The Sun.
London, England, 1835-11-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

have probably since changed their opinion about the
propriety of the policy pursued by M. Mendizabal,
but it happened that while, on the one hand,
they were expressing their disapprobation respecting
it, on the other, whether intentionally or acci-
dentally we do not pretend to decide, more
than usual stress was laid by them on the pro-
gress of operations in the Pretender's camp, and the
reported brightness of his prospects. The Debats
having long borne the credit of being the depository
of the views and sentiments of a majority of members
of the French Cabinet, its remarks on Mendizabal's
policy and of the Pretender's prospects went to
establish a belief in the public mind in Paris, that
the French Government had withdrawn, or was about
to withdraw, its support from the cause of Isabella,
for the purpose of favouring the pretensions of Don
Carlos. This view of matters, resting entirely on
the Debats' apparently altered tone respecting the
affairs of Spain, was re-echoed by the public press
in this country, with perhaps the single exception
of this journal. It did not seem to us that the ar-
ticles in the DAats' which caused so much sensation
spoke the sentiments of any members of the Cabinet
on that particular occasion, and we stated the reasons
which made it, on the contrary, appear that those it
uttered were at variance with those which were attri-
buted to every one of the French Ministers, and to
which, indeed, they were bound by the mere existence
of the quadrupartite treaty. The late trial of Latapie
supplied abundant proof as to the fact that the Prime
Minister, to whose inspirations the articles in the De-
bats were chiefly ascribed, had had no more to do with
them than the designing braggart Latapie, who, for
reasons no longer best known to himself, declared that
they had passed from his own hands to those of the
Ministers, and from the latter's to the columns of the
Journal des Debats. But the matter, which might
well have ended here, is not vet suffered to rest. We
are assured, day after day, by some one or other of the
Paris papers, that the British Government, alarmed at
the change of policy implied both by the altered lan-
guage of the Debuts and the apparent laxity of the
police along the Pyrenees, has addressed strong re-
monstrances to the French Government, in whose be-
half the Duke de Broglie has lately offered the strongest
assurances to Lord Granville that the Journal de Debats
had ceased to be the accredited organ of the Cabinet. Some
papers here have caught at this flimsy story of the Paris
Opposition press, and after a series of articles of unmea-
sured abuse against the French Government, so long
as it was suspected of a growing partiality for the
Carlist cause, are now unsparing of their panegyric on
its sincerity and firmness, as evinced by the Duke de
Broglie's declaration to Lord Granville, that the
Journal des Debats has ceased to be the organ of the
French Cabinet. None of the wiseacres who have
been expending such quantities of ink on all this mass
of allegations, suppositions, errors, and rectifications,
have taken the trouble to inform the world of the
ground on which rests their last statement, to the effect
that the Duke de Broglie had made any such declara-
tion about the Debats to Lord Granville. It is evi-
dently as idle a cancan, picked up at the Bourse or
some coffee-house, as any of those which have preceded
it. Inserted with that avidity with which the greater
number of the Paris- Journalists are in the habit of
giving currency and authority to every idle rumour of
the day, it seems on all sides now to be taken for granted
—and we arc desired to believe—that the late growing
coolness or misunderstanding, between the Govern-
ments of France and England has been quite checked, and
they are again the best friends in the world. \\
should be among the foremost in rejoicing at such a
reconciliation, had we conceived that there had been
any interruption of rood understanding between the
British and French Governments ; but we intend re-
serving our joy for a tit opportunity, seeing that there
has . lately been no occasion for its display. The
French Government has evidently not had the slightest
intention to change its policy regarding Spain, and
if the British Government has addressed to it any re-
marks respecting the mode of giving the utmost effi-
cacy to the quadripartite treaty, it was probably owing
to the contrivances by which smugglers were inces-
santly eluding the vigilance of the guards stationed on
the Pyrenees, and providing the insurgents with sup-
plies. We believe it will be found difficult to put an
entire stop to the contraband communications in that
quarter, unless the French corps of 25,000 men were
to be considerably increased ; but as we stated on
Monday, the great scarcity of cash which now pre-
vails in the Carlist camp, and the little promise of any
new supplies of that commodity, will stop the commu-
nications much more effectually than any French army
could be expected to do. As to the Journal des De-
bats, it has formally declared, that although a Minis-
terial paper, because its friends have long been in of-
fice, and it has approved their policy of internal go-
vernment, it never had made itself a tool to any men
in office. In reference to what was stated respecting
the Duke de Broglie's declaration to Lord Granville,
it expresses itself as follows :—" We are quite sure
that the Duke de Broglie never made such a declara-
tion to any one. The Journal des Debats has never
been the organ of the French Government ; it has
shown its independence in the discussion of every
question, and it never waited for the inspirations of any
Minister to speak in one sense or the other. It is sin-
cerely friendly to the Administration at the head of
which the Duke de Broglie is so well pleated, and it
has often had occasion to defend that Administration ;
but it certainly never made itself a Ministerial organ on
the subject of Foreign Affairs."—Times.
