The Sun.
London, England, 1832-06-07 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JUNE 7, 1832

he church—and they pretend that they are acting
or the cause of the Romish faith, and for its propa•
gation,in supporting absolute Monarchies aid un-
constitutional Governments. In La Vendee there
Are many hundreds of these leaders. A large number
continue to receive pensions—even from the Go-
vernment of July (so little does that Government
understand the revolution; arid after having been
flattered and coaxed by the Ministers of Louis-
Philippe, they have raised the drapeau blanc and are
endeavouring everywhere to plant it. The proprietors
of the land are mostly Carlists. They five in iso-
lated chateaus, and receive their peasantry in their
halls. Each chateau has its place of refuge, its
trap-doors, and its secret corners. Sometimes
these are discovered; but sometimes it is otherwise;
and in case of non-discovery, as soon as the troops
move off, the proprietors and their tenants leave
their hiding-places, and recommence their attacks
with more vigour than before.- In La Vendee the
Chouans and the ignorant and priest-ridden peasants,
who believe in their consciences that they shall be
sentenced to eternal perdition if they do not espouse
the cause of legitimacy, and, if necessary, die in its
defenc_s, live in houses wh!ch are protected from
discovery and from attack. The fields are surrounded
with ditches and hedges—the cabin is in the centre
of the field—the crops surround it—any one ap-
proaching the dwelling may be perceived, but the
house cannot be discovered (especially when the
crops are growing) until you are actually arrived at
the door of the habitation ; and then a small armed
force may destroy in a few minutes a far superior
number of King's troops, or even national guards.
The Chouans and Vendeans are all armed. They
can fire a musket with an accuracy not even surpassed
by a Swiss rifleman : and though their guns are
often bad, they make up for this deficiency by their
adroitness. For months past La Vendee has been
supplied with guns and gunpowder, as well as with
shot, from England and from Paris. Sometimes the
trading-boats have been seized, and the contents of
packages from this capital ascertained and laid hold
of; but though, out of ten parcels, perhaps three have
been seized, still the other seven have reached their
destination ; and 'tis thus that five departments of
the west are nom well munitioned.
You will now be disposed to ask, from whence
proceed the funds necessary to purchase their mus-
kets, shot and powder; and who is at the head of
this western movement in Paris ? I must answer
this inquiry by a fact which will, perhaps, startle
you and render you indignant ;—but it is a
fact of vast importance, and it is too true
and too alarming to be cancelled! The funds
are not supplied by the King or the Government,
the Royal Family, the Peers, the Deputies, or the
Carlists of France. The Carlists never spend their
own money. They will expend as much as they
can get hold of of the money of others, but never of
their own. Nor are the funds supplied by the ex-
Royal Family at Holyrood. It has not the means.
We know it does not posses them. We know what
the Bourbons took with them even to a farthing; we
know what they have received since; and we know
that they have not the means of paying their sup-
porters. But though the money does not come from
the private purses of Charles X. and the Duchesses
of D'Angouleme or Berri, yet it is certain that the
funds arrive from Holyrood and its agents. This
money is contributed by Foreign Powers!! The
Governments of Holland, Russia, Prussia, Austria,
Naples, Sardinia, and even Spain (bankrupt as that
Government is in character as well as in resources)
have all largely contributed to get up a civil war in
France, as they still entertain the intention of at-
tacking the Revolution of July. The Duchess of
Berri is the medium by which these funds are di-
vided arid expended. Some she sends to French
Royalists in Spain—some to La Vendee—some to
Paris—some to the Press—some to her friends, the
Priests—and some to her supporters in Government
offices, who are still as indefatigably occupied as ever,
though they receive the money of the Revolution,
and profess to be the servants of the State, in ex-
citing an opposition everywhere to all liberal insti-
tutions, and to the progress of civilization and hu-
man happiness.
The civil war in the west has at length attracted
the attention of our anti-national Government—and
in a moment of desperation, and after having re-
ceived despatches from the south from the Duke of
Orleans, declaring that he had everywhere heard
complaints and reproaches instead of cheers or con-
fidence, has resolved on placing about one hundred
and fifty communes in a state of siege ! ! This is
perhaps a necessary though a strong measure. But
it is adopted too late. The National Guards of the
west, if they had been confided in by the Govern-
ment of Louis-Philippe, instead of being mistrusted
and despised, would long ere this have closed the
war. They have applied hundreds of times to be
allowed to engage in contest with those Chouans
and Vendeans, and to settle the conflict by an ap-
peal to arms. This application has been refused
not once, but fifty times—and yet now, the Govern-
ment is obliged to apply to the men it formerly re-
jected, in order to enable it to cope with the
Royalist army. Of the propriety and legality of
declaring 150 communes in a state of siege, I shall
not now speak. The evil is great and pressing,
and we must not quibble about the means; but one
thing is certain, that but for the conduct of the Go-
vernment, this measure of exception would never
have been necessary. It may be so now. The
lives and property of the innocent may now suffer
for those of the guilty. Cannon-balls, bombs, mar-
tial law, and the destruction of property, may now
be essential; but it is a fearful responsibility to
sign such an Ordinance ! And whilst Louis-Phi-
lippe is thus securing the enmity of five depart-
ments, and the conspiracies of some thousands of
Carlists and Royalists against his dynasty, he is ac-
tually ordering Republicans and Buonapartists to be
put in prison !—the National and the Tribune to
be seized I—and the Society of " The Friends of
the People" to be driven out of its place of meet-
ing, by an armed police, and at the point of the
bayonet !!

