The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-18 00:00:00

THE ITALIAN QUESTION.

, The Italian question will again be brought this
evening before both Houses of Parliament. What,
we again ask, the Italian question? The answer
is extremely simple. The occupation of Central
Italy by foreign troops has brought Europe to the
brink of evil. This is the evil, nor will it be difficult
to arrive at the remedy if we only keep on that
straight line in politics which is always the short6st
distance between two given points. There is no
necessity.for despatching couriers all over Europe,
and keeping a hundred telegraph wires in motion
during the next, as has been done during the last
three months, and all to secure an end which may
be at once attained in 24 hours.

The Italian question has two phases. There is
he question of foreign influence, and that of internal
reform. The first has become a European danger,
and must therefore engage the attention of the
great Powers ; the second had infinitely better be
left to the Italians themselves. Let the Congress
meet without delay, and let Austria, France, and
Sardinia simply engage--the two first Powers to
withdraw all troops, the last to send none south of
the Po. Let the engagement to withdraw be
solemnly guarded by the further engagement never
to send them back. This is the one necessary basis
—the single and simple principle for the Congress
to establish. It might be settled in one, at most in
two sittings. Why, then, should the question be
complicated ? Why must the Congress undertake
the never-ending, still-beginning labour of framing
Reform Bills for the separate Italian States ? It
would be an impossible, and utterly endless task.
Whether Rome is to have a constitution or a con-
sulta—whether Naples and Tuscany shall re-
establish the constitution of 1848—what adminis-
trative reforms are required at Modena and Parma ;
all these questions must be left to the inhabitants
of these separate States to deal with as they think
fit. What the Congress can and ought to effect at
once is the removal of that obstacle by which
reforms are impeded. They complain of the
foreigner's presence. Let him withdraw. States
hitherto independent and sovereign but in name
will at once become so in fact. The great Powers
may give them the friendly counsel to employ
aright their independence, but with this counsel
their interfence should begin and end.
This, is the plain, practical common sense view of
the question. We regret to say that we recognise
neither plainness, practicability, nor common sense
in all this pother about disarmameuts. This is
simply putting the cart before the horse ; and when
so long-headed a statesman as Count Buol does so,
the natural presumption is that he does not intend
to move at all. Russia only gave utterance to the
rational view of the affair in the remark that dis-
armaments commonly happen as the consequence,
not as the causes, of a Congress. A disarmament

is the logical sequence of an amicable arrangement ;
let the arrangement be made without delay, and
the disarmament will follow. To discuss the time,
terms, and proportions of a disarmament before the
arrangements is the sure way to retard, perhaps
wholly to impede, its realisation.
We are greatly mistaken if the solution at which
we have hinted be not the only one compatible both
with the interests of Italy and the peace of Europe.
We are sure that it is the only one compatible with
the dignity of England. We cannot be parties to
any violation of the faith of treaties. But within
these treaties Italy must belong to the Italians.
It is most important for the. character of our
people in the eyes of Europe that this evening's
opportunity should not be lost—that by the voices
of independent members, as well as of our party
chiefs, England should emphatically declare that
her policy, whilst a policy of peace, is far re-
moved from being a policy of indifference. Our
Tuscan correspondent refers to the impression that
has sprung up in Italy of our diplomatic efforts
leaning too much to the side of Austria. Austria
herself, doubtless, has done all in her power to en-
courage such a belief. It has received but too much
colour from the Indecision of Lord Malmesbury,
and it has not been so thoroughly discredited as it
otherwise might have been by those frank expres-
sions of national opinion which other countries
naturally expect to hear from the representatives of
the British people.
The reasons of this reserve hate been obvious.
In hitherto leaving to Lord Palmerston and Lord
John Russell the task of eliciting from Government
the necessary information on the Italian question,
the House of Commons has felt that. statesmen who
had already wielded, and might again wield, the
power of England, would beware of hazarding by a
single heedless word the slightest chance of peace.
But the severe self-restraint in this discretion of the
British Senate must not be misunderstood. Parlia-
ment is a High Council of the Crown as well as a
Representative Assembly of the People ; it would
abdicate the functions required from it in either
character should it separate without giving a dis-
tinct utterance to its views on the course of policy
whiCh the Ministers of the Crown are bound to
pursue, and which the People, whom Parliament
represents, will alone approve of.
There is the greater need that this utterance be
most distinctly and emphatically made, as our pre-
sent position of mediator possesses, in many respects,
a most invidious character. Our own national
interests—the interests of our commerce—point
already to peace. -The English statesman, of what-
ever party, who should neglect the promotion of
these interests, would be guilty of a gross betrayal
of his trust. The Italian people at the present
moment hope in war, and in war alone, for the
security of civil liberty and the acquisition of
national independence. It is quite possible, nay,
it is extremely probable, that these expectations
might not be realised—that neither freedom nor
independence might come forth from a European
conflict. It is quite possible, nay, highly probable,
that a pacific settlement of Italy would, if heartily
and honestly realised, effect greater benefits than
could be carved out by the sword. But there must
be no mistake as to our determination to secure for
Italy those blessings by means of peace, whilst
questioning the expediency of contending for them
by means of war. Still less must there exist even
the shadow of a shade of doubt that in our desire
to secure peace we are willing to sacrifice Italian
interests to our own.—Morning Post.

