The Sun.
London, England, 1832-11-19 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The elctiOnproceedings in Essex are deserv-
ing of the same notice which we have uniformly
invited to those of every place in England
where the mismanagement of the liberal interest
has appeared to furnish means of eventual advan-
tage to the Tories.., Mr. Western and Mr. Brande
have unquestionable claims to the support of the
Essex freeholders in the approaching contest,
and it is infinitely to be regretted than an unsea-
sonable intrusion of a fifth canvasser into the
field should tend in any degree to raise the hopes
of such personages as Messrs. Baring and
Tyrell, by drawing off from the honest cause of
Western and Brande whatever portion of the
reform constituency may be induced through
personal feeling to promote Mr. Harvey's views
of becoming Member for a county division in-
stead of for the county town.. A correspondent,
who calls himself " a stanch Liberal," affirms
that if the schism thus produced be not recon-
ciled, the consequence must be a total failure of
the reform canvass, and an inevitable triumph to
the odious faction of the Conservatives. It
is by no means within our province to probe
the origin of Mr. Western's disinclination to
unite his own measures and prospects with those of
Mr. Harvey. The former individual is a gentle.
man whom the country has always looked up to
for reasonableness, manliness, and purity of mo-
tive ; but as between him and Mr. Harvey we
pronounce no judgment, further than by remark.
ing that if, under the actual circumstances of the
county, Mr. Harvey's perseverance in his present
course be likely to have the effect of forwarding,
not his own election, but that of Messrs. Baring
and Tyrell, two rank Anti-Reformers, at the ex-
pense of two independent and liberal candidates,
it is his bounden duty, as we think it will be his
own voluntary inclination, to retire. There is
some talk, we find, about a factious address from
certain parties in the county of Essex to his Ma-
jesty, against what they persist in describing as
the " Dutch war,"—the " war against our an-
cient alles," &c. From the person who made
himself so notorious at the city Conservative
meeting, being a near relative of the admired
Alexander,—once of Hampshire,—now (if for-
fune and Whig folly favour him) of Essex,—it
is pretty evident from what quarter this new
Dutch remonstrance will proceed. We trust,
therefore, that when the new pack of petitioners set
up their howl against the enterpi ise for the recovery
of Antwerp, they will also give tongue as to the
possibility of adjusting the Belgic quarrel by
some more propitious method. When the prin-
ciples and basis of an equitable treaty have been
laid down by the unanimous decision of five
great Powers, some of which are withheld by
very natural and becoming sentiments of per-
sonal affection from using force for the execution
of such provisions of the treaty as bear against
the wishes of the Dutch King, it is plain that
the whole transaction must be a dead letter, if the
other parties to the quintuple deed are sot suf
fered to enforce and complete it. The dispute
between the Dutch and Belgians can never in than
be brought to a termination but through
a war between themselves, which, let it have
what immediate result it will, must drag in other
states, viz., the whole continent—as collateral
rrties. We find that the paragraph in the
Prusiign State Gazette inserted by us last Sa-
turday, has been fastened on by some of the bel-
ligerous Tories, as proof that Prussia " will op-
pose" the armament for the reduction of Ant-
