The Sun.
London, England, 1866-08-28 00:00:00

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LONDON, TUESDAY, AUGUST 28, 1866.

The grand Reform demonstration at Birmingham
yesterday was a great success, and passed off, as
regular assemblies of English working men always
do, with good humour, order, and general good
conduct. The arrangements had been long in pro-
gress, and no effort was spared to give éclat to the
proceedings. The various companies, associations,
and co-operative societies played a conspicuous part
in the monster procession which poured forth from
the good city of Birmingham to Brookfields, where
the meeting was held. Banners and music, and
every attendant device, which could add to the
excitement and brilliancy of the scene, were
was undoubtedly the sight of such a vast throng of
people assembled in one common cause and ani-
mated by the same habitual love of order and self-
discipline. It gave the looker-on a very fair idea of
the substantial liberty which all classes of English-
men really enjoy in spite of the shortcomings of the
electoral system, and it was impossible to forget
that in no other country in Europe could such a
meeting have been held in direct opposition to the
policy of the Government of the day. Mr.
BRIGHT holds up as an example " that great country
of Northern Germany which is now being estab-
lished," and in which every man of 25 years of age
is to have a vote, but if his memory will carry him
him back a year or two he may remember that in
that happy country the people of Cologne were not
permitted to fete the Deputies who bad espoused the
popular cause in the Chambers. If Mr. BRIGHT is
sanguine enough to believe that success in his un-
scrupulous designs has made BISMARCK more liberal,
we doubt if he would find many independent Prus-
sians to agree with him. We in England like the
substance and not the shadow, and that is why the
talk about German unity and the enthusiasm about
American politicians fail to impress our sober judg-
ing public. Englishmen would rejoice, no doubt,
to see Germany really free, but the forcible conjunc-
tion of different peoples under one arbitrary Go-
vernment is not their idea of civil liberty.
'They watch with cordial interest the progress of the
great Western Republic, but they cannot fail if
really unbiassed to perceive that the worst enemies
to the free and equal government of the States are
those who talk the loudest about liberty. Our people
are slow to change, because their changes are made
with caution in anticipation of the wants of the
future, and in recollection of the experiences of
tile past. But they do not like to agitate until
they know what they are agitating about, and
until they have a definite object to gain ; and
in this respect we think the Reform
League are making a mistake. They include in
their programme residential manhood suffrage
and the ballot. The latter we need not say
we heartily oppose, having Leen long among its
most consistent advocates. If honest men
of all parties who feel the revelations
of our election committees to be, as they are, a
national disgrace, would agree to give the
Ballot a fair trial, the most important
Reform in our representative system would be
gained. To multiply votes without giving them the
protection of the Ballot is to multiply the evils
which disgrace us; and since every other scheme
has proved a total failure, an earnest and united
effort on the part of Reformers would probably win
the day. Manhood suffrage, however, is a different
thing ; and in inscribing it upon their banners the
League are attempting too much. Manhood suf-
frage, whether residential or real, is a system which
has never yet been tried in England, and the argu-
ments drawn from the example of America and our
colonies have no weight, because every one knows
the social and political conditions of the countries
are entirely different. It will take a long while
before the idea becomes familiar to the middle
classes, without whose aid the battle of Reform can-
not be fought, and no Minister would bring for-
ward such a measure without any chance of success,
because he could not count on efficient support out
of doors. Mr. GLADSTONE himself is opposed to
household suffrage, although recognised as an ear-
nest and disinterested Reformer, and many other
statesmen, equally liberal and advanced in
their opinions, would withhold their support
from such a measure. Let the Reformers

concentrate their efforts upon the Ballot, and de-
mand a considerable extension of the franchise with-
out stipulating for so great and sudden a change as
the adoption of manhood suffrage. Mr. BEALES
and his friends propose to act in the manner of the
ancient Sybil. Because the Douse has refused to
-pass a moderate measure of Reform they demand
an extreme measure, forgetting that it could not
be carried without a violent agitation, which will
not be forthcoming without some tangible reason.
The meeting at Brookfields passed off, as we
have said, most satisfactorily. The people main-
tained excellent order, and did themselves credit
by their admirable discipline. The great speakers
naturally reserved themselves for the evening, when
there was a meeting held in the Town Hall to pre-
sent addresses to the borough members, Mr. SCIIOLE-
FIELD and Mr. BRIGHT. Of course the speeches
delivered were well worth hearing. Mr. BRIGHT, as
the principal speaker, was as eloquent and intole-
rant as usual, and said many things that
were :true and many that were mischievous.
Thus, when he said that five millions of men should
not be denied the right of representation he carried
the sense of the meeting with him, but when he
emphatically raised his voice and told the working
men of England that the accession to office of Lord
Derby was a declaration of war against the working
classes he lost the orator in the agitator, the
Reformer in the Radical. Had he been ad-
dressing the working men of Lancashire we
doubt whether he would have ventured to
utter such a sentence. Very certainly if he
had there would have been some voice to recall
Lord DERBY'S exertions through the terrible winter
of the cotton famine. Personal matters have nothing
to do with politics ; but Mr. BRIGHT'S anxiety for
the minds of the working men leaves him no time
to think about their bodies, and the friend and
tribune of the people has been one of the strongest
opponents to those Factory Acts which secure to
the operative and the mill-hand time for thought,
and rest, and recreation. " Fair play is
bonny play" is a good old saying, and we
are always sorry to find so eloquent an orator as
Mr. BRIGHT so intolerant a partisan. Our reformers
must not let this narrow spirit influence their labours.
Let them look to measures, not men ; to principles,
not parties. It is this prejudice which has kept us
from Reform during the last seven years. It is time
that we looked to facts, not to theories, and, instead
of indulging in empty abuse, made up our minds as
to what we want and set to work to get it.

The Austro-Prussian treaty of peace has been
ratified and sent to Prague, in order that the mutual
exchange of documents may take place. Some
other arrangements are to be made, and two proto-
cols are annexed to the treaty, one relating to the
evacuation of the territory that has been occupied
by the Prussians, and the other to the exchange of
prisoners. Austria has to appoint functionaries in
Holstein, and there much remains to be settled of a
minor character, although the chief points of im-
portance are so far settled. We have heard a good
deal during the course of the dissertations upon
Prussia of the extreme moderation displayed by
that Power, but we must say that we have seen very
little of it, and that from the very scanty and insuf-
ficient promises made the Berlin Government now
seem inclined to draw back. One of the chief things
in which the French took an interest was the pre-
servation of the integrity and independence of the
gallant little kingdom of Saxony. It appeared as
if this very trivial request of the French EMPEROR
was likely to be complied with, but Count Bis-
MARCK has already thought better, or rather worse,
of his engagement, and now threatens to sub-
vert all the good_ partially effected. Perhaps,
and intended to throw a veil over their subsequent
proceedings. It was necessary to gain time while
affairs were in an uncertain state, but, now that all
seems favourable to the Prussian schemes, it is easy
to change the tactics and carry out former plans of
oppression. The Machievallan policy of BISMARCK
is never at a loss for a contrivance which may keep
the letter of a promise but depart from the spirit.
Thus we hear that it is proposed to make the Saxon
army entirely subordinate to the Prussian com-
mand ; and this, of course, would completely de-
stroy the effect of the Emperor NAPOLEON'S arrange-
ments for the prosperity of the little kingdom. In
fact such conduct is a positive insult to the French
EmrEnon, and of course he will consider it so,
whether he deem it expedient to take notice of the
affair or not. Surely the Prussians are strong
enough now in all conscience without insisting on
the addition of the Saxon forces, but this is now the
point at issue; the real object is to effect the ruin of
all those states which ventured to take up arms
against the might and majesty of Prussia. This
is to be carried out nolens volens in the face of all
obstacles, and no matter who is offended by
its exercise. Austria supports the Saxon
view of the question, and has sent the
necessary instructions to her plenipotentiary at
Prague. We have little hope, however, that much
will be effected from any exertions in that quarter,
for the Prussian authorities are fertile in resources,
and will be ready enough to find cause and furnish
reasons for what they have done or purpose doing
in the matter of Saxony.

It is difficult to understand how the rulers of a
nation can be so perverse and obstinate as those of
Prussia have shown themselves to be in the conduct
of this war. Had they really had at heart what they
professed to be their ruling spirit and animating
nature, we should see a very different course adopted
to that which now shocks our sense of propriety.
It would be far more politic for them to conciliate,
as far as possible, the whole of the States of Ger-
many, and show that the King of PRUSSIA seeks to
exercise an influence over them, but not to rule
them by force, and crush out all independence of
action and liberty of expression. It is mean in the
extreme, to say the least of it, this course pursued
by Prussia of levying such heavy contributions in
so many directions. It presents a striking con-
trast to the modes adopted by England and
France when waging war with foreigners—and here
we must bear in mind, the case is widely different,
for the disputants belong to the same country.
Prussia has rushed into the war to suit her own
purposes, and carry out ber selfish schemes, and now
she turns round and declares that she was forced
into the conflict, and must, therefore, be paid for
the exertion. It is rather inconsistent to talk in
one breath of the enormous sacrifices made, and on
the other to demand remuneration for the expenses
incurred. A large contribution is to be immediately
paid by the Saxons, and the plans and proposals of
Count BISMARCK are such that all real indepen-
dence will be gone from the kingdom. It may
suit some persons to declare that Prussia is work-
ing out a great purpose, and that all the steps she
is taking will be conducive to the interests of Ger-
many in the long run ; but to those who take an
impartial view of the question it will seem much
more, as if she was carrying out in a peculiar fashion
another of those schemes of tyranny and oppres-
sion, whose recital fill up the pages of history and
reveal the darkest side of human nature. The
conduct of the Prussians is calculated to irritate
the feelings of all who are forced to submit to it,
and is the kind that will n>t be easily