The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-14 00:00:00

AFFAIRS OF ITALY.

Ye.sterdity:appeared a blue-book. of 400 pages,
containing the diplomatic correspondence relative to
the affairs of Italy from January to May last. We
propose so far to avail ourselves of the space left at
our disposal by the short suspension of the sittings
of Parliament this week as Co publish the most
in-
teresting andimportant of the despatches before as,
giving a brief and general descriptive summary of
such others as may appear to require notice.
The subject opens_with the communication by
Earl .Cowley to the Foreign-office of the famous
rebuke " administered by Napoleon 111. to the
Austrian Ambassador on New Year's-day. The
Emperor said, with some severity of tone, that,
although the relations between the two Empires
were not such as he could desire, he begged to
assure the Empeoor of Austria that his personal
feelings towards his Majesty remained unaltered."
These words were declared by Sir J. Hudson,
(Turin despatch of January 3), as likely to be con-
sidered tantamount to a declaration of war, in the

then condition of Italy.
The views of our own Government were speedily
expressed by Lord Malmesbury in despatches to
Earl Cowley and Lord A. Loftus. As these docu-
ments are said by the late Foreign Secretary fully
to embody the views and policy of the Government
of her Britannic Majesty we subjoin them at
length :
No. 5.
" Tax EARL OF MALMESBIIRY TO EARL COWLEY,
" Foreign-office, Jan. 10, 1859.
" My Lord,—Her Majesty's Government have
heard from your Excellency with deep concern that
the state of the relations between the French and
Austrian Courts is of a nature so unsatisfactory
that in your opinion and that of the public of
Frauge it might at any moment lead to a still fur-
ther and more fatal estrangement.' The speech of
the'Emperer to M. Hubner on New Year's-day in-
.ereased the general alarm, which has extended to
this Country; and although subsequently a more
courteous treatment of the Austrian Minister was
displayed at the Tuileries, and.the Ilioniteur has
attempted to reassure the public mind, the agitation
is not diminished.
" Her Majesty's Government have such entire
confidence in your Excellency's tact and judgment
that they feel that no given instructions can be so
useful as a full liberty left to your Excellency to
take, advantage of the most fitting occasions to urge
upon the Emperor and upon his Ministers the para-
mount importance of preserving the peace of Europe
under any circumstances in which the vital inte-
rests of France itself are not imperilled.
" Her Majesty's Government received and hailed
with sincere satisfaction the assurances with which,
in 1852, the Emperor of the French consecrated his
election to the throne. Those assurances were, that
his Imperial Majesty would observe and maintain
the treaties which were then the law of Europe, and
her Majesty's Government are bound to say that
no pledge was ever more faithfully and loyally kept.
" The European benefit of an unbroken alliance
between England and France has been the result
of that honourable policy, and her Majesty's Go-
vernment, who believe that the peace of Europe
is ever in the hands of those two great empires,
feel the deepest anxiety whenever France appears
likely to be in hostility with any of the great
Powers of the Continent.
"Her Majesty's Government must state to your
Excellency, that, in the evident ill-humour dis-
played reciprocally between France and Austria
at this moment, they can conceive no great national
question of interest involved which can reasonably
cause such a feeling. No portion of the territory
of either is threatened by the other ; no commercial
privileges are asked or refused by either; no point
of national honour is at stake in either country.
" The solution of a sentiment which has appa-
rently brought these two States to the verge of
collision appears to her Majesty's Government to
be found in mutual faults of temper and indiscre-
tion on the part of the two Governments, and
neither party appears disposed to make such sacri-
fices as would put an end to the panic which they
have caused, and the practical evils which they
may create.
" It is under these circumstances that an impar-
tial State like England is justified in proffering to
her two allies the best and most sincere advice that
she can give.
" I repeat that I trust to your Excellency to per-
form this duty, and I hope you will not omit to
point out to the French Government that, while no
French interest is at stake between France and
Austria, there is a State and there are persons who,
to increase its territory and fortify their personal
position, ardently desire to involve two powerful
