The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-19 00:00:00

lionabfardy, and to the threat implied
which tended.
Piacenza—statements and allusions
paticra of in the Austrian occu-
undoubtedly to show that an
which outbreak
would not be
rences, if not actually stimulated,
upon
in the Lombardo-
Te tiara provinces,
the
national feeling, in
disco uraged by Piedmont, but would be looked rather
as a legitimate expression of
the moral aid of Pied-
sym pathies and, perhaps, more than
IRMA might be advantageous to the country—it was but
vratural that, for her own protection, for the maintenance of
or the
'her own territories, and f preservation of order in districts which she was told were so dissatisfied, preparations
should be made upon a large
and extensive scale by Austria.
(Hear.) lam bound to say, also, that as far as language
gold go the declarations of Austria from first to last have
been and constant, that as long as Piedmont con-
fied uniformherself within her own borders and did not interfere
with the Austrian territories,
or with those obligations by
which Austriawas
bound,
in that case she had no reason
to Nrehend anyws willing,rtttaek from Austria, and that the Cabinet
and would even regard it as a
friendly act,endlennyaw
thata France and England should enter into a
guarantee—a guarantee which we proposed—of Piedmont
for a considerable period against all risk of Austrian inva-
n'on. (Hear.) I join in the observations made by the
oble earl opposite as to the injurious character of those
treaties and obligations—injurious not only to Italy but to
Austria herself—into which Austria has entered with
many of the Italian States; but, nevertheless, I am
compelled to say that, however unwise, however ill-
advised, however injurious to the well-considered
interests of Austria, those treaties were not more than
what she had a legal right to enter into with any in-
dependent country. (Hear, hear.) I think they were impo-
litic; I think they increased the danger of disturbance ra-
ther than afforded any protection to either of the parties
concerned ; I think they would be wisely abandoned by
Austria, and I believe that if our mediation had been per..
witted to go on they would to a great extent have been ab-
rogated, or some substitute for them found, and in that way
one of the great difficulties of the Italian question success-
ful'y overcome. (Hear, hear.) Again, with respect to the
oce.mation of the Roman States, that was a point whichby
universe/ consent might very fairly have been left to the
deliberations of a Congress, or, subsequent to those delibe-
rations, to the assent and understanding of France and
Austria themselves. At all events, the principle being.
adopted by the Congress, the practical execution of the
proposal might have been safely entrusted to the three
Powers chiefly concerned—France, Austria, and the Pope.
I must say, however, that the history of the negotiations
relative to the evacuation of the Roman States is somewhat ,
veiled in mystery. It has been said that a demand was made
by the Holy See for the immediate withdrawal of the French
and Austnan troops. I believe the noble earl opposite is
correct in stating that preparations for removal were ac-
tually begun on the part of Austria. Why no further pro-
gress has been made in such removal I know not, but, at
the same time. I think it right to say that I do not believe
the immediate withdrawal of the French and Austrian
troops could have been effec
cons uences which might have ted without running the risk of
eq
most lamentable
not only to Rome, but to the wholeproved of Italy. But I think
it was most important, the principle of evacuation being
once adopted, that the
practical execution should
within a given tiine—a time sufficient for such reformsfollow and
precautions on the part of the Papal Government itself as
would have enabled it to do with safety what the interests
of the world seemed so imperatively to demand. (Hear.)