The more temperate and judicious friends of Lord
Melbourne's Government have recently evinced a re-
markable degree of anxiety to rescue his Lordship and
his colleagues from the ruin which must, it is per-
ceived, speedily overtake them, should they appear,
at the present moment, in too active and zealous co.
operation, or united by the ties of too warm a sym-
pathy, with the revolutionary politicians who demand
the re-construction of the House of Lords, on the in-
solent and absurd ground that this noble, enlightened,
and independent branch of the Legislature does not
yield upon all occasions a prompt, servile, and impli-
cit obedience to the Ripons, the Roebucks) the
Humes, and the O'Connells, who supply Ministers
with their necessary working majority in the House of
Commons. The Ministerial adiocates, however sen-
sible, as they evidently are, to the danger to the Ad-
ministration which must attend the avowal of an
alliance so derogatory and inauspicious as that oc
undisguised revolutionists, are at least equally sensible
that, sneaking in the name and on behalf of Lord Mel-
bourne's Government, they cannot afford distinctly to
renounce and reject it. They condemn the various
projects of the Reformers of the House of Lords as
imprudent and ill-timed, considering the actual situa-
tion and temper of the country, but do not venture to
denounce them as essentially and permanently absurd,
mischievous, and wicked, in every imaginable position
of public affairs, and every possible state of the public
mind. According to these Ministerial reasoners it is
not from reverence and attachment to the British
Constitution, of which the actual constitution and
powers of the House of Lords are essential arid in-
separable parts,
.that the design of abolishing or
remodelling that august assembly should be aban-
doned. It is merely from reverence and attachment
to Lord Melbourne's Ministry, to the existence of
which, it is imagined, the immediate agitation of
such revolutionary schemes wol'id be dangerous,
that they should be postponed—postponed until
some convenient season of national distress or of pc),
pular excitement, wb..."en they may be urged forward
with a better Dr_
..,spect of success, or, at least, without
involving .itie overthrow of an Administration always
rea(1:),- toeflatter, to humour, and to gratify, if not im-
plicitly and unreservedly to obey, every capricious and
transient fluctuation of temper and disposition among
the lowest, the more ignorant, and the more excitam-
pc lrausds
ee
ns
t oefentnhnempeople
e;
roers
npuorsetepsonnfe dfa,
iantnh,e rather, n
twi hh
the
members of the Melbourne Ministry being no longer
in place, these revolutionary schemes may serve as
effective instruments of annoyance and hostility to their
constitutional and Conservative successors. The un-
principled cunning displayed upon this subject by the
scribblers and declaimers in the service of the Admi-
nistration is not, indeed, the mere suggestions of their
own depraved and unauthorised ingenuity. When Lord
Melbourne, knowing all that had been said in the House
of Commons in reference to the constitutional eitist-

In a late number of the Frankfort Journal there
is a letter copied from a Dutch paper on the pre-
sent state of the alliance between France and
England. The conjectures and reasonings of the
writer of that letter acquire importance, inasmuch as
they are adopted by the Holy Alliance Gazette as
" worthy of serious attention." We are told by the
author of this communication, that Louis Phillippe
has no longer the came need of support from England
which he had in 1831 and 1832—that those whom he
then looked upon as enemies, he now considers as
friends—that he was then at the mercy of England,
whereas now, matters being reversed, England is at
the mercy of the King of the French. " I would
only ask (continues the writer), in proof of what I
have said, what could England do for Belgium if
France did not assist her ? what could England
do for Spain if France did not act in unison with
her? what could she do in the East, if France
abandoned her ? and, to put another question, still
more alarming for Great Britain than any of the three
just set down, what could England do with respect to
Belgium, Turkey, and Spain, if France not only did
not go with, but ranged itself against her ?" Consi-
dering that these questions proceed from a party noto-
riously hostile to the alliance between France and
England, we think that they do indeed deserve the
" serious attention" of the two countries. It is true
that the King of the French, although he owes his
throne to the barricades, is now admitted amongst
the legitimate Monarchs of Europe. It was always
our policy to assist him in the establishment of his
throne amongst the Sovereignties of the Continent,
as upon its security hinged the preservation of
peace, not only in France, but in all the surround-
ing nations. The development which the repre-
sentative principle received, in consequence of the
revolution of July, produced a decided tendency to a
strict union between the French and British people.
