The Sun.
London, England, 1835-05-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, MAY 4, 1835.

SCOTLAND.

EDINBURGH ELECTION.
Yesterday Sir John Campbell was re-elected one of the
Members for the City, without opposition. A few minutes
before twelve o'clock Sir John Campbell's supporters took
their places on the hustings, among whom we observed the
Lord Provost, Sir David Kinloch, of Gilmerton, Bart., Sir
T. Dick Lauder, Bart., Sir A. C. Maitland Gibson, Bart.,
Sir George Campbell, the Solicitor- General (Cunninghame),
Mr. R. Bell, advocate, Mr. J. Jardine, advocate, Mr. Andrew
Millar, Mr. Graham Dalziel, Captain Mackenzie, Mr. John
Craig, Great King-street, &c.
The Sheriff then arrived, and having gone through the
usual preliminaries,
JOHN CRAIG, Esq., of Great King-street, stood forward and
congratulated the electors on the second great victory that had
been achieved in the popular cause. The first victory, he ob-
served, must be considered as the most important one, because
it was.absolutely necessary that a reform of Parliameut should
precede reforms in the State. But the second victory was not
of light importance, as securing them the reaping of all the
anticipated fruits of the first.—( Cheers.) That victory had
been achieved over the party who, after opposing to the utter-
most the first grand Reform, pretend'e'd that they had become
converts to the doctrines of Reformers.—(Cheers.) Could
any one believe them to be sincere in their pretensions ?
(Cries of " No, no.") He, for one, had no faith in sudden
conversions, and least of all in those conversions which took
place when it was for the interest of the converted._( Hear.)
A cry was at present got up that the " Church was in danger."
This was a cry that was never raised but for mischief. In the
reign of Queen Anne it had nearly overthrown the House of
Hanover, and with it the liberties of the people—afterwards,
at the time of Lord George Gordon, they had seen it wrapping
London in flames ; and in later times they had all known the
disgraceful scenes to which it gave rise in Birmingham.—
( Loud cheers.) But what Church was in danger ? He
knew of none, except it was a church without a congregation
—( Cheers)—where there was no resident incumbent ; and if
he were resideat there, he would have no person to minister to
in religion. He rejoiced to see such a •Church in danger.
After describing the important duties which Sir John
Campbell had to perform in London, and complimenting the
electors on the good sense they had shown in not requesting
him to leave those duties for the purpose of doing homage to
them here, he concluded by proposing Sir John Campbell as a
fit and proper person to represent the city in Parliament.
ROBERT BELL, Esq., Advocate, seconded the nomination.
The SHERIFF then asked if there was any other candidate
to be proposed, and no one advancing for this purpose, he
called on those who were for Sir John Campbell to hold up
their hands, when every hand within view was raised.
The SHERIFF then declared Sir John Campbell to be duly
elected one of the representatives of the city.
Sir GSORGE CAMPBELL, in the name of his brother, returned
the warmest and most grateful acknowledgements of Sir John
Campbell for the high honour now conferred on him, in being
returned for a third time as representative of this city. Per-
haps he might be permitted to remark, that the triumph of the
liberal electors was greatly enhanced in thus returning their
representative in his absence. They permit him not for a
ceremonial—to do homage to themselves—to leave the great
public duties now devolving on him. Sure he was that no pri-
vate interest of his own would for one moment have prevented his
hastening to meet the electors, to whom, whatever other avoca-
tions he may have, he must ever feel that his first duty is due ;
and he was desired by his brother to state, that the moment Par-
liament was prorogued he would hasten to Edinburgh, to pay
his respects in person, and render an account of his steward-
ship.—(Loud cheers.) Nor have the electors overlooked the
moral effect of this calm display of conscious strength, and
that such will be felt throughout the kingdom. Here at least
is no re-action.—( Great cheering.)
The Loan PROVOST then proposed the thanks of the meet-
ing to the Sheriff, which called forth loud and general accla-
mations, and for which the worthy Sheriff returned thanks.
Sir THOMAS Dicx LAUDER being loudly called for, came
forward amidst the warmest congratulations and enthusiastic
applouse of those present, and said—The present was not like
the elections he had hitherto witnessed at all, and so little in-
terest did it appear to excite, that he was almost tempted him-
self to start an opposition in the persons of Lord Ramsay and
Mr. Learmonth—( Laughter and cheers.) Where were now
these gallant coursers ? The Learmonth horse, he was afraid,
was run off the turf ; and the Dalhousie colt, notwithstanding
his great pedigree, had of late not shown the game that was
expected of him.—(Loud laughter.) The facetious Baronet,
after excusing himself from addressing them at greater length
in consequence of his being troubled at present with influenza,
took his leave amidst great cheering.
The crowd in a few minutes dispersed.

