The Sun.
London, England, 1832-05-30 00:00:00

may detect be wisdom. We repeat, then, it,
what quality does he this day, as Chairman o'
the Pitt dinner, undertake to personate Mr.
Pitt ? Is it as an enemy to Reform, or a friend ?
In the first instance it is Pitt the renegado—in
the last it is the renegado Wellington. In tilr
one case he must represent a turncoat,—in the
other he must be one. We envy not his Grace
the alternative. But, again, it is said by these
haters of revolution that they will stand by the
ancient ways of the realm,—that Reform is a
modern quackery, the work of incendiaries,
newspapers, and Frenchmen. If so, whose work
was the motion for Reform in 1785 ? And
who were they that divided with Mr. Pitt on
that memorable occasion ? The division was a
striking one, were it only to prove how strong
numerically was the feeling on the side of Re-
form seven-and-forty years ago, the votes against
it being 248, and the minority in its favour
174 ! although they now have the modesty to
insist that the Reform sentiment is new
amongst the people of England. Another piece
of intelligence, for which we doubt the Duke
of Wellington's historical reading has ill pre-
pared him, is the list of names composing that mi-
nority, who voted in the train of Mr. Pitt. The
names are given elsewhere, and we need but ask
whether " John Jeffries Pratt" (the present
Lord Camden) was a Jacobin ?- or Sir Lloyd
Kenyon a Jacobin ? or Lord Apsley, now Lord
Bathurst ? or Mr. Wilberforce ? or the two
Lowthers ? or Harry Dundas ? They all voted
for an " extensive and sweeping" Reform, in the
year 1785, before Jacobinism was even heard of
--they, the least Jacobinical of all mankind !
And yet the Duke of Wellington is so bronzed,
or so dull of brain, as to come forward at this
time of day, and in the name of Mr. Pitt to throw
dirt upon Mr. Pitt's memory, by recalling to pub-
lic notice the selfish tergiversations which hum-
bled that remarkable Minister in the dust. Verily,
we can assure the Duke of Wellington that Mr.
Pitt's reputation as a statesman, tattered and mu-
tilated though it be, will bear what his Grace's
political reputation will not bear. Mr. Pitt's back-
slidings belonged to a commanding though per-
verted mind ; the Duke of Wellington's have been
those of a disorderly and half-taught apprentice.
This invocation of the name of Pitt against reform
exceeds in effrontery the abuse of the same name
against religious freedom, because the offenders
are now warned, by the ill-success of their former
stratagem, of the universal ridicule, disgust, and
contempt which await them. Any thing at once
so futile and so impudent, we have never seen.
Has Mr. Pitt no personal friends alive to protest
against this impiety to his ashes ? And
now, gentlemen of the Pitt Club, "to dinner
with what appetite you may."—Times.
Freeholders and other Inhabitants of the
county of Berks ! Reformers! To you we now
address ourselves ! At this instant, when the Bill
is in the crisis of its fate—we do not say whether
it shall be passed or not, for the affirmative is
certain—it cannot be strangled in its birth—but
whether it shall come into the world pure and
unsullied, or with the stain of dishonour on its
front—whether in the last conflict its partisans
shall be triumphant or defeated—this question,
or these questions, must be tried in your county;
and remarkable it is that a county contest should
have occurred at such a moment. Do not con-
ceal, then, from yourselves the importance of
your situation, and the vastness of the struggle in
which you are engaged ; for through you, and
by you, it is about to be tried whether the Bill
and the cause of Reform have lost any thing of
their popularity through the long and tedious
delay to which they have been subjected ; or
whether they are still as dear to the people of
England, whose representatives you now are, as
when they first called forth the applauding accla-
mations of millions. Reformers of Berkshire, it
is an old sentiment to quote to you, " a long
pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether ;" but
the third clause of that sentiment has a new and
peculiar meaning at the present moment. Let
but this last pull be strong enough, and it will be
a pull final and altogether—you will never have
occasion to pull again—the boroughmongers will
be done with—they will make no head again,
The two candidates are, Mr. Hallett, a reformer,
and Mr. Palmer, an anti-Reformer. We give
the latter gentleman that appellation boldly ; for,
after all his explanations, the matter comes to
this—that he is as much an anti-Reformer as
any one else is, or can be, at the present day,
and you wish to know no more to rouse your
exertions against him. Mr. Hallett is a stanch
and well-understood Reformer. In the present
case, actions, not words, are wanted. In the
latter, your cause has indeed already triumphed
on the day of nomination ; for, to say nothing
of other speakers, the elements of rational con-
viction, and the force of eloquence, could hardly
ao further than they were carried by Sir Francis
Burdett, in support of Reform. You ask us
then, and ask each other, how you are to exert
yourselves ? We are now come to that, and
shall answer the question forthwith. By
bodily or personal efforts of every kind, cer-
tainly ; by the sacrifice of ease and time ; but
more—by subscriptions—by liberal pecuniary
subscriptions. An example has already been set
by the more affluent ; press forward, ye other
affluent, who are still behind, and add your names
to the list next to these. Let every freeholder,
who has the claims of family and children to
satisfy before those of his country, and not much
to spare, pledge himself at least to impose no
expense on the popular candidate, and let asso