Notwithstanding a series of measures which have been
adopted by the French Ministers, with a view to resist
the impetus towards reform which the barricades had
given to the popular mind, the alliance which thus
grew up between the two nations has become stronger
every year—and we are convinced, especially from all
that we have recently observed, that any grave at-
tempt on the part of the Cabinet of France to sepe-
rate that country from the politieal system of which
England forms a part, would be fatal to the exist-
ence of that Government. What has occurred
within the last month upon the Spanish question
is a proof of this. From some cause or other,
into which we shall not now inquire. the
Paris Ministerial journals were instructed to im-
part to all the intelligence from the Peninsula the
most gloomy colours. Tidings illustrative of the pro-
gress of anarchy in that country were eagerly re-
ceived ; bare surmises were reasoned upon as facts ;
gross fabrications were admitted as indisputable ; even
the telegraph became so often the messenger of false•
hood, that it lost all credit on the Exchange. It was
predicted that Mendizabal could not by possibility
succeed in restoring his country to order ; and great
pains were taken to show that upon Don Carlos
alone depended the future hopes of Spain. What
has been the result ? All the Liberal journals,
both here and in France, saw distinctly the object
which a party in the French Government had in
view. We sounded the alarm at both sides of the
Channel, and drew the attention not only of the two
countries, but of all Europe, to the irtrigues which
were going on somewhere. We spoke the sentiments
of the people—tile united people of Great Bri-
tain and France—we proclaimed the alliance be-
tween us to be in danger, and we thundered at the
door of the French Cabinet, until we obtained a gua-
rantee that neither the alliance nor the liberty of Spain
should be sacrificed to the views of the Northern
League. This was a popular victory. It has saved
Spain—it will not be without its influence, upon the
internal policy of France—it has given fresh vigour to
tile Quadruple Alliance, by shewing how deeply bound
up with the sympathies of the French and the British
people are the stipulations of that sacred compact. It
is idle, therefore, for any writer to ask, what can Eng-
land do here or there without the assistance, or in op-
position to the will of France ? The two countries are
iiiejiarible the'r interests. Governments may ditajree
for a moment, or intrigue may beget suspicions and
threaten a departure from the union : but such perfidy
cannot be productive of any permanent effect. It
will he fatal only to those who persevere in it with any
degree of obstinacy, and will show the triumphant
power which the representative principle can exercise
when it is really roused into action. As the party to
whom we allude have now discovered that tile alliance
between the two nations cannot be lightly treated, or
put on or off aceording to their caprice, we trust that
they will accept it sincerely,
,and surround it with all
the graces of cordiality. It will assuredly be a noble
spectacle for the generous minds of the world, in what-
ever climate they breathe, to behold these two great
nations who warred against each other in the days of
superstition and ignorance, almost without cessation,
now truly enlightened as to their highest interests, and
continuing their best exertions to promote the exten-
sion of civilization, and liberty, and happiness, through
every community to which their influence can reach.
—lClorning Chronicle.