THE MARKETS-(THIS DAY).

CORN EXCHANGE.

The past week's arrivals of most kinds of Grain were mode-
rate, of Oats plentiful, and of Flour the return was middling.
There was scarcely any variation in the trade during the week.
This morning there is a moderate fresh supply of all descrip-
tions of Corn. For fine Wheat Is. per quarter advance has
been made or, the terms of this day se'nnight, but the trade in
general was not lively. Barley meets a slow demand at former
prices. Beans maintain their value. There is very little
doing in either White or Grey Pease. The late rains, toge-
ther with a good supply of Oats, has checked this trade, but
prices are not lower than this day se'nnight. The Flour trade
remains as recently reported.

PRICES ON BOARD OF SHIP.

Wheat, Red (old)
White (old)
—Red 1834)
Fine
Superfine
Wh te (183.1)
Fine
Superfine
Foreign free

~.-.--s. -a,

...345. 365.
...38$. 40$.
...40s. 425.
...aSs. 425.
...445. 465.
...465. 475.
...30s. 365.
...22s 245.
....?6s. 30s.
...325. 355.
....445. 50s.
645.
~..365. 406.
...40$. 435.
...345. 38s.
...40s. 425.

Beans, Small knew)
- (old) -.-1. —4
Tick (new) 33s 365.
(old) 3Bs. :(Bs.
Harrow (new) 355. 38s.
--- (old) 385.405.
Brank ' —s.—s.
Oats, Feed —s. —s;
--- New 216.25%
Poland
New 04s. 275.
Potatoe
New 26s. 295.
Scotch 26s. 295.
Irish 18s.
Flour Town ;per sack) 36s 38s.
Seconds 325. 355.
North Country 28s 325.
Bran . 9.. In,

Rye
Barley
Grinding
Malting
Malt
Fine New
Pease, Grey, New
Maple New
-- White
Boilers

ARRIVALS OF GRAIN IN LONDON DURING LAST WEEK.
~° ` I ?,' ,1 l -.-•'1
From Whence. 2 a-, F; 11' '' -a
Qrs. Qrv. Qrs. Qrs.- Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Sacks,
Aldborough 2Bl _96 - - _ _ _
........
Boston - - 610 - - -
_-
Bridlington - - - 280 - -
__
Dartmouth -
„,,- Colchester 2O
55 - 430 24 _ 410
I;.' x Harwich - - - --__
30 1.273 - - 15 .....
',Ai Leigh - - - - 23
111aldon 542 - 20 20 - 132 _ 695
Exeter - - 175 - - '-_ 35
Gainsborough j - - 60 - - -
Grimsby 52 - - 130 - - - -
Hastings - - - - - - 25
Hull.. - - - 330 - - --- It.i
Ipswich - - 21 -- 289
Kent - I 4 - 150 20 545
Louth - - -- 400 - -- -- 30
Lowestoft - - 240 - - --„,. - 50
Lynn 1057 - 100 - - '" - 820
Newcastle - - - 400 - - - -
Plymouth
Poole2B
Rye' l7O --_ _
....
....
.....
Scarborough...... 42 --------
Stockton - - - 40 - - --- 202
Wisboach
Woodbridge 53 45 150 -- - - - 100
Yarmouth lO9 850 2207 - - - - 1190
Aberdeen __ 430 - 1215 -- -- 6 --
Banft — 738 - 46 - -
15erwick .... - - - 15 - 20
Dundee -
-
Inverness 32 t - I - 110 - 13 -
Leith
Montrose - 129 - 95 - -
SOU 2178 6335 4412 - 503 3.3 4627
IRISH.
Clare ..- ......... - - - 143fi - - - -
Dublin . - _ - 1235 - - - - ~phsay - - - 2894 - - - -
Killala — - IWO - - -...—
" Limerick - 1224 -
Londonderry - - - 1918 - - - -
Sligo - - 1410 - -
Waterford - -•- 3795 - - - --.
Westport — ,- 2222 - - - -
,WextOrd
Voughall.... - - - 782 4 - - -
FOREIGN.
Aalborg - - - 1265 .- - _ -
Copenhagen
Hamburg
Horsens
Konigsberg - - - - - 64 ' - -
Nyborg -
Odensee
Randers — - 1150 - - - -
Total -.5-075 -17-268 6335 2-51V1 - 1-143 60 —4627

