The Sun.
London, England, 1835-04-28 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, APRIL 28, 1835.

Reform ?—(Loud and repeated cheering.) Was it faction in
the representatives of the people to say that they were
not satisfied with the measures which were indicated by the
speech which the Ministers put into the mouth of his Majesty ?
( Continued cheering.) Was it faction in them to declare that
they would—that they were determined to address his Majesty
to carry out a more efficient measure of reform—( Cheers)--to
bring more fully to bear those great principles which they have
always considered necessary ?—( Cheers.) Was it faction in
them to say that they regretted the unnecessary dissolution of a
parliament which was occupied upon important measures, and
by which the progress of public business and reform was impeded?
—( Cheers.) Was it faction, allow me to ask, to address the
King to be pleased to afford to those who differed from the doc-
trines of the Church of England access to some place where
their youth might receive education, when they might start
upon equal terms, and that at least if the doors of Oxford and
Cambridge were closed upon them by what I shall always con-
sider bigotry—( Great cheering)—that at least the University
of London should have the power of enabling them to obtain
those honours and those distinctions which at the other Uni-
versities, those of the Church of England could ob-
tain ?—( Great cheering.) Gentlemen, was it faction to in-
sist upon an enquiry into the conduct of a public
officer who was accused, whether justly or not I do not say,
for enquiry was all that was asked—was it faction to demand
that enquiry before a Committee of the House of Commons
should take place as to the coniuet of a public officer, accused
of using his influence unjustly, and to the prejudice of the
rights of election ?--Cheers.) Last of all, Gentlemen, was
it faction to insist that before an attempt, a vain attempt was
made, to recover tithe property in Ireland, before a million of the
public money was voted without return to be given to the Clergy
there—was it faction to insist that the abuses of the Irish Church
should be first looked into, and that what was not necessary
for the support of the ;Establishment—what was prejudicial
to its best interest, what tended to injure and not strengthen
should be diverted from purposes that were injurious, and given
to the moral and religious education of all classes of his Ma-
jesty's subjects ?—( Cheers.) If that be faction, Gentlemen,
I plead guilty to the charge.—(Tremendous cheering.) But
I can confidently appeal to any body of my countrymen,
without alarm as to what their verdict would be.—( Cheers. )
The contents of that proposition so far from being factious,
improper, or unecclesiastical, was calculated to serve the
best interests of the country.—( Cheers.) The small
share I took in these subjects I considered as the best
ground upon which I had appealed to you with confidence
for the future.—( Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, the result
of those events has been, that I now stand before you again to
solicit your votes.—( Cheers.) Gentlemen, my worthy friend
who seconded my nomination has told you that he consi-
dered in principle the re-election of a Minister upon accept-
ing office as not being according to his views of abstract
propriety. On that question I do not now enter, but allow
me, with all deference to him, to say that I rejoice greatly
in the opportunity—( Great cheering)—which brings me, a
,Minister of the Crown, to ask in the face of my late con-
stituency—to ask such a body as I see here now, for a re-
newal of their confidence.—( Great cheering.) Gentlemen,
there were times—the times so much lauded by the Gentlemen
on my right--those good old times of Tory rule—( Cheers)—
those epochs of all our glories—those were times before the
passing of the Reform Bill, against which they struggled
might and main—(Cheers)—which they declared to be so
heaven-born a work, that human ingenuity could never pro-
duce its equal—those times which constituted so happy an
accident that human power never could hope to bring forth
anythir°s like it :—in those happy times a Minister of the
Crown did not appear before a large assembly like the
present to demand their suffrages—oh, no 1 in those happy
times the portals of Gatton and Old Sarum were open
to receive the man who took the Seals of Office.—
( Loud and long continued cheers.) In those times there
was no need of conciliation, or of that mutual confidence
which ought to exist between a constituency andtheir represen-
tatives.—( Cheers.) Gentlemen, I hail, whatever they may
do—the passing away of those times—and I rejoice that in the
situation in which I am placed, I must appeal to you, and
abide by your verdict.—( Cheers.) Give me leave to say that
such an appeal and such a necessity is beneficial alike to
the representative and the represented.—(Great cheering. )
It is good for the country, it is good for the constituency.
Gentlemen, I had hoped then, I say, to have heard upon this
occasion grounds adduced why I was to be considered un-
worthy of your confidence—why the peace of this town was
again so soon to be disturbed, or why like Nottingham, Cam-
bridge, and Edinburgh, places in which I am sure the reform
spirit does exist—why we alone were to find ourselves to
be disturbed by an election. I had hoped from what had
been stated—l have heard indeed nothing stated but vague
charges with respect to my acts, and to them I have replied;
but I have heard of anticipations with respect to the future,
and to those I shall now come. I am accused, gentlemen, of
intending to subvert religion, to attack the Establishment as
an enemy to the Church, and I am stated to be a friend to
confusion and the opponent of order.—( Cheers.) Gentlemen,
was it confusion to give you the repeal of the Test and Cor-
poration Acts, against which these self-named friends of order
were always opposed 1— Was it confusion to give justice, as
far as it regarded their civil rights, to seven millions of our
countrymen in Ireland?—( Cheers.) The friends of order
always opposed that. Was it confusion to give the great charter
of your liberties, the Reform Bill? The friends of order were
opposed to that. Was it confusion, gentlemen, to give two
Members to Manchester? The friends of order opposed the
