The Sun.
London, England, 1859-12-01 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 1, 1859.

OYAL NATIONAL LIFEBOAT
A-U INSTITUTION.—The Committee of this Institution
earnestly APPEAL t. the public for PECUNIARY Att,SisT-
ANCE to aid them to meet the present heavy demands on
the limited funds of the Society.
THOMAS BARING, Chairman.
THOMAS CHAPMAN, Deputy-Chairman.
14, John-street, Adeiphi, W.C.
Bankers—Messrs. Willis and Co. ; Coutts and Co. ; Herries
and Co.

THE ECONOMIC LIFE ASSURANCE
SOCIETY.
6, New Bridge-street, Blackfriars, London.
Established 1823.
The lowest rates of Premium on the Mutual System.
The whole of tb Profits divided every Fiith Year.
Assets amounting to £1,840,00.
The Bonus additions in 1859 (which averaged £65 per Cent.
on the Premiums paid) amounted to £475,000, the sum of
.C 890,000 having been added as Bonus at previous Divisions.
The Annual Income exceeds £260,000.
ALEXANDER, MACDONALD, Secretary,

ECONOMIC LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY.
SPECIAL. NOTICE.-BONITS OF 1881.

Proposals for Assurance should be made before the tat
Tannery, 1860, to entitle the Assured to Participation in the
Division of Profits in 1861.

OUR DISASTER IN CHlNA.—England and
France must be avenged—War is certain—Do not delay
—avail yourself at once of the recent importations of the East
India Tea Company. Black, Green, or Mixed Tea may still
be had, in 61b bags, at 2s. 4d. per lb.—Warehouses, 9, Great
St. Helen's Churchyard, BishoPsgate.

QURE CURF,. -LAMBERT'S ASTHMATIC
BAISAIf, without confining the bowels or affecting the
head, truly eflicacious and pleasant, is admitted to be the best
medicine tor immediately relieving coughs, colds, confirmed
Eases of asthma and consumption. It frequently cures per-
sons whom the faculty pronounce incurable, admirably allays
the tickling which provokes frequent coughing. In approach-
ing consumption its effects are truly beneficial. Persons de-
prived of sleep, or even lying down for fear of suffocation,
may depend on relief in a few minutes after taking it. Pre-
pared only and sold by W. Lambert, chemist, 20, Jermyn-
street, Haymarket, and by all druggists, in bottles, 134 d.,
2s. 3d. and 4s. M. each. Be particular and ask for Lambert's
Asthmatic Balsam. The name and address is engraved on
tke stamp.

She had improved more 'in these 27 years than in
any 27 years of her history. (Cheers.) I know very
well (said the hon. gentleman)'that we have learned
since then to traverse the land as by lightning-
speed ; I know we have, been able, by means of the
electric telegraph, to send a message from one.part
of the globe to the other, faster than the globe itself
travels ; we have been able to cross the Atlantic by
steam. We have freed the press of England, and
brought home to every man's door the life and light
of knowledge. (Hear, hear,) We have freed not
only the press but commerce, and England now
stands abroad as a light unto the nations. (Cheers.)
She alone of all mankind is a freetrader, and she is
the greatest trader of all mankind. (Applause.) I
ask you, then, if we need fear a Reform Bill ? (No,
no.) Taking the past effect for 27 years of Lord J.
Russell's first Reform Bill, I ask why need we fear
to extend his liberality, and to take into the bosom
of the constitution the large masses of the working
classes ? (Hear, hear.) Mr. Phinn has told you
that he is for progress. He also says that he is
willing to take a bit andbit reform. Now, I am not,
(Hear.) I mean to ask for, and by loudly asking for
we shall obtain, a complete reform of the representa-
tion ofthis coun t ry—(cheers)—and when I see around
me the large mass of the working classes, and know
their intelligence, and their hard-eaded good sense,
their honesty, and their uprightness, I ask myself.
What have Ito fear ? But lam told that the work-
ing men have given evidence by their late conduct
that they are totally unfit to elect their legislators.
Is that so ? (No.) Is a mistake in political economy
to unfit a class to be represented ? If so, how did
it come that the landed gentry of the country were,
until the year 1832, the rulers of this country. Al-
most at the sword's point we catried, the Reform
Bill: By rising up as one man we carried the reform
of the corn laws. In spite of the lauded gentry,
these bad political economists, we had the franchise.
Well, then, I say, give to the people of England,
give to the working classes, the power to choose
their representatives. But then some old lady—
(laughter)—comes to us and says, " Ah, but I don't
allow my son to go into the water till he can swim."
(Renewed laughter.) This is precisely the same as
to argue that until the people are fit for the fran-
chise we will not let them have it. Give them the
franchise. They have shown that they possess in-
telligence; they have shown that they possess
honesty ;- and these two things combined fit a man
to choose representatives. I have never swerved in
any one particular from the programme which I
laid down when I was here in 1832. I should be
a fool to say that time has not taught me much.
I hope it has. But this I will say, that if any
person has got the paper which contained the
programme of what I thought would be worked out
by the Reformed Parliament, he will find on look-
ing at it that almost everything I asked for has
been granted. There is one thing I asked for
which has not been granted, and that is the
ballot. But that will come. (Loud cheers.)
The people of England go step by step, but they
are untiring. What they once demand they deter-
minedly pursue, and pursuing it they will obtain it.
(Cheers.) Be you assured, therefore, that sooner or
later the people of England, including in that
name the large majority of the inhabitants of
this country, will be represented in Parliament.
voting for members under the protection of the
ballot. (Loud cheers.) It is my belief that in
the coming session of cheers
shall not have
reform. (Hear, hear.) This is my candid opinion.
I know that gentlemen differ from me. I hope that
I may be deceived, but I believe the present state of
Europe is such that men who are really not bent
upon reform will take advantage of the turmoil that
will necessarily arise, and we shall have the whole
or nearly the whole time, taken up by discussions on
foreign affairs; and herein comes the great effectof
the retrospect that I wish to make. When I look
back to the England of 1852 I find the country tho-
roughly peaceful. I find Europe in a perfect state
of peace as far as regarded foreign aggression ; and
I recollect that it woe totally impossible to raise in
the House of Commons a discussion upon foreign
affairs. What is the case nog*? Why there is in
the public mind of gurope a vague feeling of alarm,