AGGREGAT:
0--Linsee

1v5075
QUAD
1,299-

I 4968 I
NTITIEI
Rapesei

16335
S OF

12,4 I
OTBET
-B ran k

1143 I 60
IS OF PULS
istard, o—See

a KINI

SMITHFIELI
This day's supply was moderate]
what dull, at the following

1045

D MARKET.
sly goad, and the trade was some,

PRICES PER STONE OF SLB. TO SINK TILE OPPALS.
s. d. to s. d. s. d. to s.d.
Interior Beasts
Second quality ditto 2 6 210 Second quality ditto 2lO 3 2
Prime large Oxen 3 ti 3 8 Coarse.wsolled ditto..... :3 10 4 0
Prime Scots, &c.
Large coarse Calves 3 4 4 2 Large Hogs
Prime small ditto 4 4 4 2 Small Porkers ....... ..... 3 8 4 0
8-ickling Calves each l2 0 30 , Quarter old Pigs ,each; Bti 12 0
Lamb
SUPPLY, AS PER CLERK'S STATEMENT.
Beasts. Sheep I Calves. 1 Pigs
'2,435 27,346. 496 135
About 8(1 of the Beans came up the St. Alban's road; about 40 01'
the other northern roads; annul 120 (including I risli) from the western
and midland district, ,- about 2100 (Wm Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, and Cam
bridgeslure ; ,I');,ut SO from Scnt au I Sussex ; and most of the remainder
from the marshes, &c. in the neighbourhood of Landon.

NEWGATE AND LEA
At per stone,
s. d tos d I s d. tos d
Beef, inferior.... ........ ... •2 0 '2 '2 Mutton, inferior
- middling •2 4 2 6 - middling. 2 0 3 0
-- prime large 2 6 3 0 prime '3 4 3 S
-- prime small "1 0 3 4 Pork, large 2 2 2 8
Veal
Lamb ....... ............ 4s. 4.1. to ss. 4d.

DENHALL MARKETS.
)3, the Carcass.

On Saturday a meeting, purporting to be of " the
Magistrates, freeholders, and electors of Middlesex," was held
at the Freemasons' Tavern, attended by about 200 gentlemen,
at which an address to the King, in support of the Established
Church, was agreed to. Colonel Clitheroe presided at the
meeting, and there were present, among others, Sir Charles
Forbes, Bart. ; Sir John Gibbons, Bart. ; Sir Peter Laurie,
Bart. ; W. A. Mackinnon, Esq., M. P. ; Thomas Wood, jun.;
Esq. ; J. M. Strachan, Esq. ; John Capel, Esq. ; Newell,
Connop, Esq. ; William Paynter, Esq. ; T. B. Fyler, Esq. ;
George Baillie,
PATRIOTISM EXTRAORDINARY ! ! The Re-
formers of the close borough of Cirencester have set on foot
a penny subscription in aid of Lord John Russell's eleotion.

IRELAND.

DUBLIN, FRIDir.