Reform Bill. Was it confusion, gentlemen, to emancipate from
the degrading bonds of slavery 800,000 of our fellow crea-
tures ? What said the friends of order to that ?—( Great
cheering.) Was it confusion to give freedom to our trade
with China ? What say the friends of order ?—( Cheers and
laughter.) So much for the past. Will it be confusion to do
away with the abuses which exist in that most rotten of all rotten
systems, the Corporations ? Will it be confusion to endeavour
—and this brings me to the most important part—will it be
confusion to endeavour to restore peace to Ireland, to give at
one and the same time stability, and a proper, perfect, and safe
provision for all the wants of the Church, but at the same
time to take care that abuses are eradicated, and the surplus
divided for the moral and religious purpose of educating the
people ?—( Great cheering.) Upon that question a few words.
—Gentlemen, I don't know whether the Gentlemen on my right
were not very strong opponents of a system of education which
was introduced into Ireland by the Noble Lord your neighbour,
( Lord Stanley) which set aside the particular disputed
points of creed, and satisfied itself and the people by giving
general religious and moral education. I believe that they
were, and if they were they were so in connection with
many of their party ; and yet strange to say that party in Par-
liament within the last three months, the most strenuous oppo-
nents of that system, actually themselves proposed a larger vote
of the money of the people to that very system, declaring their
approval of it. ( Cheers.) I say this gentlemen, because I
am anxious to draw your attention to the object which we have
in view, with reference to the surplus of which you have heard,
because I know that gross misrepresentations have been made
on the subject. Then, Gentlemen, having explained to
you what is the system of education which we propose, that
which was opposed by many has been now advocated by them,
I will tell you how we propose, and what we propose to appro-
priate. We propose to leave to the Church of Ireland all that
is justly wanting, wherever Protestants are to be found.—
( Cheers.) We mean that the wants—the religious wants—
of the Protestant population should be amply provided for,
as well in the services of religion, as well as for
the instruction that is required. I am myself a sincere mem-
ber of the Church of England, but that does not make me
blind to its abuses—(great cheering) ; but when the state of
the Irish Church is exposed to public view, I am satisfied that
there is no man in existence, unless bigoted to an unheard-of
degree, who will contend for the maintenance of the system in
its present state, when we find whole parishes in Ireland with.
out a single Protestant in it. When we find numbers of
parishes where there are only 10 or 15 Protestants—when we
find in numbers of parishes no places of worship, where the
existence of the Church is only known by the circumstance of
the tithe proctor coming round to collect the tithes—( Cheers)
will ask, gentlemen, any man, whether it is for the benefit
or the advancement of religion to have it heard that such
things should be suffered to exist 2—( Great cheering.) Well,
then, gentlemen, we ask this question—we propose, instead of
promoting this sinecure incumbency —these clergymen without
souls to cure—whether it is not more in accordance with those
sacred truths which we have been taught in the sacred volume,
to endeavour to diffuse moral and religious education among
the people of the country—moral and religious, for the system
itself renders necessary religious instruction—it teaches men
the great principle of peace and good will, and to love their
neighbours as themselves.—( Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, in
entering upon this we are discussing a great principle ;
but there still remains something yet quite as much
of importance, namely, that the property about which you are
disputing has bean for years in jeopardy. Every attempt has
been made to recover it—each attempt has only made matters
worse. Every attempt to enforce it bylaw, by military power,
by foot soldiers and dragoons--every attempt made to recover
that property has hitherto failed, and the only hope we have,
a hope which we are assured, and I myself believe, may be
converted into a certainty, is to show the people of Ireland that
that property will be turned for their general benefit, and
that they have no interest in allowing it to be converted
merely to the purposes of those who receive the payments,
in order to put it in their own pockets.—( Cheers.) Why
this, Gentlemen, has been openly avowed by the very men to
whom we were opposed in Parliament, and under whose
banners the Gentlemen on my right fought.--( Cheers. )
They told them it was impossible to conciliate any longer ;
that you could not recover tithe by military force ; that you
cannot continue this harassing system of warfare ; your
troops are unequal to it—the feelings of England revolt
against you—we threw out your Bill last year in
the House of Lords, which would or might have set-
tled the question—we were obliged to introduce it
again ourselves—we have suffered grievous loss—the coun-
try has received serious injury, but still we were mistaken,
and are bound to own our mistake. I say, then, unless you
are prepared for a continuance of those scenes—unless you
will have no more Rathcoi macs—you must adopt some mea-
sures that will secure the property ; and no measure can be
adopted for that purpose, without introducing the principle to
give what is not needed for the education of the people.—
( Cheers.) This is so important a question, that I have thought
it right to detain you for perhaps too long a period.--( Cries of
" No, no," and " Co on.") But now, Gentleinen, permit, me
for a moment longer to ask you to consider a little the
grounds upon which I stand, and the grounds upon which
we are opposed. I make no promises—I give no pledges—
I appeal to the c;rcumstances of the past, and tell you, that
unless I have been convinced that the great principles upon
which, during my political life, I have acted, were to be car-
ried out by those with whom I am associated, that I would
not .now have been standing upon these hustings. I tell
you, that I would not have been here, unless I thought
we would forward the great measure of civil and religious

