The Sun.
London, England, 1866-10-15 00:00:00

ARRIVAL OF PASSENGERS,

BY THE CHINA, AT LIVERPOOL, 'OCT. 6.—Mr. H. Hart;
Mr. J. Hart, Mr. A. gtraws, Mr. W. Keiffer, Mr. and Mrs.
Stevenson and infant, Miss Law, Mr. T. Thompson, Mr.
W. J. Wescott, Mr. Hayman, Mr B. Gunner, Mr. and Mrs.
F. A. Leigh, Mr. W. H. Whitin, Mr. A. F. Whitin, Misses
Richardson (two), Miss F. J. M'Leod, Miss Laura Chapin,
Mr. A. Henderson, Mr. R. H. Stevenson, Mr. T. C. Pitt,
Mrs. Witson, Miss Proett, Mr. Charles Dix, Mr. J. A.
Mitchell, Mr. M. Rigo, Mr. G. Tatham, Dr. J. Layas and
wife, Mr. J. A. Echeverria, Mr. J. Warren and wife,-Miss
M. L. Warren, Miss Spooner and servant, Mr. W. W.
Kendall, Mr. G. Berkeley, Miss Oldershaw, Mr. W. T.
Savage and wife, Mrs. Cady, Mr. E. T. Musick, Mr.
Suligman, Mr. L. L. Baker, Mrs Pierce, two children, and
servant ; Mr. and Mrs. D. Anglis, Mr. J. H. Hollister, Mr.
E. Bellamy, Mr. J. L. Chapin, Mr. G. Haywood, Mr.
Roskell, Mr. Coster, Mr. Schleghimleh, Mr. Floyd, Mr.
Forester, Mr. Jackson, Mr. J. R. de Wolf, wife, and son ;
Miss de Wolf, Rev. P. M‘Clean, Mr. Anderson and wife,
Rev. D. Greatoreux, Miss Ridley, Mr. A. F. Osborne, Mr.
Fitzgerald, Mrs. Miller and daughter, Mr. M. de Faris, Mr.
Raper, Mr. James Pitts, Captain Noble, Miss Bell, and one
consular passenger.
BY TIIE EDINBURGH, AT LIVERPOOL, OCT. 1.-Mr. J.
Pock, Miss Dunn, Mr. J. H. Pickard, Mr. J. 11. Coaters,
Mr. J. B. Morris, Miss M. M'Cluskey, Mr. W. H. Wioner,
and Mr. J. Ileuson.

The Union League Club of New York.

-

ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT-JUNE 23, 1866.

,
The Honourable John Jay from Paris has penned this
noble address to the Great Union League Club, on resign-

ing the post of President, to which he had been elected a
few months before. Mr. Jay, on finding that ho would be
absent from New York for a more lengthened period than
he expected, considered it right to resign a post whose
duties he was thus unable to fulfil. The gentlemen of the
club will have cause for deep regret that a name will be
removed from the head of their institution, identified in
the contest between freedom and slavery that for 30 years
has convulsed the States—a name, too, associated with
America's proudest annals, and inscribed on the greatest
document to which it has ever been the good fortune of
man to affix his signature. We need not tell our American
readers that the author of this address is the grandson of
the great American patriot. It has been the happy lot of
some of these founders of families to transmit to their
children not only the inheritance of a glorious name, but
the same principles on which they built up their structure
of renown, and the same abilities by which they accom-
plished the work.
The pamphlet before us is a broad exposition of the
policy of the Union League Club. It summarises in a few
paragraphs the history of the institution. The necessities
out of which it grew—the character, influence, and duties
of the club, are told by a clear brain and a practised pen. In-
deed, to the Union League Club is due, under the blessing of
Providence, the first great and decided stand taken against
the Southern Rebellion. At the moment when the plans
of the rebel leaders were ripe for open declaration, the
North, which had slept on in a dream of confidence and
peace, awoke to the fact that the country had been be-
trayed in the highest places and by those to whom it had
confided the greatest trusts. "At length came the traitor's
hour, and the blow was struck, and the Democratic Admi-
nistration, whose members, sworn to protect the country,
held their seats and drew their pay from the Treasury of
the people they were betraying, played so effectively into
the hands of the rebels that on the 4th March, 1861, the
work of national disintegration was far advanced ; and of
the perfect Union entrusted to Mr. Buchanan by a too con-
fident nation he relinquished to his successor what his
partisans believed and hoped would prove but the dis-
jointed fragments of our great republic. The Treasury
empty, forts, arsenals, navy-yards surrendered, arms and
ammunition stolen and dispersed, our little navy scattered
and disabled, our army officers in part demoralised, and
treachery lurking in every department of the Government.
The world has no record of so widespread and desperate a
wreck of public integrity and private honour. Insurrec-
tions and rebellions abound in sacred and profane history,
but the treachery of our last Democratic Administration to-
wards the American people stands among them unapproach-
able in infamy. The darkest picture of the brutalising in-
fluences of slavery, even that drawn by Jefferson himself,
have been exceeded in blackness by the conduct of those
who call themselves his disciples.- Their wanton outrages
on the rights and feelings of the blacks had taught them
to trample with a like indifference on the rights and feel-
ings of their white countrymen. Denying first the claims
of humanity and justice, they gradually reached the point
occupied by the traitors in the Cabinet and the Senate,
who discarded alike honour and shame, who retained their
seats to complete their treason, and laughed to scorn their
oaths to protect the American Constitution."
Such was the position of the country ; but the difficul-
ties before the astounded people did not end here. The
opportunity was the one of all others long looked and
hoped for by the aristocratic classes of Europe. The col-
lapse of the great source whence emanated the doctrines
which were confounding Toryism in the Old World was
hailed with open joyby the oligarchies of Europe, and every
aid the great and ruling parties could command was
brought to bear in defence of this most traitorous and un-
justifiable uprising against the rights of man. It was a
moment of desperate peril—perhaps the greatest to which
the cause of freedom had ever been subjected.
" The aristocratic Governments and ruling classes of
Europe, and the moneyed Kings on whom they rely, had
long looked with a dislike, latterly intensified by fear,
upon the growing prosperity of our country, and, rightly
attributing that prosperity to our national uuity they had
long desired and, indeed, predicted, that our nationality
would be destroyed by dissensions among ow selves.
During the Rebellion it seemed as if, for the execution
of their designs against the honour and integrity of the
country, they had found convenient and skilful tools
among the Northern Democracy to assist the rebels in their
work by hampering the national power and depreciating
the national credit. We have sometimes wondered at the
strange belief prevalent in Europe in our demoralisation as
a people, their undisguised contempt for the citizens of the
North, their exaggerated ideas of the power of the South,
and their confidence in our early dissolution ; but why
should they not have deemed their day of triumph near
when they saw prominent Democrats at Now York giving
aid and comfort to the rebels at Richmond; when they
learned that these same gentlemen, intreigiog against their
own Government, had besought from Lord Lyon foreign
intervention; when they saw the once national Democratic
party betraying the country in time of war, and beheld
their national committee, that formerly swore by Jefferson
and Jackson, led by an eminent foreign banker, late the