werp. Let these sanguine speculators in public
calamity read the terms of the article again, and
then explain to us the synonymous character of
formal " co-operation" withheld, and formal
" resistance" threatened. During a season of
great excitement in Belgium, we can imagine
abundant motive for a Prussian army of obser-
i'ation on the Meese, without inferring the
shadow of alarm as to the employment of such
a corps in frustration of objects which Prussia
has herself consecrated by a series of solemn and
binding engagements, in the face of Holland,
Belgium, England, France, of the civilized
world to its most distant points, and of history
to its remotest ages,—Times.
There are two points of view in which, the
declaration by the Prussian Government of
giving neither co-operation nor consent to the
coercive measures against Holland become of
importance—the one as removing at a blow the
tei;ole fabric of delusion with which the Minis-
eeriai. Papers have for a long time past mystified
Ole common sense of the country, as to the
intentions or the three great Powers ; the other,
in relation to the consequences which may be
expected to result from two Powers of the Con-
ference leaguing together to take warlike pro-
ceedings against Holland, not only without
the co-operation, but against the consent, of the
other three Powers constituting the majority of
that diplomatic Assembly, which professed ori-
ginally to interfere in the arrangement of the
disputes between Holland and Belgium only in
the amicable character of a mediator. The public
sin now understand the value of the repeated corn
rnunirations which they have had from authority,
through the Journals that profess to be official
tnonth-pieces of the Government, announcing
the consent of the three Powers to the execu-
tion of the measures which England and France
hive agreed together by convention to enforce.
Jt now placed beyond all doubt that the whole
of those reiterated communications were fabri-
cated for the purpose of public deception.
Whether the ,Journals that put forth those state-
ments so often, and with so arrogant a tone of
superior information, were themselves the dupes
of other parties we know not—certain it is that
speculators in the funds have profited by the in-
ventive ingenuity which has enriched, though not
adorned, the columns of some of our contem-
poraries for a considerable time past, with fables
respecting the unanimity of the Conference,
about as true as those veracious narratives which
celiebrate the congenial labours of those original
#f settlers of Europe," the Seven Champions of
Christendom. Some recollection of historical
facts, and some knowledge of the political prin-
ciples which have long actuated the Cabinets of
the $‘ Three Powers," led us not only to doubt
from the beginning that those Powers would con-
gient to coercive measures against Holland, but
even to express, with confidence, that opinion
from time to time. We also have all along ac-
counted for the obstinacy of the King of Hol-
land, on the ground that he had the sympathy
and secret encouragement of Russia, Austria,
and Prussia, while he resisted the decrees
which they issued against him in Conference.
The repeated contradictions which we received
from the Ministerial Papers, accompanied by
assurances, expressed with official solemnity,
of the decided good faith and honourable
intentions of the Powers in question, were just
as correct as the announcements of ageneral dis-
armament, with which the same Papers favoured
the world during the administration of Casimir
eerier, which we ventured to deny, and rela-