• liberty—( Great cheering)-1-that we could give to the country
that Municipal Reform which the Tories refused to admit in
the Speech of his Majesty.—(Cheers.) What do I hear
urged on the other side? They call themselves Conservatives,
and not Tories. Upon one or two measures we are considered
to be popular—clap-traps are held out for the purpose of
catching a few stray votes. I see by the placards that the
Malt Tax is put forward. Will any man be deluded by
that? I think myself that the country rings from one end
to the other with the Tory watchword of the repeal of the
Malt Tax. What was the conduct of those Gentlemen in
Parliament, those who pledged themselves to support its re-
peal ? Why, they pertinaciously voted with the ministry, and
threw to the winds the promises to their constituents. Some as
claptraps use the Poor Law Bill, though we know full well
that that Bill received the support of the Tories, and the late
Tory Government. Gentlemen, lam satisfied that no man to
whom I am addressing myself, will allow himself to be deluded
by any such attempts. I know there are many now below me
who may differ from me in shades of political princi-
ple ; I allude not, therefore, to the Tories; they do indeed
differ from me ; but I allude to those who have
entertained more extreme opinions of what are called the Li-
beral candidates than myself; and it is in attempts to recon-
cile the two extremes that these claptraps are put forth.
By a small quantity of sugar, plunged into a glass of vinegar,
they hope to induce them to add to their numbers. I be-
lieve that the electors of Manchester will not be deluded, but
be that as it may, I will truckle to no man, and to no set of
opinions, to obtain a single vote. I will pursue my own honest
course.—(Hear, hear.) I will offer you the past as a
pledge, and I will offer you my principle as a guarantee for the.
future.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I have now done. I beg
you will excuse me for having detained you so long ;
your kindness and attention I regard as the surest pledge of
the success which must attend our efforts. I rejoice to think,
that now you have submitted to the inconvenience and an-
noyance of an election, that there should be every appearance
of its being carried on in peace and good-will.—( Cheers.)
I ask your exertions, not for myself only, but for the sake
of the common principle which actuates us. If you should
return me, I shall be proud of the high honour you will
confer, but I shall be much more proud of the moral it will
show from one end of the country to the other, in the strength
that;it will give to the cause of Reform.--( Cheers.) The Right
Hon. Gentleman then withdrew amidst very loud cheering.
Mr. ROE then came forward to put several questions to the
Right Hon. Gentleman. The noise and confusion that took
place at this moment is impossible to describe ; silence having
been in some measure obtained, Mr. Roe asked if the Right ,
Hon. Gentleman approved of the Vestry Act, and if he in-
tended to bring forward any measures for its alteration.
Mr. P. THOMSON said, that if any Gentleman would bring
forward a Bill upon the subject, he would think what was best
to be done.