ciations under this engagement be formed in
villages and towns—the parties engaging to con-
vey themselves to and from the place of
election at their own cost. But, fur-
ther, we addressed these remarks, it will be

seen at the opening, to the " other inhabitants
of Berkshire" as well as the freeholders. And
what, have the other inhabitants of Berkshire
nothing to bestow but their shouts, their hisses,
or cheers ? Yes, let minor kinds of subscrip-
tions be entered into throughout the country :
we do not say penny subscriptions, but sub-

scriptions of -which pence shall constitute the
bulk, and not exceed half-a-crown or a crown
for each person. By these it will be shown what
the bulk of the people of England—that is to
say, the strength of the realm—is on the subject
of Reform. Finally, men of Berkshire, recol-
lect what we said above. " A long pull," (that
is not required, the effort will be but short) " a
strong pull,"— 0 yes, as strong as you please,
pull with all your might and main, and "a pull

sll together." Upon this last we have again a
few words to say. In going near the improve-
ments which are making in the vicinity of St.
Martin's Church a day or two ago, we observed
some workmen engaged in pulling down a
wretched and decayed old building. They had
tixed a rope round a portion of it, and were
tugging in cheerful unison with each other.
Once," said they, and pulled ; " twice," and
pulled again ; " thrice," with a loud huzza, they
pulled, and down came the ancient but miserable
tablic, to make way fora fairer structure. This

