The Sun.
London, England, 1835-05-07 00:00:00

1010111f'

YORKSHIRE ELECTION.

WAKEFIELD, WEDNESDAY.
The interest occasioned by the election here is intense.
solte.Partjsans of both parties are doing their utmost. All
of rumours were afloat yesterday and this morning,
tkingst others that 5,000 men were coming from Leeds,
t„,a,;erY Party anticipated a riot. Mr. Wortley has been
ulYPelted at some places—not the best mode of exhibit-
r: °Pinion, certainly : still it is clear that the feeling of the
ilZafacturing part of the population is very strong against
hiy 'rhe supporters of Mr. Wortley now maintain that
Great are better than they have hitherto given out.
beets
influence has been quietly erted in his behalf, the
moat of which cannot but bet felt ;pestill it is the opinion of
w.i:t well-informed persons here that Lord Morpeth must
', and, hY a very considerable majority. The polling will
1111131,ace on Monday and Tuesday, and the declaration on
distant,iluaY• Some of the pollinr, places are about 70 miles
Piii The constituency is Sout 16,000 in number.
tottr±s morning the nomination took place. At ten o'clock
tilstige concourse of persons had assembled in front of the
n
imnA, gs, exhibiting the respective colours of the different
dates.ki The usual accompaniment of bands, banners 4
~,P,i'acards was also to be seen. " Morpeth and Reform"
F and Peace to Ireland"—" Morpeth, the
"IC of Oppressed"----" Civil and Religious Liberty"
44 Clerical Legislation"—were among the most promi-
With °f,the mottoes exhibited on the " Orange side ; while
f !.ne " Blue" party, " Wortley and independence
tslintair hearing for both sides"—" Party politics ruin the
"
seive 7, and a variety of other devices presented them-
m sufficient plenty. Owing to the politeness of Mr.
'idecillf' the Under-Sheriff, every accommodation was pro-
tide 4° ae Court-1 the reporters. The hustina.s were erected
at tbe
streei:house, and commanded a view own the
4104, through which the processions, or rather the proces-
-1,0,d Mr. Wortley came with little show, approached.
lsgb2erPeth arrived on horseback, with a cocked hat in
Which he afterwards wore ; he was greeted with
kitll-48tie cheers, which were renewed on his appearance
the j Platform. The whole area of the open space around
tot„.°llrt-house, as well as the street leading to it from the
oftlituatee-rooms, was completely crowded ; and the roofs
of buildings were also covered. The num-
great Persons assembled amounted to at least 12,000 ; the
I'''ainrity ofwhom exhibited the insignia of Lord
tPetla.
The Sheriff
Writ, ahA"ellify HENRY ROUNDELL, Esq., having read the
1:e-,i".,,,the usual formalities having been gone through,
path.m.,",vill:roN then came forward to propose Lord Mor-
Ithiel—" after stating the importance of the object for
tpre,7, electors were assembled on the present occasion,
Oran.-Be' his hope that those who composed the ocean of
him °e, and those who composed the section of blue before
tivrT-11d, in spite of their great differences of opinion,
alloididir, patient, and impartial hearing to whomsoever
a del% Present himself to their notice. They were met in
the 'ative character, to determine upon the merits of
they esPective candidates, and if they refused that hearing,
114 weuld lose that character of a deliberative assembly
Itar.4l4Batbarae the character of an assembly carried away by
of ~feeling le and instigated by passion. He must
thonfrelye, before he proceeded further, to remark that he
keet°4 it would be much better to banish from such a
Iltitatif! as the present anything savouring at all of im-
-},TI of motives, and refusing to allow that one
IkPell6,l°w, ever opposed in opinion to another, may be
that ,„1, 37 the same earnest and upright desire to do
).kint",,gich to him might seem proper.—(Cheers.) He
ktle :,s° observe that he did think there had been some
°flll,-',.that feeling evinced on the part of the opponents
toped 410ble Friend.--(Cries of " No, no !") Well he
411 413 t ; but he could not avoid saying, that when he
,hirard, or read in black and white, imputations upon
tives of his Noble Friend, in reference to the view
late„..ue took of certain questions deeply affecting the
laeCts of this mighty empire, it did seem to him that
448 n'pahutations were not quite in the spirit of fair-
aby and candour. It was not necessary for him to attempt
fan.i
elutation of those imputations ; they might draw a
atatillhfereince as to his Noble Friend's motives, from the
the (1;
which he occupied, and the stake which he had in
atkile,-,uritY• Two grounds of objection had been urged
to ti.3l"
e that Noble Individual—one, that he was an enemy
, a
"girn fanner ; and the other, that his recent acceptance of
liite_Pfertant and laborious office in the State had deprived
his .e qualification for representing them Parliament..
*ere tew Well, from experience, that their opponents
the Tre.clently in the habit of taking to themselves
fake -cent of an exclusive friendship for the British
tonkef'„and an exclusive will to do them good. But
p ‘4IS be shown to be the case ? How was it to
411edkisved ? By professions broken and promises unful-
the Y a constant recounting of the difficulties in which
raeo iltish farmer was placed ? Under what, gentle-
BntUnder the present Corn Laws ?—(Laughter.)
the An the same breath in which they said that
