The Sun.
London, England, 1859-03-12 00:00:00

troduction of institutions " which work admirably
where they have been developed and ripened by
ages, but which do not seem suited to the genius,
the traditions, or the social conditions of the
Italians, there has been witnessed in the
Peninsula a succession of disorderly scenes and
of bloody anarchy." Austria has always tried
to check these, though with scrupulous respect
for foreign rights. This system she will still
uphold ; she will not enforce on any Intalian
Sovereign a form of government which he
opposes, nor declare that the moment has come
for reforms in any existing. Administration. As
the Pope is negotiating for the evacuation of his do-
minions by foreign troops, Austria will retire when
the Holy Father declares he is strong enough to
govern without assistance; but the Viennese Cabi-
net is of opinion that the difficulties of his Govern-
ment arise much less from internal discontent than
from the excitement which is kept up by foreign—
that is, Sardinian influence.
Such is this important State paper; thoroughly
Austrian—ably reasoned in a diplomatic point of
view, and indicating a fixed determination to
defend positive and guaranteed rights. Austria
breaks no law; she acts strictly according to
treaties ; who, then, can cast a stone at her ? Yet
we trust, for the sake of Europe, that this document
represents rather the abstract principles on which
Francis Joseph takes his stand than the spirit in
which he will meet proposals for a peaceful settle-
ment. The Austrian Government is not unnaturally
provoked by the attacks of Sardinia and the Bona-
partist plot which has been hatching for the last
two years. The King of Sardinia and Count
Cavour are, however, the principal objects of its
aversion, and the taunts and invectives against
these personages which fill Count Buol's despatch
sadly take away from its dignity. The Emperor
of Austria ought to perceive that this is a great
European question, and that his rivals, how-
ever culpable their schemes, only take advan-
tage of a national agitation which it is pedantry
to ignore. The despatch we are considerinc,
was certainly in answer to Count CavourFs
circular, and therefore may be excused for
dwelling exclusively on the disputes with Sardinia.
But every one must see that these are petty
jealousies in comparison with the. great and mo-
mentous breach with France. It is with -France
that Austria and the mediating powers will have
to settle the question ; and we may tell the Austrian
statesmen that they have had a narrow escape. If
Napoleon 111. had executed the scheme of aggres-
sion which he had recently cherished some two
years since, he might have had English opinion
with him, and even Germany would have been
slow to move in a quarrel not her own. It is only
the conviction brought home to us by recent
events, that Europe must, regardless of all else,
check any scheme of French domination, which
has made every nation, and every party in every
nation, the ally of Austria. The reprobation of the
war is too general and too strong to be trifled
with, and it is probable that Austria is saved
from. a terrible conflict. The least that we can
demand in return is, that the Emperor Francis
Joseph should use his great influence to improve
the condition of Italy. It is mere evasion to speak
of the impropriety of interfering with another
potentate's sovereign rights. One word of remon-
strance to the King of Naples, or the Grand Duke
of Tuscany, or even to the Pope himself, would
cause the respective fabrics of maladministration
to crumble and make way for better things. Un-
less this be done, we have no hope for the future
Even now France could force Austria to assume
the offensive by giving the signal for an outbreak
in Florence or Rome; and it is not impossible that
some such trick may even now baffle those who arc
labouring for peace. France and Sardinia would
have some defence before Europe if they took up
arms only to repel Austrian interference in an
Italian State. This fact shows the permanent
danger arising from the bad Governments of the
Peninsula, and should teach the Court of Vienna to

abate something of its high pretensions.

THE GOVERNMENT _REFORM BILL.

GREAT MEETING IN THE CITY.

--- - -
[The following appeared in a portion of our impression
of yesterday] :

A public meeting of the citizens of London was
held this day, at two o'clock, in the Guildhall, for

the purpose of taking into consideration the Re-
form Bill introduced into Parliament by her Ma-
jesty's Government.
Long before the hour fixed for the commence-
ment of the meeting the hall was densely crowded.
Mr. Ernest Jones was amongst the crowd, appa-
rently not having been able to procure a ticket for
admission to the platform ; there appeared also to
be a good sprinkling of " non-electors" present in
obedience to the circular issued by Mr. Jones for
them to attend and support him in his endeavours
to advocate their interest.

