The Sun.
London, England, 1832-09-28 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The landlords had better beware of the con-
sequences of what they are doing. Their ma-
noeuvres or menaces go to nothing less than to
bully their tenants, and to job the tenancy qua-
lification throughout the entire kingdom. We
foresaw what would happen if the House of
Commons should be base enough to carry the
motion of Lord Chandos, for admitting tenants
at will to the elective franchise for counties. bay
after day we sounded the alarm against that
most crafty and pernicious measure, and pre-
dicted the use which would unavoidably be made
of it. The use We apprehended, obvious in-
deed to every dispassionate man in Eng-
land, has been made of the iniquitous landlord
power, and if the result should he that which
Lord John Russell has announced to refractor"
landlords that they must, one all, be prepared
for,—we mean the adoption of the vote by
ballot,----much as we shall' deplore an innovation
so strange to Britain, and one, in our opinion, no
less repugnant to the habits than injurious to the
political character and well-being of Englishmen,
we shall in such case be forced to admit its neces-
sity, as an evil not comparable to that for which it
will have been resorted to as a cure. The ballot
has always been opposed by this paper, for the
facility which it would afford to the dishonest to
wear an impenetrable mask to the end of their
lives,—to act on public questions from private
motives with impunity,—to gratify in secret any
vindictive and malignant passion against public
men,—secretly to earn the wages of indirect
corruption,—to pass in the eyes of mankind
for what they are not,—to " look one way
and row another,"—to deceive all indivi-
duals engaged in the pursuit of political objects,
whether great or trivial, as to who are their real
enemies, and who their allies,—and to render
the arena of politics in this kingdom a field not
of strife alone but of treachery. Our English
party disputes have borne hitherto a manly and
unflinching aspect, which arises out of the im-
possibility of concealing from friend or foe that
particular exercise of our privileges which the
law exacts as the seal and condition of their va-
lidity. The introduction of the ballot would
wrap all in darkness, would destroy men's con-
fidence in the most solemn promises and profes-
sions, and stamp a character of disguise and hol-
lowness upon the whole relation between the re-
presentative and constituent bodies. We have
here sketched a few of the more apparent vices
which we conscientiously believe to be insepar-
able from the substitution of the ballot for viva
voce election ; and little are we disposed to under-
-value them ; but we should be gross hypocrites
not to acknowledge that the present system might
be so abused, as to let in worse evils than any
we have attributed to the ballot. For instance,
if a great mass of electors, designed by the law to
be free electors, possessing an uncontrolled and
independent right to choose what Englishman
they may prefer for their representative,—if they,
in a manner at which law, and liberty, and com-
mon reason revolt, shall, in spite of every con-
stitutional principle, be prevented, by one or more
of their fellow-subjects, from enjoying that which
Parliament has bestowed upon them,—if, when
Parliament says " vote as you please, by virtue
of the qualifications which you have duly regis-
tered," a great man's agent comes and says to
them, " You shall not dare to vote but as my
Lord pleases, and by virtue of his power to oust
you from your legal qualifications,"—what is
that sort of franchise, we should like to know ?
Why, it is no franchise at all ; it is disfran-
chisement, absolute and total ; it is by so much
more injurious than the vote by ballot, as the
fraudulent obstruction of any legal right by a
stranger is a- mischief more incalculably ruinous
to society than the contingent abuse of that right
by its legitimate possessor. The usurpation by
the landlord of the tenant's franchise is as much
more grievous to the State than the possibility
of the tenants applying the franchise unworthily
under cover of the ballot, as would be the for-
cible extortion of a traveller's purse by a
highwayman, than the possible squandering
of its contents by the rightful owner in
the stews or gaming-house, under cover of the
night. An attempt to frighten electors by
the penalty of notice to quit, is an effort
for, and if permitted, is a step towards,
the revival of a nomination Parliament. It is
a step towards making every landlord a New-
castle—every county a Newark. If continued
by great lords and their agents, we can tell them
that this abominable practice will carry the ballot
(with all its offences on its head) by unanimous
acclamation throughout the United Kingdom.
Once more we wain them—as Lord John
Russell has done—let landlords be satisfied with
their rents ; it is the whole of wvhat they can pre-
tend to exact as matter of right from their tenan-
try. We trust, moreover, that the tenants
themselves will stand out bravely as well as pru-
dently ;—not barter their free agency for the oc-
cupation of one out of 50,000 spots of land,
without leases, and only during the Lord's ca-
price,—or sell their constitutional inheritance
for a mess of pottage. If the 501. tenants, one
and all, resist, they will, one and all, be left un-
disturbed in their farms. But we repeat it, if
the landlords proceed to extremities, so will
the people of England—they will have the ballot.
We insert a letter, dated Bath, which paints in
strong colours the tyrannical interference of some
Noble Duke (the name is not mentioned) in the
eastern division of Somersetshire. Can it be the
Duke of Beaufort ? These men know not what
is before them. Imagine for a moment a public
convulsion in this country, and who so helpless
as a landed proprietor, who has changed the
affections of his tenantry into sentiments of
hatred and scorn ? From Bath we have received
likewise another letter, which, though not con-
nected with the landlord question, we may as
well notice here. It appears to come from a
temperate and well-disposed elector, who has
promised his vote to Colonel Palmer, but assigns
as his reason for not going so far for Mr. Hob-
house, a distrust of the latter gentleman's poli-
tical views. All the advice we can give our cor-
respondent is, by no means to vote for Mr. Hob-
house, or Mr. anybody whose principles he sees
no reason to confide in. If Mr. Hobhouse fur-
nish cause of serious disapprobation to liberal
electors, and on other than mere personal or fac-
tious grounds, they are hound in duty to reject
him. It was but as a Reformer we ever breathed
a syllable in his behalf. We should be glad to
ascertain, from disinterested parties, what is
doing, and likely to be done, at Frome. Was
the Mr. Thomas Sheppard, who has been can-
vassing that borough, among the Tory requisi-
tionists to Mr. Lyall to stand for the city of
London ? If so, men of Frome, be on your
guard. There may be wolves in sheep's clothing,
and in shepherds' also.— Times.
We were not aware that the suspicions now
afloat with regard to an understanding between
Louis Philip and the elder branch of the Bour-
a's)ns, had been publider expressed so early as