empires in a war from which they expect to obtain
those results.
" That war, if it be what is expected, namely, an
Italian war, can neither be short nor decisive. It
may begin as a conflict in which three monarchies
are engaged, but looking at the soil on which it
will be waged, and the elements which it will con-
tain, most before long expand into a war of opi-
nions. Among these theories your Excellency may
be assured that those of a republican hue will not
be the faintest.
" Of such a war France would have to bear the
heaviest expenditure of blood and treasure against
a foe possessing great military power, and a deter-
mination to use it to the last ; while the phases of
the contest would give new life to that dreaded
class who look in anarchy alone for a realisation of
their avarice or ambition.
" Iler Majesty's Government have already pressed
upon Austria analogous advice, and they believe
that they will also be aided in their counsels by
the- Court of Russia.
" Her Majesty's Government would wish your
ExCellency to go further, and frankly to enter into
the present state of Italy with the French Govern-
ment. I am aware from the conversation which
Lord Clarendon held lately at Compiegne with the
Emperor, and which his lordship repeated to me,
that his Imperial Majesty has long looked at the
internal state of Italy with interest and anxiety.
It may be, although I have no reason for believing
such is, the case, that he imagines that in a war
with Austria, and having Sardinia as an ally, he
may play the important part of the regenerator of
Italy. If so, the treaties of 1815 must be effaced,
for such a redistribution of territory could not be
effected without the consent of the parties to those
treaties. But those compacts have ensured to
Europe the longest peace on record, and, in the
opinion of her Majesty's Government, still answer
their original, purpose in maintaining the balance
of power.
" I would .not, however, have your Excellency
believe that her Majesty's Government are indiffe-
rent to the just discontent which affects a large
portion of the Italian populations. Yet it is not in
a war between France and Austria that their relief
is to be found. Such a war may bring about a
change of masters, but assuredly it will not give
them independence, and without independence
liberty is hopeless.
" Het' Majesty's Government are convinced that
it is in the union and good understanding of France
and Austria- that an amelioration and gradual im-
provenient of the condition of the Italians can be
• now begun and finally effected. If, happily for that
people, those two Governments would occupy
r themselves seriously to insist upon and carry out
the reforms demanded by both justice and policy in
central Italy, they would doubtless succeed.
" In an effort so glorious for both countries, and
so beneficial to Austria, her Majesty's Government
would heartily join, although they are of opinion
that, as a Protestant country, England should not
take too prominent a part, lest she should excite a
suspicion that she was swayed by motives of a sec-
tarian character. If Prussia and Russia approved,
they would stand in the same light as England ;
and if it should appear to the two great Roman Ca-
tholic empires that any modification of the territo-
rial distribution of central Italy would contribute
to the peace of the country andgood government of
the people, without enfeebling the spiritual autho-
rity of the Pope, her Majesty's Government would
be ready, together with the other Powers who were
parties to the treaties of 1815, to give it their best
consideration.
" These views of her Majesty's Government your
Excellency will propound to the French Govern-
ment when you have a fitting opportunity. Your
Excellency's task is to avert, if possible, the curse
of a war, which, I am: convinced., would be one of
the longest and bloodiest on record, in which all the
worst passions of conflicting theorists, exiled pre-
tenders, and adverse races would be mixed in a
deadly struggle
,c It is also to *urge a peaceful course of action, in
lieu of a
c_policy so pregnant with those calamities.
ck,e" " MALMESBURY."

.
ftriE EARL OF MA„LFIII\OIErS:Bi...UBR.Y TO LORD A. Lomrs.
-office, Jan. 12,1859.
"My Lord,—l have tollonfstsrtnet your lordship to
take an early' opportunity ahting to Count 131101
that her Majesty's Government witnessed with
much concern. the increasing estraitegelment between
Austria and France, which has t become so
impression that
notorious as to produce a generala
selected
Europe is on the eve of witnessing
those two States, and that the battlefieldtbetw
by them will. be Italy.
"On two occasions—one mo an month
—I stated tc. Count App 3'
verb.lly, the ap,rg°
hensions of ht r Majesty's Government, anttentilreed-
-1

