The Sun.
London, England, 1859-08-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, AUGUST 15,

GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY.
CHEAP EXCURSION to the SEA SIDE. On SA-
TURDAY, August 20th, an Excursion Train will leave Pad-
dington at 2 30 p.m., for CHIPPENHAM, Trowbridge, West-
bury, and Frome (Fares, 128 and 6s); Yeovil (lie and 7s) ;
Dorchester and Weymouth (20s and 10s), returning on Wed-
nesday, August 24th. For further particulars see handbills.

GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY.-
EXCURSION TRAINS at LOW FARES will leave
the Paddinon Station at 10 15 a.m., for Oxford (Fares,
Gs Gd and 4s),gt Banbury (8s and ss), Leamington and Warwick
(10s 6d and 6s), Birmiligham(l2B and 78),Westbromwich, Wed-
nesbury, and Bilston (128 Cd and 7s Gd), Wolverhampton
(13s and es), Wellington and Shrewsbury ((7s and 10s),
Llangollen Road and Chester (18s 6Mand 118), Birkenhead
and Liverpool (21s and 128 6d), on the 15th, returning on the
19th; on the 19th, returning on the 22d; and on the 22d,
nturning on the 26th of August. The tickets are only
available for the reTective trains for which they are issued.
For further particulars see handbills.

eIHEAP EXCURSION TO THE NORTH,
J allowing. ONE or TWO WEEKS, via GREAT
WESTERN RAILWAY.—On MONDAY, the 15th, and
22d of August, an EXCURSION TRAIN will leave
Paddington at 10 15 a.m. for OXFORD (Fares, lls and 5s 6d),
Banbury (14s and Os 6d), Leamington and Warwick (18s and
8s), Birmingham (208 and Os 6d), West Bromwich,Wednesbury,
and Bilston (21s 6d and 10s), Wolverhampton (22s 6d and lOs
6d), Wellington and Shrewsbury (27s 6d and 13a), Llan-
gollen Road and Chester (33s and 15s), Birkenhead and Liver-
pool (37Kand 17s) ; returning either on the 22d, or 27th of
August, from Liverpool, at 10 30 a.m., and intermediate
stations as per handbills.

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE.

LISKEARD.

In consequence of Mr. It. W. Grey, the late mem-
ber for Liskeard, hav-Inz vacated his seat by his ac.
ceptance of the Commission ership of her Majesty's
Customs, it has become necessary to fill his place.
Immediately on the vacancy becoming known Mr.
W. H. Pole Carew, a Conservative, offered to con-
test the borough if the electors would invite him,
but his offer was not appreciated ; therefore his ser-
vices were not required. Another gentleman in
the geld was Mr. J. H. Murchison, of London, a
Liberal Conservative, largely connected with min-
ing, but he prudently refrained from issuing his ad-
dress until Mr. Bernal Osborne, who had been
selected by the Liberal committee, had addressed
the constituency. _

Mr. Osborne arrived at Liskeard by the express
train on Friday night, and addressed a crowded
meeting of the electors in the Temperance Hall at
8 o'clock—Mr. B. Anstis in the chair.

Mr. B. OSBORNE, on rising, was received with
loud and prolonged cheering. After a few opening
remarks he said he might without vanity observe,
and, probably, with just pride, that he was the son
of an old Reformer—(hear, hear)—who for 40 years
supported with his vote and presence in the House
of Commons the cause of Reform in those days
when to be a Reformer was marked with oppro-
brium, and he could remember that in his school days
ho was thumped and badly treated—(hear, hear)—
because he was the son of the member for Rochester
who voted for radical reforms. Those days were
happily gone by, and now it was rather who
should be the first Reformer; and all they dif-
fered about was, " What is the pace, and who's
to drive the coach." (Cheers and laughter.)
We had now various kinds of Reformers, and a
Reformer had risen in the land who knew not
Joseph. There was suddenly a class of people who
called themselves Liberal Conservatives, who were
Liberal on the hustings, but Conservative in the
House of Commons—(hear) —Li beral in their profos-
sions, but apt to be Conservative in abuse. These were
the mermaids, or rather the mermen, of political life.
(Loud cheers.) He, however, was not one of these