Lord Plunket did not take his seat in the Court of
Chancery until this day, when Mpssrs. O'Loghlen and
Perrin were sworn in their respective offices of Solicitor
and Attorney-Generals. During the ceremony Mr. O'Con-
nell came into Court. The greeting between the Hon.
Gentleman and the Noble Lor on the bench was cordial
in the extreme—the latter rising from his scat, and bowing
after the politest fashion to Mr. O'Connell.
The walls of the city are this day plastered over with
placards, setting forth in huge letters that there will be a
meeting of the " Trades' Political Union" on Sunday next,
for the purpose of taking into consideration the necessary
arrangements for giving a public and triumphant reception
to the Earl of Mulgrave, on his entry into the metropolis.
The first meeting of the Anti-Tory Association took
place yesterday, at the Corn Exchange. The room was
densely crowded.
On the motion of Mr. O'CONNELL,

EBENEZER JACOB, Esq., was called to the chair.
Mr. DWYER having read several population returns,

Mr. O'CoNNELL then rose and said—The present meet-
ing having been called principally upon my instigation, I
feel it my duty, Sir, to address this meeting, and to state
the reasons that have induced me to submit the propositions
contained in the advertisement to the consideration of the
Anti-Tory Association. They are three. The first relates
to the termination of the body called " The Anti-Tory As-
sociation ;" the next to the formation in its place of ano-
ther, having more complicated functions, but, perhaps, after
all, the same object in view ; and the third to extend to
every county, city, and town in Ireland, the benefit of the
association for the protection and exercise of the elective
franchise.—(" Hear, hear," and loud cheering.) The Anti-
Tory Association sprung into existence after his Majesty
had been advised, suddenly and without cause, to dismiss
the Melbourne Administration. I shall do Sir Robert
Peel the justice to express my conviction, that if he had
been in England when Lord Melbourne was dismissed, the
moment he was called into the councils of his Sovereign, he
has too much good'sense and property at stake not to have
given the King the advice which he ultimately gave him,
not to rely upon private flatterers, or designing and factious
politicians, but to resort to that Administration which would
have the support and sanction of the people at large.—
( Hear, hear.) He has made the experiment, and the moment
he did so, the Anti-Tory Association sprung into existence.
The Association has now run its career. We have achieved
our object ; and as, upon our attaining emancipation, the Ca-
tholic Association dissolved itself, so, in my opinion, this
Association should feel it has achieved its object, and has
triumphed. The period of our glory and vietery has come,
and with a cheer we may exclaim, " The battle is won," and
we may dispense with our forces for the present. Having
shown the object of the Anti-Tory Association, the next
question to be put to me is, whether there is not another ob-
ject which requires the vigilant attention of a public body in
Dublin, and the active co- operation of public bodies in every
other part of Ireland ? That question will be answered by
replying to this—" Does the elective franchise in Ireland
want protection or not ?" I defy any man to tell me it does
not. It is assailed by the most cruel oppression that ever
threatened human beings for exercising their constitutional
functions. It would be better, for many freeholders to be
pickpockets and sheepstealers than not to be allowed honestly
to exercise the elective franchise. •In Kerry, where an un-
relenting persecution is carried on ; at Carlow, and Wexford,
and wherever the franchise has been honestly exercised, per-
secution exists. The Tory party have already laid their hands
on a number of freeholders, and are not satisfied with making
blows at the independent Catholic electors, but at all those
who are poor, and dared to exercise the franchise honestly.
This persecution is avowed—the organs of the Orange party
proclaim it—the Orange Papers urge on the Orange landlords
to these acts of savage cruelty and oppression. We, therefore,
want a Society to protect these poor people; and here I feel
bound to declare that I think ordinary measures will not be
sufficient—( Hear.) Sir, we must protect the people. I care not
what the consequences are, if it be necessary to have poor
laws, lam for poor laws.—( Cheering.) Orangemen of Ire-
land, you have driven me to it ; and Orange landlords, look to
yourselves.—(Cheers.) You talk of making the people
starve, but see what a surplus you will have upon your estates
if we make you support the people. Dictating to nobody, I
look with trembling fearfulness at poor laws ; but I feel it an
incumbent duty to prevent misery of a two-fold aspect. I
prefer the one to the double evil, and am decidedly for some
system of protection for the poor.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
If I could have sooner persuaded myself to take this step, you
would have poor laws at this moment in Ireland.—( Cheers.)
The Learned Gentleman here detailed the various measures
he vainly endeavoured to wring from the former Ministers, and
which were opposed by Lord Stanley. He alluded particularly
to the necessity for a new registration act, and for the proper
construction of the words " beneficial interest," which the As-
sistlnt-Barristers had construed in a manner that considerably
reduced the extension of the ten-pound franchise, and then pro-
ceeded as follows :—I am happy to say that I have reason to be
convinced that it is the intention of the Government to bring
in a Bill this very session to assimilate as much as possible the
registration of England and Ireland, and to give an appeal both
ways—from improper admission as well as improper rejection.
At present we require the aid and existence of a Franchise
Protecting Society, not only in Dublin but in every part of
Ireland.—( Hear.) I propose,• therefore, that we should, for
the purposes of protection—the protection of the people
against the exterminating process of turning them out of
their laud, and for the protection of the francise throughout '
the country—that we should not only have a body here to put
in motion, and watch over the resources within its own circle,
but similar bodies in every county, city, and town in Ireland.
—( Hear.) There remains but one topic more, and that is,
corporate abuses.—( Cheers and laughter.) I believe nobody
will deny that the abuses exist. I should like to see any per-
son in the city of Dublin denying it.—( Hear, hear.) Why,
I would really give a shilling to look at such a man.—( Loud
laughter.) If there be one, that is all (looking significantly
at David M'Cleery). The rest of the public think otherwise.
Now that Lord Haddington is gone from Ireland—l don't
know if any of you were at the burial.—(Laughter.) By
way of parenthesis, it was the pleasantest burial I ever saw.
--(Laughter.) There were plenty of mutes at it, and dogs
that bite but do not bark.—(Renewed laughter.) Before
Lord Haddington went away I do not know if he left a lock
of his comely grey hair to the Corporation.—( Laughter.)
He, however, left them a bit of a sermon. Only think of
this—he talked of the Corporation as Irishmen ! They are
hardly so ; but he also talked to them as Christians I—(Loud
laughter.) He might call them Irishmen, because they hap-
pened to have been born here, and have just enough of coun-
try to enable them to sell it ; but calling them Christians is
rather a strong expression.--( Renewed cheering.) His short
reign was here marked by more of Orange virulence, bigotry,
and oppression, than is remembered in the history of party
spirit. The fangs of the party were not able to settle us,
though their jaws were open to swallow us.—( Laughter. )
Sir, every body admits we must have corporate reform.
Sir James Graham, and Stanley with his " Darby-Dilly "
--(Laughter)—declared themselves for it. The Ministry
have declared themselves for it. The tithe question de-
mands a speedy settlement ; but, in my opinion, the Cor-
poration question should obtain the preference.—(Cheers )
' I believe before this day fortnight the Corporation Bill will be
ready. I would keep up the same number of Aldermen, one
of them to be Lord Mayor. All I want is a proper consti-
tuency, and the selection of Aldermen, Sheriffs, and Lord
Mayor. The present class of freemen must be swept away ;
there could be no reform without that step. In all the corpo-
rate reports they are exhibited as the upholders of gross mo-
nopoly and usurpation—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The
freedom belongs to all inhabitants, by which is meant house-
holders in the town ; but the present class of freemen is such,
that it would require ten of them to rent a house—(Laughter)
—or you may find nine of them. like nine tailors upon a shop-
board, only constituting one man.—_( Continued laughter.)
What is the plan for every town containing above 20,000 in-
habitants ? To distribute the city of Dublin, for instance,
into wards—the freemen of each ward to be householders
resident in the ward. The Election of Common Council
to be annual—the election of Aldermen to be three from

