The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-18 00:00:00

BOROUGHS.

ANGLESAY.—There is likely to be a change in
the representation of these boroughs, so long the
stronghold of the Whigs. It is understood that
P. Lewis Hampton-Lewis, Esq., of Henlly, the
well known Conservative and resident liberal
landlord, has been solicited and consented to stand.
We are glad to learn that, so far as the canvass has
proceeded, he has every chance of success.
BARNSTAPLE.—No less than five gentlemen have
announced their intention to become candidates for
the representation of this borough. Sir W. Fraser
and Mr. Laurie, the present members, offer them-
selves for re-election. Mr. G. Potts, :of London,
and Colonel Stucley, of Harland:Abbey, Devonshire,
both of whom formerly contested the borough, and
the latter was once one of its representatives, have
reappeared as Conservative candidates, and Mr. J.
H. Davie, son of Sir H. Davie, M.P., of Creedy
Park, Devonshire, comes forward on Liberal prin-
ciples.
Tvl‘rf.LsleY, who has been twice
majorities, is again in the field
Y
adtefetehileteiPrdePqEbuisNyilniAtiol7. of the electors. His opponents

are Colonel Boldero, who has sat for the borough
for many years, and Mr. Long, jun., of Rood
Ashton.
DARTMOUTH.—Sir T. Herbert, who was formerly
a member for this borough, has again offered him-
self; and it is said that Mr. Caird, the present
member, will not again seek the suffrages of the
electors.
DEVONPORT.—Mr. Peel, son of General Peel,
Secretary for War, and Mr. W. B. Ferrand, are the
Conservative candidates to contest the seats of Mr.
Wilson and Sir E. Perry.
LEEDS.--The Liberal candidates, Mr, E. Baines
and Mr. Forster, commenced their ward meetings
on Thursday, and in every instance they have not
only been well received, but resolutions have been
unanimously adopted pledging those present to
give them their support. " Amongst all sections,"
says the Leeds Mercury, " there was evidently a
conviction that if the Liberal candidates were to be
returned, there must be no plumping for either Mr.
Baines or Mr. Forster, and no splitting for Bee-
croft."
LISKEARD.—Mr. W. H.P. Carew, who formerly
was a representative of East Cornwall, has started
on the Conservative interest, in opposition to the
sitting member, Mr. Grey, Liberal.
LIVERPOOL.—Mr. William Seymour V. Fitz-
gerald, Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, after
being solicited by the Conservative party to
become a candidate, has refused to stand.
LICHFIELD.—Lord Sandon has retired; the names
of one or two gentlemen locally connected have
been mentioned as likely to offer themselves for the
vacant seat.
LEOMINsTER.—On Saturday an address was
issued by Theodore Galton,Esq., of Hanley-grange,
Upton-on-Severn. Mr. Galton comes forward in the
Liberal intereft. He is an advocate of the ballot.
MANCHESTER.—NEW CANDIDATE.—AIderman
Abel Heywood has issued the following address :
" Gentlemen,—lnvited by a numerously-signed
requisition, and by a large meeting held in the
Free-trade hall, I no longer hesitate to become a
candidate for your suffrages at the ensuing election
of members of Parliament. I have been a resident
of Manchester for forty years, and starting from a
humble position, have, by untiring industry, ac-
quired a moderate competency. Being an ardent
advocate of the liberty of the press, I challenged,
with many others, the Government of 1832 to a
contest for the removal of the fourpenny stamp,
and was thus one of the earliest workers in that
great cause which Mr. M. Gibson has conducted
with so much success. For the last twenty years
I have endeavoured to serve my fellow-citizens in
the management of the local affairs of this city ; a
considerable portion of that time I have been at the
head of an important department of the business of
the city council. I now offer to you my services in
the wider sphere of national legislation, and, if
elected, shall endeavour to procure the admission of
every man not tainted with crime into the pale of
the constitution ; to secure their honest voting by,
means of the ballot ; to shorten the du ration of Parlia-
ments ; together with such an equitable distribution
of seats, in proportion to population and property,
as will effectually put an end to the system of
nomination boroughs. lam opposed to secret
diplomacy in foreign affairs, and would visit with
the severest censure that minister who should make
war and appropriate the funds of the nation to its
support without first having consulted the House
of Commons. I would endeavour, as far as possible,
to abolish all indirect taxation ; leave tea, coffee,
sugar, tobacco, and other necessaries and comforts
oelife, to be imported at their natural prices, and
thus consummate the great policy of " Free trade
with all the world." If returned to Parliament, I
should consider it my duty to support by all the
means in my power, the bill which has been pub-
lished to the country by John Bright, Esq. With
this brief exposition of my political sentiments, I
leave the issue in your hands, with the sincere
hope that whatever may be the result of the poll-
ing, the numbers will show that the independent
electors of Manchester are not afraid to trust the
great working class of this country with political
power.—l am gentlemen, yours, Abel Heywood,
21, Hyde-road, Ardwick, Manchester."
