The Sun.
London, England, 1835-01-26 00:00:00

HEBER'S LIBRARY.

At the second day's sale of the fifth part of Mr. Heber's
books (at Wheatley's), on Tuesday, nearly 300 lots were
sold. The following were three or four of the items

326. " A discourse whether it be expedient that the
Scripture should be in English for all men to reade that
wyll. R. Caly, 1555.—501 d for 1/. 3s.

437. " Asiatick Researches." Original edition, plates,
fine copy, in boards, from Colouel Stanley's library. Cal-
cutta, 1788, 1808-61. Bs. 6d.

459. The Trial of True Friendship, or a Knack to know
a Knave from an honest man. By M. B--. Printed for
Valentine Simmes, and sold at his dwelling on Adling Hill,
at the sign of the White Swanne, 1596." A book consist-
ing of a few leaves—ll. 19s.

515. " Bjoerner (E. I.) Prodromus Tractatuum de Geo-
graphia Scandinavim Veteri, et Tistoriis Gothicis. (The
author's copy, with numerous MS. additions, and with the
plates that were intended to be inserted in the work.)
Stockholmiw, 1726." Very few pages---11. 9s. Rodd.
520. " Bloody News from Shrewsbury, being a relation
of Murders committed by a horrible villain, by name Thomas
Reynolds. He murdered females by cutting their heads off
while they were asleep, and then set fire to the house." A
tract of a few leaves.-10s. 6d.

.528. " Athenasus et Strabo, Editiones Principes, in one
vol. Venet. Aldus, 1514-1.516." These copies, though
not fine, are interesting and valuable. The Athenteus has
been carefully read by Porson, and he has numbered in the
margin (and the catalogue might have added, displaying
fine specimens of penmanship) the corresponding pages in
Cassaubon's edition. There is also a classic note by him
at the end. The Strabo wants the title. It however for-
i.merly belonged to Bentley, and has his autograph. It was
sold at Banks's sale in 1821 for 4/. 16)-2/, 19s.
536. " Aureola ex Floribus beati Jeronymi contexta.
Contemplaciones devotissimw per Jo. de Turrecremata,
1472. Editio secunda RARISsIMA. Expositio Heinrici de
Hassia super Dominicam Oracionem." These three tracts,
it is stated among Mr. Heber's notes, are printed iu the
same characters, Panzer supposes at Spires. They are
among the first specimens in which signatures were used-
-Bs. 6d.

548. " Bandini (A.M.) Catalogus codicum MSS. Gra3c.
Lat. et Ital. Bib. Medicos Laurentianas, &c."-31. lc.
194. A lot in the first day's sale merits notice, as a trifle
characteristic of the age in which it was produced. It is
intitled—" The Pleasures of Princes, or Good Men's Re-
creations : containing a discourse of the general Art of
Fishing with the Agle or otherwise, and of the hidden
Secrets belonging thereunto. Together with the Choyce,
Ordering, Breeding and Dyetting of the Fighting Cocke.
Being a work never in that manner handled by any former
Author. London : Printed by T. S., for John Browne,
and are to be sould at his shop in S. Dunstane's Church-
yarde, in Fleet-street, 1615—sold at Ford's sale Man-
chester, for 1/. lls. 6d. Mr. F. made this memorandum :
" I gave for a republication of this curious tract at Brand's
sale 24 Bs. 6d. This is the original ed. of the greatest
rarity. W. Ford." It is a book of 50 pages only. In
speaking of " the Antiquitie of Angling," it is said " the art
of angling is truly sayd to come from the sonnes of Seth,
of which Noah was most principale."—p. 3. It now sold
for 13s. !

At Thursday's and Wednesday's sale (at Wheatley's) of
the fifth part of Mr. Heber's books, nearly 600 lots were
sold. The following are a few specimens :-
769. (C.) T. " Glasse for the Times by which to behold
the true Ministers of Christ. Wood cuts, 1648." Sold for
35. 6d.

248. " Catherine Par's (Queene) Prayers or Meditations
(Imperfect), &e."-14s.
1003. Catalogues, Seaman, Kidner, Greenhill, &c., with
prices, in one vol, This volume contains the first eleven
catalogues of books ever sold by auction in England.
1676-9. There is a long note by Mr. Heber on this sub-
ject-3/.

It may be here mentioned that the collection contains an
immense number of catalogues of book-sales from the earliest
time of book auctions. In this particular Mr. Heber ap-
pears to have extended the like species of minute research
that characterised most of his other investigations regarding
books ; and the above items give some idea of the rarity of
some of these lots, and of the prices the rarer lots brought.
1052. Christine of Pisa. " The Boke of the Cyte of
Ladyes." The title and three first chapters are wanting.
Extremely rare. " London, by H. Pepwell, 1521."—501d
for 3/. 3s.

