The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-08 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 8, 1859.

tate • the discharge of the high functions of her Majesty, and whether the country approved our Reform Bill, but whether
in tne discharge of which she is exposed to the greatest em- it approved the course which the Opposition took for the
bar rassment from the frequent changes of Government. I purpose of preventing discussion upon the Reform Bill.
sa' f sincerely-1 said it when announcing the dissolution and (Hear, hear.) The noble duke says it is the misfortune of
I repeat it now—that it was my anxious wish that there unsuccessful Reform Bills that not only are their bad pro-
m ight be such a clear and explicit declaration of the opinions visions condemned, but their good provisions are disparaged
az ad feelings of the people that the Government, whether our- 'and prejudiced. If that be so, the measures of 1852 an d
a elves or anyother which might succeed us—for I spoke with- 1854 must have seriously damaged the cause of Parliamen-
‘ out reference to any party considerations or any wish of my tary Reform throughout the country. (A laugh.) The
own—might possess the confidence of the great majority of noble duke adds that if the bill of last session had gone on,
the people, and that the serious detriment to the public inte- the majority against it would have been quite as great as
rest which has been caused by the absence of such a state of that which passed the resolution. Now, I believe nothing
things might be put an end to. For that detriment lam not of the kind, for lam perfectly satisfied that if the Opposi-
responsible. I feel the inconvenience of being the head of a tion, who were wise in their generation, had been of opinion Government which does not command an absolute majority that'
in the House of Commons, and if I could see my way to a by opposing the second reading they should have
had a much larger majority than that actually obtained,
Government bound together by common ties, capable of they 'wculd have adopted the more ordinary and
acting together harmoniously, and possessing the confidence usual course of opposing the second reading, and
of a majority of the country, however much their opinions therefore of getting the opinion of the house on the merits
on certain•subjects might differ from mine; I would cheer- of the measure as a whole. (Hear.) My firm belief is that
fully, willingly—nay, more, gladly surrender the responsible they were perfectly aware that the second reading would
post which
such I occupy for the purpose of facilitating the
see for- be carried, in which case, instead of vague generalities,
mof a Government. But it is se I no they would have been called with the pro'
possibility of such a union among those boasting to be the
visions of the bill one by one,upon to deal
not only condemning them,
Liberal majority, that under all the difficulties of this but stating what provisions they would propose instead.
position at home—and Ido not disguise that they are From that attempt they shrunk, knowing probably that
great—and under all the difficulties which surround it would, if made, have exposed the wide differences of
our foreign policy abroad, I hold it to be my duty opinion existing among those who please to call themselves
to my Sovereign-9.nd it is a duty which I shall perform to the united Liberal party. I say, therefore, it is not the
the utmost of my ability—not to abandon the post confided question of reform which went to the country, and it is
to me, not to give up the trust placed in my hands so long extraordinary on how small a number of hustings refbrw.
as I see that there is any possibility of discharging that duty was made a prominent subject of discussion. The ques-
with honour, and so long especially as there appears to be tion put to the country was, " Are ou reared in the
no means by whichlhe present Government can be effec- yp p
present state of parties to give such a support to the Pre"
tually replaced. (Loud cheers.) Those who condemn the sent Ministry as will enable them to carry on satisfac-
dissolution of Parliament must do it on the ground that no torily the government of the country; or will you
dissolution is legitimate which does not. romise to secure an extend that support to any other Gvernment.' The
• absolute majority to the Government of the day. When I result is before you. Undoubtedly, it is not entirely sa-
accepted office it was because there was no possibility of
tisfactory, and stillleaves the Ministry in a position of weak-
ness
formingany other Government at the time—a fact which was which is not desirable, but with regard to foreign P°li-
recognized by Parliament. Notwithstanding all the disad- tics my experience in the past, my confidence in the charge"
vantage of the position I felt bound to assume the difficult ter of my countrymen, leaves me no reason to doubt that in
task of forming a Government ; but I should have been a the course we have announced and are determined to pursne
mad man if I had assumed that charge with a majority of we shall have a general support quite sufficient to show to all
120 or 130 members against me, bound to quit office upon the nations of the Continent that upon that subject, `at all.