MALnoN.--The Conservatives have found a
second candidate in the person of Lieut.-Colonel
Meyrick, who styles himself a Liberal Conserva-
tive, with "political opinions in unison with those
entertained by the great Conservative portion of
the community."
NOTTINGHAM.—A fourth candidate is about to
come forward. A requisition is in course of signa-
ture, requesting Mr. T. Bromley, son of the late
Admiral Sir Robert Howe Bromley, to contest the
borough. Mr. Bromley is a Conservative, and pro-
fesses himself to be an independent supporter •f
Lord Derby's Government ; he states his willing-
ness to come forward if his friends request it. Mr.
Ernest Jones has issued a second address, in
which he reiterates his determination to go to the
poll. The Liberal candidates (Messrs. Paget and
Mellor) are pretty certain of success.
NORWICH.—The Conservatives have after all de-
termined on contesting this city. At a late hour on
Saturday Sir Samuel Bignold, who represented
the constituency from December, 1854, to March,
1857, issued an address. Simultaneously with the
publication of Sir Samuel Bignold's address ap-
peared another from a second Conservative candi-
date, Mr. Charles Manners Lushington, a son of
the Right Hon. Stephen Lushington.
PENRYN AND FALMOUTII.—Mr. Gurney and Mr.
Baring, the present members, are canvassing the
borough. They are opposed by Mr. Howell Glyn
and Mr. John Leslie Foster.
PLYMOUTH.—An active canvass is in progress.
The chances appear to be in favour of the return of
Mr. Collier and Lord Valletort.
RYE.—The Jewish Chronicle says :—" It is re-
ported that Mr. Francis Goldsmid, Q.C., intends at
the ensuing election to put up for Rye. It is
further rumoured that Mr. J. M. Montefiore is
likewise in the field, although the constituency
which he has in mind is not named." .
REIGATE.—Mr. W. Torrens McCullagh is a can-
didate. On Friday he addressed a meeting of the
electors, and, resolution in his favour was carried
unanimously.
TIIETFORD.—A requisition, which is stated to
have received the signatures of seventy of the elec-
tors of this extremely limited constituency has been
presented to Mr. J. J. Colman, a gentleman of ad-
vanced Liberal views, who has for the last year or
two taken a rather prominent part in Norfolk
politics. Up to Saturday evening it was not finally,
decided whether Mr. Colman would become a can-
didate, in opposition to the sitting members, Mr.
Baring and the Earl of Euston.

Last week Mr. Coningham met his friends in the
large room at Payne's Marine Hotel, Brighton.
The meeting was opened by a few remarks from
the CHAIRMAN (Mr. M. Ricardo).
Lieut.-Colonel FAWCETT moved " That the con-
duct of W. Coningham, Esq., as member for this
borough, entitles him to our renewed confidence."
(Applause.)
Alderman ALGER (vice-chairman) seconded.
The motion having been put and carried unani-
mously,
WILLIAM CONINGITABI, Esq., who was received
with cheers, expressed his thanks for the vote of
confidence, and then continued: I have appeared
before you so recently at a great public meeting, at
which you came to a unanimous vote against the
Reform Bill brought in by the Government, that I feel
explanation from me on that point would be super-
fluous. After a long period of gestation, the Govern-
ment, which I have ventured to call Tory, produced
the Reform Bill which they laid before the country,
and which was fully discussed. The unfavour-
able impression which it first created was by no
means diminished by that discussion ; and a ma-
jority of no less than 39 members of the House of
Commons, in an unprecedentedly full house, con-
demned the bill. The Liberal party, of which lam
a very humble member, have been accused of act-
ing in a factious manner. Now, gentlemen, I ven-
tilre to assert that no accusation was ever more
unfounded. (Hear, hear.) The bill, in our opi-
nion, was condemned, and was to be defeated;
it became with us a question for consideration how
that defeat was to be effected. (Hear, hear.) The
resolution of Lord J. Russell was believed to be the
most advantageous manner of encountering the
enemy; and it seems to me absurd to say that a
party commanding so large a majority as the Libe-
ral party are not at liberty to choose the tactics by
which they can defeat the Tory party. (Hear.) One
of the most striking things in the discussion was
the ground assumed by many who gave utterance
to very advanced Liberal speeches, such, for in-
stance, as Sir J. Graham. He advocated a large
measure of Reform as conservative in its tendency,
and seemed to me to condemn the Tory Reform
Bill as being too progressive, almost revolutionary
in its character. (Laughter.) But I believe that
assumption to be fallacious ; and if the details of
that bill are fully examined, so far from being pro-
gressive, they will be found to be reactionary.
