cherish it.
Charlotte Benjamin—Please your Lordship, he
somehow thinks as I vas arter a poor Hirishman
as lives in the house, and has a large family.
Mendoza—Yes, my Lord, he has, and I don't
want for to support none of his family.
The LORD MAYOR—WeII, we decide that you are
the father. What are you able to pay a week
Mendoza—lf it vas my own git, I would'nt grudge

a tanner (sixpence) a week ; but it an't, and I hope
your Lordship will put it on the parish.
The defendant was then committed in default of
bail.