tive to which our opinion, as in the present in-
Stance, was fully confirmed by subsequent
events. These and other convicted falsities,
upon most important political questions, must
make the public cautious of believing even the
apparently official communications of the Trea-
sury Journals. But in the mean time those
fallacious statements have done mischief which
cannot he easily repaired. They induced a con-
siderable
portion of the public to look at the
Belgico-Dutch question in a different light
from that in which it now presents itself; and
this brings us to the second point, or the pro-
bable consequences of the position in which the
convention with France has placed this coun-
try. What is the precise language in which
Pruss4 declares her dissent from the objects of
the Anglo-Gallic treaty ? The words are, and
they deserve to be well marked—" His Majesty
the King, conformably to the declarations that
he has made on every occasion, and in concert
with Austria and Russia, has caused notice to
be given to the Governments of England and
France, that he must refuse to these coercive
measures not only all kind of cooperation, but
also his assent ; and that, on the contrary,
he has resolved to place a corps of observation
on the Nlaese, in order to be ready, on the en-
trance of a French army into Belgium, to avert
the eventual consequences which the intended
military operations might have with respect to
the tranquillity of Germany, and of his Ma-
jesty's dominions, and to the general peace."
While the public were led to believe that the
". Three Powers" were co-operating with, or, at
least, did not dissent from, the course pursued
by England and France, they thought the ques-
tion might be settled without incurring the risk
of a general war, and so they abstained from
taking those means of dissuading Government
from pursuing their rash and dangerous course,
which might possibly have some effect in in-
ducing them to retrace their steps, while there
was yet time. In the Prussian announcement
of dissent, and of marching an army for the ob-
jects therein mentioned, there is certainly no
declaration of war ; but we need hardly ask if
the bringing of the Prussian troopsinto the same
neighbourhood as the French, with the national
animosity of the two countries, now heated by
the excitement of the state of things in
the Netherlands, be not the most likely
means possible to endanger that -general peace
of Europe which Prussia pretends to be anxious
to protect ? The state of Poland, and the state of
the Belgico-Dutch question, forms a curious
practical commentary on the effects produced by
Lord Durham's mission ! We were told that
the assent of the " Three Powers" to the
" coercive measures," was a result of his Lord-
ship's " enlightening" remonstrances upon the
minds of the Emperor of Russia and King of
Prussia. But some other means must now be
sought of extricating this country from the effects
of the foolish and perilous system of interference
in the affairs of the Netherlands which has
tempted on our Government, step by step, until
they have placed England in a state of hostility
against Holland, which is the last country in
Europe with which we ought to be at war, and
that, too, on behalf of a nation which, if it
have not the courage to fight the Dutch single
handed, is totally unfit for independence, and
must be supported by the power and treasure of
Great Britain, only to fall into servitude when-
ever that artificial support shall be withdrawn.
To fit out a fleet to blockade the coasts of a
nation that has given us no just cause of
offence—a -nation which is our most profitable
customer, and to which we owe great political
obligation S—to fit out a fleet against such a
nation, we say, on behalf of the pusillanimous
Leopold and his people, is one of the greatest
acts of political folly that the history of this
country has ever had to place upon recold.—
illornzng Herald.
Official despatches were received by Lord
PalmerstOn on Saturday night, from Lord Wm.
Russell, at Lisbon, which go far to confirm pre-
ceding accounts of the state of derangement
into which the affairs of Don Miguel have
fallen, and the spreading dismay and desertion
of his followers. They place, we understand,
the defection of the Ist regiment beyond a
doubt, this corps having positively refused to
obey orders for moving against the enemy. It
appears further that, upon his arrival in the
neighbourhood of Oporto, Miguel found things
in a confusion equalled only by that which pre-
vailed in Lisbon—the troops ill fed and worse
lodged, dispirited and discontented with them-
selves and their officers. The first consequence
of an investigation, which he soon instituted,
was the dismissal of Gaspar Texeira, the late
General-in-Chief, and an officer of some talent,
and some other removals of officers of subaltern
rank, whose names are less known to the English
public. Texeira had been sent into Estramadura,
but Don Miguel has found it easier to displace than
to fill up ; and hitherto no other officer had been
found to possess claims enough to be substituted
for the disgraced Chief, and the place remains
open ; for Miguel, notwithstanding the boasts
of his partisans, appears to have shown hitherto
no great taste for filling it himself. No event of
importance had taken place since the date of our'
correspondent's last letter; but 'the Constitu-
tionalists, daily strengthened by important ac-
cessions, were looking forward with impatience
for an attack from the enemy, determined, in
case of undoubted success, to assume the offen-
sive, and advance towards Lisbon. The world
will naturally ask how long this destructive civil
war Vl ill be permitted to last, and how it will
end ? The issue, we trust, is no longer doubt-
ful, but the interests of humanity, and the cause
of justice, require that the sacrifices necessarily
incident to such a struggle should be lessened
as much as possible. The interposition of in-
fluential neutrals might, no doubt, at any mo-
ment command a cessation of the strife ; and to
none does the office of mediator appear more
properly to belong than to England. We are
no advocates for war, but if our Ministers will,
in the pursuit of it, enterprise a meddling be-
tween the Dutch and Belgians, which is any
thing but liked, we thing they ought to inter-
pose their good offices in a peaceable way in the
Portuguese question, and we promise them that
such interference will be regarded by their
countrymen as proper and popular.—Morning

