The Sun.
London, England, 1859-08-15 00:00:00

BODMIN.

The nomination for this borough took place on
Saturday. Up to Friday night there were two can-
didates in the field, but on Saturday morning Mr.
J. Tremayne, the Conservative candidate and the
High-Sheriff for the county, withdrew from the
contest.
At 11 o'clock the Mayor, Mr. William Serjeant,
proceeded to the Town-hall and opened the proceed-
ings. After the usual formalities had been gone
through,
Mr. JOHN COLE GROVE proposed, and
Mr. CHARLES COLEMAN seconded, the nornina-

Mr. JAMES WILD, in returning thanks -for the
honour conferred upon him; referred to the retire-
ment of Dr. from the. representation of the
borough, and in remarking ix on this proceeding on
his part he said the act that became him most in his
life was his dying one, for Dr. Michell's last speech
in the House of Commons did him great honour.
As to the amount of truth in it, he would teave that
to him and his conscience. However, as Dr. Michell
had retired, he had now come to offer hinfself, ac-
cording to the pledge he had given. Since he was
first returned in 1847 he had never been allowed to
have a quiet seat, and every time he had been a
candi late ,for the borough he had to fight a con-
tested election. He, however, understood that on
this occasion Mr. Tretnayne did not intend to op-
pose him. After a further allusion to local matters,
he said that shortly the small boroughs would un-
dergo a trial, and it would be a question whether
small or large constituencies should possess the re-
presentation, and he was sure that in the choice of
seats great weight would be attached to the fact
whether the constituencies possessed firm political
Ootfed s 9
principles. He expressed his surprise at the want
of fixed
electorsxedprineiopfleusoodnmitnir
who voted
on
ne
one
thee
occasion prin-
cipal
for a 'Whig candidate and on anothei"supported a
Conservative. There must be political consistency
and political principle. 'The Conservative. candidate
had stood no chance in the present election, it hav-
ing been shown that the Liberals comprised two-
thirds of the electors, and now, therefore, it would
always be said that Bodmin was a
.Liberal con•
stituency. In the support he- would give the
Liberal party it would be one. of principle, and
when they required a vote, even if it should
be a little contrary to the views he entertained,
they should have his support. If, however, accord-
ing to Mr. Disraeli at the dinner of the Merchant
Taylors' Company, the Conservative party were
going to advocate progress, then he should become
a Conservative—(hear) ;—but if they were to have
the ancient " Tory doctrine promulgated in the
House of Commons, then he should be its oppo-
nent; and also if they offered obstruction to the
advance of the' 'Reform party. He rejoiced that
Lord Elcho failed in his recent motion in endeavour-
ing to fix the Government to unqualified neutrality.
He was very far from being an advocate for war,
or for the undue interference of England, but he
thought that the principle of neutrality might be
carried too far. England could not abdicate her
position among the nations of. Europe by abstaining
from some interference on the continent. If all
kind of interference ceased, then this country would
cease to hold that high position she now enjoyed.
Then, with regard to our national defences. He
knew that there was a party in the coantiy who
thought that the Parliament who were' Urging for-
ward, with all speed he hoped, the national de-
fences were doing that which was unnecessary, but
those who watched the political horizon knew full
well that there were clouds which might burst at
any moment, not on oar island, but on.some of our
possessions, and that we ought to be ready not for
aggressive warfare, but for defensive warfare, and
to uphold the honour of our flag.- He was not in
favour of expensive land armaments, fOr he knew
that England could not vie with continental nations
in the extent and number of her armies, but still
she should possess the means of holding the supre-
macy of the waves, and while he should recommend
economical expenditure he should lire to see the
navy in a fitting condition. .During the new es-
sion the question of the redistribution of the fran-
chise would occupy the attention of Parliament.
IST:my, as their member, he should attend to their
interests, and endeavour to preserve for Bodmin
its two seats. The extension of the suffrage would
be of great benefit to the nation at large. He
was opposed to the principles advocated by
Mr. John Bright that simple population should
be represented, for he held that property
and population should go together. In-
telligence and property had as much right to be
represented as mere numerical stre.lgth, and he be-
lieved these elements could be so far combined as
to produce a fair a proper representation of the
people. Then, as to church-rates, it Would be his
c.l7.ty to support their thorough abolition ; and if'
the ballot should be brought forward again it
would be his duty to vote for it as in times past.
(Cheers.) He thanked the electors for the honour
they had done him in returnina him to Parliament
'as their member ; and in conclusion, expressed his
willingness to give them an account of his steward-
ship whenever called upon to do so.
The proceedings shortly afterwards terminated..

HERTFORD.
Mr. 'Dimsdale has issued the following address
to the electors of the borough of Hertford
:
" Gentlemen,—Under ordinary circurnstances, I
should have hesitated to oppose the re-election of a
gentleman vacating his seat on the acceptance of
office.

