The Sun.
London, England, 1832-11-29 00:00:00

OLYMPIC THEATRE.

Another novelty, The Conquering Game—and, as it
proved, a very pleasant and successful one—was produced
here last night. It is founded on a supposed adventure in
the early life of Charles XII. of Sweden; no less re-
markable for his bright career of conquest (beating the
united powers of Russia, Denmark, and Saxony, before
he had reached his 21st year), than his professed dislike
to women, whom be termed the source of all broils,
whether in Court or cottage. At this period Charles
(who is ably personated by NVEmsTert) is destined to fall
a captive to the charms of a Swedi,h maiden, Catherine
Ormsdorf (Madame Yam:as), near his Court; but i❑
this fall he preserves the philosopher and the disciplina-
rian. He has been introduced under an assumed name
to the young lady by the agency of her mother, The Ba •
roness of Ormsdorf (Mrs. KNIGHT), and he proposes
drilling her to the same state of perfection as his troops,
reducing her to complete subordination, and then publish-
ing a code of regulations for the benefit of weak-nerved
husbands. He thinks in this manner he shall trove his
sphere of government not to be confined, and that such a
conquest will be permanently useful to his people. He
makes known his intention to his secretary, Frederick
Von Lieben (Mr. J. VINING), who happens to be in
love with the same lady, and who immediately con-
veys to her the intelligence. Catherine, roused by
all the heroism of her sex, resolves to contest the
field with the great commander, and see which
will come off the conqueror. The King, at his
arrival, by appointment, at her house, is accordingly
received with the most determined independence, and
gradually, through the fascination of her manner and her
will, submits to all her whims and wishes, till at length
he is so overpowered in this novel strife as to consent to
put on her grandmother's cap and gown, in order to
enable Catherine to complete the drapery of a painting.
When her triumph is thus fully achieved in the prostration
of the hero's dignity, the house is suddenly surrounded by
the palace guard, under the command of Major Rapp
(Mr. J. BLAND), who are in search of a meeting of con-
spirators, supposed to have taken refuge here. The King
starts up in a frenzy at being caught by his soldiers in
such an extraordinary costume, from which he is on'y
relieved by his secretary, who has witnessed the scene
from a closet, where he had been purposely placed. Fre
derick here claims the fulSlment of his promise to make
him happy with the unknown object of his affection.,
which, to the King's surp,ise, proves to be Catherine.
Charles, hereupon, throwing off his cap and gown, re-
sumes his hat and sword, and pressing a kiss on Cathe-
rine's forehead as he consigns her to her lover, forswears
the sex, and pronounces glory for ever after to be his on'y
mistress! From these hastily-described incidents a very
interesting little drama has been constructed. There was
an excellent house, and in one of the pri►ate boxes we
observed the Lord Chamberlain, his Grace the Duke a
DEVONSHIRE, and party.

Madame D'ARBLAY, in her clever and
amusing memoirs of Dr. BURNEY, gives the following spe-
cime❑ of the mode in which Dr. JOHNSON not unusually
defended his dearest friends :—" From Scotland, the talk
fell, but I cannot tell how, upon some friend of Dr. Jox N-
SON, of whom I did not catch the name, so I will call him
Mr. THREE STARS * ;of whom Mr. SEWARD re-
lated some burlesque anecdotes, from which Mr. * * •
was warmly vindicated by the Doctor. " Better say no
more, Mr. SEWARD," cried Mrs. THRALE, for Mr.
• • " is one of the persons that Mr. JOHNSON will suffer
no one to abuse but himself ! GARRICK is another ; for if
any creature but himself says a word against GARRICK Mr.
JOHNSON will brow-beat him in a moment." " Why,
Madam, as to DAVID," answered the Doctor very calmly,
" it is only because they do not know when to abuse and
when to praise him ; and I will allow no man to speak any
ill of DAVID that he does not deserve. As to • * ',—
why really I believe him to be an honest man, too, at the
bottom. But, to be sure, he is rather penurious; and he
is somewhat mean ; and it must be owned he has some
degree of brutality; and is not without a tendency to sa•
vageness, that cannot well be defended."
LADY BLESSINGTON'S JOURNAL.—One of
the leading features of the December number of the New
Monthly Magazine, we understand, will be the continua-
tion of the Conversations of Lord BYRON with Lady
BLESSINGTON, to which a considerable space will be de-
voted. They will contain his Lordship's reflections on
London fashionable life, and the anomalies of English so-
ciety—a new definition of tact, and a new doctrine re-
specting bores—a piquant disquisition on love and friend-
ship—clever wives and their opposites—companionable
qualities—notions regarding thin women—the pleasures
of fear—remarks on lost and living friends—anecdotes
connected with the composition of " Don Juan"—thoughts
on hypochondriasm, and observations on the manners of
Italian women.

