The Sun.
London, England, 1866-04-14 00:00:00

PETITIONS.

Serveral petitions on different subjects were presented
by Lords ChelmsfPßlVATEord, Houghton
BU, and Earl Grey.
SINESS.

The following bills were read a second time :—Afton
Valley Railway, Bodmiu Water, Neath and Brecon Rail-
way (Capital), and New Milford Docks.
The Montrose Harbour Bill and the Dublin Connecting
Railway Bill were severally read a third time and passed.
cA.PTAL PUNISHMENT BILL.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said that he would post-
pone the second reading of this bill, which was appointed
for Tuesday next, for a week.
THE OATHS BILL.
The Marquis of WESTMEATH presented a largo number of
petitions from different parts of the United Elingdom, and
from Jersey, from different sects of dissenters, against the
Abolition of Oaths Bill. The enumeration of the names
of the places from which the petitions emanated occupied
the noble marquis more than a quarter of an hour.
He said that although some members of the Church esta-
blishment had shown a great indifference to the interests
of Protestantism in this country, the Dissenters proved
that they did not partake of that feeling. The noble mar-
quis then read extracts from one of the petitions from
signed by 2,000, strongly denouncing
Hastings and Sent,
-what they designated the tendency of Protestants in
high places to promote Roman Catholic ascendancy.
The noble marquis then moved for copies of the declara-
tion against transubstantiation and the sacrifice of the
mass by certain Protestants holding office under the Crown,
and of any oaths bearing on religion to be taken by per-
sons in any civil office. He then proceeded to comment on
the Abolition of Oaths Bill.
Earl GRANVILLE called the noble lord to order on the
ground that it was not usual to deal with a bill not before
their lordships' house.
The Marquis of WESTMEATH, in continuation, said
that the progress of Roman Catholic practices in the
Church Establishment had filled Protestants generally
with alarm, and there was a strong feeling amongst the
people of England against that innovation. He would
warn the Roman Catholics to restrain their clergy from
the aggressions they were making on the Protestant
Church, as was shown by the petitions for the disendow-
ment of the Church, which, he contended, was dictated
by the Roman Catholic clergy. He called on her Ma-
jesty's Government in that house to declare the nature of
the bill they proposed to introduce.
Lord RUSSELL said he had no objection to the returns
moved for by the noble marquis.
The return was accordingly ordered.
The house then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS-LAST EVENING•

