The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-26 00:00:00

TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 26, 1859.

may be the Minister' whatever the party in power,
and whatever the political complexion of the then
existing House of Commons. (Cheers.) I am
deeply convinced the people of England will only
require two things from their Government—one is
to tell them frankly the truth about their navy ;
the other to take care that the sums liberally
voted shall be wisely and judiciously expended.
(Cheers.) Insisting upon those conditions, I hope
and believe that the country will look to every
Government and every Parliament to take care that
the power and efficiency of that great arm upon
which our national greatness and national safety
so essentially depend are neither diminished nor
impaired. (Cheers.).
The LORD MAYOR then proposed " The Health
of the Earl of Derby and her Majesty's Ministers,"
taking oscasion to pay a tribute to the high honour
and pure patriotism of the noble Premier, and to
express his conviction that the Government, sup-
ported, as he believed they were, by the people,
would do all that in them lay to preserve the peace
of the world.

The toast was received amid loud cheers.
The Earl of DERBY, on rising, was received with
loud and prolonged cheering. He said,—My Lord
Mayor, my lords, ladies, and gentlemen, in my own
name, and in that of the colleagues associated with
me in the administration of this great country, I
must be permitted, however inadequately, to offer
you the expression of our deep and heartfelt thanks
for the distinguished honour this night conferred
upon us. To you, my Lord Mayor, my acknow-
ledgments are especially due for—if atter the
,flat-
tering terms in which you have spoken of myself
I may venture to use such a terui—the singular
good taste and good feeling with which you have
introduced this toast, and to this distinguished
company for the kind, gratifying, and cordial ac-
ceptance which it has given to it. In any other
country than this, at a period of great excitement,
when great public interests and party struggles are
hanging in the balance, it might be somewhat of a
risk for any one holding a high office in her Ma-
jesty's councils to present himself, as I have ven-
tured to do to-night, before a mixed assembly of all
political opinions and party predilections. But I
have known my countrymen too well to entertain
a doubt of the reception which would meet the
Minister who at this msment, be he who he
may,offiee. hals
kowtnogrtahpaptlem with
lathe difficulties of
every
allowance
is made for every shade o f political opinion, pro-
vided it is accompanied with hone sty of purpose and
a sincere desire to serve the public. (Cheers.) And
whatever may be our difference of party and of po-
litical conviction, this I claim for myself and col-
leagues,
that in encountering those difficulties and
those labours which you, my lord, have described
as graphically as if you had yourself experienced
them, we have bad no object in view save that of
faithfully, honestly, and diligently discharging our
duty to our Sovereign and our country in a time of
no inconsiderable anxiety. (Cheers.) My Lord
Mayor, you have been kind enough to propose our
healths as Ministers of the Crown; and such, in
truth, we are, though at this moment we are almost
in the position of an officer of her Majesty's army
who is under, arrest—(a laugh)—and who hardly
knows whether he will be permitted to wear his
sword, until the verdict of that great court martial
to which we are appealing shall, I•trust, restore it
to us again, and tell us we may wear it with honour.
My Lord Mayor, of the cause of the appeal to that
great court martial, of the expectations, of the hopes
with which we go before that tribunal, or of the
circumstances which in our opinion have necessitated
that appeal, this is not the occasion to say anything.