1057. " Church, Discipline. A parte of a Register,
.contayninge sundrie memorable matters, written by divers
godly and learned in our time which stande for and desine
the reformation of our Churche, in Discipline and Cere-
monies, accordinge to the pure worde of GOD and Lawe of
our Lande." No date. "It contains 42 small tracts, is
without the printer's, name, time, or place to it ; but Dr.
Bancroft, in his Dangerous Positions,' published 1593,
says, It appears to have been printed at Edinburgh, by
Robert Waldegrave. Contains 554 pages, besides the title
and table of contents prefixed. Very rare.' Herbert's
Ames, p. 1514. This was Herbert's copy who does not
mention the tract at the end of the volume, a Demonstra-
tion of Discipline of 86 pages."—Sold for 6/. 7s. 6d., Thorpe.
1067. " Civil Wars. A collection of one hundred nod
seventeen Tracts relative to Battles, and other occurrences,
during the Grand Rebellion, 1641 ; &c."—Sold for 4/. 10s.
1083. Caleyne. " The moost excellent Treatise of the
three Kynges of Caleyne." -Extremely rare, but imperfect.
" Printed by Wynkyn de Worde, 1526:' This is the copy
mentioned by Dr. Dibdin in his Typographical Antiquities.
See Vol. 11., p. 165.—501 d for 2/. ss.
1118. " Charles I. Works. Portrait ; 1602."—501d
for 10s.

1119. " Charles 11. Voiage and residence of Charles
11. in Holland, in 1660 ; translated by Sir W. Lomer."
Portrait. Hague, 1660.--Solcl for 9s.

IMPROVEMENTS IN ST. JAMES'S PARK.—In
consequence of a representation having been lately made to
the Commissioners of Woods and Forests of the great danger
to which the public, particularly children, who frequent tho
inelosure in St. James's Park are exposed, by the abrupt de-
clivity of the embankment of the ornamental water, especially
on the south side, orders have been issued for the immediate
erection of a dwarf iron railing about twenty inches high,
which will have a seemly appearance of security, and also
obviate the disadvantage complained of. The embankment is
in many places on the margin of the principal inner gravel
walk directly adjoining the water, and should any person while
their attention was attracted by some object step but a little
Pff the footway, they woi,ld be ciirevtly precipitated into the
W4ter, and from the steep shelving bottom would instantly get
out of their depth. These parts were partictilarly dialgefOUS
to children, This addition to the comfart and security of the
public is decidedly requisite.
REMOVAL OF SMITHFIELD MARKET.—Sattir"
day a notice was exhibited on the principal dodr of 4 Mary's
Pl).4rch, stating that intended apply, in the
next Seision of Parliament, for as Act to authorize the re-
moval of Smithfield Market to Islington, and the erection of
abattoirs (slaughter-houses) and other buildings