January last. A pamphlet, however, has been 1
sent to us, under the title of " A Letter (being
No. 1.) to a Friend in the East Indies, giving
an Account of the State of Europe for the last
two years ; by Godfrey Higgins, Esq., of Skel-
low (',-range, near Doncaster," dated 7th Janu-
ary, 1832, in which Lcuis Philip is accused of
treason to the Constitution of July. After a
brief review of the circumstances which led to
the Revolution—of the conduct of the despots
after that event—of the proceedings of the
despots—the declaration of France that she
would ilot permit any one state to interfere in the
disputes between the people and the rulers of
any other state—the breaking out of the Polish
war—the violation of neutrality by Prussia and
Austria—the struggles of Louis Philip to pre-
vent the progress of the Revolution—and his
attacks upon the liberty of the Press—Mr. Hig-
gins proceeds to observe :—" Whether or not
Philip was guilty of any intriguing, previous to
the expulsion of Charles, to obtain possession
of the splendid bauble which he has acquired, I
pretend not to know ; or, indeed, whether or
not he really wished for it ; but I can entertain
no doubt that he and his family, about the time
I spoke of above, became most heartily tired of
playing at Royalty, and have ever since wished
themselves safely down from the dangerous emi-
nence on which they are placed, to enjoy again
innocent security—the possession of the situation
of the first and richeat of the nobility of Europe,
and the countenance and society of their own
caste, from which they are now cut off, and
which they found they had exchanged for those
of the tradesmen of the National Guard of Paris.
The family was no longer noticed in Europe."
Mr. Higgins traces the changes in the policy of
Russia to the necessity of her situation, in con-
sequence of her under-estimating the power of
the Poles. Great alarm began then to be en-
tertained lest France should declare war in their
favour.
" Of the desire of Austria and Prussia (-aya Mr. Hig-
gins) to put down the Poles at this time, no one can doubt,
and it was for the sake of preventing France, if possible,
from declaring in their favour, that they made a show of
non-intervention. This will be proved by a fact which I
shall state in a few minutes. In consequence of this policy,
Pozzo di Borgo, who bad hitherto remained as a spy at
Paris, without going to Court, at last went to the Palace;
and in the name of his muster acknowledged Philip ; the
Decrees ordering home the Russians from Paris, and com•
manding Frenchmen to quit Russia, were withdrawn ; and
a new intrigue, destined to produce the most important
effects, commenced. This sagacious diplomatist, who was
not long in discovering that Philip had become uneasy in
his dangerous elevation, and that the uneasiness of all his
family was even greater than his own, must at the same
time have seen that an opening presented itself for working
on the fears and hopes of the family, so as to produce an
effect which would aid the cause of the Despots in the
most essential manner. There is every reason to believe
that the abandonment of the non-intervention system, as far
as could be safely and openly done, and consequently that
of the unfortunate Poles, was made the price of the pre-
tended sacrifice of the cause of Charles the Tenth, and of
the acknowledgment by Nicholas of Philip, and of his re-
admission into the rank of the Royal Families of Europe.
Philip having been acknowledged, a plausible pretence was
found for dismissing the persons who had placed him on
the throne, and thus the Pyles and the non-intervention
law were disgracefully abandoned, The proof of this is to
be found in what took place in Italy, the fact just now
alluded to, several of the States of which, depending on
the declarations of England and France in favour of the
non-interference law, me and expelled their oppressors,
and were, without any disguise or pretence whatever to
justify it, put down by an Austrian army. With respect to
the Poles, in order not to compromise the safety of Philip,
which might have been endangered had the mask been
totally thrown off, and in order to divide the French, the
semblance or rather profession of neutrality was kept up
by Prusia, till an opportunity offered of striking a blow
which was deemed worthy of the risk ; and the Russians
were permitted to enter the Prussian territory, and, by so
doing, to surround the flank of the Polish General's army
(which, as long as the neutrality of the Prussian territory
was maintained, was perfectly safe), and thereby to compel
him, under the penalty of having his army destroyed, also
to break the neutrality. Having thus thrown himself on
the mercy of the Prussians, they instantly made prisoners
of the Poles, both officers and privates, refusing them per-
mission to return to their own country, and gave up the
Polish cannon and other arms to the Russians—against
whose conduct, though the first to violate the neutrality,
not even a remonstrance was made.

" To justify this conduct in Prussia, and to delude the
Parisians as far as possible, something, of course, must be
said; and the satellites of Philip maintain, that the Poles
first violated the neutral territory. If the Polish General
did this, it was in fact an act of suicide. No person
can look at the map for a single moment, and doubt by
whom the neutrality was first violated. The Poles were
necessarily safe, as long as the neutrality was preserved ;
they were as necessarily ruined the moment it was violated.
But all these circumstances could not be concealed from
the sharp•sighted millions of France (and the war party, as
it was absurdly called, to prevent its sound views and poli-
Coal wisdom from being properly appreciated), whose cla-
morous impatience and insurrectionary demonstrations to
compel the Government to save its honour, and to redeem
the pledge which it had given to Poland, to France, and to
Europe, made the situation of Philip both uneasy and
dangerous. _ .

