The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-14 00:00:00

reason of their more direct interest in, and the'
means they can bring to bear on matters at issue,
should take a leading part in their adjustment ;
leaving it to her Majesty's Government, and to
those of Prussia and Russia, equally dissenting with
themselves from the Church of Rome, to support,
by such means as they might deem most advisable,
the efforts of the Catholic Powers to induce the
Pope and other Italian Sovereigns to sanction a
change of system for the benefit of their respective
subjects.
Your lordship will enter fully, with Count
Buol, on this important subject, and you will
earnestly press upon him the expediency of an
early decision, while there is yet time for an
honourable and amicable understanding being
effected with France. The present opportunity
once lost, no other will present itself, until the
resources of both countries are wasted in a war
undertaken by the aggressor, whoever he may be,
for mrnational purpose, and defensible by no prin.
ciple of morality.

" I am, &c.,
(Signed) " VIALMESBURY."
On the 12th of January, the co-operation of
Russia to preserve the general peace of Europe
was earnestly solicited, through Sir J. Crampton,
at the same time that the disposition of that Power,

constantly shown since the peace of 1856, to culti-
vate the friendship of France was fully recognised.
The same appeal was made to Prussia, and the
anxiety of our Government was freely expressed to
the Court of Sardinia (January 13) on the mena-

cing state of affairs.
The account of a conversation between Earl Cow-
lry and the Count Walewski, on the 13th of
January, is too important to be omitted. It is
given in the following despatch :

No. 13. •
EARL COWLEY TO THE EARL OF MALMESBURY
" (Received January 15.)

(Extract.) "Paris, January 14,.1859.
" I had a long and not an unimportant conversa-
tion with Count Walewski this afternoon. I went
to his Excellency for the purpose of communicating
to him the substance of your Lordship's despatch
of the 10th inst. (No. 5), relative to the present
political crisis ; and, with this view, I read to him
the greater part of your observations.
" I should neither do justice to your Lordship
nor Count Walewski himself if I refrained from

recording-
the profound impression which the argu-
ment running through that despatch made upon his
Excellency. Some of the passages he requested me
to read twice over, others at once elicited his
warmest approval ; and I do not allow myself to
doubt that the tenour of your Lordship's remarks
will be faithfully conveyed to the Emperor.
" I particularly pointed out to Count Walewski
the total disinterestedness of the advice proffered
by her Majesty's Government; for of all quarters
of Europe, I observed, a war in Italy would be least
prejudicial to the material interest of Great Britain.
" After hearing me, and expressing, in general
terms, his appreciation of the masterly statement
which I read to him, his Excellency said that he

would state at once that, serious as was the aspect
of affairs, it would not be rendered more serious by
any proceedings on the part of France. France
had no wish to go to war or to induce others to
go to war ; and if she took up arms, it would be
on a question of right and in the defence of exist-
ing treaties. Such, his Excellency said, was the
Emperor's firm determination. His Majesty would
not declare war if unprovoked, or himself provoke a
war on the part of others ; and if others would
be as prudent as his Majesty, the crisis would
pass over.
" The reverse of the medal was to be looked for
in the possible imprudence of other Powers; the
gravity of the crisis was to be sought elsewhere.
So long as Austria remained within her own frontier,
she might act as she pleased ; he would guarantee
there would be no interference from France; but
let her once march a soldier into any part of Italy,
excepting the Legations, he would answer for
nothing. He did not mean to declare that, even
then France would interfere, but, in all probability,
Sardinia would, when the complications which
might ensue might involve all Europe. In a word
he looked Upon the peace of Europe as being at this
moment in the hands of Austria.
"Count Walewski assured me, further, that the
Emperor's instructions to Prince Napoleon on his
Imperial Highness's departure for Turin had been
of a most pacific character."
The views of the Ministry of the Earl of Derby
respecting the bearing of the question upon the
interests of the Pope are expounded in the follow-
, ing despatch. We invite'particular attention to
the declaration of her Majesty's Government to
maintain a strict neutrality, in paragraph 6 :
No. 14.

