The Sun.
London, England, 1832-01-11 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Our correspondent, " 0. P. Q." has, in the
Chronicle of this day, a second letter on the
diitv of liberal Governments towards each other,
and the utility of an alliance between Great
Britain and France. We are quite sensible of
the crest benefit Europe would derive from the
universal establishment of Governments founded
on popular principles. Were Europe one great
fraternity of constitutional Governments, the
supposed interests of the people would be the
principle of action of those who conducted their
affairs. It is for the interest of nations that
they should be at peace with each other—they
are interested in the prosperity of each other,—
for the improvement of one extends to the
other; and what injures one is felt in the
others. Were Europe under Governments ac-
countable to the people, there could be no
motive for conquests, no desire for extension of
territory, because the confidence and security
arising out of the conviction that nations are in-
terested in the prosperity of each other, would
put an end to the desire for the extension of
territory, which, except as an additional se-
curity, is unintelligible. A certain extent of
territory is requisite for good government, be-
cause justice can hardly be well adminis-
tered without tribunals of the last resort,
free from the partialities unavoidable in
narrow societies, and certain expences which
must be borne by all Governments, are more
felt in a very small country than in one of mo-
derate extent. But it may be questioned whe-
ther an extent of territory beyond that of the
British Islands, be not a disadvantage instead of
an advantage. The people, therefore, have an
interest in preventing an unnecessary extension
of territory, which can only have the effect of
depriving them of the share of Government to
which they are entitled. But it is otherwise
with absolute and aristocratical Governments.
The greater the extent of territory, and the more
numerous the human cattle on it, the greater
the resources of the Monarch, the greater the
pillage for the Aristocrats. Hence, absolute
and aristocratical Governments have an interest
in conquests, which, though injurious to the
people individually, place additional resources at
their disposal. The moment you make Govern-
ment a property, the greater the property, the
more attractive it is to those who wield it. It
is the interest of all constitutional Govet nments
to have an end put to absolute and aristocratical
Governments, between which and themselves
there must be natural opposition and jealousy.
But our correspondent, " 0. P. Q.," observes,
" What a cruel, cutting libel on the Govern-
ments of France and of Great Britain, or rather
on the conduct of all constitutional Govern-
ments, is the harmony which subsists between
despotic Governments, and how they labour, and
conspire, and concede, in order to adapt their
policy to each other's views and systems, the
leading principles of these systems being, the
happiness of the units, and the misery and igno-
rance and slavery of the millions." The '
cause of the superior harmony we take to
be one of not difficult discovery. Each of
the absolute Governments feels a much stronger
interest in the maintenance of its large property,
than each individual of a nation feels in the af-
fairs of that nation. Absolute and aristocratical
Governments, too, are in the greatest danger.
'I he people never die, and intelligence and a de-
sire of good Government once diffused, cannot
be extinguished. But six or seven Sovereigns
may, at a (lay's warning, be dismissed from their
thrones, to hold their Carnival at Venice ; and
their property may thus melt away in a moment.
Having all a deep interest in opposing the ex-
tension of popular Governments, their number
enables them to plot and combine in secresy. All
the proceedings of popular Governments are
necessarily open and patent, and they can enter-
tain no design which is not known ; but, in ab-
solute Governments, the designs can only be
inierred from the nature of the preparations, or
from conjectures as to the prevailing interest. If
ail the nations of Europe were equally disposed
to throw oft' absolute Governments, and equally
prepared to adopt constitutional Governments,
it might be the wisest policy in nations like
France and England to make one great effort, in
the spirit of the French Convention, to assist
those languishing_ under oppression, and sighing
to escape from it. But this is a part of great
difficulty and nicety. We must be sure that the
people really wish to change the Government ;
and how can we know this, but through a de-
monstration of the people themselves ? To in-
vade a country to liberate its inhabitants, may
be doing violence to their inclinations. The
Spaniards, for instance, would not thank you for
such an interference, neither would the Portu-
guese, neither would the greater portion of the
natives of Europe. Hence the difficulty of any
union of free Governments for the diffusion of
liberty. We disapprove as much as " 0. P. Q."
can do of the paltry attempts to settle Belgium
and Holland, and only tolerate them because a
general war would be a (Treater evil than a bad settle-
ment of Belgium. As to any union offensive
and defensive with France, or any other Power,
we protest, and shall always protest, against it.
We wish well to the French, but it would only
be deceiving them to allow it to be believed that
England can engage in hostilities in Europe for
any thing short of her own independence. The
French and English are quite differently circum-
stanced. To the French, the state of the neigh-
bouring countries and the dispositions of the Go-
vernments are of immense importance. To the
English, the state of the Continent is of very
little consequence. The insular situation of
Britain, and the number of her brave and robust
inhabitants, secure her from attack. She cannot
be touched. All her difficulties at present result
from the folly of former Governments, in having'
departed from her true policy. Our policy is
much like that of the United States of Ame-
rica—good wishes for the improvement of the
human race, friendly efforts to preserve or renew
a good understanding among nations ; but a po-
sitive abstinence from all interference in their
quarrels. We have always protested against the
doctrine, that time people of England were bound
to fight the battles of nations struggling for
liberty. The French best know their own re-
sources, and having the whole responsibility of
the contest, they will act with more prudence
than if allied with a nation like this, very differ-
ently circumstanced with regard to responsibility.
We might add to our burthens till we sunk
under them, without being able to save France.
Let, therefore, the French at once free them-
selves from all delusion on this head. England,
if necessary,
will fight,for herself,—but for her-
self alone. Time nations of the Continent must
do the best they can for themselves. Our fight-
ing (lays are over. Would that we had never
troubled ourselves with the Continent.—Morn-
ing Chronicle.