LORD JOHN _RUSSELL AND TILE CITY

.ELECTION.

(From the Morning Herald.)
Lord John Russell has not only issued a pro-
gramme, he has now once more addressed himself
to a task, for the due perfomance of which a long
and continuous practice has rendered him eminently
qualified. It is very often our misfortune to differ
from the opinions expressed by this noble lord, and
to stigmatise with a certain severity the course
which it has pleased him to adopt in the discharge
of his duties as a member of the House of Commons.
But we have seldom failed to notice the remarkable
perseverance with which, on every possible occasion,
he indulges the public curiosity with a succinct and
self-laudatory narrative of his own life and adven-
tures. A distinguished German philosopher tells
us in one of his best known works that, as a general
rule, the world accepts a man at his own valuation.
"Respect yourself," he observes, "and others will
respect you." Never hide your candle under a
bushel, for 3-our neighbours will let it lie there long
enough unless you take the trouble of bringing it
out and putting it in a conspicuous place. Lord
John Russell's whole life has been. an illustration
of this precept. He even forestalls criticism. He
saves us the trouble of exercising an independent
judgment, and, like a chorus in a Greek play, takes
upon himself to "point the moral" of his own life,
and to account for political freaks of which simple
mortals like ourselves must otherwise have had
recourse to other explanations.
The last occasion on which this veteran politi-
cian came forward in his " Weil-known character"
was at a " preliminrry conference of the Liberal
Electors' Committees and of the friends of the .
Reform candidates," which took place on Friday
last at the London Tavern. We will not stop to
point out a very obvious objection to the designation
assumed by the Liberal Electors' Committees, but
merely state that, then and there did the present
members for the City, appear before a few hundreds
of the metropolitan electors, in order to give account
of their doings or misdoings during the period that ,
has elapsed since the general election of 1857. Lord
John Russell, however, was the chief spokesman.
The other members retired with becoming modesty
before the self-styled champion of Parliamentary
Reform and the famous Cabinet-killer of the day.
We might excuse a candidate for Parliamentary
honours for not introducing much variety of topics
into an election speech. The truth is that every
possible subject on which a candidate rnay be ex-
pected to dilate has been thoroughly exhausted.
There is nothing new under the sun to be said about
Parliamentary Reform. During its late stormy pas-
sage through the House of Commons that unhappy
question has been so thoroughly sifted, so riddled, so
torn to shreds, sotortured, so ill used, that it would be

an act of atrocious cruelty to make it run the gaunt-
let of every hustings in the kingdom. But to Lord
J. Russell the reform question is ever young and
ever fresh. He is never weary of talking about it,
because it furnishes him with an opportunity of re-
curring to that subject in the elucidation of which
he stands pre-eminent—the story of his own life.
And so it came to pass on Friday last. So it was the
gentlemen who met at the London Tavern in the
hope of gleaning some pbsitive information as to the
political opinions of Lord John Russell were doomed
to pass two mortal hours in listening to an oft-told
tale, familiar to them all as A B C.