You will be prepared then for the question of
"To what are we hastening ?" Not to a state of
satisfaction—not to one of calm and peace—not to
the union of parties in favour of Louis-Phillippe—
not to a quiet settling down to our farms, and our
merchandise, and our family and social duties and
pleasures. No, no, there is nothing which indicates
the return of peace, satisfaction, or happiness. " To
what then are we hastening ?" I answer, to another
Revolution ! In favour of whom ? Why, in favour
of the people! Mark that if you please. We
have no intention to make a revolution in favour
of A B or C D, but in favour of all the alphabet.
As the National says, so says France, " No more
Bourbons"—and the seizure of the National for
saying this proves nothing, except that Louis-
Philippe is counselled by blockheads. Do you ask
rne, "Is there yet time to save the dynasty of Louis
Philippe ?" I answer, I think not ! A war against
Russia for the independence of Poland—and the
union of Belgium to France, might produce a mo-
mentary impression in favour of the reigning dy-
nasty ; but it has too much insulted the national
opinion—too much wounded national sympathies—
and too much defied the wishes and hopes of France,
to be permanently forgiven. We tire, then, very rapidly
hastening towards a revolution, the end of which
will be and must be a republic.
To-morrow I purpose writing my fifth and last
letter on the question of, "How will all this ter-
minate in Great Britain ?"
Your obedient servant,

0. P. Q.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, JUNX 6
ROYAL ASSENT.

The Royal assent was giren, by Commission, at Five
o'clock, to the Insolvent Debtors' Continuance Bill, and
thirteen private Bills. The Commissioner. were the Loan
CHANCELLOR, Lord SIIAFTESBURY and Lord DURHAM.
ANTI-REFORM PEERS' PROTEST.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH moved that the time allowed
for Peers tosign the Protest against the Reform Bill be enlarg-
ed to the rising of the House to-morrow. The House resolved
yesterday to enlarge the time till this evening; but the
number of Peers who wished to sign the Protest was so
great, that it would be impossible for them to have an
opportunity of doing so, unless the time were enlarged,
as he moved.—Motion agreed to.

RIESSAGE FROM THE GONIRIONS.-REFORM

BILL.
Lord Joins. RUSSELL, Lord ALTITORY, the ATTORNEY-
GENERAL, and many others, came up from the Com-
mons with the agreement of that House to their Lord-
ships' amendments to the Reform Bill.

SLAVERY.
Mr. BERNAL, in another message, communicated to
their Lordships a copy of the first report of the West India
:,ies Commit►tee ; also, that leave had been given to
Mr. Fowell Buxton to be examined before their Lordships'
Committee.

NATIONAL CEMETERY BILL.
On the motion of the Marquess of LANSDOWNE, cer-
tain standing orders were dispensed with, in order to faci-
litate the passing of the Bill.

IRELAND.
The Duke of BUCKINGHAM presented a petition
from the Lord Lieutenant, High Sheriff, and Magistrates
of Queen's County, praying for an inquiry into the laws
for the preservation of the peace in Ireland, with a view
to their amendment. He would not raise a discussion
upon Ireland at the present moment, but he thought this
petition so important that he begged to move that it be
read at length.