" About this time a great number of little circumstances
combine to make it probable that some communication
took place between the Courts of the Tuilleries and Holy-
rosd House, and that an intimation was given, or an under-
standing was come to, that the family of Orleans would
be very willing, and would, in fact, do every thing which
it could safely do, to aid the restoration or the promotion
of Henry the Fifth to the throne of France. Every one
must see that the proofs of this are not to be expected at
the present dAy. A probability is all that can be looked
for; for it is very certain that such intercourse would only
be conducted by a verbal message, probably by a priest,
and could prudently be confided to only one or two of the
most discreet of the family at Edinburgh. Philip's object
in this was, at all events, to secure to himself a safe retreat,
if obliged by any cause to abandon his throne. I must
now leave him to comfort himself on his bed of thorns, by
gratifying his avarice, the ruling passion of his soul, in
intriguing with Sophy Dawes to secure the fortune of the
murdered Duke of Bourbon, and return to the Autecrat of
the North."

Mr. Higgins assumes that Nicholas will never
forgive the mortifications sustained by him in
Poland ; that his acknowledgment of Philip
was never more more than a ruse de guerre, and
proceeding next to the affairs of Belgium ; and
the intrigues which have been carrying on since
the Belgian Revolution, he ventures to touch on
what, in slang language, would be termed a raw
at the present time.
" At last the settlement of the Belgic question could be
delayed no longer, the thousandth Protocol was issued,
William and Grey were deceived. Leopold was declared
King, and William congratulated his Parliament on the
hsppy event which ensured the peace of Europe. The
King of Holland, in pursuance of the long-previously set-
tled agreement with the Autocrat of Russia, refused his
assent ; and now the Protocols may begin again, to drill
on the time till the spring, when the Russian armies can
commence their march. Then the war will begin. This
the Autocrat will pretend is about Antwerp, the navigation
of the Scheldt, or some other unimportant matter, to con-
ceal front the French (lest it should arouse the enthusiasm
of the whole nation, and the millions of Europe) its true
eh tracter. It will really be a war of principle—a war
between .liberty and despotism, or rather a war of despotism
against liberty—a war to change the Government of France,
to restore the family at Edinburgh, to punish the French
rebels, and to put down for ever, as the despots fondly
hope, the liberties of Europe.
• " Very certain I am, that if the Belgic Treaty be at last
confirmed by the despots, be acceded to in order to
gain time—till some commotion arises in France, which,
under its present mismanagement, they see cannot long
be avoided."

We shall only add the following paragraphs :
" In consequence of some favourable change in the Po-
lish war, the Autocrat was induced, in an unguarded mo-
ment, to let the truth escape in the Petersburgh Gazette;
and in it he declared, that when he had settled the affairs
of Poland, he should proceed to settle the affairs of the rest
of Europe. This, as may naturally be supposed, raised a
storm in France. Philip was obliged to send a messenger
to Russia to demand explanation. The Autocrat found,

or was advised by his allies, that he had been too hasty ;
,n apology was made, and the French Ambassador was
told that the declaration was made without the Emperor's
knowledge, and had no meaning ; but the Editor of the
Gazette had not the knout administered to him, nor was
he sent to Siberia. But the drivellers, Philip and Perier,
were satisfied, or the traitors pretended to be satisfied ; and
the centre of the Chamber, than whom, perhaps, a weaker
collection of Frenchmen never assembled in one building,
were completely duped. If any thing could have opened
the eyes of Philip to the treachery of the Emperor of
Russia, this must have done it : and, weak as he is, it is
impossible to give him credit for not seeing it; and there
is no other way of accounting for his conduct in putting
up with it, than by supposing that he has an understand-
ing with Nicholas add Charles ; that be is, as far as lies
in his power, to play into their hands, and to assist in re-
placing the young Duke of Bordeaux on the throne of
France; and that hi, safety is guaranteed as the price of
his treason. If the circumstances in which Philip was
placed be considered, at the moment of the revolution,
when he was appointed by Charles the Lieutenant-Ge-
neral of the Kingdom, and the Crown was offered to him
by the rebels—successful, and therefore not rebels—he could
allege several very plausible excuses to Charles to extenuate
his treason ; first, that it never was his intention to
keep the Crown but as locum tenens of the young
Henry—that he durst not at that moment trust the
truth to the discretion of Charles, who, by his
imprudence, and that of his Ministers, had just caused
themselves to be driven from the country—that in ac-
cepting it on the only terms on which he could accept it,
he prevented the establishment of a republic, and did the
very best thing possible for the young King, who could
not be in the slightest degree injured by his (Orleans) go-
verning France for a few years, either under the name of
Lieutenant or King, till the young man was able to take
it. The reality of all this is proved by numerous acts,
among which, perhaps, there is not one more striking than
that of pretending to overlook the declaration of the Rus•
sian Gazette above alluded to—an act evidently calculated
to play into the hands of Charles and the Despots.
" Philip might also plead the exertions which he and
his Ministers made, as far as they durst go without throw-
ing off the mask and endangering their heads, to induce
the Chamber to reduce the army.
He might plead as another example, his successful
exertions to save the lives of Polignac and the other Mi-
nisters, for whom he did all that could be done, by substi-
tuting for the guillotine an easy and comfortable tem-
porary confinement. Another example may be found in
his successful opposition to the plan of a Moveable N'a•
tional Guard, proposed in the Chaniber by one of the Op-
position, which would hare made France impregnable, if
anything could have done so ; and the substitution of one
on paper, in lieu of it, by Perier—so contrived as in reality
to he of no use if ever it should be wanted. Many other
things of this kind may be produced having the same ten-
dency, which might have the effect of making his guilt ap-
peal to be doubtful at Petersbuigh or Edinburgh, and, at
all events, make it expedient for the despots to appear to
believe his innocence, and procure for him an assurance of
his pardon. I beg you to observe, that several of the
facts which I have related above, are of such a nature,
that they cannot be accounted for from weakness—treison
can alone account for them ; for instance, the proposal for
disbanding the army, and the refusal of the plan of the
Mobile Guard.