"THE EARL OF MALMESBURY TO MR. RUSSELL.*
" Foreign-office, Jan. 13, 1859.
" Sir,—The prevailing apprehensions of approach-
ing troubles in Italy, growing out of, or followed
by, a war between Austria and France in that coun-
try, cannot hive failed to make a serious impression
on the Papal Government, and to lead it to consider
what effects such a calamity may have on the tem-
poral power of the Pope.
" Her Majesty's Government are exerting them-
selves, and will still continue to use their utmost
efforts, to prevail upon the Governments whom
public rumour designates as prepared to embark in
this contest, to refrain from pursuing the acrimo-
nious discussions which have of late interrupted
their amicable relations, and, on the contrary, to
unite cordially in a common course of action, with
the view, if possible, of effecting by moral influence
such an improvement in the general state of Italy
as, by allaying the discontent which a large pro-
portion of the Italian people so justly feel at the
system of government under which they live, may
at once improve the social condition of the people,
and establish feelings of confidence and goodwill
between them and their rulers.
" Whether, in the state of feeling that now exists
between the Governments of Austria and France,
there needs any insurrectionary movement in Lom-
bardy or any part of Italy to give an excuse for an
open rupture between those two Powers, certain it
is that both are looking forward to and preparing
for the day when their armies shall stand in hostile
array against each other on the plains of Lombardy.
But, unquestionably, the probability of immediate
collision, and, at all events, the calamities that
must ensue from it, would be much diminished
if the Governments of Italy were spontaneously
to exprsss their readiness earnestly to con-
sider, with the two great Roman Catholic Powers
of Europe, the means of improving the adminis-
tration of their several States for thebenfit of their
subjects, and to offer substantial guarantees that
such improvements, once agreed upon, should be
honestly carried out.
" Her Majesty's Government having pointed out
to the two Imperial Courts that by united action
for this object they would not only relieve the rest
of Europe from the apprehensions under which it
now labours, but would probably set on foot in
Italy an order of things calculated to allay the
animosities which unhappily prevail in the several
Italian States, and which, as long as they exist,
must always be a source of disquietude to all
Powers interested in the maintenance of the general
peace.
" Her Majesty's Government are aware that,
from affinity of religion and from the military posi-
tion which Austria and France at present occupy
in the Roman States, the initiative of any
attempt in this direction most properly belongs
to those two Powers, and that Great Britain,
Prussia, and Russia, standing in both respects on a
different footing, could not advantageously propose
to assume a prominent part in any such measure.
But her Majesty's Government have intimated their
readiness to contribute, as far as their assistance
may be likely to avail, to bring about a better
order of things in Italy. The Government and
people of this country sympathise sincerely with
the wrongs of the Italian people, but they feel that
those wrongs will be redressed more effectually by
peaceful than by violent means. They look for-
ward with alarm to the beginning of disturbances
in Italy, whether originating in insurrection or in
war, because they are assured that troubles once
begun will speedily overspread the whole country,
and that the conflict which will arise must inevitably
disorganise still more its entire social system, and
be attended with an amount of human misery
which cannot be anticipated without dismay.
In anwyousuldehheaovnetteostp, ilnaydeiseds,utlafficeipenartltywihnideihcattheids
country
by its local posh
-ion ion and the general tendency of its
political institutions. A war in Italy would not
directly affect any '
material British interests •,
neither would it be ' consistent with our political
principles to interfere otherwise than by advice in
the internal affairs of the Italian States. Therefore,
her Majesty's Government would think it incum-
bent upon them to observe the strictest neutrality
between the contending parties, and would not see
in the struggle while in progress, or iti its result, as
long as it should be confined to Italy, any justifiable
motive for assuming any other attitude in regard
to it than that of a spectator, deeplAlamenting,
indeed, the calamities which they Irlight witness,
but declining any active part in 'a contest not
directly affectino• British interests, and begun, as
they would consider it, by the chief actors in it
without any sufficient cause.
" I have thought it advisable to give you this

addressed
was
swith the .
o:thAe
stieladra dye
tospaivticrh.,Clonrtbtetattts:SETV:rdeilw,
fol-
lowing addition :—" I have addressed an instruction in the
words of this despatch direct to Mr. Russell, at Route."

