The Sun.
London, England, 1835-02-25 00:00:00

those upon which he differed from tile Ministry, and then say
could they assist: to him the character of an entire opponent
of the Government ?—( Hear, hear.) Having stated thus
much, he would not attempt to attract support by false and un-
founded professions. He admitted that after the passing of
the Reform Bill a very great change had taken place, and it
was necessary on the part of public men to accommodate their
conduct to these altered circumstances.—( Hear.) But he
would not—he could not say that he intended to adopt any
course in power different from that. which he had pursued in
opposition since the passing of the Reform Bill.—( Cheers.)
He did not mean to vote for a compulsory obligation on
the Universities to admit Dissenters. That he left to

be determined by the Universities themselves. In the
Church temporalities question, he meant to maintain the
principle upon which he had already acted, and would
not consent to appropriate one single shilling of the
funds of the Church to any but ecclesiastical purposes.—
( Long and repeated cheers from the Opposition benches.) If
he differed from a majority of that House in the opinion which
he did entertain upon those subjects, he would repeat he ad-
mitted he was ready to sacrifice opinions, but not principles.
But ill on those other questions upon which he had voted since
the passing of the Reform Bill, he would say this, that he
would act upon such principles, and would not oppose the sa-
lutary progress of well-considered Reform.—( Hear, hear.)
He was not an opponent of liberal measures—it was his inten-
tion to support them when support could be given to them—
it was his intention that the course which Government should
preserve would be those which he preserved himself.—( Hear. )
He wished to be allowed to take a view of those measures as
indicated in the Address, and to afford an explanation of them,
;Is they seemed to require it, from the references which had
been made to them.—( Hear, hear.) He feared he was tres-
passing too long upon the attention of the House.—( Hear.)
As the representative of the King's Government, he proposed
to take them in part of the Government, and disinclined as he
might be to trouble them, he was compelled to do so. They
heard him not as a private individual, but as a Minister of the
Crown. The first point referred to in the King's Speech re-
ferred to the relations between this country and Foreign
Powers. They stated to the public that they had confident
expectations of the maintenance of peace. They did say, at
least they meant to imply, that they thought there was in-
creased confidence on the part of some of the greater Powers.
That confidence manifested itself in the reducing of the military
establishments of Austria and Russia. Both had commenced
that reduction.—( Hear.) Why he knew that military Go-
vernments manifesting such a confidence might be considered
an important indication, when their military establishment,
were reduced through that confidence. He could say they
had contracted no arrangements with those Powers, nor had
they bound themselves to depart from those principles which
they professed--a disinclination to interfere in the international
affairs of others.—( Hear.) But nothing was more unfortu-
nate, nothing more to be deprecated than the course into
which that House was led by some of its Members, who indul-
ged in personal obloquy and vituperation upon the private
virtues of those in whom was vested the supreme authority in
those countries.—( Hear.) They need not adopt the principles
of those whom they held in the relation of friends. What in-
consistency was there in the free Representatives of free Go-
vernment disregarding the institutions of others, and living
upon friendly terms with foreign Powers and foreign Govern-
ments, in which despotic institutions existed ?—( Hear, hear.)
It would be well for them to imitate the conduct of that wise
country in this respect, and in which was more of liberty than
theirs—the United States of America. The Government and
people of that country had no inconsistency in courting the
most friendly relations with those Powers. What was the
use, then, of indulging in reflections upon such Governments,
when the reflections did not tend to diminish their power,
but less disposed them to permit this Government to
have a salutary influence over them?—( Hear.) But the infe-
rence drawn was, that the increased confidence on the part of
those Powers would alienate from this, that great country,
which was immediately connected with them, and bordering
upon England—he meant France. Why should such an ap-
prehension be entertained ? With respect to that Government
he would ask, who was the first to confirm the power of Louis
Philip ? He was immediately and unhesitatingly recognised
by the Duke of Wellington.—( Hear, hear.) And why should
it be supposed that they would view France with jealousy, or
entertain wishes adverse to a cordial understanding with that
country, when in his conscience he believed that, ' upon the
maintenance of that good feeling, the peace of Europe mainly
depended.—(Hear, hear.) The next point they had to state
was a fact that the estimates of the present year were materi-
ally below what they were on former occasions within their
recent experience. That stated a fact which it was the right
of the King to notice. It was not pretended that the reduc-
tions made were those to which they could claim the exclusive
merit. On the contrary, from the period of the assumption of
power by the Government which preceded them, he was bound
to say that they enforced the principles laid down upon this
subject by the Duke of Wellington—and so the present had
only acted upon the economical principles of the Government
which had preceded them.—( Hear, hear.) He was right,
however, in adverting to this, as an answer to those who
declared that the return of the Conservatives to power,
would lead to increased expenses.—( Hear.) A saving, he
was happy to say, might possibly be made upon the esti-
mates of last year. A great saving, it was fair to say, the foun-
dation for which had been laid before he came into office ;
but comparing the present estimates with those of last year, it
might be possible, consistently with the execution of the public
service, that that reduction would be to the extent of 500,0001.