(From the Examiner.)
The demand for the Ballot increases with the experience
of every election. That such would be the case we long
ago predicted ; and if the desire for secret voting had de-
clined, instead of spreading and strengthening, our opinion
of the necessity for protection would have been as much
shaken as it is now confirmed. The electors are the best
witnesses as to their own pains and troubles, and, feeling the
undiminished pressure of the foul influences, they claim the
only defence against them. As the homely proverb says,
" He who wears the shoe best knows where it pinches ;"
and a practical acquaintance with the evil has taught the
sufferers where to look for the remedy. Still there remains
a strong prejudice against the ballot on the part of many
men whose minds are less struck by the familiar vices in
the existing system than by the minor evils in the remedial
operation. For instance, the lie which the elector utters
in voting against his judgment at the open poll is scarcely
thought of, though it is akin to a verdict against the con-
science ; but much is said in horror of the falsehood which
may beieonsequent upon giving the elector the opportunity
of votink against his promises, and according to his public
duty—that is, according to his sincere choice. It is clear
that the man who would do the one would do the,;ptlier.•
The elector who votes at the open polligiStitt ret
preference, would, when sllielded by the , vo
ag bit*
his promise, and according to his judgment. The falsehood
is common to both cases, and, as we have often remarked,
the difference is simply this—that in the Ballot the public
gets what it wants—the sincere choice ; and at the open
poll it is cheated with a false verdict. There is this, more-
over, to be observed, that so long as open voting continues,
the foul influences will produce about the same amount of
falsehood ; but whatever falsehood may be practised after
the institution of the Ballot, must be in a steady course of
diminution, by the operation of distrust, as men would
cease to exact promises when they could place no reliance
on professions, and had no opportunity of ascertaining per-
formance. It is the virtue of the Ballot to make the vices
self-destructive.
At a dinner given to Lord John Russell at Honiton, he
declared that he was still opposed to the Ballot, and gave
his reasons as follows
First, I must declare that the objection stated by Sir Ro-
bert Peel when the question was discussed in the House of
Commons, and on which he mainly relied—namely, that
Ballot would increase the power of the democratic branch of
our Constitution, is no reason of mine—our most ancient sta-
tutes, our greatest constitutional lawyers, our moat established
maxims, all lay down the position that the people of England
ought to elect their representatives " freely and indiffe-
rently." Whether this right gives too much influence to de-
mocracy or not, I do not inquire ; the right is their's ; the
only question is, whether secret voting is the manner in
which it ought to be exercised ? My first objection is, that
secret voting gives to the electors irresponsible power. All
other authorities are exercised in the light of day, and subject
to public opinion. Our courts of justice, our parliamentary
discussions, are open to the world ; the voters alone are to ex-
ercise their power unseen and irresponsible.
As we have often before observed, if this argument be
good for any thing, it is for universal suffrage ; for to whom
would Lord John Russell make the elector responsible but
to the non-electors, who, if competent to controul and to
judge of the proper exercise of the suffeage, must be no less
competent to deliver it ? If the constituency be sufficiently
large, its interests are identical with the public interests,
and there is no need of a responsibility to make men vote in
accordance wifh their notions of their interests. It is clear
that we must come down somewhere to an irresponsible
power. Lord John Russell would have the electoral re-
sponsible to the non-electoral body, but to whom is the non-
electoral body to be answerable for the exercise of its
judgment. A people cannot be affected with political re-
sponsibility, and a good electoral system gives an uncon-
trollable power to such a portion as may have interests in
good government identical with those of the whole.
Lord John Russell truly states that the elector's free
choice is the object desired ; but yet to submit the choice
to another judgment, he would expose the voter to that
which may be fatal to the freedom of his choice. And for
what ? To ascertain whether he votes conscientiously ;
but in the attempt to ascertain whother he votes conscien-
tiously (which, be it observed, can only be known with cer-
tainty to the elector himself,) he is to be exposed to influ-
ences which may prevent him from voting conscientiously.
As well might a surgeon propose to ascertain the soundness
of a living man's vital organs by cutting open his body and
prying into his anatomy. The operation in such case is
fatal to the object of the inquiry. Bajazet carried scrutiny
to this sort of extremity when one of his officers was charged
by a poor widow with having stolen her children's milk.
The accused having protested his innocence, Bajazet said
.‘ We will soon discover the truth of this matter—cut open
his stomach, and let us see what is in it." This was carry-
ing the principle of publicity as far as it could go ; but the
judge had omitted to observe, that the man, though guilt-
less, would be destroyed in the process of proving hishonesty.
Those persons who insist on seeing the elector's vote, in
order to judge of his integrity, overlooked the important
consideration that, in bringing it under view, they may de-
stroy the freedom of choice of which they desire to assure
themselves.

Lord John Russell proceeds as follows :
Let us consider, in the next place, how contrary this prac-
tice (i.e. secret voting) would be to our habits and feelings.
The elector is proud of his independence ; be he Whig, Tory,
or Radical, he boasts of the candidate of his choice ; he wears
his colours ; he adopts his motto ; he follows his banner. Can
you, or ought you to, prevent this honest and open exhibition
of the free spirit of Englishmen ? But we are told that this
may still continue for the voters who are independent, while
the rest may keep their opinion a secret. Have those who
thus argue considered the consequence ? We should then
have two classes of voters—one open, bold, and manly ; the
other skulking from an avowal of their sentiments, bearing
about with them the load of anxious concealment, and afrair'
to whisper even to their nearest connections thQ dmgerous
secret.

Lord John Russell views the subject on one side, and
on that one side but imperfectly. The elector may be proud
of his independence when he happens to be independent ;
but how many are dependent, in various degrees, upon
landlords, patrons, customers, &c., and such as these are
obliged to boast the candidate not of their choice, to wear
his colours, to adopt his motto which their hearts spurn, to
follow his banner which they would trample under foot.
Ought you, we ask of Lord John Russell, to permit of this
moral degradation of the men, and prostitution of the fran-
chise ?

