The Sun.
London, England, 1835-12-30 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONIRVi‘i, I...ITE4IDNESDAY, DECEMBER 30, .18:i5_

lIESSAGE or THE PRESIDENT

crimination is made in the ports of the United States.
Giving the same privileges, the Belgians expected the
seine .benefits—benefits that were in fact enjoyed when
Belgium and Holland were united under one government.
Satisfied with the justice of their pretensions to be placed
on the same footing with Holland, I could not, nevertheless,
ivithaut disregard to the principle of our laws, admit their
claim to be treated as Americans ; •and at the same time a
respect for Congress, to whom the subject had long since
been referred, has prevented me from producing a just
equality by taking from the vessels of,Holland privileges
conditionally granted by
:Acts of Congress, although the
condition upon which the grant was made, has, in my judg-
ment, failed since 1322. I recs.-amend, therefore, a review
of the Act of 1324, and such a modification of it as will
produce an equality on such terms as Congress shall thiok
best comports with our settled policy, and the obligations
of justice to two friendly Powers.
With the Sublime Porte, and all the Governments on
the coast of Barbary, our relations continue to be friendly.
The proper steps have been taken to renew our treaty with
Morocco.
The Argentine -Republic has again promised to send
within the current year, a Minister to the United States.
A Convention with Mexico, for extending the time for
the appointment of Commissioners to run the boundary
line, has been concluded, and will be submitted to the
Senate. Recent events in that country have awakened
the liveliest solicitude in the United States. Aware of the
strong temptations existing, and powerful inducements
held out to the citizens of the United States to mingle
in the dissensions of our immediate neighbours, instruc-
tions have been given to the District Attorneys of the
United States, where indications warranted it, to prose-
cute, without respect of persons, all who might at-
tempt to violate the obligations of our neutrality, while
at the same time it has been thought necessary to ap-
prise the Government of Mexico that we should require
the integrity of our territory to be scrupulously respected
by both parties.
From our diplomatic agents in Brazil, Chili, Peru,
Central America, Venezuela, and New Grenada, constant
assurances are received of the continued good understand-
ing with the Governments to which they are severally ac-
credited. With those Governments upon which our citi-
zens have valid and accumulating claims scarcely an ad-
c anen towards a settlement of them is made, owing
mainly to their distracted state, or to the pressure of im-
perative „domestic questions. Our patience has been, and
will probably be still further severely tried ; but our fel-
low-citizens whose interests are involved may confide in the
determination of the Government to obtain for them,
eventually, ample retribution.
Unfortunately, many of the nations of this hemipbere are
still self-Amented by domestic dissensions. Revolution
succeeds revolution, injuries are committed upon foreigners
engaged in lawful pursuits, snitch time elapses before a Go-
vernment sufficiently stable is erected to justify expectation
-of redress—Ministers aro sent and received, and before the
discussions of past injuries are fairly begun, fresh troubles
arise ; but too frequently new injuries are added to the old,
to be discussed together, with the existing Government, after
it has proved its ability to sustain the assaults made upon
it, or with its successor, if overthrown. If this unhappy
condition of things continues much longer, other nations
will be under the painful necessity of deciding whether jus-
tice to their suffering citizens does not require a prompt
redress of injuries by their own power, without waiting
for the establishment of a Government competent and
enduring enough to discuss and to make satisfaction for
them.
RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES
AND F.
Since the last session of Congress, the solidity of our
claims upon France, as liquidated by the treaty of 1831,
has been acknowledged by both branches of her Legis-
lature, and the money has been appropriated for their
discharge ; but the payment is, I regret to inform you,
still withheld.
A brief recapitulation of the most important incidents in
this protracted controversy will show how utterly untenable
are the grounds upon which this course is attempted to be
justified.
On entering upon the-duties of my station, I found the
United States an unsuccessful applicant to the justice of
France, for the satisfaction of claims the validity of which
was never questionable, and has now been most solemnly
admitted by France herself. The antiquity of these claims,
their high justice, and the aggravating circumstances out of
which they arose, are too familiar to the American . people
to require description. It is sufficient to say that for a
period of ten years and upwards our commerce was, with
little interruption, the subject of constant aggression on the
part of France—aggressions, the ordinary features of which
were condemnations of vessels and cargoes under arbitrary
decrees, adopted in contravention, as well of Me"
laws of
nations as of treaty stipulations—burnings on the high seas,
and seizures and confiscations under special Imperial- re-
scripts, in the ports of other nations occupied by the ar-
mies, or under the control of France. Such, it is now
conceded, is the character of the wrongs we suffered—
wrongs in many eases so flagrant, that even their authors
never denied our right to reparation: Of the extent of
these injuries, some conception may be formed from the fact.
that, after the burning of a large amount at sea, and the
necessary deterioration, in other cases, by long detention,
the American property so seized and sacrificed at forced
sales, excluding what was adjudged to privateers, before or
without condemnation, &ought into the French Treasury
upwards of twenty-four millions of francs, besides large
custom-house duties.