so that great men look round (they start at ev3ry
turn—start at every noise, Why is this ? My
learned friend was very gingerly in his talk of
the despot of France. It is he that has created

this turmoil. If he were to say (and act upon
what he says) France is peaceful, put down
her armies, and put down her navy, and enter
into competition with us in all the useful
arts of peace ; meet us as rivals, if you will—
friendly rivals—in the great area of the improve-
ment of mankind, then we should be peaceful in
Europe. (Applause.) But that is not the case.
Now, what is the result to England ? Why, almost
the only thing men can talk of is volunteer corps
of riflemen. We lawyers have met together and
formed a corps. We, who ought .to be employed
in enforcing the law, not at the point of the bayonet,
are put through the drill in our own halls, and
where we are accustomed to eat our dinners to-
_ _

,
gether, to exercise our rifles. (raughter.) This is
the comparison of the two states of things. Eng-
land in 1832 was enabled to work out her own

_.•
regeneration in perfect security. England in 1859
is obliged to arm her sons, from the farthest end of
Scotland down to the southern shores of England,
to arm them in the best way she can, and induce
them to congregate together, to form rifle corps, in
order simply to protect themselves from aggression.
We have no desire to attack anybody. England is
peaceful. (Applause.) Her conquests aro not to
be made by the sword, or by the bullet. Her con-
quests are by her mind, by her art, and by her
sciences. I say this is the proud position of Eng-
land ; and he would be a dastard who would not
sacrifice his life, and the life of all that is dear to
him, in order to maintain her greaness intact. (Loud
applause.) I am not afraid of my country—it is
not that I am afraid of my country, it is not that
I fear an attack. We shall put that down; we
need not fear little
mh aevne. put do(Laughterwn great rand
t men,aapplause.)
wense.)
But I would say
to England. and I would say to England's rulers,
" Consider, first and foremost, the interests of Eng-
land. Do not mix yourselves up in continental
politics." It may suit certain gentlemen to appear as
great men at a congress of the great powers of
Europe ; but it will not suit England. England,
if she goes into a congress, ought top) with this de-
claration through her representatives, " We shall
be ready to fight for the principles we intend there
to put forth." But, if we are not prepared for
that—and I think we are not prepared—(hear, hear)
—then we have no business there. (Applause.) Now,
supposing we were to go to war. I have been
a great deal about England's position. A friend of
lately in a foreign country, where I have heard
mine, well known to the world, says that the posi-
tion of England is ignoble. Why? Because Eng-
land will not go to war for the principles which M.
Montalembert and his agents delight to support.
But we have gone to war for 'great principles, we
have incurred a debt of 800 millions to support
great principles. We spent tat 800 millions, and
800 millions more, and many millions, too, of our
sons, for the benefit of great principles. What was
the effect ? The British people placed a Bourbon
upon the throne of France; and what was the re-
sult ? I will tell you two things. After the Duke
of Wellington passed from Spain into France, cir-
cumstances occurred which led him to prepare his
retreat. He found it impossible to retreat through
that Spain that ho had just liberated, because he
would have been risen upon by the Spaniards them-
selves. That was the gratitude of the Spanish
people for the many thousands of pounds that were
spent in their cause. Then we put a Bourbon on
the throne of France. The consequence was that
the elder portion of the Bourbon race were always
our enemies. The very moment that Louis XVIII.
came into Paris there began all kinds of intrigues
against Englant on the part of the Bourbons. Now
there is somethin g still worse than that. We acknow-
ledged the second branch of the Bourbon family.
They were driven out of Franco in 1848; they were
received in hospitable England; they were shel-
tered by her mighty mgis ' • when they put their
foot upon the shores of England nobody could
molest them. And what was the gratitude of these
illustrious personages ? Why, sir, one of these
illustrious exiles actually made a plan of the southern
shores of England, pointing out where we could be
attacked, and sent this plan to the Ministry of
France, saying that though an exile in England,
he was still a child of France, and would be willing
and anxious to enter into the ranks of those who
would carry Fretich principles across the Channel.
(Sensation.) That was told me by a gentleman
now dead, whose name I don't think it right
to mention, and who said that he saw that
letter a twelvemonth before. Ho told me that
circumstances had then occurred that would ren-
der it not a politic proceeding to mention it at
that time. I did not mention it, and I have not
mentioned it until the present moment. The pre-
sent is the proper time, when we are asked to
take part in a European Congress, and entangle
England in foreign disputes, and risk again the
blood and treasure of England to obtain gratitude
like this. M. Montalembert may wish to keep the
Pope upon his throne by English bayonets; and
other friends of Italy may wish that we drove out

