The Sun.
London, England, 1835-04-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

A careful examination of the list of the new Minis-
try must by this time have demonstrated to every well-
wisher of his country, that we have not-been prema-
ture in calling the attention of our readers to the fact
that the affairs of the State must ever be conducted
in an exceedingly unsatisfactory mannerbecause com-
mitted to the least efficient agents—so long as the sys-
tem of governing by party is tolerated. Until the wel-
fare of the community is made the first object of a Go-
vernment, and the administration of the public business
is intrusted to the ablest hands, without reference to
persons or to parties, our political system can no more
be in a sound or in a safe state, than would be the phy-
sical condition of any district of the realm where the
population suffered medical attendants to be imposed
upon them, not on account of the skill, the learning, or
the experience of the practitioners, but because of the
connexion of those practitioners with certain families,
or by reason of some adventitious distinction arising -
out of the assumption or adoption of particular names.
Nobody ever yet heard of a parish electing the
worst doctor o_ ae vicinity to operate even upon the
paupers of the workhouse (though paupers in these
days are usually less thought of than the occupants of
a kennel); and yet it would seem, upon the supposition
that the new Ministry stands, that the House of Com-
mons, though reformed, does sanction—nay, does ab-
solutely insist upon—the appointment of the feeblest
Ministers to make their crude political experiments
upon the people. A select vestry might indeed job
the doctoring of a parish ; but wherein consist the eu-
logised merits of the Reform Bill, if the House of
Commons is to job the administration of national con-
cerns—to make the people" pay the same price for
quackery as would command the exercise of skill ?
Boroughmongering, had it been as infamous in practice
as it was indefensible in principle, could have effected
nothing worse than this ; and, in truth; it never attempted
anything so bad. Under that system unworthy and in-
efficientpersons obtained from the public purse what they
neither deserved nor could earn ; but when did it, in the
whole mass of an Administration, make Ministers of
men who were scarcely competent to fill the posts of
Secretaries to Ministers ? Do we therefore repent the
Reform Bill, and pine after the resurrection of the old
system ? God forbid I If we know anything at
all, we know the temper of the people—their honesty,
their discrimination, and their strong sense of justice ;
and we cannot, therefore doubt, that however they may
preserve silence, for a time, they will, we say not
'ultimately, but speedil.y show that they appre-
ciate to the full the things which are right, and the
men who are able, discarding with indignation and
with scorn the smallest as well as the greatest of em-
pyrics, the least as well as the largest of their nostrums.
We have not the slightest wish—on the contrary, we
desire most earnestly not—to say anything personally
disrespectful of any of the individual members of the
existing Cabinet. Its relative proportions—not of good
and evil, but—of what is barely tolerable, and of what
is absolutely intolerable—would justify us in speaking
of it as a body as harshly as the worst personal enemies
of any of its individual elements could wish to speak.
And if-we sought merely to vent our spleen, here would
be opportunity enough. For the sake of illustration,
however, it is absolutely necessary that we should place
in juxta-position the names and the pretensions of some
of the Melbourne and of some of the Peel Cabinet.
In the first place, then, let us take Mr. Spring Rice.
That gentleman started three or four years ago as a
joint Secretary of the Treasury : last year he conti-
nued to fill the same post, when suddenly he was
promoted to the office of Secretary for the Colonies,
in the place of Lord Stanley I and now we find
him appointed to succeed, in the office of Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, no less a person than Sir R.
