The Sun.
London, England, 1835-11-20 00:00:00

MR. HUME.

(Further extracts from " Random Recollections of the llMise
• of Commons.")
At the head of the country liberal party stands Mr.
Hume. He is entitled to be first noticed, both on account
of his being the representative of the most important county
(Middlesex) in the country, and also on account of his
great influence with Reformers in all parts of the land.
Fl is, in person, about the middle size, and of a stout and
firm make. There is a tendency to corpulency about him.
He is a man of great physical strength, and can endure an
incredible amoutit of fatigue. He thinks nothing, as I have
elsewhere said, of sitting for weeks and months in succes-
sion, in the House, almost from the time of its meeting till
the adjournment, to.say nothing of the number of speeches
he delivers,—of which I shall have to speak presently.
The only occasion on Which I ever heard hiM particularly
complain of exhaustion, was at the clOse of the contest for
Middlesex in the beginning of the present year. He then
confessed he was fairly " done up ;," and added, that he
would not again encounter the same anxiety of mind, and
undergo the same amount of physical exertion, as he did on
those two days, for 20,000/. And no one, acquainted with
the circumstances, need wonder at the observation ; for in
the first place, he was quite unprepared for such a struggle.
He never dreamed that his opponents had been moving
heaven and earth, for weeks previously, to oust him, and
that they had succeeded in gaining over to their side a great
many of those who had formerly proved his staunchest
friends. In the second plane, his committee had misunder-
stood each other, as to some important steps which should
have been taken to insure his return,—the consequence of
which was that the first day his opponent was several
hundreds a-head of him on the poll. This of course doubled
his anxiety Xll that night and next day as to the result—an
anxiety which very nearly approximated to despair. In
the third place, the season was the middle of winter, and
after being kept a groat part of each night with his com-
mittees at different places, he had to drive in breathless
haste through the day, fro& one polling station to another,
where he was, as soon after the close of each day's poll as
possible, obliged to address the electors at considerable
length, and with all the strength of lungs lie possessed.
When I say that for eight or ten days before, he had been
. almost constantly employed in addressing large assemblages
of the electors and non-electors of Middlesex, it will at
once be seen that to speak so often and at so many different
places during the two days of the election, as he had occa-
sion to do, was no easy task. All circumstances considered,
the mental exertion and bodily fatigue which Mr. Hume
underwent at the last election for Middlesex, were such as
might have shaken the nerves of the strongest minded man,
and tried the most Herculean constitution. It is no wonder,
therefore, if he should have shrunk back at the bare con-
templation of other two such days
I have said that in person Mr. Hume is of a stout and
firm make. He is short-necked, and his head is one of the
largest I have seen. , His hair, which is dark brown, mixed
with grey, is always long and busby ; his face is fat and
round, and his complexion has that rough yet healthy-like
aspect which is so common among gentlemen farmers. He
is beginning to get slightly furrowed with wrinkles. The
impression which Mr. Hume's physiognomy invariably
creates in the mind of a stranger, is that of a man of strong
nerves and great determination of purpose. This is exactly
his character. He is quite impervious to ridicule or sar-
casm. He cares not what quantity of abuse—however
virulent in quality—may be heaped on him. All the ridi-
cule, nay, all the calumny in the world, will not divert him
from his purpose, if satisfied in his own mind it is a com-
mendable one. And as it is impossible for his enemies to
force or frighten him out of any course he intends to pursue,
so, in the infinite majority of cases, it is a most difficult
matter for his friends to persuade him from it. There is
not a man of purer motives or greater integrity in the
House ; but his self-willed disposition has occasionally done
mischief to the cause he has so much at heart, and in more
than one instance perilled its success—at least for a time—
altogether. While giving him the fullest credit for un-
bounded zeal in the cause of the people, and for the purity
of his intentions, it must be clear to every reflecting per-
son, that bad be persisted in bringing forward either of the
motions of which he gave notice soon after the beginning of