Mr. ROE—Do you approve of the clause in the Poor Law
Amendment Bill which deprives tenants of five votes ?
Mr. P. THosisorr replied that the same answer he had given
to the previous question he gate to that.
Mr. ROE—Do you approve of Members of the House of
Peers voting by proxy ?
Mr. P. THOMSON—If a Bill is brought in upon the subject,
I shall be willing to declare the opinions I entertain. What
the worthy elector asks is in the nature of a pledge.
Mr. ROE—Are you favqurable to the Bastardy clause in the
Poor Law Act?

Mr. THOMSON-4 think the Bastardy Law, as it originally
stood, was a disgrace to any Legislature, and I therefore ap-
prove of its alteration. Of the principle of the Poor Law
Bill I approve. I believe it has done great good; but if it
is found that amendments are necessary, I shall bekappy to
consider those amendments.—( Cheers.)
Mr. Roa—Will you vote for the repeal of the practice of
flogging in the Navy.
Mr. P. TIIOMSON—I am most anxious to introduce a mea-
sure which will do away with the necessity of that punishment
altogether.--( Cheers.)
Mr. ROE—Will you vote for a Bill to shorten the hours of
labour in the cotton factories ?

Mr. Tuomsorz—l have given great attention to the sub-
ject of the Factory Bill. lam anxious to consult the inte-
rests of both master and children. I will give the best con-
sideration I can to the Bill in order to its amendment if ne-
cessary.--( Cheers.)
Mr. ROE-Will you vote for shortening Parliaments, and
the vote by ballot?
Mr. TnomsoN--I have always been favourable to the intro-
duction of the ballot. I shall, however, give no pledge, but be
guided by the circumstances of the times.

Mr. go r.--Do you approve of the continuance of the duty
on malt?

Mr. THOMSON—If the worthy elector will favour me with
the means of supplying its place, I shall be happy to get rid
of that and other taxes.--(Cheers and laughter.)
Mr. ROE—Do you approve of keeping three Colonels to
every regiment, and three Admirals to each ship of the line?
(Laughter.)

,
Mr. TuomsoN—Every exertion in my power shall be made
:o promote economy in all the offices of the State.
Mr. Rog—Will you vote for the immediate repeal of the
Irish Coercion Bill?