The narrative commences at a somewhat remote
epoch, though it is brought
.down to the latest tele
gram from Viminl, and it may be said to be " con-
spicuous by the absence" of anything very new or
very interesting. We are told—we have heard it
more than once before—that the Conservative Go-
vernment were deeply indebted to their opponents
for the unexampled forbearance shown them during
the period they have held office. They are accused
of having adopted the views of those who preceded
them in office, of having shown an extraordinary
readiness to concede theiro*n opinions to the dic-
tation of a formidable Opposition, to give in when
they were likely to be beaten, to make themselves,.
in short, the servants of the House of Commons.
Then, of course, we have a repetition of the well-
known charge that the Conservatives had no right
to meddle with reform ; that this 'question had been
long ago appropriated by the Whigs ; and that
having dared to play with edged tools they must
undergo the consequence of their rashness. When
we have added that the narrative is concluded by a
few sentences about the right of Italy to manage her
own affairs—a point on which most Englishmen are
agreed—we have given the sum and substance of Lord
John Russell's latest edition of his autobiography.
This is all that a distinguished statesman, who
commands at least one section of the Opposition in
the House of Commons, has to bring forward against
Lord Derby's Administration: this is all the excuse
he has to offer for having thrown the whole country
into confusion, for having disturbed trade, and done
all that in him lay to thwart and impede the action
of Government at a moment when it was essential
to the tranquillity of Europe that Ministers should
be left free to prosecute their laudable efforts for
the preservation of peace. Whatever may. be
thought throughout the country as to the merits or
demerits of the Derby Reform Bill, a verdict of
disapprobation—all but unanimous—has been pro-
nounced against the conduct of that political leader
who chose a moment, certainly critical, for the
exhibition of that factious restlessness which has
marked his political career. Let it be granted that
Lord Derby undertook to carry on the Queen's
Government with a minority on his side in the
House of Commons. Is it not to his honour, and
to the honour of those who sat with him, that he
boldly seized the helm of the state when others
shrunk from the task incapable or dismayed. Lord
Derby knew the disadvantages under which he
laboured ; and it was only at a difficult crisis, and
when, in obedience to Lord John Russell, the
House of Commons had glaringly violated a solemn
pledge, that the Prime Minister was driven to ap-
peal to the great tribunal of the people of England.
Since the House of Commons has refused to consider
with calm impartiality the measure of Reform in-
troduced by the Government, Lord Derby throws
himself with confidence upon the loyalty and
patriotism of his countrymen.
We ask the electors for the City of London to
consider these things with serious attention. It is
very far from our desire to see the election about
to take place in the metropolis converted into an
ordinary party struggle between Conservatives and
Liberals. It was with too much truth that Sir John
Pakington observed the other day on the growing
want of confidence in our chief public men. We
are not sure of them ; we cannot trust them as we
wish to do. No greater calamity than this could
befall this country. So soon as we cease to believe
that the chief men in the State are fearless in their
policy, and without reproach in the administration
of public affairs, so soon will a fatal blow have been
struck against the splendid but delicate fabric of
the British constitution. Strong enough to have
withstood the most formidable shocks, it has, like
the Grecian hero, a vulnerable point. It is no
small thing that our public men should be un-
corrupted and incorruptible, that the House of
Commons would eject a man on whom the breath
of so foul a suspicion had blown ; but it is also
essential to the stability, the well-doing, aye, to
the very existence of Parliament, that men who act
as party leaders should not condescend to paltry,
miserable, unworthy dodges for the sake of achiev-
ing a party triumph. The question that ought to
be asked in a few days at every hustings in Eng-
land, Ireland, and Scotland, is this, and we call
upon the electors for the City of London to set the
example. This is no question between Whiggism
and Conservatism. It rests upon a much broader
basis, and concerns allwho think it of some moment
that a high-toned morality should reign among our
Kpuibnlgicdommento.
dletciidse ftohristhmeaettleerc.torsTohfethlluseoUne ofited
Commons is at a dead lock, and the country is now
to be asked on what principles public business is to
be conducted.

