The Sun.
London, England, 1866-09-26 00:00:00

Music-Hall Provident Society.

Very recently several members of the music-hall profes-
sion gave their concurrence to a project for establishing
Music-hall Almshouses, and an active working committee
was appointed for the purpose of devising the best means of
carrying the scheme into success:al operation. In the course
of their deliberations they received many suggestions, which
indicated a somewhat general desire among the class whom
they represented that, in addition to the proposed alms-
houses, and worked by the same officers, there ought to be
founded an institution more provident in its character, mad
a sick Fund was pointed at as being best calculated to meet
the pressing requirements of music-hall professionals. The
committee wore fully alive to the fact that the Dramatic,
Equestrian, and Musical Sick Fund was in existence; but as
the establishment of an independent sick fund was pressed
upon them by members whose opinions they considered en-
titled to respect, they resolved to convene a meeting of the
entire music-hall profession, with the view of having the
question ventilated, and that meeting was hold yesterday at
Weston's, Holborn ; Mr. Holland) one of the proprietors,
presiding.
The CHAIRMAN having stated the circumstances which led
to the present mooting being held, admitted that tho Dra-
matic, Equestrian, and Musical Sick Fund Association el:-
tended its benefits to the members of the music-hall profes-
sion ; but the committee of management was purely dra-
matic, and the Ahnshouses Committee thought it would be
well if they could succeed iu having the constitution of that
executive body modified. IV; th that object, accordingly, they
addressed a letter to Mr. Benjamin Webster, president of
the fund, requesting an interview, but their communication
was not oven acknowledged. Thinking that the first request
might have miscarried, they wrote a second time. Mr.
Webster, however, st'll remained silent. Meanwhile it was
suggested from various quai tors, why not have a sick fund
of their own. (Hear, hear.) That was the question they
had assembled to consider, and ho would be glad to hear
remarks besting upon the subject.. Tho profession felt
somewhat annoyed at Mr. Webster's apparent discourtesy,
but he (Mr. Holland) confessed that if the Dramatic,
Equestrian, and Musical Fund management were
placed upon a wider basis by the admission of the music-
hal' element, ho would advocate the support of that insti-
tution, which had an accumulated fund of £1,600, and was
in the 12th year of its existence, rather than the establish-
ment of an independent sick fund for those of the special
class who then surrounded him.
SLOMAN approved of both almshouses and a sick fund
for the members of the music-hall profession, but each
ought to bo worked independently. If they attempted to
associate the two schemes in any manner, they might rely
upon it that the manage would prove an unsuccessful
one.

Mr. ALLEN gave it as his opinion that nine out of every
ten members would prefer a sick fund for their own pro-
fession rather than contribute to the Dramatic Fund.

Mr. JULIAN said he should not urge ono word in defence
of the Dra,matid and Equestrian Fund, for it required none ;
but he believed that those who supported the project of a
now fund know vary little of the incalculable good which
the old fund had been the means of effecting during the 12
years of its existence.
Mr. P. CORM would not say ono word disparaging of the
Dramatic and Equestrian Fund ; but the music-hall profes-
sion was at least as powerful as the theatrical. Indeed,
there were 20 music-halls to one theatre, and in London 46
music halls alone, and they would not submit to be treated
with either nonchalance or insult.

After some conversation, a resolution to the following
effect was proposed by Mr. Page, for 46 years connected
with music halls, and seconded by Mr. West:—" That a
sick fund be now established for music hall professionals
only."

Mr. J. W. Assoc, the secretary of the Dramatic, Eques-
trian, and Musical Fund, explained the cause of Mr.
Webster's silence. That gentleman had been away for
several days in Scotland with a shooting party, and it was
only yesterday that letters received during his absence
were placed in his hand. The last act Mr. Webster would
be guilty of was discourtesy to any man. Mr. Anson then
put before the meeting, in a few business-like sentences,
the practical advantage of contributing to a benefit fund
having the experience of twelve years' duration, and
backed up with an accumulation of £1,600, in preference to
the establishment of a new fund for any particular branch
of the profession. He believed there would not bo the least
objection to meet the views of the music-hall profession
with respect to an enlargement of the committee of ma-
nagement and an extension of the administration ; and if
an adjournment wore agreed to, say for one week, he
would be prepared to lay before them not only a letter from
Mr. Webster, but a definite proposal regarding, the future
constitution of the executive.

