The Sun.
London, England, 1859-10-17 00:00:00

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front all taxation. it would be easy to ran tip y
Ecclesiastical property of all descriptions s free
1
facts of this nature, which are just as obvious to
-t Manchester is a city of tall chimneys,
.
or that
*he eyes and understandings of the human race as
tht.
there .'''".
Bible to t- .
canals in Venice, and yet it appars pos-
'ut tvdesiatical mind to ignore them alto-
to treat the cDrY
gether, and . ~, - ,
Europe as thou,' 1..- were
As for the Pas.
we may fairly leave .
the hands of M. About.-
the ,
very best I
oral of the Mai- _
worst Government in
. asop of.
Orleans,
'o.nitary in
that intelligent nib -,,t, be
The reply canli,
mended, whatever may be said of the charge
which provoked it. The wonder: however, to
us is that the Romish Church, .which throughout
so many ages has shown itself so wonderfully
plastic, and so ready to adapt itself to the shifting
views and ideas of the human race, should have
reached a point at last where it seems resolved
fairly to stand at bay. To retain the rule of the
temporal sovereignty of the Church,
.the Pope and
his advisers are ready to risk all. Still stranger is
it that they might retain this rule if they would
consent to exercise it in a spirit more consentaneous
with the genius of the 19th century. But they will
hear of no compromise. " Thorough" is their motto,
—all or nothing; they will have the Rome of 1759,
or no Rome at all. They would still govern the
wretched people who by the accidents of history
have been drifted under their charge as though the
human race had not risen up twice and thrice
against the ideas they represent. As often have they
re turned to their desolate city and to the upholste-
ries of their creed ; and, as they argue, what has
been will be again. In this respect, unless we are
much mistaken, they sadly deceive themselves.
That any very sudden extinction threatens the Pope
and his Cardinals, az_id gat system they represent
we do not believe ; but thin one form or another
temporal rule over one of the fairest of the Italian
provinces is about to pass awe,,from their hands
seems equally clear to those who niArk. the signs of
the times. The French Emperor would have saved
them if he could, but they will not listen to his
voice. They have not the understanding to com-
prehend the idea of a Pontifical Government re-
generated, and of a Pope as the true corner-stone of
the Italian system. Rather than admit of change,
the last priest will drone his idle Litanies in an
empty church, and when he passes out into the
sunshine, where real men ply their daily tasks, dis-
cover too late that it would have been better not to
connect reverence for his office with the oppression
of his fellow-creatures.

MR. "INHALED, M.P., AND THE
ITALIAN QUESTION.

The hon. member for Perth has devoted part of
the recess to a tour in Italy, and has given his im-
pressions of the Italians and their cause in the fol-
lowing letter addressed to the Lord Provost Imrie
" Pall-mall East, London, Oct. 7, 1859.
"My dear Provost,—After the vote in Parlia-
liament which led to the resignation of the Ministry
of Lord Derby, and when it became evident that a
reform bill was out of the question, from want of
time sufficient to discuss that or any other import-
ant measure, the attention of Parliament and of the
country was naturally directed to Italy. Whatever
outward agreement there might be among rival
statesmen, it was evident that very different sym-
pathies were manifested, and very different senti-
ments entertained, as to the real condition of Central
Italy, and as to the fitness of its people for constitu-
tional government. My sympathies were, as they
have ever been, in favour of Italian liberties, but I
still wanted the assurance that years of oppression
and misrule had not unfitted the people for the full
exercise of their rights as the constitutional subjects
of free states. I determined therefore, as soon after
the recess as possible, to revisit Italy, and ascertain
what I could by personal observation. The result
has even surpassed my expectations; and I rejoice
to know that both in Lord Palmerston and Lord
John Russell we have, from their avowed sentiments,
the guarantee that whatever moral support can be
given will be afforded by the goiternment of England
in this crisis of Italian liberty.
" I first went by Zurich and the Lago Maggiore to
Milan, and visited the scenes of Garibaldi's success-
ful campaign with his volunteer troops. Having
passed through the field of Magenta on my way,
I reached Milan just after the brilliant reception
given to the Tuscan deputation ; and from what I
witnessed and heard, in answer to the inquiries I
made there and elsewhere, I came to the conclusion
that there is a deep-seated and wide-spread unanimity
of sentiment in favour of uniting under the rule of
Victor Emmanuel. Considering how recently the
iron yoke of Austria, both directly and indirectly,
repressed all aspirations after liberty, it is really
marvellous to see the orderly bearing of the people,
combined with their resolute determination not
again to submit to any foreign yoke. Could they
be secure from interference from without, I believe
that we should see civil and religious liberty in full
exercise I had the privilege of conversing with
Signor Farini and General Garibaldi at Modena
and with Baron Ricasoli and General Salvagrioli
at Florence, and was almost equally delighted with
the sentiments expressed by each, manifesting a
statesmanlike comprehension of affairs, combining
moderation with energy, and practical wisdom with
honest determination of purpose. Most sincerely do
I wish them God-speed, believing, as I do, that
with their success is bound up, not only the happi-
ness of Central Italy and the religious welfare of
thousands of its inhabitants, but the maintenance of
the peace of Europe. Of course, in the above, re-
member I do not refer to that clerical party whose
worldly interests are identified with the triumph of
the papacy, and who care not who is sacrificed so
that its interests are advanced.