• The subject had already been an affair of twenty years
uninterrupted negotiation, except for a short time, when
France was overwhelmed by the military power of united
Europe. During this period, whilst other nations were ex-
torting from her payment of their claims at the point of
the bayonet, the United States intermitted their demand
for justice out of respect to the oppressed condition of a
gallant people, to whom they felt under obligations for
fraternal assistance in her own days of suffering and of
peril. The bad effects of these protracted and unavailing
discussions, as well upon our relations with France as upon
our national character; were obvious ; and the line of duty
was to my mind equally so. This was, either to insist upon
the adjustment of our claims within a' reasonable period, or
to abandon them altogether. I could not doubt that by
this course the interest and honour of both countries would
be best consulted. Instructions were therefore given in this
spirit to the Minister, who was,sent out once more to de-
mand reparation. • Upon the meeting of Congress, in De-
cember, 1829, I felt it my duty to speak of these claims
and the delays of France, in, terms calculated to call the
serious attention of both countries to the subject. The
then French Ministry took exception to the Message, on
the ground of its containing a menace, under which it was
not agreeable to the French Government to negotiate. The
American Minister, of his own accord, refuted the con-
struction which was attempted to be put upon the Mes-
sage, and at the same time called to the recollection of the
French Ministry, that the President's Message was a com-
munication addressed, not to foreign Governments, but to
the Congress of the United States, in which it was enjoined
upon him, by the Constitution, to lay before that body infor-
mation of the state -of the Union, comprehending its
foreign as well as its domestic relations ; and that if, in the
discharge of this duty, lie felt it incumbent upon -him to
summon the attention of Congress in due time to what
might be the possible consequences of existing difficulties
with any foreign Government, he might fairly be supposed
to do so, under a sense of what was due from him in a frank
communication with another branch of his own Govern-
ment, and not from any intention of holding a menace over
a foreign power. The views taken by him received my
approbation, the French Government was satisfied, and the
negotiation was continued. It terminated in the treaty of
July 4, 1831, recognising the justice of our claims in part,
and promising payment to the amount of 25 millions of
francs, in six annual instalments.
The ratifications of this treaty were exchanged at Wash-
ingten on the 2d of February, 1832, and in five days there-
after it was laid before Congress, who immediately passed
the acts necessary, on our part, to secure to France the
commercial advantages Conceded to her in the compact.
The treaty had previously been solemnly ratified by the
King of the French, in terms which are certainly not mere
matters of form, and of which the translation is as follows :
We, approving the above convention, in all and each of
the dispositions which are contained in it, do declare, by
ourselves, as well us -by our heirs and successors, that it is
accepted, approved, ratified, and confirmed ; and by these
presents, signed by our hand, we do accept, approve, ratify,
and confirm it ; promising, on the faith and word of a King,
to observe it, and to cause it• to be observed inviolably,
without ever contravening it, or suffering it to be contra-
vened, directly or indirectly, for any cause, or under -any
pretence whatsoever."
Official information of ratifications in the United States
reached Paris whilst the Otiambers were in session. The
extraordinary, and to us injurious, delays of the French
Government, in their action upon the subject of its fulfil-
ment, have been heretofore stated to Congress, and I have
no disposition to enlarge upon them here. It is sufficient
to observe that the then pending session was allowed to ex-
pire without even an 'effort to obtain the necessary appro-
priations ; that the two succeeding ones were also suffered
to pass away without any thing like a serious attempt to
obtain a decision upene the subject : and that it was not
until the fourth session, -almisse.t three years after the con-
clusion of tlO treaty, and more than two
years after the
exchange of ratifications, that the Bill for the execution of
the treaty was -pressed to a vate, and rejected;
In the meantime the Government of the United States,
having full confidence that a treaty entered into and so so-
lemnly ratified by the- French King, would be executed in
geed faith ; and not- doubting that provision would be
made for the ryrnent of tl4 .4r4 iiaoaltuent, which was to

OF THE
UNITED STATES.

(From the New 1',*(14 Journal of Cominerce,r Dec. 9. )
The two Houses convened on Monday, in their respec-
tive Chambers. The Vice-President of the United States,
being President of the Senate ex-ofiL•.io, took the Chair in
thaCbody. The secretary and under officers will not be
chosen till Monday next. In the House of Representa-
tives, on the first ballot, James K. Polk, of Tennessee, a
Vein Buren man, was elected Speaker. Messrs. Blair and
Rives, of the Globe, were elected printers to the House.
The Message was delivered soon after the commence-
ment of the Session on Tuesday. The part relating to
France, as was anticipated, is-pacific, though firm—charao-
teristics which accord unquestionably with the general

of the nation..
The President most distinctly disavows the idea of
menace in his former Message,- but as distinctly states that
no other " explanation" will be given than what has been
given already. Probably, however, this very Message will
be regarded by the French Government as containing the
" explanation" required ; and yet, in some respects, it is not
wanting in severity.

PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
PFLLOW CITIZENS OF TIM SENATE AND THE HOUSE
OF REPRESENTATIVES—In the discharge of my official
duty, the task again devolves upon me of communicating
with a new Congress. The reflection that the representa-
tion of the Union has been recently renewed, and that the
constitutional term of its service will expire with my own,
heightens the.solicitude with which I shall attempt to lay
before it the state of our national concerns, and the devout
hope which I cherish, that its labours to improve them may
be crowned with success.