the three dnkes by English bayonets. We should
make enemies whatever course we took. We should
make enemies of those whom we put down, and we
shoald make ungrateful friends of those whom we
set up. Therefore I say to England, keep your-
selves, my insular countrymen, in your own island ;
mix not yourselves with European contests. If
.you are attacked, strike back a blow that shall an-
nihilate the invaders and maintain our position.
(Applause.) If you wish for friends, look at the
great colonies that you have established in the
world. If we are to adopt this course, there are
millions of men speaking the English language
who have derived from England their literature,
their institutions, and their laws, who would then
be ready to maintain us in the position we now hold,
as the only really free people in Earope. We alone
have a free press; we alone have a Government
which represents the people; we alone deserve the
name of freemen. --(Applause.) Shall we say that
we at this time are afraid of anybody ? Not a whit
of it. (Laughter and applause.) Afraid we are
not ; but let no man dare to offend us. When they
talk of invasion, that army that puts its foot upon
England will never take its foot off the English
soil. (Applause.) I must say, reverting to the
circumstance that brought us together, that I wish
we had in the House of Commons men who, like
our friend Mr. Phinn, take the same view that I do
of political affairs of this kind. He would have

lea the assistance of his great intelligence, and
name, and authority; and we might hope, by the
aid of a certain number of men holding opinions
that he hold's, to maintain the position of England
intact. But I am now, very much afraid that
there is a meddling spirit abroad ; that there
.arel)eople -in power who delight to -havo,the
honour of being talked of, and 1 do therefore fear
that their meddling spirit will entangle us in Eu•
repeal' affairs. I may be called a narrow-minded
man. 1 have been accustomed to a great deal of
abuse in my life, and Idon't care for it. (Laughter.)
But this has been my great object through life—
England .and England's greatness. For her I have
laboured late and early. I have not sought my own
personal aggrandisement; my object has been my
country's welfare. (Hear.) To her I have dedicated
what intelligence 1 have had. So long as there can
be found constituencies that will honour worth in
the way you have honoured it upon the present oc-
casion, depend upon it the people will not be want-
ing good servants. You have by this proceeding to-
night proved your heartfelt consideration for the
man who wished to represent you. If such pro-
ceedings wore common, you would have men very
different from many who now occupy that position.
You would really have a House of Commons worthy
of the great people of England ; and when I have
said that I have said all that I could say in praise
of my hon. friend. The hon. gentleman, who was
listened to with the greatestfattention throughout,
resumed his seat amidst the most enthusiastic ap-
plause.

The proceedings shortly afterwards terminated.

LORD STANLEY, ALP., ON RAGGED

SCHOOLS.

The annual meeting of the Manchester :Ragged
and Industrial School was held yesterday afternoon
in the Manchester Town-hall.