' I think Philip would have no great difficulty in paci-
fying the family at Edinburgh, but he would have more
difficulty with Nicholas. It cannot be supposed, as I
have already intimated, that the man who, by his in-
trigues, robbed his brother of his crown, would readily
forget or forgive the mischief caused to him by the excite-
ment of the Poles to revolt ; nor can it be supposed that
such a character would hesitate to persuade Philip, that
he was forgiven, in order that he might profit by his
treachery. Whether Nicholas has forgiven him or not
will, however, be seen before another year passes over ; for,
circumstanced as France is, divided against itself, with a
fool or a traitor at the head of her Government, I think it
scarcely possible that she should be able successfully to re-
sist the march of the united armies of the Despots to
Paris. The next time they visit that capital, they will
play a different game from that which they played the
last time they were there ; but they will not begin by
passing a law, that no political offence will be punished
with death, thereby offering a premium to every one who
shall conspire to overthrow the new Government which
they shall set up. I should recommend, for the French
disorder, a due application of the lancet, to be followed
with leeches ; and, in order to insure their proper appli-
cation, instead of the old Swiss Guard, I would recom-
mend a hundred thousand Russians, who should be paid
by France and quartered, with a good mortar battery, on
Mont Martre—and a line of good fortresses between Paris
and the Rhine to be garrisoned by Russians, to secure the
communication as often as it was necessary to relieve
them.

" I have no doubt that the holy conspiracy is not only
well known in this country, but we have persons of very
high rank and nearly allied to the crown who are parties
to it. I could name them if I thought proper: and I
have no doubt also that the defeat of our Reform Bill is
intimately connected with it. The object is to delay it
till the Russian armies can take the field, or till some im-
prudent ebullition of the French people breaks out to
furnish a pretence for the interference of the Despots, and
apparently to justify their assertion, that the war is not,
what it will secretly be, a war against liberty of every
kind, and in favour of unrestricted despotism."
The perusal of the highly interesting and, we
believe, holiest work of M. Sarrans, certainly
encourages a belief that Louis Philip is a man
capable of acting in the manner described by
Mr. Higgins. There is much relating to the
Manner in which he possessed himself of power,
calculated to excite very strong suspicions with
regard to his honesty. As the public expres-
sion of a suspicion of this nature has a ten-
dency to defeat the plot, it is possible that
Louis Philip may become convinced that his
only security consists in fidelity to the cause of
Revolution. As he is evidently a very selfish
man, he will, no doubt, be guided by circum-
stances. Fore-warned is fore-armed. Now that
the suspicions of the French are excited, it may
be difficult to deceive them.—Morning Chron.
The tone of the discussions at the Conference
was, it seems, pacific yesterday. It will be war-
like to-morrow, perhaps. A little variety is
necessary for the stock-jobbers, as well as the
Gobemouches. For our parts, we never were
much alarmed on account of a war. We knew
that Prussia and Austria had too much at stake
to take the initiative against France and Eng-
land, in a war which would become general.
Our correspondent O. P. Q. has very happily
ridiculed, in his letter in this day's Chronicle,
the mystification respecting Belgium and Hol-
land. The great object of the Powers must be
to gain time. If the diplomatists can prevail on
Louis Philippe to allow more time to the King
of Holland, they may improve the interval.
Had France and Britain coerced the King of
Holland, we do not believe that Austria and
Prussia would have interfered farther than to
protest. But it seems Louis Philippe merely
nieant to swagger a little, in the style of the old
ballad—

" The King of France, with 50,000 men,
March'd up the bill—and then march'd down again."
By the bye, we do not perceive that any thing
we said yesterday, respecting Louis Philippe,
was in contradiction of the belief we expressed a
few days before, that there would be no general
war. Our contemporary (of the Standard)
seems to think otherwise.
" The Morning Chronicle (he says), it will he remem-
bered, not many days ago took us sharply to task for
doubting that the pacific character of Louis-Philippe
would afford a sufficient guarantee for the peace of Eu-
rope. It will be seen by the extract which we insert this
day, that our contemporary has found reason to change its
views upon this point to a marvellous extent. Louis Phi-
lippe, so very lately the guardian of European peace, is
now discovered to be a moat perfidious person ; and so
little qualified to fill the high function ascribed to him the
other day, that he finds his own position exceedingly
precarious. The perfidiousness charged against the King
of the French we utterly deny on his behalf. Perhaps his
conduct before and in contemplation of the Revolution of
1830 was less ingenuous than suits with English notions
of honourable dealing, but great allowance must be made,
on account of the hazard in which the parti-pretre Mi-
nistry of Polignac had, by its folly, placed the crown,
the aristocracy, all the institutions of the country, and
more particularly all persons connected with the
Royal Family. Scarcely any choice was left to the Duke
of Orleans before the Revolution, but either to join in the

stupid schemes of the Jesuits, or to associate himself, as be
(lid, with the party of the Movement. In all that has fol-
lowed the days of July, we can trace no insincerity in the
conduct of this unfortunate Prince, unless we call the in-
disposition of a reluctant instrument, in the hands of a
power which it cannot resist, by that name. The other
allegation of the Morning Chronicle has, however, our
full concurrence. We believe that Louis Philippe will
have quite enough to do to maintain his own slippery ele-
vation, without assuming to be the conservator of Eu-
ropean peace ; and, what is worst of all, we think it very
manifest that the two objects are altogether irreconcilable
viz., that if the King of the French will keep the peace
of Europe, he will not, keep his throne ; and that if he do
keep his throne, he must keep it by a zealous co-operation
in the designs of the war party. We leave the Morning
Chronicle now to weigh the value of its guarantee."