You are assembled at a period of profound interest to the
American patriot. The unexampled growth and prosperity
of our country having given us a rank in the scale of na-
tions which removes all apprehensions of danger to our in-
tegrity and independence from external foes, the career of
freedom is before us, with an earnest from the past, that, if
true to ourselves, there can be no formidable obstacle in the
future, to its peaceful and uninterrupted pursuit. Yet, in
proportion to the disappearance of those apprehensions
which attended our weakness, as once contrasted with the
power of the States of the old world, should we now be so-
licitous as to those which belong to the conviction that it is
to our own conduct we must look for the preservation of
those causes, on which depend the excellence and the dura-
tion of our happy system of Government.
In the example of other systems, founded on the will of
the people, we trace to internal dissension the influences
which have so often blasted the hopes of the friends of free-
dom. The social elements, which were strong and successful
when united against external danger, failed in the more
difficult task of properly adjusting their own internal orga-
nization, and thus gave way the great principles of self-
government. Let us trust that this admonition will never
be forgotten by the Government or the people of the United
States ; and that the testimony which our experience thus
far holds out to the great human family, of the practicability
and the blessings of free Government, will be confirmed in
all time to come.
We have but to look at the state of our agriculture, ma-
nufactures, and commerce, and the unexampled increase of
our population, to feel the magnitude of the trust committed
to us. Never, in the former period of our history, have we
had greater reason than we now have to be thankful to
Divine Providence for the blessings of health and general
prosperity. Every branch of labour we see crowne with
the most abundant rewards ; in every element of national
resources and wealth, and of individual comfort, we witness
the most rapid and solid improvements. With no inter-
ruption to this pleasing prospect at home, which will not
yield to the spirit of harmony and good-will that so
strikingly pervades the mass of the people in every quarter,
amidst all the diversity of interest and pursuits to which
they are attached ; and with no cause of solicitude in regard
to our external affairs, which will not, it is honed, disappear
before the principles of simple justice and the forbearance
that mark our intercourse with foreign Powers—we have
every reason to feel proud of our beloved country.
The general state of our foreign relations has not ma-
terially changed since my last annual Message.
In the settlement of the question of the north-eastern
boundary, little progress has been made. Great Britain has
declined acceding to the proposition of the United States,
presented in accordance with the resolution of the Senate,
unless certain preliminary conditions were admitted, which
I deemed incompatible with a satisfactory and rightful ad-
justment of the controversy. Waiting for some distinct
proposal from the Government of Great Britain, which has
been invited, I can only repeat the expression of my confi-
dence, that with the strong mutual disposition which I be-
lieve exists, to make a just arrangement, this perplexing
question can be settled with a due regard to the well-
founded pretensions and pacific policy of all the parties to it.
Events are frequently occurring on the north-eastern fron-
tier of a character to impress upon all the necessity of a
speedy and definitive termination ,of the dispute. This
consideration, added to the desire, common to both, to re-
lieve the liberal and friendly relations so happily existig
between the two countries from all embarrassments, M,
no doubt, have its just influence upon both.
Our diplofnatic intercourse with Portugal has been re-
newed, and it is expected that the claims of our citizens,
partially paid, will be fully satisfied as soon as the Queen's
Government will permit the proper attention to the subject
of them. That Government has, lam happy to inform
you, manifested a determination to act upon the liberal
principles which have -marked our commercial policy—the
happiest effects to the future trade - between the United
States and Portugal are anticipated from it, and the time
is not thought to be remote when a system of perfect reci-
procity will be established.
The instalments due under the Convention with the
King of the two Sicilies have been paid with that scrupu-
lous fidelity by which his whole conduct has been charac-
terized ; and the hope is indulged, that the adjustment of
the vexed question of our claims will be followed by a more
extended and mutually beneficial intercourse between the
two countries.
The internal contest still continues in Spain. Dis•
tinguished as this struggle has unhappily been, by in-
cidents of the most sanguinary character, the obligations
of the late treaty of indemnification with us have been,
nevertheless, faithfully executed by the Spanish Govern-

ment.
No provision having been made at the last Session of
Congress for the ascertainment of the claims to be paid,
and the apportionment of the funds, under the convention
made with Spain, I invite your early attention to this sub-
ject. The public evidences of the debt have, according to
the terms of the convention, and in the forms prescribed
by it, been placed in the possession of the United States,
and the interest, as it fell due, has been regularly paid
upon them. Our commercial intercourse with Cuba
stands as regulated by the Act of Congress. No re-•
cent information has been received as to the disposition
of the Government of Madrid on this subject ; and the la-
mented death of our recently-appointed Minister, on his
way to Spain, with their pressure of their affairs at home,
render it scarcely probable that any change is to he looked
for during the coming year. Further portions of the Flo-
rida archives have been sent to the United States, although
the death of one .of the Commissioners, at a critical mo-
ment, embarrassed the progreas of the delivery of them.
The higher officers of the local Government have recently
shown an anxious desire, in compliance with the orders
from the parent Government, to facilitate the selection.
and delivery of all we have a right to claim.
Negotiations have been opened at Madrid for the esta-
blishment of a lasting peace between Spain and such of the
Spanish Amorican Governments of this hemisphere as have
availed themselves of the intimation given to all of them,
of the disposition of Spain to treat upon the basis of their
entire independence. It is to be regretted that simulta-
mous appointments, by all, of ministers to negoeiqte with
Spain had not been made ; the negotiation itself would have
been simplified, • and this long-standing dispute, spreading
over a large portion of the world, would have been brought
to a more speedy conclusion.
