The Sun.
London, England, 1866-12-03 00:00:00

NEWSPAPER
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(From the Anglo-American Times.)
MR. CHISHOLM ANSTEY'S Historic Inquiry into
the Constitutional Bearings of the Elective Fran-
chise will form a handy text-book for the leaders of
the Reform movement. A great authority re-
marked in reference to the "inquiry"—the pamphlet
would be of great value if people would read it.
What people read is well kncwn to librarians. The ,
mass seek amusement, not instruction, and the fact
that a book is instructive is in itself sufficient to
enlist a very general prej udiceagainst it. But thom4h,
the mass will not read this Historic Inquiry, the
leaders of the Reform movement should make them-
&lves well acquainted with is facts. If Mr.
ANSI EY'S facts are untrue and law bad, this would
soon be shown. If not, the facts he has brought out
should be widely known among the British people,
and it is more particularly the business of the Re-
form League to take care that the knowledge should
be spread. In every country whose Government is
based on a constitution there is a perpetual struggle
for power. This may be true in a measureof countries
under absolute rulers, but the struggle is more con-
fined to individuals, and not embodying principles.
The people may rely on the fact that they will be
the victims, unless they jealously guard their
rights. It matters not whether the contest be on
the part of a King to make himself absolute, or a
Parliament to make itself supreme. The miserable
Wars of the Roses ended in the exhaustion of Eng..
land and the absolute rule of the Tudors. The
people recovered their liberties only after another
frightful contest. No sooner did the Commons
attain to the chief power in the realm, after the

Revolution in 1688, than their career became
marked by a series of usurpations, till they at last
succeeded in absorbing to themselves the rights and
privileges of the mass of the nation. While con..
tending for the liberties of the people the Commons
were the champions of freedom. Whew,,,that
est e ndedin their own triumph, they became the
opponents of freedom and the champions of their
own privileges. From the date of their advent to
power the struggle has been between them and the
The idea that Parliament could act ille-
gally is not generally entertained in England.
They are supposed to be the representatives of the
people, and what they resolve is presumed to be
law. Yet it was by a series of most illegal resolu-
tions that they succeeded in centreing in themselves
and the classes they represented the chief power of
this realm. It is a singular fact that we owe to the
unlawful ambition of Parliament the loss of the
American colonies. By the Constitution it is clear
that taxes cannot legally be levied by the Commons
on any portion of the empire unrepresented in that
body. Yet in spite of the law the Commons in-
sisted on taxing that part of the empire now known
as the United States. It is an error to suppose that
the KING was mainly in fault. The KING had
legally the power of submitting by a Royal Message
a scheme to the Colonial Legislatures for raising
supplies for his service—a right recognised by the
colonies, who were willing thus to make liberal pro-
vision for his MAJESTY. But the Commons refused
to be so restricted, and persisted in levying taxes
through votes of their own house. Unfortunately
for himself, GEORGE 111. abetted them in this illegal
proceeding. The result is instructive. The Com-
mons began by setting aside the law of this realm
in asserting privileges which did not belong to them.
The illegal act raised an armed opposition. When
fairly committed to the war, the colonies, from
merely resisting an act of tyranny, increased their
demands till they severed the empire, after a
frightful expenditure of blood and treasure.
During the rise of the Commons to the su-
preme power in this kingdom many assertions of
privilege have been made by that House which have
been resisted by the Supreme Courts of Law. More
than once this usurping body have been rebuked by
the highest of our Judges for acts in direct opposi-
tion to the spirit of the Constitution, and fatal to the
liberty of the subj It is well for this country
that in periods when Englishmen regard with apathy
gross violations of their rights that these rights
should have found champions in such high places,
as it is well, too, for the Commons. Impunity in
illegality would have led them to infringements of
the liberty of the'subject which would have ended
disastrously for themselves. The Reform Act of
1832, in rectifying the gross abuses of the electoral
system, was itself an infringement of the Constitu-
tion. The Constitution recognises no property qua-
lifications, yet that bill established such a qualifica-
tion, and was thus a violation of the rights of the
mass of Englishmen. Even at the time that bill
was passed some of the constituencies elected repre-
sentatives by votes identical with manhood suffrage.
The inequalities removed by that bill had grown
into gross abuses. At that time the spirit of
the people was thoroughly aroused, and Earl Rtis-
SELL'S reasons, although not in harmony with the
Constitution, were an absolute necessity. After the
lapse of a third of a century the people are again
roused to action on this subject, and the bill intro-
duced by Mr. GLADSTONE was a further step towards
framingthe electoral system in conformity with the
Constitution of the land. The people would have
accepted that bill as a progressive measure in the
right direction ; but it was unwisely rejected by the
Commons. Its rejection has roused the spirit of the
country, and necessitated the passing of a stililarger
measure of Reform. Mr. BRIGHT warned the House
of what the result would be. They rejected the
warning, and would now be but too glad if they
could satisfy the people with a measure embodying
no greater concession. It is the tendency of such
ds,
agitations to grow in their deman as i f no
by the strength of an opposition, and repulser only
embitters the struggle.
A working man very justly
pointed out the samples of mismanagement fur-
nished by such concerns
e London, Chatham,
and Dover Railway, as examplesashow the persons
eagteestthoefirfitonwesns
that
in nflathn
were applied that such exposures condemned
our present legislators. It is very well to
take it for granted that our representatives
would deteriorate if the franchise were con-
siderably extended, but proof is wanting that
such would be the effect. Indeed, known facts
tend to establish the reverse, for the shameful mis-
management of our railways and other joint-stock
undertakings is strong proof of the incompetency
of the class who assume to be alone qualified
to rule this empire. For a long period the Com-
mons succeeded in their illegal infringement of the
Constitution. For some time opinion has turned
against them, and the people are wresting back
their rights. We feel sure the first use they will
make of their power will be to spread education
among the masses, so as to qualify all for the high
privilege of electing their rulers. In the face of an
educated people such usurpations as were effected
in the last century could not again be attempted,
and when Englishmen attain to the full measure of
their rights they may fairly be expected to keep
them intact.

We announced about a fortnight ago that a yacht
race from New York to Cowes for the prize of
$90,000 was proposed for the 11th December. Mr.
oe 1w
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from Sandy
" not to come." The Irish pilot, Mr. J. G. Bennett,
residing at Queenstown, engaged for the Henrietta,
203 tons, has received a similar message. No ex-
planations accompany these orders, and much dis-
appointment prevails among yachting men who had
anticipated the race with great interest. The next
mail, which will give the reasons for the change iii
arrangements, is anxiously looked for. The Vesta!
201 tons, Mr. Lorillard, was the third vessel entered
for the match, and was to have had au American
pilot.
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