last session—a vote of want of confidence in the Peel
Ministry, or for stepping the supplies—the effect would
most certainly have been to defeat the objects of his own
party. It was with the greatest difficulty, and not without
the most urgent solicitation from the most influential men
of all classes of Reformers, that he was prevailed on to re-
linquish his intention. I know of no man who has more
improved as a speaker than Mr. Hume. He is a striking
instance of what may be accomplished in this way by mere
dint of perseverance. When he first entered Parliament,
which was in 1818 or 1819—I do not recollect which—he
was one of the worst speakers in the .House. •He not only
stammered at every fourth or fifth sentence, but his lan-
guage was in the worst possible taste. It often outraged
not only all the acknowledged principles of English gram-
mar, but his sentences were often left unfinished. Now,
however, without any pretensions to beinc, a first-rate
speaker, Mr. Hume acquits himself, when addressing the
House, in a highly creditable manner. He speaks with
much ease, and always expresses his thoughts with great
clearness and propriety ; often with considerable vigour bf
language. His style is not polished or flowery. Though
celebrated all the world over for his love of figures of arith-
metic, I never yet knew him use a figure of rhetoric in any of
the innumerable speeches I have heard him make.. On the
other hand, I may state, that I scarcely ever knew him
make a speech of any length, into which he did not intro-
duce a greater or less number of arithmetical figures. He
takes a pounds, shillings, and pence view of almost every
subject.
Mr. Hume's voice is strong and clear ; its tones have
occasionally something musical about them. If, instead of
allowing himself to fall into a monotonous way of
speaking, he had carefully cultivated the natural capabi-
lities of his voice, so as to modulate it according to the
subject, I am satisfied he would have been a much more
effective speaker than he is.
His gesticulation cannot be said to be graceful ; neither
is it awkward. When he intends making a speech of some
length, he carefully lays his hat, which is always full of
papers, on the seat close to the spot on which he was sit-
ting, and exhibits, as he rises, one or more Parliamentary
Papers, most probably connected with the " estimates,"
rolled up and firmly grasped by his right hand. With these
papers, so closely rolled up as to have the appearance of a
solid piece of matter, he often, in the course of his speech,
strikes the palm of his left hand with sonic force. If he
is sa,ing, or imagines he is saying, something particularly
good, he stretches out his right arm to its full length, and
whirls the roll of paper with considerable energy in the air.
When he intends to be brief in his addresses to the House,
he does not trouble himself about the locality of his hat,
and seldom takes any papers in his band, unless he intends
to read something to the House, when he uses an eye-
glass. His gesture on such occasions chiefly consists in
gently raising and lowering both his arms at the same time,
very much in the way a person working at a double-handed
saw does. When lie rises again, to give an explanation of
a personal nature, Mr. Hume always puts his hat under
his left arm, that part of it into which his head goes front-
ing honourable members on the other side of the House.
In such cases he . uses no gesture at all ; he stands stock
still. H. 8., the celebrated political caricaturist, (rave a
most graphic sketch of him with his hat under his left
arm, as explaining, when called on for that purpose by
Sir Robert I'eel, in April last, what he meant when he
charged Sir Robert with acting dishonourably in the course
he was then pursuing.
In almost all Mr. Hume's low-, speeches, he repeatedly
intimates that he is about to conclude long before he does
so ; sometimes, perhaps, before he has got half through his
address. The only symptom that can be depended on of
his being about to resume his seat, is that of his givincr
glance to his hat. He always concludes in two or three
sentences sentences after he has done that .
I think I am within the mark when I say, that Mr. Hume
speaks more in the course of a session than any other three
members put together. He takes part in almost every
discussion that arises in the House ; and when the House
is in Committee, and he has the right of speaking as often
as he pleases, he addresses it with a frequency which would
appear incredible to those who have not witnessed it.. On
one occasion, in May last, when the Miscellaneous Esti-
mates were under consideration, he spoke no fewer than
forty times in one night.
He is not a man of very superior talents ; but. every
thing he says is characterized by strong good sense. If he
never gives utterance to any thing brilliant, he never de-
scends below mediocrity. He is well-informed on matters
of general polities. His memory is very tenacious.
He is of an easy and agreeable temper. I neve': yet
knew him, notwithstanding the loads of the coarsest per-
sonal abuse I have seen heaped on him, lose his temper.
He acts on the scriptural rule of not rendering evn for
evil, or returning railing for railing. It is principhs and
measures, not persons, that he attacks. He has been of
great service in advancing the popular cause. His zeal and
exertions on behalf of that cause are almost as great out
of the House as in it. Nothing but the most robust con-
stitution could have stood the labours and fatigues he has
undergone in the cause of civil and religious libei.ty. In
his dress Mr. Hume is always plain. He usually wears a
blue coat. During last session, he chiefly wore a tartan
waistcoat and light-coloured cassitnere trowsers. Ilis waist
coat is always double-breasted, and is usually close but,
toned up to his chin. lie is in his fifty-eighth year ; butt
from his healthy appearance and strong constitution—tbu,!.
more surprising as he resided for many years in India- -
joined to his temperate habits, there is every reason to 1r
,e,.
lieve that he may live for a long period to come.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

