The Sun.
London, England, 1832-03-15 00:00:00

DEPARTURES.

Lord Gormanston and family, from the Brunswick Hotel,
Hanover-square, for the Continent; the Countess of Almne,
for her seat Seven Oaks, Kent; I'. Stratton, Esq., from the
British Hotel, Jermyn.street, fur Southampton ; Mr. and Mrs.
Donaldson, from the Brunswick Hotel, Jermyn-street, for
Dorsetshire ; Mr. and Mrs. F. Buxton, from Dover-street, for
Norfolk.

The Bishop of London has sent a circular to
his clergy, recommending them to make collections in their
different churches on the 21st inst. ;the general Fast-day) for the
poor; and to remit any surplus after meeting the immediate
wants of the parish, to London. for the relief of the mcte die,
tressed districts of the metropolis.

The Rev. Dr. Allen, Rector of Battersea, is
to preach before the House of Commons on the day of the ge-
neral fast, at St. Margaret's Westminster.
The Rev. Mr. Pitman, whose enlightened and
persuasive eloquence has for the long period of twenty yearr,
adorned his sacred profession in his capacity of evening
preacher at the chapel of the Foundling 'Hospital, will take
leave of the Governors of that noble institution on Sunday
evening next.
Yesterday a Court of Directors was held at
the East India House, when the following Commanders took
leave of the Court previous to departing for their respective
destinations, viz.:—Captain Andrew F. Proctor, Windsor, for
St. Helena, Prince of Wales Island, Singapore,.and China; and
Captain Timothy Smith, London, China direct.
EAST INDIA SHIPPING.—HOII. Compa-
ny's ship Thames, Captain Forbes (all well; off Portland the
13th of March, left China, the 18th of November, 1831 ; Java
Head, the sth of December ; St. Helena, the 25tn of January,
1832. The Vansittart sailed from St. Helena eight hours before
the Thames. The Repulse and Duke of Sussex were to sail
the same day. The Lady Melville and Farquharson, which
were dispatched from China at the same time as the above four
ships, had not arrived at St. Helena when the Thames left. The
Atlas, from the Mauritius ; Vesper, from Bombay ; Meta, front
London ; and Francis Charlotte, from Madras, had arrived at
St. Helena..-
Previously to the adjournment of the Com-
mons yesterday morning, a petition was presented from Richard
Gurney, Esq., complaining of an undue return having been
made at the recent election for the borough of Tregony. The
House ordered that a ballot take place for a Committee to try
the merits of such petition on the 3d of Alen.
In consequence of the langtia,:.e used by Co-
lonel Conolly to Mr. H. Grattan, on Tuesday night, in the
House of Commons, the latter gentleman felt himself bound to
demand an explanation, and sent his friend, Sir John Byng, to
wait on Colonel Conolly. The explanation demanded was
given, and the only difficulty that remained was, whether it
should be given in the House. Sir John Byng and Sir G.
Murray agreed that the public explanation, or rather retrac-
tion, was not demanded by the circumstances of the ease,
and there the matter terminated.—Freeman's Journ4' of
Saturday.
It appears to us useful to suspend, at least
for a day or two, all further discussion upon the necessity of
creating Peers. If Lord Grey be not alive to that necessity,
the evil is now hopeless of cure. If he be, we leave the Noble
Lord to his responsibility,—a responsibility the most fearful
that ever was borne by statesman,—and shall be the first to bail
the vigorous discharge of his duty, as we have been the first to
remonstrate with his Lordship on what has appeared to us a rea-
sonable ground for apprehending the neglect of it. As for any
desire to depreciate Lord Grey in the estimation of his. political
friends, or of Reformers generally, the charge is preposterow
and idle, unless it can be plausibly urged by any man that we
are ourselves not zealous for the success of a Ministry Which
must stand or perish with the cause of Reform, and of which the
good or ill fortune is in a great degree dependent upon the re-
putation of its Chief. It is for the partisans of Toryism to let
Lord Grey glide smoothly down the path to destruction, with-
out raising an anxious voice or stretching out a hand to save
him ; for if Peers should not be made in time, who, let us ask,
will be the gainers y—Timcs. •
It is said that the different Political Unions
of London mean to distribute meat on the fast day to the poor.
in order to change the day into a feast, and then to march, in
four divisions, from the place of union (Finsbury-square:, and
dine at four outlets of the town. This nia3 be, though those
who have any apprehension of the cholera morbus may not like
to partake of their hospitality.