Lord John Russell observes, that the Ballot would give
us two classes of voters, " The one open, bold, and manly ;
the other skulking from the avowal of their sentiments, and
bearing about with them the load of anxious concealment."
And what is the condition of the dependent elector in the
present system, who votes against his judgment ? For very
shame, rather than confess himself a slave, he falsely pro-
fesses opinions in accordance with his extorted vote,
" shrinks from the avowal of his sentiments, and bears about
with him a load of anxious concealment." The Ballot
would give this man—and there are, unhappily thousands
such—a place of power for the dictates of his conscience,
and from the moment that he could securely oppose the
will of his oppressors, they would feel the danger of at-
tempting to tyrannize, and the hypocrisies would cease with
the motives for it. Falsehood and artifice are the offspring
of oppression, and the Ballot puts an end to oppression by
making it defeat its own object, for to stir resentment would
be to provoke an adverse vote where the act of revolt could
not be witnessed.

Lord John Russell's error appears to us to be this : he
supposes two things incompatible with each other ; first,
and truly, that the Ballot would afford protection against
corrupt influence ; and secondly, that the practice of at-
tempting to influence would remain in full vigour, notwith-
standing the operation of the Ballot.

Among the evils of open voting the counterfeit opinion
of those who profess iSolititics corresponding with their
votes, but against their judgments, has not been sufficiently
noticed, and we propose, on a future occasion, to observe
more fully upon that part of the subject.
In proportion to the value of public opinion must be the
mischief of any spurious show of opinion which passes for
the genuine—it is false evidence.
Lord John Russell concluded as follows :
Will this be an improvement of our institutions ? lam
sensible, gentlemen—no man more so--of the progress which
the question of Ballot has made during the late elections; nor
will I deny that, as an ultimate remedy, we may be obliged to
adopt it—but let us first exhaust every other. If, by the
force of public opinion and public shame--if, by rigid investi-
gation and exemplary punishment, we can find means to check
intimidation and corruption, let these means be fully tried,
Nay, more—let all hope of a remedy by these means be ter-
minated before we agree to a change at variance with our
ancient habits, inconsistent with our best institutions, and de-
grading to, ow national spirit,
We confess that we have no respect for the " ancient
habit" of intimidating voters, and we are zealous advocates
for the un-English novelty of a free choice. As for Lord
John Russell's reliance on exemplary punishment for the
correction of the evils there is this one olliectieu to IL, made

( From the Staffordshire Advertiser.)
A sumptuous entertainment was given on Friday the 16th
instant in the Town Hall, Tamworth, by the Right Hon. Sir
R. Peel, Bart., M. P., &c., to a large party of his constitu-
ents and friends. The company could not consist of less, we
should think, than from 250 to 300 persons ; among whom
were Edmund Peel, Esq., M. P. for Newcastle ; W. P.
Inge, Esq., General Dyott, General Yates, C. E. Repington,
Esq., W. Leigh, Esq., ( Aston) E. Grove, Esq., J. S. Man.
ley, Esq., S. P. Shaw, Esq., S. P. Wolferstan, Esq., H.
Stokes, Esq. R. Fowler, Esq., Major Bamford, Lieutenant-
Colonel Dickenson, Captain R. Peel, T. Arnold, Esq., (Bai-
liff of Tamworth) F. Willington, Esq., (Town Clerk,)
William Peel, jun., Esq., E. Peel, jun., Esq., C. Harding,
Esq., J. Flavel, Esq., R. Whillock, Esq., J. Palmer, Esq.,
E. Wyatt, Esq., the Rev. Dr. Lally, the Rev. H. Woolley,
the Rev. J. Hargreaves, the Rev. C. Thomson, the
Rev. E. Blic lc. the Rev. J. Hargreaves, jun., the
Rev. Mr. Hutchinson,. the Rev. W. Metcalf, the Rev. J.
Owen, and the Rev. J. Kelley. The Hall was decorated
with banners, evergreens, &c., and in the principal room,
which is a very spacious one, three ranges of tables ran from
the top to the bottom. It was found necessary, also, to have
another range of tables in a second room, the folding doors of
which were thrown open, and thus, in one vast apartment, as
it were, this large party was comfortably accommodated. The
Right Honourable Baronet took his seat at the head of the
centre table soon after six o'clock. Mr. Robinson officiated as
Vice-President. The banquet was served by Mr. Barton, of
the King's Arms Hotel, and consisted of dishes of great va-
riety and excellence. Ample justice having been done to this
good cheer, the cloth was drawn, and a luxurious dessert was
placed upon the tables.
wale 'Right Hon. CHAIRMAN gave " The health of the
'ing, upstanding; with .base times three?' Drunk with great
"attlnur.,, ,WAi
ithmpjame iinnp*,443tarAnStervour, the
w e7B'aiiink trie liellehN- T -4We Qireen";"-abd e Pi:lncatr"' 11*--
Victoria, and the rest of the Royal Family."
The Rev. H. R. WOOLLEY then rose and said, that he had
the high satisfaction to require them to drink the health of that
great, experienced, and illustrious Statesman whom, in the
day of England's need, his Sovereign had called to the head
of his councils, and upon whom the hopes and expectations of
his country, and of all Europe, were at this moment fixed.—
( Rapturous applause.) " The health of the Right Honour-
able Sir Robert Peel."—( Loud and long continued cheers.)
The toast was then drunk, with three times three rounds of
applause, followed by an unlimited number of " One more"
cheer.