Lord STANLEY, M.P., who presided, was received
with much cheering. He said—l have accepted
with pleasure the invitation to preside at this meet-
ing, because it seems to me that the work which
the managers and supporters of the Manchester
Ragged School have taken in hand to do—thepro-
motion of industry and the discouragement of
crime—is one of the most practical, useful, and im-
portant which can engage the attention of society.
(Hear, hear.) But before I offer any remarks on
the general subject the meeting will wish to hear
briefly stated the history, position, and prospects of
the particular school which we come together to
support. If we are to begin at the beginning, I be-
lieve this ragged school grew out of a night asylum,
which was set on foot in this town 22 years ago.
That institution owed its establishment to the feel-
ing of horror and regret which arose at the news of
two persons having been found dead in the streets
of Manchester from exposure and cold after a se-
vere night in February, 183$. Within 24 hours, I
am told, by the energy of a few private persons,
some- sort of shelter was provided to meet any si-
milar case ; on its opening 20 persons were taken
is.—and I may mention, in pissing, that that asylum
is still open, and that during the 22 years of its
existence it has provided shelter and relief in 36,000
cases. Similar institutions were formed in Liver-
pool and Birmingham about the same time, and one
at Aberdeen earlier, but with those exceptions this
was thelfirst. Out of this asylum grew, first, a Sun-
day school. The managers naturally did not like to
turn out on the streets on a Sunday morning those
whom they had taken in on Saturday night. By
degrees the plan was enlarged, the work prospered,
and the Sunday school became a day feeding-school,
receiving on the average some _7O children. It
is from that change that the present institution
dates its origin, in September, 1846. Six years
later, in 1852, thel old premises wore changed for
others more convenient, and in 1856 the land and
building now occupied by the school were bought,
chiefly from the proceeds of a bazaar, which yielded
£1,600. I shall not dwell on the details, which are
more suitable for a report than a statement of this
kind ; but there is one circumstance in the later
history of the institution which I am bound not to
pass over. I mean the gift of one person, in one
sum. (and that person a lady) of £5,000, in aid of
the undertaking—a gift enhanced by the singular
delicacy with which the giver has associated with
it, not her own name, but that of arelative of whom
the fund so provided is intended as a memorial. I
shall respect the reserve so shown, and of that gift
I will only say that it has relieved the institution
altogether from debt, and left a permanent endow-
ment
of £l2O yearly available for all future time.
(Cheers.) The work which these schools have done
may be summed up in a few words. They have re-
ceived, in all, 1,418 children since their first estab-
lishment. Of these just one-half, 709, were under
10 years of age ; more than half, 765, were orphans ;
1,066 were unable to read; and 788 may be de-,
scribed as in some sense vagrants, being either
beggars, thieves, or match-sellers, or singers in the
street, which is only another name for vagrancy;
but of these materials the most unpromising, so far
as steady industry is concerned, that can well be
imagined, there have been produced 533 steady
working lads, men, and women, maintaining them-
selves in situations by .their own labour. What
has become of the rest I cannot toll you ; many, no
doubt, are lost sight of, and maintaining themselves
honestly, though we know nothing about them ;
some are still in the school ; and if a certain pro-
portion have relapsed into idleness and disorderly
habits, that is no more than we must expect from
the imperfection of all human effort. Perhaps it
may be well to explain—since there is often a good
deal of confusion between reformatories, properly
so called, and industrial schools—that these
schools, besides providing instruction for
many children who sleep at home, take in
and become wholly responsible for the children
under three different classes :—those who ir e desti-
tute, having neither friends nor home, on behalf of
whom no payment is made, and who come of their
own free will; those who from bad habits have be-
come an annoyance, and a cause of anxiety to their
parents, who are admitted by the wish of those
parents, on a weekly payment being made; and,
lastly, those who are detained, compulsorily, under
the Industrial Schools Act, the parents being taxed
by the magistrates for their support. There are 47
inmates at present ; the average attendance is 116,
and the cost per head under £9, exclusive of the
building. When I hare stated this—when I add
that the training given is simple and practical—
that a large part of it is industrial in the strictest
sense of the word—that the discipline, so far as I
can judge, is kind, but strict—and that the faces of
the children are, without exception, healthy and
happy, I think I have said all that is necessary
with regard to the working and management of the
school. (Cheers.) And now, a few words on the
larger subject of the success or failure of that re-
formatory movement—in which ragged schools
play no inconsiderable part—which hqs been so
much before the public of late years. We have no
need now to go back to first principles. The para.
doxes of 50 years ago are the truisms of to-day.
(Hear.) Every one assents to the two propositions
on which reformatory action is based, that the ob-
ject and the justification of punishing crime is to
prevent it ; and that punishment, though one means,
is neither the only nor the most efficient means of
prevention. The class which supplies the majority
of our offenders against the law, especially in regard
of minor cases, does not calculate, or reason, or look
forward to consequences. If our police arrange-
ments were so perfect that detection followed as a
matter of certainty on the commission of an offence,
there would be many who would break the law
nevertheless. I speak from an experience of several
years as a magistrate and chairman of quarter ses-
sions in this county when I say that nothing is more
remarkable in connection with that class of offences
which the magistracy has to deal than the extreme",