Mr. Tnomsow--It is only for a year.
Mr. Ras—Will you oppose its re-enactment then ?
Mr. TnomsoN—l shall give no pledge, but I am anxious to
do full justice to Ireland, and I hope by doing so to put the
country in such a state as to render such an act totally unne-
cessary, and to bring peace and happiness once more to that
unhappy land. —( Cheers. )
Mr. ROE—That is a sort of doctrine of fear, and then love.
—( Laughter.) Why did you vote against the enquiry into
the Manchester massacre ?

Mr. THostsoN.--I tell the worthy elector, much as I de-
plore those unhappy events, I think it better for the comfort
and happiness of the people, not to rake up scenes that took
place 16 or 17 years ago.—( Cheers. )
Mr. ROE—Why did you vote against Mr. Attwood's motion
for an enquiry into the distress of the labouring classes?
Mr. THOMSON—Because I thought the enquiry would do
no earthly good, and might be attended with mischief.
Mr. Rou—Why did you Tote against Mr. Robinson's mo-
tion for a revision of taxation ?

Mr. Tim:moll—Because I thought that my Noble Friend
Lord Spencer, who was then Chancellor of the Exchequer,
was a much better judge of what taxes ought to be taken off
than Mr. Robinson.—( Cheers.)
Mr. ROE—Why did you vote against the Marquis of
Chandos' motion with respect to the agricultural interest?
Mr. THOMSON—Because I thought the motion would be
attended with no good whatever. The Government were in-
clined to consider the whole state of the country, and they did
not see that the agricultural interest ought to have an advan-
tage over the commercial.—( Cheers.)
Mr. Ros—Why did you vote for a clause in the Reform
Bill which deprived persons of voting, because they had re-
moved from one house to another, even if it was the next door.
Mr. THOMSON—That is one of the minor details of the Re-
form Bill which requires alteration.
Mr. ROE—Will you move the introduction of a clause to
remedy that defect ?
Mr. THOMSON-4 will give no pledge upon the subject.
Mr. ROE—Will you vote for the continuance of that most
infamous system, the impressment of seamen ?
Mr. TuomsoN—No man is more anxious than myself to
get rid of what I consider a blot on the marine laws of Eng-
land. —( Cheers.)
Mr. ROE—Why did you vote for disfranchising the poor
voters of Liverpool and Warwick ? There's a rub for you—
what do you think of that ?
Mr. THOMSON—SO far from regretting that vote, I only re-
gret that the measure failed.
Mr. ROE—Will you vote for the removal of the Bishops
from the House of Lords ?
Mr. THOMSON—I will give no pledge.
Mr. Ros—Will you vote for the separation of the Church
from the State ?

Mr. TmomsoN—l will give no pledge. My opinion is very
strong that it would be unwise to separate them.
Mr. ROE—Do you approve of Government employing spies?
Mr. TuomsoN—l do not approve of Government employing
spies ; nor do I approve of clerical spies at elections.—( Great
laught6r, and tremendous cheering.
Mr. ROE—Do you approve of the sentence on the Dor-
chester labourers ?

Mr. THOMSON—I lament that through ignorance of the law
men should be punished ; but ignorance of the existence of a
law is no excuse ; if it was there would be an end of society
altogether.

Air. Ron—Will you support Mr. Wakley's motion for the
remission of the sentence on those men.

Mr. THOMSON—When the motion is submitted to the House,
then will be the time to give my opinion.
Mr. RAE—Will you endeavour to reduce the army ?
Mr. TuomsoN—l shall do all in my power to promote
economy.

Mr. -Ros--Will you vote for the repeal of all unmerited
pensions?.__(" What do you think of that ?")
Mr. TuomsoN—Again' I repeat, I will do all I can to
promote economy. An Act has passed, declaring that in fu-
ture no pension shall be given except for public services con-
ferred upon the nation.
Mr. Rox--Will you vote for the repeal of the tax on news-
papers ?