each ward—the number of wards to be eight. The election
of Aldermen to be for six years, and chosen out of the Common
Council. The Lord Mayor to be selected from the Common
Council. Men fit to fill the office of Common Councilmen
will then be anxious to become members, not only for the
power, but station, it will confer on them as citizens.
If this state of things should be brought about, I may myself
be anxious to obtain corporate honours—l will canvass the
Common Council—l will canvass the Wards—l will canvass
to be an Alderman—l will even canvass to be Lord Mayor,
and, if I am elected, you shall have a merry Mayoralty of it--
( Laughter.) Thus far I have developed my plans, and I now
address myself to my constituents with some pride and gratifi-
cation, because throughout this trying and arduous contest I
have not been inactive.—( Hear, hear.) When I last addressed
you in this room you were the slaves of Orange faction—you
have now the King's Government and the King's Ministers fa-
vourable to and the friends of public liberty. If I am again
taunted with the spoliation of the property of the Church, my
reply will be ready, " Let every man support his own pastor,
and if he does not choose to do so, no one else will." It has
been found that in Ireland there is a surplus of Church pro-
perty, which is not required for Ecclesiastical purposes. Now,
I would respect the vested rights of the sinecure clergyman
during his life, and I would provide for the spiritual wants of
every Protestant in the country ; but, after that, there will be
a surplus, and a surplus which must necessarily increase in
course of time, as the sinecure clergymen will cease to have
vested rights, which, I agree with Lord John Russell, ought to
b. e devoted to the purposes of education. Each persuasion
is convinced of the religious errors of the other ; the Catholic
believes the Protestant to be wrong ; the Protestant deems the
Catholic benighted. —( Laughter.) Let the honest men of both
sides apply this surplus fund to the education of the people,
and then the truth will be made apparent ; for who are such
judges of the truth as an educated people ?—( Hear, hear. )
There is one topic to which I will now allude, and from
which I will never shrink—l mean the Repeal of the Union.
I still entertain the same opinions upon this subject that I
have always held, that Ireland will never be prosperous or
happy until her domestic Parliament is restored to her.—
( Great cheering.) Am I, however, with this opinion, to play
the game of the enemies of Ireland—am I to cry out that opi-
nion amidst the roar of parties, and the triumphs of the
Orange faction ?—( Continued cheering.) I am against that.
- - (Laughter and cheers.) If I see the Ministry, for one year,
persevering in their determination to do justice to Ireland, I