We said, in the Chronicle of Tuesday, what
is notorious to all the world, that " France, under
Louis Philippe, is not disposed to aggression.
Austria and Prussia know, that so long as he is
King of the French, they have nothing to fear
from France. Why, then, should we suppose
them so foolish as to go to war with France and
England merely because they are determined to
make the arrangements of the Conference com-
pulsory on Holland." We still say, why should
they go to war with Louis Philippe, who, how-
ever perfidious he may be, is clearly disinclined
to war ? flow does his perfidy prove that he is
not disinclined to war ? The " pacific charac-
ter of Louis Philippe" does not, to be sure,
afford a guarantee that the peace of Europe will
not he disturbed, because who shall guarantee
the permanency of Louis Philippe's throne ?
But must Austria and Prussia make war now
on a Prince so decidedly pacific, because it is
impossible to guarantee that he shall always
reign over the French ? Such a war would pro-
bable settle the question ; for the French would,
in such a case, be disposed to merge all consi-
derations in the one of national safety ; and
having their suspicions of Louis Philippe,
they might manage to get rid of him. Why
should they incur a certain danger for the sake
of avoiding a contingent danger, when it would
not be more easy to grapple with the certain
than with the contingent danger ? Austria
and Prussia may not have the best assurance
of the durability of the tenure of Louis Phi-
lippe ; but it would be poor policy in them to
place him in a position in which he must either
abandon his pacific system, or be driven from his
Throne. The question, we take it for granted,
is, whether Monarchy or Constitutional Go-
vernment shall have the ascendancy in Europe ?
Is it their interest at this time, with the popu-
lation of the better part of Europe in a state
greater or less disaffected, to force on the issue ?
France would he indignant, and would Germany
become once more a blind instrument of their
vengeance against popular rights ? The Ger-
mans do not possess active powers of the highest
order ; and it is easier to delude them than per-
haps any other people ; but though they may
not rise against their own Governments, they
will not be so stupid as to re-act the part they
played in the war of liberation, as they were
pleased to call it, for the benefit of their Sove-
reigns. No, the powers of Austria, Prussia,
and Russia will endeavour, no doubt, to
keep the Belgian question open as long as
possible ; but were France and England to
attempt to coerce the King of Holland, they
know better than to take up the cudgels for
him. We are much mistaken if they have not
their views fixed on France itself. Why is the
Duchess of Berry not seized ? Why are the
Carlists of rank repairing to Switzerland ?
Frenchmen of rank have passed openly from
Holyrood-house to France, without challenge.
Many circumstances tend to awaken surprize.
Should Louis Philippe be perfidious, and play
into the hands of the Carlists, the battle of legiti-
macy would be fought in France itself, and
then Austria and Prussia might act with irre-
sistible effect. The King of Holland has the
sense to see what the Protocolists cannot see,
that the seven United Provinces cannot afford to
keep a King comme it faun. He knows that
the Dutch would soon become more tired of him
than they formerly were of the Stadtholder. Bel-
gium, too, has no secure independence, and
the people having been disappointed with regard
to forming part of France, will not be very
hearty companions in the cause of a separate
Sovereignty. All these considerations must in-
duce the King of Holland to keep the question
open as long as he possibly can, on the principle
that while there is life there is hope. Any one
of several contingencies might give him a chance
of regaining all the Netherlands. He is pecu-
liarly favoured in the character of Louis Phi-
lippe, who is much more ambitious of the favour
of the Holy Aliiance than to gratify his own
subjects.—Morning Chronicle.
The Insolvent Commissioners are, no doubt,
gentlemen of high respectibility, and have
hitherto conducted themselves so blamelessly in
the discharge of their important duties, that it is
not without considerable regret that we feel our-
selves called upon to animadvert in terms of un-
measured condemnation on the reckless inde-
cency and obstinacy of their closing the doors of
their Court for any period, more especially, as
reported, for one of six weeks, while a crowd of
persons, some of them fraudulent, others unfor-
tunate, are compelled to throng those recep-
tacles of moral and physical pestilence, our
debtors' prisons. We regret that the appeals
which have been already made upon this subject
have not had their effect ; we regret that not
having had due effect in one quarter, the Go-
vernment, as the dernier resort, has not issued its
fiat upon the subject, and compelled one of the
four well-paid Commissioners to remain at his
post even during the unprofessional months of
September and October. This is what ought
to have been done, and what we trust will
still be done. It is quite clear that the sit-
tings of this Court are not governed by Terms
or Sessions. They partake more of the duties
of the various public offices which are never
closed for a vacation, because their business will
not admit of it. The Custom and Excise offices
are never closed ; the Commissioners, when they
require relaxation, relieve each other. The same
with the police-offices and the Courts of the new
Bankrupt Commissioners, to both of which, but
especially to those of the latter, the duties of the
Insolvent Court bear a near analogy. If one
cannot
whob
eclhosaevde orcause
to complain are shut up
dispensed with how can the
use
other ? Let it not be said that it is because
those
within stone walls, and are persons who can with
difficulty bring their complaints before the pub-
lic. But it is not insolvents alone who are
interested in this matter. The public who pay
so largely towards the maintenance of them and
of their families while in prison, and who suffer
so deeply from the moral contagion which every
day's detention increases, are scarcely less in-
terested in the subject than the parties them-
selves. And as the same public pays so largely
for this Court and its functionaries, surely there
is• a power somewhere which ought to insist
neon its duties being rigidly performed, espe-

cially when their performance is so easy, s
reasonable, and so just.—Morning Herald. El