Mr. THOMSON-1 will give no pledge ; I have already de-
clared my opinion that if the claims of the country could dis-
pense with that tax, it ought to be repealed.
Mr. RoE—On what ground do you maintain that the enor-
mous expense keeping up the metropolitan police should be
continued ?

Mr. THOMSON—An Act of Parliament has decided that such
should be the case.
Mr. RoE--In your proposed Corporation Bill, will you ap-
prove of Aldermen being Aldermen for life, or for a certain
period ?
Mr. Triolisox—ln the Corporation Bill, it will be my object
to pursue that course most to the satisfaction of the people.
Mr. ROE asked the Right Hon. Gentlernanmany other ques-
tions, but the noise and confusion preventedus from hearing
question or answer.
Mr. THOMSON then said—Now Mr. Roe I have answered
you a great number of questions, and I am sure that in can-
dour you will not have any objection to answer me one. Who
do you mean to vote for ?—( Roars of laughter.)
Mr. ROE came forward to speak, but in consequence of the
uproar it was impossible for him to gain a hearing; at last,
amidst most discordant sounds, he stated that hd had
examined the pretensions of both candidates strictly, and
he could see little or no difference between them ; one
came forward in a bold manner—and said I will have your
money, and the other talked a good deal about liberality, and
all that, but the effect was the same, for the electors' pockets
were emptied; he had, therefore determined upon voting for
neither.

Mr. ROE having concluded his questions,
Mr. DIXON came forward and said he had some questions

to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman. Did you not say that
Mr. Braidley 's professions about the malt tax were claptraps ?
Mr. TIIOMSON—God forbid that I should accuse any gen-
tleman of making claptraps. I did not accuse Mr. Braidley
of it, and only said that the placard was a claptrap. I have no
doubt that if Mr. Braidley says he will vote for a repeal of the
Malt Tax that he will do so ; but I say that pledges can have
no particular effect with regard to the repeal of the Malt Tax.
This question seemed to give ♦ery great dissatisfaction to an
immense crowd that had assembled.
Mr. Dixox—Will you, either in place or out of place, move
for an enquiry into the Manchester massacre ?
Mr. THOMSON—I have already answered that question.
Mr. DIXON—WiII you vote for any measure that will pre.
vent me or any other person, when you come back again, from
catechising you as we have done to-day?
Mr. THOMSON, with the greatest good humour—l have no
objection in being chatechised, if Gentlemen feel any satis-
faction in doing so..

Mr. DixoNLlWill you vote for a Bill to prevent Members
of Parliament from vacating their seats, when they accept
office.

Mr. THOMSON—I shall give no pledge.
Mr. DixoN—Will you vote to amend the Reform Bill, so
that it will have the effect of taking the franchise from the poor ?
Mr. THosssoN—l will give no pledge, but if any person
will shew me any amendment that is advisable it shall have my
attention.

Mr. DIXON—WiII you vote for the extension of the suffrage
to householders ?

Mr. THOMSON—To that I shall return the same answer.