„
I.IIIURY-LANE THEATRE.—There. was a
musical entertainment at this house last night, consisting of a.
very miscellaneous collection of ancient and modern, sacred and
profane, melancholy and gay compositions, from the most po-
pular authors. Amongst the vocalists Mrs. Wood was not—her
place being supplied by Madame Stockhausen, who sang with
great applause, and an encore, Handel's ” Let we wander not
unseen." De Begnis was added to the force of the Gentlemen,
and he was wanted, as Phillips disappeared after singing the first
air of the selection. De Begnis gave " Largo al Factotum "
with his usual grimace and broad humour. In the course of
the evening Mr. Paganini Collins's young son, Viotti Collins, a
boy of some 10 years, performed variations on the violin remark.
ably well, considering his petticoats.
Mr Kean's servants have returned to Rich-
mond, and are preparing his house, which is attached to the
theatre, fur his reception. He is expected in the course of
the week.

-••--.
In the case of Miss Fanny Kemble's new
Tragedy of Francis the First the usual order of things is
reversed, for it is reviewed first, then published, and last of all
acted. Added to which, on reference to the advertising part of
the Quarterly Review, it will be seen that it is advertised with
extracts from a critique which had not appeared.
A meeting was held yesterday at Covent=
garden Theatre, to take into consideration the propriety of
lowering the performers' salaries.
MRS. AND MR. WOOD.-These celebrated
vocalists made their engagement with the proprietors of Drury.
lane Theatre to play in first pieces only, and to receive for
their services 60!. sterling per week. All theatrical persons
are paid for each night's performance, consequently during
Lent Mrs. and Mr. W. were only entitled to 401. per week.
On that sum being tendered by the Treasurer, they objected;
01 serving, if the management insisted, they would discontinue
their performances in The Demon, as they were not bound to
appear in an afterpiece. To meet this difficulty the manage-
ment have been compelled to play the opera as a first, and
The Rent Day, which was really drawing money, as an after.
piece.
The theatrical observance of Lent is fast be-
coming obsolete. Drury-lane, Covent-garden, Sadler's Wells,
the Adelphi, and the Olympic, are still orthodox; but the Co
burg, City, Queen's, Garrick, and Pavilion Theatres keep opeti
with their usual performances. The Coburg set the example of
acting in Lent, and the others have only borrowed the idea.
The Opera management, it is said, have pur-
chased a peal of bells, expressly to ring a triple Bob major in
" Robert the Devil."

It was observed by a rigid time keepe that
in Paganini's Concert last week at Winchester, his own per.
formance, for which he received 2001. only occupied twenty.
eight minutes. A vehement encore had not the slightest effect
upon the Signor.
In the last Term the 15 Judges of England
promulgated 110 new orders to regulate the practice of the su..
perior Courts. The 110th is the following :—" Where apauper
omits to proceed to trial pursuant to notice, or an undertaking,
he may be called upon by a rule to chow cause why he should
not pay the costs."
Under the title of the Cerde Europeen, a
kind of casino has been established at Paris, to which ladies wilt
have the entree, and which will form a rendezvous for artiste'
and strangers of distinction.

An eminent writer in the kind of literature
which he has cultivated, an excellent man, and a gentleman,
who is also a Member of Parliament, has, we learn from a
correspondent, been black-balled at the Union Club, by a.
variety of old placemen awl others of the Charles-street gang,
because he is a Reformer' We cannot render the act undone,
but it is unquestionable that they are dirty fellows who did it ;
and therefore the sufferer will care but little for their success-
ful malice.—Tirncs.
CLEY.—A set of fanatics have lately held
frequent meetings in the neighbourhood of Cley, which, on
some occasions, have been the scene of the most extraordinary
exhibitions. The elect pretend to fall into a kind of trance, in
which state they remain for a considerable length of time, and,
when they awake from it, they delude their misguided fol.
lowers by a history of the celestial visions with which they hate
been blessed. At some of these meetings, we are told, the
most absurd extravagancies and vehement ejaculations have
been made, equally repugnant to common sense and to the
practice of true religion.—Norfolk Herald.
Between eight and nine o'clock on Saturday
night last, a fire was discovered in the centre of Messrs. R. and
W. Hawthorn's, engine.builders, works, at the Forth Banks,
in Newcastle. It spread with great fury, and the whole of the.
premises were soon in an entire blase. The damage sustained.
is, we are sorry to hear, from 4,0001/to s,oool.—Tyssc Mereurg,
The new work by the author of " Bramble-
tye House," " Zillah," &c., is, it seems, to be entitled " Ro.
mance of the Early Ages," and is to consist of a series of Stork*
illustrative of ancient manners and events, and exhibiting, it)
the grand and startling superstitions of elder days, a source of
interest which has been left almost untouched by modern
novelists.

THE LX-QUEEN OF HOLLAND.—The che-
quered life and interesting character of this lady, the (laugh,"
of the exemplary Josephine, are now become a theme of
general interest through the publication of her 31emoits. These
Memoirs exhibit some curious disclosures, particularly in cola.
latlon to her marriage, and subsequent differences, with Louis
Bonaparte, the internal state of the Dukb Court tituing the
sway of her husband, the feelings and eonduct of her soother,
and her own more recent vicissitude,' under he le.. ; .1,!,.„ti,,
mime of the Diidie,s of Saint Let,

SPIRIT OF THE 'PLBLIC JOURNALS.