Some of our contemporaries may he said to
gallop to their conclusions. The war of the
three Northern Powers against France and Eng-
land is already begun, according to our contem-
porary (the Standard )—\\Te are ruined and un-
done— utterly undone. Prussia, Austria, and
Russia, have nothing to risk by a general war.
It is with them the easiest thing in the world ;
anti they have decoyed Earl Grey's Administra-
tion into a war which seals our ruin in the most
inevitable manner. But how does our concern-

porary come by all thin knowledge ? The para-
graph in the Prussian State Gazette is the
voucher.

"It now appears (says our contemporary), from the
extract quoted above, that Prussia bas,' on every occasion,'
notified to the Governments of England and France, not
only that she would not co-operate with these Powers, but
that she would sot assent to their employing coercive mea-
sures against Holland, and that, in making this declara-
tion, she acted in concert with Austria and Russia ; so
that the late convention between France and England
must have been signed, with the knowledge that its execu-
tion would he opposed by the three northern Powers, and
with the certainty of its causing a general European war.
Can any infatuation be greater than this ? England unites
with France to oppose Holland, one of her oldest allies and
one of her best customers, supported by Austria, Prussia,
and Russia, and for what purpose? Is it to avenge any
insult offered to her flag, or any injury committed against
her subjects? No such thing. It is useless for the Minis-
terial Papers to attempt any longer to deceive the people
of England, by stating that Lord Grey and his Colleagues
have consented to begin war, only with the intention of
avoiding war, for it is now clearly proved that the attack
upon Holland has been decided upon, notwithstanding the
repeated remonstrances of the three great Powers, and
their declaration that they would oppose it."
Thus every thing is settled. There is no
longer a doubt as to a general European war.
The King of Prussia has nothing to dread on
the Rhine; the Austrians have nothing to fear
in Italy ; Russia has suffered nothing in her wars
in Turkey and Poland ; they all abound with
money ; and we are undone. And—would it
be believed ?—this European war has been got
up by the three northern Powers to strike at
Earl Grey's Administration. They wished war
above all things; but they did not like to begin
the fight, and the master trick was to get Lord
Grey to furnish them with an excuse by his
striking the first blow. It is the old story deli-
rant Reges, plectuntur Achivi. Our contem-
porary has some doubts whether it is quite right
to destroy a whole people to strike at a particular
Ministry. But really is not this being too nice,
if the Ministry cannot be struck at otherwise ?
Can the destruction of Earl Grey's Ministry be
purchased at too great a price ? Is there a
parson in the whole country who would have a
moment's hesitation ? But let us hear our
contemporary :
" The Government of Lord Grey has been overreached
in a manner that will indeed make England the laughing-
stock of Europe, and the consequences of which will be felt
by our children's children.
" We do not commend the policy of the great conti-
nental Powers in striking at the existence of a particular
Administration through the interests of a whole people ;
but, though the policy of those Powers has not been such
as we can approve of, it is even more obvious now than
when we first announced it (as our readers will be kind
enough to recollect that we did) two months ago. They
have waited until France and England should put them-
selves unequivocally and irretrievably in the wrong, in
order that, by getting rid of the Doctrinnaire Ministry in
France and the Jacobin Ministry in England, the first
nation should bring the great question of revolution and
legitimacy to a prompt arbitrament, while the latter
would either take part with the champions of established
Governments, or no longer embroil the fray by her inter.
ference. There might be, too, a nobler desire suggested
by the character of the King of the Netherlands, and
that of the incomparable people over whom he so
worthily reigns—there might have been a hope, that
by protracting forbearance, the patriotic sympathies
of Europe would collect upon the gallant people and
their gallant King, who so well know how to unite the
highest degree of heroism with matchless mildn, ss and
equanimity. The great Powers have succeeded in both
objects. Never were two nations so utterly disgraced as
France and England are at this moment—never King and
people played so glorious a part as the King of the Nether-
lands and his faithful subjects. But at what a cost have
these objects been effected ? We, to be sure, who feel the
injuries thus inflicted, must deem them more severe than
the polies who have inflicted them ; but even the conti-
nental Monarchs must recollect that England was once the
saviour of the liberties of Europe, and they ought to know
that by the degradation of England, the cause of established
Governments will not fail to suffer. We cannot help think-
ing, that in the temporising conduct of Russia, Prussia,
and Austria, will be found the vice of all toofine policy—
the sacrifice of the future to the present, of permanent to
temporary interests. As to the wretched Ministers here,
who have been at once the provocation and the accomplices
of that system of policy which has drawn the present in-
famy upon us—would that it were only present—they
might have been turned out at any time."

As to our being disgraced and undone, that
being now over, our Contemporary passes ra-
pidly to the next consideration ; and that is,
what is to become of established Governments
after the degradation of England ? The calamities
of a general war are usually the ruin of England,
and even might have been a small price for the
destruction of the Grey Ministry ; but the cause
of established Governments is quite another
affair. Our contemporary does think that, for
the sake of this great cause, they should not
have been in such a hurry to ruin and disgrace
England. They should not have sacrificed the
future for the present. " The wretched Minis-
ters here might have been turned out at any
time." Austria, Russia, and Prussia should not
have been in such tremendous haste ! What
will become of the cause of established Govern-
ments when poor England is out of the way ?
Morning Chronicle.