The London Conference ought to have some
pity upon the credulity of mankind, and not
continue from time to time to pour forth the
preparatory thunders of war, as it were, but
which, to critical ears, more resemble that thun-
der mentioned in the Dunciad—the stage-thun-
der, " made by the rumbling of the mustard
bowl," than the authentic peals of the God of
battle. The King of Holland is now so well
used to having the brutum fidtaen of the Con-
ference launched at him, that he is about as
much afraid of it as of a protocol squib, man u-
factured with the genuine Palmerston gunpow-
der. But it is quite certain that there are still
vast numbers of simple people in Europe, who
have not the sagacity of the King of Holland,
and who really think, when armies move and
fleets assemble at the bidding of the Ministers of
England and France, that something more is
meant than a piece of stage-effect upon a large
scale. Heaven help them, poor souls ! for it
seems impossible for any human power to en-
lighten their understandings. Whenever the
duplicity, equivocation, inconsistency, and bad
faith of the London Conference are remarked
upon, the Treasury scribes say, " Well, but
you should recollect they have preserved the
peace of Europe ! ay, for 18 long months they
have kept Europe from war—the profound peace
which endured all that time is owing to their
exertions." What a peace ! During that peace,
to say nothing of the invasion of Poland,
and the carnage that signalised its conquest,
the raising of military levies, the equipment of
troops, the marching of armies, have been in-
cessant. If that be peace which is armed from
top to toe, which flourishes the sword perpe-
tually in people's eyes, and is accompanied by
all the alarms of war, it is very different from
what mankind used to mistake for peace before
the age of intellect and of protocols came to
make them wiser. Certain it is that such a
peace is as destructive of public confidence and
security, and as injurious to the interests of
commerce and all the peaceful business of man-
kind, as any war ! It is a melancholy thing to
Englishmen to see the naval power of England,
about every three months, set up as a bugbear
to the King of Holland, which he treats with
cool disdain, while our Government pocket the
affront until the next time, when they again
hoist the flag of a thousand victories in as men-
acing a manner, to haul it down again in a
style as ridiculous to the Dutch as it is humi-
liating to ourselves. All this comes of a foolish
intermeddling in quarrels with which our Minis-
ters ought to have nothing to do. The Dutch
and Belgians might have settled their own dis-
putes, like the Miguelites and their enemies,
without disturbing the peace of Europe. Prus-
sia and Russia are at the back of Holland, while
they sit with us in council—still our Ministers
continue to be their dupes.—Morning. Herald.
Rumours are again circulated of some partial
changes in the Ministry—that one or two mem-
bers of the Cabinet, who are not named, are to
retire altogether, and that Lord Althorp is to
be displaced in his present office by Mr. Stanley.
This latter change will, we should imagine, be
acceptable to the parties as well as to the country,
it being, we apprehend, a moot point, whether
Lord Althorp is most sick of finance or Mr.
Stanley of Ireland. At any rate, that both par-
ties have been, in one sense at least, " out of
place," cannot be denied by any impartial ob-
server. Whatever the proposed changes are, it
would be as well, we should think, that they
should be made at once, that those who are to
enter upon new offices may have some knowledge
of the details and duties of them before the
meeting of Parliament. It has been part of the
miserable dawdling policy of all Administrations
of late years to postpone every thing to the
eleventh hour, and sometimes later than that.
When Parliament meets, each head of a depart-
ment should be prepared to lay before it all the
wants and proposed laws or alterations attaching
to his branch of the public service; instead of
which the public is insulted with the servant's
cuckoo note of " want of time"—of this and that
Honourable Gentleman having been so recently
appointed to their offices that the estimates, &c.,
cannot have been prepared. This contemptible
school-boy sort of excuse runs through half the
Session, till towards the end of which the most
important business of each department is post-
poned, except that which is not unfrequently
abandoned altogether. When Bonaparte called
us " a nation of shopkeepers," lie could not
have been aware of the unbusiness-like qualities
of our public men, arising from so many of them
being trained in the club-house and not in the
counting-house. The mode of putting off the
evil day to which we have been alluding may
have been permitted by the pliant Members of
schedule A, but must expire with them. The very
fact that so many more Members of the House
of Commons will be supplied from the count-
ing-house, and fewer from the club-house, is it-
self an earnest that habits of business and of
despatch may be expected to take the place of
incapacity, procrastination, and indecision. The
Ministry, whose salutary measure of reform will
have brought about this happy change, ought to
be themselves, of course, prepared for it ; but
which they cannot be, if any of the changes al-
luded to are postponed till the period when the
new occupants of office, on being called into
action, have every thing to learn.—Morn. Her.
When we addressed our readers the other day
on the subject of the ballot and Parliamentary
remarks
pledges, wewo werewould
notve
aware
beenso 50011 and so
hap-
pily
)our
.
pily exemplified as they have since been by Mr.
ThatTerl gnyseonitifemaatn, fthreomlatte
ehmleeielgtitnhg
of in h Lisa mbe h.
Parlia-
mentary standing--the thorough knowledge of
his political principles possessed by the public—
his constant devotion to the interests of the
people—and the repeated sacrifices which he
has made in their behalf, both of time anti of
money—we say, that if any man might have
fairly laid claim to the privilege of being exempt
from pledges, Mr. Tennyson might have as-
suredly stood forward and pointed to his
past conduct, as the best proof and promise
of what it would be in future. But no. Mr.
Tennyson not only submitted to be questioned by
his intended constituents in Lambeth, as if he
had been a wholly new man, and had never be-
fore made a speech or given a vote in Parlia-
ment ; but explained his opinions and prin-
ciples—his views and intentions—his hopes and
wishes, at such length, as to leave no rational
doubt respecting them upon the mind of any
one. This is what we term fair dealing with the
pzubel
hi c ; andobliged n tfoo r Mh
arv.
eTgTennyson
practicalt he public
is
refu-
tation of the doctrine which has been lately
advanced, that no honest man would give a
Tei
sn,e nyd
spdal, pledge
hgde3 h for
notr
ph oi his
onlyft oi ct
au
ipr el
pledged
dr bigneechdiapvl
himself—thatieos ra.
and
d
Minrtntions--