Every (lay supplies us with fresh instances of,
insolent and unwarrantable attacks on Ministers

by Tory Magistrates in the Commission of the
Peace, and filling Recorderships, &c., in corpo-
rate towns. At the Hull Quarter Sessions, on
Thursday last, the charges, though numerous,
being of a trifling character, and unfit to occupy
the enlarged mind of Cresswell Cresswell, the
Recorder, the Learned Gentleman deemed the
opportunity fitting for reading a lecture to his
Majesty's Ministers, charging them with the
encouragement of sedition and outrage through-
out the country, and with having caused the
riots at Bristol. After describing the riots in
question, the Learned Gentleman proceeds to
state what he conceives to have been the origin
of these disastrous scenes, and then modestly
observes—.

" In the political strife which I have briefly described,
they who advocate popular measures have endeavoured to
obtain the support of the populace : and, in order to se-
' cure it, have described their opponents as the enemies
and oppressors of those whose assistance they invoked.—
A philosophical historian thus describes the proceed.
ings of a similar party in a former age Obliged
to court the favour of the p.pulace, they found it
necessary to comply with their rage and folly ; and,
on many occasions, by propagating calumnies, and
by promoting violence, served to infatuate as well as
corrupt that people, to whom they made a tender
of liberty and justice.' I mean not to apply the
harsher words of this passage to those who now exer-
cise the powers of Government in this country, and their
political friends and partisans; but I feel a strong convic-
tion, that by impeaching the motives of their political op-
ponents, instead of exposing the fallacy of their arguments
—by representing them as enemies to liberty, because they
maintain that the regard to it ought to be subordinate to
a reverence for established Government ; by encouraging
the populace to demand as a right that change in the Con-
stitution, which they ought rather to have petitioned for
as a boon—by instilling into them the idea that their num-
bers and strength would, with perseverance, enable them
to procure the concession of all their demands _they ex-
cited dangerous delusions among the populace, and exposed
them to the machinations of evil-disposed, designing men.
But for these delusions, the agitators of Bristol could never
have stirred up that spirit of insurrection against the law,
and those who administered it, which led to the fatal riots
in that city. But for these delusions, the people would
never have been seduced into those illegal associations
(formed doubtless for the purpose of displaying their phy-
sical strength), which have twice called forth the animad-
version of the King himself—once in a proclamation spe-
cially directed against them, and again in his address to
the assembled Parliament of the United Kingdom. And will
not similar seed produce a similar harvest in other places ?"
But critical times are fast approaching, when
the nation may again be exposed to all the dangers
of agitation. Aware of the effect which great and
venerable men have produced in former times—
Magnus in populo cum sispe co orta est
Seditio, srevitque animis ignobile vulgus ;
Jamque faces et Saxa volant, furor arma ministrat
Turn, pietate gravem ac mentissi forte limn quern
Conspexere, silent, arrectisque auribus astant ;
Ille regit dictis animos, et pectora mulcet."
M r.O resswell Cresswell evidently considers that
he is the man destined to play the part so elo-
quently described by the Roman poet. " Times
of agitation," he says, " may return, and stormy
discussions may be resumed. Would that I had
influence enough to persuade you, on such oc-
casions, to discard all inflammatory topics !"
Would that I had influence ! Does Mr. Cress-
we :1 Cresswell doubt his influence ? He knows,
of course, that the partisans of both sides will be
awed by his admonitions ; but he knows also how
much greatness is set off by modesty. Mr.
Cresswell Cresswell is the man to save us. But
we detain our readers from his healing advice :
" Are you animated by a sincere and ardent love of
liberty ? Indulge it freely; but remember always, that
while liberty is the perfection of civil society, obedience to
the laws is essential to its very existence. Does your re-
verence for established government make you enemies to
change ? Remember that the noblest end of all government
is to secure in the greatest perfection the enjoyment of civil
society ; and that, in order to attain that end, as much
liberty should be granted as is compatible with the preser-
vation of peace and good order in the land. Thus, I trust,
fierce contention and opposition may be succeeded by a
spirit of mutual concession and assistance; so that, should
times of wild excitement return, and the madness of the
people rage against their superiors in station, all heads
may be ready to unite in devising and all bands in exe-
cuting such measures as may be necessary for the preser-
vation of the persons and property of the peaceable inha-
bitants," &c.