ANOMALY IN THE KING'S REGULATIONS
FOR THE PROMOTION OF CAPTAINS TO THE RANK OF
FLAG-OFFICERS.—By the existing laws on this head, a
Captain may now be eligible by his simple servitude of
five or six years as such in commission to become a flag.
officer, and to command a squadron, though not qualified
by his standing on the list of captains to command a
single line-of-battle ship ; or he may be eligible to com-
mand the line-of-battle ship by his seniority, but not to
hoist a square bit of bunting. In the latter case we had
an instance a year or two since of a Captain whose early
career had been most brilliant, and who was in command
of a guard-ship in Hatnoaze, and had for a short time the
chief command, with a broad pendant, of the harbour and
port altogether ; but when the promotion ensued,
which, according to the previous regulations, he had
been looking up to as the summit of his glo-
rious hopes, he had the mortification to find him-
self declared ineligible to be placed on the halt-pay
list of flag-officers, and by a board of which more than
one had never commanded a ship in a general ac-
tion, because, forsooth, he wanted a few weeks of complet-
ing the newly prescribed time, which he was then on the
high road to, had he not been moved from his ship in a
manner most unparalleled. Now-a-days we see (whom
shall we say ?) constantly going from one ship to another,
in order to get this qualification for a flag. Let the naval
observer answer and say, whether it is the officer whose
experience end brilliant exploits in the lower grades of the
service best entitle him to look forward for this consumma-
tion of his views and early struggles, or whether it is the
officer who knows little or nothing of the arduous parts of
the service, or of the tug of war, from the conduct of
immense convoys, and blockade of the enemy's fleet, tip to
the fighting of line-of-battle ships in decisive and splendid
general actions.—Devonport Telegraph, Nov. 24.
SUICIDE OF THE PERSON CALLING HIM-
SELF CAPTAIN THOMAS BEAUCLERK, IN HORSEIIONGER-
LANE GAOL.—On Tuesday night the person so calling
himself, in custody for aidieg in the escape of Captain
NICItoLL, charged with the commission of an unnatural
offence, destroyed himself by cutting his throat in Horse•
monger-lane gaol. BEAUCLERK was taken into custody
on Monday, tt e 19th instant, at a cottage he occupied in
Spring-place, Paddington, and brought to Union-ball Po-
lice-office in the course of the same evening, and exa-
mined. The principal witness who appeared against him
was a youth named JOHN STEYNE VERES, WilO had been
living with him in the o,tensible capacity of a servant, for
the last three months. The witness VEERS also gave
such evidence on the occasion as to leave no doubt that a
capital offence had been committed upon him by BEAU-
CLERK. BEAUCLERK was brought up from Horsemon-
ger-lane gaol for re-examination on Tuesday, about half-
past 12 o'clock, in a hackney•coach. His appearance
was rather altered since he was first taken into custody,
looking much paler in the face, and apparently more de-
jected in his spirits. He was told by Mr. MURRAY, that
as the party in whose escape be had been concerned was
not yet apprehended he would be remanded until
next Tuesday. He was accordingly conveyed back to
Horsenonger.lane in a coach. On being placed
in his ward on Tuesday, BEAUCLERK was served
with his dinner at the usual time, which he partook
of, and at 5 o'clock was taken from thence and locked
up in the cell which he had slept in since he had been a
pri-over in the gaol. The next morning (yesterday) on
the turnkey unlocking the cell where Captain BEAUCLERK
was confined, between 7 and S o'clock, lie observed a
stream of blood at the side of the bedstead upon which he
was lying. On approaching the bed the turnkey dis-
covered the wretched suicide covered up under the clothes,
with the exception of his head, which was lying at the
edge of the pillow on the left side in such a position that
the blood which had issued from a deep wound in his
throat, and which had severed the jugular vein, went on
the floor of the cell, which it covered in the way described.
The wound, it
appeared, had been inflicted with a small
penknife, and in consequence of the desparate nature of the
given himself, lie must have expired almost
in
Y. He was quite undressed, and his clotheswere lying on a small form at the other side of the bed-
stead. When the deceased was first taken into custody a sum
woundebti tt fa:h, ne e
it
of inyney, amounting to between 30/. and 40/., was found
its his possession, besides two diamond rings which he had,
on his finger a, and which are now in the handcf the neW
police. When the deceased was first taken into custody
small bottle of prussic acid was found in his possession by
an inspector of the police,

WESTMINSTER ELECTION.

Last night, a very numerous and highly respectable
meeting of the electors of Westminster, out-voters of the
parish of Saint George, Hanover-square, was held at the
Belgrave-hotel, Ebury.street, Pimlico, for the purpose of
hearing the principles of Lieutenant Colonel Evans, as en-
titling him to be nominated a candidate for the city of
Westminster.
The Gallant Colonel, upon entering the great room,
soon after 7 o'clock, was received with loud acclamations,
when Mr. WATERMAN, an overseer, was appointed to
the chair.
The CHAIRMAN observed, that he introduced the Gal-
lant Colonel as a Gentleman most fit to be returned their
representative. He had opposed Lord Grosvenor's Act,
which was very oppressive to the out-voters of Saint
George, Hanover-square.—(Cheers.) Colonel Evans
had fought their battles abroad, and had returned home
with laurels.
Mr. BALDWIN proposed that Colonel Evans should
state to them the reasons by which his conduct will be
guided, should he be returned their representative.
Lieutenant-Colonel Evans observed, that he appeared
before them in censequence of having been called upon by a
considerable body of the electors of Westminster, in conse-
quence of the Member now representing them refusing to give
an answer to certain questions proposed to him, Far from
this being his desire, he (Col. Evans) was willing to render
his principles as explicit as possible ; and he considered
that, unless he acted in this manner, he could not expect
that the electors would be such fools as to give him their
votes. In a speech delivered at some former period by Sir
John Cam Hobhouse, he stated that " the clamour raised
against what is called demanding a pledge, has no founda-
tion in theory nor practice. Every elector has a right to
demand the opinion of any candidate."—(Hear, hear.)
There were four questions, which, if Sir John Cam Hob-
house had acceded to, there would have been no neces-
sity for his appearing to solicit their franchises. The
four questions he called their attention to were the Sap-
tennial Act, the vote by ballot, the taxes on know-
ledge, and the house and window tax. If be were re-
turned their representative in Pailiatnent, he would usa
his utmost exertions to do away with these odious Acts.—
(Avoice, " Give them time, Col. Evans, but not too much
time." Cheers.) They were Acts which were most partial
and abominable in their nature. With respect to tithes, hr
considered them as a most obnoxious impost, which neither
promoted religion, agriculture, nor good government.—
(Hear, hear.) Tithes are public property, and the Church
is the whole body of the people—(That is right)—and he
considered that the Bishops were out of their place in the
House of Lords.—(Cries of "He will do.") He would
support a total reformation in every department of the
financial system. With respect to the question of flogging,
as it refers to the Hon. Secretary of War, Sir John Cam
Hobhouse, he would say a few words. Your representa-
tive has said, previous to accepting office, that flogging
was not merely a physical, but, in the highest degree, a
moral infliction. In these views, then, it could not be
that any diminution of the number of stripes could affect
the moral consideration ; yet, what has Sir John done ?
He has simply reduced the quantity from 500 to 300 ;
and since he has been in office, has acknowledged that he
finds it necessary to agree with the opinion of the officers
of the army. But he (the Gallant Colonel) is strongly of
opinion that the Whigs intended a trick on Sir John HA/-
house, by putting him Secretary at War, it being his
duty in that office to introduce the Mutiny Act, one of the
bases of which is the admission of the necessity of military
flogging. Upo❑ a subject that referred most interestedly
to them, namely, the Grosvenor Act, he would say
few words—(Cheers)—it was really most monstrous thai
by this Act power should be given to a certain number of
gentlemen in possession of 1501. a year, to impose a t
ta
upon them, and that they had no control in the manage-
ment of the same. At that time, when the tax was passed
in the House of Commons, Sir John Cam Hobheuse was
their representative; and it was most astonishing to him
(Colonel Evans) what their. representatives could have been
about. He would support a motion to abrogate this Act.
—(Cheers.) He was willing to reform the corn laws ;to
modify the system of the metropolitan police, that the local
authorities might have some influence in its administration ;
to obtain a free trade in the East India commerce ; and an
alteration of the Bank Charter; all of which were so many
impositions upon the industry of the country, fur the sup.
port of the rich.