The rising of the Right Hon. Sir R. PIRL was but the
signal for renewed acclamations. When they had subsided,
the Right Hon. Baronet said—
Gentlemen—There are occasions, and this is one of them,
on which the manifestations of attachment and confidence on
the one part are so marked, and the feelings they excite on the
other are so strong, that the most natural and most unaffected
forms of speech are best suited to the expression of those feel-
ings. I will add nothing, therefore, to the simple assurance
that I most sincerely and most cordially thank you.—( Cheers. )
It was a source of deep regret to me that I had not the op-
portunity Previously to the election of soliciting in person a
renewal of your confidence, and of appearing at the hustings
in the face of my constituents, to give an account of my past,
and to explain the principles on which my future conduct in
Parliament would be regulated. Nothing should have pre-
vented this but that cause which will be in your eyes a com-
plete justification of my absence—the entire devotion of my
time to the dispatch of that arrear of official business which
had accumulated previously to my arrival in England, and
during the period that I was occupied in the formation of' the
King's Government. I can with truth assure you, that I la-
boured night and day in the dispatch of that business for the
express purpose of being enabled to meet you here on this
occasion.—( Cheers.) There are, no doubt, constituencies
more numerous and more opulent than that which I represent,
but my feelings must undergo a great alteration if ever I
consent to exchange for any other the representation of the
borough of Tamworth, so long as my tried and valued
friends are willing to accept my services in Parliament.
Cheers.) The relation of a Member to his consti-
tuents does not depend upon their number or their wealth, and
I should not have felt more anxious to explain and justify my
public course to those who had given me their confidence, if I
had representd 5,000 or 6,000 constituents instead of 500 or
600. And Ido hope that, if there be any elector here pre-.
sent who has an explanation to seek or a question to put, he
will freely exercise on this occasion the privilege which he
was entitled to exercise had I been present on the hustings.
Gentlemen, the change in my public position since we last
met does not, in the least degree, alter my desire to give that
explanation, or to answer that question. These are not the
times when public men can affect Ministerial reserve, and
fancy themselves exempted from the duty of frank communi-
cation with those whom they represent.—( Cheers.) It is
because I am a Minister of the Crown that I court rather than
shrink from the opportunity of such communication. It is by
th© result of public discussion that as a Minister I hope to suc-
ceed, by dispelling unjust suspicions, by removing unfounded
prejudices, by refutiug the misstatements which ignorance or
malignity may put forth.--( Cheers.) It is by these instru-
ments that truth will ultimately prevail, and that justice will
ultimately be done ; and of these instruments I shall never
hesitate freely and fully to avail myself.—( Cheers.) Into the
detail of measures which may be in the contemplation of the
King's Government you will not expect me to enter. There
can be no motive but a sense of public duty for not entering into
it, for scarcely a month will elapse before an explanation must
be entered into in the face of Parliament and of the country.
But you well know that even if I could now give, consistent-
ly
with my duty, an account of particular measures, 'unless
that account were accompanied by the fullest explanation of
every detail, nay, even if it were so accompanied, I should
be only affording ground for an intermediate discussion in the
most inconvenient form, and that all those who are prepared
to condemn a Government without a hearing, would not con-
duct a discussion upon the measures of that Government with
very dispassionate and unprejudiced views.--( Hear.) But as
to the motives of any public act of mine, and the general prin-
ciples on which the Government of which I am a member will
be conducted, I am prepared to give every information that
either a friend or an opponent can desire. And first, as to my
acceptance of office. The circumstances under which it was
proposed to me, are too notorious to require any explanation.
Had they been less so, this, I trust, is not the place where it
would be necessary for me to vindicate myself from the charge
of seeking office through any intrigue, or secret and unfair