—he was not a Liberal Conservative. If he were
called upon to define what he was he should point
to the Spanish proverb, " Tell me who you live
with and I will tell you what you are." He would
point to the votes which he had given in the Com-
mons during a Parliamentary career of 14 years,
and he would challenge any man in that Assembly,
or in any other, to put his hand upon a vote of his
that was ever given against the interests of the
people or the advance of the country. He entered
Parliament and sat at the feet of a man now gone
to his last account, to whom Liskeard stood god-
father in his political career—he meant the late
Mr. Charles Buller. He was the political guide of
his extreme youth, and whenever he had any doubt
as to which way he should vote he followed the
example of Mr. Buller, by going into the same
lobby with him. He felt it an honour to address
a Liskeard constituency. That was not mere lip
worship, for be need not tell them that he had
had invitations from several ,onstituenuit.o,
had done him the honour to can upon him to
represent them ; but he had made up his mind,
when by what he calla the fortuitous eircumstences
of Dover, by Which he was thrown out of Parlia-
ment, that he would never address or canvass a
constituency again were there the least suspicion of
those arts being required which, unfortunately, had
been too much exposed by the investigation of the
various election committees. He was called upon
to stand for the large and important borough of
Marylebone, but the expense of a contest was some-
thing so large that, notwithstanding how great he
thought the honour of possessing a seat in Parlia-
ment, he still thought it a matter of duty to him-
self not to expend money to that extent, even for a
seat in Parliament. There was another reason why
he declined the borough, and that was that who-
ever was the member must be the slave of the ves-
try. (Hear.) Now, although he was on all proper
occasions ready to bow to the behests of his con-
stituents, still, as he never would be the minion
of a Government, still less would he be the
delegate of a constituency. He thought it
right at starting to say that 113 was eager
and willing to represent their borough, but
he was not inclined to give pledges on every
minor detail. The division lists of the House of
Commons were before them, but he might tell them
that he was what in a general way would be called
",sound." He was, in fact, a Whig and something
more. (Laughter.) He had voted with the Whigs,
and he would do them the justice to say that they
had been the pioneers of progress in this country,
and their exertions ought never to be forgotten—
(hear, hear) ; but when he had found them slipping
from their traces and not coming up to the collar,
he had not been slow to apply the whip of probably
what had been called a pertinacious tongue ; nei-
ther had he been slow to follow with his vote what
he had whipped with his tongue. He was proud
that he had been selected by the committee to
stand before them on the present occasion, because
he was well aware that if there was an independent
borough in the kingdom—and he grieved to say
they waxed few and far between—it was the
borough of Liskeard—(hear, hear, and cheers)—for
it had the character of not being dictated to by a
territorial landlord or by a secretary of the Trea-
sury. (Hear.) He was now ready to give any ex-
iotr so
walkpleased
over theho
course.
(Cheers.) But he should.
prefer
the latter alterna-
pplaarntyat,ito on, fightand ready,
a
alterna-
tive, because fromssomlifee,mainscd havinghancesherehoaeidvebdeecnera
fighting man all bi
.
tain wounds—(laughter)—
Parliamentary fighting was
—(i.au‘g‘
the banker's account of a
not very agreeable to
hilteejre)s_tsbaut
tsctahrisswho never felt a wound"
°erasion, but not severely, be
beyond the legal
the first from incurring anything
ile stood on
member of Parliament. Heoahuaadatueffdeirasecelnotendafrloamte
expenses. What was the consequence enb
(Laughter.) He advocated the principles
"Peace, re-
the address first issued by Earl Grey,
purity of principle, and was sent a coeuth iasabduosionpeisesd.
on the During two years he took some pains
re-
trenchment, hbmee nwt , a ands
re
traerfao
or reform," ,
b'
ya nad when
majority a t Doofv e ion.
ques-
tions,feltsu rseptehakatinwghaens
ho well
wentos votingbae back
tofohr
he should increase his majority; but instead e
constituencyiathem
was left in a minority of 150. He asked his con-
stituents if they objected to his votes, and the reply
and
bh e
was in the negative, accompanied with a sort of
buttoning up of the pocket. (" Rear," and laugh-
ter.) It was a serious blow to his career. From
the foolish chivalry of fighting his seat at Dover he
lost two certain seats—one in his county and one
at Wolverhampton—and when he awoke one fine
morning he found himself left in the political mud,
defeated, but, as he thought, not disgracefully.
Well, there was a petition to upset the Dover elec-
tion, but he declined to have anything to do with
it, because he said that if they were to return him
for Dover on the morrow he would not take his
seat or sit for them. He considered the labourer
worthy of his hire. If he gave his mental exertions,
time, patience, and energies he thought they were
bound to support him, having once done so, if he
had proved true, and not recreant to his cause ; but
when a set of men turned without reason one day
and sold themselves for filthy lucre, they alight
get any man to represent them, for he would not,
as he prized his honour too highly, or else he should
not be addressing the constituency of Liskeard.
He repeated that he prized his honour too highly
to sit for a rotten and debased borough. No doubt,
there were many present who would wish to know
his views on the present state of things. Well, they
had got rid of the greatest imposition which had
ever been foisted on the public in modern times—
ho meant the Government of Lord Derby, which
he thought was a Government formed not only on
false, but on most deceptive principles—(hear, hear)
—pretending to be Liberal Conservatives; guaran.