shall give them another trial ; but let them take notice that I
must see them at work. I will give them the necessary time,
and if they deceive both you and me, it will demonstrate that
repeal is our only resource, and that Ireland must look to
herself. We have had many Lords Lieutenants here and
some good ones ; poor Lord Anglesey was amongst the latter,
though mistaken in his views, but a man is now coming
amongst us, with whom I have the honour of being personally
acquainted—who, to a superior intellect unites qualities of the
brightest order—a man who understands the state of Ireland,
comes amongst UPI with the determination of redressing her
grievances.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) I now call upon my
countrymen, one and all, to support and sustain the King's
Ministers. Giving to the Union, therefore, a fair trial, we
should never forget, although our aspirations may tend else-
where, that our idol should be Ireland, and our great struggle
the good of the people.—( Cheers.) Mr. O'Connell con-
cluded by moving that the Anti-Tory Association be now dis-
solved.

Mr. SETON seconded the motion, which was passed unani-
mously.
Mr. O'Dwyer, M. P. for Drogheda, Mr. Barrett, and Mr.
Lawless, addressed a few observations to the meeting, after
which Mr. O'Connell proposed that the name of the new So-
ciety should be " The Franchise Association."
Mr. WHITE was elected as the first member ; several other
gentlemen then gave in their names to be appointed members,
and the meeting adjourned.

MR. O'CONNELLS ADDRESS TO THE

PEOPLE OF IRELAND.

Mr. O'Connell has addressed a letter to his constituents
and the people of Ireland, on the present position of poli-
tical parties. The letter is dated from Merrion-square,
Dublin, the 28th April, and occupies three columns in the
Dublin Papers. The following extracts from it, contain
the principal points adverted to :
" A new day begins to shine upon us—a new era opens for
Ireland—an Administration is formed, pledged as well by it§
political principles, as by its political interests, to do—it is all
we require—justice to the people of Ireland. I come, now,
before that people, to avow myself the devoted supporter of
that Administration. To the King's Ministers I have tendered
my unbought, unpurchasable, unconditionable support. I
have neither made terms nor stipulations with them. It
suffices for me that their political interests, as well as their
political principles, are all identified with the cause of good
Government, and of justice to the loved land of my birth. The
tranquillity, the prosperity, the liberty of Ireland, also appear
to me identified with the maintenance in power of the present
Ministry.
" But as I have not deemed it necessary or wise to make
stipulations or conditions with the present Ministry, I may—
and I ought to be asked—what benefits I expect and antici-
pate for Ireland, from the King's present Ministers ? This is
a question which I am bound, and, indeed, am quite ready to
answer.