What a pity that Ministers and the people
had not the benefit of Mr. Cresswell Cresswell's
advice, before the late times of excitement ! Had
Ministers, instead of impeaching the motives of
the boroughmongers, told the people that the
boroughmongers were the most disinterested
men alive ; that they paid large sums forrotten bo-
roughs, merely to benefit the people, by the choice
for them of wise and virtuous men to represent
them virtually in Parliament; and that they were
sure nothing would gratify the boroughmongers
more than to make such changes in the Consti-
tution as the people might petition for as a boon,
to use the language of Mr. Creswell Creswell ;
the people might, in that case, have remained
quiet as lambs, and the Reform Bill passed into
an Act of Parliament, would have dropped into
their mouths. But when Ministers chose to im-
pute to the boroughmongers a wish to possess
boroughs for the sake of pocketing, through
them, the proceeds of the taxes, their honour
was impeached, and what they would have sur-
rendered as a boon, they could not, of course,
surrender on compulsion. It was the more un-
pardonable in Ministers to mislead the people,
and to sow distrust in them as to the efficacy
of petitions for boons from the boroughmongers,
as they had seen so many pregnant instances in
the case of East Retford, &c., of the readiness
of the boroughmongers to yield to petitions of
the people. Liberty, as Mr. Creswell Creswell
says, is a fine thing ; but then it is a liberty
only to suffer, not to act. When it pleases the
boroughmongering Lords to vote in favour of
the Reform Bill, of their own free will, and not
influenced by any external dictation or intimi-
dation, then the liberty of the people should
teach them to remain passive. Mr. Creswell
Creswell would have told Ministers, too, that
the liberties possessed by the English people all
came of themselves without effort—that none of
them were extorted—and that agitation and excite-
ment, in all times, have only served to restrain men
in possession of power, from giving effect to their
benevolent intentions to those under them. Obe-
dience to power at all times, and on all occa-
sions, makes superiors moderate and mild, and
inferiors prosperous and happy. All Magistrates
are not gifted with the wisdom and talents of
Mr. Cresswell Cresswell ; but nine-tenths of
them throughout the country are equally dis-
posed to favour them with their censure.—
Morning Chronicle.
The partial and oppressive conduct of the
Prussian Government towards the Poles, during
their heroic struggle for their national rights with
the vast empire of Russia, we did not allow to
pass unexposed at a time when some of our
Liberal Papers were anxious to make the policy
of Prussia appear not only fair, but kind and
even amiable, in the eyes of the people of Eng-
land. The fact is that Prussia, whose Monarch
and whose Ministers have, in all questions of
foreign politics—disguise it as they may—a
secret understanding and a malignant sympathy
with the councils of the Northern Barbarian, was
a most efficient auxiliary to that ruthless despot
in the subjugation of Poland. As we said be-
fore, Prussia did every thing but take the field in
her hostility to the Poles, and her services- to.
I he Russian armies ;—she furnished the latter