If ever Lord Palmerston should be relieved
from the pressure of his present official duties, it
is to be hoped that he will favour the world
with a treatise on foreign policy and the new
law of nations, in order to show his reasons for
deviating so widely from the opinions of those
who have preceded him on the same subject,
and the motives which induced him to disre-
gard those leading principles which have here-
tofore guided the British Cabinet in its inter-
course with other nations. To this he will do
well to add the result of his own experience in
protocolizing, so as to render the work as com-
plete as possible, in the full persuasion that, by
making the edition as cheap and portable as can
be, his labours would soon supersede the use of
Puffendorf, Vattel, and numerous other civilians
whose works, owing to the many recent disco-
veries, are already nearly out of date. This
is, in fact, a tribute which his Lordship owes
to those persons who, after the most strenuous
endeavours, have not been able to compre-
hend what he is doing with Holland and Portugal,
or where the new landmarks are placed which
the Grey Administration have set up in lieu of
those beacons which for centuries directed our
helmsmen intrusted with the guidance of the
State vessel. Many enigmas would then, be-
sides, be solved, and some innovations possibly
disarmed of their terrors. His Lordship would
also have the honour of being the founder of a
new system, which, for the general benefit, should
be accessible to all. Posterity, in a word, ought
not to be deprived of so many valuable improve.
ments in the art of regulating the destinies of
nations. His Lordship would then have a fair
opportunity of elucidating his own theories on
the absurdity of old alliances and the advantages
of new connections, as well as his maxims on the
faith of treaties, by giving us a full explanation
of the reasons why such old-fashioned bargains,
even when bringing with them the best, coin.
mercial benefits, or however venerable for
their antiquity, are not to be kept with
any nation either so ignorant or so obsti-
nate as not to understand the excellencies of the
English Reform Bill, and much less with those
who d o not
founded
choose to
among
adopt
op t
themselves.
th
Then-
his principles on
which it is
his Lordship may condescend to tell us why he

takes the Independence of nations to be a more
chimera, and why, again, after repeated pledge s
of non-intervention, he delights in intermeddling
in the concerns of others. We should then
know how a nation, whilst under the guarantee
of neutrality, does not break its engagements by
allowing a belligerent to fit out warlike vessels
In its ports and levy troops within its territory ;
or for what reasons it is allowable for the neutral
to carry to an enemy guns, mortars, and all
kinds of military and naval stores, when for
this very same species of interference so many
have in former times been condemned in our
Admiralty Courts. In a word, his Lordship
will then explain why contraband of war is a
term no longer in use, and why Great Britain,
standing in the attitude of a neutral, is not
called upon to perform those duties which she
required of neutrals when acting as a belligerent.
Expediency is also another topic on which his
Lordship ought to touch. He would do well
to make it apparent why, at a time when the
alienation of our colonies stares us full in the
face, when our merchant vessels are rotting at
their moorings in the river because they cannot
afford the expense of lying in docks, and our
export trade is almost at a stand-still, it is con-
ducive to our interests to shut as many friendly
ports against us as we can, and dry up all those
sources of commerce which for centuries have
enriched our merchants. Abundant and strik-
ing illustrations of all his Lordship's new tenets
may readily be found in our recent intercourse
with both Holland and Portugal.—Morning
Post.

GREAT BRITAIN AND HOLLAND.

(From the Journal de la ilaye.)

We are not so prejudiced as to wish to make it
a reproach to England that in all her relations with
the Netherlands Ghe has always looked to her own
interests. We are far from taking offence at what
has been yet done. On the contrary, we ask no-
thing better. We know that in policy it is not
merely through generosity—it is not through the
love of a neighbour—it is not to obtain the crown of
martyrdom, that the interests of another are favoured.
In order to find the rule which ought to regulate the
relations of Great Britain with the Netherlands, we
do not fear to appeal to the evident interest of
England herself.
The interest of England, like that of every
country, has its solid bases in its geographical posi-
tion with reference to other states. History, and
the events and particular relations of the late epoch,
have thrown a strong light on the nature of this
interest.

The permanent interest of Great Britain is that
of the first commercial and maritime Power of the
universe, which in Europe cannot become at the
same time a continental Power. Great Britain
cannot exercise a durable influence on the continent
by force of arms, whilst the spirit of conquest of
the continental Powers would fail against Great
Britain.