(Hear, hear.) The bill struck at small proprietors
who had galled the Tory aristocracy in the elec-
tions for counties. (Hear, hear.) The chief cha-
racteristic of the bill was the disfranchisement of
the 40s. freeholders. We looked upon it as an un-
warrantable act ; a blow directed at property—
and one which it was our bounden duty to protest
against at the earliest opportunity. When the Mi-
nistry is examined in its details, it is true that there
are some men who entertain very Liberal opinions ;
but the character of the Administration is not to be
measured by them. The strength of a chain cable is
to be estimated by its weakest link, and the speed
of a cavalry regiment must be judged by its slowest
horse ; and it is by the retrograde Members of the
Administration that we are really to measure their
intentions and their policy. (Hear, hear.) As an
instance of the truth of what I assert,l will tell you
an anecdote which I heard yesterday. One of the
honourable members of the present Administration
on being remonstrated with by a gentleman for not
having brought forward a more Liberal measure of
reform, said, alluding to the Tory members of the
Government, " We have pared them to the quick,
and they would not bear another shave." (Laughter. )
Now, I believe that betrays what has taken place
in the interior of the Cabinet—that Mr. Disraeli
was unable to carry so liberal a measure as he
otherwise would have done. (Hear, hear.) That, I
think, accounts for the objectionable features in the
bill. The disfranchisement of the 40s. freeholders
was the sop given to the territorial aristocracy to
induce them to consent to the reduction of the
county franchise. But I say that was no due equiva-
lent. The £lO occupiers in counties, without the
ballot, are much more likely to be influenced by
landlords than the 40s. freeholders. (Hear, hear.)
The effect of that clause in the Eastern Division of
this county would, I believe, have been disastrous.
(Hear, hear.) Then there was another point in the
bill which I must allude to,and that is to the trans-
fer of the freehold voters to the boroughs. My
friend, Mr. Macaulay, the member for Cambridge,
said, " Oh, you 40s. voters are independent and good
for counties ; a fortiori, they would be independent
and good for the boroughs." But he forgot that in
the counties it was an attempt on the part of the
Liberal party to counteract the enormous territorial
influence of property, whereas the influence of the
40s. freeholders in boroughs was directed against
personal rights. (near, hear.) I say, therefore,
the distinction is great, and, in my opinion, we who
opposed the measure were perfectly justified in de-
fending the rights of the borough electors. The
bill has been so fully discussed, however, that I need
not detain you at greater length on that point. It has
been universally condemned. (Hear, hear, hear.)
I think that in the face of so large a majority,
and in the existing state of foreign affairs, a more
injudicious and unpatriotic act than that of dissolv-
ing a Liberal Parliament, like that which was re-
turned in 1857, never was witnessed in this country.
(Hear, hear.) There is one point more with regard
to the Reform Bill to which I wish to call your at-
tention, and that is the ballot. (Hear, hear.) The
adoption of that measure has been, in my opinion,
greatly retarded by its having been introduced as
an isolated measure. It ought more properly to form
part of an extended reform measure. There are two
indispensable concomitants for the ballot ; one is
a large extension of the franchise, and the other
the abolition of the small or rotten boroughs. (Hear.)
Of the effect of the ballot in small boroughs, I am
extremely doubtful, and I am by no means clear as
to the ultimate effects of the ballot, as to how far
it would be conservative or popular in its re-
sults if adopted throughout the country. I think,
however, on the whole, it would be for the benefit
of society at large, and that it would tend to esta
blish the independence of the voter. (Hear.) I
have read with great regret a pamphlet by Mr.
Stuart Mill, in which he proclaims the fact that he
has changed his opinion on the ballot question.
Now, no one can have a higher opinion of that gen-
tleman's attainments than myself, and no one could
have studied his writings with more respect and
consideration ; but I venture to think that Mr. Mill
is labouring under a mistake. He says that intimi-
dation no longer exists. (Oh, oh, and laughter.) He
says that that is not what we have to be apprehen-
sive of; and he dwells on the advantages of open
voting, the influence of public opinion, and so on ;
but I would venture to submit to you whether, when
you give a man possession of a vote, he is to exer-
cise it in the manner he thinks most advantageous,
or in the manner in which other people may think
most advantageous ? (Hear, hear.) I think that, if
entrusted with the right of voting at all, he should
be able to exercise that right in the most absolute
and independent manner—(hear, hear)—and I
know no way by which you can attain that
object so efficaciously as by giving the protec-
tion of the ballot. (Applause.) Mr. Mill himself
dwells upon the injurious influence produced on men
by the tyranny of public opinion, as he calls it.