!with arms, provisions, and munitions of war,
when they must have been compelled to evacuate
the Polish territories but for those .seasonable
supplies ; she stopped anus and money passing
through her territories for Warsaw ; travellers,
with passports from France and England, were
stopped, and their passports treated with con-
tempt ; and even medical men, who were re-
pairing, at the call of humanity, to endeavour to
arrest the ravages of the cholera in the Polish
metropolis, were vexatiously interrupted and
delayed, and sometimes prevented from pro-
ceeding altogether, by the Prussian authorities.
We published at the time the case of a British
merchant, who had sent out some packages of iron
tubes, which were seized at Berlin, on a suspi-
cion of being intended for gun-barrels ; and
Lord Palmerston excused himself for declining
to protect the property of a British merchant
against such outrages, on the ground that he had
a house of business in Warsaw—as if a British-
' born -subject, who can never divest himself of
his allegiance to the King of England, is not
always, and wherever he happens to reside, or
transact business for the time, entitled to the
protection of the British Crown Since the
termination of the Polish conflict, the same spirit
of cruel, unrelenting hostility to the Poles,
which animated her during its continuance, in-
spires her conduct still. One would have thought
that if the courage of the Poles had failed to
excite her admiration, at least the total ruin of
their cause would have enabled her to afford the
appearance of commisseration for her misfor-
tunes—but not so. While the Russian Empe-
ror acts upon the inverted principle of that
mock-amnesty which makes vengeance the gene-
ral rule, and mercy the exception—while the
iron hand of his tyranny crushes the Polish
patriots by military execution, or drags them in
chains to the degrading, hopeless exile of
the mines of Siberia—the Government of the
Prussian despot shows itself no less zealous in
persecuting the Polish warriors that had crossed
her frontiers, and laid down their arms, with the
vain hope of finding something of that pro-
tecting hospitality which savages do not deny to
the victims of misfortune. A statement has been
given in the Standard—a Paper which cannot
be suspected of any undue sympathy for even
Polish revolutionists, or of any wilful exaggera-
tion of the vices and crimes of " legitimate"
Governments—which contains a truly distressing
and heart-rending picture of the atrocious
tyranny which the Prussian authorities have ex-
ercised towards the unarmed Polish soldiers, and
the dreadful state of suffering and destitution to
which brave men have been reduced. We give
the statement as we find it. Such outrageous
acts of despotism cannot be extensively known
without producing a generous re-action in favour
of its devoted victims :

" When Rybinski entered Poland (Query—Prussia?),
after the defeat of the Poles at Warsaw, he was at the
head of 22,000 men. Many hundreds of these, having
private means and resources, proceeded at once to France,
Belgium, or different States in Germany. Others, with-
out means, entered into the service of the Prussians as
domestics, labourers in the fields, and other menial offices.
Others were sent on at the expense of the French Com-
mittee in Paris, and out of the subscriptions raised for the
Poles in Germany, to France, or to Saxony, Bavaria,
&c. ; and, finally, there remained about 15,000 out of
the 22,000 who were compelled to continue i❑ Prussia, or
return to Poland, being without any resources, and the
sums raised by subscriptions being wholly insufficient to
maintain them.

" The Prussian Government, instead of assisting them
with money for their travelling expenses to France, or to
other snore contiguous States, where th,y would have been
received with hospitality, ordered them to return to Po-
land, and threatened to attack them with superior forces,
and drive them back to that country, unless without de-
lay they voluntarily retreated from the Prussian dominions.
The Poles said, Give us only the means of proceeding to
the frontiers of France or Belgium, and we will immedi-
ately leave; but we cannot do so without either bread,
or clothes, or money.' The Prussian Government refused
to listen to these explanations ; and having detached a
portion of the 15,000 from the rest, the Prussian soldiers
drove back, at the point of the bayonet, upwards of 2,000
Poles to the frontiers, where a Russian General had been
appointed to receive them, arid where they were allowed
to enter Poland, without any promises of mercy or for-
givenet,s.