teeing just as much as they could not avoid, and,
at the same time, fooling the people with a pro-
mise of Reform which was never intended to be given.
(Hear.) Well, what bad they got in its place? (Hear.)
Now, he thought that, with some exceptions, it was
a great improvement on the last. (Hear.) He held
that, with the arlarming state of things on the
continent of Europe the country could not have
a better man to deal with foreign politics than Lorn
Palmerston ; and he went further by saying tint
if we were to have a Reform Bill to deal effi-
ciently with the domestic and social interests of this
country, the proper man to do that was Lord John
Russell. (Cheers.) Although he was not one of
those who pinned his faith to everything or to any
body of men, yet he had confidence in Lord John
Russell. (Cheers.) He thought that during his long
life he had done more for the great body of his fel-
low-countrymen than any other statesman, and it
was an earnest of what he would do. He would
give expression to his opinion with respect to the
working classes of this country without flattery.
(Hear.) He believed he was then standing in a tem-
perance hall, and if the working men carried out
temperance principles they might do the country a
large amount of good. (Near.) But they put an
enemy in their mouths to steal away their brains—
(hear, hear)--and what was the consequence ? Why,
that they had not a fair share in the government of
the country. In alluding to the high tone held by
mechanics, he observed that he had remarked in
conversations he had held with them that they
would put to the blush many of the members of the
aristocracy, and ho thought it would be for the
security of the country that the portals of the con-
stitution should be opened, and a large infusion of
these men—especially if they were sober men—ad-
mitted. He wished there could be some such test
applied. --(Hearihear.) But he would not go into
details as to how far he would go, or how much he
would give, but when the bill came they must trust to
him. He would not split little straws, but he would
take a general view of the question. What he
could do for farmers and for the general welfare of
the country he would; but all these things in a coun-
try constituted like England, must necessarily be a
compromise between parties. Speaking of retrench•
merit, he referred to the immense sum of money now
raised by taxation, amounting in the aggregate to
£75,000,000, and said he could not help asking him-
self whether the House of Commons as at present
constituted had managed its affairs so well that the
country could allow it to remain as it is; and he had
no hesitation in saying that if things went on as at
present, with so lavish an expenditure, representa-
tive government would be at a discount, because, as
managed at present, it seemed to him that the
House of Commons was nothing more than a great
machine for raising the largest amount of money
in the shortest possible space of time, therefore it
was that an infusion of new blood was wanted into
the House of Commons. (Hear.) Ministers them-
selves complained that all that members did now
was to urge them to spend money. (Hear.) Then
came the vote for the army and navy, which
amounted to £25,000,000 of money. Now, he occu-
pied neutral ground, for he was not a peace-at-any-
pi ice man, neither was he a war man, but ho wished

particularly to see the navy of this country in that
state that we should be able to hold our own. Na-

urally, from our important commercial associations

and our enormous colonics we were entitled to have

a great navy, and he would say that if we could
not have an army and navy for less than 25 millions
of money it was preposterous. They ought to be
had for at least eight millions less. He did not
hesitate to say that there must be some mismanage-
ment at head-quarters, and no private firm could