" But the present juncture is peculiar. Only
two months since, a Government enjoying the con-
fidence of its Sovereign, and actively engaged in
the work of administration, was hastily expelled
from power by a heterogeneous coalition, banded
together for a temporary purpose, and united upon
no general question of public policy.
" It is at once constitutional and just that those
constituencies which have it in their power. should
pronounce a verdict upon the means by which the
present Ministry attained to office. Upon this
ground, I venture to appeal to you. Do you ap-
prove of the vote of the House of Commons, of Fri-
day, the 10th of June last, which sealed the fate of
the Conservative Governmerut ?

" That vote was obtained upon two specious, bu,
unsound pleas. First, that the English Ministers,
in violation of their declared neutrality in the late
war, were secretly taking the side of Austria.
S( condly, that they were faithless to the cause of
Parliamentary Reform.
" Neither of these allegations was substantiated.
Yet at a great Continental crisis, the leaders of the
Opposition engaged in a personal struggle for office,
and did not hesitate to sacrifice, through it, the
public interests to the necessities of party.
" Of such conduct I will not believe that you ap-
prove ; and by opposing Mr. Cowper—one of those
who participated in that vote, and who now solicits
from you a renewal of the trust previously conferred
upon him—l invite you to express your deliberate
opinion upon the ccurse which he, and his political
friends, thought proper to adopt.
" Upon general questions I would state mp opi-
nion with candour. Abroad, I would maintain that
neutrality which can alone preserve to England
her important and independent position in the
councils of Europe, and enable her at the right
moment effectually to arbitrate between the oppres-
sor and the oppressed
" Trusting that our country may long be kept
free from entangling alliances with Continental
States, I yet feel that.the best security for peace is
to be prepared for war, Accordingly, I would
gladly.support any Government in maintaining our
navy in a proper state of efficiency, nor would I
a'low an undue regard for economy to weaken our
national defences.
" At home, it is impossible for any person to be
blind to the importance of the question of Reform.
It must be settled, and that speedily, upon a mode-
rate basis. Thus shall we take it out of the hands
of the agitator. and preserve, by well-considered
improvement, our glorious constitution. Upon
principle, I have long been convinced of the neces-
sity of preserving the small borough element in our
electoral system. It forms an useful counterpoise
to the class-tendencies of counties on the one side,
and the large manufacturing constituencies on the
other—and nothing would induce me to assent to
any of those extensive schemes of disfranchisement,
which would virtually base the representation of
this country upon numerical preponderance, at the
expense of both property and intelligence.
"A sincere friend to the Established Church, I
can reconcile the most ardent attachment to her
doctrines and discipline with the fullest recog-
nition of the now assured principles of religious
liberty.
" Social questions will, I trust, more and more
occupy the attention of future Parliaments, and to
every measure tending to improve the moral, phy-
sical, and intellectual condition of the working
classes, my hearty support would be given. Edu-
cation, free and untrammelled by the fetters which
shrtekle its operation on the Continent, will be more
and more widely extended—and as one means of
furthering this great cause, I would at the earliest
opportunity vote for the repeal of the tax upon
paper, which now cripples the efforts of our true
educational reformers.
"Your local interests will ever find in me a warm
and strenuous advocate; and intimately connected
as I have all my life been with your town, it would
naturally be my pleasure, as well as my duty, to

chiefs wave ; and that, were the cause more dubious
and the result less flattering, the great triumph
would have been as grandly celebrfited as it was
yesterday morning. Paris is returning to her old
lessons and is indulged again in her old delights.
Military displays, trophies from far-off countries,
bronzed veterans, who carry in their faces tokens
of the toils and dangers they have endured, again
pass in procession through her streets. Paris is again
what _Rome was in her prime. The Parisi in
damsels of to-day glitter and rejoice as their grand-
mothers glittered and rejoiced when the conquerors
of all Continental Europe passed before them to re-