hostility towards the late Government.—( Cheers.) I left this
country, never dreaming of offifre, or the return to it. I left
it, strange as it may seem, 'without one word of previous com-
munication with my 11.1.-ustrious friend, the Duke of Welling ton, as to In' intention of quitting England at all ; and of
course.
.
ol 'nerefore, without a word either as to the place of my
...estimation, or the period of my absence. Upon the honour of a
gentleman this is the literal truth ; and I ask you, if either
the Duke of Wellington or I had contemplated the removal
of a Government through any act or artifice of ours, was it
consistent with common sense that I should leave England, or
that he should allow me to leave it, without one single word
of communication, direct or indirect, on public affaira?—
( Cheers.) And, gentlemen, believe me, that if there were
men capable of mean intrigues against a Government there is
in the highest authority in this realm intelligence to discern
and honesty to defeat the intriguers, and to exclude them for
ever from the confidence and favour of the Crown.._( Cheers.)
But although I state the plain truth with respect to the cir-
cumstances under which we entered office I do not state it for
the purposes of disclaiming any responsibility that can or ought
to attach to us. About the personal consequences to our-
selves of course we have pursued neither the Duke of Welling-
ton nor I have bestowed a thought. We were prevented by no
public principle from entering into the service of the Crown ;
we were invited to enter it at a crisis of great difficulty, and
we performed that duty which is as imperative on the civi-
lian as it is upon the soldier, which commands us not to
despair of the commonwealth, and to sacrifice to the ser-
vice of the King, which is identical with the service of the
State, the consia_tration of personal ease and personal inte-
rests, %, ana if you will, of personal safety._ (Loud cheer-
ing.) tam told, and on high authority, that by accepting
office I became responsible for the removal of those who Ire-
ceded me, that there is a process by which responsibility
can be antedated, and that by taking the vacant seat of
a retired Minister, I stand in the same position as if I had in-
stigated and counselled the vacancy. • If this be constitutional
law I must abide, and am ready to abide, by it. Anything
rather than adopt the alternative, by which alone the respos-
sibility could have been avoided. That alternative was clearly
this. I must have told the King in answer to his appeal for
my assistance, " Your Majesty has acted rashly anti unad-
visedly in parting with your Government. It is true that
Lord Stanley had retired from it ; that the Duke of Rich-
mond had retired from it ; that Lord Ripon, that Sir James
Graham, that Lord Grey had retired from it ; that, lastly,
Lord Althorp had retired from it ; that the key-stone of the
arch had fallen, but still your Majesty was bound to adhere
to the shattered fabric that remained. What Lord Stanley
may do ; what Lord Grey may do ; what all the eminent men
who have left your service may do, you, the King of England,
cannot do. Your discretion is fettered ; you must continue
your confidence in those from whom their colleagues Imo
withdrawn their co-operation. I can give you no assistance,
no advice, but to supplicate Lord Melbourne and his col-
leagues to return."—(Laughter,and cries of, " Hear, hear.")
If I had thus addressed the King I might indeed have
escaped responsibility ; but, believe me, the last place in
which I would have shown my face would have been in the
society of spirited and loyal gentlemen.—( Loud cheers.) Of
the King's late Government, or of any member of it, I say
nothing disrespectful or disparaging. If I were inclined. to
disparage them, I would not do it in their absence ; but lam
not so inclined. When they were in power, I never jobvedl
in the abuse by which they were assailed by the very men
who aro now the loudest in lamenting their fall.—( Cheers.)
My first act, on entering the King's service, was earnestly to
advise his Majesty to form his Government on a basis as wide
and comprehensive as was consistent with the principles and
honour of public men, and with thP..l, view, to allow me to seek
the co-operation of Lord S'l.n.ley, and of those who had acted
in concurrence with
in the sittiatio» 'in which I was placed, a. paramount ig
that t there was
t' ,n. I sought that co-operation,
t° the appeal, but perfectly admitting
of Lord Stanley to
not a corresponding obligatumn on the part
that, whatever might
accept the proposal, and feeling assured