Free communications, still more extending them-
selves with all parts of Europe, from the basis of
the British commercial state. Here then is what is
called the liberty of Europe, in the language of Eng-
lish policy. The security of her communications
depend upon the division of the Powers on the con-
tinent, especially those which prevail upon the coast.
A continental Power ruling the general rela-
tions of other States, would endanger the vital princi-
ples of British greatness. Such a Power would be
sooner or later mistress of the system of the coasts
of Europe, and of the continental relations of Great
Britain. A great continental Power which could
at the same time rival England on the ocean
would soon lower before her the proud flag of the
Queen of the Seas. Twice as strong as the in-
sular kingdom of Albion, it would soon lower the
latter to a point at which she could no longer be
anything than an appendix to the continent.
What is consequently the object in view on the
part of England ? It is to maintain the indepen-
dence of commerce and of the maritime power of
the continent in its true equilibrium with the
continental Powers, against every State of the
continent which threatens to become preponderant.
That independence and that equilibrium are not
menaced by any Power so much as by France.
Several countries of the continent are as well
situated, and even more favourably, than Great
Britain, with reference to the commerce of the
world. But France, whose coasts are at once
hatched by the Mediterranean, the Ocean, and the
North Sea, alone possesses the resources to aspire
to the dictation of the continent, by closing avenues
by its own authority, and appropriating the keys, in-
clining finally to its side the balance of commercial
and maritime power.
What are the means of Great Britain to prevent so
dreadful a revolution ? To divide the maritime and
commercial force of the continent between the se-
condary and less powerful States, and to secure
the latter.

The Mediterranean would have been long since
a French lake if English policy had not prevented
it by the division of the domination of its coasts, a
division the establishment of which has cost so much
treasure and so much blood to the English nation
since the commencement of the 18th century.

France would have been long since the mistress
of the ocean, and of the north sea, long since the
arbitress of the commerce between the west and
the north of Europe, if England bad not interposed
an obstacle by means of its alliance with Portugal
on the one hand, and on the other, and chiefly, by
securing to Holland what, ceasing to belong to ber,
must soon fall to the share of France.

From what motive has France, since the time of
Richelieu, always sought to put herself in possession
of the territory included between the Meuse and
the sea, separating Dunkirk from the waters of
Zealand ? Was it merely through a vague desire,
and without any object of extending her territory ?
No ; it was because she was thoroughly convinced
that the possession of these banks was the necessary
complement to her river system and that of her
western coasts. It was because she was thoroughly
penetrated with this truth, that it was neither 13.y-
-onne, nor Cherburg, nor Havre, nor Dunkirk, but
that it was Antwerp alone that could be made the
pivot of the empire of France, on the seas which
unite the western part of Europe to that of the north.
Did she lose sight of those views during the
French Revolution ? The Statesmen of the Revo-
lution calculated, in 1794, that if France could add
to
and the the
ihe
Seine,
Scheldt, t h e L o
theire,
Meuse, and the Rhine, that increase would augment
basins
the course
at least three-fourths the maritime and commercial
the
of
Garonne, the
R Rhine,
of
power of France; and then, said they, chaunting
victory, England, already isolated from the conti-
nent by nature, will be equally so by policy.
Why during a century and a half—that is to say,
from the time of Louis XIV. to the peace of Lune-
ville--did England not cease to combat for the
Spanish and Austrian Sovereignty in Belgium, as if
it were her own cause ? Why, of all the allies of
Great Britain, was it the latter who, after the Rus-
sian campaign,e
Great Britain was satisfied that reinforcing the
maritime an.' fluvial position of Holland was weak-
ening that of France. In fact, all that was done in
his respect for Holland was a diminution of the
French power; for France, to assume the ascen-
dancy of a great and formidable maritime Power,
would restrict the basis of the Netherlands naviga-
tion and commercial activity within very narrow
boet ildid the English Csbinet think, in 1805, as
welll'adhiin 1814, that Belgium ought not to form,
by itself alone, an independent State? Because it
saw clearly that Belgium, abandoned to its own
W
strength, would soon become a prey to France.
Is there any one in England—that superior school

for matitivaa poky—who baliavaa littooraly that
the coast of Flanders can depend, mediately or im-
mediately, upon France, and be long open to
English commerce ? Is there a single Englishman
who doubts that French domination in Belgium
would only have for its object to subject Holland to
the development of the commercial supremacy of
France ?