A Gentleman asked Colonel Evans, if during the last
five months he had not held a communication with a person
at Charing-cross at the time he was enjoying the intifnicy
of Sir Francis Burdett, during which the suiject of his
return to Parliament as a representative of Westminstet,
was spoken o!?

Col. EvANs stated, that he had no hesitation in saying
that such a proposition was made to him : and by some
of those who were the most active partisans of Sir Fran-
cis Burdett's Committee ; but it was in the understanoirez
that the Worthy Baronet was about to be raised to the
Peerage, and from no other motive, he (Colonel Evans)
being told chat in case Sir Francis should be so removed
from Westminster, there was a desire on the part of many
influential electors to nominate him. And it was only
within the last few days, when, upon his return to town,
he heard of its being the intention of some electors of
Westminster to propose another candidate for Westminster,
as a report was circulated to the prejudice of Sir John
Cam Hobhouse, relative to Mr. Home's return for the
county of Middlesex ; but, whether justly or not, he
could not tell. He was informed that the electors were
determined, on this account, to propose another candi-
date, and he had the authority of Lord Dunboyne to
say, that in case he (Colonel Evans), who was better
known to the electors than the Noble Lord, should
decline standing the contest, that he (Lord Dun•
boyne), would expend whatever money was necessary
for the purpose of obtaining the franchises of the electors.—
(Applause.) He was sorry to perceive that Sir Francis
Burdett had mixed personal feelings in the question. The
question, however, was not one of private, but public im-
port; and on that ground he would pledge himself. The
Gallant Colonel concluded by observing, that if it were
their pleasure to confer on him the honour of being returned
their representative, they would find him constantly at-

tending to their duty.—(Applause.)
The question was then put from the Chair, that Lieute-
nant Colonel Evans is a fit person to be chosai as repre-
sentative of the city.
It was carried amidst loud cheering.
Three cheers were proposed fur Sir John Cain Hob-
house. The motion was received with groans..
Mr. WILLIAms, in proposing the formation of a local
Committee, expressed his willingness to support Colonel
Evans. It was ever the pride of the city of Westminster
not to have a placeman as their representative. The
electors have not had an opportunity for some time to
make choice of a representative. Having it now, it would
be their fault if they did not return a person who, in 8,)
fearless a manner, had expressed his determination to sup-
port all measures introduced for an amelioration of their
state.—(Cheers.)
A local Committee was then appointed to promote
Colonel Evans's return. Thanks were voted to the Chair-
man, and the meeting adjourned.

SIR F. BURDETT TO LIEUT.-COLONEL EVANS.

Dear Evans,—l have not the least idea of the means by
which you have ascertained the fact you assume, that West-
minster is dissatisfied with itself, and a I the country with
Westminster. I suspect you derive this impression from
those whose '' wish is father to the thought." Be it as it
may, it will soon be determined by the electors of West-
minster themselves; and determine as they may, I, for
one, shall he satisfied, because I always am with doing my
own duty. As to what passed between Mr. De Year and
you, to draw so largely on your forbearance, I can be no,
ways answerable for it. I certainly mentioned to him that
I omitted to conclude my letter with the word " you,"
and substituted "any one else," least it might have borne
an appearance of personality. I was near putting "my
own Brother," so far from my mind was any thought of
personal objection. The subject is now so dwindled that
the sooner it is dropped, I think, the better. I cannot,
however, finish without again repeating my sorrow and
regret at this unfortunate and uncomfortable termination
of our intimacy.—l remain, your's, sincerely,
(Signed) F. BURDETT.
St. James's place, Nov. 28, 1832.

G
s
NE
uSsAthAe foCilolviTiYng.—cuiltriourse!liptveodt3att:i:e_c,o, roeins-e
lent a small spaniel bitch (still
my sendspus-
stPel°lsnnsCeidoesnAni)ntNeteol lent
friends who were atnusio7, themselves hunt-
ing rabbits. One was started in a po',atoe field, and closely
pressed, till in tie heat of the ',;n;se the bitch plunged into
a deep coal-pit, full of water co within seven feet of the
brink, and conipleteiy bid 'irom view by thick shrubs and
brambles. sle continued swimming about until
nearly .ailiausted, when she was perceived by one of the
gentlemen to make frequent but vain attempts to extricate
herself by catching at a twig that overhung the pit. This
suggested to him the idea of making the little animal's sa-
gacity the medium of saving her life. The handkerchiefs
and cravats of himself and his companion were immediately
tied together, which, with a small knot at one end, were
let down to the bitch. She, with the utmost quickness
of perception, instantly seized the knot in tier nu.uth, and
was thus drawn out of the pit,"—Penng Magazine.