That topic would introduce a variety of subjects
which certainly ought at the present moment, and
in societies like the present at all times, to be kept
studiously out of sight. But this I will say, what-
ever may be the result of that appeal, favourable or
unfavourable to myself and my colleagues, that it is
my earnest and anxious hope that the opinions, the
judgment, and the feelings of the people may be
made known in such a way as that the Queen's Go-
vernment may be enabled to be carried on, in what-
ever hands, and .with whatever principles, steadily,
consistently, and firmly, without those repeated
changes which must have the effect of weakening
authority. But if I abstain from saying a single word
on those political questions which touch our domestic
institutions and our internal arrangements, lA° so
because upon them I am conscious that I must excito
considerable diversity of opinion. Yet there is a topic
to which even here, where politics properly so called
are rightly and justly banished, to which I feel it
necessary to advert, and to advert to it upon various
grounds. I advert to it, first, on account 'of the
overwhelming anxiety which in every house and
home in England is kindled by the state of public
affairs abroad. (Cheers.) I advert to it, secondly,
because it is a subject on which, so far as I know,
neither as regards• the policy which has been pur-
sued nor the policy which ought to be pursued, is
there any material difference of opinion throughout
the length and breadth of this land. I allude to it,
thirdly, because, more especially in the absence of
Parliament, I hold that this is a moment at which a
Minister should lose no opportunity of frankly and
fully placing the public in the confidence of the Go-
vernment, and letting them know distinctly and
without an effort at disguise, what we have been
doing, what we are doing, and what we deem it
right to do. • (Cheers.) The illustrious Duke the
Commander-in-Chief, and my right hon. friend the
First Lord of the Admiralty, who spoke on behalf
of those distinguished services which have conferred
imperishable glory on the name of England, have
both referred in terms which I am sure will meet
the approval of every Englishman to the anxious
desire of this country to maintain for herself, and, if
possible, for the world at large, the continued bless-
ings of a general peace. To that end the labours
and the anxieties of her Majesty's Government have
been, and I will, even at this eleventh hour, say still
are, directed with the most intense solicitude. I
would to God, that I could assure you, my lord, that
at this moment I saw a fair and reasonable prospect
that the peace of the world would be permanently
maintained. All I can say is this, that I have not
lost every spark of hope that the flame may still be
prevented from breaking out, and all I can assure
you is, that day by day, and night by night—in-
deed, almost hour by hour, our efforts arc unceasing
to avert, if it be yet•possible, that dreadful scourge, a
European war. (Cheers.) From the first moment at
which it appeared, at the commencement of this
year, that serious subjects of difference likely to
lead to important results existed between France
and Austria, the endeavours of her Majesty's
Government, as a friend of both parties, have been,
unremitting to bring them to a good understand-
ing, to ascertain what the points of difference were,
and to reconcile them when ascertained. For this
purpose Lord Cowley, a diplomatist well known
for his ability, his distinguished talents, and his
perfect knowledge of both French and Austrian
affairs, was dispatched to Vienna, and havingin-
formed himself of what the principal grounds of
dispute between the two countries were, he laid
down a certain basis for future negotiations between
them, from which I certainly ventured at that time
to anticipate the happiest results. You will forgive
me if renter somewhat into detail. (Cheers.) Un-
fortunately, at that moment, under a misconception
of the success which was attending Lord Cowle.y's
mission, and a miSapprehension that that mission
had altogether failed, Russia proposed, and France
accepted, before the return of Lord Cowley from
Vienna, a proposal for a general Congress to
discuss the questions which were actually
under consideration upon the single media-
tion of this country. Although we felt that the
system of a general Congress was less favourable to
the solution of this difficulty than an individual
mediation, we did not hesitate to accept that pro-
position, which enlisted on the side of peace, as we
believed, all the five great powers of Europe. But
at the same time we laid down, and had the happi-
ness of finding them accepted by all the Powers,
the four bases of negotiation as they had been set-
tled by Lord Cowley ; and it is an intense satisfac-
tion for me to say that not only those bases of ne-
gotiation were accepted by all the Powers of Eu-
rope as a proper ground for future discussion and
future arrangement, but moreover were, as far as
I know, recognised by Parliament and the country
as a fair and reasonable foundation for the solution
of all the difficulties which encompass this question.
s
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touched
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difficulties,
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beshhues
sutt
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successful
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and t .
spevmret
solely and entirely upon questions arising as to admis-
sion to the Congress and the terms of that admis-
sion, which terms, had the mediation been con-
fined to a single Power, would have been wholly
excluded from the question and could have raised
no difficulties whatever. I will not weary this
company, by entering upon a discussion of the
various difficulties raised, sometimes from the one
side and sometimes from the other, which have pre-
vented, up to the present moment, and will prevent,
the meeting of that Congress. All I can say is that
on the part of. England we have endeavoured stu-
diously to maintain the strictest and most absolute
impartiality between the two parties, (Cheers.)