Peel I ! Were the sponsors of the new Chancellor of
the Exchequer prophets when they named him Spring
Rice ? In any case, nothing can be more ludicrously
absurd than such a change, unless it be that the Duke
of Wellington, the most experienced diplomatist in
Europe, is made to give way to Lord Pahnerston,
or that one. of the most celebrated lawyers at the bar,
Sir W. Follett, is displaced for one of the least
known, even by name—Mr. Rolfe ? And so runs the
change almost throughout. Lord Lyndhurst, probably
the first judge in the empire, is laid aside with a pen-
sion of 5,0001. a year, though Lord Grey publicly de-
clared in the House of Lords that there was no judicial
office which Lord Lyndhurst would not adorn, and
none, therefore, which he, as Prime Minister, could
hesitate to urge him to accept. In Ireland the case is,
if possible, still more lamentable than in England. Sit
Edward Sugden, one of our best, if not the best, real
Property lawyer, and a man of the largest experience of
any practitioner in equity, is ousted in favour of the
testy and offensive Lord Plunket, who, however his
organs of acquisitiveness may be developed, has not yet
given the least indication that he has possessed himself
of the necessary qualification to administer, with satis-
faction either to the suitors or to the bar, the business
of the court he is called upon to preside over. Last, but
not least in foolishness past all description, is the selec-
tion of Lord Morpeth as the successor of Sir Henry
Hardinge. The latter is an old soldier, well versed in
state as well as in military affairs, from his earliest
years—an absolute model of a man of business—expe-
rienced, shrewd, and firm ;—while Lord Morpeth,
with the best possible intentions, doubtless, is never-
theless a mere schoolboy in mind, though he is a man
in age and stature—without experience in business of
any kind--and no more fitted to stem the tide of Irish
turbulence than he is capable of swimming the Irish
sea. We might pursue the contrast, but we abstain :
and did not our duty compel us to protest against the
business of this empire being intrusted to hands and
heads so weak, we would rather have held our peace
than spoken on the subject at all ; for when, as as-
suredly it will, the imbecility of our Government, and
the wantonness or the wickedness of its election,
transpired abroad, we at least should have had the con-
solation of reflecting that we were innocent of contribut-
ing to fix upon the country the disgrace which must
attach to it from the existence, however short-lived, of
such a Ministry.—Times.
No sooner has a Whig Cabinet been formed, and it
has been found necessary, in compliance with the law,
to send several Whig Members, who have accepted
office, before their constituents, than an endeavour is
made in the Whig-Radical Press to persuade the pub-
lic that the law which makes such appeals to consti-
tuents an inseparable incident to the taking office is
bad, and ought to be abolished. No doubt the Whigs
on coming into power find the operation of this law
very inconvenient ; but we do not, and we believe the
public will not, think the law the less salutary on that
account. It is said, as the great objection to it, that
it produces inconvenience to the public service. If
this be true, we may answer it by saying that all the
checks and restraints which our mixed Constitution
throws upon the exercise of power, are productive of
more or less inconvenience ; but they are part of the
price which the country pays for the preservation of its
liberties. There is nothing so well calculated to facili-
tate the despatch- of business as the simplicity of
despotism—there is nothing, at the same time, so
dangerous to the social rights of mankind. Ab-
solute power has no complicated machinery of
checks and balances to deal with, the operation of
which is slow and difficult, while the effect is such a,
to protect society against the natural tendency which
power has towards abuse and corruption. In a free
State, like England, the Ministry that cannot govern
the country without the abrogation of the law which
sends the patriots who accept place back to their con-
stituents for approval is unfit to govern a free country
at all. The law is undoubtedly not as old as some of
the laws which constitute the great landmarks of
British liberty, yet though not as old as Magna
Charta or the Habeas Corpus Act, or the Bill of
Rights, it is deserving to last as long as we trust those
noble works of enlightened and patriotic legislation
will last ; for it was passed on a sound principle, to
check and prevent the corruptions of power, nor from
the day that it paseed until the present time have any
of the parties that usually exercise power in this
country become so exceedingly pure as to render
the operation of such a salutary check unnecessary.
l'iothing is mote fit than that a Representative of the
people, who has been elected upon independent prin-
ciples—who is, at least, placeless when he solicits the.