SPIRIT OF Tar, PUBLLU

We were sure that the meeting at the London
Tavern, on the subject of the house and window
taxes, would be numerously attended. The se-
verity with which these duties press on the
middle classes, especially in the metropolitan
districts, and the scandalous manner in which th e
higher classes have contrived to evade payment
of their fair share of them, have produced a very
general determination in the people to have this
evil remedied with the least possible delay. From
our report of the proceedings yesterday, it will
be seen that the spirit of the people is fairly up,
and that whoever administers the affairs of this
country will find it necessary, if the wants of the
State do not admit of a reduction of taxation to
the amount of these duties, to adopt, at all
events, a substitute for them less objectionable
in principle. The aristocracy of this country
having hitherto had political power in their
hands, have availed themselves of that power to
tpalndxuatloenr. theT They
of the m
yt
havepackoimmotenillitlyesiy
sithnaienats of
tilwir
fair share of taxation ; and they have, in the
feaxpn
ireshdarietu.re of the
Thisstatteaxoefst,hitnakgsei more
Nivillno than theirthe
longer
tolerated—for the best of all reasons, because
the classes suffering from this partiality are
now represented. The landholders have hi-
therto named a great majority of the repre-
sentatives, and the consequence is, that the taxes
have been borne chiefly by the industrious classes.
That a new era has commenced was evinced by
the attendance of Members and Candidates for
the metropolis and metropolitan boroughs. For
the first time in the history of England, we see
indications of the sympathy which ought to exist
between the people and their existing or ex-
pectant Representatives. There was something
' like a roll-call of the Members and Candidates ;
and though some did not choose either to attend
or to explain the grounds of their absence, we
have not the slightest doubt that no man will be
returned from any of the metropolitan districts or
boroughs who does not show that he shares the
opinion of the meeting with regard to the imme-
diate repeal of the house and window tax. We
have heard no good reason why such a meeting
as that of yesterday should not have been held.
It was well observed by Mr. Hume, that " hi::
Majesty's Ministers would be strengthened by
meetings like the present in different parts of the
country, in order that there may be a trial given
of the intention expressed by Ministers, who had
declared in the House of Commons that the day
had gone by when patronage or influence should
direct them—(Tremendous cheers)—and that it
would be their most anxious wish to attend to
the wants of the people. * * *
It is impossible that any one here can have a wish
to embarrass those Ministers who have brought
forward and carried so glorious a measure as the
Reform Bill.—(Cheering.) But, Gentlemen, it
must be recollected, that that great measure is
only a means to an end, and the object of this
meeting has one of those ends in view.
—(Cheers.)" We are now about to exercise
the privilege extended to us by the Reform
Bill ; and a more opportune season, therefore,
for expressing the sense of the people with
regard to oppressive taxes cannot be chosen,
The House of Commons now is the Houso
of the People, and not the House of Minis-
ters; and in the ensuing Parliament, Mi-
rnisters must reconcile themselves to shaping
their conduct according to the views of the Re-
presentatives. Mr. Hume, than whom there
cannot be a better judge of such subjects, ob-
served, that " he had no hesitation in saying
that two millions and a half (the amount o£ the
house and window taxes) might be easily
saved out of the expenditure of the country—
(Loud cheers)—and that no additional tax was
therefore necessary." We have never been able
to understand the argument, that expenditure
cannot be farther reduced. It is with nations
as with individuals ; expenditure should suit
itself to circumstances. A man with an income
of 10,0001., may spend 10,000/. ; but if his in-,
come be•reduced to 8,000/., he should not ex-
ceed 8,0001, in his expenditure. Does any per-
son suppose, if our income were to fall off five
millions, that the nation could not go on with a
diminution of expenditure to the same amount ?
We know of several churches in the neighbour-
hood of the metropolis which have not required
any repairs for years, but the expenditure conti-
nues, nevertheless, the same, because the rates
have not been lowered. Were the rates to be
lowered, it would be necessary to lower the ex-
penditure, which might be done in one of two
ways—i.e., either by diminishing the number
of individuals sharing the expenditure, or by di.
minishing the amount shared by the respective
individuals. There is a mode of thinnin the
number of rats, well known. By a bait of`meal,
they are decoyed into a barrel, half filled
with water. They find themselves on a
small projection above the water, and there
being but limited standing-room, when the
limit is exceeded, some are precipitated into the
water. When the sum to be distributed fall::
short, the business of Ministers is either to re-
duce the establishments or to redtldftliicsbeeaisidlici:riemnii
If there is not food for all their rats, some must
eoirfn tao
taxationtGh eovl- Butaretncienrul.aelti:
s should
it is clear that the very first obj.secotinteo
tivxheieshmthaye
industry;l
but attentionbe-
ibse t thrown
rroewn
be more or less injurious tit
fore yir,quiry into that subject,
vie ar
thaellulean time to see that jus-
xee bou enteriid in on
rice is done. Nov: it is the great objection to
are
ee
ntaexaerlsyceoxmelinlituferdonolf,thtehlinit.
°len highertll'ecounty
of
ordersßadnor there is not one I • rated higher •
.01.
Radnor per
there annum.
is Chin Yet
Hine,iu the)s ssaenalteofthe Eel l
louse than
county of
boßrfiogiLl
tuen,Htt ihonelgi.ds
eToan.t. ;Fo
rflaisnakirriploaj,l CriL:b.(de)yigsivrpei tss,
di
it
ooßufaitrtl
Hart
the
aKnidligahtontui,mtbheer soeaft
other
stelarti:sieco,
Er. Esq., ;
the
in
t(l
a, gentry:3o
mNeocwh,aitililces houses
this oniceettrl oor
I.
per annum. What
j'estiee can there be in
wringing from
be poor clerk or mechanic, who
can r
e o heai than''
find bread for his children, one half
m the amount of taxes paid by the No-
13aronets, Privy Counsellors, and Se-
e
nators of one of our counties? It is true, that
this injustice may be of a piece wish that wnich
takes so large a share of the personal property
inherited by wives and children front
iand pays
husbands
and hithers, while an inheritance 111 ,
nothing. But all injustice canna
be remedied
at once. A Parliament which represents all
classes must see that justice is dune to all
classes. In the mean time, here is a tax from

which the rich are nearly altogether exempt.
The higher classes will never consent to pay
their fair share. A lung time must elapse be-
fore proper machinery could be obtained, and a
fair and equitable a,E‘,.essinent made, The It,,