Which Laws were totally ineffective for the object
(leei 'I had been proposed they should attain, they
And that they would not alter them.—(Cheers.)
Whiere let him allude to another point, by the use of
,L 1
their opponents had endeavoured to conciliate the
dwill of the electors—he meant the question of the
Nal of the Malt-tax. They made professions and long
eches beforehand, and when they went into Parliament
said as little as they could, and broke their often-
Peated promises. He wished, then, to know which of
e tWO men to be proposed to them they would choose to
481:Zesent them.—(Cries of " Morpeth, be is the man for
lie feebly opposed by " No, no.") The conduct of his
eieble Friend in Parliament, in objecting to grant them
kkirepeal of the Malt-tax, had been most unfairly used
tllist him on the present occasion, but he was confi-
nt that the electors would do their duty nobly. As
Fria e,objection which had been urged against his Noble
4411 Q, on the score of his having accepted a high and
,gaunt office, and being thus precluded from giving
slit noon to the great interests of this mighty con-
CeY, he would ask, did Gentlemen remember 1807 ?
kent"` Was the case then ? They had sent into Parlia-
°lle
~n.lan barely twenty-one years of age, with only
easn,—Nutor, to represent the interests of the whole
tet,„..l of Yorkshire—(A cry of " Oh, you will never
Fm t,, ) that !"—the allusion of Lord Alilton applying to
aaseraler,---to represent the town in which they were now
Drelle;,.'e., as well as many others, which then had no re-
'ePr Seated
of their own. The West Riding was then
reePree—nted by two-thirds of the services of one county
tkit sentative, and by ten Members for the most unimpor-
IlarliPlaees in the whole Riding. They had sent him to
‘ekrea,ment in days in which the name of Reform was
stittlwe'Y whispered ; and in which the party which now con-
._te-er'eolthe opposition brought against his Noble Friend's
nte,t:‘en, were in the Isabit of telling them that the repre-
lltlenCe system of this country was perfect—and, conse-
that the West-Riding required no further repre-
letif°,n• He held, however, that all the prejudices which
again , ueen attempted to raise in the minds of the people
litipw their favourite, would be of no avail against the
tanie ". and tried merits of his Noble Friend. He no
the last point to which it was necessary he shouieiv
duties His
Noble Friend had been selected to fulfil the
he °' One of the most responsible offices of the State—
Cee ad been selected to go to Ireland by the King—(" By
sWered ell' you mean," from the Blue party, who were an-
When
°Y cheers from the Orange.) He was sorry that
fan ,issuch an appointment had been made of _ a
taxes'' \°---(a voice from the crowd, " Refused to pay the
!fie 1.-.lle was sorry that its mere mention should have
f
t.he'em-2,c.rY which he was satisfied, from the appearance of
loth was not in unison with the feelings of the ma-
Le. 3' of those who composed it. When they hear of office
tat Conferred on a man who was firmly resolved to work
tn, ',ue cause of peace in Ireland until the bayonet was
that into a ploughshare—( Loud cheering)—he was satis-
co„`"at if they reflected on that point for one minute, and
grated the several excellent appointments which had
theh.,ll-Place, they would acknowledge that foremost among
Zim excellence stood the appointment of Lord Morpeth.
Cheers.) They all knew his private worth, and the un-
almil integrity of his character in private life ; and they
ditnin";, he was convinced, feel that that worth could not be
I'diej:ited7 or that character be in any way less estimable
clad; b't assumed a public form. He begged leave to conl -
'Me" "Y Proposing the Right Hon. W. Howard, commonly
te,,rci Lord Viscount Morpeth, as a fit and proper personyk in
11:;rieisae,,,nt the West Riding of the county of or
krui_ent.
1,1: WALKER seconded the nomination of Lord Morpeth.
80;" Hon. W. S. LASCELLES proposed, and Mr. TROMP-
-Becended, the nomination of Mr. Stuart Wortley.—No
,er candidate being proposed,
Witrrd MORPETH then came forward, and was received
Iv: enthusiastic cheers. Gentlemen, electors of the
eliest Riding, in presenting myself to this mighty meeting,
oleal and momentous as the occasion is on which it is
settibled, and the struggle on which it would seem we are
actually about to enter, though this is the first time
n..tpo attarpti:osin.this place I have found an op I opponent, and seen the
tog e standards unfurled for conflict, yet do venture
myself that several circumstances have combined
imp nder it less incumbent on me than I have sometimes
anined it would be, to trouble so large and numerous an
ten:ince at any protracted length. In the first place,
aria men' lam not new to you.—(Cheers, and some
chief °' " No, we have had you too long.") Indeed, . my
'torth.dan.ger seems to me to lie in my excessive staleness ;
';vitl)i).,lBls my fifth appeal to the constituency of Yorkshire
fivesub years that I
and it is only three months ago
witted to them from this place a statement of my gene-
Steed,slitical principles and conduct, To that statement I
to do so
now revert, because I have no reason
otil the electors of this Riding have changed theird opi-
lu'i--which I feel convinced they have not change any
re *Lau I have changed mine.--qClieffs.) All tha I