was the it pull all together." So pull you, and
you will have no need to pull again.—Times.
In commenting on our article on the Foreign.
office and the state of our Diplomacy, the
Morning Herald is pleased to call this Journal
a Ministerial Paper. We are not, and never,
were, supporters of the present Administration,
in the sense expressed by our contemporary.—
We are the faithful adherents of that system of
policy which Earl Grey has so long and so
consistently advocated ; and we have stre-
nuously, and we hope efficiently, supported him
in every measure which seemed to us calculated
to strengthen and uphold that system. But we
never have been the allies and admirers of that
portion of his Cabinet, who, in order to act with
their Chief, must necessarily give up many of
those opinions and principles on which they have
so long been acting in public life ; and who, in
that compromise, still cling to their old preju-
dices, and strive, by every means in their power,
to render the contrast between their present and
their former opinions less glaring to the public
eye. The result of this conflict has been a va-
riety of half and half measures, both in our
foreign and domestic policy, of which we never
should have heard had the entire Administra-
tion been of one mind and acted on one poli-
tical system : but which have, we are bound to
admit, produced a bad effect on the country.
Our contemporary also mistakes our animad-
versions on the means employed by Lord Pal-
merston to carry into effect the views of a
liberal Government, for a condemnation of
the principles on which our foreign policy
has lately been conducted. On this point
we did not, and do not now mean to express
any opinion, althoug we feel, in common, we
believe, with the whole country, gratitude
to Ministers for having so far got through
the complicated state of foreign affairs to which
they succeeded, and for having, contrary to the
hopes and endeavours of the Opposition,• hitherto
kept us out of war. Our immediate object was
to direct the public attention to the machinery.
of our Foreign-office, and Diplomatic Esta-
blishment. The people might as well expect
good Government from the representatives of
Old Sarum or Gatton, as Lord Palmerston the
honest and faithful execution of liberal measures
by the bigoted and prejudiced agents of the
Castlereagh and Metternich school. They have
been the creatures of the same systeiß which has
filled the House of Lords with mushroom Peers
who so little understand their position, or rather
who- have so much keener a sense of their own
personal and selfish interests than those of the
nation at large, that they would prefer risking the,
safety of their institution, to a willing sympathy
with, or obedience to, the national feelings and
will. " A change has come over the spirit of
our dream," and all things mustsympathize with
it. That they must do so with a reformed
House of Commons, no man doubts. That the
sooner they do so, the more it will be for
the public interests. Many of our re•
luctant and lukewarm Reformers may affect
to doubt ; and it was from an apprehen-
sion of sentiments of this description operating
prejudicially in that quarter, that we addressed
Ministers with no unkindness of feeling to Lord
Palmerston. We repeat, that every hour's he-
sitation to remove all individuals from employ-
ment in the service of the Foreign-office, who
are known, by their conversation and connexions,
to be hostile to the measures of the existing
Administration--we will go further, every person
upon whose zeal and fidelity they cannot rely,
for the promotion of the great principles of civil
liberty, and a regard for the rights and inde-
pendence of the people, in contradistinction to
those of the Cabinets of Austria, Prussia, Rus-
sia, and Spain, or, in short, of the Holy Alli-
ance—is either an act of imbecility or of trea-
chery to what is, thank God, at last, the
predominant party in this country—the party of
the people. Let any man turn over the dirry
leaves of the Red Book, and decide for himself
how many of the employb of this corps, in all
ranks and grades, entertain opinions and princi-
ples in unison with those of their employers. Let
him inquire with what zeal and fidelity, and with
what singular address and intelligence, they
have served the . present Administration, in
their communications with the continental
Courts. Let him look at the suspicious delay
which has attended the ratification of the Bel-
gian Treaty, especially at Berlin and Peters-
burgh, negotiated with so much apparent good
understanding and unanimity by the different
parties in Downing-street. If the public do not
come to the same conclusion with ourselves from
all these premises, let them look at some even
of Lord Palmerston's appointments—to the very
last announcement in the Gazette, Mr. Welles-
ley to be secretary at Munich—and then decide
whether we have not sufficient grounds for the
apprehension and suspicion we have expressed
on this subject. We have already stated the
grounds on which we condemn the whole
system. The idle expense of the establishment
is a further grievance, although not of equal im-
portance, to that of having our interests com-
mitted to the care of improper agente. We
should like to see a Committee of a Reformed
house of Commons appointed to examine per-
sonally into the use and advantage of our mis-
sions at more than one-half of the courts, at
which an extravagant establishment is main-
tained for purposes of patronage and corruption.
Tlieii report on the value of the communications
which have been received in the course of the
year from Copenhagen, Stockholm, Munich,
Frankfort, and several other places in Germany
and Italy, will be more amusing than instructive.
Reams of paper, where the agents are of dull and-
industrious habits, containing all the babble of
cafes, and the scandal of cities and courts. It
is not only necessary to replace the higher class
of diplomatists by more intelligent and liberal
agents. A measure of scarcely less expediency
is to clear the different Missions of the brood of
Tory Attackgs who will otherwise be reared at
our expense to perpetuate the system. No per-
son need go farther than Paris for an apt illus-
tration of the present state of things. It has
been the common observation in the salons of
the capital for the last twelvemonth, that Lord
Granville had not a single person at the embassy
to whom lie could safely and properly intrust
the copying of a confidential despatch. And
this species of vermin have no sense of that de-
licacy and propriety which might induce them to
spare others the pain of recalling or discharging
them. They stick to place, and the chances of
promotion and pension, with a perseverance and
shamelessness which is only to be accounted for
by their hopes of a restoration of the old order of
things, and of their patrons to office and power.
iitthtotlnieotirceenet:-eal
reo-f
—Morning Chronicle.
We have glanced on former occasions at the
to it
stage of' the trans-
only she
various objects
Charter,jicoo wnannreedcfteieirdi
anciatirokns twheat onhlayve uniformly been thrown out by
prejudiced parties when alluding to this subject :

lelay.