Tii the admitted want of capacity in our legis-
lature to invent, or in the absolute impossibility of
discovering with certainty, and realising with suc-
cess, any compreheesive plan for the relf of the
rural poor, or the profitable employment of egricul-
. tural labourers, numberless palliatives,' or topical ap-
plications have from time to time been proposed for
evils which are universally allowed, and which ex-
cite universal regret or alarm. Every Hon. Mem-
ber of the home of Commons, or Noble Peer in the
other House, who turns his mind to the subject,
has his own nostrum, which he thinks calculated
exactly to cure the malady falling under his own
observation, but never reflects on its consequences
to the general health of the patient, and never con-
, skiers that it may creates greater evils than it
cures. Hence our legislation on the subject of
the poor for the last 50 years has only been
- productive of mischief or mice y, and hence
probably a greater . benefit could not he con-
ferred on the country than by the erasure of all the
late nets on poor rates and pauperism from the
Statute Book. While laws are thus almost an-
nually enacted which would disgvaee the most igno-
rant or unphilosophical assembly in the world, the
Magistrates and parish authorities who administer
- them, contrive to ingraft their separate mischief on
the stock of their legislature. Herr-c, at the time
when the iabourere were too numerous for them to
• be put to profiable employment, and therefore re-
,sorted to the parish for assistance, they compelled
new marriages, in cases of bastardy, untie menaces
. of imprisonment, or encouraged them by offer of
eaid, even buying the marriage-ring for the needy
• labourers. Hence, by way of relieving the parish
from the burden of etepporting in idleness sae set
of- labourers with large families, they paid part
of the wages of their labour out of the poor
rates ; and thus, by rendering independent•
labour impossible in competition with labour
partly remunerated out of a charitable fund,
compelled all labourers to become paupers, and,
'by way, pf having their proper share of the
• fund, induced these paupers to early marriages to
iercrease its claimants. Hence, in most of the pa-
tithes of the South, they have been obliged to fix
ohe rate -of allowance just a little above the starving
pOint—a measure which, in the circumstances, must
determine the rate of wages ; and thes have con-
verted many fair portions of England into a West
•Itulia plantation, with their gang of slaves and
-their parish drivers, sometimes hired out by the day
-to farmers, and at others sent to the sand-pits or the
:hisr,hwaye,under task-masters. The confessed evils
of this system—though the produce of legislative
sblundersit is now difficult for the most skilful le-
egisletion to reach, to arrest, or to eradicate. The
• overseers or vestries of almost every parish in Eng-
land experience an impossibility of finding profitable
employment for all its poorer inhabitant s, and have
often to answer greater demands made on their
-funds by able-bodied labourers out of work, than
-:by the young, the aged, and infirm, who cannot be
'expected in any circumstances to toil for their bread.
',Whatever employment might be found for them
funder a different system of laws, or however much
'the population of the country may still fall short of
:the number of inhabitants whom it could maintain
'in happiness and comfort under a different manage-
,ment of its resources, it is quite certain that at pre-
sent, and in our existing social organization, no ex-
ertion of parochial or magisterial ingenuity has die-
•oovered the means of making all able-bodied labour-
ers provide for themselves, or of setting them to
'profitable occupation. The consequence is, that a
,greater revenue is levied and expended for the sup-
tport of the poor of England, than for half of our na-
tional establishments, civil, naval, and military—
:that upwards of 1,000,000, or 1,200,000 of persons
:conic upon the parish, who ought to be main-
tained out of the fruits of their own labour—
;that in some places the poor-rates amount to a
,sum nearly equal to the rent of the land- •and
:that nearly the whole of our agricultural labourers
are reduced to a state of degradation and destitution
;unheard of in former times or in other countries,—
. struggling against poverty and misery,—running a
We of fraud and falsehood against what they con-
-eeive to be injustice and oppression,—trying to en-
list the alarms of their superiors in their cause, or to
attract attention to their complaints by acts of in-
subordination and incendiarism,—boldly incurring
the penalties of imprisonment for transgressions of
the game laws, and increasing, by their darker
crimes, the victims of the scaffold, or the population
of our penal colonies. In the accounts of many pa-
rishes which we have seen, the sums expended for
the relielbf 'the young, the aged, the sick, and the
infirm,—the tejosiseif not the only, legitimate objects
of relief,—betirs'Uo proportion to the amount of the
fund raised for the support of able-bodied labourers
:who cannote-gased employment. The latter, to be
‘"-•
_sure, are not allowed to enjoy their pittance in
'idleness, but they are sent to work on roads which
require no repair, to toil in sand-pits where their
labour is equally unprofitable, and even, in some
cases mentioned be the Bishop of Bath and 'Wells,
to drag carts, which horses would have done better.
In toasty instances, they might as well have been
-setst.4o- Lord Castlereagh's operation of " digging
bales in the earth, and then filling them u? again."
'To remove or mitigate so monstrous an evil, taint-
ing or about to corrupt the whole agricultural pope-
Jetion of England, we have seen several attempts
at legislation, both in the last Session and in this.
The most recent essay of this kind which has come
under our notice is the Bill of Lord Kenyon, about
which a short conversation took place in the House
of Lords on Tuesday. We hare looked into his
-tordship'S Bill, which bears the tempting title of
" An Act for encouraging and facilitating the, em-
_ployment of labourers in agriculture," and can
-scarcely guess why it lays claim to so high and
:patriotic a destination. Its more appropriate
name would have. appeared to us to be, " A ge-
neral Inclostire Act, with a reservation of a por-
tion Of' -the„- Land for the Parson and the
Poor." it,ingett as well be called a " Tithe Act,"
because it Allots the 10th part of the proposed en-
closures to the Church, as an " agricultural la-
ehourere exi;pltsyment act," becau-e it allots the 10th
part of the said enclosures to the overseers of the
`poor. Is it not a measure of questionable policy to
-'enrich the proprietere of 'land bordering on. com-
mons, under colour of adding gardens to the cot-
tages of the poor Is it a boon " to steal the com-
mon from the poor man's goose," in order to give
him an eventual chance of getting back an acre of it
by paying a rent to the overseer ? Whatever may
be his Lordship's motives, such appears the ten-
dency of the Bill, if we were to judge of the very
small portion of it which gives the title to
the measure. The Bill is neither more nor less
than an act tceauthorize the enclosure and division of
all commons-in England and Wales, upon the consent
of the owners of two-thirds of the property entitled to
the right of common. From this a reserve is made of
sue tenth for the Church,and another for the poor,the
whole being consequently exempted from the pay-
ment of tithe. It is to be regretted that these latter
provisions did not form part-of every private Enclo-
sure Bill which has passed for the last century, but
we are not so sure that they ought to be considered
as a passport to a general measure otherwise objec
tionable. With the general policy of the measure
we shall not at present occupy ourselves, but hasten
to an observation or two respecting its vaunted
power " of encouraging and facilitating agricultural
labour." The relief which it gives to the poor is
net, we think, equal to the benefit of' which it de-
prives them. In the first place, this " encourage-
ment and facility" to labour must be very partial
and limited—confined to districts where unenclosed
commons still exist. In the second place, the Bill
unjustly restricts the allotment for the poor to 200
acres, whatever be the size of the common, and to
whatever extent of area its tenth part would reach.
In the third place, the pauper portion of the com-
mon being placed • at the disposal of the over-
seers, r-
seers, and laid out by then, in plots at or below twa
acres, would merely relieve the poor-rate by the
amount of the rent of this laud, and would become a