Mr. Anson's satement was accepted as in every respect
satisfactory, and the proposed adjournment to Tuesday
next was immediately agreed to.
Thanks having been voted to the chairman for his con-
duct while presiding, and for the use of Weston's Hall, the
meeting separated.

TIIE ATLANTIC CABLE.—Lord Stanley has ae-
eepted an invitation of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce
to ho present at the banquet to be given to the layers of
the Atlantic Cable on tho Ist of October. Messrs. T.
13
Horsfall, M.P., S. R. Graves, and John Laird, M.P.,
will also be present.
[AnvEwrl9EMENT.l—That the fearful annual mortality of
if, instead of flying blindly to pills and mecUeines,
60,00 young children and delicate persons of all ages may be
arrested,
which, though apparently relieving the patient, have in
reality no other tendency than that of increasing debility,
and with it the danger of life, we were simply to study how
to Inc, ease the vital force by imparting new and pure blood,
upon which the harmonious development of the whole frame
depends, has been successfully proved by Du Barry's Inva-
lids' and Infants' Food, the Revalenta Arabica, and its
thousands of cures annually. It yields three times as mu:h
easily assimilated nourishment as the best meat, hnd for
children it is the best substitute for human milk. Dr.
Routh, physician to the Samaritan Hospital for Women and
Children—the best au!hority on each matters—in his admir-
able publication on Food, says—Amongst the vegetable sub-
stances, th which comes closest to milk in its composition
is, without doubt, Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food, h
con-
taining both phosphoric acid in abundance and chloride of
potas.lum ; it aho includes casein, the same
is found in milk in its constituent part
. No wonder, there-
fore, that under its influence many children affected with
atrophy (wasting away of the body), and marked debi ity
have completely recovered. I have given it with the greatest
advantage in such cases ; and a) far as I may judge trom my
own experience, practice fully carries out what theory,
from a knowledge of its composition, led us to anticipate.—
In tins, 11b, 2e 9d; 21b, 4s 61; 51b, its; 121 b, 225; 211 b,
0s,—Barry Du Barry and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London ;
also Phillips, tea &AIM'S, 8, King William-street ; likewlee
at 61, Gracechurch-street; 4, Cheapside ; 49, Bishopsgate-
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54, Upper Baker-street; 113, Tottenham-court-road; 96,
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John's-wood, London; and all respectable grocers and oho.
mists,—Beware of spurious imitations.