Otir political and comwercial relations with Austria, Prus-
sia, Sweden, and Denmark, stand on the usual favourable
bases. One of the articles of our treaty with Russia, in
relation to the trade on the North-west coast of America,
baVing expired, instructions have been given to our
Minister at St. Petersburg to negociate a renewal of
it. The long and unbroken amity between the two Go-
vernments gives every reason for supposing the article
will be renewed, if stronger motives do not exist to
'pre-
vent it than, with our • view of the subject, can be anti-
cipated here.
I ask your attention to the Message of my predeces-
sor at the. opening of the second session of the nine-
teenth Congress, relative to our commercial intercourse
With Holland, and .to the documents connected with
that subject, communicated to the House of Represen-
tatives en the 10th of January, 1825, and 18th January,
1827. Coinciding in the opinion of my predecessor,
that Holland is not, under the regulations of her pre-
sent system, entitled to have her • vessels and their car-
goes ,received into the United States on the footing of
American vessels and cargoes, as regards duties of ton--
nage and impost, a respect for his reference of it to'the
Legislature has alone prevented me firms going on the
subject. I should still have waited, without conment, for
the action of Congress, but recently a claim has been resat?,
by Belgian subjects to admission into our ports for their
ships and cargoes, on the same footing as American ; with
the allegation, which we could not dispute, that our ves-
sels received in their ports the identical treatment shown
o them in the ports of Holland, upon whose vessels no dis-

i)econie due on the 23 of February,.ll333, negociated a draft
for the amount through the Bank of the United States:.'
When this draft was presented by the holder, with the
credentials required bv the treaty to authorise, him to re-
ceive the money, the Government of France allowed it to be
protested. In addition to the injury in the non-payment of
the money by France conformably to her engagement, the
United States were -exposed to a heavy claim on the pat of
the Bank, under pretence of damages, in 'satisfaction of
•ssliich that institution seized upon, and still retains', an
equal amount of the public moneys. Congress •was
in
session when the decision of the Chambers reached Wash-
ngton, and an immediate communication of this apparently
inal decision of France not to fulfil the stipulations of the
.reaty was the course naturally to be expected from the
President. The deep tone of dissatisfaction which perva
led the public mind, and the correspondent excitement pro-
luced in Congress by only a general knowledge of the re-
rendered it more than probable that a resort to imme-
diate measures of redress would be the consequence of call-
ing the attention of that body to the subject. Sincerely
desirous of preserving the pacific relations • which had so
icing existed between the two countries, I was anxious to
avoid this course, if I could be satisfied that by doing so,
neither the interest nor the honour of my country would
be compromised. Without the fullest assurances upon
that point, I could not hope to acquit myself of the re-
sponsibility to be incurred in suffering Congress to adjourn
without laying the subject before them. Those received
by me were believed to be of that character.
That the feelings produced in the United States by the
news of the rejection of the appropriation would be such as
I have described them to have been, was foreseen by the
French Government, and prompt measures were taken by
it to prevent the consequences. The King, in person, ex-
pressed, through our Minister at Paris, his profound regret
at the decision of the Chambers, and promised to send forth-
with a national ship, with dispatches to his Minister here,
authorising him to give such assurances as would satisfy
the Government and people of the United States that the
treaty would yet be faithfully executed by France. The
national ship arrived; and the Minister received his instruc-
tions. Claiming to act under the authority derived from
them, he gave to this Government, in-the name of his, the
most solemn assurances, that as soon after the new elections
as the charter would permit, the French Chambers would
be convened, and the attempt to procure the necessary ap- •
propriations renewed ; that all the Constitutional powers
of the King and his Ministers should be put in requisition
to accomplish the object ; and he was understood; and so
expressly informed this Government at the time, to engage
that the question should be pressed to a decision at a period
sufficiently early to permit information of the result to be
communicated to Congress at the commencement of their
next Session.
Relying upon these assurances, I incurred the responsi-
bility, great as I regarded it to be, of suffering Congress
to separates without communicating with them upon the
subject.
The expectations justly founded upon the promises thus
solemnly made to the Government by that of France, were
not realized. The French Chambers met on the 31st of
July, 1834, soon after the election, and although our Mi-
nister in Paris urged the French Ministry to bring the sub-
ject before them, they declined doing so. He next insisted
that the Chambers, if prorogued without acting on the
subject, should be re-assembled at a period so early that
their action on the treaty might be known in Washington
prior to the meeting of Congress. This reasonable request
was not only declined, but the Chambers were prorogued
to the 29th December, a day so late that their decision,
however urgently pressed, could not, in all probability, be
obtained in time to reach Washington before the necessary
adjournment of Congress by the Constitution. The rea-
sons given by the Ministry for refusing to convoke the
Chambers at an earlier period were afterwards shown not
to be insuperable, by their actual convocation on the Ist
of December, under a special call, for domestic purposes
—which fact, however, did not become known to this Go-
vernment until after the commencement of the last session
of Congress.
Thus disappointed in our just expectations, it became my
imperative duty to consult .with Congress in regard to the
expediency of a resort to retaliatory measures, in case the
stipulations of the treaty should not be speedily complied
with ; and to recommend such as, in my judgment, the
occasion called for. To this end, an unreserved communi-
cation of the case, in all its aspects, 'became indispensable.
