The Sun.
London, England, 1866-05-02 00:00:00

Mr. Bright on the Government's Reform Bill.

MANCHESTER, Tuesday Night.
A meeting was held to-day in the Free-trade Hall
of this town, being a special meeting of reformers
delegated by the National Reform Union from vari-
ous parts of the country, " to take into considera-
tion the present position of the Franchise Bill, and
the best course to be adopted by Reformers to aid
Government in passing the measure through the
House of Commons." There was so large an attend-
ance that the drawing-room would not suffice for
the meeting, and it was adjourned to the Assembly
Room, which was speedily filled. Mr. G. Wilson
presided.
Mr. JACOB BRIGHT moved a resolution expressing
sincere and heartfelt thanks to the Government and
those members of the Liberal party who had sup-
ported them, for their noble and generous acknow-
ledgment of the rights of the people, and for the
energetic manner in which they had carried out the
proposed measure for the extension of the franchise.
Mr. W. TURNER, Mayor of Salford, seconded the
resolution, and it was supported by delegates from a
great number of places, including Birmingham,
Carlisle, Leeds, and Chester.
-Mr. PEASE, late M.P. for South Durham, also
supported the motion, which was carried unani-
mously.
Mr."H. MASON.moved the second resolution, ex-
pressing unabated confidence in the Government,
and approval of their recent declaration not to relax
their efforts to pass the bill for the representation
of the people into law, but assuring them that no
measure which fell short in its principal provisions
of the present bill would be satisfactory to the
people.

Mr. B. ARMITAGE seconded the motion, and it
was adopted.

The general feeling experienced by the delegates
was one of satisfaction at the result of the late di-
vision, and of determination to support the Govern-
ment.

Mr. BRIGHT was then called upon to address the
meeting, and rose amidst great cheering. He said
—Gentlemen, I think it is about a month since we
last met together in this building to consider our
position with reference to reform, and the portion
of the measure which had been introduced by the
Government. Since then we have had a great de-
bate in the House of Commons, and a great divi-
sion. (A Voice A triumphant one.) Well, that
is a matter about which I think there may fairly be
some difference of opinion. (Laughter.) I think
as far as the debate went some speeches made in
favour of the bill were not answered, and I also
think that a great many of those who opposed the
bill in the division did not state to the house 'very
clearly the grounds upon which their opposition was
based. There were 33 men who at the general elec-
tion were returned as Liberals, who turned round and
voted against their party, some on one pretence and
some on another. The mover of the amendment in
the speech which he made, complained that the govern-
ment of which he had been a supporter had departed
from the rule of Whig Governments in past times,
and, instead of taking entirely the advice of certain
portions of the Whig party, had taken advice from
that end of the House of Commons—that section of
the house amongst whom I generally sit. (Laughter.)
lam not one of those who, here or elsewhere, un-
fairly deprecate the Whig party, because if you look
back and take a hundred years from the accession
of George 111. till this time, there have always been
members of the Whig noble families who have been
sincere and most useful friends of the people ; and
I am sorry that Lord Grosvenor did not recollect
the condition into which his Whig Government and
party had fallen in the year 1841. They were in
office after the Reform Bill with an immense and
overpowering majority. In nine years after the
passing of that bill Sir R. Peel came into power;
at the head of the Tory party, with a majority of
90 in the House of Commons. The Whig Govern-
ment had mismanaged most of its affairs ; had alie-
nated almost all its most liberal supporters, and it
left the Government with the finances and taxation
of the country in a state of discreditable confusion.
During those years the most liberal portion of the
Liberals were little taken notice of. Now what hap-
' pened? In 1846, from the action of that party of
whom Lord Grosvenor now speaks—not at all with
contempt, but at least with something like distrust
and dislike—through the action of that party repre-
sented by a great association in this town, the Tory
ranks were broken up, Sir R. Peel was converted on
a great question, the Tories were driven from office,
the Whigs came back to power, and for the last 20
years, with the exception of about two years, they
have held the highest offices in the State. But during
the last 20 years, if Lord Grosvenor were just to go
through the journals of Parliament, he would find
that all the questions which have given the Liberal
Government since 1846 favour and popularity with
the people, are questions which did not originate
with the purely Whig section of the party, but ori-
ginated and were urged on by what may be called
theßadical wing of the great Liberal party. (Cheers.)
All the measures which refer to taxation, and
which have given to Mr. Gladstone so great a reputa-
tion, not in this country only, but throughout the
world, all the measures which have given to . this
country freedom of the press, measures of utility and
value which it is impossible to exaggerate, all the
measures which have tended to make commercial
intercourse more free with France, and afterwards
with all the other countries of Europe, all these have
been measures which the Government sitting on the
Treasury bench have taken directly and taken most
wisely from that section of the house in which I sit
—(cheers)—therefore I venture to tell Lord Grosve-
nor, without the slightest offence (for I am not sure
that he would not himself freely acknowledge it),
that the power of the Whigs in the Government has
been a power based on the united action pf what I
may call the two branches of the Liberal party ; but
the policy which has been pursued, and the measures
that have been carried, and the glory which has
accrued to that party—all this has been derived far
more from that section of the party whose advice he
refuses to take now than from that section with
which he is personally and by family more intimately
connected. (Hear, hear.) I regret more than I can
describe that we have not been a united party on
this occasion. When we were here last I spoke of
Lord Grosvenor with some hope that probably he
would see that the course he was taking was not a
wise one, and that after all he might not be found
to move the amendment of which he had given
notice. Notwithstanding that he has entirely
disappointed me in that, I am still of opinion
that he is not satisfied with the position which
he has taken up ; and I think there is some ground
for the rumour which prevailed in the house,
that had it not been for the pressure put upon
him by the opposition, with whom, unfortunately,
he had come into relations on this question,
even at the last moment he would not have come
forward to propose the amendment to the second
reading of the bill. Now, supposing that we had had
a united party, that those thirty-two men who voted
against us had voted with the Government, we should
have had, if the house had voted as unanimously as
it did on Saturday morning, a clear majority of at
least 80 in favour of the second reading of the bill ;
and if that had been the case I believe the Tories
themselves would not have opposed the second read-
ing by a direct resolution, and there is every reason
to believe the bill would have passed through the
House of Commons without any difficulty, and that
it would have been accepted with a becoming wis-
dom by that other chamber into which I hope before
long it will find its way. (Cheers.) But these gen-
tlemen who voted against us from different motives
have seen fit to separate themselves for a time from
their partyand from the Government, andl will ven-
ture to say also, from public sympathy. (Cheers.) I
am not certain--I think it not unlikely—that someof
these gentlemen, baying supported Lord Grosvenor `