NEWSPAPER
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The members of the Northern Depar4 nt a theS
Reform League entertained Mr. John Bright, ALP.,
to dinner last night at the Albion Hotel, Manchester.
The chair was occupied by Mr. E. Hooson, the pre-
sident, and a magistrate. The gentlemen present
were Mr. Edmond Beales, Lieut.-Col. Dickson,
Alderman Rummy ; Messrs. Jacob Bright, Ernest
Jones, E. 0. Greening, H. M. Steinthal, S. Watts,
jun. ; the Rev. S. A. Steinthal, the Mayor of
Ashton, &c.
The first toast was, " The Leaders of the People,
John Russell and William E wart Gladstone."
The CAIAIRMAN then gave "The Health of John
Bright," which elicited the most enthusiastic cheer-
ing, the toast being drunk standing.
Mr. BRIGHT, M.P., on rising to respond, was again
greeted;with prolonged plaudits. In the course of his
speech the hon. member said :---Now there are dif-
ferent platforms ; there are very great differences in
the religious world ; but still the religious world pro-
poses to itself to march on to one common end.
There are differences in this school of politics—the
Reform school. But still we may all march on to
one common end, which is a real representation of
the people in the establishment of popular power as
supreme in this country. (Hear, hear.) Now, al-
though we some of us differ, I believe the difference
arises from this :—Many believe that something less
than the proposition of the League is sufficient, not
only for the purposes of the League, but of all re-
formers. That is sufficient to make the House of Com-
mons a true representative of the people. Well, I
believe that the middle class of this country, speaking
of them in any way that you like, by any kind of
measurement or ascertainment of their opinions—my
own honest opinion is that they would consider at
this moment that a bill that advanc3d as far as
household suffrage was in itself, considering all the
interests and opinions of the country, a wiser mea-
suretor a Ministatto propose than that of manhood
suffrage, and that they believe that it would give to
the country a really honest Parliament. (Hear.)
My view of the whole question of these differences
is this—that when one sees a real movement some-
thing grand in its proportions, powerful for the
gaining of results, the plan of a sensible man who
wants to do something, and does not want to split
hairs, is to take with that movement, to help it, and
to make the best of it, and to get all the good he
can out of it. (Cheers.) I was sorry to find from
the papers the other day that some friends of mine
—I refer most to one whose letter I read—in the
West Riding of Yorkshire take a different view of
this matter. I read a very fine, and, I am sure,
a most conscientiously dictated letter from Mr.
Baines, the member for Leeds, to the committee who
are organizing a great meeting that is to take place
in the West Riding. He declined the invitation to
attend the meeting, on the ground that he was not
in favour of manhood suffrage. I don't blame any
one for holding such an opinion. lam not in
favour of manhood suffrage, as against household
suffrage. (Hear, hear.) But he people of Leeds
or the West Riding don't want to commit Mr.
Baines to manhood suffrage by his attending the
meeting. lam not committed to-day any the more
because I have attended the meetings. So far as I
have seen of the working men in connexion with this
movement I find them tolerant in a high degree and
considerate and respectful of and to all those who
may honestly differ from them in any degree ; but
as still honestly friendly to the admission of any con-
siderable number of them to the franchise. (Hear.)
They would admit all to work, and we should all
work on with perfect unanimity up to the point
where the work parts from us and falls into other
hands. Make this movement as large as you like ;
carry it on from the West Riding to Nor-
thumberland and Durham ; from there to
Glasgow ; after it has exhibited itself in
Glasgow, perhaps at the beginning , of the
year it may reappear in greater proportion
than ever iu Loudon. (Hear, hear.) But, let it
take any proportions that you please, finally it will
become a question for the deliberation of 12 or 15
men, who are tho Queen's immediate advisers, what
shall be the precise measure presented to Parliament.

They will have to consider that what is called the
Conservative opinion of the country—the timid opi-

nion. (A laugh.) I am not speaking now of those
who are passionately against all Reform, and who
hate the very name of popular power, but I speak of
the section much larger than lies between us and

them, who arc quiet stay-at-home people, who pro-
bably read their newspaper, and have as good a feel-
inn. towards the working man as any of us have, but
who have not sufficiently considered this question,
who are not courageous enough in spirit to join in
a great movement like this, but when a Cabinet
come to discuss a measure to submit to Parliament
they must necessarily take into consideration all this
amount of opinion. Well, now, with great defe-
rence to my friend Mr. Baines, for whom I have a
most unfeigned respect, and whose services in con-
nection with this question can hardly be over-esti-
mated, I am very sorry that he and others have not
found it consistent with their views of duty to at-
tend these meetings, to give to them all the support
in their power, to make of the whole Reform feeling
and opinion of the country one grand and powerful
force, because, depend upon it, the resistance which
we have by us is not easily to be surmounted, for we
shall not, in all probability, cut off the enemy in de-
tachments,and unless we meet in some form and shape
I know not how it is possible we can eventually
triumph. (Hear.) I believe the time is coming when
this question must be laid hold of by a Government,
and that Parliament will feel that it dare not treat
it in future as it has treated it in the past. These
great meetings, as Mr. Mill very justly said, were
not meetings so much for discussion as they were
meetings for demonstration of opinion, and, if you
like, I will add for exhibition of force. (Cheers.)
Such exhibitions, if they be despised and disre-
garded, may become exhibitions of another
kind of force. Now, I have been insulted in past
times, not a little in this very city, that I was in
favour of peace at any price. I always said that I
was not in favour of war at any cost, which I think
10 years ago my opponents were. (Hear.) I believe
that however much any of us may abhor the thought
that political questions in any country should ever
again be settled by force, yet there is something in
the constitution of our nature that when these evils
are allowed to run on beyond a certain period unre-
drersed that the most peace-loving of men are un-
able to keep the peace. (Hear.) And bear this in
mind—that, however much we may wish political
questions to be settled by moral means, yet it is no
more immoral for a people to use force in the last
resort for the obtaining and the securing of freedom
than it is for a Government by force to suppress and
deny that freedom. (Loud cheers, the audience
rising.) I must ask pardon of my friends hero for
touching upon what may be termed " abstract prin-
ciples." (Laughter.) We are, doubtless, a very
long way—longer than can be measured, I hope
from the time when it will be necessary seriously to
consider questions of that nature. (Rear, hear.)
I think that the question was settled in 1832 whether
the changes which maybe necessary in the govern-
ment of the United Kingdom can be accomplished
by peaceable means, or whether force will be neces-
sary for their completion. In conclusion, Mr. Bright
expressed a hope that when Mr. Beales and his
League friends returned, they would show to the
powers that be, to the Government that is, and to
the Government that shortly, he hoped, would be
(loud cheers) that the question of Reform had taken .
deep root the minds of the people, and that Par-
liament might as well shut its doors for every other
kind of legislation whatsoever until it consented to
pass a bill that should satisfy the just and moderate
expectations of the people.
The hon. member resumed his seat amid loud
cheering, and the proceedings shortly afterwards
terminated.