I shall not detain your lordships by entering into a con-
sideration of the various measures which we have proposed
for the purpose of insuring, first by our own mediation,
and next through the meeting of a Congress, a settlement of
these difficult and Perplexing questions. I think the time
has now nearly approached when it mus be finally and
definitively decided whether the Congress is to meet at all,
or whether a peaceabe solution of these questions be pos-
sible. (Hear, hear.) It would be neither for the honour
nor for the interests of England that these discussions as to
the preliminaries of the Congress should be further pro-
tracted' (Cheers.) The time is nearly come when Eng-
land—which has, indeed, made one more effort, suggested
one more proposition, which I ear not at liberty to lay be-
fore your lordships—shall say that the period has gone by
for trifling, and that, having exhausted all her powers of
persuasion, and left no atone unturned to effect a settlement
upon Principles which have received the unanimous ap-
proval of her Parliament, she must, however reluctantly,
withdraw from interference in affairs in which she can no
longer hope her interference would be useful to the public
interests or consistent with her own dignity, and must again
reserve to hersel4 as she has done up to the present mo-
ment, absolute and entire freedom to take such steps as she
may hereafter think fit. already pointed o (Cheers.) My noble friend has
ut the lamentable consequences which
must arise if wr does beak out, to Ital herself, whatever
be the ultimate r aesult, orr whoever in they first instance is
tdsuccessful. I think my noble friend underrates the magni-
. e of the danger if he supposes that the war will be con-
Zed, te italY• It will be a war in the first place, of the
-"ea'' sanguinary description, because' a war of principle and
of passion. It will not be a war between two great nations
contending for some definite object, but a war exciting the
roost
tend far vi
olent passions, and once begun in Italy it will ex-
w beyond the limits of that country. Other passions
illrous, other interests will be touche, other nations
Italy
be called upon to interfere, and the ward originating in
will certainly at no distant period extend far and
~,..,'"de, tvraPp"ing the whole of Europe in one general confia-
fr`4ll,_. (Hear, hear.) It would not be difficult to trace
--e hels by which such extension will
P necessarily ensue ;
but I shall e
only say that even for England it would be im-
ossibl to look with total indifference to any alteration of
the eecupation of the Adriatic or its shores. Our interests
in the Mediterranean are such as require the most careful
vigilance on our part. (Hear, hear.) It is obvious, more-
over, that a very little overstepping of the limits of Italy
itLelf would produce a state of things which, under the
w
swengest and highest treaty obligations, would bring the
hole of Germany into the field in defence of the
Gerreaeie Confederation. (Hear, hear.) Germany brought
inth the field, what is to become of Belgium, of
Switzerland, of the general state of the political relations of
le,arele..Pe, War once be in Italy can never be confined
Le— -41, and once spread beyond the limits of Italy it is
-IwPossible to foresee who will be drawn into it, how far it
p.,may extend, or what may be its result. (Hear.) England is
oly interested in the maintenance of peace. She is pre-
theParete wake almost any sacrifices for that object ; but, in
in of peace, she cannot assume a position which
if Place her in a helpless and defenceless condition, and
." 7.ar breaks out, whatever be the consequence, our neu-
altutY, as long as it may last, must to a certain extent be
an armed neutrality—(hear)—enabling us to take our part
on that side whatever it may l the honour, the in-
tereata9 and dignity of thecountry may indicate as best
Triest.ereLs.s.- our 'import. (Cheers.) Such is the course which
• uoPe the Government will be supported in taking by the
a:unanimous opinion of Parliament and the country ; for
I,IT am certain, is the only sound and rational policy
.—c" we certain,
pursue. God grant we may be spared the
necessity of entering upon so dangerous a path I God
grant that in the councils of Europe there may yet prevail
greater moderation, greater wisdom,g
runt that this sto
burstin forth
mull
reason to
violent and temilay' manner which we have nowt oo
if the ch anticipate manner
I ard sure as I said before,
theun ancee of peace depend in great mea.sur.e.upon
ably and el
• d and the
ens asaent of Parliament to the principles so
noble equently expressed by my noble friend .
i. e earl opposite they will be materially strengthened if
1' be within thknowledge of Europe that England will
not be allowed events which Terrain a helpless. or. feeble spectator of
that a seism,- may
upon the head of compromise her dignity and honour, but
--3 reaPonsibility, with all its results, will be laid
the Power whatever it may be, which,
eviiessh. utsdeuee provocation and without the most urgent ne-
E._ lorf . ks for its own ambitious purposes to involve
ur pe in the calamities of a long and bloody war. (Loud
cheers.)
anTtihefollowin g bills
were read a Passed through their several stages,
nance Act Conti
mental Bill; third time and passed :—Pauper Mainte-
puVance Bill; Local Government Supple-
CaMedil Supplement 1 public Offices Extension Bill; Naval .. -
e, Consolidated a Fund Society Annuities Act Continuance
te, l'
Bills (zie 2-, - und Appropriation Bill • Exchequer
c', 17,460) Rill • Remission of Penalties Bill.
Upon th A;eLA.I.:GIITER BILL.
t 8
motion of the L `-'
.ur resolved not . LORD ,lIANCELLOR, their lord-
h from
which _ to insist upon their amendments in this
the Commons had dissented.