suffrages of the people, should be obliged to return

to his oonstituents, when his political metamorphose
takes place, and the wand of the Minister of the
Crown, potent as that of a magician, converts at a
touch the unplaced and independent patriot into a pen-
sioned placeman. The man who dare not face his
constituents upon accepting office, must have forfeited
their confidence by so doing, and that is a sufficient
reason why such a man should not be exempted from
the operation of this law. The Ministry whose pa-
tronage is fatal to the character of the patriots who
enter its ranks, is a Ministry that has not the public
confidence, and that is a sufficient reason why such a
Ministry should not be exempted from the operation of
this law. " But then," says the Whig-Radical Press,
" this law causes very often an inconvenient interruption
to public business." Be it so. Better that the arrange-
ments of Ministers of the Crown should experience
some inconvenience than that the Representatives of
the people should be delivered up to the temptations of
corruption. If representatives barter their principles for
place, it is right that their constituents should have the
earliest opportunity of meeting them in their new cha-
racter. If they approve of them in that character,
let them continue the connection—if they do not, let
them resume the trust which has been unworthily be-
stowed. But if, in accepting office, the Representa-
tive abandons no principle and violates no trust, he
will, of course, be able to give a satisfactory explana-
tion to his constituents, and both parties will, for the
future, better understand each other, in consequence
of the explanation afforded on one side, and the re-
newal of confidence on the other. The Whigs clogged
the operation of the Reform Act, by connecting with
a legislative measure for the regulation of the elective
franchise the principle of a Revenue Bill for the col-
lection of public taxes. They now desire to counter-
act, as far as they can, the principle of reform itself, by
removing from the Statute-book a law which has been
found in practice a serious obstacle to the facilities for
corrupting Members of Parliament subsequently to
election, which Ministers of the Crown possess. If
the law were of no efficacy, the supporters, of Mini-
sters would not have any interest in calling for its re-
peal. If it had no living force, no practical effect in
preserving the purity and independence of Parliament,
its merely formal and nugatory operation would not be
thought worthy of any comment. It is because it is
known to be to a certain degree efficient, that Minis-
ters and their minions call for its abolition. We
admit that as to the necessity of Members returning
to their constituents upon exchanging one office under
the Crown for another, we do not see the same reason
for it, though certainly cases have occurred in which
the operation of the law even in this respect has
worked well for the public interests. As to the al-
leged interruption to public business, what do the class
of politicians who now urge the abolition of the law
care for it ? Have they not, for the purposes of their
own ambition, interrupted the whole of the business
of the Session up to the present time ? Have they
not wasted the two months of the Session during which
usually most business is done upon trials of party
strength, while they refused to meet the late Ministry
and contend with them upon the merits of their mea-
sures ? But we care not whether Vhigs or Tories
they be who propose the abolition of the law in ques-
tion, its abrogation can only serve corrupt purposes,
and ought to be resisted by every friend of the Con-
st tu ti sn .—Morning Herald.
The accession of some of the leaders of the late Op-
position to power has, as usually happens in such
cases been attended by severe disappointments to many
of those who have hitherto been among the most active
and zealous retainers of the party. And, if we arc
correctly informed, the feelings incident to a disap-
pointment of this nature are generally expressed upon
the present occasion with considerably less of decorum
and reserve, than can be reconciled with the ordinary
rules and habits of political society. A very little re •
flection upon the subject may suffice, however, to lead
us to an adequate and very natural explanation of a
peculiarity which does honour neither t o the com •
plainants nor to the eminent persons whose partiality
and ingratitude form the topic of angry ani-
madversion or querulous remonstrance. The whole
system of opposition to the Administration of Sir R.
Peel, from the first• vote—by which the House of Com-
mons determined to place in its Chair that candidate who
of the two presented to its choice had been in effect de-
clared, by its own repeated votes, to be the less fitted for
the situation—to the decisive vote by which it re-
solved to amalgamate two distinct and even con-
flicting measures into one to blend the disputed
and nicely-balanced question of appropriation with a
measure of public policy, the instant and urgent ne-
cessity of which no human being of any party in po-
litics did or could affect to doubt—from the day on
which Parliament met, in short, to the moment when
the late Ministers announced their resignation, the
entire course of the Whig and Radical Opposition was
dictated exclusively by a love of place, the most un-
disguised and the most intense that was ever exhibited
by any political party or combination of parties in
Great Britain. Why else incorporate into a measure
of pressing and admitted necessity a contested prin-
ciple, alien, if not repugnant, to its nature ? Why
else, by a series of votes not called for in the actual
state of public business, and not requiring immediate
decision, parade a majority composed of elements the
most heterogeneous and discordant ? Why else ob-
struct and embarrass the progress of legislative mea-
sures, the usefulness and value of which the conspira-
tors never once ventured to call in question, by a series
of motions, which those even who do not regard them
as mischievous must admit were merely idle and
vexatious? Why, else, put upon the records of
the House of Commons vote after vote, to which no
man throughout the country could ever attach any
other meaning than this :—"We have the power to
force the present Ministers out of office, and as we
want their places that power shall not for a single
moment lay dormant at our hands ?" Such as we
thus describe having been the combining cement and
the actuating motive of the late Opposition in every
step of their Parliamentary proceedings since the com-
mencement of the session, it can excite no surprise
that individuals of the party who thought themselves
entitled to office, and have not got it, should break
through all ordinary rules of propriety or decency in
the expression of their rage. The „ender, in such
circumstances, would be if decency and propriety were
in the slightest degree obServed. Men cannot sell
themselves very often. The traffickers are perfectly
conscious that the commodity in which they deal is
apt to acquire a taint, which utterly destroys its value.