It was read by the Clerk accordingly.
Lord BODES gave notice that on Tuesday, the 19th
June, he should bring the state of Ireland under the con-
sideration of the House.
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of and
the House adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, Jr, .vz 6.
Mr. Alderman WOOD presented a petition from the
General Cemetery Company, praying to be heard against
the Birmingham and Landon Railway Bill, on the ground
that their interests will be affected by the proposed rail-
way running through their property at Kensington.—Re-
ferred to the Committee.
Mr. SHAW presented petitions from Youghall and the
parish of Kilwheen, county of Cork, against the proposed
system of national education in Ireland; also a petition
from the Corporation of Weavers iu Cork, praying that their
privileges of freemen may be continued in the Reform Bill.
Mr. O'CONNELL presented a petition from the Irish
National Political Union, relative to the Irish Reform
Bill. The petitioners complained of the great injustice
done them by the inequality of the proposed representation
as compared with England, an inequality that would tend to
the separation of the two countries. They only wished to
be placed on the same footing as the constituency of Eng-
land. They had exhibited certain details, in order to show
that they ought to be placed on a better footing than that
on which the Bill would place them ; and showed that,
taking the population as a basis, they were most unjustly
treated. The population of England was sixteen millions,
and that of Ireland (exclusive of certain omissions in the
census, one of which was the omission of thirty thousand
in Dublin alone) was seven millions.
The Deputy Usher of the Black Rod here entered the
House, and summoned the House to the House of Lords,
to hear the Royal Assent given by Commission to certain
Bills, for the names of which see the Lords' report. On
the return of the SPEAKER,
Mr. O'CONNELL proceeded to state, that in point of
population alone Ireland would be unjustly treated. But
it had been said that Ireland was very deficient in point of
revenue. It was said that while the revenue of England
was 48,000,0004 that of Ireland was only 4,000,000/.
That was erroneous, for it appeared by the Parliamentary
documents that the duty on tea consumed in Ireland, which
alone was 50,0001. a year, as well as the duties on many
other articles consumed in that country, were charged i❑
England, and credited to the English revenue instead of the
Irish. All commodities from the East paid their duty in
England, although a great portion was consumed in Ireland.
Those duties added to the published revenue of Ireland
would amount to one-seventh of the English revenue, and
therefore, according to that proportion, the petitioners con-
tended that Ireland should have 147 members. He had,
however, never asked for more than 125. The petitioners
also prayed for the restoration of the 40s. freeholders in
fee, and for an extension of the constituency by reducing
the 10/. qualification to 71. and for allowing fourteen years'
leaseholders to be on the same footing as a freeholder for life.
According to the proposed qualification for borough repre-
sentation, many boroughs would be merely nomination
boroughs, for there was hardly one that could boast of
more than 200 voters, and many not 120 ; so that a person
with a few thousand pounds could command the majority
of votes in any of the boroughs. It would also lead to per-
jury, corruption, and drunkenness, which was much worse
than the present system, by which one agent could meet
another agent, and one pay over to the other a certain
sum of money for a seat. The petition deserved the
most serious attention of the House, and he was confi-
dent the grievances complained of, by which Ireland was
placed on such an inferior footing, as compared with Eng-
land, would tend to separate the two countries, which he
hoped never to see accomplished, and to which he certainly
never would consent.—(Hear, hdr.)
Mr. CRAMPTON did not rise for the pupose of en-
tering into any premature discussion on the Irish Reform
Bill, but he trusted, when the Bill came on for further
consideration, he should be able to show most clearly that
the statements of the Hon. Member for Kerry were very
inaccurate, and founded on most erroneous conclusions.
If the constituency in open towns was a subject now for
reprehension from the Hon. Member, on account of the
riot and drunkenness it occasioned, what, he would ask,
would it be when it was transferred from property to
population ?
Mr. SHAW firmly believed that the carrying of the
Irish Reform Bill would lead to a repeal of the Union,
and ultimately to a separation of the two countries.
Mr. SHEIL called upon the Government attentively to
consider how far they would be able, in principle and de-
tail, to assimilate the Irish with the English Reform Bill.
In order to content the Irish people, the Bill must be sa-
tisfactory.
Mr. O'CONNELL was quite sure that the certain
mode of insuring a repeal of the Union was to give the
Irish people an unfair Reform Bill. The Hon. Member
also complained of the difficulties attending the registra-
tion of votes in Ireland.
Mr. GRATTAN concurred with the observations that
had fallen from the Hon. Member for Kerry relative to the
difficulties in the registration of votes, and he felt certain
the people of Ireland would look for a repeal of the Union,
unless they had a fair Reform Bill.
Mr. I3EAUMONT thought Ireland ought to be treated
with equal justice with England, and should be most happy
to give his assistance to the Hon. Member for Kerry in any
measure that he conceived would tend to the good of that
country.

