The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-13 00:00:00

PRINCE METTERNICH.

The death of Prince Metternich at the very time
when the sword of a Bonaparte hangs over Italy
and the treaties of Vienna are being weighed in
the balance, might in an age of superstition be re-
garded as a solemn portent. In the age of railroads ,
and electric telegraphs it must be recorded simply
as a coincidence which acute historians may
centuries hereafter regard as too symmetrical to be
true. The most celebrated statesman in Europe has
lived just long enough to see all the objects of his
life frustrated, or if not yet wholly frustrated, still
in such jeopardy that their doom canr.ot long be
averted. The system which he had built up with
enormous labour exploded in 1848, and he was
driven from the empire whose affairs he had con-
ducted for more than a quarter of a century.
When the [reaction came he was enabled to return
and to nourish the hope that what had been might
be again. He had to wait but a very few years
to discover his mistake ; and the aged Prince, whose
counsels at one time dominated in every European
Cabinet, has gone to his rest with a Nune dintittis
that is anything but a song of triumph. To have
assumed and to have long held such a position,
imply powers of no common order; but if no man
is to be called happy until we see how he dies, no
statesman can be called great until we see how he
succeeds. Metternich attempted to chain the
winds, and like Canute on the shore forbade the
waves to advance. The winds obeyed him, and the
waves receded for a moment ; but the moment is
passed and the elements refuse his control. All
the great schemes with which he has been identi-
fied are fast crumbling away. He was an uncom-
promising advocate of that system of " Thorough"
which, pretty and compact so long as it lasts,
bursts like a Rupert 's drop if the least part of it 1•
broken—a siatesman's toy, but not likely to be :
statesman's monument. He was essentially a dip-
lomatist; he understood expedients, if we may say
so of a Minister who did not understand that ex-
pedients have but a temporary force. He had
more knowledge of the ways of governors than of
the ways of the governed; and so while he could
always cope with rival statesmen he was at fault
when he had to deal with subject races. Accord-
ingly it is to his inspiration that we can more or
less less directly trace the internal weakness of the
Austrian empire--poverty in its Exchequer, and
disaffection in its provinces.
Clement Wenceslas Metternich was born at Cob-
lentz on the 15th of May, 1773, so that when he
died he had completed his 86th year. His ancestors
had been distinguished in :the wars of the Empire
against the Turks : his family had given more than
one Elector to the Archbishoprics of Mayence and
Treves ; and his father, the Count Metternich, had
obtained some reputation as a diplomatist and as
the associate of Kaunitz. At the age of 15 Metter-
nich entered the University of Strasbourg, where
he had for his -fellow student Benjamin Constant,
and from which, in two years afterwards, he re-
moved to Mayence in order to complete his studies.
In 1790 he made his first public appearance as
master of the ceremonies at the coronation of the
Emperor Leopold 11. ; and in 1794, after a short
visit to England, he was attached, to the Austrian
Embassy at the Hague, in the following year marry-
ing the heiress of his father's friend Kaunitz. Thus
far he was but serving.his apprenticeship in diplo-
macy. He first came into notice at the Congress
of Rastadt, where he represented the Westphalian
nobility, after which he accompanied Count Stadion
to St. Petersburg, was (1801) appointed Minister at
the Court of Dresden, then (1803-4) proceeded as
Ambassador to Berlin, where he took a leading
part in the arrangement of that well-known coali-
tion which was dissolved by the battle of Auster-
litz, and at length, after the peace of Presburg, was
selected for the most important diplomatic appoint-
ment in the gift of the Emperor—that of Austrian
Minister at the Court of Napoleon. The rise of the
young ambassador had been unusually rapid, and