be his decision, it would be dictated by a high sense of public
duty, and by that alone. Lord Stanley declined the offer,
making no declarations to me which were not in precise cor-
respondence with his public addresses to his constituents, and
confirming the impression under which I made the offer,
that his course in public life, whether in or out of office,
would be governed by the highest and purest motives. Fail-
ing in my effort to procure the assistance of Lord Stanley,
I proceeded, in the best manner I could, to exeucte the com-
mission with which the King had honoured me. The basis on
• which the Government was formed was of course less ex-
tensive than I wished ; but the men to whom I proposed
office were men in whose integrity, in whose experience,
in whose ability I had the highest confidence, and whose
views of the public policy which it is fitting for the King's
Government to pursue, I ascertained to be in conformity with
my own.—( Cheers.) I had not to balance in the Cabinet
one set of conflicting opinions against another. I was
not embarrassed with this or that man's personal pretensions,
or the rival interests of this or that section of a party. I found
but one predominant feeling among the high-minded and
honourable men with whom I was connected—an earnest de-
sire on the part of each to do that which might be deemed
best for the public service, either by undertaking office or
withdrawing any claim for it. It is said, however, that the
Government has not now the confidence of the people—that
the members who compose it are obnoxious to the people.
Now who are those who have recently entered the King's
service, and in whom the people are said to have no confi-
dence ? The Member who sat in the late Parliament for
Essex, the Member for Kent, for the county of Montgomery,
for the county of Perth, for the county of Nottingham, for
Wiltshire, for Cumberland, for Dorsetshire, for the counties
of Tyrone, and Down, and Sligo, have accepted office,
and have made an appeal to their constituents, the re-
sult of which a short time will determine. The Mem-
ber for Exeter, for Northampton, for Norwich, for Yarmouth,
for Leeds, has been returned to Parliament each since his ac-
ceptance of office. Have Hull, and Liverpool, and Bristol,
marked their disapprobation of the principles avowed by the
King's Government ? Look at the constituencies of these
several counties and towns—constituencies existing under the
Reform Bill—and judge whether the men who represent them
are to be denounced as persons unworthy of the confidence of
the people.--( Great cheering.) But the truth is, that there
never was an assumption more gratuitous and more arrogant
than that of those who undertake to answer for the opinions,
and to claim for themselves the authority of the people of Eng-
land.—( Cheers.) Every little knot of angry politicians
speaks in the name of the people. They remind one of the
story of Mr. Sheridan, that three tailors met in Tooley- street
to petition Parliament, and headed their petition, " We, the
people of England."—(Laughter and cheers.) They begin
by excluding from their definition of the people the nobility,
the clergy, the magistracy, the landed proprietary : they
assume that between those classes and the class which consti-
tutes in their sense of the term the people there is no commu-
nity of interest or feeling, and that in the class so constituting
the people, there is perfect unanimity.—( Hear, hear.) Now,
let them make what exclusions they please, can they make
any which, with any semblance of decency will exclude this
society from its right to be considered a part of the people ? I
see around me Magistrates, Country Gentlemen, the Ministers
of the Established Church, the Ministers of Roman Catholic
and Dissenting congregations, farmers, manufacturers, retail
dealers, entertaining, no doubt, different opinions on many
points, but agreed in this—to support the King in the exercise
of his just prerogative, and at least to hear before they con-
demn the intentions of his Government.--( Loud cheering.)
My belief is, that in holding this opinion they hold it in con-
currence with a very large proportion of that class of society
which has education, intelligence, and property, and that that
proportion is daily increasing in numerical and moral strength.
—( Cheers.) lam told that lam not a Reformer, and that if
I become a Reformer I must be an apostate. Now, before I
determine whether I am a Reformer or not, I must have a de-
finition of the term. I see some men who call themselves Re-
formers who throw the greatest obstructions in the way of real
reform ; who consume the public time in useless motions ; who
make speeches for mere display; who condemn every thing as
wrong, and set nothing right ; who soar above the vulgar task
of devising practical remedies themselves, and leave no time
to others to devise them. They denounce you as a defender of
all abuses if yon do not adopt their definition of an abuse. One
gentleman thinks the Legislative Union an abuse ; another
thinks the Church of England an abuse ; another thinks
Grand Juries an abuse; another insists on vote by ballot;
another on expelling the Bishops from the House of Lords.
I voted against all their propositions on these subjects which
were submitted to a vote; and if this be the test of an anti-Re-
former and a patron of abuses I must be condemned as
such, but I must be condemned in company with Lord
Althorp and Lord John Russell, who voted as I did.—(Loud
and continued cheering.) I shall continue to take the same
course ; shall claim for myself the right to form my own judg-
ment, neither taking for granted that that must be an abuse
which any one may please to call an abuse, nor deterred from
applying a remedy by the fear of being charged with apostacy.
An apostate indeed ! Why, I have done more in the cause of
substantial and permanent improvement than nine-tenths of
those who call themseNes Reformers.—( Great applause.)
Who can justly charge me with the dereliction of any princi-
ple, supposing I do enforce economy, reduce unnecessary offi-
ces, facilitate commercial enterprise, or remove impediments
from the course of justice? Did I lend a cold and lukewarm
support to the alterations in our commercial policy ? Was the
Duke of Wellington's Government an enemy to retrenchment ?
Hear the testimony of an avowed and decided opponent of that