mode would be, to repeal at once a tax at pre-
sent levied almost exclusively on the metropolis
and a few other towns. Mr. Charles Pearson
took some pains to show the gross inequality of
the taxes complained of. In 1830, the amount
of the house tax was 1,185,470/. ; the amount
paid by the metropolitan districts, deputations
from each of which were then present, was
780,4661., or five-eights of the whole amount
of the house tax of the kingdom. He assumed
the proportion of the window tax paid by
the metropolitan districts to be two-thirds.
Some fool at the meeting, on hearing of
this inequality, asked if it was not in
proportion to their property ? Why, the
annual value of real property of England and
Wales, as assessed in April, 1815, was nearly 52
millions. The share of that property for Mid-
dlesex was about five millions and a half. Were
the metropolitan districts to pay no more than
their share of this tax as determined by property,
instead of paying 780,4661. out of 1,185,4701..
they ought not to pay more than 120,0001., or
at most 150,000/. There never, in short, was
a more distinct proof afforded of systematic in-
justice. We hardly wonder that Mr. Nicholson,
who moved the first resolution, should have
hinted that if justice were done, the oligarchs,
who, by influencing surveyors and otherwise,
have evaded their fair share of .the tax, should
now be compelled to pay the sums of which the
Exchequer have been defrauded. Really, when
one sees the Duke of Newcastle asking from the
poor, oppres'ed, tax-paying people of the
hundred, 40,0001. wherewith to make good the
mansion of Nottingham, while he knew it was
not rated at more than 1001. per annum, it does
seem hard that a person should be sued, after a
number of years, for neglecting to use a two-
penry stamp, while noblemen like his Grace are
suffered to escape. All the Members and Can-
didates present who were heard condemned the
tax. 'I hose who could not obtain a hearing in-
tended to express the same condemnation. The
best thing would be to diminish the expenditure
by the amount of the tax repealed ; but if that
is impossible (though we cannot see the impos-
sibility), let some other less oppressive tax be
substituted.—Morning Chronicle.
The meeting yesterday at the London Tavern
professed to be called for a specific purpose,
and that a fair and honest one,—viz., the repeal
of the house and window-taxes. The attend-
ance was numerous and respectable, by which we
mean, that although of the numbers who occu-
pied the room several were men of undoubted
respectability, others, and among them some of
those who are described as most active " getter,
up" of the whole business, may be of a caltbre
not quite so well defined. A curious peculiarity
which marked this assemblage of persons from
both extremes of the capital was its congregat
ing together a large proportion of the candidates
for the county, the two cities, and the metro-
politan districts. Of the absent, we suspect that
there were more than one or two very honest
friends to a reduction of the proposed taxes who
neither liked the new fashion of tying Mem-
bers of Parliament neck and heels, and degrad-
ing them from legislators into lacqueys, not
trusted the pledge-brokers, by whom such
wholesale fetters are now, as it were, profes-
sionally forged. Mr. Hutne, who behaved very
well in the chair, disavowed all idea of the meeting
being designed or calculated to embarrass" those
Ministers who had brought forward and carried
so glorious a measure as the Reform Bill.'
That Mr. Hume may have truly stated his
own feelings we believe, because the Hon. Gen-
tleman would not assert a falsehood, and doubt-
less those other excellent personages, viz., Messrs.
C. Pearson, Scales, and Wakley, were not less
exempt than we are really persuaded the Hon.
Chairman was from any and every selfish or in-
triguing motive,—from every latent, every sinister
scheme,—and most anxious that Ministers should
not be perplexed, or the cause of true and ra-
tional Reform brought under suspicion, or ob-
structed. Mr. Hume, with reference to the
assessed taxes, vindicated his own consistency.
as having for many years condemned them, and
striven to prevail with Parliament for their abo-
litien. For such endeavours we have always
felt that the Member for Middlesex had entitled
himself to the thanks of his constituents. It is
where he steps out of his proper and useful,
though limited line, that Mr. Hume forfeits the
confidence of his more discerning countrymen.
An important fact was affirmed by the Chairman,
and one which corroborates the allegations of
an hundred letters which we have recently re-
ceived,—namely, that instead of the assessed
taxes being rendered less obnoxious by
greater lenity than used to be exercised in
their management, the assessors and surveyors
are every day acting in the harshest man-
ner towards the tax-payers every where, and
that the number of surcharges have been con-
siderably increased. As friends to the abolition
of this class of imposts, if it be practicable, we
are rather gratified at learning that the public
disposition to get rid of them is stimulated by
this increase of their pressure. It is, in-
deed, provoking and intolerable that the house
tax should be assessed in a way soiniqui-
tously partial to the higher and more affluent,
while the middle—that is, the struggling—
classes, are squeezed and screwed up to the
highest pitch of torture that the law allows :
this at least, this monstrous inequality, so galling
because it ingrafts a fraud upon an insult, must
be corrected without delay. For the speakers
at the meeting, they were numerous, and all,
with one or two insignificant exceptions, of the
same species—that is, candidates about to come
forward for support at the ensuing election.
Alderman Waithman declared his sentiment,
like the stout and straightforward politician
he has ever shown himself : nor do we relish
the worthy Alderman the less for the contemp-
tuous spirit in which he spoke of the pledge-
practitioners and their system of bullying inter-
rogatories to gentlemen, some of whom are small
enough in their notions of self-respect to enter-
tain such proposals otherwise than by the simple
answer, " If you distrust me, look somewhere
else for a representative." Mr. Grote hinted at
a tax on property (not an income-nx, Mr.
Grote) as the fittest substitute for the housearid
window taxes. Let us first see if any substi-
tute be required. Should Mr. flume's calcula-
tion be correct, and the amount of the above
duties not exceed 2,500,0001. of money, there is
some possibility that the vacuum may be sup-
plied from the voluntary practice of further eco-
nomy by Ministers, rather than by forcing,
through increased taxation, every family in the
land to be more frirgal. Mr. (Alderman) Scales
appeared to have read the Times of yesterday
with attention, and to have been duly' flat-
tered by the description found therein of certain
parties and certain proceedings in which the wor-
thy Mr. Scales, for reasons with which we do
not trouble ourselves, seemed to take some per-
scnal interest. Mr. Babbage, the ablest man in