SALMON FlSHlNG.—During the week the Tay
week, yester-
day showing a slight increase. Prices
are—for whole fish,
ls. 10d. per lb., and cuts, 25.--Daily Scotsman.
IN HORSEMONGER-LANE GAOL.—On
held an inquest at Horsemonger-lane
fisheries are much below the average of last
aged 55, a prisoner. The deceased
and became a prisoner on
G Saturdaya
Gaol,
loCnl,D3,:rern.
aAr
tlle
ern
g a watch. On Friday
hadm or Thursday,bne morning ea° wasn bae chargecrs
h discoveredkeeper,
efel)Bs+
-e4realin,
hanging by means of the strap
of his hammock from the water pipe in his cell. It was
proved in evidence that his father and. sister had been in a
lunatic asylum, and he had been frequently treated for deli-
rium tremens after drinking to excess. It was believed he
took the watch while in an insane state in a public-house,
for which offence he was colamitted. Verdict, "Temporary
insanity."

REMINISCENCES OF WILLIAM PITT.—In the obi-
tuary of last week was recorded the death of Mr. John Bur
field, of Deal, formerly gardener, aged 88 years. In early
life he had in this capacity lived at Walmer Castle, during
its occupancy by Mr. Pitt, then Prime Minister, of whom
the old man would relate many interesting anecdotes. On
being admitted to the household ho was apprised that his
bedroom was so situated that he would probably, be dis-
turbed by the sounds sometimes to be heard from his mas-
ter's chambers, of which he soon had audible proof. Dur-
ing the silent hours of darkness the great man would rise
from his repose' and pacing his room, appear to be deliver-
ing a speech in the most impassionedmanner, his prepara-
tion, in all probability, for a coming conflict in Parliament.
The gardens at the rear of the castle were at this time newly
laid out, Mr. Pitt taking much interest in the alteration,
and giving personal directions ; but in the midst of
somethose
he would become absent, walking to and fro for )
time in silence, and then (as one arousedhfarot ave
hadre raest
resume his sup.erintendence, inquiring Iv_
atvmanendthirhife.
latoladunistedur.b hpisunm sition and the most
incidents, they show that the liThest Po.
extended influence cannot be e
lines°Ythe head that wears a
ngastesrubehy
ainntienrvvalisryß. Id neverias,as
neasy
absorbing cares.
scrroewatne,:iapritrder4l7ee,sts:s;o urw?tt.eriehrovau:atthi 0 affairs of a

L-

The ..kssui -ant3e; 4, screw steam despatch vessel,
Commander C. Aynslcy, was on Saturday placed in
No. 2 dock a.t Portsmouth to complete her repairs
prior to furthez service. Her crew will be paid up
wages and gran. ted short leave of absence.