When we felt that Austria was putting an undue
pressure upon Sardinia, we have resisted the pre-
tensions of Austria. When we felt that Sardinia
was making claims to which she was not entitled,
we have refused to admit those claims of Sardinia.
(Cheers.) And on the one side and the other, not
considering whether Austria was at, and Sar-
dinia a small Power, but rec r
that they
were both of them independ tates, entitled
to full consideration, we have given them
the benefit of the strictest impartiality and the best
advice we could offer, and that advice, I need not
say, has been given throughout in the interests of
peace and humanity, and for the welfare of Europe.
(Cheers.) I should be most unjust to foreign coun-
tries, none of whose representatives I see now in
this hall, if I did not take this opportunity of say-
ing how cordially, faithfully, and loyally we have
been supported by Prussia throughout the whole of
these negotiations. Prussia has occupied a position
of peculiar difficulty, because on the one hand, she
had many close connections with Austria, and more
especially with Germany as a whole. She had obli-
gations to the Germanic Confederation which in her
position as a member of that confederation she was
not entitled nor disposedto undervalue or overlook ;
but while she has studiously maintained the obli-
gations which she owes to the Germanic Con-
federation, if war should unhappily spread beyond
the limits of Italy, she has, on the other hand,
most wisely and judiciously abstained from
placing herself in that positioa as a German par-
tisan which should disqualify her from acting
under those circumstances, in connection with Eng-
land, as an impartial mediator between- the two
great contending parties. Such has been the course
which we have pursued, and I wish I could say the
difficulties—not the difficulties of making the ar-
rangements, but the difficulties of obtaining a meet-
ing of the great Powers upon satisfactory terms—
had been overcome by the efforts of this country.
lam compelled to state that they have failed. I
am compelled to say, in accordance with the state-
ment I had the honour of making in the House of
Lords not long ago, that England has felt that the
time is come when she can no longer afford to trifle
with negotiations which were leading to no result,
and the continuation of which would only be incon-
sistent with her dignity and her honour, while it
would be of no real service to the cause of peace.
One last effort which I announced our intention of
making we have made to bring the contending
parties to an understanding as to the terms on
which they might meet in congress. I regret to
say that Austria has rejected the offer of these terms.
I regret to say, still more, that almost simultane-
ously with the rejection of that offer of England,
Austria has felt it necessary to send to Sardinia a
peremptory message demanding her immediate dis-
armament, under the threat of war, within the space
of three days. I do not wish to express any opinion
upon the merits of one or other of the conflicting
causes which are before the great tribunal of Europe
—but this I must say, and that with deep regret,
that in adopting that course Austria has taken
upon herself—if, indeed, she still acts upon her
menace—that fearful responsibility wh!ch attaches
to that country which first deserts the peaceful ways
ofApispitssgbiects the question in diapute_to
th r e itrament of the sword; (Cheers.)'
My Lord, we had not known for twelve hours
the course which Austria had determined upon
taking before we instructed our Minister, in the
name of England, emphatically and formally to
protest against the step of Austria. (Loud
cheers.) It may be that that protest has been
unavailing ; it may be that the horrors of war
are already, or are about to be to-morrow
morning invoked. Ido not say that Austria had
no cause for complaint. On the contrary, I am
bound to say I think that by her aggressive and
propagandist tone Sardinia has deprived herself of
a great deal of that moral support which the sym-
pathy of England would give to the free institu-
tions which she has so nobly maintained. But I
do say this, that there was nothing in the state of
affairs at the moment to discourage—indeed, there
was everything to lead to—the hope of a successful
issue to the negotiations. There was nothing, in
my judgment, to justify the hasty, the precipitate,
and, because involving the horrors of war, the crimi-
nal, step which has been taken by Austria.
(Cheers.) What the consequences of that step
may be no human foresight can toll ; but, whatever
they may be, Austria has brought them upon her-
self, however lamentable they may prove to her.
I do not :hesitate to sap that within the last 12
hours we have attempted yet one last measure, in
the hope of averting the calamities of war.