,000
vs the
much fr the
,eading obeo,
/aerobic 00
Id an elli„.:biec
This voi
success re
vorl I"°3
his abriclieoe
toi .s loue. 115'
,
9, 1

E ; Or
yrSAc-
-5 C.,- se.

f„
Of l‘h-raesl'
';‘:1 on 616 Ar
•litensive
)n. irlie
t,verY
in 31111°51.:401
have
gne `l
pOliCieSCr
!‘v bleCt
OfofthreisStis
the
ea bef°'
c coriceica,4
'De of gilitY
.ty or inegae-
aild' 15
ate
law.
be of
COolsr
lil
author 0f
,•d's. rlst
'oll3' `llO
Dart' •
ce, /'
rao ios 05
Co•,;:r joPcil
d to `t
ion NO itc hat
tly
_gri4a perflefil
biaelicut
of

need explain must be limited to that short interval which
has elapsed since I had the honour of becoming the object
of your choice, and therefore in a prominent degree to the
part which I bore in the opposition to the Government of Sir
R. Peel, and to my acceptance of office (under " O'Connell"
from the crowd)—under the Government of Lord Mel-
bourne.—(Cries of " O'Connell you mean," which were an-
swered by loud cheers.) But I have had an opportunity
of detailing my votes and my motives of action on these
points, both at the outset here in Wakefield and subse-
quently during a canvass through the other portions of the ,
Riding, beyond all precedent extensive and varied. And
here, gentlemen, let me appeal to the manner in which
I have been received as a proof that I shall retain
your confidence. I have been, as it is well known
through the wide limits of this Riding, among all varieties
of toil, scenery, and occupations.—(Laughter.) I have
been in agricultural districts among meadows and corn-
fields--(Laughter)--of which I had been told that I
should not be so welcome there as in large and po-
pulous towns ; but I have only to say that I found
both interests striving to outdo each other in the cor-
diality of their welcome. Let me appeal to the na-
ture of the welcome which has attended my steps—to
the favour of the crowds which have poured out in all the
streets, no less than to the kindly and honest greetings
of the hills—to the large groups that gathered every-
where on my way, and to that which constituted the chief
attraction of the whole—not the fluttering, gaudy banners,
and the sound of inspiriting music—(Laughter from the
Blue party), for I know that in these respects our oppo-
nents sometimes vie with us, and occasionally surpass us—
but that which gave the real zest, life, and lustre to the
whole—the associated consent and approval of a united
and hearty population.—(Loud cheering.) I will venture
to assert, that my recent Parliamentary conduct, and espe-
cially my acceptance of office—(" Under O'Connell," from
the crowd)—has not been—l distinctly repeat, has not
been unpopular with the great body of my constituents.
Every fact, however, is disputed, and we are now told
that there is a re-action in the country. A re-action ?
If there has been any, it has been from comparative
quiescence into vigorous exertion—from carelessness un-
der Tory aggression, to an organized resistance to Tory
rule. Gentlemen, I own that I think it a fortunate cir-
cumstance, in the present struggle, not only to recipro-
cate to those gentlemen who immediately preceded me
(for one of whom I need give no assurance of my undi-
minished friendship and affection) the courteous and kindly
feelings which they have expressed towards me, but also
that I have, in my fellow-candidate, one whose personal
good qualities and blameless private life have long riveted
my esteem. But as my Hon. Opponent and Friend has
been so advised, stepping out of that sphere in which I
should be the first to render him every homage, as to make
this incursion into the West Riding of Yorkshire, I can
only say that while I hope he may long live to ornament it
with his presence, and benefit it by his residence, it is to
its representation that I dispute his admission. I say, gen-
tlemen, that we must contrive to convince him—(A cry
of " You can't do it," answered by " We will, though")—
that he inherits the destiny as well as the name of the
Stuarts.—(Loud cheering, and a partial cry of " Shame.")
If some of you think there is anything shameful in that
expression, you are very hard to please. We must, I say,
tell him that he is a pretender, and that he has no rightful
title to the seat which he seeks to fill ; and we must invite
him, with all due politeness, to return to the Scottish fast-
nesses from whence he has in an unadvised hour made his
descent upon our broader territory. (Laughter and
cheering.) Gentlemen, the worthy seconder of my fel-
low-candidate, descending from generalities, has asked
me whether the present Factory Bill has been
of benefit to the masters and operatives of this country ?
Am I to understand that he recommends the Ten-