general insight into the views of her Majesty's
Government at the present crisis ; and although it
would not be advisable that you should seek occa-
sion to enter upon these matters with the Papal
Governyient, you will, if obliged to do so, regulate
your language by the tenour of this despatch.
qk "I am, &c.,
" MALMESBURY."
The resolve of our Government to adhere to a
policy of neutrality and to the treaties of 1815 was
expressly declared by Lord Bloomfield to the Baron
de Schleinitz (Jan. 13). Baron Schleinitz enter-
tained no hope at this time that any advice likely
to affect the fundamental institutions of Rome
would be accepted either by France or Austria ; he
even hints at the probability of " incalculable op-
trOsition." A conversation of Earl Cowley with the
Emperor of the French on the relations of France
and Austria is thus described

No. 24.
" EARL COWLEY TO THE EARL OF MALMESBURY,
" (Received January 21.)
" (Extract.) " Paris, Jan. 19, 185.
" Haviag taken measures for bringing to the Em-
peror's knowledge portions of your Lordship's
despatch of the 10th inst. (No. 5), concerning the
state of the relations between France and Austria,
and the general apprehension that war might be
the consequence, his Majesty was pleased, in a con-
versation which I had with him yesterday evening
to advert to these matters.
" His Majesty in admitting that great alarm and
disquietude prevailed, said he was quite unable to
divine the reason of it ; he was not aware of any -
thing that rendered war more probable to-day than
it was three months ago ; nor had he the slightest
wish or intention to provoke one. It was true that
about a fortnight ago, he had received a pressing
letter from the King of Sardinia, stating that he
(the King) had information, on which he could rely,
that he was about to be attacked by Austria, and
entreating him (the Emperor) to give him such as-
sistance as would enable him to bring up his outly-
ing troops to the Austrian frontier. On the receipt
of this letter, the Emperor continued, he had stop-
ped the embarkation of two batteries of artillery
which had been destined for Algeria, but he had
taken no other precautions whatever, and he sup-
posed that this must have alarmed the public mind.
"'What I said to M. de Cavour,' continued his
Majesty, I repeat now ; my sympathies always
have been, and still are, with Italy. I regret that
Lombardy should be in the possession of Austria,
but I cannot and do not dispute the right of the
latter. I respect existing treaties, because they are
the only landmarks we have ; so long as Austria
remains within her own frontiers she is, of course,
mistress to do as she pleases. With regard to Sar-
dinia, if she provokes hostilities unjustly, and places
herself in the wrong, she must expect no support
from me.'
"I should mention that when speaking of the
tenure of Lombardy by Austria( the Emperor ob-
served that he was not surprised that large rein-
forcements should have been despatched to
strengthen the troops garrisoning that country,
but they need not have been placed in a position
on the Tessin, thus provoking a counter demon-
stration on the part of Sardinia.
" I rejoined that, not being a military man, I
could not say how far an advanced position on the
Tessin was necessary to the safety of the Lombar-
dian frontier. But, however that might be, I said
that I could not forget that in 1848 Count Buol,
being then Austrian Minister at Turin, received the
most solemn assurances from the late King, Charles
Albert that there was no intention of attacking
Lombardy, whereas when his Majesty gave these
assurances orders had been actually expedited to
the Sardinian troops to march and pass the fron-
tier. It was not astonishing that a Government
of which Count Buol is a member, with a recollec-
tion of this act of treachery, should take care that
Austria was not again surprised."
The aversion of the French Government from any
action in common with Austria in order to effect
reforms in Central Italy and the Pope's dominions
was clearly expressed at a subsequent interview
with Count Walew ski.
In the course of the month of January,,the de-
spatch (No. 8) already quoted, was read to. Count
Buol, in Vienna, by Lord A. Loftus. His Excel-
lency listened to it with deep interest, and thus
expounded his views on the matter. It is Lord A.
Loftus who is writing to the Foreign-office :
" Count Buol commenced by stating that, as I
had not made a formal communication to him of
this despatch (for such I stated had not been my
instruction), he should not reply to it in any formal
manner, bit merely consider it, and refer to it, in
the light of remarks which I addressed to him in
the course of conversation. He expressed himself
as fully sensible of the kind and friendly motives
which had moved her Majesty's Government to
offer their advice and counsel at the present critical