carry on business in the way that the business of
the country was carried on in respect to these de-
partments. England could never pretend to be a
military power, for the wages of labour were too
well paid in this country for any one to be a soldier
who could be anything else. He had been a soldier
himself ; he had paid for his commission, but he
saw it was a bad business, and got out of it. (Hear,
and laughter.) Although the French and Austrian
standing armies amounted to something like 400,000
men each, yet the Government of those countries
did not spend so much money on their armies as we
did on ours. The whole system must be revised and
corrected; but he felt certain that such a thing
would never be while the Government went on in

the same dog-trot manner. In speaking of the
n's+
PI
'anti Kane of Commons he said it was the worst
assembly or ~;,,d that ever sat. HO
this because the grapes were sour, out ecause e
believed there never was a House of Commons

elected so much by the power of the purse and the
power of corruption. They might depend upon it
that men who bought constituencies would
sell them. That, of course, was the principle
of free trade. Buy in the cheapest and sell in
the dearest market. (Laughter.) There never were
so many petitions presented in any Parliament as
in the present one ; but when he said this he did
not mean it as an attack against the Conservative
party, because he believed one was as bad as the
other. Something must be done to stem this sys-
tem of corruption, or depend upon it the day was
not far distant when the British lion, of which they
were all proud, would cease to wag his tail, and
the sun of England would soon set. No matter
where the system of corruption was pursued, it was
so bad that it was gradually eating its way into
the vitals of the British constitution ; it was a cor-
roding sore, and when Englishmen descended so
low that, instead of looking upon their franchises
as a privilege, they regarded them as perquisites,
then there was something rotten in the state of
Denmark to every true Reformer. Every man
who had the interest and wellbeing of his country
at heart should set his mind to work to cut out this

cancer from the constituency, and devise means by
which it might be improved and purified. He had
stood four contested elections, and he had found as
a great evil the intimidation on the part of masters
and landed proprietors, and the most effective
remedy would be an extension of the suffrage, and
to give the voter the protection of the ballot. But
he did not wish it to be understood that he was an
enthusiastic supporter of the ballot, but he was
ready to exhaust any means and try any remedy to
give the poor man protection in the exercise of his
franchise. He next passed on to church-rates, and
stated that he was for the total and immediate abo-
lition of church-rates, and "no mistake ;" after
which he proceeded to remark on the policy of non-
interference. All knew how the great debt of this
country had been created—namely, by an incessant
desire to interfere with other people. Now, he did
not say that England was entirely to abdicate her
position, but there should be no threats or any one-
sidedness. He confessed that he sympathised with
the oppressed nationalities of Italy, but he could do
nothing more. He could not consent to tax his
fellow-countrymen for those who could not emanci-
pate themselves.

" Hereditary bondsnu n, know ye not
'Who would be free themselves must strike the blow?"
(Cheers.) He was not one of those who believed
there was going to be any French invasion—(hear)
still less was he one of those who wished to run
into the other extreme, and who, throwing away
their their locks and bolts, relied upon the disposition of
their neighbours. He took the middle course, and
believed the present Emperor of the French far too
wise a man I nd too cognizant of his own interests
to pick a quarrel with this country. No man
knew this country better than he did, and he knew
that if once involved in a struggle with this coun-
try it would:not end in a mere peace of Villafranca.
'When the blood of the British lion was once got up
it would be a struggle for life or death. The Em-
peror knew this, and he did not therefore believe
he had any idea of attacking this country unless
there were some perpetual excitement got up
against him by canvassing every act he did. He
was the elected of the French people, and if they
liked his sort of government what business was it
to us if we were not pledged to live under it ? He
was adverse to the system now very generally
entertained, of forcing a constitution on every
nation, for constitutions grew and required time.
He believed he had now touched on his three lead-
ing points, " Peace, Retrenchment, and Reform ;"
and he proceeded to state that he was willing to
answer any question that might be put to him, con-
cluding by expressing a wish that it might be his
good fortune to represent the borough of Liskeard.
The hon. gentleman resumed his seat amid pro-
longed cheering.
Mr. CIIILDS proposed, and Mr. C. ISAACS se-
conded, a vote or confidence in Mr. Osborne; which
having been carried with the greatest enthusiasm,
the meeting separated.