the room, and one of the most liberal, could
with difficulty obtain a hearing from the apostles
of free discussion who surrounded him ; nor
could Captain Marryat, who, however we may
ourselves differ from him on certain opinions, is
on all accounts worthy of an attentive hearing.
But Messrs. Pearson, Scales, and Wakley were
listened to by the meeting, and naturally too,
with something like filial reverence—inasmuch
as, if not belied, it owed its birth to this illus-
trious triumvirate, for what purpose, besides that
of mooting the repeal of taxes, a key may soon
disclose. Now, having reason to believe that the
leading Tories are at length awake to the pit pre-
pared for them by the anarchists of the 19th cen-
tury, we would just reiterate to them the coun-
sel which we have before tendered, and entreat
hem to watch the nature and ramifications of the
plots in which the band of " Destructives" have
engaged, before they again attempt the extreme
folly of coalescing with men who will have no-
thing to do with Tories, high or low, no con-
cern with Whigs, high or low,—none with con-
stitutional monarchy,—or with sound and steady
Government, but to overthrow them all. We
fear not the Conservative party, but pity it, and
sometimes depise it ; but we do not want to see
it annihilated by its new allies, from whom we
will save it in spite of its own rash and floun-
dering absurdity.— Times.
We yesterday intimated to our readers the hor-
rible factthatthe British Government, having very
recently been called upon to express its wishes
as to the preservation or destruction of the city
of Antwerp, the saving or taking away of the
'fives of thousands of its peaceable inhabitants,
the rescue of a numerous population from
wretchedness and desolation, or the infliction
upon them of ruthless ruin, the British Go-
,ernment—the peace-loving, liberal, humane
Whigs—decided promptly, and almost indeed
without the decent appearance of hesitation, in
favour of unsparing havoc and unmeasurable
bloodshed. We shudder while we write that
this disgraceful and appalling fact no longer ad-
mits of the slightest doubt. The stupidity,
the cruelty, and the cowardice of our Whig
rulers are about to be engraven in the annals of
Europe in characters of blood and fire. It was
not enough that the Administration of Great
Britain should lend to the Government of France
the sanction of its authority and the aid of
its co-operation in the attempt to wrest by
force of arms from a friendly Sovereign a pos-
,ession which is rightly and justly his as much
AS the Tower of London is rightly and justly a
possession of the King of Great Britain ; it was
(lot enough to encourage and assist this attempt,
in ignorance or in disregard to the difficulties in
the way of its success, or of the means by which
hey were to be overcome ; it was not enough to
Joint French cannon against the citadel of Ant-
werp, in contempt of the right of the King of
the Netherlands ; all this was not enough of
crime and of degradation ; but the further in-
famy must also be incurred of directing the mili-
ary force of France to take possession of the
city and port of Antwerp, in defiance of the
protest and the supplications of its peaceful in•
habitants, in derision of the rights of that Bel-
gian Government and nation to which France
And England pretend to have imparted an
independent existence, and in contemptuous dis-
regard of the acknowledged fact that this
step is strictly equivalent to the promulga-
don of a sentence against that great, populous,
and commercial city of utter destruction, and
against its unoffending inhabitants of indis-
criminate slaughter. The Sovereign whom
France and England have set up in Belgium,
and the subjects whom they have given him,
reject with unanimous horror the kind of assist-
ance which it suits the purposes of France to
lend towards the assertion of their pretended
rights. They had rather be without the aid of
France than enjoy it at the expense of the de-
struction of their chief seat of commerce. This
they declare, and they receive for answer from
the French allies that they must have French
assistance, and British assistance also, and pre-
cisely such assistance as France and England
think fit to give. The dispute is finally referred
to the justice, humanity, and wisdom of the
British Government, which, in the conspicuous
exercise of these qualities, determines briefly
that the fate of the town and people of Antwerp
is a question merely of military tactics, and that
Leopold and his subjects are bound to acquiesce
in measures which lead of necessity to the de-
struction of the town and the slaughter of its
inhabitants. This, divested of diplomatic jargon,
is a strictly accurate account of the progress and
actual position of the affair. What then be-
comes of the pretence that the French and
English Governments were bound to attack Hol-
land, by the force of obliiations which they had
contracted with the King and the people of Bel-
gium? Are they bound to enforce the rights, real
or pretended, of the Belgians with a degree
of vigour which the latter feel and declare to be
injurious and offensive ? Is it as the ally of the
Belgians that, in defiance of their protest, the
French army is to expel the troops of the King
of Belgium from Antwerp in order to devote
that city to certain destruction ? Is there in
the Palmerston protocols an authority so supreme
over language and sense that their promise to
protect implies that aggression will become a
duty—that when they stipulate to render assist-
ance the obligation really contracted is to inflict
disgrace, mortification, and ruin ? The Whig
Ministers of England pretend to be the friends
of peace, and they also pretend to have a high
respect for the wishes of the community.
Facts, however, show very conclusively that
those pretences are equally false. That they
have entered upon hostilities against Holland
unnecessarily is evident from this : that Russia,
Austria, and Prussia, although involved in the
same obligations with England, not only refuse
to enter with her into this hostile course, but
distinctly and emphatically condemn it ; while
neither the Whig Ministers nor the most ardent
of their partisans have ventured to impute to
any of those Powers a violation of good faith.
And the evidence is yet, if possible, more com-
plete of their utter contempt of public opinion.
The nation has declared, and is declaring more
and more emphatically every day, its abhorrence
of th war with Holland ; and, in the midst of
this loud and significant expression of the public
feeiing upon the subject, an opportunity has oc-
curred in which the Ministry might have shown
their anxiety to withdraw from it, or at least to
mitigate its fury and limit its extent. How have
they employed this precious opportunity ? To
urge the war to its fiercest extremity, to say, let
nothing be spared that can be brought within
the range of cannon, to show to the world that
the rights of the King of the Netherlands and
of the King of Belgium are equally the object
of their contempt, when the admission of either
can operate as au impediment to the progress of
destruction. This is what the Whig Ministers
have done in the face of the loud anti indignant

protestations of the people of England, by re-
fusing their influence in support of the rights of
Leopold, and for the preservation of the town and
fort of Antwerp. But perhaps we do them wrong.
Perhaps it was in mockery only that the question
was referred to them whether Antwerp should be
destroyed. Perhaps they knew that they could
give only one answer to it without letting the
whole world see how little their allies the French
really care for their approbation. Perhaps they
are reduced to the humble office of sharing re-
sponsibility without any participation of effec-
tive power. Perhaps to defy the rights and
feelings of the Belgians, as well as those of
the Dutch, to consign the town as well as the
citadel of Antwerp to destruction,was essential to
the paramount object of their new confederacy,
" the dignity and welfare of France."—Morn-
ing Post.