- The constabulary force of Ireland has been de-
servedly the object of repeated and severe censure.
The manner in which it has been perverted from its

original design to effect the purposes of local oppres-
Fors, and sustain the tyranny of a merciless faction,
has rendered it hateful to the people, and in nume-
rous instances detrimental to public order and tran-
quillity. But the institution, in its abstract prin-
ciple, contains the elements of much good—and
if it were fairly and honestly worked, might be ren-
dered most beneficial, and, consequently, most ac-

he was not engaged in delivering seditious speeches—
was employed in writing letters of rank . abuse against
Lord Duncannon and the rest of the " paint and
_

I?_tt; " Cabinet, for which the Agitator could assign
no better reason than that the said Cabinet had not

yet screwed up its courage to the enormity of distri-
buting all the Government patronage among O'Con-
nell's own creatures, the pledged partisans of Repeal of
the Union, and enemies of the British Crown. How
comes it that in April, 1835, the very same Ministers
have the benefit of his ostentatious protection, when in
September, 1834, he had covered them with the most
outrageous and contemptuous insults ? Has O'Con-
nell been more propitiated towards the maintenance
of our Protestant institutions—to the existence of the
Church of Ireland, or to the union with Great Britain
(Death's-heads and cross-bones for that I) ; or is it
not because the Melbournes, Duncannons, and Lords
', John Russell have now agreed to their subversion
Look, accordingly, at the disposal of offices this year,
as compared with the last. Look at the shoal of
Irishry—we do not mean Irishry of birth, but of
politics—which have invaded the public offices since
this second advent of Lord Melbourne—this millen-
nium of the priesthood. Look at the eager, the fe-
verish adoption, by the Ministers of April,- 1835, of
that very principle which they rejected in the autumn
of 1834, as being an unjustifiable overture of hostility
towards the Protestant Church ; reflect again upon the
nature of that most atrocious Bill, which, under the
name of Irish Municipal Reform, was to have destroyed
the last vestige of Protestant independence throughout
Ireland. To be sure, according to custom, a plausible
abstraction is pressed into the service of Popery, and
The title of " popular " suffrage has been affixed to a
gross prostitution and perversion of the municipal fran-
chise, whereby every occupant of a dwelling
_ valued at
51. per annum has the privilege to vote. But as such
voters would be in ninety-nine cases of every hundred
Roman Catholics, it is easy to seefrom.the bondage of
the 101. electors for counties to their uriests, what sort
of havoc would be made by those Rev. persons
amongst the five voters for city or borough counsel-
lors. Of this measure, as we have said, the sole pur-
pose was, under the name of liberty, to place the heel
of the priest upon the neck of every Irish corporation,
and, under the vague and fraudulent pretext of
pious equality, to subject the whole Protestant interest
of Ireland to the intolerable tyranny of a priest-ridden
rabble. Now, if it be acknowledged that the more re-
volutionary proceedings of the mock 'Whig Cabinet this
year, as compared with the last, have been accompanied
by a total change in the party polities of Mr. O'Con-
nell also, who from the bitter persecutor of the Mel-
bourne clique, has metamorphosed himself into
their protector, we ask any man with the least spark
of common sense, whether he sees in such counter-
marches on both sides nothing but simple, accidental,
coincidence, and not the unquestionable relation of
cause and effect—in other words, a coarse and unprin-
cipied traffic, by which the Whigs barter away the
„.'s Irish crown, and - the Protestant people's
riles, for a twelvemonth's lodging in Downing-street,