" There then remained 12,400 soldiers, and 740 offi-
cers, at Elbing and the environs, who refused to obey the
' instructions of the Prussian Government to return to Po-
land, and declared they would die from hunger in prefe-
rence to submitting to Russia.
" The Prussian Government then ordered two regiments
to compel their retreat by force—and the Poles were as-
sembled and ordered to retire. They again asked for means
to convey them to the French or Belgian frontiers ; but
these means were again refused. The Prussian General
then ordered the soldiers older his command to charge the
Poles, who of course are unarmed, at the point of the
bayonet ; but the Poles refused to move, and the charge
was fruitless. He then threatened to fire upon them ; but
the Poles remained firm on the spot, and said Fire ! we
will not fly from your balls or your muskets, and we will
not return to slavery—we prefer death.' The Prussian
General then proceeded to no further extremities, but sent
off to Berlin for further orders. The brave General Bern
undertook to proceed immediately to Paris, to endeavour
to raise the necessary funds to enable these gallant Poles
to leave Elbing for France or Belgium, or the smaller Ger-
man States. He thinks that 40,0001. will be sufficient
fur this purpose ; but he most distinctly states, that unless
the most prompt relief be immediately administered by the
French Government, or by the Polish Committees in
France, England, and Germany, the 12,400 soldiers, and
740 officers, will perish from want of food and raiment.
"'The. Polish Committee at Dresden has sent off a sum
of money to enable these unfortunate men to purchase
bread for the moment; but this will not suffice for many
days. The Polish Committee at Paris has had two extra-
ordinsry meetings, and it is hoped that General Bern will
set out in two or three days with, if nut 40,0001. at
least with a large portion of it, which may enable him to
delay the vengeance of the Prussian Government to drive
back, at the point of the bayonet, nearly 13,000 Polish
soldiers and officers, to a country where they would at once
be rn ide slaves, or sent to Siberia and the Russian colonies."
We believe there is no Polish Committee at
present existing in this country, but the British
public ought not therefore to allow the generosity
of Frenchmen and Germans to have all the honour
of succouring in this their great extremity the
brave and persecuted men, whose crime, which
the despots can never forgive, was an ardent at-
tachment to country— an exaltation of public
virtue which history shall record amon,, the
glorious examples which inspire men with great
reat
sentiments, and raise the character of human na-
ture The patriots of Saxony are for-
warding their subscriptions. Shall the descendants
of Saxons neglect the clanns of the perishing
brave ? It would be easy to transmit to the
Polish Committee in Parts any subscriptions
collected here ; but if any thing is done in that
way it should be done quickly, lest the work of
persecution may be consummated before the suc-
cour arrives.—Morning Herald.

The report of a Committee which sat last
session to inquire into the policy of
authorizing
or ordering molasses to be employed in breweries
and distilleries, as a partial or universal substi-
tute for malt or corn, has been printed by order
of the House of Commons. The labours which
it describes, and the evidence which it embodies,
are of less consequence as the Committee pro-
posed no alteration in the existing laws, and con-
cluded by recommending a continuance of the
old system. As no investigation into the means
of promoting the general welfare takes place in
this country without
.a cry of complaint from some
partial interest, the inquiry in (luetion originated

with the West India planters, who, threatened
with ruin, were anxious to obtain a greater de-
mand, and of course a higher price for the
produce of their estates. It thus necessa-
rily embraced the antagonist views and clash-
ing pretensions of the sugar-grower and the
corn. grower,—of the West Indian planter
and the British agriculturist : involving,
besides, in the consequences of the proposed
change, the interests of the brewer and the dis-
tiller,—of the public revenue and the national
consumer. The toughest part of the battle lay
between the growers of corn and its manufacturers
into beer and spirits on the one hand, and the
West Indians on the other. The consumer was
neither represented on the Committee nor heard
in evidence, though some of the brewers and dis-
tillers adroitly clothed themselves with his autho-
rity and fought under his vizor. The poor West
Indians were again driven to the wall, notwith-
standing their attempt to excite pity by their ac-
cents of woe, as they had against them not only
the agricultural landrvehr, but the brewer, the
distiller, the consumer, and the exciseman,—all
of whom declared, or had it declared in their
name, that they would be injured if not ruined,
by the admission of a flood of molasses. If we
have room on a subsequent day to give the re-
port, we may prove that the agricultural people
ought not to have mixed in the question.—Times.

BRISTOL SPECIAL COMMISSION.

BRISTOL, TUESDAY, JA .v. 10.