Now, if there be in reality a tyranny of public opi-
nion as well as the tyranny of territory and land-
lords, it is expedient that the individual should be
protected from that tyranny. (Hear, hear.) But I
have less apprehension of the tyranny. of public
opinion than I have of the other tyrannies we see
dominant on the continent. (Hear.) We look upon
the political system of the continent with hatred
and abomination. (Hear, hear.) Tyranny leads, I
believe, to every evil, and this war which seems to
be imminent, arises from the attempt to gratify the
ambition of despots. That manifesto which has re-
cently been published in the newspapers by Count
Cavour must, I think, have opened every English-
man's mind to the true character of the struggle on
the continent. It is the liberty of Italy that is at
stake. (Hear, hear.) We in this country are per-
fectly indifferent to the objects and ,ambition of
Louis Napoleon on the one hand, or of the Emperor
of Austria on the other. The Emperor of Austria is
the friend of the Pope, and has entered into league
and alliance with that most infernal political system
which tramples upon the people. I say we can have
no sympathy with his objects. It may be very well
to preserve the treaties of Europe ; but there is
something besides treaties to be considered—the
lives, the liberty, and the happiness of the people
of Italy. (Hear, hear.) I for one am as warm a
friend of peace as any member of the house ; yet I
confess that the immense moral power and influence
of this country might have been used in a very dif-
ferent manner from what they have been by Lord
Malmesbury, in order to promote liberty and civili-
sation in Italy. I confess that if I dissent from the
present Government on home affairs, I differ from
them as strongly on foreign ones. They who came
in
by a factious intrigue, voting first for the Con-
spiracy Bill, and then voting for Mr. M. Gibson's
amendment, which was solely with the view of
defeating by a sidewiud the measure which we,
the real Liberal party in the house, had no means

On Friday, in the police court, Hull, the stipen-
diary magistrate said he wished to call public atten-
tion to a letter which had been received from Ham-
burg by the chief constable. At the request of the
magistrate, Mr. Jacobsen, the interpreter to the
court, read the letter, which was in German. The
following is a translation of it :
" Hamburg, April 10, 1859.
"To the Police of Hull, On the 6th of this-month two
women went from here with the steamer Tiger to Hull.
One of them is named Madame Hamam, the landlady of a
brothel, and the other named Mme. Schwartz, also the keeper
of a house of ill-fame in Hamburg. It was their intention
to go to Liverpool, there to carry out the shameful purpose
of theirdisgusting trade, by sending young womento Peters-
burg, and thereby realising heavy sums of money. A num-
berg of citizens in Hamburg appeal to the honourable and
high-minded Englishmen (who were the first to abolish
slavery) to endeavour to destroy entirely this evil by the roof.
By tracing the path of those two women you will interfere
with their evil intention. _ Lir.r.rt.0...,0n we give notice to
the high-born police of Hull that th,4 same two women will
attire in Hull on Thursday alb:ragas, by four o'clock, by
the railway from Liverpool, with a young Englishwoman,
and you will apprehend them, and separate the poor girl
from those bad women, and if possible make them answer-
able for their bad actions, and thus prevent this shameful
traffic, which to the human heart even appears a greater evil
than the slave trade. If the above-named are not met with
at the railway they will certainly be found on board one of
the Hamburg steamers—the Urania or Britannia—which
usually leaves Hull on Thursday.
" (Signed) " F. HERZER.
" N.B. If they are brought to justice you will soon find
out by the English girl that she has been led away by the
pretended holiness and smooth-tonguedness of those in-
famous women. If it had not been so very inconvenient I
would have -attended personally before you."
The magistrates said the police must act upon the
instructions in the letter, and the chief constable
said the matter should have instant attention. The
police were immediately set in motion, and about
seven o'clock detectives Coulson and Clark, accom-
panied by Mr. Jacobsen, the interpreter, sulceeded
in finding the two women, Hamam and Schwartz,
in a German lodging-house in South-street. They
had in their company two English girls, named
Mary Ann Ferguson and Martha Vernon, both 20
years of age, and belonging to Liverpool. They
had arrived in Hull at two o'clock, per train from
Liverpool, and it was their intention to proceed to
Hamburg by the steamer Britannia, which sailed
for that place some time last night. They were
taken to the station house and locked up, but from
the statements of the two English girls there is
reason to believe that they were going to Hamburg
of their own free will, and were fully aware for
what purpose. They will be brought before the
stipendiary magistrate to-day, when the facts of the
case, as far as the knowledge of the police extends,
will be entered into.—Hull Packet.