ceptable to 'those who now regard it with abhorrence.
In the present state of society, and we fear for
some years to come, a degree of restraint and vi-
gilance, superior to that of a merely civil power,
will be requisite - for the preservation of the public
peace. This admission, which we make with some
reluctance, is less derogatory to the people who require
to be controlled, than to those who by harshness and
injustice have brought them to that condition. But
of its truth there can scarcely be a doubt. As long as
houseless misery continues to be the lot of one million
and upwards of her population, and insecurity as to
any abiding home that of twice as many besides-
-while landlords, deaf to the cries of nature, sternly
persist in doing " as they will with their own"—while
ignorance prevails (amongst the gentry as well as
amongst the poor), and its concomitant improvidence,
intemperance; and feuds survive, Ireland will not bow her
neck to the staff of the parish constable. She will require
to be held with a strong, but, as far as Circumstances
will allow, with a gentle, a forbearing, and a kind
hand. The police institution, if it could- be separated,
and kept apart from partial influences and local objects,
contains a provision of mingled protection and restraint
which is extremely well suited to the present condition
of Ireland. It is stronger and more eXective—and it
is necessary that it should be so—than the posse cowl-
lotus which, in ordinary cases, is found sufficient in
our rural districts ; and it approaches more nearly to-a
constitutional power than any other description of
armed force that could be employed. Its machinery is
excellent ; but the bad purposes to which, in corrupt
and unworthy hands, it has been turned, con=stitute the
main ground of popular dissatisfaction and distrust. If
it had not been abused, and made subservient to the
private and political views of itidividuals, or the ob-
jects of a party ; and if persons in its subordinate
offices had not been _ countenanced and supported in
violent conduct and insolent demeanour towards the
people, men of all ranks, who are solicitous for the
rights of property, and of personal freedom and se-
curity, would expect from such an establishment an
effectual protection for those interests. They may
expect it yet, when they see the institution re.-
formed and ,placed under an amended system of
management. Already a great improvement is mani-
fest.; and we shall look with confidence for the signs
and proofs . of its continual progress, as long as Lord
Mulgrave's spirit and juk;ment, and Lord korpeth's
abilities and moderation, are engaged to carry the 7

united and irit into ei-„ecution.
Chief Secretary for L,
sion for the ' I,stablishnlent on a
better foundatin. It pas the I-louse of Commons ;
but the Ulmer Humse it out; and one of the objec-
tions stated aiy.iinst it was. that it contained a clause
for detaching the police from any connection with
secret or political societies. An' oath was to he taken
by every per:,.on in the service, declaring that he did
not then; nor would, belong to, any association of that
character. It was a, perfectly fair and very mild pro-
vision ; for it did not propose to go back into the his-
tory of any man's past connections, but merely to re-
strict him with regard to the present and th
It obliged those who might be Orangemen or Ribbon-
men, at the passing of that Bill, to renounce such
confederacie•;, andkeep themelves disengaged for the
future. Whether the Lords saw, in this particular
clause, the seeds of a system at variance with their no-
tions of subjugating the wild Irish, or that they took
offence at other parts of the Bill, they threw it out; and,
Orangemen or Itibbonnicn, sic Dii volui;,re, may still
abound in the ranks of the armed constabulary force of
Ireland, for any means that
Vernment.for detecting and removing them. The nurg
of the police, therefore, of factious partisans and =icon-
. tents, is not so easily practicable as it would have
,-.been, had the -House of Lords suffered the test pro-
.eposed in Lord Morpeth's Bill to be adopted. But the
Irish Government is—not altogether passive under

The No Me
t 'a nn
.a ll Ist F)0:3-

future.

be

and an apportionment of Cabinet salaries, amountinc,
in the whole, perhaps, to some 10,0001. or 50,0001,
That is the true complexion of the
r,,; well as reliious, and added

per annum ?

matter.