The brarquis 13f EttIiRLEY-HousE.
at the head of the CoLANRICARDE asked the noble earl
lay before Parlia lifeent whether it was intended to
ri.l the plans and estimates for the
erection upon the
Metropolitan BoarTiroef of Berkeley-house of premises for the
pressed a fear lest theNV°l.ltB.
render impossible the At the same time he ex .
erection of these premises should
James's Park from Traef formation of an entrance to St.
The Earl of DERBY gar-square.
Eon to. produce the 1
rearqius that as thePßaor reoferred '
aid that there would be no objec-
intordthf and assured the noble
the existing footway Worke were required to widen
would facilitate rather thane park the intended alterations
proverffent which he had
na impede the making of the im-
entioned.
THE CLOCI( OP Lord CAMPBELL a . TUN NEW PALACE.
the clock in the clock troLwillrealled attention to the state of
Since he had last spoken e of. the Houses of Parliament.
ago, the clock had made an atthii: subject, now three weeks
indicated 10 nainutesalltoce6oof'
It had then
clock, onl finvoewmi minutes.
toeosd.
at five minutes to that hour. (A. laugh.) This rate of pro-
have was not very satisf .
The Earl of DER,B4letheerY•
Parliament assembled, that the v hope, before the new
lvdisTin;rtice of the clock would
have been overcome, rad
andttlat what appeared to be the
dearest wish of the noble
fully gratified. (A laugh,) earned lord's heart would be
• PRIZE PROpERTY IN neloT
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH r-ose—to'Aa.sk whether
her Majesty's Government had yet ado
placing the army in India in Posses fang measures for
wit this war
to the Indian
The question of prize property in Connell (? Prizeroperty
stood in a peculiar position. If thepodortinion°oll/0)i
army was to consist merely of that
property which came strictly under the definitihe captured
it would be inconsiderable, and totally ma' equate o'l of boot oTti yt
ji:
Purpose. Another and a very large Portion s
Property forfeited by reason of rebellion. Thenela°llim'isotedf the
a,srm.
‘,..y to. this was not so clear as its claim to the boot,
with. all the
annieulties would arise in ascertaining what strictly conch
toted forfeiture •
property that li'
and, if the Crown were to
been forfeited, it would Part
the power of maidng provision deprive itself of
Inpolicy. It seemed tO for cases indicated by public
stead
of
grantino. him, therefore, more desirable that,
forfeitures which hZe!leranY to the army a right over the
mg some proportion to thriseeir out of the war, a large sum, bear-
bloc, and that the army sh.ceAri services, should be granted en
laid down for its distributio .
(. share in that according to rules
upon the Government thell Above all, he earnestly pressed
decision on this subject isTort?ll?riely of coming to an early
ter t with the principle that shoZeceuld be mere inconsis-
ees • than that they should defer an guide them in such a
de,ervecl so well of their country ,:tll due to those who had
its value and most of its grace catehse reward lost half
course of IS months the Indian army ha.ra hear.) In the
' which it took their glorious pr,d, e$ conquered an
empire
ceasors 100
to acquire. It was to their exertions that years
this splendid result ; and he did think there time hale Owed
come when the Crown should award to that arm filth at last
substantial proof of its gratitude than they hade_morre
ceived. He had, therefore, to ask whether anyshiT:, e:
yet been done towards granting the prize property teZ44
in
the late war to the Indian army?
The Earl of DERBY—I quite agree with ray noble
friend, not only in the merited eulogaum which he has passed
upon
the gallantry and services of the army in India, butalso in the opinion
he has expressed, that rewards of this
kind lose a great deal of their value if they are not speedily
as well as cheerfully bestowed, I therefore extremely re-
gret that it is not in my power to give him so satisfactory
an answer as I could wish. The circumstances of the va-
rious captures are so exceeing yd' I different, that it would be
eery difficult, if not impossible, to lay down any positive
applicable to them all. But, with regard to the cap-
turerule
Indian Government have laid down cer-
tainthe
late Court
of Delhi,
which were acquiesced in by the
regulations
excepted, in the first place, from that
of Directors. They
which properly belonged to
been
property which had previously
from that
stores or Government
,d they further excepted
seized by the rebels, on
prize any private property to
which might be regarded as