ceive their welcome. It was two generations ago
when those glad days were, and the old sights have
newly gilded, all their, glories. It is quite one
generation since the rebound of that great impulse
came, and the moral of the old drama is forgotten.
All Paris now is joyous, without a fear for the pre-
sent or a doubt for the future.
The Emperor has fairly earned his triumph. He
entered Paris yesterday at the head of the troops
whom he had led to victory. While the National
Guard and the Army of Paris kept the ground clear
for the military spectacle, and pressed back all who
might interfere with the line of the splendid
pageant, the Emperor, surrounded by his Guard of
Honour and his Staff, led the way from the Place
de la Bastille. Four Austrian standards, carried by
soldiers chosen from the four Divisions of the
French Army, were borne after him, and the cap-
tured guns spoke to the senses of the populace the
story of the campaign. Then came the long line of
Infantry in their campaigning equipment, and a
magnificent selection of the Cavalry of the Guard
closed the imposing cortege Slowly along those
wide Boulevards, which seem to have been devised
for scenes like these, and which would appear to be
far more aptly measured out for such triumphant
processions than the old Via Sacra, this powerful
engine of consummated victories and this living
reality of force advanced in serried order. The
power which had broken the military strength of
Austria was present, not in monotonous, long-
drawn, feeble columns, as we in our narrow streets
are accustomed to parade and eke forth our scanty
forces, but in broad masses. The people, of Paris
could look upon that Army, and believe that it was
capable of any conquest, and, perhaps, it suggested
possibilities to many a Frenchman's mind which
may not be easily or cheaply eradicated. Everything
had been prepared with a precisionin spectacular
arrangement which only a Frenchman can attain.
When the head of the cortege reached the Place
Vendome that great square was occupied bank above
bank by every notable of Paris whom the exigen-
cies of diplomatic decency or of political sympathy
did not forbid to be present. Those great platforms
which Paris seems to have always in reserve for
every species of spectacle were here built up in care-
fully set forth rows, and no one was present who
had not made good his or her claim to be vouched
for as a sympathising spectator. The Moniteur had
previously annouced to disappointed thousands
that every place had long ago been filled. There,
in the midst of that select yet mighty crowd, the
Emperor and his Staff drew rein and sat while the
troops defiled past. Down the long line of the
Rue Rivoli the show passed, and diverging into
different routes, the Army of Italy marched back
to their camp. The spectacle, or the demonstra-
tion, had lasted six hours, it was now ended for
the populace, but it was continued by a banquet,
grand as the occasion, in the State rooms of the
Louvre.
In all this there was no one to shout in the ear
of Napoleon 111., " Remember thou art mortal !"
Yet he is not the shrewd cold man which Europe
believes him if there was not an inward monitor
that whispered to him more shrilly than a slave
could cry. When he looked upon the tried Army
which marched by him, and around upon the tens
of thousands who were there to do him honour, it
is probable that he remembered what greater
triumphs even than these had welcomed his uncle,
returning, not from a campaign which was abruptly
closed by a compromise, but from the occupa-
tion of some great European capital, and from
the dictation of a peace which was for his
enemy an unconditional surrender. He might
have remembered, also, that those great wel-
comes and those enthusiastic plaudits. and that
faithful army which had done it all, could not fix
fortune even for a single life. He did not forget,
although perhaps the multitude had forgotten, that
between those days of victory andthis day of triumph
the Imperial hero died a captive, and his son had
lived and died a prisoner of Austria. He must
have remembered that between Napoleon I. and
Napoleon 111. three Sovereigns and the officers of
a Republic had all been greeted by very much the
same long resounding acclamations that were then
ringing in his ears ; and that Franco had appeared
gay and joyous, and as contented as France can
be, during that interval when the Bonapartes were
a prescribed family. He is, we hope, too hard-
headed to bo led away by the flutter of cambric
handkerchiefs and a cry of " Five r Ernpereur !"
He knows the secret of his countrymen's charac-
ter ; he knows not only how physically brave they
are, but also how morally timid—how a great suc-
cess hurries all along, and how eagerly every
Frenchman makes haste to separate himself from a
tottering cause, and fears to compromise himself
by any connection with an unpopular patron. He
can explain this as a necessity arising from the
multitude of office-bearers in France, and the
obligations which not only these but also those
whom they sustain, are under to stand well with
the Powers that be. But this explanation serves
only to make the fact unchangeable and to demon-
strate why continued success must always be a
condition of exalted station in France. apoleon
111 cannot in his moments of privacy believe that
the multitude of smiling friends who so cheered him
and his Empress and his infant son as they were
grouped together in the Place Vendome
nodoamede yester-
day day would not as enthusiastically cheer
Im-
perial or Royal family, or another Dictator of
France. if he had made his way to power. To one
thing France is constant. Tattered flags torn by
an enemy's shot, trophies taken from a stranger,
wounded soldiers struck on the field of battle, will
always call forth the popular cheers. An army
coming back victorious will always make a Paris
holiday. It is easy to excite the French appetite
for great military exploits ; it is difficult to feed it,
and impossible to satiate it. We hope the Empe-
ror does not propose to himself to repeat this spec-
tacle as often as the Parisian holiday lovers may
choose to call for it. A wise man may perhaps
permit himself this intoxication once in his life,
but a repetition would breed a habit, and the habit
has been found to be, even in Imperial families, cer-
tainly fatal.

(From the Daily News.)
The empire over the water is a professed revival
of the empire of the Caesars. It is the chosen
government of a great nation which has outgrown
the puerilities of freedom, and has taken refuge
from the perils of public life in the splendid self-
renunciation of a crowned democracy. yesterday
was one of those grand occasional festivals rn which
Caesarian puts on holiday attire, and its idolaters
clank their voluntary fetters with a fierce exhilara-
tion, and an exulting sense of servitude. How poor
do our Parliamentary solemnities—with their sober,