moment, and he appreciated the cordial and sincere
interest which they evinced for Austria. But he
could not conceal from me his fears, that the
opinions set forth in your Lordship's despatch
might produce more harm then if these same views
and opinions had been likewise expressed at Paris
and Turin. 'ln fact,' said his Excellency, 6I regret
that you have read that despatch to me ; I regret
also that it has been written. If,' continued Count
Buol, you wish to preach peace and to prevent
war, address yourselves with firmness to France
and Piedmont. We are not meditating war ; we
shall not be the aggressors. Tell the Emperor
Louis Napoleon that Great Britain will not pas-
sively look on if his Majesty should commence hos-
tilities. Say to him that should he take such a
tours it will be at his own risk and peril. On the
other hand, warn King Victor Emmanuel that Eng-
land will not sanction any act of wilful aggression,
undertaken in full peace, by Piedmont against
Austria. If Great Britain is prepared to hold this
language, no war will arise.'
" In referring to that portion of the despatch
respecting any possible territorial change which
might be deemed desirable by all parties in
Central Italy, his Excellency stated with some
emphasis that he considered , this proposal as a
most dangerous doctrine, and as subversive of the
treaties of 1815.
" I stated to Count Buol that your lordship's in-
tention and wish was not to inflame the Italian
mind, or:to raise hopes which could not be pacifi-
cally realised. Your lordship had gin the
soundest advice to the Cabinet of Turin not to
commit any wilful infraction of the peace, and you
had deprecated in the strongest terms any attempt
to carry out the reforms required in Italy by phy-
sical force, and had advocated at Paris, as well as
here, the desirableness of a harmonious under-
standing between Austria and France on the
affairs of Italy.
" There are,' I observed to his Excellency,
two courses to pursue with respect to Italy,
where the present state of things is intolerable,
and cannot last. The reforms, which must
inevitably be made, can be effected by peaceful ne-
gotiation, and the establishment of a complete
agreement between Austria and France, with far
more chance of eventual success than by the
ruinous action of war. Such is the course urged
on your attention and recommended by her Ma-
jesty's Government. The other course and only al-
ternative, must be, eventually, revolution and war ;
and I have no doubt that your Excellency will agree
that the remedy in the last alternative is as dangerous
as the evil which it seeks to cure.' I recalled to him the
opinions enunciated at the Conference of Paris
when the continued occupation of the Roman States
was acknowledged to be an irregular state of things
which could not last and served only to perpetuate
the bad government of those States. It amounted
almost to an annexation, which was- opposed to the
spirit of the European treaties. If, therefore, I said,
you will do nothing by peaceful means, and in con-
cert with France, for the amelioration of the Italian
Governments, be assured that a war will be inevi-
table, and no human foresight can tell to what ulti-
mate changes it may lead. You reply, We shall
not begin war. We do not meditate any' aggres-
sion.' But let me tell you that at this moment the
decision of peace or war is no longer within the
hands of the Governments, but is transferred into
those of the Mazzini and Revolutionary party,
whose aim has always been to bring about a breach
between France and Austria for the attainment of
their own ends. You are therefore playing the
game of the Revolutionary party,, and you will in-
evitably fall into the trap which they have laid.
" ' How so !' said his Excellency. 1 replied by
loudly declaring your intention of giving succour
to the minor independent States of Italy, you will
give a pretext for others to oppose such interven-
tion, andyou thus placert in the hands of Mazzini,
by getting up some disturbance in Parma, or
Modena, to bring about that very collision with
Piedmont, and probably, also, with France, which
that party are desirous for. If your Excellency, I
continued, gives me the assurance that in no case
will Austria move a soldier across her frontier in
Italy without prev,ious concert with France, then I
shall consider that war may be averted.
" No, said Count Buol, I cannot give you that
assurance, for it would be a surrender of our sove-
reign power. We shall not intervene in any State
unless our aid is asked for, and in that case it
will be granted, and the knowledge that it
will be granted is the best preservative of order.
But, said his Excellency, let me ask you what
you will, say to Piedmont if she were to
attack ? I said I could not imagine
Such an eventuality. It would be a mouse attack-
ing the lion ; but I should then say, what I should