"On my way to Florence, I visited the battle-
fields of St Martino and Solferino, and spent a day
or two at Venice, where it was sad to hear of the
crushing taxation which bears upon the unhappy
inhabitants of that beautiful city ; and the contrast
with the freedom already enjoyed by the liberated
Italians made their condition still more striking.—
Believe me, my dear Provost, yours very sincerely,
" A KINNAIRD."

PUBLIC INCOME AND EXPENDITURE.

The following letter appears in a contemporary :
Sir,—lt was possible to treat of the sources of the
public revenue from the vantage ground of recog-
nised principles of economy ; but what guide is com-
petent to take even the most patient and resolute of
inquirers through the intricate labyrinth of the
public expenditure ? A labyrinth, did I say ? That
of Crete was a straight pathway when compared
with the windings and intricacies of the public ac-
counts. There was an end to the one, but to these !
Have the miles and millions of figures that now lay
before me any conclusion ? Does the financial Die-
damns exist who could give an intelligible account
of them ? All that Homer could do with the nations
represented on that classic heathen battle-field—all
that Moses did when he wished to tell of the great
old families of the tribes of Israel, was to give a plain
and undecorated list of names ; and I am not sure
whether this would not be the most effective man-
ner of dealing with the public accounts. But as
on a moderate calculation, this method would oc-
cupy the whole of your columns every day for the
next two or three weeks, it will be doubtless more
convenient that a briefer, though certainly a less
impressive plan, should be pursued.
I propose to commence my examination of the
items of the national expenditure with the civil
charges. The various estimates, accounts, and re-
turns connected with a single year's expenditure
under this head alone will fill rather more than 500
folio pages. This fact will perhaps give your readers
some notion of the vast extent of the national book-
keeping; but as it is necessary to cross a glacier in
order to know what a glacier is, so is it necessary
readily to read through these papers before it is
possible to obtain an adequate impression of their
magnitude ; only there is no Jardin des Plantes in
this field to refresh the eyes that have become
wearied with the monotony of column after
column of statistics, and figures upon figures
piled. Any one who may undertake this
labour will not wonder that , Mr. Fitzroy
should gabble through the estimates at, such
express speed, or that members should allow
them to pass almost without question. It scorns a
hopeless task to attempt any remedy for such
gigantic financial profligacy ; all that one can do is
to live and hope that some day a Hercules will be
born who will have the power of turning the full
tide of the public resentment right through this
heap of waste and extravagance.
Let, ustice however be done. The expenses which
come first in logical order are those which relate to
the collection of the national revenue. Owing
partly perhaps to an improved public morality, and
partly to a better system of administration, there
has been a comparative reduction in this charge
within the last ten years. It is a mere cheeseparing
to the whole sum, but when compared with the
revenue it is a reduction, and the government should
receive the benefit of it. The following are the
figures :

COST OP COLLECTION, 1849.
Customs '' £1,312,709
Excise 919,161
Stamps
Taxes 334,056

Total
COST OF COLLECTION, 1855.
Customs (apparent) £843,757
Excise
Stamps
Taxes 484,262

Total
I hate taken the above figures from the Parlia-