we mean the bargains that have been enterer
into between the Government and the Bank
Directors. We shall now only refer to the twt
most prominent (for we may consider the sus
pension of cash payments in that light), the
Acts of 1797 and that of 1822. A Ministeria:
Journal that has some time since broken ground
upon the Bank Charter question has more
than once observed that the transaction of 1797
was of itself sufficient to render a change neces-
sary. It does not appear to us essential to
discuss the conduct of the Managers of the
Bank thirty-five years since for the purpose of
ascertaining whether now, in 1832, the Charter
should be renewed; but we are prepared to
argue this branch of the subject upon its merits.
At the end of 1794 the Directors expressed
their anxiety for the debt due from the Govern-
ment to the Bank to be considerably reduced.
They wished it to have been entirely liquidated,
but they apprehended that object could not be
effected. Early in 1795 they came to a resolu-
tion to limit their advances upon Treasury bills
to 500,0001., and communicated with Mr. Pitt
to the effect that he would so adjust his finan-
cial measures for the year as ,not to depend
upon the Bank for aid. At the beginning of
1796 the Directors declared in the form of a
resolution that if any further loan or advance
of money to the Emperor of Germany, or any
other foreign States, should take place, the
act would prove fatal to the Bank of England.
Fresh advances were, however, made, and
fresh demands upon the Bank of England ;
to which demands the Directors consented, at the
" pressing solicitations" of the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, and to ward off evils which a
refusal on their part might produce in the then
alarming state of the country. The necessities
of the Government greatly aggravated the embar-
rassments of the Bank of England, which were
severely felt by those who conducted its affairs
so early as 1794 ; and the interim between
that year and 1797 led them into further em-
barrassments, owing to the " pressing solicita-
tions" of the Minister. But, setting these
transactions aside, it would have been very diffi-
cult, if not impossible, for the Bank to have got
over the crisis of 1797 without having had recourse
to the step that then took place, a suspension of
cash payments. Alarms of invasion were constant,
and the run upon the Bank very extensive, and,
under these circumstances, how could paper
convertible at the will of the holder into gold
remain in circulation ? The other point to
which we shall now allude is that connected with
the public pensions and annuities, commonly
called the " Dead Weight," which has been so
often discussed that we shall here merely state
the simple fact, that if that arrangement between
the Government and the Bank be disadvantageous
to the public, the Directors did not seek for it.
The proposition was first made to another Cor-
poration and refused, and the Bank accepted,
when the proposal was made to the Managers of
that establishment, only a small share of the
advantage. It took only a quarter of the pro-
posed amount that was to complete the arrange-
ment, after having been pressed to take the
whole; this, be it recollected, and all other
arrangements of a similar nature, having ul
mately obtained the sanction of Parliament.-
Morning Post.

SECOND EDITION.

SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock.

M PERU L PA R LIAM EN'

THIS EVENING.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

The Earl of SHAFTESBURY t iok his seat, as Speaker,
a little after five o'clock.

MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS.
Mr. BERNAL and Mr. SCHONSWAR, and others from
the Commons, brought up several private Bills, which
were read a first time.

CIVIL DEPARTMENTS OF THE NAVY BILL.
On the motion of Lord AUCKLAND, this Bill was
read a third time and passed.

REFORM.
The Earl of DERBY presented a petition from B'ack-
burn, signed by 8,353 inhabitants, praying their Lord-
ships to pass the Reform Bill, without curtailment of its
essential provisions.
The Earl of RADNOR presented a similar petition,
signed by the High Sheriff of Berk a, but adopted at the
meeting of the freeholders of that county. Both of the
above petitions were ordered to lie on the table.

SLAVERY.
The Earl of ROSEBERY presented a petition, most
pumerously, and he believed most respectably signed,
from Edinburgh, praying their Lordships to take into
immediate consideration measures for the abolition of
slavery in the Colonies, as soon as it could be done with
safety. The petition was most moderate and tempe-
rate in its language, and was, therefore, highly de-
serving of their Lordships' attention. He united
with the citizens of Edinburgh, in their abhorrence of
slavery, but thought that if Parliament were at once to
introduce a measure for the instantaneous abolition of
slavery, it would probably lead to results most injurious,
if not calamitous, to the slaves themselves, as well as to
the security of the lives and property of the white in-
habitants.—Laid upon the table.
BOROUGH OF HELSTON.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH presented a petition from
certain inhabitants of Helston, praying that the
assessed taxes which were remitted to the yr omanry
cavalry of that town might be taken into calculation in
estimating the comparative value of Helston, with regard
to other boroughs in schedule A. His Lordship thought
it very hard that the loyalty of the inhabitants of Hel-
ston should subject them to disfranchisement.
Lord KENYON and the Duke of BUCKINGHAM sup-
ported the prayer of the petition, which was laid on the
table.

BOROUGH OF AMERSHAAL
Lord KENYON presented a petition from the borough
of Anaershatn, complaining that the boundary of the bo-
rough taken in the Reform B;11 had excluded the
manor-house and another building or two, which would
have saved it from disfranchisement. Several boroughs
which were to be saved were not of tai great importance
as Ansersham.
The petition having been read,
Lord KENYON moved that the petitioners be allowed
to prove their case at the bar of the House.

