The Sun.
London, England, 1835-08-27 00:00:00

/illE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, AUGUST 27, 1835.

no worse, though it may have a widetjahge., 'Anti 'Mul-
tiply its victims." Such - nYdel tts wise, quite
as wise as Mr. S.. Iti-A ViitS, when he made this-speech
upon the l'te.iotiLW:pei• stamp duty.—Times.
rkire Whigs have given us an. eminent specimen this
year of a factious opposition. It appears they arc
going to favour us now with a factious Government.
Vast are the obligations foi which England is
indebted to the Whigs 1 They govern in " the
spirit of the age," forsooth ! If so, 'tis a shabby
spirit, a very pitiful spirit, indeed ; a most lick-
spittle, place-loving, pelf-adoring spirit. Lord
Viscount Melbourne ever since he assumed office
has been the Minister of the King's necessity, not
of the King's choice. Now, it appears, he is
going to carry on the Government in spite of
the House of Lords. A bold fellow this ! If we
did not find him crawling in the dust before a
Popish rebel, one might suppose that he was ani-
mated with some degree of headstrong heroism.
But the scene behind the curtain proffers such
a humiliating and instructive contrast to the swag-
gering sulkiness with which the audience is

greeted, that the charm vanishes in a moment.
Never was a Cabinet in such a condition : all
fighting among themselves, and contradicting t-,-,(1
reproaching each other. The Premier \v id retire,
but our 'Lion Carlos, who is for a " collision," op-
poses this. Then Melbourne urges that he has to
bear the brunt of the battle, and face, each night, an
overwhelming majority : Carlos replies, 'tis only for a
short season ; and that though he, to be sure, has the
majority in the Commons on his side, 'tis a very deli-
cate
one, and then, his labour should be taken into
consideration ; some seven months' hard work, and
O'Connell to aid ; " while you," he quaintly observes,
" after all, are only badgered for three weeks." " But
the King," replies the Premier, " may be," &c., says
Carlos. All this time Lansdowne looks grave, and
already meditates joining an anti-Papal Cabinet. The
needy members of the clique of course are in convul-
sions, and the moment the division was announced
Lord Auckland flew to his wine merchant, and bar-
gained that in case of his appointment being cancelled
the Burgundy was to be taken back, and his Lordship
only to pay for the laths and sawdust. 'Tis a right
merry crew !—Morning Post.
Lord Melbourne's situation at the present moment
is, perhaps, the least enviable of that of any Mi- '
nister who has held office since the accession of the
House of Hanover ; and if his Lordship's Admini-
stration does not furnish some of the blackest pages
in history the country will owe no thanks to him, but
rather to its own native good sense and firmness,
which, we doubt not, will come to the rescue through
the peril, however great. Stronger minds than Mel-
bourne's, once embarked in error, have seldom the
courage or the candour to retract ; but in Lord
Mel-
bourne's case we have consistency held up as the jus-
tification of the most notorious inconsistency that any
public man can encounter ; for the very Irish Church
Bill, which Lord Melbourne now threatens to aban-
don, is the very Bill (made so at least by the Lords'
amendments) which a twelvemonth ago Lord Melbourne
and his colleagues prescribed as their panacea for the
grievance which it was then and now intended to meet.
And why is it not so now ? Must we answer, that it
is because Lord Melbourne has since had the ineffa-
ble weakness to throw himself into the arms of the
Papists of Ireland and the Radicals of England, form-
ing together a revolutionary faction, of which poor
Lord Melbourne and his sorry coadjutors are the un-
conscious tools. We feel the country, we feel our-
selves degraded, while we make this admission ; but
the time is come when the reluctant truth must be
pressed upon the public mind. We say the reluctant
truth, because there can be no doubt that every one
who has given his mind attentively to the progress of
events must be slow to believe that a British Minister,
a Minister, too, professing Whig principles, can know-
ingly lend himself to, or accept the support of persons
to whose principles and whose motives every Bri;jsh
feeling, and every hitherto known Whig princij;le are
avowedly opposed. If we wanted any fort!ile., proof of
the audacity of the faction we allude 'to, we have it
in the assumption which theyurl:Aushingly make, that
they represent the feelings a
ple of England. Real :id the wishes of the peo-
~'
y this cuckoo note of wory
noisy demagogue,
cP.iviing himself and his few s%niseless
listeners " the people,''would be highly lui!iicrous, if it
were not •,-
majority s 4-111 "nor'.; false and mischievous. That the
of the 'people of almost every class are Re-
formers we -readily admit ; but it is equally true that
'they arP Reformers of a very different description to
who thus pretend to be the organ of their send-
DY.mts. They are, in short, Conservative Reformers
—who wish to see every defect in existing insti-
tutions ameliorated, but the institutions them-
selves preserved from destruction. They know that it
is under the influence of these institutions that
their country, from a small speck in the ocean, has
risen to be the arbitress of the world; that under these
institutions they and their ancestors have enjoyed a
greater share of freedom and prosperity than any other
nation upon earth ; and it is therefore these institu-
tions which the bulk of the people of England are
anxious to transmit, improved, but not impaired, to
their posterity. To the Popish and Radical faction
which now unfortunately govern the King's Minis-
ters, the people of England indignantly reply, in the
eloquent words of Sheridan,—" We want no change,
and least of all such change as you would give us."
Surely, then, Lord Melbourne cannot continue to be
blinded by the delusion under which he at present la-
bours. If the arguments of opponents are of no avail,
the coolness and desertion of friends must speak home
to most infatuated minds. Where, for instance, is his
mentor in the hour of need ? Where Earl Grey,
who placed him in the post he occupies ? Surely
Earl Grey's absence, Earl Grey's silence, must speak
volumes to any one whose mind is not obdurate
against both foresight and reflection. And what is
Lord Melbourne's consolation under all this, but that
he is compelled to hand over the advocacy of his
measures to almost the sole guidance of one whose
zeal and whose labour he dares not reward ?—Morn-
ing Herald.