--------7--
to give him their views and opinions in the form of 1
advice. They were analogous to those which I now
submit to your lordship.
" Her Majesty's Government therefore have
hoped, and still continue to hope, that maturer
reflection on both sides will avert a calamity:the
results of which no human foresight can divine ;
and, deprecating all officious interference with Aus-
trian affairs, your lordship can scarcely find it ne-
cessary to assure Count Buol that we are ready and
anxious to exert our utmost influence to assuage
animosities and explain away causes of offence, if
only a disposition is shown by either party to avail
itself of our good offices for that purpose.
" It appears, indeed, to her Majesty' Government
that the existing ill feeling between the two impe-
rial Courts has its origin, not so much in any real
and patent cause of disagreement, as in mutual
distrust of each other's views and intentions, and
the consequent disposition to give an unfavourable
construction to every measure to which either party
may have recourse. There are no questions of terri-
tonal claim or occupation, none of commercial
injury, or of disregarded rights, which can be alleged
on either side as justifying the coldness and reserve,
not to say suspicious irritability, which characterise
their .present intercourse. Yet it appears to her
Majesty's Government that neither party evinces a
sincere disposition to come to a frank understanding
with the other, or to make any sacrifices, however
unimportant, to bring about so desirable a result.
" With these impressions, it must be evident to
the Austrian Government that no unseemly wish to
interfere with its independent line of action induces
her Majesty's Government to tender their advice to
Austria. That advice is offered from a' sincere de-
sire to see her prosper as one of the most important
members of the European family of States, and as
one of her Majesty's most ancient 'allies.
"Her Majesty's Government therefore desire
your lordship, while there is 'yet time, to place be-
fore the Imperial Court some considerations which
they hope may not be without influence at the
present crisis.
"It is impossible to deny that a war once begun
in Italy would soon assume the character of a re-
volutionary contest, and no human foresignt can
perceive what results would remain to Europe
when, after a long and desperate contest, the com-
batants had sunk from exhaustion into peace. Such
a war, however, begun at first, would soon be
adopted as one of dynasties and opinions, in which
exiled pretenders, and every class of political theo-
rist, would see the possible realisation of their

wishes.
" It cannot be predicated that France would be a
gainer from such a state of things. On the con-
trary, it is probable that she would be far from
finding her account in it. But it is certain that
Austria, even if she were to come out of the con-
test truimPhant; would suffer to an irreparable
extent in all her material interests.
" It is with sincere pleasure that her Majesty's
Government pay a just tribute to Austria, by ad-
mitting that the government of her Italian pro-
vinces has been conductedby the Archduke Viceroy
with great ability, and in a spirit of conciliation
and hberality which does his Imperial Highness
the greatest honour. Her Majesty's Government
ardently trust that in the interests of the Italians
themselves and of the peace of Europe the Austrian
Government will continue to pursue a course which
cannot fail to bring to its side the public opinion of
impartial and independent States. It appears to
her Majesty's Government -to be of paramount
importance at this critical moment for Austria to
enlist public opinion in her cause, and to take more
than common care to avoid every act that could
possibly be construed into a wilful offence to those
States who may, perhaps, desire a quarrel with her.
Her Majesty's Government, therefore, urge your
lordship to take every opportune occasion to im-
press this truth on the Austrian Government.
" Your Lordship will frankly tell Count Buol that
should such a struggle as we deprecate be the re-
sult of the present estrangement between France
and Austria, England would remain a neutral spec-
tator of the contest, and that in no case would public
opinion in this country render it possible for her to
assist Austria as against her own subjects, if the
contest assumed the aspect of a revolution of her
Italian provinces against her Government.
" The public opinion in England has a natural
tendency to sympathise with Italian nationalities,
but her Majesty's Government believe that those
sympathies would not be roused to any active form
against Austria unless Austria put herself patently
in the wrong, and either became an aggressor or
gave France or Sardinia a fair excuse for beginning