Earl GREY did not think that a case had been trade
out to justify their Lordships to accede to the prayer of
the petition.

Lord KENYON said the case only rested upon the
statements of those from whom he had received the peti-
tion ; hut if their case were establisi ed, and it could only
be established by a hearing of Counsel at the bar,
Amersham would be taken out of schedule A and placed
in schedule B.

The Earl of SHAFTESBURY was putting the quee-
ion. when

Lord ELLENBOROUGII said as an arbitrary rule had
beeu Ism] down by his Majesty's Ministers, even if the
allegations of the petitions were established, no advantage
would arise to them.

Lord KING said that the same calculations bad
been wade, and the same statements brought forward
and urged in another place by a celebrated arithmetician
dative to Amersham, but as this course had been aban-
doned by him, they had very good reason to infer that
Lieut. Drummond's calculations proceeded upon the right
His Grace the Duke of BUCKINGHAM said, the
question was not whether the calculations of Lieutenant
lrummond were more or less correct, but the fact was,
in relation to Amersham, that if the manor which was
ituate in the parish were included in the calculation, it
would be entitled to representation.
Lord DURHAM could nut see any end to a discussion
'do nature upon a petition ; it could serve but only to

Cold KENYON explained.
Earl GREY said the ou:y time fur eoulidering such a

staismat would be in Contralti:4 on schedule A. Thi-
motion was then negatived without a division.
Marquis of CLEVELAND presented a petition fror
the town of Stockton-upon-Tees, praying for power under
the Reform Bill of sending Members to Parliament.
Lord CREY presented a petition from Thurston, an.'•
another from Dumbarton, praying that the Reform Bil,
might be passed into a law ; alco a petition from Rumsey,
in the county of Northampton, praying the House to givr
their sanction to the system of education introdutxd into
Ireland by the Government.

Earl GREY presented a petition from Ross, praying
their Lordships to take into considerationt the Criminal
Laws.