the first occasion on which that adverse majority might events, there is no difference of opinion which could give to
think fit to display its strength against me. The very the enemies of this country the slightest chance of success
fact of my accepting office under such circumstances from' our dissensions. (Hear.) Undoubtedly there have been,
was ace rtain proof that in the event of defeat it would be expressions of individual opinion—expressions which inol;
my duty, my imperative duty, to appeal to the country. victual members may be perfectly justified in making use o'
(Cheers.) The noble marquis near me (Normanby)—whom in their private capacity, and indicative of sympathy for one
we all rejoice to see among us again—has compared the cir •or the other of the contending parties in the present strife.
cumstances of this dissolution to that of 1841, to which But with political sympathies a Government has nothing
he says he objected at the time. But let me compare the whatever to do, and upon this question lam sure you will ex;
circumstances of the two dissolutions. The Government pect and will require me to speak with the utmost reserve. ~.".
at that time had been in a permanent minority for two have never, however, concealed my opinions on the subject'
years in a house of their own choosing. In 1839 the Go- I have always stated that if this were a question of s
vernment tendered their resignations, and the substitution Italian or any other nation seeking to emancipate itself by
of a Conservative Government was only prevented in con- its own efforts from the control of a foreign Power, which
sequence of some trifling misunderstanding with regard to had peen the object of its aversion,' and seeking to efitabliSh
the Royal household. They were exposed to constant instead of arbitrary government a system more approachinfil
defeats from a party—the union in whose Tanks Was more those liberal institutions with which we are blessed in flus
complete and more sound than the union in any party country, the private sympathy of every Englishman won't'.
which I can recollect. At the close of the session of 1841 be for the success of such ‘an attempt., But is that in all'
a vote of want of confidence was passed against the Go- sense the case in the present struggle in Italy? Is that the
vernment, by the majority, however, of one only. Then they struggle of a nation seeking to emancipate itself by its own
had to consider what would be the effect of a dissolution, efforts from foreign control, and to substitute for arbitrary
On the one hand there was a compact united partyready to government liberal and free institutions. Even if it were sot
take its place and succeed to the administration of the
whatever might be our sympathies, we are bound by tree"
affairs of the country. That being so, the Cabinet, had upon
the other hand, to consider whether there was any chance of ties and international obligations which would not enable
the to give an active effort to those sympathies. But I must
so far recruiting the number of its supporters by a dissolu- say, with almost all who have spoken on this subject, due
tion as to enable it to weaken the resources of its opponents.
while we cannot view with approval the course of con
Now Ido not think that any member of Lord Melbourne's which has been pursued by Austria—while I have no 8321;
Government beljeved for a single moment that it could pathy with Austrian rule or with the Austrian IT:
obtain a working majority, or anticipated that by a disso-
lution it should, even in the slightest degree, improve its of government this is a war undertaken under rf
e 2:
position. But what was the result ? Why, that on the first pretences ; it is a war, not for the freedom and fibers
of Italy ; it is one in which unfortunately Sardinia
vote day of the meeting of Parliament after the new elections a
vote of want of confidence, which had previously been car-
taken the lead in forcing upon Italy, thereby, as I '.
