The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-08 00:00:00

in respect both to foreign and domestic policy. (Heir,
hear, and Oh, oh.) The hon. member concluded by reading
the address to her Majesty, in reply to her most gracious
speech.
Sir J. ELPHINSTONE seconded the motion. He
believed that her Majesty's Government would carry out
the administration of public affairs with efficiency ; and he
believed that the attitude of neutrality assumed by this
country at the present time was one that was dictated by
wisdom. (Hear, hear.) He felt bound to deprecate any-
thing like parsimony, in reference to the naval arma-
ment of the country, which he contended should be
placed in a state of the most perfect efficiency, and
whatever might be the cost of carrying out that object,
it would be found eventually to be the most economical.
(Hear, hear.) He concurred fully in what had fallen from
the hon.• mover of the Address, and he thought that it
would be injudicious to attempt to deal with the question of
reform during the present session.
The Marquis of HARTINGTON said he rose to move
an amendment to the Address, and contended that he was
sustained by precedent in the course he pursued. He wished
by the present amendment, to raise the question as to whe-
ther the Government enjoyed the confidence of the house
and the country, and he trusted that if the vote arrived at
were adverse to Government, that it would be accepted by
them in a proper and constitutional spirit, as indicating
that confidence was not reposed in them. He did not
consider that the antecedents of the Government since their
itccession to office justified their retention of power, and the
Reform Bill which they introduced failed to satisfy public
feeling, had the effect of displeasing some members of Go-
vernment itself. The resolution of the noble lord, the
member for London, having been affirmed by the house,
he _thought that such being the case it was
not constitutional for the Government to continue at
the head of affairs. (Hear, hear, and No, no.) He was
not actuated by any factious spirit ; but he contended that
the Government should not have accepted the decision of
the house as a vote of censure. It was neither wise nor
patriotic on their part to have dissolved Parliament
at a time when the state of foreign affairs rendered
such a proceeding more perilous. With regard to the
Reform Bill introduced by Government, it was not a mea-
sure that secured the sympathy and approval of the Con-
servative party. (Oh, oh.) He repeated that statement,
and in support of it he drew attention to the
fact that several Conservative members repudiated the
measure on the platform, or at all events did not make
it the basis of their appeals to their constituencies. He
denied that, in making the present motion, there was any
party motive; and he would observe, with reference to
party, that the great Liberal party were not so divided
among themselves as was supposed, but that they were
ready to co-operate in any course of policy that was7calcu-
lated, in their opinion, to promote the interests :of the
country. He now begged to move that the following words
be added to the address :—" We beg humbly to submit to
your Majesty that if-is essential to the satisfactory result
of deliberations, to the securing the success of our coun-

as, and to the facilitating the dis Charge of the high func-
tions of your Majesty, that your Majesty's Government
should possess the confidence of this house and of the coun-
try, and we deem it to be our duty respectfully to represent
to your Majesty that such confidence is not reposed ix your
Majesty's present Government." (Loud and long-continued
cheering.)
Mr. HANBURY said he rose to second the amendment
which had been so ably proposed by the noble lord the
member for North Lancashire, and in so doing he ventured
to observe that he was not actuated by any feelings of per-
sonal vanity in assuming the prominent position in which
he now found himself. He thought the challenge thrown
down by the Government at the close of the last Parlia-
ment should be fairly taken up, and that the question at
issue was fairly and legitimately raised by the amendment.
It was the universal opinion that the noble lord who guided
the helm of foreign affairs knew as little of foreign diplo-
macy as he cared about the correct spelling of his attaches.
(A laugh.) It seemed to be the opinion of all who heard
the speech of the noble lord (Malmesbury) in another place,
that it was characterised by hesitation, vacillation, and am-
biguity of purpose. How strong a contrast it presented to
the words that fell from the noble viscount (Palmerston) !
With regard to the noble earl at the head of the Govern-
ment, his opinions, expressed in the other house at the close
of the session, greatly differed from the views that fell from
his lips a few days afterwards at the Lord Mayor's banquet.