After some observations from Colonel Perceval, Captain
Gordon, Mr. Blackney, and Mr. Shaw, the petition was
ordered to be printed.
Mr. O'CONNELL presented a petition from Carrick-
on-Suir, praying that that town might have a representa-
tive under the Reform Bill for Ireland.
The petition was supported by Messrs. SIIEIL and
WybE ; and after a few words from Mr. CALLAGHAN
and Sir R. I3ATEsox it was ordered to be printed.
Mr. O'CONNELL then presented a petition from the
Council of the Kidderminster Political Union, praying
hind; and one from Duntotar, agreed upon on the 11th
might have as efficient a Reform Bill as Eng-
:l; that
i Ireland
apnd ray
ng
the House to refuse all supplies till the
Reform Bill was safe. The Learned Gentleman took
that opportunity of inquiring whether the Irish Jury Bill
was abandoned in the House of Lords.
Mr. CRAMPTON said the Bill was being considered
in a Committee, from whom a report was expected every
day.
Mr. RUTHVEN presented a petition from Dublin,
praying for two more Members for that city under the
Irish Reform Bill. If justice was not granted to the
people of Ireland as well a. to the people of England, it

COURT OF CHANCERY.
Mr. .1. CAMPBELL wished to ask hie Majesty's Go.
vernment a question of great public interest. Some im-
provements had been promised in the Court of Chancery,
and he wished to know what hope there was that any Bill
for the improvement of that Court would be introduced
into the House. Another subject to which be wished to
refer, was the salary of the Lord Chancellor. It would be
recollected that a Bill passed last Session, which deprived
that officer of part of his salary. Was there any hope
that a Bill would be brought in to regulate the salary of the
Lord Chancellor?
Lord ALTHORP replied, that it was his intention to
submit a Bill to the House for the regulation of the Lord
Chancellor's salary, and he believed that an Hon. and
Learned Member had charged himself with bringing in a
Bill to regulate the Court of Chancery.
Sir C. WETHERELL said a few words, which were
not understood in the gallery.
Mr. SPENCE said Bills for the reform of the Court of
Chancery bad been under the consideration of the Lord
Chancellor ; and be had undertaken, by the authority of
the Lord Chancellor, to bring forward a Bill for the regu-
lation of one branch of the subject—namely, that of the
Master's Office. The Bill for that purpose bad been pre-
pared, and was ready to be laid before Parliament ; but on
further consideration it was thought better that a measure
should be brought in for the regulation of the Master's
Office, the Registrar's Office, and all the other offices con-
nected with that Court. A Bill for this purpose had been
prepared, and would be submitted to Parliament. Another
Bill was in preparation to shorten pleadings in Chancery,
and he believed that one of these Bills would be submitted
to Parliament soon after Whitsuntide, and the other before
the end of the session.
COURT OF CHANCERY (IRELAND).
Mr. SHAW moved the second reading of the Court of
Chancery (Ireland) Bill.
Mr. CRAMPTON opposed the Bill as unnecessary. All
the orders that were necessary would be sure to he adopted
by the Lord Chancellor with the least possible delay. The
Bill would degrade the Court of Chancery. The Hon.
and Learned Gentleman moved that the Bill be read a
s2cond time that day six months.
Mr. SHAW admitted that the Master of the Rolls ap-
proved of the Bill, and had informed him that the repeal
of one of the orders alone would have been a saving of
6,0001. per annum to the suitors of this Court. What he
complaiped of was, that 15,0001. per annum were paid to
the officers of the Court for compensation for the loss of
fees which they still received, and would continue to re-
ceive, unless the orders were revised. He only wanted
some pledge that this should be the case.
Mr. RUTHVEN moved that the House be counted.
Mr. SHAW expressed his surprise, and wished to under-
stand what was meant. If the Government would fix a
time for revising the orders, he would withdraw his Bill.
Mr. CRAMPTON intimated that the orders were
under consideration. He could not fix any time, but he
thought the Hon. Gentleman's object would be fully an-
swered before his Bill could be brought into operation.
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, but the
House did not divide, and we understand that upon Mr.
Crampton's assurance, Mr. Shaw withdrew the Bill.
LIVERPOOL FRANCHISE BILL.
It was proposed that this Bill should be postponed, in
consequence of the illness of Mr. Benett.
Mr. RIGBY WASON said, that if the Government
continued to postpone the Bill in that manner, he should
advise his Hon. Friend to abandon it altogether.
The King's County Assizes Bill was then read a third
time and passed.
PRIVILEGE OF PARLIAMENT BILL.
The question having been put, that the Speaker leave
the Chair,
Mr. O'CONNELL rose to move that the Bill should be
committed that day six months. During the time that
a large proportion of the Members of that House were re-
presentatives, not of the people, but nominees of indivi-
duals, no such Bill was ever dreamt of. Nay, it was well
known that persons had been taken out of gaol and intro-
duced into that House. But now that the people were
really to select their own representatives, this Bill was