hour Bill, which ✓ I understand to be that which was
most in favour with the operatives of the Riding at the
time that the question was first agitated? The worthy
elector also asked me, whether the Poor-Law Bill had been
of use or credit to the country ? Why, Gentlemen, you
heard the proposer of my Noble Friend state distinctly that
he was identified with the Government of Sir Robert Peel ;
and we all know that in Sir R. Peel the Poor-Law Bill

found a steady and persevering supporter. The worthy
elector also asked me whether the measure referring to the
Marriage of Dissenters had been of benefit to the Dissen-
ters in particular, and to the community at large? It would
be strange if it had been of benefit to them ; for that mea-
sure has never yet been passed into a law.—(Much
laughter.) I trust, however, that we shall grow wise as we
live, and that after comparing the two measures hitherto
brought forward on this subject, the present Government
will be able to introduce a measure which shall put on a
basis satisfactory to all this most complicated question, and
give in this, as in other matters, full and adequate relief
to the body of Protestant Dissenters. Now, Gentlemen,
I address myself to another point. In the course of the
long canvassing tour which I have made of late, I have
found myself to be the victim of several aspersions, some
of which I think not wholly calculated to run current in
such a well-informed and central quarter as this, but
suited rather to those remote corners and retired glens

in which they have been left ingeniously to lurk. I have
to thank my Noble Friend who proposed me, for replying
satisfactorily to some of them ; the rest seem mainly to be
resolved into a belief of my being a creature of Mr. O'Con-
nell—(Cries of "So you are !")—and a friend—unduly a
friend to the Roman Catholic faith. Now, first, with respect
to Mr. O'Connell, who, though an eminent Catholic, is not
the Pope, and with whom, therefore, the holding of any in-
tercourse is not yet a regular indictable offence by statute—
(laughter)—l must really tell you, gentlemen, that I should
not look on it as an evil, considering the present state of
Ireland, if the powerful influence of any man who could
wield it should be exerted on the side of order, good go-
vernment, and peace— (Some expressions of dissent, with a
cry of " The death's head and cross bones.") I suppose
that that interruption must come from enemies to order,
good government, and peace.—(Cheers.) I know, however,
that in the instance here referred to, that influence was not
courted by any unworthy confidence, or any improper mea-
sure ; and if, gentlemen, possessing such influence should
be of that dangerous character which some take such de-
light in painting it, I say that the best means of counter-
action lie—not in raising a hollow and senseless cry—not
in fanning the bygone bigotry of darker days—but in re-
moving those deep•seated causes which give to the power
we deny all its inordinate substance, and all its dangerous
activity. Again, at some places it was said that I myself
had become a Roman Catholic. I see you do not think
that a charge which need be very gravely met. I can as-
sure you that it is not my wish to speak disrespectfully of
the religious tenets of any part of my countrymen ; and I
freely and fairly say, that while I am not prepared to join
in all that indiscriminate and unsparing abuse (which
some seem to think constitutes the sum of Christian
charity), against a Church which, whatever may be its
faults and errors, has given divines to be a light to the
world, and formularies to be a guide to devotion, I
yet must admit that there is much in it from which
I deeply and radically dissent. So far as my own
individual concern with it lies, I should ever endeavour,
with all the energy of the conviction of truth, to give my
utmost efforts in behalf of the cause of religion—that honest
cause ; but the State must act for the benefit of all, and
endeavour in the justest way possible to reconcile past ap-
propriations and arrangements with the pressing exigencies
to which the present state of society gives birth. On the
question now immediately at issue, respecting the appro-
priation of any sinecure or surplus revenues the Irish
Church to purposes of general religious and moral educa-
tion, I do not so much feel myself called on to enter into
that, because I have scrupulously explained my views on
that point. On this point depended that vital question
which the House of Commons had to decide between Sir
R. Peel and Lord J. Rnssell, and to this question alone
I shall be content to leave the issue of the conflict between
Air. Wortley and myself. The present state and futurepros-
pects of Ireland—that country with which my official duties
must so much connect me, present a wide field upon which to
expatiate on this occasion ; but I shall not delay you very long
upon that point." The Noble Lord here proceeded to draw
a picture of the prosperity of Yorkshire, and extent of its
industry, as exhibited in its " forges gleaming in the most
unfrequented glens," and other outward signs ; and then
observed that he could not help reflecting that there was a
land perhaps even more profusely gifted with every natural
capacity of making her inhabitants wealthy, enterprising,
industrious, and happy. It possessed a fine climate, a rich
soil, spacious rivers, noble lakes, accessible harbours, and
an excellent people, endowed by nature with high advan-
tages ; yet the beauty of that land had been marred by bad
government, by the misery and crimes of men, and those
who had been famed for so much excellence, had been but
too often the actors of savage anarchy and unrepented
bloodshed. The inference followed, that by a steady per-
severance in a course of just, impartial, kindly, and conci-
liating policy, by a redress of oppressive grievances, and a
mitigation of conflicting distempers, we may succeed in in-
troducing a better order of things, with charity, repose,
and tranquillity. And what are the attendants in their
wake ?—a progressive growth of industry, and extension
of capital. Ireland might then be what Yorkshire now
was, and to that high consummation Yorkshire was now
largely contributing.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") It was
Yorkshire that sent out his Noble Friend Lord Mulgrave,
whose happy fate it bad been to introduce the great mea-
sure of Negro Emancipation into Jamaica, and whose for-
tune it would now be to effect a scarcely less desirable mea-
sure in Ireland. What he now asked for the electors was,
to associate with that Noble Lord, himself, as an humble,
but zealous, devoted, and disinterested assistant. " The
time is now come," continued the Noble Lord, " not for
words but for actions. Gentlemen, what the issue of the
show of hands may be to-day it might be presumptuous in
me to prophecy, but it is Opt difficult to surmise. Gentle-