equally say of -you, if you move a soldier across
your frontier, that she is the aggressor.
" Count Buol then said that the agitation and
excitement had greatly subsided in Lotabardy since
the Austrian reinforcements had arrived, and that
he did not entertain the same fear as that with
k which her Majesty's Government were impressed
of a disturbance arising in Italy. The accounts
from Paris were also more satisfactory, tho public
mind and the press were far more calm and reas-
suree His Excellency added that there was really
no question of difference between Austria and
France except the Belgrade affair, which might be
considered closed; and he • did not partake of the
alarm felt for the peace of Italy."
As regards the proposal to interfere in the con-
cerns of Rome his Excellency declined to take the
initiative in resuming the question. He added the
following words :

"The truth is, we can never come to an under-
standing with France on Italian affairs, for we start
from two different points ; first, we do not consider
France to be an Italian Power ; secondly, France
sympathises with and protects the cause of nation-
alities, whereas we support that of the Sovereigns,
Governments, and of l'ordre etabli ; therefore there
can be no basis on which to found a concert or per-
fect co-operation. Nor is it necessary. It is a great
mistake to think that Italy requires change. If
Italy is left quiet, if agitation is put down, and if
the hopes of certain parties who only seek their
own aggrandisement are annulled, there will be no
commotion, no war in Italy, and no cause for the
measures which are counselled in the despatch you
have read to me."

The Russian Government (2d February) expressed
a strong desire to prevent the outbreak of war
between Austria and France, and urged the English
Government to exert all its influence to prevent so
dreadful an occurrence. Prussia also strongly
advised moderation.
Passing over despatches of mere routine, most of
which are now out of date in every respect, we
arrive at the confidential mission of Lord Cowley to
Vienna. He received his instructions on the subject
on the 13th of February, and the following interest•
ing despatch gives a summary of the results of the
mission.

No. 106.
' EARL COWLEY TO THE EARL OF MALMESBURY,

" (Received March 12.)
" Vienna, March 9, 1859.
" My Lord,—Being on the eve of leaving Vienna
on my return to England I am about to give your
Lordship in this despatch a general summary of the
results of the confidential mission with which I have

been charged, under the instructions contained in
your Lordship's despatch of the 22d ult. (No. 70).
" I reached Vienna early on the 27th ult. I had
an interview with Count Buol on the same day,
and on the following day had the honour to be re-
ceived by the Emperor of Austria. Hardly a day
has intervened since in which I have not had long

conversations with Count Buol. Ido not propose
entering into any details of what passed on these
occasions, but shall confine myself to stating that
the friendly overtures of her Majesty's Government
were received in the same spirit in which they were
made, and that Count Buol has shown throughout

;he discussions which I have had with him a sincere

desire to avoid the extremities of war, and to meet

the wishes and advice of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, as far as he thought he might do so without
compromising the national honour of Austria. I
may add that similar feelings were-evinced by the

Emperor.
" The delicate task entrusted to me by the confi-
dence of her Majesty's Government was rendered
somewhat easier by the intelligence which reached
your Lordship a few hours before I left London, to
the effect that the Pope had himself requested the
withdrawal, within the year, of the Austrian and
French ftrces now occupying the Papal territory ;
and although Count Buol has been, and is, up to
this moment, without other information respecting
his Holiness's wishes, except the meagre announce-
ment of the telegraph, he declared without hesita-
tion, from the first, the readiness of the Emperor to
comply with the Pope's request. He is of opinion,
however, that caution will be necessary in with-
drawing the troops of occupation, that insurrections
might follow their sudden removal, and that it
will be advisable that they should be withdrawn,
in the first instance, reciprocally to Ancona and
Civita Vecchia, and that their final departure should
take place some months later, when the Papal Go-

vernment will have had time to organise in their
stead a military and police force sufficient to ensure
the maintenance of public tranquillity. Count Buol
suggests that the Austrian, French, and Papal
Commanders-in-Chief should meet at Rome, in
order to settle matters connected with this point.
" With respect to the reforms of administration
to be introduced into the Roman States, Count Buol
expresses himself willing either to resume the nego-

tiation which had been Commenced with the French
Government upon that subject in 1857, but after-
wards allowed to drop by that Government and not
by him, or to fall back upon the recommendations
made by the five Powers to the Pope in 1831-32.
He prefers the latter measure, because he thinks it
more likely to be attended with success. He would
not, however, object to the former, but in that case
the proposal must come from the French Govern-
ment. The matter stands thus—France had made
certain propositions to Austria, to which counter
propositions had been offered ; but Austria had
never, been able to obtain the opinion of the French
Government upon these latter. She had more than
once asked for that opinion, and it remained with
the French Government to take the
-neat step.