Civil liberty

o both the empire itself, is sold ;
O'Connell is the
purchaser, the Whigs are vendors, of the purloined
inheritance of the British nation. And let us here be.
clearly understood ..as addressing ourselves not to- the
hieliest order of minds, or of human motives, but
studiously keeping the religious view of the question—
we mean the contrast between rational faith and
Andiously and rigorously out of sight.
It is to the upright and intelligent. men of this world
that -we appeal, the men who value their rights as citi-
zens, and who stand up for freedom of ward and action
in what concerns mere political interests. It is such
men that we urge, by all the gravest considerations
that can influence them; to watch over the temporal
well-being of themselves, their neighbours, and their
children's children. It is such men that we' earnestly
conjure to guard against the political system of the
Irish Papists. It is one of despotism ; it is one of
confiscation ; it is one of vengeance ; it is one of per-
fidy. Well are we reminded by our correspondents,
fio:n day to day, that there is no trust to be reposed
in the most solemn assunances of factious' Papists,
wlicther they be ecclesiastics or in the garb of laymen.
The extracts made three or four, days since from the
evidence of Messrs. O'Connell and Sheil in 1825,
when they were closely questioned by .a Committee of
the House of Commons as to the effect of emancipa-
tion in tranquillizing the country,. and their repeated
and anxious protestations, that it Would he impossible
to rouse a spirit of disaffection in Ireland afterwards—
the echo of the same testimony by the Popish
Bishops who were examined at the- sanie time, and
their circular letters immediately after the actual grant
of the Catholic Eill,--4hese things are not merely
shocking to the Protestant love of truth, and to
the sense of honour and morality, but they are more
useful still, as warnings to us for the future. Emanci-
pation was to be a peacemaker—it has failed ;
Church Reform was to be . a peacemaker—it has also
failed e they already threaten us, and the menace is
not an empty Dne, with the extinction of the Church ;
that again will fail ; there must be separation from
Greatßritain—that too will fail, until it shall accom-
plish a political establishment of Popery, as supreme
over all other .creeds—ay, and over all " mhgistracics,
principalities, and powers." Next comes a resumption
of , forfeited lands, as well Ecclesiastical as what
had once belonged to Papists ; and, to crown all, an
expatriation of every Protestant who shall have escaped
a repetition of the classic butcheries of 1641 and
1798. Mind, we speak of Popery in its worldly and
political aspect. The most atrocious fraud that ever
was practiced is the attempt to foist itself into an alli-
ance with Constitutional freedom. It is plain, from
the voluminous evidence which we have so often quoted,
what sort of respect is shown by the priestly bullies for
the rights of conscience, and for the civil privileges of
their parishioners. How would Englishmen endure
such grinding and disgusting despotism ?—one
wherein every priest exhibits himself a Nicholas, and
treats every layman like a Pole ? Yet these are the
favoured instruments and acknowledged allies of the
King of England's Ministers—these, the guardians of
civil equality, and .religions peace in Ireland—these,
unhappily, are indeed the rulers of a Protestant realm,
and the dispensers both of justice and of favour, so
long as the miserable faction in this country which
leans upon them for support shall be left in the enjoy-
ment of that shadow of authority of which the subv•
stance is in the hands of O'Connell and his Council
of Ecclesiastics, but of which the name is alike dis-
graced by its nominal and itsactual possessors.— Times.
We have seen a paper published by a Mr. Beau-
mont, which contains a correspondence between that
gentleman and the Foreign Office, respecting the con
finement of his brother in the prison of St. Pelagic.
It appears from this correspondence, that Mr. Arthur
James Beaumont has been confined, under circum-
stances of extraordinary rigour, --for the space of nine-
teen months, without having been tried, and, conse-
quently, without having been convicted of any offence.
His health has been gradually sinking under this
treatment, and, according to the account of his brother,
consumption has already commenced its ravages upon
his constitution. Unless something be done to miti-
gate the rigour of his confinement,- his life is, in the
opinion of competent judges, likely to fall a sacrifice
to the system which prevails under the Government
of the Citizen-King. The precise nature of the
charge against Mr. Beaumont does not seem to be
very accurately known—at least it is not very accu-
rately described by our Minister, for Foreign Affairs,
the following general terms. containing the only de-
scription given of it in the correspondence to which
we refer :—" It appears that the French Government
thought fit to arrest your brother in consequence of
his being charged with being concerned in plots having
for their obj,,ct the subversion of the existing Govern-
ment." But whatever the charge may be, there is
something so abhorrent to humanity in the idea of
putting a man to death by mere rigour,. without trial,
that we hope the publicity which the case will acquire
through the .exertions which Mr. Beaumont is now
making in this country will prevent such a catastrophe
from taking place. It need scarcely be impressed upon
our Ambassador at the Court•of France, that every
step should 'be taken to procure a relaxation of the se-