We know'not that the people of England can be
blamed for viewing with suspicion the conduct of the
Duke of Cumberland, with reference to Orange So-
cieties. It will be difficult for that Illustrious Per-
sonage to show that he was not aware of the nature
of the proceedings at the various meetings at which
he presided ; and when we find that at these meetings
various resolutions were adopted for the establishment
of lodges in a number of regiments, we must either
suppose his Royal Highness an idiot, which he is not,
or that he was cognizant of the attempts to gain
over the army. The treasonable language with
which Haywood charges" Colonel Fairman might
be overlooked, were it not in unison with the let-
ters of that individual, which are evidently
feelers thrown out to try the temper of the Tory
Lords. There are fifty thousand Orangemen in London
alone. With the command of the army, at which the
Illstrious Duke was aiming, the control of the po-
lice (for the Orangemen were by times thrust into the
police) and Orange bands in every large town, less
daring personages than his Royal Highness might
have their heads turned. From his proximity to the
Throne, he is the last man who ought to be allowed
to place himself at the head of a secret society of this
formidable character. The myrmidons of his Royal
Highness appear to have had their eyes betimes on
Kensington Palace. What, for instance, is the mean-
ing of the following passage in a letter signed NV. H.
Gray (May, 1831) addressed to Colonel Fairman :
" I have reflected seriously whether our excellent Grand
Master may not, (on account of political prejudices) deem it
prudent for the present to suspend the establishment of a
lodge so decidedly characterised for his Royal son, as Sir
J. P., our worthy brother, wishes it to be, if he take the
Mastership, i. e. under the proposed title of Prince
George's Lodge. Permit me, dear Sir and Brother, to
suggest the title of The Royal Cumberland or Brunswick
Lodge,' No. ; and to be fully, but privately, understood
by us to be dedicated or established especially for the se-
curity of the young Prince ; and at or near Kensington,
that we may have the support of his Royal Aunt ; much
more respectable than at Brentford. I could render you
much better aid under this arrangement, because of the pre-
judices and shyness of persons to identify themselves in sup-
port of anything not decidedly popular."
To establish a lodge at the very door of Kensing-
ton Palace, in order to gain over the servants of the
Princess Victoria, by initiating them in this secret so-
ciety, was an ingenious device. We trust the Royal
Aunt will be better advised than to lend her support
to any such dangerous schemes.—Morning Chrome'
.e.
The French Opposition papers have not ye;, done
with the Journal des Mats and its late articles on
Spain. Our readers may remember that the last
named journal had appeared little satisfied with the
course adopted by M. Mendizabal after his arrival in
Madrid, and chose to find fault with the early steps
taken by that Minister towards the pacification of the
country, which he had found up in. arms against the
Government. The promises held out to the Juntas
by M. Mendizabal were taxed by the Debats as weak-
ness, and great were the future evils which that paper
predicted as the necessary effects of what it called
pusillanimous concession. The writers of the Debats

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THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1835.

ence and attributes of the House of Lords—knowing,'
too, all that the Ministerial journalists were- daily
labouring to inculcate—attempted to deter that inde-
pendent and illustrious branch of the Legislature from
the performance of its Constitutional duty, by holding
out the menace of a revolutionary attack upon his
character and privileges, he plainly indicated to all the
allies and confederates of his Ministry—paramount
and subordinate, to the O'Connells and the Ripons,
to the Roebucks and the Humes, of whom his Mi-
nistry is the slave, as well as to the Chronicles, and
the Mercuries, and the Reviews, who are the slaves
of his Ministry—what in his judgment was the most
expedient course for them to pursue. Nor was .a less
distinct intimation of the policy of the Administration
afforded by Lord John Russell and the other Mem-
bers of the Administration in the House of Commons,
when, night after night, they heard speeches made by
their partisans, by men whose votes are the very
breath of their Ministerial nostrils, directly impugn-
ing the independent authority, and threatening
the constitutional existence, of the Upper House of
Parliament—when night after night they heard notices
of motions given for next session to the same effect—
and when, so far from rebuking and chastising, as con-
stitutional and patriotic ministers of the Crown would
have rebuked and chastised, these ebullitions of revo-
lutionary insanity and wickedness, and these indica-
tions of a determined revolutionary purpose, they united
in the senseless cry against the House of Lords for hav-
inc, exerted its legitimate authority ; and intimated that,
as individual Members of Parliament, they entertained
the least possible respect for its decisions. It is evident
from all that has taken place notwithstanding the lan-
guid and partial disclaimers which the constitutional
feelings and deliberate good sense of the country have
extorted from some portions of the Ministerial press,
that the Melbourne Ministry have determined to avail
themselves of any advantage which in or out of office, a
revolutionary attack upon the House of Lords can
afford them as a political party ; that, although they
dare not just now sanction the unconstitutional pro-
jects of Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Roebuck, Mr. Ripon,
and Mr. Hume, they are not by any means disposed
to excite the displeasure of those gentlemen and their
adherents by an uncompromising and strenuous re-
sistance—that they are willing to regard the destruc-
tion of the House of Lords as a neutral question so
far as the Ministers of the Crown are concerned—and
that if they do not at once adopt the measure as a por-
tion of their Ministerial policy, they have no aversion
to preserve it in the armoury of- their party, as a shaft
to be employed against their political antagonists,
whenever, with envenomed point and adequate momen-
tum, it can be successfully or advantageously let fly.—
Morning Post.