Earl RODEN moved for certain returns respecting
the Irish schools, which had been laid on the table of the
House of Commons to be laid on their Lordships table.
The Duke of BUCKINGHAM gave notice of his in-
tention on Tuesday to present a petition from the magis-
tracy and gentry of Queen's County, Ireland, calling the
attention of the House to the state of that country. As
it was of great consequence, and as the discussion upon
this petition might involve not only the consideration of
the Queen's County, but the present state of the whole of
Ireland momentarily becoming worse and worse, he
thought it right to give this notice, and also to move
that their Lordships might be summoned for that day.
Lord MUNSTER took the opportunity of explaining
his conduct upon the subject of the Reform Bill now be-
fore the House. He did this in consequence of the state-
ments that bad gone abroad respecting the part he had taken.
Every person knew that he entertained liberal opinions; but
he confessed himself alarmed at the extent of the present
measure ; he had not voted that night, however, to oppose
it, for fear of giving a false impression to the country of the
opinion of one to whom he owed every thing. It was
untrue that he had unhandsomely intrigued, and
sapped the mind of the Noble Earl. He could not
have done so, even If he had been unworthy
enough to have stooped to such a practice, situated as he
was for six months before, and thirty-six hours after
Ministers had resigned.
(LEFT SPEAKING.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Mr. B. CARTER presented a petition from Bristol,
relative to the Bristol Compensation Bill, which was re-
ferred to the Committee on the Bill.
On the motion of Mr. SCHONSWAR, the Bill for regu-
lating the Rates of Pilotage in the Humber was read a
third time.
Mr. BULLER moved the third reading of the Exeter
Improvement Bill.
Mr. WARBURTON said he bad received instructions
from a gentlemen, who represented the wishes of a great
portion of the inhabitants of Exeter, to oppose the third
reading of this Bill, in consequence of the amendments
which had been made to it in its progress through
the Committee. The Bill originally proposed that
six of the Corporation should be allowed to be on
the Board to have the care of the improvements
in Exeter ; but instead of limiting the number
to six, the Committee bad introduced the whole
Corporation, amounting to fifteen persons, which
would have the effect of giving such an influence to tbat
body, that the inhabitants had chosen rather to lose the
Bill for a time than to have it with a Board of
Commissioners so formed. There was another point
to which he had to allude. A line of road bad been cho-
sen, and inserted originally in the Bill, but in the Com-
mittee, without any notice whatever to the inhabitants, it
had been altered and a new line introduced, which would
run entirely through the property of the Corporation, and
would cost the inhabitants 20,0001. The Hon. Member
conciuded by moving, as an amendment, that the Bill be
read a third time that day six months.
Mr. O'CONNELL seconded the amendment.
Mr. SANFORD suggested that it would be better to
postpone the Bill, in order to allow time for the inhabi-
tants of Exeter to meet and express their wishes by peti-
tition, instead of rejecting the Bill, which would be the
effect of the amendment.
Mr. WARBURTON bad no objection to withdraw his
amendment, if the suggestion of the Hon. Member was
acceded to.
After a few words from Mr. Buaxe, the amendment
was withdrawn, and the third reading postponed until this
day se'nnight.
On the motion of Mr. BULLER, the Exeter Railway
Bill was read a third time.
Mr. A. JOHNSON presented a petition from the Pres-
bytery of Haddington, against the proposed system of edu-
cation in Ireland.
Lord W. LENNOX presented a petition from King's
Lynn, in Norfolk, in favour of the plan of Irish Education.
The Noble Lord, in supporting the prayer of the
petition, said he trusted that the proposed measure
would be attended with great benefit to the country.
Mr. WEYLAND bad a petition of a direct contrary
nature from the same place.
Lord W. LENNOX then presented a petition from
the county of Flint, in favour of Parliamentary Reform.
Also a petition from Holywell against the Registration Act.
Mr. DIXON presented a petition from the Corporation
of Harnmermen of Glasgow, in favour of Reform. Also,
a petition from Dumbarton, praying the House to atop
the Supplies till the Reform Bill become law. The Hon.
Member also presented petitions from Reading and Bever-
ley, praying for an amelioration of the Criminal Code.
Mr. HUNT presented a petition from a person of the
name of Timmins, of Preston, stating that he had been
imprisoned for debt in Lancaster gaol ; that he there
found the deputy gaoler was one of his creditors, that he
endeavoured to exercise the influence be had over him to
give a note of hand for the full payment of his debt, or
he would oppose him before the Commissioners ; that
in consequence of his refusing to give the bill, he
did oppose him. Such conduct the Commissioners repu-
diated, but the Magistrates of Lancaster commended it.
The petitioner, therefore, prayed that the House would
institute some inquiries on the subject. The Hon. Mem-
ber thought the course of conduct pursued by the
Magistrate of Lancaster in allowing such abuses to
exist highly blamabk, and trusted the Members for Lan-
caster would do all in their power to remedy the abuse,
otherwise he should feel it incumbent upon him to
move for a Committee to inquire into the case.
Lord STANLEY was not cognizant of the whole cir-
cumstances
as he wastancescoiane informed,ctedwith the Commissionershiscase,butbelieve had not
d,atleast
so far
mad e ay
Hne remarkskne
knew
the
eo f
At
sattruarte e statedshad biy theostit Hon.
Mem-
ber.
instituted inquiry
into the subject, but what conclusion they had come to he
could not say.
Mr. HUNT gave notice that on the 22d of June be
would move for copies of letters written by J. Hume,
E-q., to Lord Althorp and the Attorney-General, relative
to the prosecution of W. Cobbett ; also, that if Lord Milton
did not bring forward his motion on the Corn Laws before
the 26th of June, he would on that day bring forward a
motion for their total repeal.
O'CONNOR DON presented a petition in favour of
the new system of Irish education, and one from Ros-
sere3, against capital punishment for minor offences.
Mr. EWART presented a petition from a person in
Liverpool against the theatrical monopoly.
Mr. WEYLAND presented a petition from certain
members of the Established Church in Ireland against the
Pluralities' Bill. The petitioners complained that by the
Bill the Archbishop of Canterbury had power to dispense
with every clause it contained.

Lord TULLAMORE presented petitions against the
Irish system of education.
Mr. L. LEIGH presented a petition from Ilininster
and its neighbourhood in favour of Reform.

Mr. MARRYAT presented petitions from Grenada and
St. Lucie, praying for protection to the West India
colonies, and that no further interference might take place
between the master and the slave, until a full inquiry into
the whole question had been gone into. The Hon.
Gentleman entered into a long statement on presenting
his petition, but in so low a tone of voice as to be in-
audible in the gallery.