Imerstition—:

n to the Go-

their Lordships'
:interdict. When it can discover a
partisanof either faction, he is instantly removed, and
...the people's arms are taken out of his hands. Ai-
'though. the House of Lords would not pass a law. to
"Make it impossible for the members of an illegal so-
ciety jo continue in the police, the Government is
determined to give full effect, in every case which
may, come to its knowledge, to the spirit of that law.
When the affiliated member of a secret society is de-
. teeted in the police, he is uniformly to be removed :
and this determination being known in the service,
has ali'eady been productive of very salutary effects.
An example of this was made last Week in
lEathcormac, of all places-in Ireland the most proper
for showing to the people that they are riot to be ruled
henceforth by Orange bayonets. A sub-constable was
"found to have in his possession a summons to attend
a• monthly meeting of his lodge, " The Southern
Derry Lodge, No. 658." The meeting was held some
time ago in Bandon, the high quarters of Orangeism
in the south of Ireland, where the map was then sta-
tioned. Very probably he had been initiated there
under the auspices of the local Grand Master, the
Earl of Bandon, who, as we yesterday: stated, is
elected to be one of the Representative Peers of
Ireland, and who, in his capacity of a resident
Magistrate and Deputy-Lieutenant of the County,
may, without any breach of charity, be supposed
to use a considerable political influence over the
police in his immediate jurisdiction. We pray our
readers to keep -this circumstance in mind :
the summons reqUired the policeman to attend a
meeting of the Bandon Lodge, whereof the Earl of
Bandon is the Grand Master. Inquiry having been
made, it was found that the man was still an Orange-
man, nor had evinced the slightest disposition to dis-
connect himself with that Society ; and he has ac-
. cordingly been dismissed. We cannot too warmly
applaud the prompt and vigorous conduct of Lord
Mulgrave's Government on this and similar oceasions.
It must lead to much good. But we hope to see a
measure of equal justice dispensed to the Grand Mas-
ter of.the Lodge into which that wretched creature had
been inveigled. Lord Mulgrave has gone a good way
towards wiping away the stigma which a Tory Lord
imprinted upon the character of Irish justice, that they
have in that country "one law for the rich and ano-
ther for the poor." We think the case which Lord
• Bandon has made against himself, to which we yes-
terday adverted, leaves the way very clear for the Lord
Lieutenant, nor can we permit ourselves to doubt that
he will see his way to walk in it "right on," as he is
vont to walk.—Morning Chronicle.
From many quarters of this country, and from per
sons who, until the eyes of their understandings were
painfully opened, had been zealous supporters of that
Government of which O'Connell is the head, but of
which the clerks and journeymen take up their abode
Downing-street,—from such persons, not long since
:habitual advocates and followers of the Whig party,
before it had sunk into a sordid and despicable faction,
we have received very strong and numerous disavowals
of all further confidence in the present Administration,
:,and of determined resistance to its revolutionary
sc::lemes. If there were no other ground of reliance
on the fact here deposed to than the honour of
such informants, that alone would be sufficient for
-cur own satisfaction„that the apparently smooth course
of national acquiescence in those ruinous projects
-which have been forced upon the Melbourne Cabinet,
4..,.-:the conditions of its retaining office, has received a
fatal shock, arid will be superseded, promptly too, by
symptpws of di7trust and defection. For the present,
.on that poet we shall say no more. The few sceptics
onehin,g,- the existence of a league, offensive and defen-
between O'Connell and the so-called Prime Mi-
*er and his colleagues, are far outnumbered by the
Xiypoerites who make a pretence of doubting it, and a
;trade of defending their feigned incredulity by false-
Loods,,;!Ent the fact speaks for itself. Last year
Oleimnell's whole leisure time—that is to say, while

TILE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 20, 1835.

verity complained of, not merely because it is opposed
to our English notions of justice, but because it vio-
lates those feelings of humanity which are common to
all Christian countries. No Government, even pre-
tending to be influenced by public opinion, can refuse
to listen to remonstrances so obviousty just as these,
which may be, and ought to be, and, we trust we may
add, will be, urged by the representative of our Go-
vernment abroad against the barbarity of killing a man
by the slow torture of an imprisonment too severe for
his constitution to survive. We hope we shall not
have to taunt the French Government and its admirers
hereafter with the premature death of Mr. Beaumont,
under circumstances which, whether warranted by the
strict letter of the law or not, must be denounced by
the general voice of mankind as cruel, arbitrary, and
inhuman.—Morning Herald.