The Congress has failed. The possibility of the
united efforts of Europe has - failed ; but we have
at the last hour, and on this very day, des-
patched to Vienna and to Paris a joint representa-
tion, offering to take up, on the part of England
alone, the mediation at the point at which it was
left by Lord Cowley, and to endeavour to arrange
the differences between the two great Powers in
dispute, subject to one of these two conditions—
either an immediate, absolute, and simultaneous
disarmament of the three Powers—France, Aus-
tria, and Sardinia—or a consent on the part of all
the three, pending the result of the mediation, to
re tail& their armies precisely in their present condi-
tion, and to maintain a position, if not of peace, at
all events of inaction. (Cheers.) My Lord Mayor
and gentlemen, I have stated to you, and stated as
openly as I feel it my duty to do in the present
anxious position of public affairs, the course which
her Majesty's Government have pursued. It remains
for me only, with your indulgence, to state the
course which we intend to pursue ; and I do this
the rather because I perceive that words which
fell from me have been misapprehended in a quar-
ter in which I should be exceedingly sorry that any
misconception should exist, and that they have
been misinterpreted, or I am sure they would not
have been misrepresented, by a noble lord who has
long had the distinguished honour of sitting as one
of the representatives of this great city, and whose
every word falls with the weight and influence dae
to Ins position and character. That noble lord
supposes me to have said that I thought it the duty
of England to maintain a posture of armed neutra-
lity in order that we might take the part of which-
ever of the belligerents we believed was in the
right, and he adds that, from the manifest par-
tiality which we have shown for Austria, there
can be no doubt on which side we arc prepared
shortly to draw the sword. Now, I take the liberty
to say here—and I rejoice to have the opportunity
of saying—thus emphatically and publicly, that
nothing could have been further from our view, I
think that if the words which I used had been cor-
rectly represented to the noble lord he would have
seen that it was impossible that they could have
had that meaning. What I did say was this—that
we intended to maintain a strict neutrality ; but
that when a million or more of men were in arms,
when the contest was already engaged in, when
war was not only imminent, but in actual existence,
and that, moreover, in Italy and upon the shores of
the Mediterranean, it was incumbent upon and ab-
solutely necessary for us, looking to the great inte-
rests we have involved there, looking to our great
possessions and the military positions we occupy in
that quarter, that we should be in such a state as
to maintain and defend the security of those pos-
sessions and preserve the British flag and British
arms from the possibility of insult amid any of the
contingencies which might arise in the contest. And
I said this—not that we should maintain that armed
neutrality for the purpose of joining this or the
other of the parties with whose quarrels, whatever
we may think of them in point of reason or in jus-
tice, there is nothing in our national interests or
national honour which calls for our interference. So
far from wishing to join either of the belligerents,
I went on to say that our armed neutrality ought
to be for the purpose of maintaining that position
which we have held, and which as long as possible
we are determined to hold—namely, that of perfect
and entire neutrality, free from all engagements,
fettered by no engagements and no promises, and
completely at liberty to use the influence—God for-
bid that I should have to add the arms—of Eng-
land in such a manner and such a cause as we might
consider to be called for under the circumstances of
the time by the interests, the honour, and the dig-
nity of our country. (Cheers.) I trust I need say
no more to show this distinguished company and
the public the broad distinction between the state-
ment as I made it then, with regard to the honour
and interests of England, and the statement as I
was supposed to have made it, with reference to our
partizanship with either of the belligerents. I re-
peat that our anxious desire is to maintain peace
for ourselves. But Igo further, and say that, even
if the sword should be drawn, if unhappily war
should break out, England will maintain a watch-
ful and an observant attitude—observant, not for
the purpose of profiting by the weakness or the
calamities of others, but for the purpose of disco-
vering the slightest gleam of light that should
break forth amid the gloom of war, and should dis-
close a reasonable probability of the dispersion of
the clouds, and afford a ground or opportunity for
the interpesition of the pacific influence of Eng-
land. (Cheers.) My lord, I really know not how
to apologise for detaining you so long on an ocea.-
Aloll Like tile preseut when undoubtedly brevity 14