The Sun.
London, England, 1832-07-20 00:00:00

empire, who will not take the readiest means o f
displaying their abhorrence of the language and
purposes of the Frankfort Diet.—Times.

There were not sufficient Members present
again yesterday to make a House in the Com-
mons. This is the second notice day in the week
on which this has taken place, and is equally a
proof of the exhausted state of the House, and
the folly of Members bringing forward notices
at such a period of the session, when it is impos-
sible to expect any other practical result from
them than that of impeding the public business,
' still in its progress through Parliament. This
day the opposition have another field-day on
Foreign Politics and the Russian Dutch Loan.
Every effort has been made by the Carlton-
terrace worthies to muster an attendance, and the

Conservatives have been ordered to remain in
town till after Monday. We hope the friends
of Reform will not be found sleeping at their
posts, and that the few capricious allies, whom
the Boroughmongers boast so much of having
seduced from their duty to the liberal cause, will
have communed with their constituents since
their last exhibition in the ranks of the Tories.

We do not mean that the Reformers of Wor•
cester or Rochester could well select more en,

lightened or able statesmen than Mr. Robinson
and Mr. John Mills, to represent their interest ;
but we know from the best sources of informa-
tion, that their constituents neither approve of
the annoyance or embarrassment they have
assisted in giving to the Government, or like the
appearance—and we are satisfied it is only the
appearance—of their Members being made
the dupes or the instruments of the fac-
tious proceedings of a Tory opposition. We
entreat gentlemen who can still entertain
doubts of the motives of their recent

attacks on the foreign policy of the Government,
to read the report of the debate in the House
of Lords on Wednesday. Lord Grey said most
justly that the gravest accusation which could be
hazarded against this Administration, was the
course they had adopted in endeavouring to ex-
tricate themselves from the evils left to their
choice by their predecessors. He was no origi-
nal party either to the engagement to Russia,
which he was obliged now to defend, or to the
meddling policy which had entailed on this coun-
try the arrangement with Greece. He was
obliged to deal with these transactions as he
found them, and to endeavour to regulate them,
with a view to the maintenance, as long as it was
practicable, consistently with the honour and
interests of the country, of the general peace.
What has been the distinguishing principle of
the foreign policy of this Government ? An
alliance and good understanding with the Go-
vernments of those countries whert free institu-
tions have been established, and are now main-
tained. What the constant aim of the opposi-
tion, in the embarrassing discussions which they
have brought on in Parliament ? To strengthen
the hands of the Holy Alliance—to encourage
the Dutch in their opposition to the establish-
ment of independence in the Netherlands—
and to endeavour, as far as their best exer-
tions could aid so righteous a cause, to
light up a war on the continent, for the sup-
pression of representative institutions, and the
Liberty of the Press. Ministers were first
taunted for not joining in a crusade to drive
back the French army which crossed the frontier
to the assistance of the Belgians—they were
told that army would never voluntarily retire, and
that the peace could not be maintained three
months. The army retreated—the peace was
maintained, and may yet be preserved, if the
people and. the Parliament of England continue
their confidence in, and uphold the power of, a
liberal and honest Government. Has the curi-
ous coincidence between the time chosen for
these bitter and furious efforts of the Opposition
in the House of Commons, and the publication
of the decrees of Prince Metternich against free
institutions and the liberty of the Press in the
smaller States of. Germany, no effect in opening
the eyes of the wavering Reformers ? Do they
really consider this the peculiar moment for
weakening the character, and, consequently, the
power of the Government, by withholding the
sanction of Parliament to a treaty entered into
with the sole object of maintaining the national
faith ? Have they not sufficient intelligence to
estimate the possible consequencs of such a pro-
ceeding? These questions involve much more
serious considerations than the fate of this or of
any administration ; and we should suspeet that,
much as the Duke of Wellington and Sir R.
Peel desire to turn out the present Ministers
and to re-occupy their places, they would scarcely
consider a vote of the House of Commons
against the Convention for continuing the pay-
ment to Russia as a desirable precursor to that
consummation. Mr. I fume had sufficient dis-
cernment to take the course which became all
independent and liberal Representative of the
people. He disliked the draft upon the strai-
tened finances of the country possibly not more
than the Government, who conceive themselves
obliged in honour and good faith to propose the
fulfilment of an improvident engagement ; but
he was not to be duped by the hypocritical pre-
tences of those who only desire to change the
hands through which the payment was to be
made. The junior conservatives appear to think
the change desirable, and that their constituents
will sympathise in this feeling. The next elec-
tion will prove the correctness of that opinion.
—Morning Chronicle.
We presume there can be but one opinion
with regard to the Decree of the Diet at
Frankfort. It is a revolutionary measure, if
ever there was one. The power to grant and
to withhold taxes is essential to a Representa-
tive Government, and the Decree of the Diet,
depriving the different Chambers of all con-
troul over the supplies, and declaring that the
Rulers are the only judges of what the exigen-
cies of the State require, at once deprives the
former of all influence, and makes the Consti-
tution a dead letter. The German Confedera-
tion is, in its very conception, an absurdity.
The population of the Confederation exceeds
34 millions; but, of the 39 States composing
the Confederation, two—Austria and Prussia—
have extensive territories not included in the
Confederation. The property of Austria in the
Confederation is stated at 10,655,321; but the
total population of the Austrian States is about
33 millions. The population of Prussia in
the Confederation is about nine and a half mil •
lions ; the population of all Prussia is thirteen
millions. The population of all time other States
is only about fourteen millions. The Decrees
of time
LA
Union
isotAustria
Confederations,merely
and
re Iyp trshue er ef
Prussia,
vsieas'o,
to afford
da
frn n the
tothereadpare De-
tpretended
pretextnded
ctForeecteesteroasell Powers to interfere with the smaller
States, whenever they find it convenient to do so.
Neither Austria nor Prussia would allow any of
the other States, or the whole of then together,
to interfere, in any respect, with what passes in
ally of their dominions. If we could, even for
a moment, suppose the smaller States disposed to