" Upon the third point mentioned in your lord-
ship's despatch of the 22d ult., namely, a security
for the better relations bet ween the Governments of
Austria and Sardinia, Count Buol saes that your
lordship must address yourself to Turin. Et is
not, he maintains, from the conduct of Austria
that the present critical state of affairs has arisen,
but from the ambitious awl encroaching policy
of Sardinia. Austria desires no better than to
renew those amicable relations which had for
so many years united the two Governments,
but it could only be done on one condition,—a
complete champ of external policy on the part of
the Sarclinifln Government. With the internal
policy of Sardinia Austria has nothing to do, and
has no desire to interfere. Count Buol gives the
further assurance that Austria, notwithstanding
the provocations which she has received, has no
intention of attacking Sardinia, as long as the Sar-
dinian troops keep within their own territory ; but
he insists, as long as Sardinia remains armed, that
there can be no security for peace.
" I come now to the fourth point mentioned in
your lordship's instructions--namely, the abroga-
tion or modification of the Austro-Italian treaties of
1847. Even on this point, on -which Austria is
naturally more sensitive than any other, I believe
Count Buol is not only prepared to act with mode-
ration and forbearance with regard to the actual
execution of those treaties, but disposed to examine
whether they may be replaced, with the consent of
the other contracting parties, by some other combi-
nation, which, while relieving Austria from the
necessity of an interference the responsibility of
which is fully felt, would not risk the chance of the
Duchies becoming a prey to revolution and anarchy.
"In discussing this question, with a view to its
practical solution, it was absolutely necessary to
take into consideration the dominant feeling in
Count Buol's mind, that the only real danger of
revolution to which the Duchies would be exposed
would have its source in, and would be supported
by, Sardinia. Any scheme, therefore, for replacing
the treaties in question, to have a chance of being
accepted by Austria, must take this feeling into
account. Two plans presented themselves, and
were subjects of cursory conversation between Count
Buol and myself. The first, to which I avow a
strong preference, should it be pursued further,
and found pradicable,istherecognition by the great
Powers, or by Austria and France alone, of the
neutrality of the territory of Sardinia ; the second
is a.lengue among the smaller States of Italy for
their mutual succour in case of internal disorder.
Count Buol seemed favourably inclined to take into
his consideration any proposalhaving for its object
the modification of the Treaties of 1847, based on
either of these plans.
" The first of these appeared to me to have the
great advantage not only, if fairly carried into exe-
cution, of satisfying the Austiian Government that
the Duchies would not be exposed to future danger
but of cutting at once at the root of the existing
mischief. For what, in fact, is the apparent cause
of the present crisis in Italy ? Sardinia has taken
alarm at'what she considers the menacing attitude
assumed by Austria. She declares herself to be in
danger of invasion. She has, consequently, armed
beyond- her financial means, and she has obtained
from the Emperor of the French a qualified promise
of assistance, which has in turn similarly alarmed
Austria, and caused that Power to take military
precautions of a most costly and formidable cha-
racter. But if Sardinia had been a neutral terri-
tory, none of these evils could have happened. Safe
from any attack from either of her great neigh-
bours, Sardinia would have no occasion to keep on
foot an army ruinous to her finances. She could
pursue in peace and tranquillity the development
of her commerce and industry under those free in-
stitutions which she; has chosen, and, it might be
hoped, would become a pattern and example for
the rest of Italy to follow. Austria and the Govern-
ments of Central Italy, on the other hand, relieved
from all anxAy as to the aggressive policy of Sar-
dinia' might consent to give up those treaties which
have been the cause of so much irritation.
"It may be said that Sardinia would. never von-