source of jobbing and partiality in the management
of the parish funds. It is wisely provided that no
new cottages shall be built on these experimental
pauper farms, etherw•i-c the Bill would be posi-
tively pernicious, as it would increase the pariah
poor-list by the 100 additional cottagers, whom the
overseers might introduce into the new allotments.
It is also wisely arranged that the overseers may ex-
change the 16.nt: of the common for other ground
contiguous to the cottage of the labourer. With
these two exceptions, we see nothing in Lord Ken-
yon's misnamed attempt " to encourage and factli-
'ate the emplo:rm,nt of labourers in agriculture"
which warrants its ambitious title, or can command
our approbation.—Times.

There were some notions of foreign policy ad-
vanced by M. Gui,ot, in his recent speech in the
Chamber cf 1-.)eputiea, which are truly worthy the
intellec'ual capacity of a doctrinaire—one who, like
our " free traders," moulds facts to his own pre-
conceived theories, miscalled " science," and who
cannot permit experience to correct the errors of
speculative folly. He stated that " the commercial
and internal interests of Austria and Prussia were
diametrically opposed to a war, and that therefore
the bonds which united the Holy Alliance were be-
coming weaker every day, and a new system of
policy was modifying the views of the Cabinets."
Leaving out of question that this appears to lae in
direct contradiction to a previous proposition of his,
and just as pompously laid down—namely, that
what France had most to dread and guard against
was the existence of an European coalition against
her—let us examine the statement on its own merits,
and see how it is borne out by the facts. Tire
statement of M. Gu'zot, that the commercial
and internal interests of Austria and Prussia
being directly opposed to war we do not
quarrel with. We believe it to be the inte-
rest of every nation to abstain from war, as long
as peaCe is not disgraceful by the compromise of na-
tional honour, or dangerous by the encouragement
of foreign agression. This part of the orator's dis-
course we consequently regard as a particular appli-
cation of a general truism. When, however, he
proceeds to deduce from it the important inferences
that the bonds of the Holy Alliance were becoming
weaker every day, and that a new system of policy
was modifying the views of the Cabinets, we deny
that the events which have occurred in Europe
since the French Rsoiolutiou support his deduction.
On the contrary, we have the evidence of facts to
show that the bonds of the Holy Alliance have been
strengthened, arid that the old policy of the despo-
tic Cabinets has been revived in all its most malig-
nant vigour against the independence of nations, and
that great political right—the rigid observance of
which is the only guarantee of the peace of thee
world—the right of every people to choose their
own Government, and to manage their own
internal affairs as they please. Did the cir-
cumstances attending the Polish invasion show that
the bonds of the Holy Alliance were weakened
Did Austria then evince any symptoms of
jealousy at the strides which she saw Russia making'
towards power and conquest in 'Western Europe?
As to Prussia, did she not give every assistance
possible to Russia in the work of crushing Polish
independence, except pouring her armies into the
field ? while England and France, who had guaran-
teed the independence of that,JOngdom by the treaty
of Vienna, did not venture even to express the least
displeasure at the conduct of the autocrat, or to re-
monstrate on behalf of Poland and humanity ? Did.
this look as if the bonds of the Holy Alliance had
become weaker, and the terror of its power had
been mitigated? Did it not, on the contrary, prove,.
beyond all dispute, that vice the memorable crisis
when Mr. Canning severed the policy of this coun-
try from that of the Holy Alliance, the latter power
has resumed a dangerous ascendancy over the Coun-
cils of England and Fiance ? Then look at the
conduct of the three great despots in the Belgic
negotiations, leading on the Ministers of England
and France, by the acts of their Plenipoten-
tiaries, until nothing remained to be done for
the consolidation of- peace, as far as Belgium was,
concerned, unless to ratify the articles of pacification
between Belgium and Holland, all of which bad
emanated from themselves. Did they not, after the
British Minister for Foreign Affairs had been in-
duced to deceive Parliament by their promises, all
act in concert in declining to finish their own work