Hence it is that the non-payment of the purchase-
money in such transactions is of all offences the
deepest and most galling, and that the seller, who
either is or believes himself to be defrauded, is sure to
be of all human beings the most ferocious and ungovern-
able. The above observations do not apply, it is fair
to admit, or do not apply equally, to all the component
parts of the confederacy by which the Administration
of Sir Robert Peel was driven from office. Mr.
O'Connell and his immediate adherents had a motive
for wishing the overthrow of the late Administration,
and the re-instatement of their competitors, indepen-
dent of and superior to the desire of office. They
wished very naturally that the Administration should
be essentially a base, grovelling, and sordid Adminis-
tration—an Administration in place merely for the
love of place. This must, from their position, their
character, and their objects, have been their first and
foremost wish, and their second must have been that
such an Administration should be indebted to them
for its entrance into office, and dependent upon them
for the permanency of its official existence. The Ad-
ministration by which that of Sir Robert Peel must of
necessity be succeeded was sure to fulfil both of these
conditions. The first was effectually guaranteed by
the course which the Opposition had pursued.—
The second was guaranteed by the fact that, after
deducting the Conservative Members in the House
of Commons, there is no party in that Assembly which
can hope for a majority upon any question without
the aid of Mr. O'Connell and his crew. With a
low, grovelling, and sordid Administration, intent upon
place for the sake of place, and wholly indifferent to
the interests of the country, and with such an Admi-
nistration, dependent, as it must necessarily be, upon
his support for its existence from day to day, Mr.
O'Connell knew that he should be able to work his
will without any obstruction from the Executive Go-
vernment, and without any effectual obstruction in

ithe House of Commons. The Melbourne Ministry '
is precisely the Ministry which Mr. O'Connell must
have desired. For such a Government, and for no
other, was it worth his while to conspire, to sup-
press his talents for debate, to ape humility, to retract
or qualify all that he had said, protested, or sworn.
Why, but for this conviction should Mr. O'Connell
have identified himself with the Melbourne party,
which he had denounced, vilified, and ridiculed with-
out mercy six months ago ? Why, but that Mr.
O'Connell saw, as every body else saw, that if the
Melbourne Ministry returned to power now they
would be wholly prostrate at his feet, whereas
six months ago they possessed some indepen-
dent power—some capability and will to make
head against his authority ? Why, but that for
his purposes, they are now a better Administra-
tion than they were then, in precisely the same degree
as they are a worse Administration for the interests,
the security, and the welfare of Great Britain ? To
remove any doubt, if any doubt be entertained upon
this subject, it is only necessary to cast a glance at the
change of relative position which has taken place
within the last six months between Mr. O'Connell and
his party on the one side, and Lord Melbourne and his
party on the other. At the former period they were
sworn enemies. Now we behold them fast and stead-
fast friends. It would be a contradiction in terms to
affirm that this remarkable change of relative position
has taken place between the parties, both of them con-
tinuing to occupy the ground which it occupied before.
The single question, then, is, which of the two parties
has changed its ground ? Is there anyboby who pre-
tends that Mr. O'Connell and his party have changed
their ground ? Do they profess to have changed it ?
Is there any symptom that they have changed it ?
May not Mr. O'Connell take in his hand the King's
Speech, in which he was denounced, with the full
approbation of Lord Melbourne, as an enemy of
his country, and, reading the passage containing
this denunciation, may he not boldly and proudly say,
" Such as I was then, lam at this moment. In cha-
racter, feelings, objects, position, I am wholly un-
changed. I am humoured, cherished, obeyed, now.
I was denounced then. Yet I, at least, am the same."
This Mr. O'Connell might confidently say ; and what,
we again ask, could Lord Melbourne reply ? What do
the people of England reply for him at this moment ?
They say that of all the members of his Administra-
tion Lord Melbourne may be the least of a driveller,
that he may be the least of a slave to Mr. O'Connell,
that he may be the least of a traitor to his Sovereign
and his country, but that when his present position in
relation to Mr. O'Connell is compared with the posi-
tion he formerly occupied, he is still a driveller, a trai-
tor, and a slave. It is in vain that Lord Melbourne
protests there is no compact in existence between Mr.