To have shrunk, in snaking it, from saying all that was ne-
cessary to its correct understanding, and that the truth
would justify, for fear of giving offence to others, would
have been unworthy of us. To have gone, on the other hand,
a single step further, for the purpose of wounding the pride
of a government and people with whom We had so many
motives for cultivating relations of amity and reciprocal ad-
aismen svesshl—lessysnissnse, unwise and improper. Aanno,
nished by the past of the difficulty of making even the sim-
plest statement of our wrongs, without disturbing the sen-
sibilitieS of those who had, by their position, become res-
ponsible for their redress,- and. earnestly desirous of pre-
venting further obstacles from that source, I went out of
my way to preclude. a construction of the Message, by
which the recommendation that was made to Congress
• might be regarded as a menace to France, in not only dis-
avowing such a design, but in declaring that her pride and
her power were too well known to expect anything from
her fears. The Message did not reach Paris until more
than a month after the Chambers had been in session ; and
such was the insensibility of the Ministry to our rightful
claims and just expectations that our Minister had been
informed that the matter, when introduced, would not be
pressed as a cabinet measure.
Although the Message was. not officially communicated
to the French Government, and notwithstanding the de-
claration to the contrary which it contained, the French
Ministry decided to consider the conditional recommenda-
tion of reprisals, a menace and an insult, which the honour
of the nation made it incumbent on them to resent. The
measures resorted to by them to evince their sense of the
supposed indignity, were, the immediate recal of their
Minister at Washington, the offer of passports to the Ame-
rican Minister at Paris, and a public notice to the Legisla-
tive Chamber that all diplomatic intercourse with the
United States had been suspended.
Having, in this manner, vindicated the dignity of France,
they next proceeded to illustrate her justice. To this end
a Bill was immediately introduced into the Chamber of
Deputies, proposing" to make the appropriations necessary
to carry into effect the treaty. As this Bill subsequently
passed into a law, the provisions of which now- constitute
the main subject of difficulty between the two nations, it
becomes my duty, in order to place the subject before you
in a clear light, to trace the history of its passage, and to
refer, with some particularity, to the proceedings and dis-
cussions in tegaird to it. The Minister of Finance, in his
opening speech, alluded to the measures which had been
adopted to resent the supposed indignity ; and recom-
mended the execution of the treaty as a measure required
by the honour and justice of France. He, as the organ of
the Ministry, declared the Message, so long as it had not
received the sanction of Congress, a mere expression of the
personal opinion of the President, for which neither the
Government nor people of the- United States were respone
sible, and that an engagement had been entered into, for
the fulfilment of which the honour of France was pledged.
Entertaining these views, the single condition which the
French Ministry proposed to annex to the payment of the
money was, that it should not be made until it was ascer-
tained that the Government of the United. States had done
nothing to injure the interests of France,. or in other
words, that no steps had been authorized by Congress of a
hostile character towards France.
What the disposition or action of Congress might be
was then unknown to the French Cabinet. But on the
14th of January, the Senate resolved that it was at that
• time inexpedient to adopt any legis!ative measures in regard
to the state of affairs between the United States and France,
and no action on the subject had occurred in the House of
Representatives. These facts were known in Paris prior
to the 28th of March, 1835, when the Committee, to whom
the Bill of Indemnification had been referred, reported it to
the Chamber of Deputies. That Committee substantially
re-echoed the sentiments of the Ministry, declared that Con-
gress had set aside the proposition of the President, and re-
commended the pas Sage of the Bill, without any other re-
striction than that originally proposed. Thus was it known
to the French Ministry and Chambers, that if the position
assumed by them, and which had been so frequently and
solemnly announced as the only one compatible with the
honour of France, was maintained, and the Bill passed as
originally proposed, the money would be paid, 'and there
would be an end to this unfortunate controversy.
But this cheering prospect was soon destroyed by an
amendment introduced into the Bill at the moment of its
passage, providing that the money should not be paid until
the French Government had received satisfactory explana-
tions of the President's Message of the 2d December, 1834,
and what is still more extraordinary, the President of the
Council of Ministers adopted this amendment, and consented
to its incorporation in the Bill. In regard to a supposed in-
sult which had been formally resented by the recal of their
Minister, and the offer of passports to ours, they now, for
the first time, proposed to ask explanations. Sentiments
and pro Positions, which they had declared could not justly
be imputed to the Government or people of the United
States, are set up as obstacles to the performance of an act
of conceded justice to that Government and people. They
had declared that the honour of France required the ful-
filment of the engagement into which the King had ca-
tered, unless Congress adopted the recommendations of
the Message, They ascertained that Congress did_ 19t
adopt them, and 74 that fulfilment is refused, unless
• they first obtain froM the President explanations of an
opinion eharapteripd by thernOlies. as pe'rion4l and in-

operative.