In that reduction he did not claim credit—it was less owing to
the reduction of establishments than by operating upon, and
enforcing the plans originated by the Duke of Wellington, and
since acted upon by those who succeeded him.—( Hear, hear.)
Upon the subject of slavery he would observe, that he knew the
general impression was that the success of that great measure
would be marred by the restoration to power of some of those
who did not entertain very sanguine expectations respecting it.
He could only say that no man felt a stronger moral obligation
than he did, of giving his utmost exertions and the best of his
abilities to promote its success.—( Hear, hear.) What ,was the
particular course adopted in prosecuting that object? So far
from seeking to take advantage of the appointments, &c., in the
colonies, the first resolution adopted by him and his colleagues
upon obtaining power was to continue the governors in the dif-
ferent colonies who had been selected by their predecessors.—
( Hear, hear.) To the Governor of Jamaica this was imme-
diately intimated, and the first act of his Noble Friend at -the
head of the Colonial Department, was to write to the Noble-
man there to entreat him to remain, on the ground that he must
have, by personal communication, been put in possession of
what were the intentions of the late Government upon the sub-
ject.—( Hear.) It was thus they acted; and they sent out
additional Magistrates upon their own responsibility. This
was the only instance in which appointments were made by
them without the concurrence of Parliament; but they deter-
mined to incur the responsibility of making them, being deter-
mined that the success of the measure should not be impeded
from want of exertion ; nor that there should be entertained
any apprehensiens by others that there was a lurking desire in
the present Ministers to render it ineffective.—( Hear, hear.) It
had been said that the King's Speech was vague and incon-
clusive, that it indicated no measures, that it was couched in
the usual terms, and that it left Parliament in: an uncertainty.
Why those Speeches must have been made before !—( Cheers
and laughter.) Because, of all the speeches ever yet made
from the Throne, the most explicit, the most precise, as to
the intentions of Government and the measures to be brought
forward, he thought was the present.—( Hear.) He thought
that he returned from, the Continent on the 10th of December,
and this Speech was delivered on the 24th February ; and,
considering that they had to conduct affairs of no ordinary
character, he thought that much had been done to give a seri-
ous consideration to the various measures which that Speech
announced. There was the Tithe question of Ireland—a
measure was proposed then, and it was their intention also to
propose a measure for the commutation of tithes in England.
They found that there was a proposed measure, founded upon
the report of the Ecclesiastical Commission, of which the
Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Cumberland, was the
chief promoter; it was intended to destroy the local and pe-
culiar haunts of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; to appoint Su-
preme Courts, which would maintain Ecclesiastical discipline,
and which should be enforced by a responsible authority for
the purpose of preventing scandals. There was also to be a
measure proposed, which would enable those dissenting from
the doctrine and discipline of the Church from celebrating
marriage according to its rites. But then it was said on the
other side, is that all that is proposed ? merely to relieve per-
sons from celebrating the ceremony of marriage according to
the rites of the Church. He knew that great importance had
been attached to this very subject, and therefore he at once
felt it to be his duty, the Noble Lord having failed in it, to
direct his attention to it, in order that he might fulfil the
expectations entertained respecting it. But, then, no mention
had been made of a general registry ; but he asked of the
House to consider what a number of measures had occupied
the Government since it had been formed ; and whether with-
out more time it would really have been possible to have given
sufficient attention to the institution of a general registration—
a matter requiring the most mature deliberation.—( Hear. )
He avowed that he was not ready at once to object to the
pisielple, he thought that there would he great advantages
to the public. parties dissenting from the Church ought to
love an opportunity of recording their titles, in order that
tlwy might establish them, in case of any future litigation
flit peFffins Yihn eclmPlained that the nhjeet could not be at-
taingd at once, confounded the facilities possessed under a
despotic Government, and of establishing a new regulation in
this country, where there was such a jealous control of every
new ArrfSriPll3Pllt• in other vnnptrips it might he easy to im-
pose a heavy penalty, if due notiee were not given within a
certain time; but he much doubted whether an obligation
enforced by a penalty tvoilld he satisfactory in this country.,...
( Hear.) The registry was a measure which required Mature
consideration, and he would refer to every country in Europe,
for the purpose of aseettitining their regulations. Then the
subject of the Municipal Corporations were referred tot
and op this point he was told that the peecli was
exceedingly vague. fle appealed tq the fairness of the House
upon the subject. A Committee had been appointed—that
committee box) not reported, and yet he was called upon to
say, before the repot lefts p tie tablet whether he was in
favour of the ten-pound right of election in Corporations.
Such a question he would not answer, nor would it be MI.
kistent With hi duty tp ple4go iipqn ilia point; but
this be would do, bind himself hi} plf
principles laid down
r.
the speech of the ring urawn up Lu...y. Loru urrey's Government
in 1834. Upon the subject of the Church Commission, ap-
pointed upon an address to his Majesty's Government; he stated
that the subject was one most extensive and complicated, upon
which he could not promise an immediate measure, Ho men-
tioned that a sinecure prebendal stall bad become vacant, and
instead or appointing a successor, the present Government
had attached the prebendal stall to a parish in which there
was not a sufficient provision for the Minister, and that
until the close of the labours of the Commissioners,
it was the determination of the Government to' act