tied by one vote, was then carried by no less a majority than stated on a former occasion, seriously damaging that taus
91. Compare the dissolution of 1841 with that of 1859. We
of constitutional government which we the friends of Sari
dinia earnestly desire to see tried and prosper there, no
succeeded to Office, as I before stated, in a minority. That was showing that a Government with free institutions may ti._4„
well known. It was equally well blown that at the period of
be less aggressive, not less ambitious of aggrandisernts
the dissolution there was no party in the House of Com-
not less prone to disturb the peace and tranquillitY•9l, j
mons sufficiently united to take our places if we had
neighbours thru the most arbitrary despotism. (Hear in. resigned. Under these circumstances, we deemed it to be
do not say that the blame rests on one side or the other.,
our duty to dissolve, and the consequence has been that
although the Government have not succeeded is obtaining this unhappy contest ; but neither on the one side o_. the
other was there any sufficient ground for incurring all It'A
an absolute majority, yet that we, having been defeated by a
horrors of war, and had both been so disposed there exip
majority of 39 on the second reading of the Reform Bill,
no practical difficulties which might not have been s I
have secured, according to the nearest calculation which I
by friendly negotiation. (Hear.) Independently, there._,
can make, an addition of 30 members to the number of our
'fore, of any cause which may be involved in the struggi;
supporters, thus making on a division a difference of 60
this coun c
votes. Now While I admit that we are not in an absolute
cannot be for the success o hiedefeat of one Fide
majority in the House of Commons, I contend that there islead t°
anxious feel sympathy wih either parOr
or the other, except as that success or defeat may
hard to
no 'party, the
even any two parties combined, which of future complications or to consequences which it is
themselves possess sufficient strength to form a Govern-
ment as numerically powerful and as compact as that which
state of the contest, I hold it to be the imperative z
now holds the reins of office. (Hear, hear.) 'We have been foresee. As we are at present advised, and in the
dutypresenot
this country to maintain that which from the first,l
_,have
told by my noble friend below me (the Earl of Ellenborough),
announced to be the policy of the Government—namely, +!
who spoke this evening with that great ability which
he always displays, that it is the duty of public men strict and impartial neutrality between the two contend
at such a crisis as the present to combine together
the public good and to endeavour to forma strong Govern- is exposed to so much suspicion, it involves a coUllt?
for parties. (Cheers.) But unhappily a position of neutratY,
which fairly and impartially carries it out in so many Fives,
ment. My noble and learned friend opposite (Lord Brougham)
sibilities of giving offence to one of the contending Pan
__o_
,also, I think, referred to the subject in alluding to, the
the obligations arising from such a struggle as is now gbe
memorable attempt to effect a combination between Pt
.
-erhaPa
ing on are so impossible to be foreseen, and may p
__.th
and Fox. I was, I must say, somewhat struck by the
so extensive, that the statesman would be mad whoa?"',..,
singular coincidence suggested by the remarks of my
noble and learned friend, which tend to prove that this war raging around him, determined as he might be f,
maintain a strict neutrality, did not feel it his bound?;
_n_uyf
the sacrifices which were made by the statesmen of former
by fitting preparations to place this country in a posainhe
times are not without parallel at the present day. In 1804,
security. (Hear.) I believe that as Parliament anci,ns
Pitt said Fox behaved like an angel. Now, what was the
country will be unanimous in the opinion that neutrahyL
angelic virtue which called forth this expression of approba-
the only policy for the Government to pursue, they lath
tion ? It was the acceptance on the part of Fox of a mission
equally of opinion that the only species of neutralitY '
to Vienna. (A laugh.) These great men were two rival tn.r..e.
statesmen. They could not both have held the foremost can hope to be respected and to give influence to our --L1
counsels must be an armed neutrality—armed, not for PILL_
part in the Government. It was therefore agreed that one
poses of aggressionbut of protection to our shores and the :1,
should accept the inferior post of Minister at Vienna, and
dication of our national honour. (Hear, hear.) Do youon:
the acceptance of that post was held to be the act of an
me if 'I have any proximate fear of invasion ? I say non
angel. (Laughter.) If I . remember rightly, the noble
whatever. Ido not think there was ever a time when ,_.,,t
lord the member for London is equally entitled with Fox
country was more free from the alarm of invasion; u.",
to the praise of having done an angelic act ; but I never when I see the armaments and fleets which other count old
heard that the noble lord the member for Tiverton had are collecting and remember the power which they we:ic, the generosity to say that in his opinion his noble
have in their hands in case of any unexpected quarrel
colleague colleague had behaved like an angel. (Renewed laugh- it is the bounden duty of Parliament—a which
ter.) Indeed, I believe the noble vi--- Iv say-idduty w
.. .. - •

e viscount seriously am
sincerely rejoiced at the self-sacrifice of his noble friend ,
not can I help thinking that he rejoiced quite as sin-
cerely when he found that the result of his negotiations
in Vienna did not tend very materially to increase his
noble friend's political reputation. (Great laughter.) But
I understand that a meeting of reconciliation has taken
place, at which those two noble lords were present, and per-
haps my noble and learned friend would still further assist
the work of peace by suggesting which of them should upon
a second occasion undertake an angelic mission, (Laughter.)