Mr. DIXON asked some other questions, but they were of
no particular import.
Mr. BRAIDLEY then came forward to address the electors.
He was very warmly received, but not in so enthusiastic a
manner as his, Right Hon. opponent. He commenced by
saying—My friends and townsmen, I perceive it is the case at
this election as it was at the last, that a great number of
persons are here with a view to prevent my being heard—
( Cheers, and cries of " No, no")—and if you give me reason
to think that there is a sufficient number who are in-
fluenced by that feeling, I have sufficient knowledge of my
own indepence to withdraw and not address you.—( Cheers,
and cries of "No don't" and " Do.") I have no personal reason
either to court the applause, or fear the frown of any man,
and neither that, frown, nor that applause, shall tempt me to
swerve from the path that I consider to be consistent with my
duty. lam sensible of the disadvantages under which I labour
in presenting myself at this late period of the meeting,
and labouring, as I do, under a severe cold, I shall not de-
tain you long if you choose to give me a patient hearing.—
(Great uproar, and cries of " Oh, oh 1") I was told, in one of
the periodical papers last week, that I had come forward on
this occasion without being invited. I deny that assertion ;
for the same parties who gave me the invitation at the previous
election, invited me to this. But whether it is so or not is a
matter of little consequence, for I have as perfect a right to pre-
sent myself here in the situation Ido as any other person. An
allusion has been made to part of what I stated at the last
election in reference to the Manchester tithe question, and
the worthy Gentleman who mentioned it, stated that I had
taken more credit to myself than I deserved. I remember
perfectly well what passed, and I will now take this oppor-
tunity of mentioning it, that although Mr. John Walker
was one of the Committee, I never heard either of
Mr, Gregg or his father having taken any part in the
settlement of that question. Now, with respect to these rat-
traps or clap traps, as they are called in a certain placard
which bears the signature of " An Honest Man"—Whether
truly or not, I don't know, it is stated that in my address I had
brought forward certain topics with a view of catching votes.
—( Great cheering.) I was sorry to hear my Right Ho-
nourable opponent allude to them in the manner he did.
I do not know whether he was referring to those matters in
my public life to which he had been a witness, but he told you
that some persons had said they would vote for a repeal of the
Malt Tax, and did not, and that on his own side men could
be found who one day voted for the repeal, and then
against it.—( Loud cheering.) Judging me by that stan-
dard, he asserted that I meant to follow the same
course : now I tell you plainly that I will not. The per-
son who wrote this paper says, " the Tories, however, under
the precedency of Mr. Thomas Hardman, f Pitt Club and
Peterloo notoriety,"—this is false, for he is not the president
of any committee, or had any thing to do with Peterloo,—" for-
getting their clamour against those who factiously opposed the
King's choice of Tory Ministers are endeavouring to deprive
the great trading community of the eminent services of the Mi-
nister of Trade, because he happens also to be the tried friend
of freedom and good government, they have found a willing
instrument of this absurd design in Mr. Braidley."—
( Cries of " True,") This honest man acts dishonestly, for he
totally misrepresents my motives and feelings.—( Cheers.)
I never have been, nor will be the instrument of any man. It
is no part of my political conduct. In that conduct any
course that I may choose to follow, I shall consult my
own sense and judgment, and not be dictated to by
any one. The placard then goes on to say that this " Mr.
Braidley is an ignorant, uneducated bigot." I suppose he
measured me by his own standard, " holding narrow and
exploded opinions on questions of trade, occupying an insignifi-
cant station in *ciety," and then he states what he thought the
great advantages of the Whig Ministry and the Reform Bill ; but
you see 'his aristocratic feelings can be hidden under another
name. He then goes on to say that I ordered a Catholic Priest
into custody.—( Much confusion, and cries of " Tell us what you
are going to do and don't keep us all day.) That was false,
I never did order into custody a Catholic Priest ; then he goes
on to say that for electioneering purposes, I attended, and
took the Chair at a Methodist meeting ; it would be a wonder
indeed if any man could take part in a public meeting for
charity without some political motives—(hear, hear),—
and I suppose they thought that the Methodists themselves
had so little feelings of charity as to ask me to preside,
knowing that I should do so for political purposes.--( Hear,
hear.) I shall never be such a man. I shall always act
on my own principles, and be dictated to by none.—( Cheers.)
This same writer goes on to call me to account because I
should vote for the repeal of the malt tax. I said
though I gave no pledge, that I thought the malt tax
ought to be repealed—(Hear)—and if the Minister of the
Crown turned round on me and said that he could not
spare the money, I would tell him that I was ready
to vote for a less objectionable tax—and I think it is
very likely if be laid on a property tax that he would
have my support.—( Great cheering.) . The Hon. Gentleman
then went on to say, that with respect to the Poor
Law Bill, it would be a difficult matter to amend it ;
the best way would be to repeal it altogether.—( No, no 1)
With respect to the accusation of his pandering to their pas-
sions for electioneering purposes, he denied that alto-
gether.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") He would be
the advocate for the abolition of the disgraceful practice of
flogging in the army. In conclusion he said he should be
happy to answer any questions that any elector might put, and
in doing so he would assure them that he would not ask in
return for whom they intended to vote.—( Cheering, and par-
tial hisses.)