The conception that it was my intention to menace or in-

stilt tire Government of France, is as unfounded as the at- I Yards, and to new national works, which are not enume-
tempt to extort from the fears of that nation what her sense rated in the present estimates, or to the more rapid com-
of justice may deny, would be vain and ridiculous. But the pletion of all those already begun. Either would be
Constitution of the United States imposes on the President .constitutional and useful, and would render unnecessary
the duty oflaying before Congres3 the condition of the any attempt, in our present peculiar condition, to divide the
country, in its foreign and domestic relations, and of recom- surplus revenue, or to reduce it any faster than will be
mending such measures as may, in his opinion, be required effected by the existing laws. In any event, as the annual
by its interests. • From the performance of this duty he report from the Secretary of the Treasury will enter into,
cannot be deterred by the fear of wounding the sensibilities details,, showing the probability of some decrease in the
of the people or Government of whom it.may be. necessary revenue during the next seven years, and a very consider-
to speak ; and the American people are incapable of sub- able deduction in 1842, it is not recommended that Con-
ticitting to an interference, by any Government on earth, gress should undertake to modify the present teriff, so as to
however powerful, with the free performance of the do- disturb the principles on which the Compromise Act was
mestic duties which the Constitution has imposed on their passed. Taxation on some of the articles of general con-
public functionaries. The discussions which intervene be- sumption, which are not in competition with our own pro-
t‘ven the several departments of our Government belong ductions, may be, no doubt, so diminished, as to lessen to
to ourselves ; and- for anything said in them, our public ser. some extent the source of this revenue ; and the same oh-
vents are only responsible to their own constituents and to ject can also be assisted by more liberal provisions for the
each other. If, in the course of their consultations, facts subjects of public defence, which in the present state of
are erroneously stated, or unjust deductions are made, they our prosperity and wealth, may he expected to .engage your
require no other inducement to correct them, however in- attention. If, however, after satisfying all the demands which
formed of their error, than their love of justice, and what is can arise from these sources, the unexpended balance in
due to their own character ; but they can never submit to be the Treasury should still continue to increase, it would be
interrogated upon the subject, as a matter of right, by a better to hear with the evil until, the great changes contem-
foreign power. w hen our discussions terminate in acts, plated in our tariff laws have occurred, and shall enable us
our responsibility to foreign powers commences, not as indi- to revise the system with that care and circumspection
viduals, but as a nation. The principle which calls in ques- which are due to so delicate and important a subject.
tion the President for the language_ of his Message, would It is certainly our duty to diminish, as far as we can, the
equally justify a foreign power in demanding explanation of burdens of taxation, and to regard all the restrictions which
the language used in the report of aecommittee, or by a are imposed on the trade and navigation of our citizens as
member in debate. evils which we shall mitigate whenever we are not prevented
• This is not the first time that the Government of France by the adverse legislation and policy of foreign nations; or
has taken exception to the Messages of American Presi- those primary duties which the defence and independence
dents. President Washington, and the first President of our country enjoin upon us. That we have accomplished
Adams, in the performance of their duties to the American much towards the relief of our citizens by the. changes
people, fell under the animadversions of the French Direc- which have accompanied the payment of the public debt,
tory. The objection taken by the Ministry of Charles X., and the adoption of the present revenue laws, is manifest,
and removed by the explanations made by our Minister from the fact that, compared with 1833, there is a diminu-
upon the spot, has already been adverted to. When it tion of near twenty-five millions in the last two years, and
was understood that the Ministry of the present King took that our expenditures, independent of those for the public
exception to my Message of last year, putting a construe- debt, have been reduced near nine millions during the same
tion upon it which was disavowed on its face, our late Mi- period. Let us trust that, by the continued observance of
nister at Paris, in answer to the note which first announced economy, and by harmonizing the great interests of agricul-
a dissatisfaction with the language used in the Message, ture, manufactures, and commerce, much more may he ace
made a communication to the French Government under complished to diminish the burdens of Government, and to
date of January, 1835, calculated to remove all impres- increase still further the enterprise and the patriotic affee-
sions which an unreasonable susceptibility had created. He tion of all classes of our citizens, and all the members of our
repeated and called the attention of the -French Govern- happy confederacy. As the data which the Secretary of
ment to the disavowal contained in the Message itself, of the Treasury will lay before you, in regard to our financial
any intention to intimidate by menace—he truly declared resources, are full and extended, and will afford a safe guide
that it contained, and was intended to contain, no charge of in your future calculations, I think it unnecessary to offer
ill faith against the King of the French, and properly dis- any further observations on that subject here.
tinguished between the right to complain, in unexception- Among the evidences of the increasing prosperity of the
abl terms, of the omission to execute an agreement, and country, not the least gratifying is that afforded by the re-
an accusation of bad motives in withholding such execu- ceipts from the sales of the public lands, which amount, in
tion ; and demonstrated that the necessary use of that right the present year, to the unexpected sum of 11,000,000 dol-
ought not to be considered as an offensive imputation. lars. This circumstance attests the rapidity with which
Although this communication was made without instruc- agriculture, the first and most important occupation of man,
tions, and entirely on the Minister's own responsibility, yet advances, and contributes to the wealth and power of our
it was afterwards made the act of this Government by my extended territory. Being still of the opinion that it is our
full approbation, and that approbation was officrally made best policy, as far as we can, consistently with the obliga-
known on the 25th of April, 1835, to the French Govern- tions under which those lands were ceded to the United
ment. It, however, failed to have any effect. The law, States, to promote their speedy settlement, I beg leave to
after this friendly explanation, passed with the obnoxious call the attention of the present Congress to the suggestions
amendment, supported by the King's Ministers, and was I have offered respecting it in my former Messages.