which may have become payable within the six calendar
months next before the said last day of August, and
further, who shall also during all that time have been
householders. This last provision will disqualify hun-
dreds in many large towns. It should be borne in mind
also, that upon this revision no difficult question of law
can arise, and a -very small degree of management and.
arrangement will easily obviate a difficulty which has
been suggested, as to the rate-book not being able to
be in two Courts at once. It should also not be for-
gotten that the borough fund is to bear the expense of
this revision, and this fact, we have no doubt, will have
a surprising influence with both sides in quickening the
despatch of business, and of getting out of their town
as speedily as possible such expensive, though we by
no means intend to insinuate overpaid, visiters as
Revising Barristers.—Morning Herald.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HO USE.

The Reform of the House of Lords is the test by
which, in future, will be ascertained the sincerity of
every man who professes a desire for the promotion
of rational liberty. That House has ever placed itself
in opposition to the enactment of all measures tend-
ing to ameliorate the condition, or extend the rights
of the great body of the nation, and every Reform
for the common good has been carried through the
hereditary Chamber only by means of popular ex-
citement, almost tantamount to a general convulsion.
Thus. was carried the Catholic Relief Bill, when
simultaneous meetings throughout Ireland, where a
word would have kindled a watchfire on every hill,
proclaimed to the Government that there was no alter-
native left but concession or civil war. Thus was
carried the Reform Act, when the men of the
Birmingham and other Unions were preparing to
march upon the metropolis, and in person present
their petitions for a redress of grievances. And thus
in the last Session would have been carried the ori-
ginal Mmnicipal Reform Bill, had not the people been
induced to delay the assertion of their power in de-
ference to the promises of a liberal Ministry, who
deemed it more expedient to make concessions to a
faction than risk a collision by a bold and firm adhe-
rence to the popular cause. With such evidence be-
fore us of inveterate hostility, would it not be mad-
ness to expect that the House of Lords can be ever
brought to act in harmony with the people's represen-
tatives until the constitution of that body undergo a
thorough reformation ? To suppose that unity of
action or of purpose can exist between a reformed
House of Commons, representing the wishes and in-
terests of the people, and an unreformed House of
Lords, representing only their oivn peculiar interests,
which are diametrically opposed to those of the
people, is an absurdity too monstrous to find a place
in the mind of any rational man—its assertion could
he made only by a hypocrite or a fool. The very
phraseology of the House of Lords precludes all
hope of co-operation in the great work of national re-
generation--every measure for the restitution of public
plunder they have stigmatised as robbery—every mea-
sure for the restitution of popular rights they have de-
nounced as revolution ; and only when external pressure
made further resistance unavailing or dangerous, have
they yielded to necessity what they had denied to jus-
tice. In reference to the measures, delayed, mutilated,
or rejected by the second branch of the Legislature,
Lord John Russell well observed, in reply to an ad-
dress presented by the inhabitants of Plymouth, De-
vonport, and Stonehouse—" They (the Lords) have
exercised their undoubted privilege, whether wisely or
no it is for you, and not for me, to determine." His
Lordship, in this regard, evinced a due appreciation
of the right, as well as the power, of the national con-
stituency to decide on the measures most applicable
to the exigencies of the times. And after the ex-
pression of such an opinion, as well as the admission,
that the Lords had opposed every liberal measure
,‘or the last seven years, it was with equal astonish-
ment and regret that we observed his Lordship to
have recommended the people " to look for the
triumph of further measures of reform rather to the
effect of public opinion, enlightened and matured by
knowledge and discussion, than to organic changes,
which cannot be proposed without causing division,
nor carried without risk of convulsion." However
appropriate this sentence might appear, if uttered by
Sir R. Peel, its expression by the liberal leader of
the House of Commons was worse than injudicious.