,‘ Ido expect from the present Ministry these advantages
For Ireland:—

" First—That the power and insolence of the fell Orange
faction must instantly cease.
" Secondly—The country will cease to be governed by its
unrelenting enemies.
" Thirdly—The administration of justice in Ireland will be
purified.
" Fourthly—The highest offices will cease to be abused by
the dull and meritless foes of Ireland.

" Fifthly—From men I come to measures, and I feel my
anticipations of ' good to Ireland' rise upon me. The first
principle to be worked out by the Ministry is—the great prin-
ciple of the appropriation of the surplus of the revenues of the
Establishment.

" Sixthly—The great question of the final extinction of tithes
will be in the hands of a Ministry pledged and determined to do
justice to the Catholic population of the country.
" Seventhly—That the present Ministry are publicly and
most unequivocally pledged to a thorough Reform of all cor-
porate abuses..
" There are many other benefits to be derived to Ireland
from the present Ministry, which I need not recapitulate, but
which must necessarily flow from the principle on which they
have undertaken the burden of public affairs—namely, that of
doing justice to Ireland.
" For near seven hundred years has ill-fated Ireland been
oppressed and misgoverned. Every outrage in the catalogue
of human crime which could be inflicted by one country on
another has been poured out on Ireland by British oppression
and misrule : and there is a party in England—the Tory party
—as ready, as anxious, and as malignantly desirous to continue,
and if possible, to aggravate all by gone tyranny, as if they were
only in the first years of its infliction, and were as fresh and
as new in its exercise as their predecessors were six hundred
years ago.
" Well, from this tyranny the new Ministry have relieved
us. The defeat of our virulent enemies, the Tories, took
place upon an Irish question. Ireland, which was their crime,
was also, by a just retribution, their punishment. The new
Ministry is based upon the principle of justice to Ireland ;
they owe their official stations to the redress of Irish griev-
ances ; and we, in return, are bound to give them every as-
sistance in the management, not only of the internal concerns
of Ireland, but the affairs of the empire at large.
" That Ireland had been maltreated, misgoverned, tyranised
over, and plundered for more than six centuries, was admitted
by every body at the disastrous period of the Union. That
measure—the Union—was brought forward as the panacea
for all our evils.

" Well—every body now admits the experiment has failed
The evils of Ireland, instead of being mitigated by the Union
have been enormously aggravated in consequence of that mea-
sure. Ireland, after thirty-five years' experience of the Union,
is in a more wretched and miserable state than she was at the
period it was enacted.
" Under such circumstances it was that we, Repealers,
pressed the repeal of the Union on the House of Commons.
We said, you have misgoverned Ireland—you have proved the
futility of every promise and of every expectation held out at
the Union. It has totally failed. You have produced mi-
sery, distress, dissension, poverty, starvation. Allow us, then
to govern oureelves by our native Parliament, as you have so
signally failed in the administration of our affairs.
" We were defeated on our motion by an overwhelming ma.
jority. Various arguments were adduced to resist our applica-
tion. The far greater part of those arguments were fallacious
in the extreme. There was one, only, which struck me as
cogent. It came, too, from that class of men whom we most
desired to conciliate and persuade—honest and true Reformers.
It also went to destroy the very foundation on which we placed
the Repeal question.
" We insisted that the experiment of the Union had totally
failed—that it had worked for great evil and for no good.
The only rational answer was, the reasoning I have alluded to
—namely, that the experiment of the Union had never been
fairly tried. It was said, and truly said, that until the year
1829, when Emancipation was extorted, the Union was never
complete. Its leading feature, religious equality, was until
then, wanting.
" It was said, and truly said, that during the Tory rule,
from 1829 until the dismissal of the Duke of Wellington,
there was no chance of a fair trial' of the Union.
" It was added—and there was some truth in the addition—
that when the Whigs came into power the agitation of tke
Repeal, and the ill-advised manner in which that agitation was
sought to be put down, had created a state of things which
totally prevented the Union from being fairly tested by ex-
perience.
" It was concluded that, as the Union had not the benefit of
a fair experiment, Englishmen could not be expected to vote
for its dissolution until a fair trial had been made whether it
was practicable to give Ireland the advantages of good go-
vernment by an united Parliament.
" Come, then, my countrymen—hereditary bondsmen :--
come, let us invite the present Ministry to make the experi-
ment fully, fairly, and with all practical expedition. It can-
not ,e done all at once. There must be sufficient time given
—and we will give it, provided we see the work begun
honestly, and fairly begun.
" Here am I, for one, fully determined to contribute all I
can to the success of this experiment. The Union fairly tried
may, as some expect, produce honest and good government,
and consequent tranquillity and prosperity in Ireland. If it
do so, all that we desire to obtain by the repeal will be realised
—a result which I fervently hope for, but cannot bring myself
to say I confidently anticipate. If, on the ctther hand, the ex-
periment fails, why, then, we will demand the repeal' in a
voice of thunder, and we shall be joined in that cry by all the
rational and honest politicians in Great Britain. Thus, then,
either the repeal will be rendered unnecessary—which I can-
didly own is not my own opinion, though it is that of myriads
of men of intelligence and integrity—the repeal will either
be rendered unnecessary, or its imperative and inevitable
necessity will be demonstrated, and then the repeal will be
certain.
" The destiny of the present Administration is high and
palmy, if they prove worthy of its might and majesty—lreland
throws herself into their arms. Scotland, as is her wont,
bravely backs them ; and all in England, save the incorrigible
bigots and hackniad political plunderers, join in the resolution
to support them in the correction of every abuse, and in the
constitutional and peaceable amelioration of all our institutions,
judicial, civil, military, and political.
" Ireland expects a reform in the temporalities of the Esta-
blished Church. Ireland, above all, demands an immediate