O'Connell and himself. Their relative positions amount
to a compact more binding than the most ex-
press stipulations. Lord Melbourne is bound to be
subservient to Mr. O'Connell under the heaviest
penalty that can be imposed. Let him in the
slightest degree fail in the duties of submission and
obedience, and the whole fabric of ambition and
venality which his friends in the House of Commons
have reared at so vast an expense of character, and
with so reckless a disregard to the safety and welfare
of the State, must crumble in an instant into ruin, or
be sustained, if sustained at all, by the generosity and
the patriotism of the statesmen against whom, and
against whose efforts in the service of the country, the
conspiracy between the Melbourne and O'Connell fac-
tions has been directed. In such circumstances what
compact can be required ? There needs no compact.
There is no compact. There can be no compact. Who
ever heard of a treaty between the slave and his mas-
ter ? And from the -moment of his recent entrance
into office Lord Melbourne assumes the badge, and
bears the brand of bondage to Mr. O'Connell. The
latter may indeed have granted terms. He may have
assumed a moderation • which is foreign to his nature
to lure the men whom he designed to employ coin-
' pletely into his power. He may have fraudulently as-
' signed a boundary to his own pretensions. But his
• terms will be found delusive ; his moderation hypo-
' crisy ; the boundary to his pretensions such as to
admit at his pleasure of an indefinite extension.--
Morning Post.
If we wished, which we did very seriously in the
course of the late struggle, which has terminated so
. successfully in behalf of the people, and 'of ail their
staunch supporters, that some one had invented an en-
gine, not only for the demolition of Tory falsehoods,
but for the prevention of their repetition—we do wish
so still, with equal sincerity ; for, whether out of or in
office—whether in prosperity or in adversity—the
besetting sin of the Tories still meets us at every
turn, and that sin is the determination to lie, for
the sake of party and of place, and at a rate, too,
which it is beyond the power of anything but a
two or three-hundred horse power to keep pace with,
and counteract. We demolished the other day
some of the concoctions of this strange, and we may
say, so far as the parties are concerned, destruc-
tive, mania ; but, the party still persists in its fa-
vourite, though disgraceful, course of political war-
fare, as will be seen in the following extract from an
Evening Paper :--" Nearly all the new appointments,"
says it, " have been completed, but the removal *of Sir
William Gossett, the Irish Under Secretary, insisted
, upon by Mr. O'Connell, and demurred to 'by Lord
Melbourne, creates a temporary difficulty. Mr. O'Con-
nell demands Sir William's dismissal as a sine qua
non—Lord Melbourne hesitates. The Agitator is
otherwise in an ill humour. He asserts every where
publicly that, though in words not open to contradic-
tion, as there had been no direct communication, Lord
Melbourne's speech of Saturday was in substance a
tissue of untruths—inasmuch as the Noble Premier
had indirectly communicated with him (Mr. O'Con-
nell) upon every promotion, receiving his fiat or
veto, as final upon every proposed appointment.
Having given the extract, we have merely to
add, that there is not one word of truth in
the assertions of our Contemporary. Lord Melbourne
did not communicate, either directly or indirectly,
with Mr. O'Connell—he never consulted him with re-
gard to any appointments, though if he had, we are not
aware that any disgrace would have attached to such
conduct—and, finally, the whole origin of the report
rests, to our certain knowledge, upon the mere fact,
that Mr. O'Connell, in a manner most honourable to
him, intimated, or caused it be intimated, upon the
very day after the destruction of the Peel Cabinet, to
Lord Melbourne, that he was desirous that the latter
should feel himself free and unshackled, so far as he
was concerned, in the formation of a Liberal Cabinet,
and that whether he should or should not be appointed
to any official station, he was not only prepared, but
determined to support his or any other Liberal Go-
vernment which should do justice to Ireland. Be-
yond this simple fact, there is no foundation for the
malignant falsehoods of the Tory press.—Morning
Advertiser.

The partisans of the late Tory Government are put-
ting forth all their energies with a view to excite oppo-
sition against the return to Parliament of the gentle-
men who have accepted office under Lord Melbourne.