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from personal attachment probably to him and friend-
ship with him, and some from one cause and somefrom
another—a considerable number having given this
one vote may feel it consistent both with their duty
and with their interest, to come back to the ?old—
(laughter)—and give their votes in favour of the
Government and the bill in its future stages. There
are amongst them, I am persuaded, men who are not
without sympathy for the people; men who are not
wholly against a fair measure of reform, and men
who, I believe, will not ultimately and permanently
'separate themselves from the advance which will
accrue to the country by the passing of this mea-
sure. One thing, I think, has arisen from a dis-
cussion over so many nights—that the bill must
have risen in general favour with almost all
classes in the country.
what may be called the Ariaadni ye
alvahnodsrteafnodr
mbetween
,
and the most liberal of the Tories, some who call
themselves Whigs, some Liberal Conservatives, some
who have not been able to find a word that shall
exactly define their delicate positiox— laug hter)—
have probably cometo the conchision—and Isuspeet
that the discussion during these nights has had the
effect also of convincing the great bodythoef the people,
and those who, at the beginning o f
had not made up their minds—that this measure is
a very just, and at the same time a very moderate,
and in the highest and truest sense of the word also
a CatlTVAtive proposition, which has been brought
forward by the Ministry. We have seen, too, what
has been dwelt on so much to-day, that the Govern-
ment has behaved in regard to it in a manner that is
perfectly honest and perfectly manly, and we have
heard—l have heard from Mr. Gladstone's lips—
language telling evidently that which was passing
in his heart, which indicated the strong
sympathy
he has with justice and with the people, and I be-
lieve in that language and in those expressions he
was but speaking the united view of the Cabi-
net, and especially the views or the sentiments of
Earl Russell. (Cheers.) In another week we shall
have before us the proposition for the redistribution
of seats. I have always held that to be, as a matter
of fair representation, just as important as the ques-
tion of the franchise. - I know nothing whatever of
what it is that the Government are likely to propose,
and I won't now undertake to give them any advice
—(great laughter)—for fear some very weak brother
(laughter)—or some spiteful and vicious opponent
should say that they have framed their Redistribution
Bill upon the advice which I gave them on a platform
in Manchester. All I will say is this, that I hope at
least the Redistribution Bill will be so fair and so ex-
tensive that it may fairly receive as much confidence
and favour from the public as the Franchise Bill has
received, and that further we mayall feel thatwhat-
ever be the number of years for which the fran-
chise question would be likely to be settled by the
passing of this bill for an equal number of years the
distribution of seats question should also be settled
by the bill which they are now about to produce. If
that bill should be as good as we will hope it may
be, it seems to me that every reason we now have to
support the Government will be greatly increased—
(cheers)—because they have declared solemnly—
and there is no withdrawal from that declaration—
that they stand or fall by the bill, separately or by
the bills together, and we have therefore the repu-
tation, the continuance in office, the very existence
of Whig statesmen, as connected with the Radical
and Reforming party—we have all this staked on
the passage through Parliament of these two mea-
sures. Well, if we have a Government resolved to
do a thing that is right to be done it has greatpower
in Parliament, and there are we know scores of
thousands of persons throughout the country who
do not come up with a rush to help a great question
until they see that it is in peril, and until they see
that the Ministry by whom it is supported is also in
peril. When I look at the matter I feel confident
therefore that when this seats bill is brought for-
ward, supposing it be a fair and just measure, pro-
ceeding as far in that direction as the franchise bill