introduced to operate as a check on their free choice ; for he
did not hesitate to say, that its object and operation were
to confine the choice of the constituency to the moneyed in-
terest, or to men of large landed property. It was, in point
of fact, introducing a new qualification. It should be re-
membered that the protection from arrestgiven to the Mem-
ber was not a protection to him personally, but a pro-
tection to his constituents, or assurance that their interests
were not to be neglected.—(Hear.) On that principle,
therefore, the Bill was a wrong one. Let them make
what qualification they thought proper ; but having taken
that precaution with regard to a candidate, let them re-
member, that the candidate once chosen, the privilege
belonged not to him, but to his constituents. It was so much
the custom to attribute personal motives to men in these
times, that be thought it right to say, that there were
few men whom it would affect less than him ; be believed
that he derived a larger revenue from landed property than
any of the last four Members for his county. Another
ground on which he
,objected to it was, that it recognized
the general right for arrest for debt. He thought no arrest
ought ever to be permitted for debt, except after a judicial
sentence, when it would be rather in the nature of criminal
punishment. Another objection was, that it would throw
too great a power into the hands of the millionaires, of
those who had amassed large fortunes by those
funds which he did not consider the most moral
means, where an insurrection, or a good astounding
lie, well circulated, put, perhaps, a million into a
man's pocket : it would enable these men to obtain a control
over the votes of Members of Parliament in either House.
It would give rise to a system of purchasing up judgments,
mortgages, and incumbrances on the estates of Members
of the Legislature, which, though perfectly solvent, they
might not be able to satisfy on a short notice, and thus a
very unfitting control over their votes would be obtained.
He objected to give wealth more power than it had already.
In his opinion it had already too much; it did not lead to
happiness, and he thought the accumulation of masses of
wealth into a few hands was the great evil of this country.
Mr. A. BARING, after apologizing to the House for
pressing this Bill forward on the present occasion, said
that the Learned Gentleman the Member for Kerry (Mr.
O'Connell) seemed to consider the measure as being in
some degree connected with the Reform Bill. Now this
was not the case, for it would be in the recollection of
many Members of the House, that he had mentioned the
subject nearly two years ago (certainly before the Reform
Bill was even thought of), and that his proposition had
been favourably received. Undoubtedly, however, there
were circumstances which rendered the change he pro-
posed more necessary under the old system than it would
be under the new ; but still he was prepared to contend,
that what he proposed would be for the advantage of tthecountry, and calculated to add to the honour and dignity
of the House. After briefly recapitulating the various
privileges enjoyed by the Members of the House of Com-
mons from a very early period, the Hon. Member pro-
ceeded to argue, that any exclusive privileges claimed by
the House of Cqmmons were a gross insult to the country,
if it could not be shown tnat tie enjoyment of them ena-
bled a representative to perform, in a more efficient man-
ner, his duty to his constituents. What he now proposed
was a mere following up of the spirit of the Constitution.
If the Hon. and Learned Member thought any qualifica-
tion necessary, and he (Mr. Baring) apprehended the
Learned Gentleman would scarcely deny it, then surely he
could not complain of a change which went to render the
qualification real, and not nominal, and to prevent men
from entering that House in order to defeat the just claims
of their creditors. He did not like to enter into particu-
lars, because it might be offensive to the feelings of con-
nexions of men who had been Members of that House, but
he could mention many who had evaded the payment of
their debts by obtaining a seat is that House with the
money of their creditors. He had already alluded to the
case of Barton. There was also that of a man named
Mills, who had actually defrauded his creditors of 23,0001.
through the means of these privileges, which seemed to
be thought necessary for the support of the honour and
dignity of that House. The Learned Gentleman said that
the Bill was arraying the rich against the poor. It was

The motion was agreed to ; the House resumed ; and
tie Chairman obtained leave to sit again onWednesday next.
RRESTMENT FOR WAGES' (SCOTLAND) BILL.
Mr. DICKSON said that this Bill stood for the ,econd
reading for to-night, but that he understood from the Law
authorities, that there were some legal objections to the
,•lauses of it as it now stood ; and that these objections
%ere of too extensive a nature to be remedied in Com-
:ixttte
session
. sstile. should, therefore, postpone the Bill until the

It was accordingly ordered to be read a second time
his day six months.
On the motion of Mr. Alderman WOOD, the lurtlier
o isideration of the Report of the Committee on the Steam
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Noble Lord whether it