Great is the wrath which the myrmidons of
power express because Westminster gives indi-
cations of no longer remaining in the supine
lethargy of a nomination borough. Vainly do
the polished admirers of the courtly Secretary at
War ransack the vocabulary of abuse to find
terms coarse or contemptuous enough to convey
their feelings of virtuous indignation for the
ingratitude displayed by the electors of West-
minster towards the pledge-hating, tax-loving,
place-enjoying, Sir John Hobhouse, the once
intemperate orator of the Radical hustings, and
now " silent ornament of the Treasury bench."
Ingratitude indeed ! Sir John himself knows
better than that. It does not require any pain-
ful process of political arithmetic to show on
which side the balance of obligation lies. Sir
John may find it convenient to forget what he
owes to the electors of Westminster ; but the
world knows that if he possesses any political
importance, they conferred it on him. They
lifted him from obscurity, and gave him a posi-
tion in the State to which he is more indebted
for such distinction as he enjoys, than to any
talents or acquirements of his own. We
do not underrate his abilities, nor his past
services, when we say, that he has derived
more advantages from the connection with
Westminster, than Westminster has from its ,
connection with him. But though Sir John
has been for a considerable time a representa-
tive of Westminster, his hatred of pledges is but
of recent origin. There was a time when Sir
Francis Burdett and himself were as warm advo-
cates for pledges as they are now against them.
The pledges for annual Parliaments and univer-
sal suffrage was their passport to popular favour.
It is too bad that those who originally climbed
up the sleeve of the people, by giving pledges on
behalf of extreme and impracticable doctrines,
should now affect a lofty tone of indignation in
denouncing all and every distinct engagement on
the part of the Parliamentary candidates to sup-
port even the most reasonable views and opinions
of their constituents. For our own part, we
have so often seen the most solemn political
pledges violated, that we place very little reliance
on them. Time has been when Sir Francis
Burdett himself, the pledged advocate of annual
Parliaments and universal suffrage, went over to
the Treasury Benches, and took his seat behind
Mr. Canning, though the banner of " no Re-
form " waved over the head of the latter—
though he defended even the rottenness of Gatton
and Old Sarum, and explicitly declared in his
place in the House of Commons that he " would
never agree to any measure of Reform as long as he
had the honour of a seat in Parliament." Time
was, also, when Sir Francis Burdett, whose con-
stitutional hatred of standing armies had formerly
assisted in making him the popular idol of the
day, forgot that jealousy of the military power
under the Wellington Government, and smitten
with a new admiration of the civil wisdom of
camp-educated politicians, declared in Parliament
that " the army was the best school for States-
men." Is, then, Sir Francis Burdett entitled to
feel indignant and to complain of popular in-
consistency or ingratitude, because the electors
of Westminster prefer exercising their own right
of choice in the forthcoming election to submit.
ting to his nomination of a colleague, as if he
had a prescriptive privilege, not unlike that of
the departed boroughmongers, to the appoint-
ment of Members for Westminster, and was re-
solved to " do what he liked with his own ?"
Crouching and spiritless, indeed, would that
popular constituency be that could tamely sub-
mit to the arrogant and dictatorial tone of
the Worthy Baronet's letter, though it has
had the unqualified praise of the sycophant Jour.
nals of the Treasury, whose recent watch-word
was "pledges"--their battle-cry at every hustings
in the kingdom, and whose invocation of political
unions and armed associations was as vehement
as their new-born hatred of all such unions and
clubs, which Ministers, having used for their
purpose, now would cast aside. With all his
present hatred to pledges, there is one pledge
which we are quite sure Sir John Hobhouse
would not refuse to give—we mean a pledge to
support the present Ministers ;—he only objects
to pledges on behalf of the people. As to pro-
posing that the Secretary of War should bind
himself to take any step for the repeal of the
assessed taxes it is monstrous ;—but that only
shows that the situation of Secretary At War is
perfectly incompatible with the duties of a re-
presentative for Westminster; for who will say
that the Members of the populous and spirited
constituency of Westminster ought not to be
foremost in demanding the repeal of these un-
just and intolerable burdens on the industry of
the people ? Since Sir John chose to accept the
office of Secretary at War, without making
terms in favour of any of those principles which
his constituents sent him into Parliament to de-
fend, he is unreasonable to expect that his con-
stituents will allow the representation of their
great and ancient city to become a sinecure, or
worse, in compliment to him.—Morn. Herald.
Count Funchal has been for some time soli-
citing the Government of this country to recog-
nise Donna Maria, especially since the favour-
able turn which things have lately taken in Spain.
The Marquis of Palmella has arrived, with in-
structions from Don Pedro, to urge the same
object on the attention of Ministers, and, it is
supposed by those whose sources of information
are considerable, with every prospect of success.
We hope that the result will justify those expec-
tations. The fate of Portugal is now in the
balance. The influence which that fate may
have on the general politics of Europe, on the
success of free institutions, and the advancement
of civilization and liberty in all quarters of the
globe, is too obvious to permit us to be indif-
terent to the issue of the present contest. Por-
tugal, even if we had no commercial interests of
our own at stake, stands in an attitude so im-
portant with respect to Europe and the best
interests of mankind, at this moment, as to call
loudly upon England to do what in consistency
she ought to have done before—to acknowledge
the rightful Sovereign, now that, she is Sove.
reign both de facto and de jure, and by that means