finally approved by the King. The extraordinary receipts from the sales of the public
The people of the United States are justly attached to lands invite you to consider what improvements the land
a pacific system in their intercourse with foreign nations. system, and particularly -the condition of the General
It is proper, therefore, that they should know whether their Land Office, may require. At the time this institution
Government has adhered to it. In the present instance it was organized, near a quarter. of a century ago, it would
has been carried to the utmost extent that was consistent probably have been thought extravagant to anticipate, for
with a becoming self-respect. The note of the 29th of this period, such an addition to its business has been
January, to which I have before alluded, was not the only produced by the vast increase of those sales .during the
one which our Minister took upon himself the responsibility past and present years. It may also be observed, that
of presenting, on the same subject and in the same spirit. since the year 1812, the land: offices and surveying dis-
Finding that it was intended to make the payment of a just tricts ha'e been greatly multiplied, and that numerous
debt dependent on the performance of a condition which he legislative enactments, from year to year since that time,
knew could never be complied with, he thought it a duty have imposed a great amount of new and additional du-
to make another attempt to convince the French Govern- ties upon that office ; while the want of a timely appli-
ment, that whilst -self-respect and regard to the dignity of cation of force, commensurate with the care and labour
other nations would always prevent us from using any lan- required, bas caused the increasing embarrassment of accu-
guage that might give offence, yet we could never admit a mulated arrears in the different branches of the establishment.
right in any foreign Government to ask explanations of, or These impediments to the expedition of much duty in the
to interfere in any manner in, the communications which General Land Office induce me to submit to your judg-
one branch of our public councils made with another : that ment, whether some modification of the laws relative to
in the present case no such language had been used, and its organization, or an organization of a new character,
that this had in a former note been fully and voluntarily be not called for at the present juncture, to enable the
stated, before it was contemplated to make the explanation office to. accomplish all the ends of its institution, with
a condition ; and, that there might be no misapprehension, a greater degree of facility and promptitude than expe-
he stated the terms used in that note, and he officially in- rience has proved to be practicable under existing regu-
formed them that it had been approved by the President ; lations. The variety of the concerns, and the magni-
and that, therefore, every explanation which could be rca- tuds and complexity of the details, occupying and di-
'sonably asked, or honourably given, had been already made viding the attention of the Commissioner, appear to
—that the contemplated measure had been anticipated by render it difficult, if not impracticable, for that officer,
a voluntary and friendly declaration, and was therefore not by any possible assiduity, to bestow on all the
multi-
only useless, but might he deemed offensive, and certainly farious subjects upon which he is called to act, the ready
Vvolostriot-iis.a-th, if annexed as a condition. and careful attention due to their respective importance,
When:thiilatter communication, t 4 'which d-specially in unless the _ Legislature shall assist him by a law providing,
vite the attention of Congress, was laid before me, I enter- or enabling him to provide for a more regular and,econo-
tained the hope that the means it. was obviously intended mical distribution of labour, with the incident responsibi-
to afford, of an honourable and speedy adjustment of the lity, among those employed under his direction. The mere
difficulties between the two nations, would have been act manual operation of affixing his signature to the vast num-
cepted ; and I therefore did not hesitate to give it my sane- ber of documents issuing from his office, subtracts so
tion and full approbation. This was due to the Minister largely from the time and attention claimed by the
who bad made himself responsible for the act ; and it was weighty and complicated subjects daily accumulating in
published to the people of the United States, and is now that branch of the public service, as to indicate the strong
laid before their Representatives, to shew how far their necessity of revising the organic law of the establishment.
Executive has gone in its endeavours to restore a good un- It will be easy for Congress, hereafter, to proportion the
derstanding between the two countries. It would have been, expenditure on account of the branch of this service to its
at any time, communicated to the Government of France, real wants, by abolishing, from time to time, the offices
had it been officially requested. • which can be dispensed with.
The French Government having received an the expla- The extinction of the Public • Debt having taken place,
nation which honour and principle permitted, and which there is no longer any use for the Offices of Commissioners
could in reason be asked, it was hoped it would no longer of Loans, and of the Sinking Fund. I recommend, therefore,
hesitate to pay the instalments now due. The agent autho- that they be abolished, and that proper measures be taken
sized to receive the money was instructed to inform the for the transfer to the Treasury Department, of any funds,
French Minister of his readiness to do so. In reply to this books, and papers, connected with the operations of those
notice, he was told that the money could not then be paid, offices ; and that the proper power be given to that de-
because the formalities required. by the Act of the Cham- partment for closing, finally, any portion of their business
bers had not been arranged. which may remain to be settled.
Not having received any official communication of the It is also incumbent on Congress, in guarding the pe-
intentions of the French Government, and anxious to bring cuniare interests of the country, to discontinue by such a
as far as practicable, this unpleasant affair to a close before law as was passed in 1812, the receipt of the bills of the
the meeting of Congress, that you might have the whole Bank of the United States in payment of the public re-
subject before you, lenued our Charge d'Affaires at Paris venue, and to provide for the designation of an agent, whose
to be instructed to ask for the final determination of the duty it shall be to take charge of the books and stock of
French Government, and in the event of their refusal to pay the United States in that Institution, and to close all con-
the instalments now due, without further explanations, to nection with it, after the 3d of March, 1836, when its char-
return to the United States. ter expires. In making provision in regard to the disposi-
The result of this last application has not yet reached don of this stock, it will be essential to define, clearly and
us, but is daily expected. That it may be favourable is my strictly, the duties and powers of the officer charged with
sincere wish. France having now, through all the branches that branch of the public service.