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-- Napoleon might bluster, but of which he could
never get the better. In Metternich all the arts
of society had been cultivated to the highest degree
—his conversation brilliant and inexhaustible, his
manners most easy and graceful, his flattery de-
with very limited sympathies, with no deep
convictions, he had a clear head and a firm hand ;
he could keep his own secret, and he could worm
out the secrets of others ; and, making himself the
most agreeable man in the world, he plotted in
exhi-
bitedat he ee p
traaebnnl ceah;d
address
rnedss, Emperori
nacinedegdr;
ye
knowledgetoeudn
" You are very young to represent such a f Ifi
polar u S
monarchy." . " Your Majesty was not older af Xus-
terlitz," replied Metternich, with . a slight exagge-
ration
before which
ration which could not make the compliment less
licate and insinuating. Without much ardour,
the midst of smiles, manoeuvred in a dance,
and struck the hardest when he seemed to
yield the most. He managed with so much ability
that when the war broke out in 1809; and he had
to return to the Austrian Court, which was seeking
refuge in the fortress of Comorn, he was appointed
to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as the successor
to Count Stadion. It was during his tenure of office
that he struck out the idea of a marriage between
Napoleon and an Austrian Archduchess as a means
of purchasing a respite for the Empi re. He con-
ducted the negotiations with Champagnfy ; Napo-
leon was divorced from Josephine ; and 3 etternich
escorted Marie Louise to Paris. It was but an ex-
pedient; it was a humiliating sacrifice, which could
not be a permanent settlement; and in 1813, after
the great French' catastrophe in Russia, war was
again formally deClared by Austria against France.
In the autumn .of that year the grand alliance was
signed at Tceplitz, and on the field of Leipzig, Met-,
ternich was raised to the dignity of a Prince of the
Empire. In the subsequent conferences and treaties
the newly-created Prince took a very prominent
part, and he signed the Treaty of Paris on behalf
of Austria. He afterwards paid a visit to this
country, and received the honour of a doctor's hood
from the University of Oxford. This is worth
mentioning, as we believe it is the only honour
which he received from this country. _He 'who re-
ceived decorations frail 'all 'the Courts of Europo
obtained none from the English Court. The only
very celebrated orders to which he could not boast
that he belonged were the orders of the Bath and
of the Garter.