Yesterday the Tory party was again at its dirty
trade in every hole and corner to which it had access
in propagating two reports—the first that his Ma-
jesty's Ministers were inclined to swallow the affront
put upon them, and upon the House of Commons, in
the matter of the Municipal Corporation Bill, by ac-
cepting it as butchered and mutilated by the Lords
—and the second, that the King was only waiting for
the prorogation of Parliament to reinstate Sir R.
Peel, or the Duke of Newcastle, in the Premier's
office. The first is utterly false and unfounded. The
Ministry will prove true to the people; and the peo-
ple, if they man to be true to themselves, will lend
them their best and most constitutional support.
Monday next is the great day—and on that day we
trust to have the satisfaction to hear of their as-
sembling in thousands and tens of thousands to sup-
port their representatives in the House of Commons,
in the most peaceable, constitutional, and firm manner,
and thereby to tell the House of Lords that the Muni-
cipal Corporation Bill is not inferior in interest to the
Reform Act itself, and that their next meetings will
not be prayers for passing that Bill as agreed upon in
the Commons—but prayers for the reform of the
House of Lords. 'With regard to the second—the
King has the power—he may have the inclination—
but for the sake of 'the Constitution—for the sake of
the peace of the country—we are almost inclined to
believe that there is no one, however opposed to the
present Administration, who would advise the adoption
of such a step. What would be the consequence ?
We refrain to answer. It might be dangerous, and it
will readily suggest itself.—. Morning Advertiser.
One of the fundamental principles of the British
Constitution is, that: our laws be made by the freely-
chosen representatives of the people ; and it would
be well if the sticklers for this Constitution would
reflect with themselves how far this principle can be
carried into effect, while hereditary legislation is al-
lowed to lord it over the suggestions of sound po-
licy, the decisions of common justice, the rights of
popular intelligence, and the wants and will of the
whole people of the United Kingdom. It is a bitter
scoff' to ask if the theory of the Constitution be pre-
served in action while the folly, prejudice, passion,
mssioany,
bigotry, and injustice of an hereditary s

not- defeat the best measures whic
h the popular I
Delegates can devise, but evenwii!h impunity add
insult to the wrong, by scandal/77r-
caattin,issit-tters
of the C9l';;;;rons, and pouring forth *ll of
abuse and indignity on the Aills *With they sane-
Lion, and even on the Representatives them-
selves. Another principle of Our lOLA Con-
stitution is that our Kings act iti tbittointity With law
and reason. It would be art ungracious office to
scrutihise how far this has been recently respected,
more especially as we have strong grounds for the be-
lief that an eminent individual has seen his ettot, and.
is not disposed again to be drawn by Court intrigue
into a dilemma wherein the safety of the monarchy
would be hazarded to support faction in hostility to the
national will. But there is yet another principle in
our Constitution, and at this crisis the most vital to
Representative Government, and that is, that :the
people shall not be taxed, nor their money dispesed of,
but by the consent of their Representatives ; and on
the determined exercise of this principle now depends
the safety of the State. The time ibr tneussion is
past, we- are on the eve 7; aa;on ; and this con-
stitutes our sole chw.tte of escaping a violent con-
vulsion. tttils account we call on the Ministers
and ''7le tine Representatives of the people to exercise
the ptivilege vested in them for the preservation
of the public tranquillity and the consummation of
popular rights. Should they neglect or betray the
duty which the urgency of the times impose on
them, it is fearful to contemplate the conseventes of
leaving a people, justly exasperated at the inveterate
opposition which a few individuals, totally unconnected
ma the indnstrid and commercial interests of the
counter—the mere drones of the hive—for the most
part little more than " old women in pantaloons "
have offered to the enactments of laws which the
political, social, and truly religious necessities of the
.country imperatively require—we say it is featftil to
contemplate the consequences of leatihg a people so
circumstanced to achieve lh the best way they may
that justice which hereditary fatuity denies them. We
look to the chance of a violent revolution with horror,
though we are convinced that the people of Englands
accustomed to choose men to represent their *iabes,
would much sooner recover even. kin the wildest
anarchy than from the despotism, the plunder, and op-
pression which the conspiracy of aristocracy and priest-
craft would perpetuate. Come what will, the result
will, must, be the triumph of justice and the peopk.
It is of the means only that we are solicitous, the end
is certain. We prefer to accomplish peaceably, if
possible, that which we are resolved to accomplish at the
hazard of peace, property and life.—Morn. Advertiser.