On the question that they be printed.
Lord HOWICK said, if Honourable Members would
read the printed papers before the House on this subject,
it would render such questions and observations as had
fallen from the Hon. Member unnecessary. In them
would be seen the reasons why Government had declined
to give the Crown Colonies a more popular system of
legislation. It would also be found that wherever it was prac-
!icable Government had established Legislative Assemblies.
As an instance he might mention Newfoundland, also in
St. Lucia and Trinidad, the assemblies had not been
formed—Councils had been instituted, consisting of the
most eminent and influential of the inhabitants, and their

duty was to suggest such improvements in the
laws of those colonies, as to them seemed proper.
Government had also been charged with appointing per-
.ions to Judgeships who were unacquainted with the
French language. Phis charge was totally hnfounded.
Government had taken every care to appoint none to those
situations but those w(-11 aequaint.d with French. But

as they were obliged to take those persons from the
two small islands of Guernsey and Jersey, it now a difficult
!natter to select proper persons ; especially asthe salaries
were so small in those islands, that gentlemen high at the
har would not accept of them. He would add nothing
Ctrther, but beg of lion. Gentlemen to read those papers
before they brought such charge. against Government.
Mr. HUNT wished to ask the Noble Lord who had

just sat down whether Information had been renelvild from
the Island of Jamaica to the effect that the Assembly had
refused to grant the supplies, and to vote the usual salary for
the Governor-General.
Lord HOWICK said, information had been received,
but not quite to the effects spoken of by the Hon.
Member. Amendments to the usual Bills had been
moved, but nothing definitively settled when the last des-
patches were made up.
The NOBLE LORD, in answer to a question from Mr.
Burge, said there were several other of the islands which
had refused the supplies.
A Message from the Lords brought down the Tower
fratnlets Small Debt Bill, the Civil Department (Navy),
and other Bills.
The Sheriffs of London appeared at the bar with a pe-
tition from the Court of Lord Mayor and Aldermen against
some parts of the Bill now before the House for amending
the laws relating to cruelty to animals.
The petition having been read,
Mr. Alderman WOOD said the Magistrates of London
would not have interfered with the Bill now before the
House, but that it repealed the present Bill, which en-
abled them to issue numbers by which drovers who mis-
conducted themselves were easily known and punishe f.
The new Bill would destroy that protection, and ap-
point in its stead constables and inspectors, who
were to be paid out of the poors rates. He wished that
the Hon. Member who brought in the Bill (Mr. McKin-
non) would consent to refer it to a Special Committee,
with the view of making auch alterations as would render
it more effectual.
Mr. MACKINNON said the Hon. Alderman bad mis-
understood his Bill, the object of which was to prevent
cruelty to animals in every town in the kingdom, and so
far from repealing the present Bill, it was re-enacted in
the 3d clause.
Mr. LAMB considered it advisable that the Bill should
be referred to a Select Committee, in order that some
pasts might undergo improvement.
Mr. WILES said that on Friday last he presented a
petition signed by the Lord Mayor and several Aldermen,
praying the interference of the House to amend the exist-
ing laws.
Mr. PORTMAN would take the first opportunity of
opposing the Bill, unless the Hon. Member would con-
sent to refer it to a select committee.
After a few words from Mr. Alderman HUGHES, a
conversation arose between the SPEAKER. and Mr.
Alderman WOOD relative to the privilege possessed
by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of presenting
their petitions by the hands of the sheriffs. The SPEAKICIL
was of opinion that the Court of Aldermen did not possess
that privilege, although the Court of Lord Mayor and
Aldermen and the Court of Common Council did.
Mr. Alderman WOOD declared that that privilege had
always been exercised within his knowledge.
The conversation then dropped, and the petition was
ordered to be printed.
BREACH OF PRIVILEGE.
Mr. STANLEY said that on Friday last he called
the attention of the House to a breach of privilege,
in the unauthorised furtberation of what purported to be
a report of the Committee upon Irish tithes. He had
since taken steps to ascertain bow that report had found
its way into the newspapers, and this morning the Commit-
tee had before them Mr. Sheehan, the proprietor of the
Dublin Evening Mail, who said that he had not re•
ceived it from any Member of the Committee, but declined
to state from what quarter he obtained it. He (Mr.
Stanley) by desire of the Committee, now moved that Mr.
Thomas Sheehan be called to the bar of this House to-
morrow.
Mr. HUME asked whether the report was a copy or
merely an abstract of the report of the Committee.
Mr. STANLEY said the Committee bad agreed to no
report, and bad only drawn up a draft of a report,
part of which had been published in the paper in
question, part left out, and part not quite correct.
Mr, HUME cautioned the House to choose some line
regardidg publications, for at present no one knew what
ought and what ought not to be published according to
the rules of the House; and it was important that the
House should not unnecessarily interfere with the publica-
tions of the day.
After a few observations from the SPEAKER in which
he stated that every unauthorised publication of what
transpired in that House, or in the Committees, was a
breach of privilege.
Mr. STANLEY observed that it might turn out that a
copy of the draft of the report had been furnished by some
inferior officer of the House, and it was necessary that the
House should only have officers in whom they could place
the utmost reliance. He understood that one Member of
the Committee had not received a copy that was sent to
him.