Mr. PRENTICR then put several questions to Mr. Braidley
with respect to his conduct to Mr. Kaye, a Roman Catholic
Minister, and the Placards. Also with respect to the appro-
priation of the surplus of the Irish Church, to which Mr.
Braidley said he would not consent. He would, however,
consent to a Bishop for Manchester ; and he also approved of
Mr. Sturges Bourne's Acts.
The Boroughreeve then put the question for a show of
hands, when, a forest of hands and hats was raised for Mr.
Thomson, and but very few for Mr. Braidley.
The Returning Officer then declared the show of hands in
favour of Mr. Thomson.

A poll was then demanded for Mr. Braidley, which the Re-
turning Officer appointed to commence to-morrow (this) morn-
ing, at eight o'clock, and to be concluded at four o'clock to-
morrow.

The vast multitude then quietly separated.
We cannot conclude without returning our thanks to the
Returning Officer, and the authorities generally, for the ex-
cellent accommodation afforded to the Press.

The Duke and Duchess of St. Alban's have taken
Sir George Seymour's seat, Norris Castle, in the Isle of
Wight, for six months.
The Marquis of Anglesea and the Ladies are daily
expected, they having left Munich. Uxbridge House, Bur-.
lington-gardens, is now quite ready for
\the reception of the
family.

Henry Parnell, Esq., second son of Sir Henry Par-
nell, Bart., is shortly to be married to Miss Bligh, the only
child of the Hon. William and the late Lady Sophia Bligh.
NAPLES, APRIL 4.—On the 2d, in the evening,
there was another explosion of Vesuvius. The shocks were
so violent that the five craters vanished, and all were united
into one frightful abyss. Immense masses of rock were pro-
jected to a vast height, and fell like a tremendous shower on
the sides of the mountain. At Torre Obel Greas and the
environs great fears were entertained ; but the explosions were
of short duration, and at one o'clock in the morning the
mountain was quiet.
RAGGETT S JUNIOR UNITED SERVICE CLUB.—
This building has at length opened at the corner of Bennett:
street, St. James's, and the taste no less than the liberality
displayed in the:decorations does infinite credit to the venerable
caterer for aristocratic enjoyment. We understand that no
less than 4,000/. has been expended in the carving and gilding
alone, and enormous as the sum is we give full credit to the
assertion.

Yesterday afternoon, at three o'clock, an inquisition
was taken before Mr. Stirling, the coroner, and a jury assem-
bled at the Buffalo's-head, New-road, Marylebone, touching
the death of a new-born female infant, whose body was found
thrown on a heap or- rubbish in the yard of the Catholic cha-
pel now building in St. John's-wood-road, Lisson-grove.—
John Phillips, police constable, No. 182, of the S division,
stated that about half-past five o'clock on Saturday morning,
while on duty, he observed a dog shaking a black bundle
about in the chapel yard. The dog appeared to be eager to
get at the contents, and witness suspecting that there was
something particular about the occurrence, beat the animal
off, and on opening the bundle, found it to contain the body
of a new-born female child. The body was first wrapped in
a piece of black silk, then a piece of coarse linen cloth, quite
wet, and over that a piece of black stuff. The body was
afterwards removed to Marylebone workhouse. John James
Day, house-surgeon of Marylebone infirmary, stated that he
had examined the body of the deceased child : the umbilical
cord had not been tied, which was of itself sufficient to cause
death ; there were no marks of violence about the body ;
the appearance of the child was healthy, and it had come to
its full time. Witness could not take upon himself to say
whether it was horn alive or not. The jury returned a ver-
dict—" That the deceased child was found indecently and
brutally exposed, but that whether it was born alive or not
they had no evidence to prove."