Two o'clock was the hour fixed ; at which hour
the Lord Mayor entered the hall, and took the
chair, accompanied by Sir J. Duke, M.P., Mr.
Crawford, M.P., Baron Rothschild, M.P. Mr. 1).
W. Harvey, Mr. Sergeant Parry, Mr. W. Leaf,
Mr. Ingram Travers, Mr. Hall, Mr. 'rite, M.P., Mr.
Cox, M.P., Mr. Briscoe, M.P., and about 100 other
gentlemen of influence. Lord J. Russell was not
present. _ _

The LORD MAYOR, in opening the proceedings
said the present meeting had been convened in con-
sequence of a requisition signed by upwards of 900
gentlemen. He trusted the meeting would give
a patient hearing to each speaker.
Mr. SAMUEL MORLEY, on coming forward, said
he regretted that, owing to the absence of gentle-
men who generally took a prominent part in politics,
he had been called upon to move the first resolu-
tion, which was as follows :

" That the Reform Bill submitted by the Government
to the House of Commons is unworthy of the acceptance
of the citizens of London, as a settlement of the claims of
the country to a just and comprehensive measure of re-
form, inasmuch as it disfranchises those electors who now
possess county votes in respect of property situate in
boroughs, and enables the proprietors of freeholds within
boroughs to vote without requiring their personal presence
at the polling place, or their residence in the borough; and
because it does not provide the protection of the ballot for
the electors—does not extinguish any of the small and cor-
rupt boroughs—does not assign any increase in the number
of their representath es to those leading boroughs in the
metropolis, and throughout the country, which are now so
inadequately represented; and lastly, because it does not
confer votes upon those large portions of the working classes
who have shown themselves fully competent to exercise the
franchise. This meeting, therefore, is of opinion that the
bill ought to be rejected on its second reading."
The bill he looked upon as a complete failure. It
in reality settled nothing. The glaring inequalities
of the present system were left untouched. The
Tower Hamlets, with its 25,000 electors, would still
remain only equal to Thetford, Arundel, and Calne,
which would still return three aristocratic nomi-
nees. (Cheers and hisses.) There were a number
of fanciful franchises erected, but they would be
utterly worthless. The ballot was ignored, and in
its stead a system of voting papers was sub-
stituted. Such a circumstance of itself was
enough to justify the rejection of the bill. He
regretted the absence of many gentlemen who
ought to have attended, because it showed there
was not that unanimity which it was so desirable
should exist. He called upon the meeting to agree
to the resolution, and thus show that they were
determined to have a complete and thoroughly effi-
cient measure. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. P. A. TAYLOR said he had great pleasure
in seconding the resolution. He thought the bill
was a sham and a delusion, and that the sooner it
was got rid of the better. They had heard a great
deal about different reform bills, but the bill that
would meet with the acceptance, of the country was
that which would confer the greatest amount
of freedom on the electors. Lord John Russell had
a bill, but without it was a large and comprehen-
sive measure it would be rejected. The country
would never submit to the leadership of any person
who entertained narrow and confined ideas on the
subject of reform. (Cheers.)
The LORD MAYOR was then about to put the
resolution when Mr. Ernest Jones advanced in
front of the platform. and asked permission to speak
before he did so. this was a signal for the com-
mencement of a tremendous uproar. The Lord
Mayor said he would take the sense of the meeting
as to Mr. Jones being. heard. A scene of great
confusion ensued, during which time Mr. Jones
made his way to the platform, but he very shortly
after quitted the hall without addressing
the meeting amidst loud cries of "Smithfield,
Smithfield."

For some the it was impossible to restore order,
but, upon its being done, the Lord Mayor put the
resolution and declared it carried unanimously.
Mr. Sergeant PARRY then camdforward to move
the second resolution, which was to the effect that
a petition to Parliament be drawn up, founded on

the foregoing forwiiided to Lord
John Russell for presentation, and that the other
members be requested to support it. The learned
gentleman denounced the Government bill as a sham
and a delusion, and as one that ought to be scouted
by every honest and sincere reformer in the coun-
try. Its provisions curtailed the franchise instead
of extending it, and the working man was left in a
worse position than he was before. He thought
that as the working classes were the producers of
the national wealth they ought to have a voice in
the national representation, and that no Reform
Bill should be accepted which excluded them from
their just rights. (Loud cheers.)
W. LEAF, Esq., briefly seconded the resolution.
The LORD MAYOR put the resolution to the
meeting and it was carried. His lordship said
Baron Rothschild, Sir J. Duke, and Mr. Crawford