For my own part, I do not think any public advantage can
be secured by men who, for the purpose of merely forming
an Administration, sacrifice their own political views ; while
I cannot undoubtedly charge myself with having neglected
to obtain, se far as was in my power, extraneous aid from
quarters immediately unconnected with the Government,
I have unfortunately not been successful in my efforts in
that direction, but I cannot accuse myself of having
omitted any opportunity to strengthen by fair and honour-
able combination—not involving any sacrifice of prin-
ciple—the Government which has been entrusted to me
by my Sovereign. (Hear, hear.) I am not now going
to follow my noble friend opposite (Earl Granville)
into a discussion of the various shortcomings of
whichle seems to think her Majesty's Ministers were guilty
in the course of last year. There were some charges which
he has made against us, which I little anticipated would be
pressed on the notice of the house on an important occasion
like the present. The old question of the Conspiracy Bill
has been again raked up, and it certainly is very satisfac-
tory to me to find that my noble friend is so badly off for
a subject of attack—it is of course the duty of his position
to find fault—(a laugh) —that he finds it necessary to revert
to the proceedings of a year and a half ago. (Hear, hear.)
Having disposed of the Conspiracy Bill and the India Bill,
the noble earl dwelt upon the subject of foreign affairs,with
respect to which he accuses us of gross neglect. He says
we have acted most improperly in not laying the papers
connected with this important subject upon the table of the
house. I should, however, like to learn from my noble
friend what papers of any kind or description which we
could 'produce, and which your lordships have ex-
pressed the slightest desire to see, have been
presented to Parliament ? what papers have been
withheld or in tbei slightest degree garbled. In the case of
the Cagliari and the Charles et Georges the fullest details
were laid before the house, and the result was that the course
pursued by the Government in reference to the former met
ith general approval, while in the case of the latter, which,
was said, was to affect the very existence of the Government,
not only did the production of the papers establish a tri-
umphant defence for her Majesty's Ministers, but no
attempt to raise a discussion as to the wisdom of the policy
which they adopted was raised in this or in the other House
of Parliament. (An intimation of dissent from Earl Gran-
ville.) I beg the noble earl's pardon. A motion was made
in your lordships house'with respect to it, but that motion
was very wisely and discreetly withdrawn. (Hear, and a
laugh.) Now, my lords, I do not wish to speak in dis-
paragement of the general tone of fairness and moderation
with which 'the efforts of the Government have been
e
met by` noble lords opposite and their party_.fier
especially, dealing with the delicate and chcuit
negotiations which have taken
to foreign affitirs. do, however,plaee thiinnk
much to say that, from the period of the formation
met with
Government up to the present, it bets invariablyeu
referenceiot f ttlaieo
pnaortthient.gthbeutHseiunsgeuleafrcfeormbmeaernans.ce
Hanasd
en:o_roadttehriloscroo:ii!itl.ee
bl;"".4"-w"11horny after we sue-
mistaken a motion
formintroduced of an absolute vote of cen-
sure, which assumed the
by strong, declarations of
suc-
ceeded tee power, waa,
verysinulstaneously into both
culpability of her Majesty's
whatur e ,
mustand whichbethe
effect
fa
es
theraldedo of
nthe
Ministers. The debatee that motion lasted the oilier
Government did
to prove that, even
house fora Consider.aublthnatumhboeurseo,f
idfatyhse, anGdetvhcoieefnrietan.ulumtdwbeasir
nuffice fair ea
defeat which
nefotspuopspseerstserans
to
obesuolaubtlee mit,ajw(ltihty,thitehaasdsisat:
ing on thtoe povaretrtohfret hwe
i houselnatthlarge, e toee
frtettsiestdaz
attempt
the party to which the noble earl opposite belongs, ex:
perienced upon that occasion, no mins attack was subse-
quently.made upon the Government du ring the progress of
the session. But I cannot help thinking that this circum-
stance is due as inuoh to their discretion as to their forbear-
ance. (Hear, hear) But to show how hard pressed my noble
friend must have been for a subject on which to found an
attack upon the Government, he actually, when the question
of peace or war, so far as this country is supposed by some
—although I hope without sufficient reason—to be tremb•
ling in the balance, and, on the very first night of the
session, deems it his duty to find fault with us for
having expended a certain sum of money, or in renewing the contract with the Cunard Steam packet Company which
had been carried out for some earn with great success. It
so happens, however, that ihesthedpwtihnig which
ehweteweirne
reference to that subject was one in adopting
merely carrying, out the strongest recommendations of the
Board of Admiralty which preceded us in office—(hear,
hear)---and which recommendations had not previously been
carried into effect by the Treasury, simply. because
they thought it exp3dient to postpone entering into
a fresh contract until the existing one was nearer its
completion. In the meantime, however, the person who
held the contract cause to the Government, saying that
he wished to extend its terms and to receive adequate
remuneration. He stated that it would be necessary to
build for the purpose a considerable number of vessels, and
that two years and a half, the period which the contract had
to run, 'would barely suffice for their construction.
Under these eireuinstances he asked for the renewal
the noble earl has thought Draper to make thee groundiear.) I
of the contract for a period of five ye-are, and these foafotaa
solemn charge against the. Government.
shall now yam from, the observations of the noble
it
eo she whichs just spoken.
avo'ble earl to
whothhe
tah en nobleewlight
said
quitewhetherthe we had. recourse to a
Government er
of the country. That he conceives to
oyed the confidenceßill.L
d, the real que.stion in his opinion bane.
whether or not the country p
Now, I take the liberty of saying that the question wasinot

,ay
believe will be cheerfulliperformed—to place tide colmtrYr;
and more especially, its naval forces, upon a footing
commensurate with the great interests involved than has
been the case for some years past. (Cheers.) Without
making any charge upon those who preceded us, I toll:s!
say that when we succeeded to office we found the navY ..
a state of weakness, decrepitude, and absolute impotence!
which was by no means creditable to this country, and wthe
not even safe for its interests and independence. Prot)? „e__
gesture of the noble earl opposite (Earl Granville) I infer
that he believes me on a former occasion to have expresse.a
a different opinion. (" Hear," from Earl Granville.) Ilelo_
quite mistaken. Upon that occasion I did not say a word at
to the state of the navy; but, referring to the condition of
the army in 1852 and 1858, I said that the efforts which had
been made reflected great credit on that department. Abet!t
the navy I uttered not a word, thinking that the less said
about it the better ; but if noble lords would only take the
trouble to look into a paper which has been published in
the course of the present year, and which emanated from a
secret committee appointed by me at the commencement of
this year to inquire into the comparative state of the British
and French navy, I think they will see in the course of that
inquiry, which went into the most minute details, matter
for very serious consideration, and such as will show theta
that our efforts can hardly be too great to place the navy
on a better footing. (Hear. hear.) I will not go into detail,
but any of your lordships who wilt take the trouble to exa-
mine the report of this committee will find in it matter not,
perhaps, for alarm, but for the most anxious consideration.
