The Sun.
London, England, 1859-12-08 00:00:00

ter as the Government remembrancer. He has
" ventilated " the subject over and over again in
all directions. He has collected together large
audiences in most of our principal towns, particu-
larly in the northern and central provinces, and has
there discussed before them the grand problem of
Parliamentary Reform time and again, upon this
side and upon that, in every conceivable light, and
in every possible point of view. Last of all, yes-
terday, in the metropolis itself, in that elaborate
oration given by ourselves elsewhere this evening
upon the occasion of the Conference of the Reform
Committee at the Guildhall Coffee House, Gresham-
street, in the City of London. Again, however,
even in the otherwise manly speech of this frank
and generally uncompromising champion of Reform,
we observe, that pernicious disposition which was
so deplorably manifested last session in quarters in
which -we should hardly have looked for it—the
disposition to concede the Ballot to the prejudices
of the Whip, to give the go by to
the Ballot for the sake of the personal comfort
of those paltry and paltering reformers ! " With
regard to the Government," said Mr. BRIGHT, in
one part, " he should be very sorry to say a word
that appeared ill-natured, or that was calculated to
increase their difficulty in dealing with this ques-
tion"—of course not ! This, observe, is to the Whigs,
to the hotch-potch Coalitionists! The same gentle-
manly magnanimity could not be displayed to-
wards the members of the ex-Government by our
high-principled Tribune of Birmingham ! But
then, of course, so much more is to be looked for
from the Whig-Peelite-Radical Coalition ! Is it ?
Indeed! We will look a little farther down Mr.
BRIGHT'S speech to find some evidence of this.
Let tis see. " Unquestionably the Government
would have difficulties, and very considerable diffi-
culties, to overcome." Well, no—that's not it.
That, forsooth, is little else than an echo of one of
SAM WELLER'S immortal aphorisms, when he says
to MARY, or to somebody else—" It's a self-evident
proposition, my dear—as the cat's-meat man said to
the servant-girl when she called him No Gentle-
man !" The Government will, as Mr. BRIGHT
observes, have difficulties to overcome, and very
considerable difficulties, too—that is, as he him-
self acknowledges," unquestionable." " It needs no
ghost to tell us that"—nor yet even this shadowy
phantom of one of the old classic Tribunes of
the People ! We must look lower down in the re-
cord of his utterances than this, if we would find
anything like a pertinent indication. Ha! here,
surely, at last we have it ! Yes—observe. Mr.
BRIGHT says, Mr. BRIGHT has the consu-
mate coolness to avow, literally, in so many
words that—" He should not oppose the Government
Bill, because it did not include the ballot, if it should
so happen that the ballot formed no part of it
Now this we do not hesitate to pronounce at once
quite plainly to be the threat of a Dishonest Com-
promise ! Why, a Reform Bill as good that, a Re-
form Bill minus the most important, the most essen-
tial reform of all, we might have had for certain
any day this last session from the Tory Govern-
ment ! Yet Mr. BRIGHT connives at the unfair
expulsion from office of that Government by a
dodge, as Sir HUGH CAIRNS happily and truth-
fully phrased it, by nothing less disgraceful
than a Parliamentary dodge —to what end ?
That we might have the Whigs and Peelites
and Radicals back again in office, bound
together by the bonds of an unnatural, and we
might go the length of calling it an unprincipled
Coalition, from whose hands a Reform Bill, without
THE BALLOT, will actually be acceptable from the
pure and honest hands of Mr. JOHN BRIGHT, the
high-minded aid immaculate Reformer of Bir-
mingham ! In regard to this astounding avowal on
the part of Mr. BRIGHT, we again declare that we
do not hesitate, for an instant, to designate it as
nothing less shameful than the threat of a Dis-
honest Compromise.

We are now to be in some shape parties to the
Congress. In whatever way we appear there sub•
stantially it must be in one of two characters—as
integral members of it, bound in honour by its de-
cisions, although we may be in a minority ; or as
simple advisers giving the benefit of our counsel,
but accepting no responsibility beyond that of
honestly advising in the, interests of right and
justice, and of the general advantage.
If the first position is chosen we need a man as
plenipotentiary who shall speak with aithority as
well as with wisdom—some one who shall be able
to enforce such terms as he could consistently sign
in behalf of the nation. Could not this be done, the
plenipotentiary of England would have to retire
from the conferenco and leave the remaining
Powers to agree to such arrangements as they
pleased, while his own country would remain
in the unpleasant attitude of a political
protestant. A plenipotentiary must, above
all other representatives, be held to commit
his country to the course he sanctions ;
and if he went to Congress, and continued there,
however objectionable its resolves, we do not see
how we could escape being bound by the final con-
clusions of the assembly. He might, indeed, not
sign all the articles agreed on, but the only efficient
protest would be to withdraw, and leave the delin.
quents to themselves.
But if we send merely an adviser, though we
might avow our intention not to insist by any
strong diplomatic measures, much less by another
approaching hostile measure on what we thought
right, what would be our position ? apparently that
of friendly mediators. It is notorious in the pre-
sent case that there will be strongly antagonistic
parties to reconcile to one course of action, however
, opposed their views and wishes ; would the adviee
of England render unpalatable stipulations more
tolerable ? What that advica must be, all parties
concerned well know ; hence Austria may be ins.
dined to regard England as a partisan and a special
pleader rather than as a mediator, and to attach
little value to her advice. On the other hand, if
Austria must yield, it will be less offensive to her
price to give way in proportion to the number and
rank of thoie to whom she concedes. Sardinia and
the revolutionised Duchies she would not hearken
to for a moment ; but it would be quite another
thing to accept the proposals of a first-rate Power,
which has been only too considerate of Austrian
wishes in times gone by.
For the first position, that of a plenipotentiary,
we know of no man, as from the first we sug-
gested, we could compare in influence, in expe-
rience, and in adroitness combined, with our
Premier ; we might add, in determination also,
when he really has a point to carry. And in the
present case, notwithstanding his friendship with
Louis NAPOLEON, we should think he has so
much reputation at stake with Europe and with
his own country, some, too, to retrieve her, since the
Conspiracy Bill affair, that we can hardly doubt
, he would have his way in regard to Italian rights
and liberties, or would leave the Congress to itself.
But we think he would succeed. Indeed, he must
do it if he went. Is this the reason why he does not
go ? Or is it really, what is true enough, that the
head of the Government, when the House of Com-
mons is so nearly balanced, can hardly leave home ?
The name of Sir HAMILTON SEYMOUR, who dealt
so cleverly and firmly with NICHOLAS of Russia,