It was most important that England should have at the
head of affairs at the present moment a Minister who was
thoroughly acquainted with foreign diplomacy, so as to
entitle this country to the respect of foreign Powers, which
we had now somewhat lost. Could the Liberal party place
any confidence in these men? He did not believe that any
true Conservative could do so. He protested that the party
now in power were no longer entitled to the namo of Con-
servative, and that hon. gentlemen who supported them
would be carried down to posterity as followers of Lord
Derby. As to hon. gentlemen on his own sine of the house,
they advocated liberal measures because they believed in
them, and they were the true Conservatives. If they believed
that at a crisis of paramount importance the Government
ought to be firmly united and composed of a Liberal Admi •
nistration, they would, by voting for the amendment, tell
the present Government that the country and the House of
Commons had no confidence in them, and that the public
interests imperatively demanded that they should resign
their offices. (Hear.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose amid
loud cheering. He said,—Mr. Speaker, I find no fault with
the coursetaken by the noble lord and his friends. I think
it one advantageous to the public service, and advantageous
to the country, especially in the state in which we at present
find it. I think it of great advantage that we should know
whether the advisers of her Majesty possess the confidence
of Parliament,. and I think that we have given very satis-
factory evidence of the sincerity of our opinion by the step
which we advised her Majesty to take in dissolving the late
Parliament. (Hear.) But I would observe that when the
noble.lord talks of the precedent of 1841 as being identical
with the position and conduct of the` present Ministry, he
will, on examination and reflection, find a very considerable
difference between the two cases. (Cheers.) It is true Lord
Derby, from a sense of duty, advised her Majesty to dissolve
the late Parliament; he succeeded to office under circum-
stances of great difficulty; the late Parliament was assembled
under the influence of his predecessors and opponents; it is
well known that he counted in it but a comparatively small
number of supporters. (Hear.) But what was the conduct
of the Ministry that dissolved the Parliament of 1841? They
dissolved a Parliament that had been elected under their
own influences—(cheers)—they dissolved a Parliament of
their own friends; and the resolution Sir R. Peel felt it his duty
should be moved by way of amendment on the meeting of the
new Parliament was authorised by very different circum-
stances from those at present existing, and certainly met a
different fate to that which awaits the amendment moved
by the noble lord. (Cheers.) Why, sir, it was made a just
reproach to the Ministry of Lord Melbourne, of which the
noble lord the- member for the city of London was the leader
in that house, that it reintaned on these benches year after
year, for two *hole years, after it . had received a signal de-
feat in 1839, and in.continued and. continual minorities, yet
neither appealed to the country nor resigned office ; and
when it did appeal to the country it was on a vote of censure
carried in its own Parliament by those who had-been origi-
nally its own supporters. Was that the position of the. Go-
vernment of Lord Derby ? True, our measures were not
successful, and this is not surprising when they were brought
forward in a Parliament of which only one third were our
supporters. I doubt whether any measure could have been
brought forward, however matured, however adapted to the
circumstances with which they were intended to cope, that
would have been successful in a Parliament so constituted.
We knew our measures could not be carried; and it was a
just reason for advising her Majesty to appeal to the coun-
try under the circumstances. Now, sir, I think I have suc-
cessfully shown that the circumstances in which Lord Mel-
bourne was placed in 1841 were very different to those now
aPPealed to as a justification for the course taken by the
noble lord. But I repeat that Ifind no fault with the course
so taken. I have shown my sense of it by rising immedi-
ately to reply to the accusations, and I assure the noble lord
and the house that I do so from a sense of the importance of
this question, and the conviction that it ought not to be left
unnecessarily in suspense. (Hear, hear.) It is of the highest
juaPortance to the public interests that this question should
be immediately decided; and I hope my rising'at this mo-
ment at once to meet the charges made by the noble lord and
his friends, that the house will be enabled to divide on itto-
night—(great cheering)—and thus settle at this momentous
crisis which party indeed possesses the confidence of Par-
liament. (Cheers.) I entirely reciprocate the sentiments
expressed by the noble lord and his friends, and I beg
to say, if we are defeated, the Government by which
we are succeeded shall receive from us a fair and
constitutional support. (Cheers.) But the decision
ought not, at this crisis, to be delayed for four-and-twsnt
y
hours—(cheers)—and, as the noble lord and his frien
ds
thought it the proper course not to lose a moment in chal-
lenging the propriety of our being on those benches, so do I
impress on the house the importance of not unnecessarily
losing a moment in coming to the decision. (Cheers.) Now,
sir, what are the grounds on which the noble lord and his
friends seek to establish the want of confidence h says this
house ought to feel in her Majesty's Government ? Per,
though it may be in the power of a majority of the house to
come to a resolution without' a reaeOn, still the noble lord
must feel that .a decision of 'that kind, would lose all moral
weight. The 'noble lord on the present occasion, no doubt
acting on the best advice, has really opened all the grounds
on which a resolution expressing a want of confidence ought
to be moved. Well, Ido not think the failure of our mea-
sures in :several instances in the late Parliament is a fair
ground on which to rest a want of confidence on the part of
the present one. (Cheers.) Looking at the circumstances
under which we acceded to • power, and to which I have
already referred, it was because we were unsuccessful in
carrying our measures in the late Parliament that we ad-
vised an appeal to the country. If, therefore, the present
Parliament decides on giving a fair and constitutional hear-
ing to any measures we may bring forward, it will be quite
luulvceesary for this house to vindicate the charge against
us of not having been able to pass our measures in the last.
(Cheers.) But the noble lord says that, having been unable
to Pass our measures, we counselled a dissolution of Par-
liament,—a course constitutional, the noble lord admits,
but most reckless and unwise. With all deference to'the
noble lord and his friends, I think that is rather begging
tile question. Whether the dissolution was reckless and
unwise is a conclusion far the present Parliament to form.
The noble lord and his friends admit that there were two
- courses open to us after the resolution of the noble lord (j.
Itussell)—we might have resigned our offices or taken the
alternative we ultimately adopted. Ido not think, in a
constitutional sense, we were bmind to resign our offices
On being defeated in a Parliament not assembled under
°ur auspices. It is a matter of notoriety that the last
house was filled with those belonging to that educated class
'(laughter and cheers)—that highly favoured Whig con-
nexion, who are the hereditary opponents of the political
Party we profess to represent. (Cheers.) I cannot see
ow the course we advised her Majesty to take
!4tll be called unwise or reckless. There is nothing
in a dissolution of Parliament which the great
At I
iberal prty should look upon with jealousy and
mistrnst, do not know whether the stctions of that