Does this look as if the bonds of the Holy Alliance
were weakened d Look, again, at the two invasions
of Italy by Austria, with the full approbation of the
other Powers, to preserve the tottering dominion of
that despotism which has reduced to the last de-
gree of moral and political degradation the beautiful
conntry of ancient civilization and freedom. Behold
Greece, and see the ravages which Russian ambition
is allowed to make in that still more ancient seat of
liberty and intelligence. Do these things show that
the bonds of the Holy Alliance are weakened, and
that a new system of policy modifies the views of
the despotic Cabinets ? Credat Judceus?—ilforning
Herald.

In the debate on Tuesday night on the question
of Irish tithes, Mr. Stanley observed—
" In speaking of intimidation in Ireland, he it remem-
bered that it is a very different thing from England.
Boglish gentlemen who are used to that habitual security
which they derive flom the law, who know that the feel-
ing of the whole population of the country is embarked on
the side of the law—for there is scarcely any man in this
country who does not think it rather creditable than other-
wise to forward the end+ of justice—English gentlemen, I
say, can have no idea of the extent to which threats and
anonymous notices, which in England would be looked on
with contempt, have power and influence over the minds,
not of the lowest and most degraded, but of persons in a
comparatively high and respectable situatio❑ in Ireland ;
nor can they understand how much more easy it is for this
system of intimidation to gain strength i❑ Ireland, where
there is a poor and scattered population residing in
miserable and easily destroyed boumes.—(Hear, hear.)
Let Hon. Gentlemen, too, remember, that the population
of Ireland is a population short of work, and therefore
always ready for violence; all of which circumstances
render it the most easy for these threats to be carried into
effect in spite of the best police, and the most vigilant con-
duct of any Government that ever existed."
The population " is short of work, and therefore,
always ready for violence." It is short of work
and short of subsistence. We have here the key to
the ease with which the tranquillity of Ireland can be
at any time disturbed. Sir Robert Peel took credit
for a great knowledge of the causes of the disturbed
state of Ireland, but -he only made a very plain mat-
ter obscurer by his affectation of research :
.‘ Having (said the Right Hon. Baronet) been formerly
officially connected with Ireland, he would confess that he
took a sort of melancholy interest in tracing the progress
of those disturbances that for the last ninety years had de-
faced the fair prospects of that country ; and he thought
that he had clearly traced this one feature in the whole of
those disturbances—that the object in view was not single;
but that whether in the first instance it had refer-
ence to tithes, to Roman Catholic dues, to road-rates, or to
rent, it speedily ramified in every direction, and gave evi-
dence that it arose front that restlessness and discontent
which would never be satisfied until everything was
brought into discord and disunion. In support of this
opinion, he might cite the testimony of Mr. Plowden,
from whose work it appeared that the White Boys, the
Oak Boys, the Steel Boys, or by whatever name the
rioters might be called, were all unanimous in gradually
ext,mding their demands, and in never remaining station-
ary to the principle from which they set out. This was
the case in 1786, when the three pastoral letters of Mr.
O'Leary were published ; and it was in a similar way
pointed out by Mr. Bushe, in 1811, when sent by the
Government to prosecute at the Special Commission then
appointed. The phrase then made use of by him was,
' Out of the apathy and indolence of the gentry has grown
the dominion of the mob'—(hear, hear.) That phrase
contained an explanation of the whole ;—(Cheers,)—and
in the present day it might in like manner be said, Out
of our apathy, and indolence, and connivance, has grown
the dominion of the mob.' It was his entire conviction
that it was absolutely necessary that some precautions
should be taken to prevent' this groWing disposition to
resist those payments which were established by the law."
M,. Stanley in three words did more to throw
light on the matter than Sir Robert by all his eh-.
cumlocution, The Irish are without work, and
poor, and oppressed—they are hostile to the law,
because they owe nothing to it, and only know it
in the shape of an instrument in the hands of their