but announced that " with respect to resir
ing his seat when called on by his cool
tuents, he felt that it was quite impossibt.,
hat he should continue to keep his seat if',
Nought his constituents wished him to resign'
This is all the pledge which we deem it ale
necessary for the public to require, or for to
parliamentary candidate to give. Those 0.r.)
demand more, require that which it is not in Prk,
power of the candidate to give ; and those ei
give more, pledge themselves to that which tbedi
can only effect in conjunction with others.
just illustration of the inutility, on the one hel
of demanding, and on the other, of the hullo
ness of giving extravagant pledges, will reachlt
occur to every one, in what was demanded fro
Hunt and O'Connell—in what was promise
by both—and in the little--the very little--Ye4
the less than nothing which has been acconl
plished by them.—Morning Advertiser.

THE MARKETS.

COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEE?

Wheat. Barley. Oats. Scan.s.;
Per Quarter. s. to s. s. s. s. to s, s. to ,4
BlandforTl 59 3.5 22
52 63 36 40 19 22 31
Cambridge 57 31 21
Chard 56 62 30 36 18 22 36 4,
Huntingdon . 58 67 28 39 19 23 30 I'4
Long Sutton...—. 56 64 17 2 32
Louth 50 55 27 32 19 20 32 41
56 61 28 32 22 28 34
Newark 58 64 33 40 18 24 36 11
Nottingham 60 68 44 21 24 38
Peterborough —. 156 63 32 36 19 25 33
Plymouth 150 64 30 34 20 23 A
Pontefract*. I-- 67 43 27 -- 5
Sleaford 165 70 36 38 22
Uppingham 158 65 32 40 20 24 eQ
51 59 26 30 14 18 32
LEEDS CORN MA RKET.—Sept. 25.
Wheat, Norfolk and Suffolk, 601 b.
York. and Lincoln. 601 b.
Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk
-- Yorkshire and Lincolnshire
Grinding
Beans
Oats, Potatoe
—lllealing, For. 12d. to 13d Eng. 11d. to 123rd. perk
Shelling
Rapeseed, English, 16/ to 242
2:325. to 41
650.
'4.1

Li v Et-Wool. coi(iv nxt,t-i AIN ur —wept. 11.). ot;
WHEAT, English, White, per 701 b.
Red
---. Scotch, Welch, and Maux
- Irish, White 7 2 7 1
-- Red 7 o "0
Foreign 8 9 9 9
OATS, English, Welsh, and Scotch, per 451 b 2 8 2 8
- Irish
- Foreign 2 4 2 0
BARLEY, English, Malting, per Imp. quarter 34 0 38 6
Scotch and Irish, per 601bs.
-- Feeding 4 0 =A 4
0
BEANS, English, per Imperial quarter 36 0 40 „
- Irish, &c.
- Foreign
PEASE, English, per Imperial quarter 36 0 38 n-
- Foreign
FLOUR, English, per 2801 b. 4B 0 49
-- Irish
45 0 46 OATMEAL, English and Irish, per 2401bs 2O 023 a
't;
INDIAN CORN, per 4401 b.
RYE, per Imperial quarter
MALT, per Imperial quarter
IMPORT OF GRAIN for the Week ending Sept. 24. ~,I,
Wheat] Oats. Barley Flour. LOOT;
Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. IForeign, Brls.llrish, &c. Scks. 1,0,
7,826 4,584 1:0 0 1 1,667 I,"'"'

LEWES MA It KET.—Sept. 24.
Beet 3s. Od. to 4s. 10d. Veal 4s Od to 4s.n
I
Nliitton 3 8 4 8 Pork 0 0 0 °
Lamb 4s. Od. to ss. Od.
Supply good; trade with prime small Beef and Mutton soda
what brisk, with other kinds of meat very dull.

RUMFORD MARKET.—Sept: 26.
s. d. to s. d. s. d.
Beef.., 2 8 3 8 Veal
Mutton 3 2 4 4 Pork 3 8 5
Lamb 3s. Bd. to 4s. M.
.„

Suckling Calves from 14s. to 265. ; Quarter old Pigsl2l.to 186.04
Supply moderate, and trade rather dull.

MEETINGS OF CREDITORS,
AT THE COURT, BASINGHALL-STREET.