The Princess ".Charlotte, Belgian screw steamer,
which vessel brOught to
as noticed in The
Sun of the 12th l
England military and
naval invalids from. t
Hongkong,.having discharged at the
dockyard, Portsmouth, a quantity of old Govern-
on board, sailed from that port
on Saturday
Govern-
ment stores
forsb.
oce
Southampton, to be docked, &c.,
ding to Antwerp.
The Sut
prior to priej, 50,
sailing frigate, in No. 9 dock at
preparing for lengthening and con-
version Portsmouth a
screw frigate, has her outside planking.
s tripped
to
off to aponsiderable depth below her water
l tine preparatory to her being cut asunder, and is
o
therwise fast progressing in the details necessary
for the commencement of the lengthening her bow
and stern.
The Doris, 32, screw steam frigate, 800-horse
power, nominal, Capt. E. Heathcote, had steam up
at Spithead on Saturday to commence her series of
screw trials, but owing to the force of wind being
greater than the Admiralty allow ships to be tried
under, the trial was deferred.
The Mersey, 40, screw steam frigate, Captain H.
Caldwell, C. 8., according to present orders, will
leave Portsmouth harbour for Spithead this
morning.
The Meander, 44, sailing frigate, at Portsmouth,
has been brought down to the harbour and placed
in the fitting basin.
A battery of position, consisting of four 18-
pounder guns, with 12 waggons, one forge, plat-
form waggon, store limber, and hospital cart, &c.,
have left Woolwich for Chichester, where they will
be stationed for coast defences.
By letters received at Plymouth it appears that
the monotony on board the screw steamship
Caesar, 90, Capt. Charles Frederick, which has been
lying for three months outside Greytown, was
somewhat relieved on the 15th of March by four
arrivals—viz., a smart little schooner (once a
slaver), bringing provisions for the Caesar, the
merchant brig St. Vincent, of Liverpool, the United
States steamer St. Louis, and the Royal West India
mail steamer Clyde. After a month's absence at
Jamaica the screw steam-frigate Diadem, 32, Capt.
William Moorsorn, C. 8., brought to the Caesar her
orders to proceed home, which gratifying intelli-
gence Mr. Caldwell, the surgeon, conveyed imme-
diately to the sick. The Caesar will probably touch
at Vera Cruz and Havannah on her passage to Ply-
mouth. On the 18th of March M. Belley, an emi-
nent French engineer, accompanied by a large staff
arrived for the purpose of opening a canal between
Greytown and Lake Nicaragua, which, when
finished, will become a powerful competitor with
the American railway from Chagres to Panama.
The apprentices brig Nautilus 10, Lieutenant-
Commander Grant, left Plymouth: Sound on Wed-
nesday for her first Channel trip this season.
The steam gunboat Hind, tender to the Russell,
60, at Falmouth, was placed under repair at Devon-
port on Wednesday.
The screw troopship Urgent, Commander John
W. D. Macdonald, left Plymouth on Thursday, for the Channel fleet in Bantry Bay.
The steam troopship, Dee, 4, Master-Commander
Thomas C. Pullen, left Plymouth on Thursday for
Woolwich.
The lighter Falmouth sailed from Plymouth on
Friday for Portsmouth.
The surveying steamer Shamrock was commis-
sioned at Plymouth on Wednesday by Commander
• Joseph Edye.
A court of inquiry was held on Thursday and. Friday at Devonport, Captain Woodford J. Wil-
liams chairman, for the
purpose of ascertaining
the circumstances under which the barque Ava
was run down on Monday last, the 11th instant,
off the Lizard, by the steam troopship Per-
severance, Commander E. R. Power. The finding
of the Court has not been promulgated. The
Perseverance was supplied on Friday with a
figure-head and bowsprit, and it was hoped that
she would leave yesterday (Sunday) for Milford,
Queenstown, and the Cape of Good Hope.
scrCew apt. Robert S. Robinson, of the Exmouth, 90,
steam gwardship of ordinary at Plymouth,
was summoned to Whitehall on Thursday evening.
Watt
Steam was got up on Friday on board the James
, 91, Capt. Edward Codd, at Devonport, for the
purpose of testing her boilers.
The screw steamship Nile, 90, Capt. Arthur P.
Wilmot, C. 8., left Hamoaze on Saturday afternoon,
and having taken a short trial cruise in the Channel
returned to Plymouth Sound in the evening.
The screw steam frig.ate Termagant, 25, Capt.
Robert Hall, from Portland, arrived at Plymouth
on Saturday evening.
The screw steamship Liffey, 51, Capt. George W.
Preedy, left Plymouth on Saturday evening to join
the Channel fleet.
The paddlewheel steam frigate Virago, 6, Com-
mander Montagu B. Dunn, left Plymouth Sound
yesroterday morning for Chatham, whence she will
pbably tow the Eurydice, 26, to Portsmouth.
PEMBROKE DOCKYARD.—The following are the
principal dimensions of the Revenge, screw steam
ship of the line pierced for 91 guns, ordered to be
launched at this yard, viz. :—Length of perpen-
dicular, 234 ft. ;
199 ft. ltin. • length of keel for tonnage,
; extreme breadth, 55ft. 4in. ; depth of
hold, 24ft. sin. ; burthen in tons, 3,146. The
Revenge is a
and a rod specimen of the new class, 91's,
Ppea elv to prove an efficient man-of-war.
RE enA rs
NYEL sQuADRON.—The progress made
by the crews of the Channel squadron in Bant
Rry
33aY is' 'very satisfactory. The Royal Albert andßa
Racoon are generally the smartest in their evolu •
tions, which comprise shifting topsailyards, furling
sails, shifting
etting topgallantmasts, and jibbooms,
g out stream anchors and cables, &c. We
only hope that these exk.r2isea 'rill
too far ; but we rely ma ,allant rr
admiral's discretion in the ter. aie
United Service
Gazette.