a war. •
" Her Majesty's Government do not deny that
Austria has cause of uneasiness in Italy, but they
maintain that it cannot be mitigated or removed by
plunging into war with France or Sardinia. If
Austria and France could be induced to take a just
estimate not only of their own political interests,
but of the course which would most effectually con-
tribute to the happiness of the Italian populations
throughout the whole extent of the peninsula, her
Majesty's Government feel that the work would be
already half accomplished, and the rest of Europe,
instead of looking forward with anxiety to the
future, would only have to congratulate itself on
the prospect at length opening to them of Italian
regeneration, unstained by deeds of violence and
bloodshed.
"No one looking on the state of Italy can
doubt that many causes of just discontent are to
be found in the geneial administration of the
country, and her Majesty's Government, sym-
pathising, as they unquestionably do, with the
sufferings of the Italian population, would .gladly
lend their best efforts to produce an amelioration in
the existing state of things. But they know that
such amelioration can never be effected, with any
certainty of permanency; by war. It may produce
a change of masters, but it will not confer indepen-
dence ; it may, perhaps, contribute to the elevation
of some fortunate individuals, but it will ensure the
disorganization of the whole social system, and in-
definitely retard the material improvement of the
Italian population.
" On the other hand, her Majesty's Government
entertain but little doubt that if Austria and France
—the former an Italian, and both Roman Catholic
States—laying aside mutual suspicion, were to join
heartily with a view to promote, by peaceful means,
the regeneration of Italy, their combined influence
would speedily effect a change in the present un-
happy state of affairs, and contribute to establish
confidence between rulers and their subjects.
" Her Majesty's Government have not failed
to press upon the Government of France consi-
derations such as these, and they have not hesi-
tated to express their conviction that France,
thongh she may have no material stake at issue,
could have little or nothing to gain in an Italian
war.
" As the common friends, then, of bath parties,
and as sincerely desirous of the welfare of the
Italian people, her Majesty's Government entreat
the two Imperial Courts to lay aside their ani-
mosities and to act in peaceful concert for that im-
portant Amt. Her Majesty's Government think
that it would not only be becoming in Austria,
from her peculiar position in Italy, but also advan-
tageous to her in the public opinion of Europe, if
she were to make the first advances, and propose
to the French Government to join with her in con-
sidering the best means of reforming the glar-
ing abuses in the Papal dominions which oc-
cupy central Italy. Austria is an Italian State;
and both Austria and France are now occupying
the
Papal territory with their troops. Such a po-
sition cannot be lasting, and her Majesty's Govern-
mentsubmi
public t
duty
yb both
oh
terminate,
Austria
if
possible, France that it
ti is
et
of
their
things which has become intolerable.
" Your Lordship may assure Count Buol that
the earnest support of her Majesty's Government
fromany
will not be withheld at Parisovertures
with
for
which the Cabinet of Vienna may
there
wi fo
h
eon
the establishment of a good
da
understanding
France with regard to Italy, or for •
giving effect to
her praiseworthy efforts.
Her Majesty's Government would further be
prepared to contribute, as much as in them lies, to
make any propositions, emanating from such a com-
mon understanding on the part of Austria and
France, acceptable to the parties in Italy to whom
they might be addressed.,
" If it should appear to Austria and France, the
two great Roman Catholic empires, after mature
counsel on the subject, that any modification of the
existing territorial arrangements in Central Italy
would be likely to contribute to the peace of the
country and the good government of the people,
her Majesty's Government would be prepared,
in conjunction with the other Powers by whom
the present order of things was established
in 1815, to give their best consideration tet any
measures calculated, without enfeebling the spiri-
tual power of the Pope, to effect objects so desirable
in the interests of humanity, and so important as
regards the general peace of Europe.
" But her Majesty's Government are of opinion
that, at the outset of the endeavours which might
be made by Austria and France to induce any of
the Sovereigns of Central Italy to agree to, and
carry out, such reforms in the internal adminis-
tration of their dominions as may be required by
justice and sound policy, it would not be expe-
dient that England should appear to take the
initiative or prominent part.
" So much of ecclesiastical polity is involved in
these questions, more especially as regards the
Papal States, that the interference of a Protestant
country in the proposed reforms might be looked
upon with suspicion, and rather injure than benefit
the cause.
" It appears, therefore, to her Majesty's Govern-
ment, to be essential that Austria And France, by