When the Congress of Vienna was opened, Prince
Metternich, then in his 42d year, was unanimously
chosen to preside over its deliberations, and this
presidency in the Congress may be regarded as
typical of an ascendency which, from this time, he
exerted for many years in the affairs of Europe . In
the view of Continental statesmen, the war against
Napoleon was a war not simply against an ambitious
conqueror, but also against a revolutionary propa-
ganda. In England it was distinctly recognised that
we were fighting against our enemy—we were fight-
ing for self-preservation ; we were not fighting
against principles ; it was no business of ours to im-
pose our own theories of government on other nations,
The Continental statesmen never saw this distinc-
tion very clearly, and thought as much of putting
down revolution as of restraining the great soldier
who had fought his way to the throne of France.
It followed, therefore, that the alliance which had
driven Napoleon to St. Helena, and which had
recast the map of Europe, set itself also vigorously
to repress all popular institutions, to crush freedom
of speech and act, and to establish a despotism in
every country that would submit to it. This was
that " Holy Alliance" which has been the object
of merited obloquy, which had Metternich for its
presiding genius, and which for a time even con-
trived to obtain, if not the active assistance. at all
events the tacit acquiescence of the English Minis-
try under Castlereagh. It was not until Canning
assumed the direction of the Foreign-office, in 1822,
that this miserable compliance with blind despotism
was changed into indignant protest against it.
England stood alone in Europe as the champion of
constitutional liberty ; everywhere else the counsels
of Metternich were pre-eminent—the system of
" Thorough" was being rapidly developed. The
blindness with which Metternich pursued this
system, and strenuously opposed everything like
popular rising was soon apparent in the events
which occurred in the Greek war of independence.
While England had a natural sympathy in the
dawning liberties of Greece, Austria evidently had
none. But another great despotic Power had.
Russia rejoiced in the growing independence of
Turkey. Hence in the struggle which ensued
Austria remained neutral and listless, while Russia
stepped in, established an ascendancy in Moldavia
and Wallachia, by the treaty of Adrianople became
master of the mouth of the Danube, the great
Austrian river, and, in short, took up a position
between Hungary and the Black Sea which was of
the utmost danger to the Austrian power. Let us
hope that, by the treaties which were effected on
the conclusion of the late war, this danger has been
avoided or postponed, although the Court of Vienna
cannot boast very loudly of the prowess which made
such; treaties possible; but it has always been re-
garded as one of the greatest blunders of Prince
Metternich that he permitted Russia to take up a
position of so much danger without one word of re-
monstrance, without even appearing to perceive the
mischief. In those days Austria had no fear of
Russian aggression—her only bugbears were France
and popular insurrection.
If for a moment there had been awakened a feel-
ing of jealousy in consequence of the Russian designs
it would have been soon crushed by the events
which very rapidly followed—beginning with the
French revolution of 1830. " All is lost !" was the
exclamation of Francis, when in the groves of Lax-
enburg he heard of the elevation of the Citizen King
to the throne ; and the intimacy of the three Nor-
thern Courts became closer than ever. But Met-
ternich early penetrated the character of Louis
Philippe ; saw that his influence would not be ex-
erted in direct opposition to that of Austria ; and
in the meantime sent troops to Italy to crush every
symptom of popular liberty, while throughout the
lesser States of Europe he brought the whole
weight of his power into play for the same end—
the repression of popular aspirations and the de-
struction of national independence. The game
which he thus played has not been very successful;
but least of all has it been successful in the empire
the affairs of which Metternich himself adminis-
tered. Composed of heterogeneous races, the Chan-
cellor of the Empire was utterly unable to weld
them into a unity, and he was not capable even of
outrooting a deep disaffection which is the natural
result of baffled hopes and wasted energies.
The day of retribution came. In 1847 Cardinal
Ferretti ascended the Papal throne. Pio None has
since proved of what metal he is made, and we do
not stay to criticise his conduct. But his professions
on assuming the tiara, it is well known, aroused all
Italy, called forth the cry of national independence,
and effectually shook the Austrian influence
throughout the Peninsula. Then came the third
French revolution, that overturned fora time half
the thrones of Europe. At Vienna, too, the shock
was felt. The Government fell, in spite of the
resistance of Metternich, who maintained his State
policy, to the last. A deputation of citizens made
their complaints to the Archduke John, who calmed
them by promising, first of all, the resignation of the
Chancellor. Out came the Prince Metternich from
the next room where the Ministers had assembled '
to deliberate, and with all the tenacity of age_
the tenacity of a Minister who had directed the
affairs of the empire for some 40 years—exclaimed
" I will not resign, gentlemen, I will not resign."
Archduke John, without. replying to the Chan-
repeated his statement, "I have
already Cha-
ncellor, ell o r, s
toldimply you, Prince Metternich resigns."
What, is this the return I get for my 50 years'
services ?" he said, and the next day he left the
city with an escort of cavalry. He came to Eng-
land, and here remained till the old state of things
began to return. Not till 1851 did he venture to
appear again at Vienna, but in the autumn of that
year he made a sort of Royal progress to his palace
in the. Rennweg. The old man wasnever again
asked to undertake the cares of office. He held
such a position in society as the Duke of Wellington
in his latter days held in this country ; and his
„, us
advice was often taken in affars
among
Sontante, bt;ertrhealaplgy
his power was gone, and many
learn
Ren
that the
ed rather
renownedr
livedmstaatyesmbeansuhrapsrise
d t
until now.
than great, clever rather than wise, venerated
Minister of the oldest
more for his age than for his power, admired but
not lamented,—the oldest
Court in Europe has passed away.

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I?OYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.
w under the alanagement or Mr. Charles Kean
THIS EVENING will be presented Shakspeare's historical
play of KING HENRY V.
King Henry V., Mr. C. Kean; Chorus, Mrs. C. Kean.
After which, IF THE CAP FI rs.

'IIIIEATRE-ROYAL, HAYMARKET.
Lessee, Mr. J. B. Blackstone.
THIS EVENING the performances will commence with
EVERYBODY'S FRIE.ND. Messrs. Charles Mathews,
Compton, and Buckstone ; Mesdames C. Mathews, Wilkins,
and Reynolds.
Followed by HE WOULD BE AN ACTOR.
After which, a new Classical Extravaganza, entitled
ELECTRA. IN A NEW ELECTR'IC LIGHT. Messrs
Compton, Braid, Clark, Mrs. Wilkins, Misses Fanny Wright,
Eliza Weekes, and Louisa Leclercq.