,-- - -
James Ives was indicted for stealing from the
Rev. Charles Buck 'a gold watch. Mr. Buck's
house was burnt and destroyed in Queen-square.
This case possessed considerable interest from the
hitherto good character the prisoner has held. He
is a person of some property, and has filled a respon-
sible situation irreproachably for many years.
Rev. Charles Buck, the Rector of St. Stephen's,
swore to having seen the watch on the person of
his wife a few days previous to the riot.
Several witnesses were called for the prisoner's
character, but did not answer.—Verdict, Guilty of
larceny.

The same prisoner was again put to the bar,
charged with stealing from the Custom-house a
silver salver, the property of the Mayor, on the 31st
of October last.

The prisoner made no defence, but called one
witness to character, Mr. John Gardiner, who spoke
as to his general character previous to this event.
The CHIEF JUSTICE having summed up the
evidence, the Jury after a short deliberation, found
the prisoner Guilty of stealing, but not in a dwelling
house.

The CHIEF JUSTICE observed upon the guilt of
the prisoner in both the cases in which he had been
convicted, and sentenced him to a separate period
of seven years' transportation for each offence.
The prisoner retired from the bar with great
alacrity, and appeared to congratulate himself on the
mildness of his punishment.
Thomas Lane, a lad about 16, was indicted for
stealing, on the 30th of October, a brass chandelier
suspender, valued at 1/. sterling—and the property,
as stated in the first count of the indictment, of
Charles Pinney,Esq., and in the second of the Mayor
and corporation of Bristol. The ATTORNEY-GE-
NERAL, in stating the case, did not dwell upon it
with any particular emphasis. He stated that it
was not attended with any circumstances of aggra-
vation.—The Jury found him Guilty, but recom-
mended him to mercy on account of his youth and
his good character.

The CHIEF RsTICE sentenced the prisoner to
one month's imprisonment and hard labour.

Mr. Justice TAUNTON sat in a chamber adjoining
the Guildhall, to assist his Learned Brothers in try-
ing the great number of cases that yet remain upon
the calendar.

Several indictments for larceny were disposed of
in the course of the day, but the details presented
no features whatever to arrest public attention, be-
yond the dreadful outrage in which they had
originated.
Mr. Justice BosANQuET took his seat in the New
Court at nine o'clock, when several prisoners were
put to the bar, and pleaded Not Guilty to the in-
dictments preferred against them.
Catherine Hagan was charged with stealing two
silk dresses and pelisses, the property of Mr. )'Ar-
thur, of Queen-square.
The prisoner, in her defence, said she picked up
the articles in Queen-square. When she heard the
police were searching the house she put them up
the chimney, as she was fearful of being charged
with stealing them.
The .Jury returned a verdict of Guilty, and Mr.
Justice BOSANQUET sentenced her to twelve months'
imprisonment, and hard labour.

Thomas Gallid, was charged with stealing several
articles of wearing apparel, the property of Mr.
Buckley and others.
Ml. Bichley, and a gentleman named Claxton,
stated that they lived in Queen-square. On Sunday
night, the 30th of October, their houses were de-
stroyed by lire, and plundered of a great quantity of
property. The articles now produced were their
property.
A police constable proved finding the articles at
the prisoner's lodging.--The Jury found him Guilty.
Mr. Justice BosANcitiliT said there could be no
doubt of the prisoner's guilt, and immediately sen-
tenced him to twelve months' imprisonment and
hard labour.