men, if, after the exhibition of popular feeling, which I be-
lieve will meet them in the show of hands, our opponents
have so far screwed up their courage as to go to poll, why
then, viewing the matter calmly and dispassionately, I
should regret that those who honour me with support,
should be occasioned any expense by any proceeding on my
part. But putting aside these prudential considerations, I.
can tell our opponents, that viewing it as a struggle of
principle, I quite pant for the conflict. Gentlemen, we
have not wanting great incentives on our side ; the ap-
pearance and accent of my Noble Friend who proposed
suggest those hereditary recollections of triumph which
must occur at the mention of the name of Milton.—(Great
cheering.) In every election occasioned by the change in
the Government, the cause of good and economical Govern-
ment has hitherto met with uniform success. Manchester,
the commercial capital of this part of England, wafts to you
its stirring echoes. As to South Devonshire, I understand
that a majority of 300 already gives happy omen of the re-
turn of that tried friend of civil and religious liberty, Lord
John Russell.—(Cheers.) Why, then, gentleman, shall the
emphatic voice of the West Riding of Yorkshire, so often
the stronghold of freedom, be wanting to swell the general
gale with a note more loud and commanding than the rest ?
I draw other conclusions from this splendid assembly, from
all these tokens of welcome, and from the blaze of colour
around me. I leave my cause in your good and friendly
keeping. You have not failed me yet ; you will not fail me
now. You have not deserted the cause of Reform and
Liberal opinions before ; you will not turn your backs on it
now. I take my leave of you, confident that your exer-
tions will secure to us—first, victory, and then repose.
Mr. WORTLEY came forward amidst loud groans and
faint cheers. He said—Gentlemen and fellow-men of the
West Riding of Yorkshire, last in the proceedings of the
day, it has become my duty to present myself before you ;
and I trust that I shall be permitted to take that step
without appearing liable to the imputation of a descent up-
on my native Riding, which my noble Friend seems inclined
to impute to me—(Cheers and hisses)--for I am proud to
say, that whatever may be the claims of my Noble Friend
upon the confidence of the meeting ; yet I think I can truly
say, I can vie with hits at least in the closeness of my con-
nexion with the interests of this county.—(Hisses and
cheers.) It was sufficient to overpower any man, to find
himself called upon to appear before such a multitude as
that he now addressed ; but on this occasion, although he
felt sensibly his situation—(a laugh)—he felt that the cir-
cumstances were admirably calculated to impress upon
that man's mind who was candidate for the representation
of such an extensive district, the importance of the
trust which he sought should be reposed in him.
He felt the prouder also in standing before them,
because he observed the peaceable, orderly, and ra-
tional demeanour which characterised the stupendous
multitude ; and there was no need that he should
add to the manly appeal of his Noble Friend, as the Noble
Lord who proposed the other candidate permitted him to
call him, as he was conscious that although there were
many present who dissented from his opinions, yet he would
have a fair hearing. It might be considered unavailing,
after he had so repeatedly declared those opinions in the
course of his canvass, to detain the present assembly long
by a detail of what he had so frequently expressed ; but
he was there to discharge a public duty, and he considered
it imperative to state the grounds upon which he claimed
their confidence, lest he should be misunderstood ; he
should therefore trespass shortly upon them, in order to as-
sist the constituency he addressed in forming a judgment
between his Noble Friend and himself, and in what he
would say he wished to be understood that he did not seek
to impute motives to any individual, as had been similarly
observed by the proposer of his Noble Friend, who knew
that he had no disposition of that description, and more espe-
cially towards him ; but he would not disguise the fact, nor
hesitate to place it before the electors, that his Noble Friend
attended here as connected with the Government which had
been raised to its present post by the assistance of men against
whose aggressions it was his ardent wish to rouse his
countrymen.—(Cheers and disapprobation.) To the Noble
Lord, personally, he attached no part of the blame which
he attached to his position ; but it was a fact which he
would use in the present instance, that he (Lord Morpeth)
and his associates, had been raised to their present situations
by those whom he believed to be their bitterest enemies.
His Noble Friend had on previous occasions met him with
two objections. First, that he had used the name of
O'Connell as a bugbear ; and, secondly, that he had no
right to question the character of the majority of the House
of Commons, which placed the present Governmenf in
office. To the first of these objections, he (Mr. Wort-
ley) answered that he had a precedent for denouncing
O'Connell. He was not the first that denounced the
tyrant demagogue of Ireland.—(Great disapprobation and
faint cheers.) He had been denounced before, and not
by him or his allies, but by the party to which his Noble
Friend belonged ; for, in a speech which that man him-
self a few months ago termed to be bloody and brutal,