I do not doubt that in the present state of affairs any demand
which the Government may make upon the House of Com-
mons will be met without a dissentient voice, and I reply
with the same confidence that her Majesty has expressed
upon the cordial concurrence of Parliament in those mea-
sures which we have already taken upon ourselves to adopt
for the increase of the naval forces of this country beyond
the means sanctioned by Parliament, as well as in the other
credit for which it will be our duty at no distant period to
call. (Hear.) As no amendment has been moved and no
objection taken to one paragraph of the Royal Speech, I
ought perhaps to apologise for having so long detained your
lordships. We are now entering possibly upon an important
session of Parliament. If in the course of the present week
it should be proved, not only that we do not possess the
confidence of the country, but that there is another party
more enabled efficiently to discharge the duties of legislation
and of the executive, I can only say that I shall lay down
with far more pleasure than I took it up the heavy respon-
sibility which presses upon me, and, so far as my principles
and sense of duty will enable me,. shall give my cordial
and earnest support to any Administration by which the
present Government may be replaced. On the other hand,
should, as I confidently anticipate, the vote of the Heise
of Commons be to show that the present Government, as
compared with any other that could be formed, possesses
the confidence and is entitled to the support of Parlia-
ment, I must hail with satisfaction the assurance which
we have received from the noble earl opposite,—am
to
o otierus made a
nbyy
ftahcotisoeus who
opposition, are politically
or o
as-
surance which is in accordance with his general fraw.
and honourable conduct—that there would be no at-
tempt
unnecessary embarrassment. Above all, my lords, I 9'l'l
sure, from one side of the house to the other will be re"
echoed the sentiment
that when the public interests are f
ing by arms
stake, and when a formidable danger threatens, all sense 14
party will be lost in the determination effectively to 8101
Cause
eseuds to
the Government of the day in maintaining the interes.P..
wzimg, it may be, the peaee, built nut; then in stippoz:;.
the influence and the power of Englanu
(Loud cheers,)
The Address was then agreed to, and their lordships ad-
journed at 20 minutes past 11 o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS— (YEsTERDAY.)
The house resumed at a quarter to four o'clock.
Several members were sworn in.
SIR J. LAWRENCE.
A letter was read from Sir J. Lawrence, in acknowledg-
ment of the vote of thanks agreed to by the house in recog •
nition of his services.
DIVORCE AND MATRIMONIAL COURT. ,
Mr. E. JAMES gave notice of motion on the subject (11
the Metrimonial and Divorce Court, with a view to render
its operations more efficient.
THE BOARD OF ADMIRALTY.
Sir C. NAPIER gave notice of motion for the considera-
tion of the propriety of reconstructing this board. (Hear')
OUR FOREIGN RELATIONS.
Mr. HORSIIAN gave notice that he would move for
the production of any communications between the Govern-
went of this country and the Governments of Franca,
Russia, and Sardinia in reference to the present hostilities.
CHURCH RATES.
Sir J. TRELAWNY gave notice of a motion for the in-
troduction of a bill to abolish church rates.
THE QUEEN'S SPEECH.
Tho Royal Speech having been read,
Mr. A. EGERTON rose to move that a humble address
be presented to her Majesty in reply to the Royal Speech.
He strongly approved of the sentiments in the address to
her Majesty, particularly in, reference to the war, and he
trusted that the feeling in favour of neutrality on the Part
m
of this country in reset to the pending hostilities wow',,,
continue to influence the public mind. He believed that
such a course would prove the most beneficial that could be
adopted under existing circumstances. (Hear, hear.) lie,
trusted that Russia would adhere to neutrality also, aria
that the fears entertained by certain politicians
would prove unfounded. (Hear, hear.) He felt bound to
express his approval of the conduct of Government in the
present critical position in which they were placed
by the Evdats that had taken place on:the Continent.
(Hear, hear,) With regard to domestic affairs he
considered that the Government acted wisely iA
postponing the question of Reform' for the present, 9'9
the session would not, from its probable duration, afford al;
opportunity of passing a satisfactory measure on a matte_
of such importance. He hoped that, ultimately, the sub
ject would be satisfactorily arranged, and that in any legis"
lation for a further extension of the franchise, the work!gs
classes would form an element. (Hear, hear.) 11!
was firmly convinced that the present Governmen
would carry out the affairs of the country with advantage,