The Sun.
London, England, 1866-01-20 00:00:00

BREAD.

Liverpool Cotton Ttlarket—This ray.

Market opens with a fair inquiry, at yesterday's
rates. Sales probably 10,000 bales.

The Mexican Question.

The last news from America includes a diplomatic cor-
respondence which ought to clear up several points whielt
have, as yet, been doubtful in the British mind. It does
not exactly tell us whether the United States will or will
not permit the establishment of the Mexican empire. On
that head we have probably heard all that we can hear for
the present in the President's Message. But Lt tells us
how the Washington Government regards the negroes,
how far it is sensible of its responsibilities to the freed-
men, how it feels towards the present Governors of
Mexico, and in what spirit it is disposed, at least for the
present, to deal with the Emperor of the French on sub-
jects of this character. On all these points it appears to
us that the American Government figure most creditably
in this correspondence. Everything that has issued from
any United States department since the termination of
the war has contributed to re-assure Europe, if not as to
the unvarying pacific nature of Washington intentions, at
least as to the justice and intelligence with which the
American Administration conduct public affairs.
The discussion as to negroes between the State Depart-
ment and the French Foreign Office arose out of a letter
addressed to Mr. Seward by the Washington representa-
tive of the Juarez Republic, which is still the only Mexican
Government recognised by tho United States. In that
letter the truth appears to have been very nearly ap-
proached. The Mexican Emperor was charged with
having been instigated by the Emperor of the French to
attract the disaffected Southerners to Mexico, with the in-
tention of establishing what would of course be to them
very congenial system, forced labor. Perhaps it is not
very probable that this was exactly what the Emperor of
the French intended. But the despatch must have probed
a very sore point in the Washington Cabinet's suscepti-
bilities. That Cabinet is incensed at the present aspect of
affairs in Mexico, not only because it conflicts with tho
Monroe doctrine, but because in its conception and incep-
tion it has reference to the Southern rebellion. Napoleon
111. no doubt acted in deliberate reference to the condition
of the United States when he went to America; and now
that the rebellion has been crushed no wonder that this
remembrance should be an incentive to the Washington
Governinent to get rid of him. When therefore Mr.
Romero touched on the suspicion that the Emperor
wanted to tempt disaffected Southerners across the
border, ho struck a note that admirably suited his pur.
pose.

Mr. Seward, however, did not take it for granted all
the Mexican Minister told him. He was careful to base
his appeal to the Emperor of the French, not on any want
of bona Ales on the part of the French or Mexican Emperor,
but on the natural anxiety of the Washington Cabinet as
to the condition of the freedmen. This, ho says, is a sub-
ject of the gravest interest. He cautiously, but with de-
cision, affirms that the United States may be expected
hereafter to cultivate with constancy and assiduity the
establishment of the equality of men of the African race,
with men of every other race throughout the entire conti-
nent. Then the Secretary of State mentions the decrees
on immigration, as having attracted the attention of the
Washington Government, and as having been specially
reported upon by the law officer. He represents the
Attorney-General as having said that if those decrees as
to negro immigration were carried out, they would inevi-
tably reduce to a condition of peon slavery working
negroes. Some of the emancipated negroes in the United
States might, says Mr. Seward, be drawn without their
intelligent counsel within Mexican jurisdiction; and it is
inferred that those negroes might fall under the peon sys-
tem of slavery which the Mexican immigration scheme
would naturally set up. Mr. Seward is careful to speak
of the rulers of Mexico as "authorities acting in opposition
to the Republic," and in such a phrase there is a world of
meaning—certainly for Maximilian, and very possibly for
Napoleon 111. ; but in this despatch Mr. Seward had no
hints to give on any subject except the interests of the
freed negroes. He urged that European opinion was
firmly settled, if on any point, on the determination that
African slavery in any form must cease throughout the
world. He had no doubt that this humane view was
entertained as fully by the Emperor of the French as by
the United States Government, and so he submitted with
confidence to M. Drouyn de Lhuys, through Mr. Bigelow,
the Attorney-General's opinion.
It then became the duty of the American Minister at
Paris to introduce this subject to the notice of the French
Foreign Minister, and he did so with characteristic plain-
ness of speech—not hesitating to refer to his previous con-
versation with the Foreign Minister on the alleged levy
of Egyptian troops for involuntary service in Mexico, and
the representations ho then made of the natural unwilling-
ness of his Government to see slavery in any form re-
planted either within the territory or on the borders of the
United States. This is Mr. Bigelow's text. It is a favourite
one, and rightly so, with him, and he makes his applica-
tion of it with great energy. Strengthening Mr. Seward's
language a little, he speaks of the probability of negroes
being " seduced' to go to Mexico, and then availing himself
of the exact terms of his superior's despatch as to the
European resolve for the cessation of African slavery,
leaves the Attorney-General's elaborate opinion ceremo-
niously in M. Do Lhuys' hands. We are not in posses-
sion of the French reply. We do not know how M.
De Lhuys enjoyed the references to the "authorities act-
ing in opposition to that republic"—Mexico ; nor how he
received, on behalf of his master, Mr. Seward's compli-
ment to that potentate's humanity and aversion to slavery.
Nor are we aware—which is more to be regretted—what
defence was forthcoming as to the obnoxious immigration
decrees ; nor whether the Emperor of the French accepted
in any degree the responsibility attaching to them.
W a know nothing of the attitude of the French Emperor;
but in compensation we know a good deal, and what we
know is very instructive, of the bearing of the American
Governmeet towards this umpire of the universal world.
We read in this correspondence at what a price Napo-
leon M. has interfered in Transatlantic affairs—what a
price in humiliation as well as in treasure and in blood.
We read how absolutely certain it is that no European
Power, however great or imperious, will be allowed to
have its own way on the American Continent, be the con-
dition of the United States ever so dubious, or the pro-
occupations of the United States Government ever so en- '
grossing. And we read also.how everything lends itself
to the support of a natural policy, strongly adopted by a
nation great enough to undertake the responsibility of its
enforcement—how the rights of men and nations assimilate
—how the preservation of a continent from encroach-
ment may be essential to the freedom and well-being of the
humblest individuals living on it—how the persistence of
a groat Power in,a policy such as the Monroe doctrine,
deliberately resolved on, and avowed in a statesmanlike
spirit, may be fraught with the most vital consequences,
not only to the interests obviously involved in it, but to
the broadest interests of civilisation and progress. Mr.
Seward could not harass either Emperor more effectually
or with greater credit to himself than by espousing and
adhering to the must of the negro. If the Washington
Government is faithful to its present policy, no war is
likely to be needed to frustrate the Bonaparte -Hapsburg
violation of the Monroe doctrine; although if war were
necessary neither will nor power will be wanting.—Liver-
peed rose.