of her Government, acknowledged the validity of our It will be seen from the correspondence which the Se-
claims, and the obligation of the Treaty of 1831 ; and cretary of the Treasury will lay before you, that notwith-
there really existing no adequate cause for further delay, standini, the large amount of the stock which the United
will at length, it may be hoped, adopt. the course which States hold in that Institution, no information has yet been
the interests of both nations, not less than the principles of communicated which will enable the Government to anti-
justice, so imperiously require. The Treaty being once cipate when it can receive any dividends, or derive any be-
executed on her part, little will remain to disturb the nefit from it.
friendly relations of the two countries. Nothing, in- Connected with the condition of the finances, and the
deed, which will not yield to the suggestions of a pacific flourishing state of the country in all its branches of in-
and enlightened policy, and to the influence of that mutual dustry, it is pleasing to witness the advantages which have
good will and of those generous recollections, which we been already derived from the recent laws regulating the
may confidently expect, will then he revived in all their value of the cold coinage. These advantages will he more,
ancient force. In any event, however, the principle in- apparent in the course of the next year, when the branch
volved in the aspect which bas been given to the contro- mints authorised to be established in North Carolina,
versy, is so vitally important to the independent administra- Georgia, and Louisiana shall have gone into operation.
Lion of the Government, that ib can neither be surrendered Aided, as it is hoped they will bo by further reforms in the
nor compromised without national degradation. I hope it banking systems of the States, and by judicious regulations on
is unnecessary for me to say that such -a sacrifice will not the part of Congress, in relation to the custody of the public
be made through any agency of mine. The honour of gsi moneys, it may be confidently anticipated that the use of gold
country shall never be stained by an apology from me, for and silver, as a circulating medium, will become general in
the statement of truth and the performance of duty ; nor the ordinary transactions connected with the labour of the
can I give any explanation of my official acts, except such country. The great desideratum in modern times, isan efficient
as is due to integrity and justice, and consistent with the check upon the power of banks, preventing that excessive
principles on which our institutions have been framed. issue of paper whence arise those fluctuations in the standard
This determination will, I. am confident, be approved by of value, which render uncertain the rewards' of labour,
my constituents. I have, indeed, studied their character was supposed by those who established the Bank of the
to but little purpose, if the sum of twenty-five millions of United States, that from the credit given to it by the custody
francs will have the weight of a feather, in the estimation of the public moneys, and other privileges, and the precau-
of what appertains to their national independence : and if, tions taken to guard against the evils which the country had
unhappily, a different impression should at any time obtain suffered in the bankruptcy of many of the State institutions
in any quarter, they will, I am sure, rally round the Go- of that period, we should derive from that institution all the
vernment of their choice with alacrity and unanimity, and security and benefits of a sound currency, and every good
silence for ever the degrading imputation. end that was attainable uncial' that provision of the constitu-
Having thus frankly presented to you the circumstances tion which authorises Congress alone to coin money and re-
which, since the last session of Congress, have occurred in gulate the value thereof. . But it is scarcely necessary now
this interesting and important matter,_with the views of the to say that these anticipations have not been realized. After
Executive in regard to them, it is at this time only neces- the extensive embarrassment and distress recently produced
sary to add, that whenever the advices, now daily expected by the Bank of the United States, from which the country
from our Charge d'Affaires, shall have been received they is now recovering, aggravated as they were by pretensions
‘vill be made the subject of a special communication. to power which denied the public authority, and which, if
The condition of the public finances was alever more flat- acquiescd in by the people, would have changed the whole
tering than at the -present Period. character of our Government, every candid and intelligent
Since my last annual communication all the remains of individual must admit that, for the attainment of the great
the public debt have been redeemed, or money ,has been advantages of a sound currency, we must look to a course
placed in deposit for this purpose, whenever the creditors of legislation radically different from.that which created suchchoose to receive it. All the other pecuniary engagements an institution.
of the government have been honourably and promptly ful- In considering the means of obtaining so important an
filled, and there will be a balance in the treasury, at the end, we must set aside all calculations of temporary con-
close of the present year, of about nineteen millions of dol-
venience, and be influenced by those only which are in
hers.
,etere will remain near eleven rh meeting all outstanding harmony with the true character and permanent interests of
and
the Repub W lic. e must recur to first principles, and see
at u
n Ie t x
p ise n'
ded believed
app thatr 0
priat
o atlfst
millions to be applied to any new objects which Congress what it is that has prevented the legislation of Congress
may designate, or to the more rapid execution of the and the States, on the subject of currency, from satisfying
works already in progress. In aid of these objects, and to the public expectation, and realizing results corresponding
satisfy the current expenditures of the ensuing year, it is es- to those which have attended the action of our system
timated that there will be received from various sources, when truly consistent with the great principle of equa",•ty
upon which it rests, and with that spirit of forbearance twenty millions more in 1836.
„i
2;lltensvital element of
which was ori-
Should Congress /hake nevippropriations,. in wurormpietvjr c
ginall aonndeemsusisotne,
vaenrd gcoennteirnouus
i 4 lab,
crom the pro
with the estimates which
departments, amounting to about twenty-four millions, still our Union,
the available surplus at the arise of the next year, after de- On this subject lam sure that I cannot be mistaken, in
ducting all unexpended approprietions, will probably be not ascribing our want of success to the undue countenance
less than six millions. This sum can, in my judgment, be which has been afforded to the spirit of monopoly. All
the serious dangers which our system has yet encountered,
now usefu4 applied to proposed improvemeats in our ;sl.as 7