Having failed in sustaining the Ministry of Sir Robert
Peel, by a set of apocryphal addresses, which they re-
presented as expressive of the public sentiment of the
country ; having found that the sums of money which
they squandered upon the last elections were unpro-
ductive of the fruits which they had expected ; having
discovered, to their infinite mortification, that even the
once popular clamour about " No Popery," and " The
Church in danger," could no longer be found avail-
able for their purposes, they still abate nothing for
their cupidity for place, nothing of their frenzy for
power, nothing of their hatred against the growing in-
fluence of the people. They are bitter and active
enemies ; and although they have been decidedly
beaten, in one of the fairest battles which have ever
been fought for our liberties, nevertheless, such is their
tenacious adherence to the belief that the State and
the Church were created for their exclusive benefit, for
the maintenance of their families down to the remotest
generations, that they are still resolved on renewing the
contest on every occasion, even when they are certain of
their own defeat. Thus the people of the three kingdoms
will find themselves called upon still to stand vigilantly
at their posts, if they value their rights, and have no
wish to see those men return to power whom they
have just succeeded in expelling from the Govern-

ment. For; with all our respect for Lord Melbourne
and Lord John Russell, we must take leave to tell
them that the victory which has happily once more
placed in their hands the destinies of this country,
was won by the force of public opinion —literally
speaking, by the general sentiments of the people,
shown at the late elections—and not by the eloquence,
however splendid that may have been, of their advo-
cates in the House of Commons. As the people
gained this triumph, the people must maintain it ;
and what is more, the Government must assist them
in maintaining it, by all the means which are at
their disposal. It is no time for trimming mea-
sures. The day for temporizing policy has gone by ;
and if the new Cabinet, by any hesitation as to the
course which it ought to adopt, fall once more into the
track of aristocratic timidity, its days are numbered
already, and it may prepare for a speedy downfal. The
people have hitherto performed their duty in the most
constitutional manner. Having returned a majority
qf Reformers to the House of Commons, they waited
with a dignified patience for the result, and the result
has not disappointed their hopes. The odious Peel
Cabinet has fallen in consequence of their inflexible
hostility to its principles, but the people will not
be contented even with . a Whig Cabinet in its place,
unless they can satisfy themselves that in that Cabinet
the reforming spirit of the times will be thoroughly
felt and represented, and reduced into the shape
of practical measures for the relief of the whole
community. Perhaps the country would have seen
with gratification the addition of other decided Re-
formers in the new list of Ministers. But whatever
may be the composition of the Cabinet, its whole po-
licy must be the same as if it consisted only of the
most decided Reformers. • They have acceded to
power upon the pledges contained in Lord John
Russell's Resolution, and they will find that the prin-
ciple involved in that resolution is one not to be trifled
with by a mere verbal execution of its terms. 'We can-
not suspect that any attempt will be made to evade its
entire spirit, for the sake of conciliating any votes from
the Stanley section. We do not, we cannot appre-
hend that any measures will be introduced into Par-
liament, or omitted, merely for the sake of gaining
over the less rancorous of the Tories ; or that any
course of policy will be adopted by Lord Melbourne's
Cabinet, which shall not clearly and unequivocally de-
monstrate a complete unison of feeling between that
Cabinet and the people—the people, we add emphati-
cally, who are now the true rulers of the country. This
is a fit and seasonable time for warning the Ministry
that we are no longer to be governed upon aristocratic
principles. Those principles have lost their former
basis, which was to be found in the now disfranchised
boroughs ; and any attempt to regain for them the
ascendancy which they once possessed can lead, in our
opinion, to no other result than a fearful and violent
struggle, in which the strength of parties can only be
decided by the superiority of physical force. At pre-
sent we are in the direct path for avoiding any such
disastrous result. We have a popular majority in the
House of Commons—we have overthrown a Govern-
ment which was opposed by that majority, and a Ca-
binet has just been constituted to which that majority
will doubtless lend its willing support. But unless the
Ministry show their determination to go with the ma-
jority as it is now constituted, without courting assist-
ance from any section of the present Opposition, they
will find themselves destitute of power to carry on the
Government. They dare not attempt a coalition with
Lord Stanley—they cannot coalesce with Sir Robert
Peel—they have no resource to look to but the people;
and the people confidently expect at their hands the
utmost extent of reform which considerate and sin-
cerely liberal men deem necessary to the well-being
of the country. Upon this subject there must be no
mistake.—Morning Chronicle.