tion of Mr. James Wyld as a fit and proper person
to represent Bodmin in the Commons House of Par-
liament.
No other candidate having been pro Posed, the
Mayor, amid loud cheers, declared Mr. Wyld to bP
duly elected.
Mr. JAMES WILD, in returning thanks for the
honour conferred upon him, referred to the retire,
ment of Dr. from the representation of the
borough, and in remarking ur on this proceeding on
his part ho said the act that became him most in hii
life was his dying one, for Dr. Michell's last speech
in the House of Commons did him great honour.
As to the amount of truth in it, he would leave that
to him and his conscience. However, as t)r.llichell
had retired, he had now come to offer himself, ac-
cording to the pledge he had given. Since he was
first returned in 1847 he had never been allowed to
have a quiet seat, and every time he had been a
candidate for the borough he bad to fight a con-
tested election. He, however, understood . that on
this occasion Mr. Tremayne did not intend to
pose him. After a further allusion to local matters,
he said that shortly the small boroughs would un-
dergo a trial, and it would be a question whether
small or large constituencies should possess the re•
presentation, and he was sure that in the choice 01
seats great weight would be attached to the fact
whether the constituencies possessed firm political
principles. He expressed his surprise at the want
of fixed principles on the part. of some of the prin-
cipal electors of Bodmin, who voted on one occasion
for a Whig candidate and on another supported a
Conservative. There must be political consistency
and political principle. The Conservative 'candidate
had stood no chance in the present election, it hav-
ing been shown. that the Liberals comprised two-
thirds of the electors, and now, therefore, itivould
alWays be said that Bodmin was a Liberal con-
stituency. In the support he would give the
Liberal party it would be one • of principle, and
when they required a vote, even if 'it should
be a little contrary to the views he entertained,
they should have his support. If, however.-accord-
ing to Mr. Disraeli at the dinner of the Merchant
Taylors' Company, the Conservative party were
going to advocate progress, then he should become
a Conservative—(hear) ;—but if they were to have
the ancient Tory doctrine promulgated in the
House of Commons, then he should be its Oppo-
nent ; and also if they offered obstruction to the
advance of the Reform party. He rejoiced that
Lord Elcho failed in his recent motion in endeavour-,
ing to fix the Government to unqualified neutrality:
He was very far from being an advocate for war;
or for the undue interference of England, but he
thought that the principle of. neutrality might be
carried too far. England could not abdicate heti
position among the nations of Europe by abstaining
from some interference on the continent. If all,
kind of interference ceased, then this country would
cease to hold that high position she now enjoyed:
Then, with regard to our national defences..-:
knew that there was a party in' the entry whd
thought that the Parliament who were urging for.;
ward, with all speed he hoped, the national
fences were doing that which was unnecessary, but
those who watched the political horizon knew full
well that there were clouds which might burst al
any moment, not on our island, but on some of our
possessions, and that we ought to be ready not for
aggressive warfare, but for defensive warfare,-and
to uphold the honour of our flag. He was not in
favour of expensive land armaments, for he knew
that England could not vie with continental nations
in the extent and number of her' armies, but still
she should possess the means of holding the suprey
macy of the waves, and while he should recommend
economical expenditure he should like . to see the
navy in a fitting condition. During• the new •
sion the question of the redistribution of the frail,
chise would occupy the attention of ParliamenC
Now, as their member, he should attend to their
interests, and endeavour to preserve for Bodmin
its two seats. The extension of the suffrage would
be of great benefit to the nation at large. He
was opposed to the principles advocated by
Mr. John Bright that simple population should
be represented, for he held that property
and population should go together. In-
telligence and property had as much right to be
represented as mere numerical stre:-Igth, and he be-
lieved these elements could be so far combined as
to produce a fair a proper representation of the
people. Then, as to church-rates, it would be hiv
the ballot should be brought forward again it
would be his duty to vote for it as in times past.
(Cheers.) He thanked the electors for the honour
as
willingness to give them an account of his steward-
ship y
their
wheneverand memberdon e
;
himcalled i t
and i
p conclusion,'
uponreturning
to do so.
The proceedings shortly afterwards terminated.