give a helping hand to the success of the popu -
lar cause. One word from Lord Palmerston at
this moment, might be the means of saving tor-
rents of blood, which otherwise may be shed in the
uncertainty of a protracted struggle. We cannot
doubt his Lordship's anxiety to interpose the
power of his station for such a purpose, but the
dread of interference may blind him to worse
consequences than those of interference itself, and
involve him in a more awful responsibility. But
it is not interference to admit the fact that
Donna Maria is Queen of Portugal. The ad-
mission, it is true, by England, would, in all
probability, have a strong moral influence on the
cause she is now maintaining against the usurper
of her country and the tyrant of her people.
But that is the very reason why it should be made.
The feeling of Don Miguel towards this country
is well enough known to discharge us from any
overstrained exercise of punctilio towards him,
and nothing but an overstrained punctilio can
stand between us and the recognition required.
The present, however, is no time for hesitation.
Let us now show that we are desirous to afford
every advantage to the patriot cause in Portugal,
by the admission of a truth which no Govern-
ment can deny, but which a generous Govern-
ment should proclaim with a thousand tongues in
the present circumstances of that country—the
truth that Donna Maria is Queen de jure and
de facto. It is not the muttering of the Duke
of Wellington, nor the quibbling of Lord
Aberdeen, that should be permitted to weigh
against the sanction and approbation of the
liberal throughout Europe.—Morning Herald.
The reports in our paper of this day speak out
to a very considerable extent on all these subjects;
and to their perusal, without comment or ob-
servation, we commend our readers. We can-
not, however, pass over, in the same manner, the
obscure, but not altogether unintelligible, accu-
sations put forth against us by a morning con-
temporary, who has, ingeniously enough indeed,
divided the population of the country into Con-
servatives, Destructives, and Whigs. The Con-
servatives are well known. They are the
enemies of their country under all circumstances
—the abettors of war, if war can benefit their party,
but in all cases the lovers of pensions and sine-
cures, and the very persons to tickle the ears of the
people, while, as Alderman Scales has expressed it,
they are tickling the money out of their pockets.
The history of the Whigs is equally well known as
the history of those who have always fought on the
side of the people,—who have advocated economy
and retrenchment—who carried the Reform Bill,
and who are determined that that great mean of
improvement shall, sooner or later, be produc-
tive of the important ends for which it was
passed ; but of the " Destructives " we really
know nothing. Such a party may exist in the
country ; but if they do exist, they are by far
too limited in number, and too unimportant in
all other respects, to deserve the slightest notice.
If our contemporary means by the term " De-
structives" those who are determined to have
vote by ballot—shorter Parliaments—a more
extended suffrage—the cutting down of pen-
sions and sinecures—the abolition of useless
and unequal taxes, why we must plead guilty
to the charge of being classed among them ;
but at the same time we beg to observe,
that we see nothing more " destructive " in
the opinions which we entertain on those subjects
than in those which we held on the necessity of
a Reform in the representation of the people,
which was also very stanchly advocated by our
contemporary. The latter would evidently stop
short, in the march of improvement, with the
mere attainment of the means of effecting it ;
we consider the means to be a mere plaything,
unless employed to effect its ends ; and for this
reason we are advocates for those measures
which we fear our contemporary in his general
condemnation, classes among those of a " de-
structive" character. Be they " destructive,"
however, or not, the Ministry is not wise that
opposes their adoption ; for, sooner or later, they
will be adopted ; and what will then be thought
of those who gave them their determined oppo-
sition? Lord Grey is not the enemy of such
measures ; but a certain portion of his Cabinet
is inimical to them. It would be advisable for
the latter to lean on the experience of their
Chief.—Morning Advertiser.

POLICE IN'T'ELLIGENCE.

MANSION HO USE.

A poor woman, named Hannah Watts, and her
nine children appeared, in great distress, yesterday
the at justice-room.
She had been sent out by the parish officers of
Westbury, her parish, to Upper Canada, together
with her husband, who was a tailor, and ten children,
as emigrants, and they had all encountered great
privations and embarrassments. They were at
their destination but a few months when her hus-
band died without having got into any employment,
so that the large family was quite helpless and desti-
tute, the sum they had received from the overseers
of the parish (30s. a head) having been expended in
a very short time. Luckily, the eldest girl obtained a
situation as servant in a family, but the mother and
the rest of the children were obliged to get back to
England as soon as they could, and here they ar-
rived without one farthing in the world. The un-
fortunate woman intimated that her two daughters
were ill-treated by the crew of the vessel in which
they returned to England. The ship, however, had
left the port of London, and the family thought, for
several reasons, that it would be advisable not to
follow them for the purpose of prosecuting.
It appeared from the account given by these
wretched emigrants, that no proper regulations have
been made for providing for those who are sent off in
such shoals from the various parishes in England, and
that no agents are appointed to investigate the cases
of the poor people who are thus thrown upon a
foreign and distant land.
The LORD MAYOR directed that the unfortunate
family should be sent home to their parish.
A man of very respectable appearance and ad-
dress was brought before the LORD MAYOR, charged
with having committed a robbery in the shop of
Mr. Ablett, a linen-draper. The prisoner said that
his name was Henry Watson, but refused to give
the prosecutor any account of himself.
It was stated in evidence that the prisoner went
into the shop and looked over goods to the amount
of 6/. or 71., which he desired should be put aside
for him. He was seen moving his hands towards
his pocket, and it was immediately suspected that
he had stolen a piece of handkerchiefs which had
been lying upon the counter. He was told of the
suspicion entertained of him, and he denied that he
had the property; but the shopman took it out of
his pocket.
The policeman that apprehended him said that
the prisoner, upon being pressed to disclose his re-
sidence, and the names of his relatives, declared that
ifhega
wveaonuY information relative to himself, the
exposure would destroy three or four persons, and
he, therefore, was determined to be silent. The
prisoner repeated his objection to the Lord Mayor.
The LORD MAYOR-1 never saw a more respec-
table-looking man in my life at the bar, and it is my
wish rather to se, ve than to injure you, and there-
fore I ask you these questions.

-137isonei—I can see plainly that it is your Lord-
ship's desire to serve me; but to say anything about

myself would be to cause extreme distress to two
or three individuals.

The LORD MAYOR-..-.You had some other object
in going into the shop than that of stealing hand-
kerchiefs.

The Policeman—He told me when I took him
that he hoped capital punishment would be inflicted
upon him.
Prisoner—My purpose was not to steal.
The LORD MAYOR—I am glad to hear you say
so. What then was your purpose ? Prisoner—l
am in such a state of mind that I cannot give you an
answer. Nothing can be more dreadful than the
consequence of my telling it to others.
The LORD MAYOR—Why, if you are tried and
convicted of this offence, you will be transported
for life; and that intelligence must give a greater
shock than the circumstance of your examination
before me. Prisoner—l beg to decline saying any
more.

The prosecutor, upon being questioned, stated
that the prisoner said, upon ordering the goods, that
he was going to the Jerusalem Coffee-house, which,
it appears, is an intimation that the person is going
abroad.

The LORD MAYOR—Is there any officer present
who knows this man ? Ledbitter—l think he has
been in custody before, and that he has been trans-
ported. lam quite sure that I have seen him here
before.

Prisoner—Never ! I was never before a Ma-
gistrate in my life till now ; neither was I ever im-
plicated in a disgraceful transaction before.
The LORD MAYOR-It is my duty, I find, to send
the case before a Jury.
Prisoner—l return you many thanks, my Lord,
for the disposition you have shown to serve me.
The watch and money, amounting to 16s. 3d ,
found upon the prisoner, were then restored to him,
and he was fully committed for trial.