that very party, when before in power, deemed it so im-
portant to make the people acquainted with his designs,
that they went so far as to denounce him from the mouth
of the Sovereign. He, therefore, had a right, of which he
could not be divested, to make a similar appeal, to the
sympathies of the country.—( Hisses and cheers.) The
second objection of his Noble Friend- regarded his right to
question the character of the majorities in the House of
Commons, because they composed a portion of the Imperial
Parliament—he was as sensible of the truth of this as his
Noble Friend was, but he would answer him thus—that
though he did not arrogate to himself the right to question
the authority of the decisions of a Parliamentary majority,
yet he had the right, when appealing to the source from
which their authority was primarily derived, to urge the
people to alter the composition of which he complained.
To debate long upon the designs of those men who had
effected a political change against the will certainly of the
people of England and Scotland would be a waste of words ' •
but he could not avoid stating that within the last few days
in that capital for which his Noble Friend was destined--
the man of whom he spoke had presumed to say that it was
he who had overpowered the Representatives of England.—.
(Groans and cheers.) Perhaps his Noble Friend was not
conscious of the utterance of that language ; but he could
assure him that the person he had spoken of had, in what he
termed the Anti-Tory Association, stated that, in assist-
ing the present Government to power, he had overwhelmed
the English representatives ; and he (Mr. W.) would now
ask whether his appeal was ill-founded or unjustifiable ?
(Hisses and applause.) When he asked those now as-
sembled, as he had done all others in his canvas through
the Riding, whether they, as Englishmen and Protestants,
were prepared to sanction the aggressions contemplated
against their brethren in another part of the empire, and
to further the ends of such individuals he had spoken of—
(Loud disapprobation, and faint cheers}—he would main-
tain again that, no matter what his Noble Friend said to
the contrary, this was a point upon which he might appeal
to Englishmen and Protestants.—(Renewed groans.) He
would do so, because, although throughout his life he had
ever expressed his wishes—his sincere wishes—to extend to
all religious persuasions the civil rights to which they were
entitled, yet he would resist strenuously, and to the last,
the efforts of those who demanded, not an equality of pri-
vileges, but an appropriation of plunder.—(Groans.) He
expressed
nhimse—lf strongly, but he considered himself justifi-
able His Noble Friend might say
that he proposed simply to appropriate the useless property of
the Church to the purposes of education ; but he would an-
swer in the words of his colleague, Sir J. Hobhouse, who
told the people of Nottingham the other day, " That the
Government could not last a week unless it conciliated the
materials of which the majority of the Commons was com-
posed," and he would place that side by side with the decla-
ration of Mr. Sheil, who was one of those who assisted the
Noble Lord in accomplishing this innocent appropriation,
and he would ask any man of common sense—he would
appeal to the people who heard him—was it likely that this
oonciliation was to be accomplished by an appropriation to
an indifferent education of an imaginary surplus ?—(Groans
and cheers.) Would the man to whom he alluded be
satisfied with any thing short of an appropriation to Ca-
tholic purposes—(Disapprobation)—the people throughout
those realms will answer the question, and he could not
believe that they were unable to see what was an obvious
and unavoidable conclusion, that the persons who assisted
in placing the present Administration in office, would be
satisfied with nothing short of an appropriation to their
own ends and objects.—(Groans and cheers.) He would
therefore again say, that he was justified in making an
appeal to those whose suffrages he sought ; and though
his Noble Friend might flatter himself with visions of
pacification, and might imagine by his votes and Par-
liamentary conduct to effect the conciliation talked of, yet
b y the rules of common reason he can be answered, that
it will not be effected thus ; and if the object be to pro-
mote education in Ireland, it was questionable whether the
first step to that effect should be a lesson in the art of
plunder—this was one broad, intelligible, and distinct prin-
ciple upon which he had complied with. the applications
made to him to undertake the present struggle, and he
looked upon it as a struggle in which the population of
the empire was vitally interested, and one upon which all
eyes were set ; and he had too strong an impression of
the loyalty and attachment of the Protestants of the coun-
try to their national institutions to doubt that in a case
like the present; where they were not called on to inflict
any harsh measures upon their Catholic fellow-subjects,
they
in yy were
rul
whichdt h riserehatis threatened.
Noble Fri
oedpposition to the aggressions with which
t
Heewn•od,s and
alludeuldnowhisownc
to another
owtleierer
point
contrasted. The Noble Lord who proposed him said I
I had arrogated to myself the title of the " farmer's friend."
Lord MILTON said that he merely stated that this was
generally done by parties with which he (Mr. Wortley)
was connected,
Mr. WORTLEY would, therefore, do the Noble Lord