!La 7-_-7.HT`.

fir'*

oppressors. The . people must have an interest iti
the observance of the law before they can respect it.
It is pure twaddle to talk of the disposition-of the
Irish to resist the law as something peculiar to them.
Every.peophe so circumstanced will act precisely as
they act. The question a Statesman ought to put
to himself is, why are the Irish without work, and
why does so large a portion of the population come
under the description of mob ? Sir Roln-irt begins
at the wrong end. He would make bricks without
mortar—he would have law receive the same obe-
dience from a population without work, and mise-
rably poor, as from an industrious and thriving
people. Remove the causes which prevent the Irish
from being employed—allow them to become in.
dustrious, and to acquire property, and then the
law will be readily and cheerfully obeyed. Sir
Robert appeatse„ to Plowden. But Plowden in
noticing the disturbances caused by the threshers
and others, traces them to their true causes— the
exce,sive poverty and unprotected state of the
people. "When (he observes) unexpected demands
were made upon them from road-jobbing present.
ments of corrupt Grand Juries, and surcharged claims
of tithe-proctors were heaped on them (no
matter whether legal or illegal), can it be a wonder
that the original soreness from difficulty should have
arisen into despair from incompetency, and thence
have proceeded from individual to combined re-
sistance ?" Sir Robert, however, altogether leaves
out of consideration the condition of the peasantry
in his zeal for law and order ; as if that condition
were not the corner-stone of the social edifice. We
wish no class of the community to be robbed, and
deem it but just that the Protestant clergymen,
however unnecessary they may he to Ireland, should
receive during their lives the incomes on which they
had a right to calculate. Bur, surely, all our sym-
pathies are not to be exhausted on between one and
two thousand clergymen, whose labours are of little,
if any benefit to the country. The first considera-
tion is that which is last with Sir Robert—the wel-
fare of the people. Let us once have the useful in a
country, and we shall soon have the ornamental—
the spending classes, as Captain Basil Hall signi-
ficantly termed them. We cannot have a thriving
peasantry in a day; but we can, at a moment's warn-
ing, have the place of every Protestant Bishop, every
Dean and Chapter, every Protestant Rector,as well
supplied as ever they were. What a satire this haste
to legislate on Irish tithes is on British legislation !
Between rack-rents, road presentments, and t the
exactions, the peasantry have been kept in a state
of penury and helplessness of which there is no ex-
ample in Europe. Year after year has passed—and
things have been suffered to rub on. But a combi-
nation of the people in six counties withholds
86,0004 fram the Irish Protestant parsons, and the
Legislature instantly perceives the evils inherent in
tithes, and proceeds to secure to the clergy a sub-
stitute less injurious to cultivation, and less offen-
sive to the Catholic population. We have thus
another added to the numerous instances already af-
forded, that successful resistance to the law is the
only mode of
_opening the eyes of the Legislature
and ensuring its amelioration. No good is to be ex-
pected voluntarily. Everything must be extorted.
The evil must be continued in all cases till the im-
potent sufferers, in their throes, threaten to bury
their oppressors and themselves in common ruin ;
and then a reluctant consent is given to a change of
the law. Every benefit is, as it were, the result of
a-battle extorted from an enemy; and the Legisla-
ture itself,. even in its benefits, lays the foundation
`for future disobedience to the law.--More.Chronic/c.
The Repoli of the Reform Bill was brought up
yesterdayewhen Mr. Croker moved a series of Re-
solutions embodying-ttre objections of the Consti-:
tntional Party to the ,principle and detaikuf- the
measure. We hope to-morrow to be .able to, is
these Resolutions before -our Readers.. On schedule;
F being read Lord John Russell announced tbati
the Ministers had at length become convinced oft,itie
gross injustice practised towards Merthyr Tydvill
and that they were prepared to make dile-reparation
by giving- it a Member. This sounded well; but
what followed ? - That the proposed' alma- T
to be accomplished by taking a Member -froin.-the
County, of
,Minimouth! Any project so insaltinfoo
common sense, or so degrading to the majority who'
were bound to support it, has not, we think, been
before imagined by the Whig Ministers, ,during
the whole progress of their Bill. Would
any of those Members who advOcated the prd-
priety of giving a Member to Merthyr Tydvil have
desired or consented to do so at the expense of the
county of Monmouth ? Lord John Russell well
knows that they would not. This pretended con-
cession, therefore, to the force of reason is nothing
'more than a pretext for another act of injustice to.-
wards the agricultural interest. Otherwise, why
Hot have the candour and honesty to take the re-:
quired Member from Gateshead; or, as Sir C.
Wetherell observed, from Tervistock or Caine ?,
To suit, however, the designs of Ministers, the
House, which had decided that Monmouth should
have three Members, is called upon, literally at a
moment's notice, to enact that it shall have only two,
and thus to unsettle the balance, so called, which it
had previously established between the agricultural
and manufacturing interest. The House does so
by a majority of 45.—Morning Post.
On the resolutions moved by -Mr. Stanley, on
Tuesday night, respecting the Irish tithes, there are
but a few observations which we have to offer, in
addition to the many which we have already made,
from time to time, on the subject. The real state
of the ca.e, as regards the owners and payers of
tithes, was very ably explained by the Right Hon.
Gentleman, and the necessity of legislative inter-
ference in something like the mode proposed by him
for the consideration of the House, most ably vindi-
cated ; but although we are prepared to admit, in
their amplest extent, the principles of the resolutions
moved by him, we cannot bestow the same
praise upon the manner in which it is proposed
to carry them into effect. These resolutions,
to adopt the brief statement of a cotempo-
rary, were to the effect—Tirst, that relief
be afforded to the distressed Irish Protestant
clergymen out of the Consolidated Fund ;
secondly, that such relief be proportionate to the