Mr. RUTHVEN was sorry the Right Hon. Gentleman
thought the subject of sufficient importanceto bring the
party before the House. He did not make the observations
on account of making any kind feeling towards the
Paper in question, for no one was snore opposed to it in
politics than he was ; but he thought that equal justice
ought to be dealt oat to all parties.
Lord MILTON considered it absolutely necessary that
some understanding as to the course to be pursued should
be come to, otherwise the House would be considered as
conniving at such transactions. Such violations were
greatly injurious to the public service, as no Com.
mittee could deliberate safely or fairly if documents
like the present were to be divulged before they had been
agreed to.

After some observations from Mr. HUNT and Mr.
O'CONNELL,

On the motion of Mr. STANLEY, Mr. Sheehan was
ordered to attend at the Bar to-morrow.

CORN LAWS.
Mr. BEST wished to inquire of the Noble Lord opposite
(Milton) whether it was his intention to bring forward
his motion on the Corn Laws this evening, or whether he
intended to postpone it till some fixed day.
Lord MILTON had no hesitation in answering the Hon.
Member, at the time he gave notice of his motion for that
day, he had intended to have brought it forward, but he
was net aware that on that day orders would take prece-
dence of motions. If however the Orders of the Day
were got over in anything like reasonable time, he should
have no objection to bring it on this evening.—(Hear.)
Supposing, however, that could not be accomplished,
he would bring it forward on the earliest possible day.
If the Noble Chancellor of the Exchequer would give
up the Orders of the Day on Monday, he would bring it
forward then.

Lord ALTHORP would not consent to give up the
Orders on that day, as the Scotch Reform Bill was
then appointed to be proceeded with.
After some further observations from Lord Milton, Mr.
Hunt, Mr. Heathcot, Sir R. Peel, and Mr. Gore Langton,
the motion was fixed to come on on Wednesday the 6th
instant.

(LEFT HITTING.)

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

130 W-S TREE T.
A female, about twenty years of age, tall, fair,
and good looking, who had been three months in
prison, under the sentence of Mr. MINSRULL, for re-
fusing to swear who was the father of her illegiti-
mate child, appeared before the same Magistrate
yesterday, and an assistant of the overseers of St.
Martin's parish, again called upon her to affiliate the
child she had in her arms, that the parish might
come upon the father for the expenses of its mainte-
nance, &c. The young woman burst into tears, and
requested to be sworn on the Holy Bible. She
said, that she and her babe had suffered dreadfully
during the winter months, in a prison without fire,
LLtLevperr a 3;,W whets in t
and but
where on one
was occasion.
tioat
because she refused to commit perjury. She again
declared to God, as she had done before her former
committal, that she knew not who the father of the
chixr.
ldiwmNSHasi. She
u
Female—l met the person in Bow-street, and
went to a house at the corner of a court (Broad-
court) at the top. I have never seen him since.
Mr. MINSHULL--I will send you for three months
more, unless you tell who and where the father is.
Female—For Uod's sake, don't, Sir; for the poor
infant's sake don't Sir. Oh, Sir, you don't know
what I have already suffered. I would tell who the
father is if I could. I would not have lain three
months in prison, if I could have done what I am
required. (The woman clasped her hands, and im-
plored for mercy.)
Mt. MlNsttum, ordered her to be taken to the
workhouse, to consider if she would do what he was
confident she could do, if she pleased—swear who
was the father of the child ; and, in case of her per-
sisting in the refusal to do so, he should commit her
again.

DIED.
On the 2Sth inst. in Ilarleyford.plaee, Kennington, aged 56,
Mrs. Sarah Warter, the wife of Mr. Joseph Warter, of High=
street, Southwark.

PBIN TED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO Y O U N 0, A T Tux
SUN OFFICE, 112, STIIAND, LONDON.