FOURTH CONCERT.

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, MAY 7, 1835.

THE ANCIENT CONCERTS.

justice in assuming that the charge brought against his
friends was that of arrogating to themselves the title of the
farmer's friends. The Noble Lord talked of arrogating—
arrogate was the word used, and he would now ask the as-
sembly, who had for years arrogated to themselves the mo-
nopoly of all reform—(Disapprobation and cheers)—he
would ask his friends to cast their eyes upon the symbols
of hostility displayed everywhere around them, and to read
the words inscribed upon those emblems ; were they not
" Morpeth and Reform ?" And whilst they were told that
no man had a right to approach the precincts of reform
but Whigs, his Noble Friend talked of their arrogating
to themselves the title of the farmer's friend, a title
which he would not reject, because he was the warm
friend of his agricultural brethren, and those who had
heard his sentiments in the course of his canvass were
aware that he had used the same language in every dis-
trict through which he had passed.--(Cheers from the
blue favours.) With regard to the Corn Law question,
his opinion simply was, that the manufacturing popu-
lation were egregiously deluded in their expectations,
and would fail to obtain any of those advantages
which they hoped from a repeal of them, whilst such
a measure would entail ruin upon all connected with the
sister interests.—(Hear.) He had endeavoured to explain
those views to both parties, and he had not formed them
for electioneering purposes ; but after a long and strict ex-
amination of the subject, he believed that no benefit would
arise to the community at large by a repeal of the Corn
Laws, whilst it would ensure the destruction and ruin of
two-thirds of the property of the country without confer-
ring any of those benefits which had been so largely pro-
mised, but which he believed would be so scantily obtained.
He had said so much with regard to Reform, and he would
now trespass upon the assembly for a few minutes in defen-
ding his conduct from some aspersions that had been cast
upon it in a public print in a neighbouring town. The jour-
nal he alluded to formed an important portion of the press,
and he must, therefore, necessarily consider the mere men-
tion of his name in that great organ of Whiggery to be a
compliment of no mean order ; but he was bound to say
that in it not only his name was mentioned, but Parliamen-
tary documents had been dived into, and his votes and
speeches had been canvassed in detail. He, therefore,
.thought it to be his business to answer the imputations
which accompanied the honour conferred upon him. He
had been told that his present conduct was inconsistent
with his past, and he had been questioned in his can-
vas as to whether he was not hostile to the enfran-
chisement of manufacturing towns, and he had said that
he never objected to that portion of the Reform Bill which
gave the franchise to Manchester, Birmingham, and Leeds.
He acknowledged that he voted against the Reform Bill,
and this was one of the few, if not the only vote
which in the course of his life he had reason to
regret.—(Laughter.) He was prepared for their de-
cision ; but he thought it no disgrace for any man who
considered he had acted wrong to acknowledge the fact
—and the real fact was that when he gave his vote
against the Bill he was not hostile to the principles
embodied in it ; but there was another vote of his to which
he would refer, although it was not convenient for the
publication alluded to to do so, he meant that upon the
question of the transfer of the franchise to Birmingham for
which he voted, although those with whom he was connected
were opposed to it.—(Cheers.) With regard to the Re-
form Bill, however, he conceived that the main use made
of it by his opponents was to draw from it the oppor-
tunity of asserting that those who had not supported it
were not worthy of public confidence, or fit to approach the
subject of Reform.—( Cheers.) One great objection he
had to the Reform Bill was, the mode in which it was
passed ; and he would undertake to say, that it was driven
through the Legislature in a manner that was inconsistent
with the spirit and practice of the Constitution.—(Great
disapprobation.) If to have voted against the Reform Bill
was a disqualification, he would not disown his vote given to
that effect ; but he would say that it was honestly given, and
he believed still that his countrymen were disposed to judge
fairly of the principles he avowed ; and he could not for-
get, though the Whigs were now again in power, the
short intervening Administration had done more to con-
vince the country of its capability to further the cause
of Constitutional Reform, than the Reforming Go-
vernment of three years had done. The former having
received the approbation even of those who were disposed
to detract from their merits, in directing their energies
to all those great subjects of Reform upon which the
public mind was bent, he was a hearty friend to the course
of those Reforms. The Church was what other human