Government, one of the late Ministers, Lord Palmerston. In
speaking at this very election to hie constituents, after claim-
ing that credit for economy for his own colleages to which I
must say they were justly entitled, and mentioning the ex-
ten to which they had reduced expenditure and taxation, he
adds, " This, it would be allowed, was doing a great deal in the
way of reduction, considering that they had succeeded a Go-
vernment which, he would do it the justice to say, had laboured
bard and efficiently in the work of economy and retrench-
ment."—( Cheers.) Then, as to the law, hear again the tes-
tinlen of another of the late Ministers, from whom I have dif-
fered in public life, but who did not withhold, OR account of
that difference, the honourable testimony of his applause to
the course I pursued in respect to legal reform. In the year
1827 Sir John Cam Hobhouse, then Member for Westminster,
made these observations in the House of Commons—" There
was a habit which prevailed in the city (Westminster) which
he had the honour to represent, in obedience to which the Re-
presentatives were obliged annually to appear before the repre-
sented, to convey an account of the proceedings, and to receive
such instructions with respect to their future conduct as the
circumstances of the times rendered expedient. Upon those
occasions it had been usual to hold forth to their imitation
such men as were considered models with regard to conduct ;
and he hoped it would be considered neither foolish nor impro-
per to say upon the present occasion that at those times the
no of the right hon. gentleman had been always declared
entitled to rank amongst those of the benefactors of mankind.
—(
The Chancellor of the Exchequer here seemed to laugh.)
—The Chancellor," continued the right hon. gentleman, " may
smile, but although there may be prejudices of another de-
scription, they looked only on the great ref.2rmer of abuses, and
as such considered him entitled to the gratitude of the country."
(Cheers.) Why do I refer to these things ? Why do T ap-
peal to the testimony thus given by competent and disinterested
Judges? For the purpose of showing that I can promote eco-
nomy and correct acknowledged abuses, not only without a de-
reliction of principle, but in strict adherence to principle. My
jesigment of what constitutes an .abuse may, and probably will,
differ from that of many who require alterations in the law and
institutions of this country. I may sometimes doubt whether
that is abuse which is so designated. I may sometimes doubt
whether the evil of the remedy is not greater than that of the
disease. ft I entertain that opinion I will avow it in spite of
its temporary unpopularity ; but I shall approach the consi-
deration of an alleged abuse with a firm belief that if the
allegation be true, a Government gains ten times more
strength by correcting an admitted evil than they could by
maintaining it, if it were possible to maintain it.—( Cheers. )
I have interfered much too long with the proper object of
this convivial meeting, and will bring my interruption to a close.
( Cries of " No no, go on, go on," here issued from every part
of the room.) The Right Hon. Baronet then proceeded.
Notwithstanding all the ominous predictions of our inability
to carry on the Government I own to you that I do entertain
the greatest confidence that those predictions will not be
verified--( Cheers)—and that the Representatives of the
country will not refuse to give to the King's Ministers a FAIR
TRIAL.-( Great cheering.) A few weeks only can elapse be-
fore the experiment will be made. lam not alarmed at the
'lists that are published, dividing the Members of Pariianient
into " Conservatives" and " Reformers." I cannot but. think
that many of those who are classed as Reformers entertain opi-
nions not far different from my own ; and every hour that
passes will, I doubt not, increase the disposition to take a
.calmer view of the principles upon which we propose to act.—
((Cheers.) If the public and the Representatives of this coun-
try are convinced that we are desirous of maintaining our na-
tional institutions, and of improving them with a view to their
maintenance, I do not believe that they will lend themselves
to any factious opposition to the King's Government—
( Cheering. ) The people of England are anxious, I believe,
to preserve, Id their full integrity, the prerogatives of their
ancient monarchv•--4 Great cheering.) They are anxious to
maintain the free yid independent action of every branch of
the Legislature. They are anxious to maintain the Church,
and its connection with the State, less for any civil or
secular object than becadse they believe the mainte-
nance of the Established Church to be the best se-
curity for the maintenance of that faith which they profess,
and the surest bulwark against infidellitY on the one hand,
and fanaticism on the other. They will s:_lopoit the Church
on high grounds of religious feeling and princ:',ele, in which
even many who do not conform to all the docti‘jues, of the
Church may cordially and zealously concur. This m7,Ceet I
for one am determined to maintain.--( Rapturous applause.
But it is quite consistent with that object to relieve any real
grievance, and to remove any civil disadvantage under which
those who do not concur in the doctrines of the Established
Church may labour. My opinion is, that, with that course,
coupled with a sincere desire to promote rational and well-
matured improvement, the people of England will be con-
tent ; nay more, that of that course they will cordially ap-
prove.—( Hear, hear.) As for myself, whatever may be the
result, I regard it without any feelings of anxiety or appre-
hension ; I have no object of personal ambition to gratify,
and whatever else I may lose I cannot lose the consolation of
having acted on a sense of public duty at a period of great
difficulty. If I succeed I shall have the satisfaction of think-
ing that I have succeeded against great obstacles, and amid
the most confident predictions of failure. I believe that I
shall succeed.—(Thunders of applause.) I hay.; that con-
fidence in a good cause, I have that confidence in the suecial
of good intentions, that I believe that a majority of the Re-
presentatives of England will be satisfied with the measures
which I shall propose, and that they will lend their support