What measure of Reform have the Lords conceded
to the expression of PulliiC opinion until a con-
,
vulsiot became imminent ? None. What hope can
therefore be entertained of them for the future ? The
question is, whether we shall at bike make an effort,
and even risk tOnviision, to reform the House
of Lotds, or be under the necessity of incurring an
equal risk for every separate measure of Reform, w-hieh
the necessities of the times make imperative ? The
Reform of the House of Commons was carried at the
risk of a convulsion, and at the time the same or a
greater risk would have been necessary to carry almost
any minor measure of popular good. Even since then,
during the last Session, we were on the verge of a con-
vulsion before the mutilated Municipal Reform Bill
was permitted to come into operation by the hereditary
Senate. And as before the Reform of the House of
Commons it would have been useless, and injudicious,
to propose the Municipal, the Church, or any other
great measure which might divert public attention from
the paramount question, so at present should all other
topics be put in abeyance, and the whole weight of
public opinion concentred on the Reform of the House
of Lords.—Morning Advertiser.

A genteelly dressed man, who said that his name was
John Thompson, but who is believed to have a very diffe-
rent name, was brought before the LORD MAYOR under the
following circumstances :
A married woman stated, that as she was passing through
a court at about six o'clock on the previous evening she was
grossly insulted by the defendant.
A little girl, the daughter of an officer who resided in the
court, was soon after the above-mentioned occurrence passing
through it on a message for her mother, and was addressed
by the defendant, who told her that she was a pretty girl,
and asked her to meet him next night, and he would take
her to the play. She told him that she must not go, and
she passed on. Upon her return in a couple of minutes she
found him waiting for her, and he took hold of her. Her
father, however, accidentally saw the fellow stooping down
to the child, and immediately took him into custody. His
object was, from the description of his conduct by the little
girl, quite palpable.
The defendant expressed much anxiety to have the wo-
man who brought the first charge sworn, and upon being
told that she was sworn, asked her whether she was sure
she told the truth P—The witness replied that the insult
was so undisguised it was impossible anybody could have
mistaken it.

The LORD MAYOR (to the defendant)—What are you,
and what have you say in your defence ?—The defendant
said that he was in the wine trade, and that he lived over
the water. He was so stupified with drinking that he did
did not recollect an atom of the transaction with respect
to the woman, and all he recollected about the little girl
was, that he spoke to her by accident.
The LORD MAYOR asked the officer who apprehended
the defendant, whether it was true that the defendant was
drunk ?—The officer replied that the man had not the
slightest appearance of intoxication.
The constable of the night stated that the defendant de-
clared himself that he was quite sober at the time, not hav-
ing drunk anything but a little wine with his dinner.
Defendant (to the officer)—Did you not offer if you got
501. to drop the matter ? Officer—Never ; I was as near
possible punishing you on the spot, but I thought it better
to leave you to the Lord Mayor.
The LORD MAYOR—Very well ; I shall commit him as
a rogue and vagabond to Bridewell for one month.

Doubts have been expressed in some quarters, and
amongst others in the Ldzu Magazine, whether the
revision of the Burgesses' lists under the Municipal
Act can be satisfactorily completed within the time
assigned, viz., the Ist day of December, and the 15th,
both inclusive; which, excluding two Sundays, will
give 13 whole days to be employed in the revision.
Now we must confess that we do not seS any fair
ground for such doubts, it is bile, as we are told,
but not bl that in each case of
- or
objection it may be nec,..,..ary for the Barrister to in-
spect all the rates made from Jan. Ist, 1833, to 31st
Pt ^a l l probae, a e,
Aug., 1835, and examine the overseers relating to
them ;" and it is further stated that some parishes
contain " many thousand inhabitants;" though this
may be true, yet we will undertake that there are
very few throughout the kingdom which contain any
such number of persons who shall have been rated
to all rates for the relief of the poor of the
parish in which the premises for which they may
claim to vote are situate, during the years 1833, 1834,
and 1835, and who shall have paid, before the last day
of August in this year, all such rates. evnant. thr