institutions were in some degree—imperfect, and he was
prepared to remedy any evils that existed, taking care to
protect its substance and establishment from the efforts of
those whose object was its destruction. With respect to
municipal reform, he was ready to approach it with im-
partiality, as he had no interest in it. He had seen the
report of the Commission on this subject, and he believed
that reform was necessary, and he was as ready to ap-
proach it as his Noble Friend. He left to that Nobleman
the exultation which he expressed at the numbers in
which his friends had appeared, and which he was aware
great pains had been taken to obtain. The experience of
elections proved that a show of hands did not ensure suc-
cess, and he rejoiced to say that at that moment they
might boast of some success in a similar instance where a
show of hands was with the same party as it would be at
present. He gave his Noble Friend the benefit of the
parallel, as far as it had gone—and it was likely to be
still further pursued—and when the great test arrived, he
thought that the case of his Noble Friend would be more
nearly that of Lord John Russell than he would wish.—..
(Cheers and groans.)
A show of hands was then taken, when the Sheriff de-
clared that the election had fallen upon Lord Morpeth.
Mr. BECKETT DENISON then demanded a poll on behalf
of Mr. Wortley, and expressed his decided conviction of the
certainty of that Gentleman's success.
Mr. W. FAWKES felt equally sure of Lord Morpeth's
success.
The SHERIFF then appointed Monday and Tuesday for
the polling days, and Thursday for the declaration.
The meeting then adjourned until nine o'clock on Mon-
day morning.
It was calculated that, at the close of the proceedings,
there could not be less than forty thousand persons assem-
bled in the immediate neighbourhood of the hustings. It
was expected that some disturbance would have taken
place, but every thing went off peaceably.

The fourth meeting of this Society was held yesterday
evening in the Hanover-square Concert-rooms, under the di-
rection of the Earl of Cawdor. As long as the Royal and
Noble Directors contribute the fatal gift of their services
towards the arrangement and selection of the programmes of
these performances, so long will they remain a century behind
the learning and taste of the day. Madame Stockhausen
wasted much neat and perfect execution upon a worthless and
silly composition by Perez. Miss Postans degraded her fine
voice and capabilities in attempting to get through a long,
dull, and tedious scena from the " Giulio Sabino" of Sarti.
Mr. Braham, unfortunately, was not in good voice ; and in
the character of Cardenio, did such " horrid execution"
upon the song " Let the dreadful engines of eternal will,"
that we were not a little rejoiced to hear the concluding lines,
in which the singer bids us " and all the world good night."
Mr. Hawkins (who has really a fine voice) was permitted to
attempt the song "Jehovah crowned," the melody of which
is utterly beyond the compass of his voice, and ought to have
been given to a mezzo soprano. Tamburini executed but in-
differently the song in C minor, from the Orlando of Handel,
to which the public have long been familiarized by the per-
formance of Mr. Phillips, in the well-known adaptation " Wave
for wave." The Signor mistook the character of this song—
the quiet, equal, and smooth intonation with which Phillips gives
it is a far better conception. The orchestra gentlemen were oc-
cupied in laying open the latent mysteries to be found in the over-
ture to the occasional oratorio and the second oboe concerto, by
Handel. Dr. Forkel, in comparing Handel to Bach, justly
observes that much of what the former has written has become
antiquated—a necessary consequence attending his yielding to
the then fashionable taste of the day in the forms of his melo-
dies ; and that it is only from his choral fugues that this great
writer can lay claim to immortality. It is truly lamentable to
see the least worthy of Handel's compositions usurping the
place of the splendid legacies of his genius. With the ex-
ception of the short duet for the two celli, and the fugue
which followed (afterwards published as one of his organ
fugues), the whole of the concerto is beneath criticism in the
form it now stands. The more pleasant duty remains. Him-
mell's exquisite and beautiful quartet was admirably sung, and
the same may be remarked of the round of Buononcini—the
musician who was thrust forward by the Aristocracy of his day
as the rival of Handel The composition is melodious, and
prettily put together, and was honoured with an unanimous
call for its repetition. Later authors have not scrupled to
plagiarize its expressions. Madame Stockhausen, in the exe-
cution of the song from Deborah, and Mr. Phillips, in the
performance of the one from Theodora, highly distinguished
themselves. The chorusses from Semele, Esther, Theodora,
and Deborah, are severally fine specimens of Handel's great
resources in this branch of the art, and would have been much
better performed had the singers been less vociferous in their
exertions. Lord Burghersh, we understand, presides over
the next concert, and Miss Kemble is to make her first
appearance in public. May we be permitted to inquire if this
season is to pass over without the production of a single com-
position of Sebastian Bach, an author whose works those only
under-rate who are ignorant of his profound and sterling
merit? His motett in G minor (one of 8) is the greatest
effort in vocal writing we are acquainted with, and scarcely
one of the profession is to be found who knows it, or indeed
any other of this writer's magnificent vocal compositions.
There is a wide and marvellous difference of opinion between
the Directors of this Institution and those of the Philharmonic
Concert. The names of Mozart and Beethoven, it would
seem, excite the horror and disgust of the former, in propor-
tion as they are the delight and veneration of the latter. The
performance of the overture to " Cosi fan tutti" of Mozart
did not excite the flutter of a concert bill. The sensitive feel-

ings, however, of the occupants of the Directors' seats were
reserved for the secret beauties existing, supposititiously or
otherwise, in the long and melancholy recitative emitted by
Miss Postans. The room was very well attended.