William Christopher was indicted for stealing a
silk dress, and other articles of wearing apparel, the
property of Mr. Broad and others.
The evidence in this case was exactly similar to
that in the preceding ones. The articles lost during
the riots were found in the prisoner's possession,
and identified by the prosecutors as their property.
The prisoner, an ill-looking dirty fellow, said,
" You see as how I ser'd the things lying on the
ground ; so says Ito myself, what a pity you had
better take them home, William, says I, than let
them lie in the dirty street; so I took them home
for safety."—Verdict, Guilty.
There was another indictment against the prisoner
for a similar offence, but no evidence was offered on
the part of the Crown.
The prisoner, on being asked to say why sentence
should not be passed upon him according to law,
replied, " Nothing, my Lord, only that I hardly
understand how to speak English."
Mr. Justice BOSANQUET—The Court consider
that it would not be safe to let a dangerous character
like you remain any longer in this country. The sen-
tence upon you, therefore, is, that you be transported
beyond the seas for the term of seven years.
Thomas Hussey, John Jarvis, and S. Cullen, were
charged with stealing several bottles of wine, the
property of Mr. Room and others.
The Jury found the prisoners Guilty ; and Mr.
justice BOSANQUET sentenced each of thetn to four
months' imprisonment and hard labour.
Felix IVyman and Samuel Browning were in-
dicted for stealing, on the 30th of October last, a
pair of sheets, and several other articles of wearing
apparel, the property of Mr. Richardson.—Guilty.
Mr. Justice BosAsattaET sentenced them to two
years' imprisonment, and hard labour.
Thomas Marlin and Aaron Martin were indicted
for stealing various articles, the property of Mr.
Alexander Campbell Johnson.--The Jury acquitted
Thomas Martin and found Aaron Martin Guilty.
'The COURT sentenced him to be transported for
the term of seven years.

The prisoner said-, " Thank you, my Lord ; I did
not know that I had so long to live."

The Opera," we find, is likely to unravel
the mysteries of a duel which creates! so great a sensation
in the world of fashion three seasons ago; and will con-
tain a series of piquant sketches illustrative of that aristo-
cratic circle, in whose levity the fatal catastrophe is said
to have originated.

WARWICKSHIRE SESSIONS, JAN. 3.

IMPORTANT Y OF HUSBANDS.

S3IITII V. BLOXAM,
This was an interesting and important appeal,
instituted by the appellant against the conviction of
the Rer. R. R. Bloxam, D.D., a Magistrate of
Rugby, for sot supporting his wife and child.

&Ir. HILL stated the case on the part of the re-
spondent. The appellant, James Smith, carrying
on a considerable business as a cern-dealer and coal-
merchant, at Rugby, married his present wife in
1810, at that time a highly respectable young woman,
and with whom he received a very handsome for-
tune. Very soon after his marriage, the appellant
commenced a system of the most brutal conduct to-
wards his wife, and the consequence of this was a
separation, and a regular maintenance allowed to
the wife. About seven years ago, Mrs. Smith, who
had previously been living—indeed ever since the
separation—at Harboreugh, only three miles from
the residence of her husband, was delivered of a
child. On this occasion she was removed to the
House of Industry at Rugby, where her confinement
took place. In the mean time he should prove
that both before and after this occurrence, the hus-
band continued the allowance to his wife. It so
happened, however, that a few months ago the ap-
pellant, who was a reader of newspapers, met with
a case, in which it was recently decided, that under
the circumstances he had described, he was no
longer liable for the maintenance of his wife. This
student of newspaper law, had, accordingly, deter-
mined that his wife should either starve, or the
parish of Rugby be compelled to relieve her neces-
sities. He (Mr. IL) trusted, however, that the
Court would show him that his knowledge of the
law was about as respectable as his practice of mo-
rality.

' John Richardson, guardian of the poor of the
parish at Rugby, deposed to the appellant keeping
several horses and a gig. On the 3d of December
the appellant's wife applied for relief to him;
and on application being made to Mr. Smith, he
said he had no objection to give her 4s. a week.
This was refused, as too little; and the appellant
was shortly afterwards taken before a Magistrate,
and convicted, for refusing to maintain his wife and
child.

Mr. WYsE, solicitor to the respondent, stated that
the appellant denied his liability before the Magis-
trates, on the ground that his wife had committed
adultery.

Sophia Norton, examined by Mr. HlLL—Witness
was dairymaid with the appellant about 15 years
ago; his wife was living with him at that time. Mr.
Smith used to beat his wife violently, there was
scarcely a night passed over without his beating her.
Cross-examined by Mr. PENNINGTON--Mr. Smith
had been at Lutterworth market on the night of the
cool ducking; Mrs. Smith and witness had not been
drinking—not even water, she had plenty of that
a ft erwards.— ( Laughter.)
Elizabeth Bannister (sister of the last witness)
examined by Mr. WADDINGTos—Went to live with
Mr. Smith many years ago; he used his wife very
ill; she remembered his coming from Lutterworth
market ; witness saw appellant knock Mrs. Smith
out of her chair, and afterwards, when she ran out
of the house, saw him throw her into the mill-pool;
witness cried out " oh, my mistress will be
drowned !" when her master went to his wife, and,
taking her out of the water, said " take care you
—," and put some soap into her mouth; he
kicked her several times, and on one occasion so
violently, that Mr. Bucknall, the surgeon, was
called in.