proceeds in this direction, then we shall have addi-
tion—l will not say addition justification, but addi-
tional stimulus—that we should all individually, and
wherever we meet our fellow-men throughout the
country, do everything that lies in our power to sup-
portthe Government until those measures are passed.
(Cheers.) The bill that we are discussing is, after
all, let us not forget, is in some sort like all great
measures, almost a compromise. We had a perfect
right to ask the Government to,propose a bill with
a £lO county and a £6 borough franchise, and
we had every reason to believe that such a bill
would have been proposed, but when one that,falls
short of that is proposed, we don't immediately
quarrel with our friends, and drive the Government
from office, and contemptuously kick their bill out
of the house ; but we view it regarding all the diffi-
culties of this question, and the difficulties which a
Government must surmount to do anything, and,
therefore, we, I will not say willingly, we reluctantly,
but still with a certain degree of cheerfulness, and
with perfect honour, abstain from pressing for that
which we believe we had a right to do. We admit
1. all the difficulties of the Government ; we admit the
timidity, the fears of certain persons who do not
think as we think, and we are willing to give our
hearty assistance to carry a measure which the Go-
vernment, under the circumstances, think the best
that they could propose. Having done that the
question is what shall we do in passing through
committee, where there are pitfalls at every step ?
I think we have a right to cell upon the Govern-
ment to stand by the figures that they have pro-
posed. (Loud cheers.) I say that the true interest
of the Government is to stand absolutely by three
things that are in that bill ; the £l4 franchise for
the counties, the £7 franchise for the boroughs, and
the total sweeping away of those odious and miser-
able clauses which were called the rate-paying
clauses affecting the £lO voters. (Cheers.) I think
it is the true interest of the cause of reform that
they should stand to those figures, and they should
hold them to be essential and vital points of their
bill. If they were to make any deduction from those
figures, to do what certain people on the other side
mean when they say, we would not object to a £2O
franchise for the.counties, and an £8 or £9 rating—
or some stupid proposition—(laughter)—for the
boroughs—and then after all we could settle this
question—l say there is no greater mistake. I will
undertake to say, if they depart from this propo-
sition, which has been accepted in so fair and rea-
sonable a manner by the whole reform party
throughout the country, that carry what they may
short of this, the question would not receive a per-
manent or even a temporary settlement. (Cheers.)
I believe there would not two years pass—there
would not be another Parliament pass through its
existence, elected upon this bill, so shorn of its in-
tegrity, in which there would not be repeated pro 7 I
posals to re-open the question of the franchise and
re-open the question of seats. Wear, hear.),
We
all know that in our own boroughs, everywhere,
any any alteration of the franchise above
i
borough would be in itself almost an
.t ewnotiruledexshcoluw-
sion still of the working men, and
them that though 34 yell!:l
passing of the Reform yassdedidsimnucechththe
Bve are no more prepared
enable that bill to pass— ••ili ailvethpe
now to do them even this moderate justice than men
(Cheers.) And it would con-
were at that time. .
firm them in the feeling that there was an ineradic-
able distrust and fear of them amongst the rich and
powerful classes of the country. (Cheers.) I as-
sume that the Government will be firm. There is
not a particle of evidence to justify even the smallest
suspicion against them. I believe that Lord Rus-
sell,when he consented to those figures, consented
with the express understanding that that was the
p cion
point to which the Government should feel itself
pledged, and it is impossible to have listened to the
speeches of Mr. Gladstone and to believe that he
could in any degree withdraw from propositions
which he himself has described as so moderate and
so necessary. Now, I suspect that on Monday next