. .
ncomes of the incumbents of benefices wherein the

tithes may have been withheld, aocording to a scale
diminishing as the incomes of such incumbents in-
crease; thirdly, that his Majesty be empowered to
levy, by way of security for the payment of the sums
advanced, the amount of arrears for the tithes of
1831, without prejudice to the claims of the clergy
for any arrears which may be due for a longer period;
and fourthly, that •in order to secure the welfare
both of Ireland and its Protestant Church a perma-
nent change of system is required, and that such
change, to be efficient, must involve a complete
extinction of tithes, including those belonging to
lay impropriators, by commuting them fora charge
upon, or exchange for, or investment in, land.
That the question embraced by these resolutions
is one of the most difficult with which his. Majesty's
Government could possibly have undertaken to deal,
no one can deny. So beset is it indeed with diffi-
culties of all kinds, that the wonder rather is that
his Majesty's Government should have dealt with
it so successfully as they have done, than that they
should have failed in only one instance. That they
have failed, however, we do not deny ; and they
have, failed, or rather are likely to fail, in the at-
tempt—not to remunerate the now untithed Pro-
testant clergy, for the losses which they have sus-
tained, and the starvation to which many of them
have been exposed, in consequence of the general
resistance to the payment of tithes—for to full re-
muneration they are entitled—but in the attempt to
take upon themselves t" , task of reimbursing the
Consolidated Fond such remuneration, by
levying the tithes themselves. This is a most
injudicious step, and by ne means to be justified
generally, either by the character of the par-
ties who have refused to pay tithes; or by the loss
which it would cost the country to remunerate the

destitute clergy, without any appeal to the means
kvhich must necessarily be resorted to in order to
reituburse the country for it. Relieve the clergy
by all means, and aid the clergy, if it be in vont

. -
power, we 'say, to aid them, in the recovery of what
is due to, and has been refused to, them ; but if you
cannot effect these objects without recourse to mea-
sures of force and violence, abstain, we say, from
their employment, as infinitely more costly, not to
.peak of being more dangerous, to the country than
a grant of the whole sum that is due to the clergy.
We are confident that the country would not grudge
it for once; and as the present system is confessedly
vicious, is it not better to establish a better, and
prevent the law from being again brought into con-
tempt, than to run the risk of a general disunion,
devastation, and bloodshed, by attempting to vin-
dicate it ?—.ll-orning Advertiser.