Cross-examined by Mr. Amos—Mrs. Smith was
sometimes a little intosticated, but was never so
drunk but she could go about; she was certainly
intosticated when Mr. Smith cooled her in the dam;
Mrs. Smith lived with her husband about a year
and a half after this. This closed the case for the
respondent.

Mr. Amos addressed tke Court on behalf of the
appellant. In the first place, taking all that passed
on the two occasions Mr. Smith was before the
Magistrates, he thought the Court would agree with
him there was no wilful refusa to support his wife.
By the evidence of the overseer, it was clearly
proved that he had offered 45. a week for that pur-
pose. Second'y there was no proof that the child
on whose behalf the support was claimed, was Mr.
Smith's child. Thirdly, he should be able to prove
that she had for years been living in adultery, and
the husband was no longer bound to maintain her.
As to the alleged charge of cruelty, it was in evi-
dence that Mrs. Smith lived with her husband two
years after the ducking she received for her drunken-
ness. Making the most of the duckings and beatings
she received, they proved nothing, if he established
the guilt of the wife.

lthry Bradshaw, examined by Mr. PENNINGTON—
Witness lived at Harborough, three miles distant
from Rugby; she had lived there ten years; knew
Francis Treane, he was a tailor, and lived at Harbo-
rough ; Mrs. Smith lived with him; they first lived
together about nine years; witness often visited
them ; the cottage in which they lived consisted of
two rooms, and there was only one bed ; they lived
together as man and wife; remembered Mrs. Smith
going to Rugby House of Industry to lie in; that
was about seven or eight years ago; she afterwards
returned to Harborough; the boy was sometimes
called Frances Treane, and sometimes Francis
Smith ; but although I lived adjoining Treane's cot-
tage, I never saw Mr. Smith there.
Anne Treane, sister to the paramour, deposed
that during Mrs. Smith's confinement at Rugby,
Treane lodged with her, and was in the habit of
sending her groceries; after her confinement she re-
turned to Treane's house ; Treane died last No-
vember.

Mr. HILL said his object was to show, that if
the wife committed adultery, the husband not only
connived at it, but by numerous acts of condonation
supported her in her shame. If he proved that
during the whole time Smith supplied her with
money, and paid her bills, knowing that she was
living in open adultery, he submitted, that he should
establish such an act of condonation as would at once
put an end to the case.

The COURT overruled the objection.
It was then proved that Smif h sometimes gave
his wife money during the time she cohabited with
Treane.

respondent's
was trumped up, and had failed. It was well known
.IcPe.ENNHlNeczonNtencod
commented
dthoechargentieespfondrueenlts
evt
o
that under the ancient laws of England, ducking-
stools were established for the purpose of punishing;
evidence.
and in this instance the appellant had done nothing
that was not deservedly provoked by the drunken-
ness of the wife. With regard to condonation, what
did it signify but as the derivation of the term de-
noted, a perfect forgiveness—a taking back to bed
and board—a total obliteration of all past errors.
That was the natural, moral, and legal definition of
condonation. The casual relief of a starving profligate
wife could not be taken in that light. All the pay-
ments proved by the witness came to this, and no
more, that Mr. Smith seeing his wife in want, and
believing himself able to pay, relieved her. Imme-
diately he saw the case reported in the newspapers,
he determined to abandon it. The law was clear I
upon the case.

Mr. iltu, said, that whatever his suspicions
might be, he would not admit the adultery was
proved ; but he hoped the day was far distant when
a husband, who had driven his wife from her home
by acts of the most atrocious cruelty—who had ab-
solutely supported her in her crime—should, when
called upon to support her in her destitution, have
the power of making his moral fellow-parishioners
pay for his crime and cruelty. The husband it was
who, to his wife, had rendered rugged the path of
virtue, and smooth the path of rice.
The Magistrates were equally divided—six voting
for the confirmv of the conviction, and six against it.
Sir E. E. Wit.morr, the Chairman, gave the cast-
ing vote against the conviction, which was accord.
inglyquashed.--I~ir~niu~JtctiiiJournal,