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LONDON, IVED_v'ESDAT , SEPT. 26, 1866.

Count BISMARCK has gained another triumph ;
and of his successes at home and abroad it may
well be said that their name is legion. The re-
sumption of the debate on the Loan Bill was the
occasion of a stirring scene, in which the Minister
put forth all his efforts to convince and persuade.
In consequence of his making more concessions
the amendment was passed by a large majority,
limiting the loan to forty instead of sixty million
thalers. The Minister of Finance complained of
the harsh interpretation that had been put upon the
measure by the Committee. He tried to bring
forward arguments which should impress those he
addressed of the necessity of no delay taking place.
It is almost ludicrous to notice how the Berlin Cabi-
net changes about at every opportunity, in order
to suit circumstances, and thus we find the Finance
Minister recapitulating recent events, and declaring
that the position of Prussia was not yet settled, and
that peace was not concluded with Saxony. We do
not credit for a moment that BISMARCK and his
coadjutors care a bit about the Saxon negotia-
tions one way or the other, except so far
as they can gratify their spite; but it is
very convenient, of course, to make a great
deal out of a very little, and declare that
things are not yet safe or secure. All the argu_
ments pointed to one end, namely, that it would
be most unwise, most impolitic, and most blame-
able if the Deputies did not at once settle the dis-
puted question of finance. " Money must be at the
disposal of the Government. We must have our
hands on our swords and our purses well filled."
The other day Count BISMARCK declared that the
Annexation Bill was the vital point of Prussian
politics ; and now the Finance Minister asserts
that the " financial question is the chief point."
Count BISMARCK'S address was very determined,
and he seemed more anxious than he generally is to
convince his hearers of the necessity for unity than
he was to contradict them, and contests hispoint at
all hazards. He said very plainly the House should
consider the bill from a political stand-point, and
thus put the authorities in a position where they
could defend what they had gained. He then went
on to show that the present aspect of affairs was
not so very good as some might suppose, for official
communications had shown that the spirit of con-
ciliation had not entered into the Imperial Court
with the conclusion of peace.

Certainly it would be very very strange if it had
done so, for every possible thing has been done that
could provoke and irritate those who have lost by
the chances of war. Moreover, said the
Count, the
Eastern question was by no means disposed of,
and
might yet lead to serious European difficulties, and
they must all recollect that at a time of difficulty
with the money market the Government would not
be able to raise a loan. This was felt by them
a short time back, and we suppose that
it was the awkwardness of that dilemma
which induced Ministers to make the compromise
which they have done. What was drawn from the
State Treasury last year must now be replaced.
surely a moral may be drawn irom thifi debate As