DORSET ELECTION PETITION, MARCH 14,

The Committee were engaged a part of the day in de-
ciding on the objected votes in the Blandford division, of
which very few now remain to he discussed. Two votes
who were waiting for the decision of the assessor, at the
close of the election, having been objected to on the ground
of being paid agents, were gone into this morning, and
put on the poll as good votes for Lord Ashley.
An arrangement was entered into, that the Bridport
division of votes should next undergo the revision of the
Committee; and no less than 150 votes, including the
squatters at Mortcombe-lake, which are objected to by the
petitioners on the ground
.of non-assessment. Objections
are also made to a large number of other voters.

The Committee having adjudicated on all the votes in
the division of Blandford, a long discussion took place as
to the order of taking those in Bridport. It was proposed
by the petitioners to discuss the point on the assessment of
the Mortcombe-lake voters, as a decision in their favour
would put Mr. Ponsonby at the head of the pull ;
but when the first voter of this class was objected to,
Mr. Follett declared to the Committee that he was
not prepared with evidence to prove their votes on
the land-tax assessment, and that he must pray for
time to send for his witnesses. He said no list hail been
given which could lead the parties defending the peti-
tion to suppose that the Mortcombe-lake voters would he
discussed to-day. On the other side, it was contended
that on Saturday last, a list of objections had been made
out to the amount of 144, a copy of which was taken by
a Mr. Phillips, one of Lord Ashley's agents. It was
urged that this was sufficient notice to the other party,
and that they ought to be prepared to discuss any vote
which appeared on that list. It was idle to come before
the committee after eleven days had expired, and to say
they were not prepared to argue the validity of a class of
votes to which their attention must have been attracted on
the day the assessor returned Lord Ashley upon a majority
procured by these very votes. ►
The Committee, finding Mr. Follett was not prepared,
ordered the room to be cleared, and when the patties
were called in, the committee informed them that they
had come to a determination that for the future each party
should every night furnish the other with a list of such
votes as would he objected to on the following days ; and
that they had come to a further resolution, that the whole
of the objections relating to votes in the Bridport division
should be discussed before the voters in any other division
should be brought before them. In order that this ar-
rangement might be effectually acted upon, the committee
adjourned till to-morrow, when they will meet pro forma
at three o'clock, in order to adjourn till Friday, at eleven
o'clock. It was intimated by the committee, that after
that they expected no further obstacles would arise from
circumstances like the present.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

Q UEE.N- S Q UARE.

Yesterday Mary Anne Pearce, better known by the
cognomen of Lady Barryntore, again made her appear-
ance at this office, for riotous and disorderly conduct. Her
Ladyship had only come out of prison last week, and bad
passed many of her nights since at different station-houses.
William Heath, an eating-house-keeper, was on Wednes-
day honoured by the prisoner's company. She first par-
took of ham, then beef, then returned to ham, then soup
and puddliig'. and on his refusing to serve her any more,
she flew into a violent rage, and threatened to knock his
wife's.eyes out. He gave her into custody, as he had
sonic time since a proof of her keeping her word, in smash-
ing eleven panes of glass at his house.
After a suitable admoniton from the Magistrate, Mary
And was committed to Tothill-fields in default of bail.
The MagiStrate observed that her conduct was so good
and orderly while in prison, that he could scarcely believe
she was the same creature when released.
Her Ladyship -attributed the whole to " that curse of
her soul---.gin."

----MARLBOROUGH- S TR.HE T.
'Ye;sterday a dozen ancient damsels, amongst whom
might be seen the halt, the lame, and the blind, were
brought before F. A. ROE, Esti , charged with uproarious
conduct in the workhouse of St. Giles's.

It appeared from the evidence of one of the Overseers,
who, by the bye, saw very little of the matter, that a few
days since a pauper was admitted to the workhouse, but
not feeling well satisfied with her quarters, she was, on
Tuesday last, about to take her departure, when she was
reminded that she must leave behind lier the workehouse
costume, with which, at the time of her admission, ■he had
been equipped. 'Ale pauper said that her own clothes
were a mere bundle of rags, and it was a most unreasona-
ble thing to expect her to to take them in exchange for
the things she then had on. The master of the workhouse
insisted, and the pauper remained obdurate. At length
she was conducted into a room where the prisoners were
employed, and they were peremptorily ordered to strip her.
They, however, so far from obeying orders, began to
giggle at the strange command, and would not only not
disrobe the lady, but actual!y formed a ring round her in
order to protect her from the hands of the parish autho-
rities, and it was fur this heinous offence that the priso-
ners were given into custody.
Mr. Roe said that he had no power to interfere in the
case, and he was of opinion that it would have been inure
prudent not to have brought it before the Magistrates.
The old women were then discharged, and waddled out
of the office rubbing their hands and patting each other's
shoulders with delight.