and sweeping reform of the rank and grinding abuses of her
Corporations—the first, most pressing, and most necessary of
all reforms. Let the Ministry begin with this, and we will
wait with patience and hope for the development of all other
plans of national improvement. But the reform of Corpora-
tion abuses cannot be postponed or eluded.
" The advantages which Ireland is likely to derive from the
present Ministry, the advantages which England and Scot-
land must derive from their continuance in power, is sought to
be perverted by a way familiar to the oligarchs and political
plunderers of England. For the last three hundred years,
whenever a base and selfish party in the country desired to
effectuate their own personal purposes, or felt their personal
interests in danger, they raised the No-Popery cry.
" The Catholics are accused of a design to plunder the Pro-
testant Church in Ireland. All we desire to do, is to reduce
its temporalities to the extent of supplying the spiritual wants
of all the Protestants. Mark the absurdity of our assailants !
We concede at once that vested interests shall be respected—
we concede at once that religious instruction and assistance
shall be afforded to every Protestant in Ireland. All we
demand is, that another allocation should be made of the
surplus of those temporalities, after supplying all the Pro-
, testants; and here our assailants exclaim plunder and rob-
bery ! What ! is a sinecure establishment part of Pro-
testantism ? Is it necessary for Protestant purposes to
pay hundreds of parsons who have no duties to perform
in return for that pay? Is it plunder, first to supply all
Protestant wants, and then to apply the sniping, and. only

the surplus, for purposes of education and morality ? Here is
the dilemma in which the English no-Popery men are placed
—they must either insist that Protestantism requires sinecure
churchmen for its maintenance and protection--and thee they
degrade the sanctity of religion into a vulgar and mercenary
trade—or they must declare that the application of a surplus
ecclesiastical revenue to the purposes of moral and religious
education is destructive of Protestanism itself.

" It is said that the Catholics desire to obtain for their own
Church the temporalities of the Establishment. There never
was a more gross calumny. The Catholics not only do not de-
sire, but they reject and repudiate with scorn any such appro-
priation—they willingly consent to such an appropriation as
should render any application of those funds to the Catholic
Church impossible.
" People of Ireland, let us show ourselves worthy of the
present all-important crisis. Let us forget all by-gone dis-
sensions and injuries. Let us rally round a Ministry which
promises a new era—an era of justice and conciliation—to the
Irish people. The new Ministry are placed in a situation of
much difficulty, and will want all the aid of all the friends of
reform and amelioration. Let Ireland become a portion of
their strength and security ; and let them on their part, so deal
with Ireland as to be able hereafter to look back with pride to
the pacification and prosperity of this country, as the work of
their hands, and grateful Ireland will recognise them as the
first of its benefactors.