The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.
The following bills were read a third time and passed
Bromsgrove and Droitwich Water ; North-Eastern Rail-
way (Durham Now Lines, &c.) ; North Eastern Railway
(Yorkshire New Lines, &c.) ; Manchester Improvement;
and Thames Tunnel Company.
THE REFORM BILL.
Several hon. members having postponed motions that
stood before the order of the day for resuming the ad-
journed debate on the Reform Bill, the CHANCELLOR of the
EXCIIEQL-Elt presented petitions in favour of the bill, one
of which -was from Caine (hear, hear, and laughter)—
signed by the chairman (Mr. Bishop)—(loud laughter)—
on behalf of the meeting.
The order of the day having been read,
Mr. BAXTER rose and said, in the observations he
should make to the house he should abstain from person-
alities, with which he thought all were tired, and that the
debate would proceed without making further allusions to
the hon. member for Caine, because such things were not
worthy the dignity of Parliament. He did not stand there
as the apologist of the hon. gentleman, as his observations
would apply not to the merits of the actors, but to the bill
itself. The speech delivered last night by the hon. mem-
bers for Huntingdon and North Lincoln were still ringing
in his ears, but if any one present believed in the terrible
dangers prophesied to the House of Lords and to the
Throne of their beloved Queen itself, they would
not have slept soundly in their beds. (Hear, hear.)
In his opinion those observations were levelled at the Re-
form Bill of 1832, and how the hon. member for Hunting-
don could come to the conclusion that the addition of
400,000 persons of a vote would be fraught with con-
sequences so outrageous surpassed his comprehension.
(Hear, hear.) Moderate measures never brought about
revolution, but that which did so was a fixed determina-
tion to refuse the slightest boon that was calculated to bene-
fit the middle and working classes. (Hear, hear.) What
he complained of was that the Opposition did not clearly
define what they meant. He could only say that he be-
lieved the Opposition were in favour of a Reform
Bill so large and so comprehensive that the house was not
at all likely to agree to it. (Hear, hear.) If the course
was taken that the Opposition seemed to recommend, the
bill certainly could not have passed during the present
session, and perhaps that was what was required. A
great point had been made of the non-introduction of tho
bill for the redistribution of seats, but if such a measure
had been laid before Parliament previous to the
Reform Bill, ho should have opposed it, because
it would occasion a dissolution beforo the pies-
tion of the franchise was settled. (Hear, hear.) If the
Government had adopted that course, he for one should
have doubted the sincerity of her .Majesty's Government
altogether on the subject of reform. The present bill, he
believed, was looked upon by the country as an evidence
of the honesty of the Government, and their desire to suc-
ceed. (Hear, hear.) He must say, however, that the bill
did not come up to his expectations. (Hear, hear.) He
meant that it did not go far enough ; and in his
opinion, if the scope of the measure had
been largely extended, not the slightest danger
was to be apprehended. The house had been told that the
working class did not care about reform, that it was a
much ado about nothing, but those who knew the best
knew things were very different. They knew that the
working classes had a dependence on the promises of
Parliament, and they felt that they would receive their
enfranchisement without violence and without agitation.
(Hear, hoar.) If they were of opinion that Parliament was
not sincere in the desire to admit them to the exercise
of the franchise they would hear a scund of a very dif-
ferent description. (Hear, hear.) Ho did, however, hope
the Government would reconsider the savings bank
clause, as it would enfranchise but an infinitesimal num-
ha of voters, while it was a temptation to fraud and other
things much to be deplored. Why was a working man to
be tempted to buy a vote by keeping his money in the
savings bank in preference to investing it to better ad-
vantage ? Ho hoped the Government would reconsider
the matter, and that the bill would at no very distant day
become the law of the land, because its rejection would be
attended with danger and disappointment.
Sir B. LYTTON on rising was received with loud
cheers. He said—Sir, I approach this subject with deep
and sincere anxiety. I cannot bring myself to regard it in
at mere party point of view. It is not to my mind a ques-
tioahether the Government of to-day is to be confirmed
or displaced ; it is not to my mind only a question how
m
any seats a party called Liberal, or a party called Con-
servative, may gain or lose. The onsequences of the mea-
sure before us
go
far
rla
the these
considerations for good
or for evil ; they affect
permanent character of this
likeness house, whether it be regarded as the fair r
various classes and interests, or as a faithfueT re.tatio
mind and state of the whole nation, or as a deliberativeof n
the of
assembly requiring an amount of prudence and of culti-
vatedintelligence beyond that of any other popular chamber
in the world, because no other popular chamber, either in
Europe or America., exerts the same control over the Exe-
cutive, arrogates the same authority in maintaining peace
and provoking war, or, by the temper of its debates and the
grandeur of its renown, commands the sameinfluence over
the ideas and the destinies of mankind. My right hon.
friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer has said elsewhere
that the magnitude of the proposed change is imperfectly
understood in the country ; yet in his speech last night
it
..n,,
seemed to me rather his object to conceal its magnitude
Parade its insignificance. A reform is the correction of
talon of r• A bill for the
abuses, a revolutio is a transfer of powe .
redistrib •
large alteration"oaftsthies
a bo more or
faraconerrheicsetiois,n
and
dambuussets, a bill for
less, a transfer of
power. (Cheers.) The Chancellor of
the Exchequer
gives
scheme no
glimpse of that part of the Go-
vernmentcan show that he i
grit belongs to Reform, and I think I
eatly understates that part which
belongs to :revolution
• (Cheers.) sir,
Majesty's Government pro„,the last time her
tured to state that while
`—taiseed a Reform Bill I ven-
proportion of the working class admission of a certain
peinto the franchise was
essential to a well-balanced re
class was not inconsiderably representedtat at present ; and
ion— first, that that
'
secondly, that a £6 franchiseweourl,d to it th® lion's
hear.)- Both of these
share of the representation. (Ha
propositions were strongly contested, but contested by none
with more confident assurance than by my right b
the Chancellor of the Exchequer. condescending to
answer my remarks, he asserted that the
working class
were now, except in some infinitesimal degree, altogether
excluded from the pale of the constitution, and that a £6
franchise, according (I quote his own words) "to the best,
most comprehensive, and most accurate information that
could be obtained, would admit them in numbers so mode-
rate that it would be idle to talk of the lion's share ; it
would admit them to less than one-third of the borough
constituency." Now it is clear from the statistics furnished
by the Government that in both those propositions I was
within the limits. (Hear.) Now, we know that by the exist-
ing suffrage the working class have already something more
than a fourth of the whole borough representation, and that
a £6 franchise would give to them that lion's share, that
electoral preponderance over all other classes in this king-
dom, which the Chancellor of the Exchequer frankly. says
Parliament never contemplated, and is not prepared to con-
cede. Therefore, on the lowest verge to which the Govern-
ment can venture to descend, my right hon. friend contents