If the Netherlands be a maritime Power of
the first class, she has the same interest as Great
Britain in protecting the freedom of navigation and
commerce against the influence of the great conti-
nental Powers. But can it be doubtful to whom
the Netherlands would belong when she would be
reduced to be no more than a simple commercial
establishment such as Harliburg or Bremen ?
Let us speak of facts. In his speech to the Se-
nate in March 1805, Napoleon said :—" The union
(of the Batavian Republic) is to our empire the
complement of our commercial system, since the
greatest rivers of the half of our territories debauch
in Holland."

In 1810 Napoleon incorporated Holland with his
empire; and from what motives? " Considering
that the union of Belgium with France has destroyed
the independence of Holland, the system of Hol-
land has become necessary to that of France, as if
she were one of our provinces."
Now the English Ministry has associated with
France to deprive Holland of her position, by open-
ing the Scheldt as well to Antwerp as to France.
What else could this Ministry do in order to cause
the loss to its country of the fruits of all her efforts
and wars against France ? At such a price Napo-
leon would have voluntarily become the ally of
England.
" With the school of Fox (said he) we shall be
understood, we have accomplished now the emanci-
pation of nations, the reign of principles; there is
only in Europe a single fleet, a single army ; we
shall govern the world, and either by force or pet-
suasion bring about repose and prosperity."
Were that single fleet and single army any other
than a French fleet and a French army ?
Great Britain would have made peace in 1814,
if Napoleon had at that time renounced Antwerp.
Napoleon has fallen. The present French Govern-
ment is more fortunate. The school of Fox offers
voluntarily and with both hands, what Napoleon
could only wait for after enveloping England in the
toils of his gigantic system. He waited but for that
to fix the destinies of Great Britain; and what fare
did he reserve for her ? According to his ideas,
Great Britain was to finish her course by becoming
a French island, like Oleron or Corsica.
A submission more than momentary of the Eng-
lish Government to the march still uniform, still
equally invasive of its rival—an English policy
which would decidedly sacrifice the Netherlands to
France, would draw with it not only the ruin of
Great Britain, but the dissolution of the organiza-
tion of Europe. Full of confidence in the future,
we are far from yielding to such an apprehension.
Let the English Government be our enemy—let
its fleet, conducting that of France towards our
shores, stop our ships and blockade our ports ; let
England appear to consent thus to serve French
ambition ; we fear not a force which, in striking
Holland, would strike Great Britain in the most
sensitive part. We see nothing in all this, but a
policy which is commencing the digging of its own
grave.

COURT OF CHANCERY, Nov. 17.

DULL V. WOOD AND OTHERS.

Mr. BACON applied for an injunction to restrain
the defendants, the printers and publishers of The
Maids, Wives, and Widows' Penny Magazine,
from printing certain articles copied from the Court
Magazine, the property of the plaintiff. The affi-
davits in support of the application stated that the
plaintiff had purchased the copyright of the work,
arid the stock and copper-plates belonging to it, in
May last, and that he hid ever since carried on the
publication at considerable expense ; that he had
procured articles to be written respecting the fashions
of female dress, and had published engravings illus-
trative of those articles, and that he was under con-
tract with various writers of celebrity to supply his
magazine with original articles; that the defendants
had copied in the first number of their work, pub-
lished on the 27th of October last, an article on
the fashions, which was for the most part taken
from the plaintiff's numbers; that in another num-
ber the defendants hnd copied a poem, called the
Farewell, written by the Hon. Mrs. Norton; and
that they had also published a plate, professing to
relate to the present fashions, which was in the
main copied from an engraving published in La
Belle Assemblee of September 1829.
The LORD CHANCELLOR having compared the
several publications, ordered the injunction to issue
as against the defendants' publication of the poem,
the plate, and the part copied in their number of the
10th of November instant.

Mr. BACON pressed to have the injunction ex-
tended to the copying any of the contents of the fu-
ture numbers of the plaintiff's magazine.
His LORDSHIP sltoul►l not do that at present. If
the defendants or any other person should commit
an infringement on the plaintiff's property, he might
either sue for damages or come again for an injunc-
tion.

ROLLS COURT, Nov. 17.