Mr. BRIGHT has not quite exhausted his eloquence,
and his friends at Manchester have very properly
given him a grand banquet in recognition of his
exertions. It is only to be regretted that so power-
ful a speaker should so often allow his zeal to out-
run his discretion, and it is likewise remarkable that
Mr. BRIGHT generally makes these grand demon-
strations as soon as a Conservative Ministry gets into
power. Certainly the member for Birmingham had
a good deal to say about Reform during the last
few months of 1865, but, for the most part, there
was silence on this subject from the tribune during the
interval which elapsed between his tour of agitation
when Lord DERBY was in office and the events of
last autumn. Radicals have long had a name for
gaining moderation in office. Mr. MILNER GIBSON,
par exemple, has not much benefited the country
by his accession to power. No sooner does an en-
thusiastic reformer take office than he turns the
mental telescope round forthwith. The wants and
grievances which formerly assumed such alarming
proportions when viewed through the medium
of a comfortable sinecure are apt to shrink
into very small dimensions. Who shall say
what marvellous transformation we might
not witness if Mr. Joint BRIGHT were to be pre-
vailed upon to accept the seals of one of the depart-
ments of State ? He might, perhaps, take the
Secretaryship of War, having already got a good
way from his peace doctrines. He has reached the
stage at which he considers being accused of holding
peace-at-any-price doctrines as an insult, and yet
not so many years back, we fancy, his speeches
would have told a different tale. The, fact is,
that the military spirit is so strong in Mr.
BRIGHT that he must needs be fighting something,
and if he cannot fight something tangible he must
contradict or oppose some political dogma. " I
believe," he said last night, " that however much
any of us may abhor the thought that political ques-
tions in any country should ever again be settled
by force, yet there is something in the constitution
o: our nature that when these evils are allowed to
run on beyond a certain period unredressed
that the most peace-loving of men are
unable to keep the peace." It is possible,
such is the extent of human self-deception,
that Mr. BRIGHT may consider himself a peace-
loving man, but his hearers' imaginations could
hardly have been so active after the passage which
followed. " And bear this in mind— that however
much we may wish political questions to be settled
by moral means, yet it is no more immoral for a
people to use force in the last resort for the obtain-
ing and the securing of freedom than it is for a
government, by force, to suppress and deny that
freedom." Mr. BRIGHT apparently knew his
audience, for this passage excited the greatest
enthusiasm, the audience rising to applaud.
Would he have uttered it in the House of
Commons? It is true he qualified it after by hoping
that the time was far distant, but the effect pro-
duced was that the employment of physical force
might be necessary to carry a new Reform Bill.
What that bill is to be he takes care not to
particularise too closely. He admits that the mem-
bers of his party are not unanimous as to details,
but he urges, sensibly enough, upon them the ad-
vocacy of general principles. " My view of the whole
question of these differences is this—that when one
sees a real movement—something grand in its pro-
portions, powerful for the gaining of results, the plan
of a sensible man who does not want to split hairs,
is to take with that movement, to help it, to make
the beat of it, and to get all the good he can out of
it." Why this is the very principle on which Mr.
BRIGHT himself refuses to act. Had he looked only
for " a real Movement, powerful for the gaining of
results," we should have had aßeform Bill seven years
ago, because if the Liberals in the Lower House had
combined heartily and disinterestedly with the Tories
to improve Lord DERBY'S Bill we might have a
really good measure. Mr. BRIGHT is sadly behind
Mr. GLADSTONE, to whose services in the cause of
Reform he makes no reference. The right hon.
gentleman boldly
said that, when a Reform Bill
came before the House of Commons, he would
judge it on its merits, regardless of whence it came.
This is a point of liberality and toleration to
which Mr. BRIGHT will never attain. Like
THADDEUS STEVENS and :WENDELL PHILLIPS
his idea of political freedom is to have
the pow©r of abusing his opponents without
their having the power to reply. His notion of
popular representation is to have his own party re-
presented and his opponents unrepresented. If he
leaves more thoughtful and cautious men behind
he cares not. Perhaps it is all the better that lie
alone should lead the van, and have the honour of
heading the charge,—only it is not always quite
clear whether the enemies he is attacking are giants
or windmills.

Among the many minor tragedies which find a
place in our daily records our readers may have
noticed two painful cases which serve to illustrate
each other. So much has been said about the faults
and shortcomings of our workhouse system that
some persons may have reasonably supposed that a
little closer supervision was now exercised over
them ; but such a belief would be erroneous. A
very painful case of neglect was brought to light at