(From the London Gazette.)
TO-MORROW, SEPT. D.—DIVIDENDS. 01
J. P. Neale, Bennett-street, Blackfriars-road, bookseller... 3 j 1
J. Goater, High Holborn, victualler ll
J. Scavell, Beckenham, Kent, victualler

As an addition to our spring food, a net
species of clover has lrt-ly been introduced from Italy int;
the agriculture of this country. It is called trifolia 1
inc rrnaturn, and bears a beautiful head of bright red fiotrel*,
resembling sainfoin in colour.— Tyne Mercury.
There were lately dug up on Pagham fatly'
at East Witteriog, near Chichester, five or six good IV
man coins, in the most perfect state of preservation; i!e;
deed, as perfect as when they were first struck.
hear the heads of VALENTINIAN and MAXIMUS. n,„-
are in the possession of Mr. Gorham.—Hampshire
legraph.
fell
My little Hottentot corporal one morning 1
some living creature moving about his thigh, in the insideA
his leathern trousers. Thinking it was one of the harnutil
lizardsat firstwhich
swarmineiv, butery part
cameof South
ote Africa, nicsi,vbassiA
not
much mind t
laughing and shaking his limb to dislodge the I,e
min. But when a black wriggling and poisonous sn!';
come tumbling down about his naked ancles,
dilly, uttering a cry of horror, kicked the reptile
springing at the same moment nearly his own height ftwij
the ground; and though he had sustained no injury, e°oo
scarcely for some time be persuaded that he was not .1
g one man."—Penny Magazine.
The following unfortunate accidents occurftio
yesterday at Holloway :—A cabriolet was proceedingti
the direction of Highgate at the same time that a awe A
of oxen were being driven towards London. One of tt
rai against the cabriolet, and his horns coming in coewto
with the wheel, the shock had the effect of throwing,i
driver out, one of whose arms were broken. He
otherwise severely injured. About an hour after, ati
ber carriage, loaded with deals, going in tbe directiofld
Highgate, broke down opposite to the Crown, at Hollo,
in consequence of one of the hind wheels coming off. 0
Vie moment this happened, the driver, a boy about 101
years of age, being in the act of pulling out some
from the waggon, the load fell on him, and crushed 110
to death. A man, who was sitting on the top of bi
timber, was precipitated to the ground, much bruise
the
fall, b
oeing on
fortunately
thespot
notmortallyatthe
injured.mom en, every
t Mr.S
surgeon,a
renderedamriacne,swcaosmfort.
Tthe bodyhe o
man, afndththeeboy people of
tak theen Ctorsj.
did all that lay in their power to administer to the 'l4l
ibove-named house, to await a coroner's inquest. A
MOST HORRIBLE" CIRCUMSTANCE.
respectable gentleman, whose veracity we cannot (0,11011
called this morning at our office, and has assured us (",of
truth of the following shocking occurrence :—On ht„ri#
hence to Spa, a few days since, on passing the of
ground at Cloherbrien Church, close to that road, bejl
a number of dogs voraciously devouring a human "'II
which had died of cholera, and was newly interretd
few days after, on passing the same spot, he say_ ,a froi
exhibition, and the dogs actually tearing the bOaY /
the grave, which the gentleman describes as Mere' 10
shallow hole, slightly covered with a few loose stoats ;ie
describes the stench from the putrid, mangled, and el
fected carcass as intolerable. A similar dreadful scene'oo
are informed, has occurred at Ragb, quite close tn..",
t iwn. Surely the expense would be but trivial to Olio I
two confidential men to attend at the burying grown
Ragh and Cloherbrien, to see that the bodies are tittY
and properly interred, otherwise it is impossible 110 0
contagion must spread, and the pigs will speedily )off
the horrible feast.—Kerry Evening Post.

BIRTHS. 6tllf
On the 22d inst. at the Palace, Hereford, the Hon. Mr
of a daughter.
thei
On the 26th inst. at Tunbridge Wells, the Lady s, r a
Boileau, of a daughter.
MARRIED.
0,1
On the 27th inst. by special license, William Tighi of 1,11,1 j
Esq. Barrister at law to Ann Louisa, eldest daughter
late Major-General the Hon. Sir Wm. Ponsonby, •,*`"
the Hon. Georgians Lady Ponsonby. rr9P47l'
On the 27th inst. at St. Mary's, Bryanston-square, Ha
kenzie, Esq., of Cornwall-terrace, Regent's Park, to g_.,a
dow of William J. Coltman, Esq., of Upper Harley-strer.: o,
On the 25th inst. at St. Nicholas's Church, Great Y....„a.'"
Richard Gwyn, Esq., of Long Stratton, Norfolk, to
eldest daughter of Isaac Preston, Esq., of Great Yarrnottv-
J
DIED.
On the 6th inst. much lamented, Mrs. Ranson, w..e„fristio
A. C. Ranson, of 6, Crescent-place, Bridge-street, Blact g 7
On the 25th' inst. in the Kent-road, Agnes, the wife
George Hall Pownall. be' fir
On the 26th inst. at Portmouth, in the 19th year of
and after 12 years of extreme suffering, Henrietta Eliz.,ll
mild daughter of Captain Rainier, C. 8., of his Majeg,
Britannia, 100 guns. 8141
On the '2sth, at Brixton, Elizabeth Lyde. second dau
the late Mr. Lyde, late of the Strand. sKpAB
On the 25th inst. in St. John's-wood, Mr. Robert A.—
for many years of the Bank of England. Wit;
, On the 17th inst. George James, Esq., of Hampton
the county of Middlesex. noblo'
On the 15th of March last, at Bombay, J. M. G. iegeng
Esq., of the Civil Service. Although lie had not con,Pale"
22d year, he acted as one of the Principal Secretaries
vernment.
,S
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO Y OUN Or af.
SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON.