The Sun.
London, England, 1835-05-18 00:00:00

THE MARKETS-(THIS DAY.)

CORN EXCHANGE.
The past week's arrival of English grain and flour were mode-
rate, but of Oats from Ireland considerable. The seasonable rain
rendered the trade dull for every article. This morning the fresh
supplies of all descriptions of corn are again moderate. The
weather being very fine, has caused the Wheat trade to be dull,
and last week's rates are hardly sustained, for the finest par-
cels, and other qualities, are from ls. to 2s. per quarter low,r.
Barley meets little demand, and is unaltered in value. Beans con-
tinue scarce, and are rather dearer. In Pease of both kinds there
is little doing. The buyers of Oats showed little disros!.,ion to
purchase, and the prices of this day se'nnight arc scarcely sup-
ported. The Flour trade remains dull, at no alteration in value.

PRICES ON BOARD OF SHIP.
Wheat, Red (old) —s. —s Beans, Small ;new) —s. —s
—White:olti)
—Red ;1834) '4s. 3(is Tick (new) 33s 265.
Fine 3Bs. 40s.
-- Superfine 4(ls. 425. Harrow (new) 155.388.
—Wh to (1831) ais. 425. ------- (01d)....„...355.405.
Fine 44s. 465. Brank _.s —I,
- Superfine 465. 47s Oats, Feed
Foreign free - I. —s. ----- New 215.25.
Rye 30s 36s Poland
Barley 22s 245. New 246.275.
Grinding -_lis ais. Potatoe
---- Malting 325. 355. -- New 2fis r:9i.
Malt 445. 50s. Scotch 9.65. 295.
Fine New 508. 645. Irish IBs.
Pease, Grey, New 365. 40s. Flour Town )per sack) 36s 3Ss.
Maple New 4os. 435. Seconds 325.355.
-- Whlte 348. 3s, _-- North Country ....... 28s 325.
-- Boilers 40s. 42, Bran
-- ---- ---

SMITHFIEL
This day's supply was moderate
what dull, at the following
PRICES PER STONE OF dcii. TO SINK TILE OFFA LS.
s. d. to s. d.
s 0. to s.d.
Interior Beasts 202 2 Inferior Sheep 26) .2 ,i
Second quality ditto...—. 2 6 210 Second quality ditto
Prime large Oxen 3 6 3 8 Coarso..w.olled ditto ... 3 4 3 IS
Prime Scots, &c
Large coarse Calves 3 4 4 2 Large Flogs
Prime small ditto
Suckling Calves each ... 8 , 20 , Quarter old Pigs each 8 u 12 0
. Lamb
SUPPLY, AS PER CLERK'S STATEMENT.
Beasts. Sheep. Calves. I
Pigs
1,026 13,750 I 150
"10
About 30 of the Beasts carne up the St. Alban's road; about 20 ;11
the other northern roads; dhoti' 120 (including Irish) run the western
and midland districts ; about 1600 :tom solf(dk, Stitiblk, Essex, and Cain
bridgcsh ire ; abont. 60 from Rent and Sussex • and most of the remainder
from the marshes, &c. in the neighbourhood Of London.

D MARKET.
good, and the trade was some-

NEWGATE AND LEA
At per stone, 1 .
s. d. to s d. s d tos d
Beef, inferior o 0 0 ti Mutton, inferior ..
- middling
-- prime large 2 6 3 0 prime 3 4 3 8
- prime svnall 'I 0 3 4 Pork, large 2 2 2 8
Veal
Lamb 4s. 4d. to 3s. 4d.

.DENHALL MARKETS.
by the Carcass.

NEWCASTLE CORN MARKET —May IG.
We had another fair supply of Wheat from the farmers to day,
with a brisk demand at a further advance of full Is. quarter. Oats
were also in good demand, at a trifle higher than last Saturday.
No Barley now offering in this market. Fine Malt steady sale.
Rye almost nominal. Beans more inquired after. Pease without
change. Flour ready sale at an advance of Is. per sack.
New. Ora.
WheA, Northumberland
.......• .. Norfolk and fintlolk.. .......... ... 38:. 44, 39... —;.
Berwick and Scotch aria. - s —s. 40,
Foreign s --,
Rye, Norfolk and Sutiolk - lils. 34
Foreign .. 3'.!s 31s. —s. —s. ~.
Barley, Malting, Norfolk and Suflblk... 32, 34s —s. —s.
Grinding and Feeding t25.. i'8;...... --a. —a. L;
Malt, Norfolk and Suffolk sls. 5:/s —a. 575. r 5.
Beans, Small 14s. 365. —s. —s. It.
Tick .. 33;. 355. -s --s. :,.,
['ease, Whita Tis. 38s. ... —a.--6.
Gray I.ts. 36; -s. —s.
Oat., Northumberland, Potatoe '24, '26s —s. —s. I

Feed
-- I.,:n•iKtl
Flour, Fine, (per sack) —s. —s 27s. 21s.

MEETINGS OF CREDITORS AT THE COURT,

BASINGIIALL-STREET, TO-INIORROW.

(From the Loudon Gazette.) H at.
J. Ruddock, livery.stable-keeper, Kinz-street, Portman-square t at 11
E. Vs. Gratwick, tea-dealer, Goswell-Street
J. Morris, sen. and Co , auctioneers, Upper St. Martin's-lane 2 12
E. Russell and Co., tobacconists, New Tothill-street, Westminster 2 11
J. P Bannister, hackneyman, Harley-mews, Marylebone 1 12
W. Thomson, wine-merchant, Cross-lane, Tower-street
J. Bowley, sets., baker Whitney-street, Commercia -road .. 1 11
R. Elliott, victualler, Princes-street, Coventry.street 1 1
W. Houlder, tea-dealer, Paignton, Devonshire 1 12
W. Mason, timber-dealer, Watford, Hertfordshire

THE ARCHBISHOP OF CA'NTERBURY'SDINNER.
--His Grace gave his second grand dinner on Saturday, at
Lambeth Palace, to his Royal Highness the Duke of Cum-
berland, Dukes of Northumberland and Gordon, Marquisses
of Bute and Downshire, Earls of Harrowby, Amherst, Wick-
low, Beverley, Brownlow, Abingdon, Romney, De Lawarr,
Viscount Canterbury, Bishops of Winchester, Worcester, Car-
lisle, Chester, Exeter, Rochester, Gloucester, Bristol, Lords
Rolle, Manners, Teignmouth, Wallace, Alford, Bexley, Skel-
mersdale, Kenyon, Rodney, Henniker, Hotham, Holinsdale,
Lord Commissioner Bosanquet, Sirs Robert Peel, E. Knatch-
hull, M. W. Ridley, Brook Taylor, C. Wetherell, C. Mor-
gan, W. W. Follett, W. P. Geary, Major-Generals Sir E.
Kerrison, and W. Wheatley.
REFORM ASSOCIATION.—We have received nu-
merous reports of the proceedings of Reform Associations,
both in the Metropolis and the surrounding neighbourhood, all
of which are well deserving of attention. The object, how-
ever, of all is the same—it is that of enlightening the minds
of electors with regard to the trust placed in their hands, and
to enforce upon them the duty of exercising it independently
of all private motives, conscientiously for the benefit of their
country ; to promote the cause of Reform by all constitutional
means, and to watch over the registration of the electors for
the county, with the view of getting the names of all those in-
serted, and those only, who are legally qualified, and to pre-
vent, counteract, and expose all attempts to intimidate or cor-
rupt the electors. They will therefore give advice to the dif-
ferent elective bodies throughout the kingdom, directing their
attention to the necessity of having their names regularly re-
gistered in the list of voters for their several counties. District
committees have already been established in the Tower Ham-
lets, Finsbury, Lambeth, Brentford, Hammersmith, and Chel-
sea ; preparatory measures are taking for their formation in
Uxbridge, Marylebone, St. Pancras, Edmonton, Tottenham,
Enfield, Hampstead, Highgate, Hendon, Edgware ; and %NC
hope to see the same spirit spread throughout the country.—
Morning Paper.

ItoiAL ACADEMY OF Music.—The third Morn-
ing Concert of the season by the pupils of this institution,
took place on Saturday at the Hanover-square Rooms, wheA
an excellent selection of music was performed. The room
was crowded by a fashionable audience.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We insert from Saturday's Standard another version
of Lord Wellesley's sentiments upon the conduct 'Of
Lord Melbourne's Ministry with regard to the Irish
Government, which version has been accredited through-
out the Court circles, and differs very little in form, but
nothing in substance, from that which we gave .on
Friday. Notwithstanding Lord Melbourne's formal,'
but as we said before, somewhat vague contradiction of
our statement, we do not believe that his Lordship
will venture to hold up his head and tell the world in
distinct terms, that Lord Wellesley approves either
the appointment of Lord Mulgrave as Lord-Lieutenant
of Ireland, or the influence under which that nomination •
is known to have taken place. Lord Melbourne will
not venture to deny that the noble Marquis (Wellesley)
declared (although he might not have authorized
such a declaration to be repeated by third parties) his
own continuance in office. under Lord Melbourne's
Government to be incompatible " with his honour."
Why should it be so, if he agreed in the policy of
Lord Melbourne and his Colleagues ? What, we
should like to hear, were the reasons assigned by Lord
Wellesley to his Majesty for throv;ing up an office so
near the Royal person ? the
stirred—since the nominalquestion has been
(rime Minister has, how-
ever, generally
will require, and n b igu ou sly, boasted, the public
of Le.;,„; we- think, to know whether a States-
man'Wellesley's great experience, and per-
fect lf.;iowledge of the interests and affairs of Ireland,
-tioes or does not concur in the views which have been
opened for the Government of that country, in relation
to measures or to men ? The Noble Marquis has
always been a conservator of the Protestant church and
of the Protestant community of Ireland. 'Would he
delegate his own Conservative duties to Mr. O'Connell
and the Popish priests ? and if not, let us ask could
the Noble Marquis approve or authorize such a dele-
gation on the part of any Government of which he
war., a member ? But there are other Englishmen
who feel no less than Lord Wellesley, that the sup-
port of the present repeal-propped Cabinet is incon-
sistent "with their honour.' The freeholders of the
great county of Stafford have just pronounced a deter-
mination on that point which neither Lord Mel-
bourne, to whatever straits he may be driven, nor Lord
Brougham, by whatever desperate extravagance he may
be possessed, will, in the face of Parliament, have the
courage to gainsay. The return to the writ by the High
Sheriff of Staffordshire will show that its electors do not
choose to trust their interests any longer to that Ad-
ministration, of which Mr. Littleton, their late Mem-
ber, was not many months since the associate, and is
still the favoured ally. Colonel Anson is forced to
turn tail, and fly before the fight begins ; and Sir F.
Goodricke, the Conservative candidate, walks unop-
posed into the representation of the county. Is there
no re-action here ? Mr. Littleton used to have Staf-
fordshire in his pocket. But the gentleman, a man
of an old and popular family in that county, standing
upon his own interest, combined with that of Mr.
Littleton, dares not appear upon the hustings, or de=
nand a poll ? What will Lord Melbourne say to
this ? Then, what has happened, or is about to
happen, at Inverness, where Mr. Grant, a friend of
Lord Glenelg, and of equally respectable character
with that Noble Lord, has stood candidate in the hope
of succeeding him? Inverness returns " Chisholm, ' and
rejects the Government candidate merely because he is a
Whig ! Here are two more Whig Members, besides Min
of Devonshire, succeeded by Conservatives for their re-
spective counties—in the extreme north, in the centre,
and the extreme south of Great Britain—and all
within a fortnight of each other. Yet we arc assured
there is no re-action in favoi_ir cf our monarchical insti-
tutions. We suspect there will soon be a trifle more
exhibited in the way of resignations. However, of that
anon. If Lord Lansdowne and Mr. Spring
Rice=---
if moreover Lord Melbourne himself—can go on with
such partners as the state of public affairs has forced
upon them, and in joint prosecution of the Russell
and O'Connell policy, it will be a phenomenon not to
be explained by any ordinary want of principle or con-
sistency which can be laid to the charge of English
party. There is a letter signed "Awake," which opens up
some additional matter for reflection—we might say
for alarm, if it were not folly to give way to fear—in
presenting a series of questions which are-now, under
the actual circumstances of Ireland, preseribed, by the
Catholic Archbishops to be discussed in the theolo-
gical conferences of Leinster. .Any one who :reads
these questions attentively will be struck by the mani-
fest design of their propounders to shake the
and sap the foundation, of all that vast mass of lii 11
property which has come through: successive political
events into the hands of its present ecclesiastical and
lay possessors. It is a preparation against the - exist-
ence of Protestantism in, Ireland, more deliberate
.and
insidious than any one or. all of that long seriesTwhieh
Popish disaffection has been framing for many years.
It is enough to submit these cunning interrogatories to
our Protestant readers, for every man who is in his
right senses to comprehend the practical application
which will be twisted out of them, and turned to the
utter overthrow of everything in Ireland which is not
exclusively Popish.— Times.

Knowing full well the overwhelming power of Mr.
O'Connell, whether for evil or for good, in all that
concerns Ireland, we hail, with no ordinary degree of
satisfaction, his conversion at length to that of which
we have ourselves so long been convinced—the neces-
sity of a statutable provision for the poor of that coun-
try. When men arrive at the same conclusion, it is
not very material to inquire by what road they have
travelled, or by what arguments they have been in-
fluenced. Truth and eternal justice are immutable,
whatever gloss may be attempted to be given to them ;
and therefore, if it be any consolation to Mr. O'Con-
nell to persuade himself that " Orangemen have driven
him to this," all that we can say is, that the poor
of Ireland owe, in that case, a debt of gratitude
to Orangemen, which Mr. O'Connell by no means
meant them to infer. Nor are we at all inclined to
quarrel with the Learned Gentleman for knowing and
avowing his own strength. "If I could sooner have
persuaded myself," says he, "to take this step, you
would have poor laws this moment in Ireland." Hav-
ing at length brought his mind to this conclusion, we
are most anxious that he should strike the iron while

it is hot ; and would most strenuously urge upon him
the necessity, not to say the duty of immediately car-
rying his views into effect. Though Mr. O'Connell
has at all times taken a considerable share in its de-
bates, we are not aware that he has ever been, or is
now, much occupied in preparing and forwarding Bills
through the House ; from which we infer that, inde-
pendent of his fitness, he has likewise leisure for the

iask of preparing and consummating this boon to the
starving poor of Ireland. Not having seen the Bill
which Sir Richard Musgrave has brought in upon
the subject, the second reading of which was, on Wed•
nesday night, postponed till the 10th of June, we are
not aware whether it is one which Mr. O'Connell can,
in its present state, adopt. If it be not, let us entreat
the Learned Gentleman to lose not a moment in either
moulding that built to his own views, or in preparing
another, better fitted, in his estimation, to meet the
pressing emergency of the case. What we deprecate
is any further delay. The bis dat qui cito dat cannot
be more appropriately applied than to this subject.
But while we look thus warmly and eagerly forward to
the consummation of our long-cherished hopes upon a
topic which so naturally interests all the feelings of
humanity, we are not insensible to the fact that there
are still some obstacles to overcome. Among these the
pledged hostility of some of the Members of the pre-
sent Administration to the introduction of this salutary
measure into Ireland is not the least. But here Mr.
O'Connell's influence with the Government will come
at once to the test. If we have a veto upon the appoint-
ment of the Lord Lieutenant, and almost every other
public functionary, and if the whole policy of the Go-
vernment as regards Ireland be at the nod of his dic-
tation, it will exhibit a strange anomaly indeed should
the same Government betray any shyness or reluctance
in yielding to his opinion upon a subject on which he
has himself at length declared that the comfort.—nay,
the very existence, of thousands of the people of Ire-
land depend. It is pretty well known to our readers
that we have never been among the flatterers of Mr.
O'Connell : but, on the other hand, we trust that while
arrainging his conduct as a public man, we have never
denied him justice, In hailing, as we do, his oopv4r-

s'on on this vital subject, we are, we trust, doing him-
pi; act of justice. But at the same time we fairly
him, that unless he promptly follows up that
ct,::•version, by using his power and influence to carry
•nt9 effect, we shall be inclined to look upon his
v.,,vls—however eloquent,—as nothing more than
soundiug brass, and a tinkling cymbal."—Mornng

We have always been of opinion that the Mel-
lerune-O'Connell Ministry, however cordially they
tight unite in voting an abstract Resolution on the
stt eject of the revenues of the Irish Church, would
soon discover that it was impossible for them to at-
telept to carry their own resolution into effect without
beicaying to the public the irreconcilable differences of
ev,nion which exist among them, on the meaning they
e:e .•erally attach to it. It now appears that they in-
tend, with utter disregard of their own recorded opi-
Ihens, sanctioned by a resolution of the House of
Commons, to introduce an Irish Tithe Bill, which
not embody the principle of the appropriation of
a part of the revenue of the Church to secular
purposes. The Observer newspaper, which is gene-
rally understood to speak the sentiments, if not
the actual laneztage, of some of the present Cabinet,
gives a pretty dil•inct intimation to its readers of
the course the Governs: eat mean to pursue ; and then,
••
v i
that it may be asked why
vial great naivete, adds, ‘• •
the Reform leader of the House 2f Commons thought
it expedient to urge so strenuously up,-,ti that assembly
the necessity of a distinct declaration of principle
which lie knew could not be brought into imme.“`liate
application by any specific measure." To this question
the Observer gravely answers, that " there would have
been no objection to passing Sir H. Hardinge's Irish
Tithe Bill as it stood, had Sir R. Peel been content to
leave the question of appropriation open to future dis-
cussion ; but as he had declared his determination that
he would not consent to the appropriation of any surplus
revenue of the Irish Church to any other than Protestant
ecclesiastical purposes, it became necessary that Lord
3. Russell should procure for the Irish people the iva-
'mace of a vote of the House in favour of the prin-
ciple of appropriation." Now this mode of reasoning
might have been listened to if Lord John and his
friends had rested their case on the first of the two re-
solutions proposed by him, and agreed to by the
House—viz., " That any surplus revenue of the present
Church Establishment in Ireland, not required, for
time spiritual care of its members, be applied to the
moral and religious education of all classes of the
people, without distinction of religious persuasion, pro-
viding for the resumption of such surplus, or of any
such part of it as may be required by an increase in the
number of members of the Established Church." But,
not content with obtaining the assent of the House to
this general abstract proposition, Lord John thought
proper to follow it up with this practical declaration,
" that no measure on the subject of tithes in Ireland can
lead to a satisfactory and final adjustment which
does not embody the principle contained in the fore-
going resolution." The Ministry, in the interval
since the passing of that resolution, have discovered
that any attempt to embody this principle in the Irish
Tithe Bill, which, under all circumstances, they must
bring in would prove fatal to their own existence as a
Government ; and they take the method to which we
have above alluded of putting forth a feeler, to ascer-
tain how far their Radical and Papist supporters will
suffer them to abandon, for an indefinite period, the
commencement of that new era, which, in their opinion,
was to bring peace and tranquillity to Ireland by the
extirpation of the Protestant faith in that coun-
try, and by delivering it over to the uncontrouled
domination of O'Connell and the Roman Catholic
Priests. To us it must be a matter of gratification that no
measures for the spoliation of the Church are to be
Immediately brought forward; and if the Conservative
party in this country do their duty, as we have no
doubt they will, they may rest assured that neither in
this nor in any subsequent session will the present im-
becile Ministry dare to embody their fatal principle in
mist practical measure. Were it possible for a party
sunk so low as the present Whia-Radical Cabinet to
excite any other feeling than that of contempt, we
could desire to see them suffer no more severe punish-
ment than to be condemned to drink to the dregs the
bitter cup of political degradation, by thus abandoning
the attempt to carry into effect the principle to which
they owe their accession to office.—Morning Post.
More than half the time usually occupied in the
parliamentary session has now gone by, and scarcely
one practical measure of legislation has advanced a
single step since the unceremonious dismissal of the
Melbourne Ministry in last November. If it be asked
what has been the cause of such delay, when the
various interests of the country so imperatively called -
upon the attention of the Legislature ?—the answer is
obvious—the embarrassment and delay of public busi-
ness has been occasioned solely by the attempt of a de-
clining faction to reinstate itself in a trust which it had
for years atrociously betrayed. The agitation conse-
quent on a general election—the alarms—the suspen-
sion of public confidence—the no less anxious excite-
ment in re-electing the Ministers whom the national
will carried into the councils of the Sovereign, may be all
traced to the same foul origin--Tory intrigue. But
though their intrigue and influence at Court placed the
Tories in a temporary ascendancy, and though
seine were found so base as to " lay their bel-
lies in the dust before the frown of his Majesty,"
yet, thanks to the extension of the elective
franchise by the Reform Bill, the nation was
not so sunk in corruption and fatuity as to submit
to a domination, the principles of which are, and have
ever been, diametrically opposed to the general in-
terests. Let us now examine the relations, and pon-
der boldly on the present position of parties in the
Douse of Commons. At the general election fol-
lowing the dissolution, styled, with shameless assn •
rtnce, " an appeal to the people," the Tories, by the
most iniquitous practices, and the active appliance of
nicans which possession of office afforded them, con-
r,ved to gain an accession to their party of about
sixty Members in the House of Commons. This increase
of partizans, however, was not sufficient to bear them up
• :•-tainst the united powers of the liberal and less liberal
representatives, and the consequence was the accept-
ence of an unwilling resignation from one Ministry,
created by intrigue, and the unwelcome recall of another,
placed in office by inevitable necessity. But though
'he Tories were unable to carry on the Government
themselves, it would be a gross delusion to suppose
that they have not sufficient strength to embarrass any
t:overnment acting in accordance with the wishes and
the interests of the people. The question naturally
presents itself in consequence—Can the Melbourne
Ministry go on with the present House of Commons?
Let us not deceive ourselves ; the answer decidedly
L.—No! Whatever may have been the understand-
on which Lord Melbourne consented to resume
office (and he must have been silly to a most
calpable extreme, and guilty of a gross direliction
of duty to himself and the nation if he did not
make his own terms), in any case, at no very dis-
ilia period, there must be a general election. To
this should the attention of the people be most ear-
nestly directed. The anti-national faction foresee, and
ere preparing for the coming contest. The Tories are
or 6. antsin, e• their forc es meetings are called,—din-
ners are given,—the public suoilers are forming clubs,
nod calling them " Conservative ;" an active registra-
tion of their bondsmen is set on foot, and every thing
indicates preparation for another combined attack on
the citadel of the people's rights. " Let us gain an
ascendancy in the popular branch of the Legislature,"
said Sir R. Peel, at the Merchant Tailors' Hall,
" let there be no laziness, no apathy, and, above all,
no despondency." We say to the people, let there not
be too much confidence ;—discipline often prevails
against numbers The Tories drill their mercena-
ries and act in united bodies, while the friends of
the people too often rely on the honesty of their in-
tentions and the goodness of their cause. Years of
plunder have put the Tories in possession of wealth,
e• the sinews of war," and every sinecurist, every pil-
Jager in church and corporation, every monopolist, in
fact, every plunderer of the State, and they are mani-
fold, unite and act with the Tories in a common fra-
ternity of evil. The Reform Bill furnished the means
of placing the various interests of society and the State
in fair relation with each other ; consequently, those
who exist by unjust and unequal legislation are opposed
to the operation of a principle which must put a barrier

‘V't

to the continuance of unrighteous spoliation. ,
must respect vested rights (rather vested wrongs), says
one—such a measure will inflict suffering on a certain
class, says another—l agree in the principle, but am ad-
verse to its application at the present time, says a third ; all
are prepared with an excuse, and would fain forget that
every good has a greater or lesser portion of evil mixed
with it. The robber feels aggrieved in being driven
from the highway ; but is the suppression of his de-
predations an injury to society ? The beggar feels
a“rieyed in being compelled to labour for support ;
but is society not benefitted by his exertions ? The
principle is as applicable to the Tories and their fol-
lowers as to either of the instances we have adduced.
The people themselves must act in vindication of their
own rights, for never will they be voluntarily restored
to them. Again and again would we impress upon
them the necessity of exertion, combination, and orga-
nization, to secure the. good which the Reform Bill
lays open to them, or, although it be impossible alto-
gether to withhold its chief blessings, they may be de-
layed for another generation.—Morning Advertiser.
The debate in the House of Lords, upon the popu-
lar procession which hailed the arrival of the DEW
Viceroy at the seat of his Government, has excited the
astonishment of all impartial men. The Earl of Wick-
low was pleased to characterize that great assembly of
the Irish people, who met for the express purpose of
testifying their loyalty to their Sovereign, in the person
of his representative, as a " violation of the common
law ;" or, " at least of the law which was introduced
two years ago, when Lord Melbourne was Secretary of
for the Home Department—he alluded to the Bill
which to be continued for five years, and which de-
clared to be affgal all bodies of men assembled with
symbols and banners. We know of no rule of com-
mon law which imposes a peisfiltY upon the subjects
of the King for presenting him wiZ.II the most de-
cided tokens of their affection. If any such rule
there be, we happen to know of instances in
which it was repeatedly violated with the sanction of a
Tory Government. We were amongst the spectators
who witnessed the triumphal entry of George IV.
into Dublin, and also his equally triumphant depar-
ture from that capital. On both occasions the people
expressed their attachment to that Sovereign in the
only way in which a multitude can all join in the
display of their sentiments, by meeting arid march-
ing in regular array, with music and banners, and
the usual symbols of national rejoicing, and myriads
of shouts of " Long live the King !" His Majesty
on that occasion, attended by Lord Castlereagh
and Viscount Sidmouth, not only sanctioned the
infraction of the common law, but became a cri-
minal himself, by wearing an immense shamrock
next to the royal star upon his breast. He had
promised to govern his people in Ireland " accord-
ing to law ;" they required no other pledge from
him to induce theM to renew in that solemn manner
their obligations of allegiance. But we have in vain
searched the records for the precedents which must
have been furnished, had the Irish Attorney-General
of that day, accepting the Earl of Wicklow's construc-
tion of the common law, prosecuted a hundred thou-
sand of the people, and impeached the King's Minis-
ters, for perpetrating so great an outrage upon the
most venerable portion of our system of jurisprudence.
We suspect, therefole, that the Noble Earl labours
under a misapprehension in that respect. But then,
he adds, there is at all events the law passed two years
ago, which, in his opinion, leaves no doubt whatever
that the assembly in question was an illegal one. For-
tunately that is a very short and remarkably clear sta-
tute. It is entitled an Act "to restrain for five years
party processions," and the preamble runs in these
words :

" Whereas great numbers of persons belonging to different
religious denominations, and distinguished respectively by va-
rious emblems expressive of party feelings and differences,
are in the practice of meeting and marching in procession in
Ireland, upon certain festivals and anniversaries, and other
occasions, and such processions are calculated to create and
perpetuate animosities, and have been found to occasion fro.:
quent and sanguinary conflicts between different classes of his
Majesty's subjects ; be it enacted, that from and after the
commencement of this Act, any body of persons who shall
meet and parade together, or join in procession for the purpose
of celebrating or commemorating any festival, anniversary, or
political event, relating to or connected with any religious or
other distinctions or differences, between any classes of his
Majesty's subjects, or of demonstrating any such religious or
other distinctions or differences, and who shall wear, bear, or
have amongst them any fire-arms, or other offensive weapons,
or any banner, emblem, flag, or symbol, the display whereof
may be calculated to tend to provoke animosity between his
Majesty's subjects of different religious persuasions, or who
shall be accompanied by any music of a like nature or ten-
dency, shall be, and be deemed, an unlawfel assembly."
It is then, further enacted that justices may disperse
such meeting, and that any persons refusing to disperse
may be apprehended, tried in a summary manner, and
imprisoned for a period not exceeding three months.
Apply this statute to the facts. A change of Govern-
ment takes place ; the Lord Lieutenant resigns, he is
succeeded by a nobleman whose first maxim it must be
to execute the " law " in that country. Upon his ar-
rival, a body of a hundred and fifty thousand men
assemble with banners and music to welcome the re-
presentative of their Sovereign, arid they escort him to
his residence amidst the most enthusiastic expressions
of their fidelity to the throne. Is this then, we ask
Lord Wicklow, nothing more nor less than a pro-
cession of persons assembled for the unlawful
purposes specified in the Act ? The day of the
meeting was neither a " festival," nor an " anni-
versary," within the meaning of the statute.
The " political event " which they attended to
witness, was the arrival of the King's Lieutenant.
Can this be deemed in law a " political event, re-
lating to, or connected with, any religious or other
distinctions or differences between any classes of his
Majesty's subjects ?" Did his Majesty nominate and
appoint Lord Mulgrave Viceroy of Ireland, in order
that he might be the type of " religious distinctions
or differences," and that he whose mission is one of
peace to all men, should have nothing to do but to
excite " animosities" amongst the people of that coun-
try ? We know well that Lord Wicklow will answer
all these questions in the affirmative, for he does most
certainly consider the new Viceroy as the agent of a
political party in the State who wish to govern Ireland
with strict impartiality, and to whom for that reason he
is most violently opposed. We appeal, however, from
the judgment of an Orange Peer to that of the
people of England—from the opinion of a passionate
—bigotted----interested Judge, to a generous and
enlightened nation ; and we ask whether lie and his
base myrmidons, the incendiaries of that kingdom—
the Rodens, the Percivals, the iVlandevilles, the Boy-
tons, the Shims, and the Blackers, are entitled to say
that every party in the State must be illegal and un-
constitutional but their own ? We should have treated
with derision the interpretation which Lord Wicklow
has put upon the law of these realms, had it not
been, in another sense, of too grave an import, inas-
much as it exhibits, in colours of flame, the intole-
rable instinct of ascendancy, the unquenchable thirst
for lawless and sanguinary power, by which the
Orange Aristocracy and Hierarchy in Ireland are
goaded onward in their career. These men have
been brought up from their cradles with the no-
tion that Ireland exists in order that it might
become their perpetual, their exclusive, prey. They
have sworn at their altars to hate, to persecute, if pos-
sible to exterminate, its Catholic inhabitants. They
plundered them of their property by Parliamentary con-
fiscations ; they robbed them of their houses of wor-
ship ; they appropriated to an alien Church lands de-
vised to the uses of the ancient faith ; they broke down
the Constitution by passing laws for depriving the
people of every right, privilege, immunity, every gift
which liberty could bestow ; they violated positive
treaties, without even feeling that they were doing an
unjust deed, so practised is their whole tribe in the
ways of infamy. Sanctuaries defiled, habitations con-
sumed by fire, hearths red with the blood of women
and infants, mounds containing the relics of men
murdered in cold cruelty, or slain in rebellions provoked
by the insufferable fierceness of Orange tyranny,
have, from age to age, displayed the kind of policy
by which Lord Wicklow and his frenzied followers
still hope to trample upon the great mass of the
King's subjects in that country. By God's help they
shall not succeed. 'We tell Lord Wicklow that his
accursed Orange system shall never again supersede
the King's authority in Ireland. Who is this Lord,
we should like to know, and who are the wretched
creatures, either iu Parliament or out of it, by whom

Ihe is supported, that come to claim from us the sur-
render of a whole people to their vengeance? Look at
T.ord Londonderry, his meddling, fretful auxiliary on
this
occasion. Good God! is it true that this man was
l
by the Duke of Wellington to be the Lord
(neanLeisetutie
of that kingdom—he whose appointment to
a post that had the great advantage of exiling him to a
distance front our shores, disgusted the House
of Commons so much that his commission was
cancelled ? But we retract the question. We
admit that the Irish office would have been properly
confided to him by such a Government. It was re-
markably fit and expedient that he who exulted over
the ruin of Poland should be the principal instrument
for reducing Ireland to a state of more even than
Warsaw desolation. Wait a little while. There may
be a Phillports in Devon, and a clerical band at his
call to frighten the simple-minded rustic there from
the performance of his free resolutions. But the right-
minded men of Yorkshire, who laughedat the parsons,
and scorned their political sermons, have spoken out the
opinion which at the next election will be re-echoed
from every quarter of these kingdoms. The Orange-
, men have had their day. It is the destiny, it seems,
of every " dog" to share for some hours in the smiles
of fortune. But these smiles are transient. For the
Orange " dog" they have passed by, " never to re-
; turn."—Morning Chronicle.

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

NOTICES of MOTIONS and ORDERS of the DAY, which

now stand in the Order Book for the Present Week.
MONDAY, MAY 18.-01IDER OF THE DAY.
1. Bankrupts Estates (Scotland) Bill—Second reading.
2. Wood Duties Bill—Second reading.
. . .

3. Colonial Passengers Bill—Committee.
4. Supply—Report.
5. Supply—Committee.
6. Ways and Means—Committee.
7. Oaths Abolition Bill—Second reading.
8. Merchant Seamen Bill—Second reading.

NOTICES OF MOTIONS.

1. Mr. Bell,—To move, That Sir Andrew Agnew be added to
the Committee on the Newcastle and Carlisle Railroad.

2. Colonel Leith Hay,—Ordnance Estimate (in Committee of

supply)• _
3. Mr. Francis Baring,—Annual Indemnity Bill.
4. Dr. Bowring,—Petition signed. by nearly 4,500 Inhabitants of
Preston, complaining of the acts of violence and outrage com-
mitted at the last Election, and imploring the protection of

the Ballot, and the reform of Corporations, a; a security

against the repetition of such 'nal-practices.
5. Sir William Rae,—To move that the Bankrupts Estates (Scot-
land) Bill be referred to a Select Committee.
TUESDAY, MAY 19.—NOTICES OF MOTIONS.
1. Mr. Cayley,—A Motion (based on the Parliamentary Decla-
ration of Agricultural Distress) to inquire if there be not effec-
tual means within the reach of Parliament to afford substantial
relief to the Agriculture of the United Kingdom.
2. Mr. Wyse,—Bill for the amelioration, general diffusion, and per-
manent support of the Education of the people in Ireland.
3. Mr. Powell Buxton,—Motion respecting the treatment of Ab-
origines in British Settlements.
4. Mr. Wilks--Bill for the establishment of a National Civil Regis-
_ _. _ _

tration of Births, Marriages, and Deaths, in England and
Wales.
5. Mr. Divett,—Committee of the whole House on the Act of
the last Session of Parliament for increasing the Duties on
Spirit Licenses.
6. Colonel Sibthorp,—Select Committee, to inquire into the juris-
diction of the Local Testamentary ourts.
7. Mr. Wallace,—Bills to improve the present practice in certain

Law Courts in Scotland.
8. Mr. Wallace,—Return of the Officers of the Courts of Law in

Scotland.
9. Mr. Wallace,—Returns relating to the Established Church in

Scotland.
10. Mr. Browne,—Select Committee, to inquire into the practica-
bility of making navigable communications between Galway,
Westport, Ballina, and Castlebar.
11. Mr. Ward,—To call the attention of the House to the Report
of the Select Committee on Divisions.
12. Mr. Lynch,—Bill to extend the jurisdiction, and regulate the
proceedings, of the Civil Bill Courts in Ireland.
13. Mr. Poulett Thomsom,—Committee on the state of the Trade
_ .

in Corn between the Channel Islands and the United King-

dom. -
14. Mr. Fowell Buxton,—Address for the suppression of the Afri-

can Slave Trade.
16. Mr. Hume,—Return of the several periods of residence of
the Bishops of Jamaica and Barbadoes within their respective
Dioceses since the date of their appointment.
ORDERS OF THE DAY.
1. Youghal Election Petition,—Ballot for Committee at three.
2. Roscommon Election Petition—Ballot for Committee at a quar-
ter after three.
WEDNESDAY, HAY 20.-✓ ORDERS OF THE DAY.
1. Political Franchise Bill—Second reading.
2. Lord's Day Observance Bill—Committee.

3. Wills Execution Bill—Further consideration of Report.
4. Executors and Administrators Bill—Further consideration of
Report.
b. Seamen Enlistment Bill—Second reading.

6. Cruelty to Animals Bill—Committee.
7. Sale of Bread Bill—Second reading.

8. Roman Catholic Marriages Bill—Second reading.

9. General Turnpike Act Amendment Bill—Second reading.

NOTICES OF MOTIONS.

I. Mr. Robinson,—Select Committee to consider the expediency
of a Revision and Commutation of Taxes.
2. Mr. Hawes,—Select Committee to consider what acts of deal-

ing should be exempted from the operation of the Lord's Day

Observance Bill.
3. Mr. Evvart,—Bill giving Prisoners. full Defence by Counsel

and Attorney.
4. Mr. Ewart,—Bill to abolish Capital Punishments in certair.

cases.
5. Mr. P. Stewart,—Bill for regulation of Salmon Fisheries in

Scotland. _.
6. Mr. Hawes,—Bill for the better regulation and management of
Inns, Alehouses, and Victualling Houses.
7. Mr. Buckingham,—To move the abolition of Impressment for

the Navy. -
8. Mr. Hume,—Petition from Mr. John Child, imprisoned for
non-payment of Church Rates.
THURSDAY, MAY 21.—NOTICES OF MOTIONS.
1. Mr. Plumptre,—.Minutes of Evidence at the Trial by Court Mar-
tial of Captain Acheson, of the Royal Artillery, at Malta, in
the year 1824.
2. Mr. Wyse,—Resolutions relative to Diocesan and Royal Schools
in Ireland, with a view to extending their utility.
3. Mr. Barron,—Select Committee on giving employment to the
people in Ireland in draining bogs, &c.
4. Mr. Hesketh Fleetwood,—Select Committee regarding his Ma-
jesty's Consuls resident in Foreign States.
5. Sir Samuel Whalley,—Resolution respecting the Repeal of the
Window Tax.
6. Mr. Buckingham—Bill to empower the Public Authorities in
every parish of England and Wales, to take such measures as
a majority of the rate-payers of such parish may approve, for
the purpose of providing Public Walks, and erecting Public
Institutions for the use and accommodation of the mechanics,
artizans, and labouring classes of the population generally,
with a view to afford them the means of social enjoyment after
labour, free from the evils of the tavern and the gin-shop.
7. Mr. Buckingham,—Bill for the better classification and regula-
tion of the Trade in Beer, Wine, and Spirituous Liquors ; for
limiting the issue of Licences to Public Houses of each class ;
and for placing those houses under such restraints as may be
most favourabl to the maintenance of order and sobriety, and
the preservation of the public health and morals.
8. Dr. Bowring,—Correspondence between his Majesty Consul at
Tripoli and the British Government.
9. Mr. A. Trevor,—Return of the number of Electors in Melton,
Morpeth, Richmond, and Tavistock.
10. Mr. Divett,—Bill to disfranchise the Borough of Stafford.
11. Mr. Poulett Thomson,—Select Committee on the Timber
Duties.

ORDERS OF THE DAY.
1. Ennis Election Petition—Ballot for Committee at three.
2. Halifax Election Petition—Ballot for Committee at a quarter
after three.
3. Foreign Enlistment Repeal Bill—Second reading.

FRIDAY, MAY 22.—ORDERS OF TILE DAY.
1. Dissenters' Marriages Bill—Second reading.
2. Registration of Voters Bill—Committee.

NOTICES OF MOTIONS.

1. Mr. A. Trevor,--Bill for improving the practice in the Court
of Pleas in Durham and Sadberge.
2. Mr. Kennedy,—To move that Dissenters' Marriages Bill be read
a second time on this day six months.

NOTICES OF MOTIONS GIVEN ON FTIDAY.
MONDAY, MAY 15.
Marquis of Chandos,—On going into Committee of Supply, to
move a Resolution upon the distressed state of the Agricultural
Interest.