The Sun.
London, England, 1835-02-26 00:00:00

PRICE 7D.

same constituents, and who withdrew their support on this
subject from a Government to which they had given such
proofs of attachment and devotion, will transfer it to and
ther, of which from the former political opinions of its mem-
bers, they must entertain the most just and well-founded
suspicions? On the other hand, the-public-papers announce
that a bolder and broader scheme of reform is in contem-
plation than any which the former Governments would have
dared to attempt. If this is so, it must go far beyond the
application of church property to " ecclesiastical purposes,"
either to give the promise of peace to that distracted coun-
try, or satisfaction to the House of Commons. •
The original seizure of the endowments of the national
Church of Ireland, and their application to the support of
an establishment hostile to the consciences and feelings of
five-sixths of the population, was a grievous act of wrong and
oppression, as contrary to the interests and principles of
true,. Protestantism, as to those of sound policy and
rational Government. The conversion of the people at
least, if that was the object of their governors, has
'not followed from this act of injustice. Catholicism
has flourished and increased; and a state of con-
fusion, discord, and anarchy, arising from religious animo-
sity, has followed, such as has not disgraced the Government
:any other country in the civilized world. The interest
andof Protestantism would have been infinitely more
crew. '
extended under-the maintenance of the Catholic Church, if
its pastors and profess,, s had pursued the same inexorable
course in the exaction o
fit...es as their Protestant succes-
sors have adopted, by which Goznments have been made
odious to the people, and civilization renjered nearly hopless.
iild
Some course between the two systems ss.: been the
iwiser policy in the first instance,
as it would ow, to se-
cure the one great end in which -all classes of Cbs:istians
must agree,—the moral improvement of the people.
be 2
The same oppressive measure attempted in Scotland, was
h ippily defeated in that country by the bravo resistance of
I.er inhabitants. A comparison of the results of the two
systems probably saved Canada. on the conquest, from a
similar attempt. No person acquainted with the history of
that colony will be found to regret the wise and just policy
which suggested a more extended liberality in her case,
than might have been necessary to establish peace, har-
mony, and the foundations of solid improvement amongst all
-classes of the Irish population, with perfect security to
the interests of Protestantism, and the rights and pro-
perty of our Protestant fellow-subjects. No broad and
bold scheme; not laslding out well-founded hopes of ef-
fecting both these objects, is worth the time which will be
wasted in the discussion of it. The reformation of the Irish
Church is not more required, than its reduction within the pre-
sent and probable future wants of the congregations of its esta-
blishment. The application of its large surplus revenue to
purposes' of education and moral improvement, in such
manner, and under such management, as may be accepta-
ble to the mass' of the population, would seem to be the
least objectionable appropriation of this national fund.
No measure short of this would have been accepted by the
last House of Commons from a liberal Government. In
their determination to enforce this principle they broke up
Lord Grey's Cabinet, and while the question remains un-
settled, it will be the rock on which any future Government
must be shipwrecked.
My opinions on this subject have never varied, and. were
stated, before I joined the late Administration,. both to my
colleagues, and in the House of Commons, without the
smallest disguise or reservation ; but I hope no person
will misunderstand me as intending to support any mea-
sure which should interfere with the security of the Pro-
testant Church, much less with that of the Protestant in-
habitants of Ireland. There is no class of the King's
subjects who deserve, or in the end, may require, more,
the protection of the Legislature—nor is there any, whether
belonging to the Church of England, or to the different
denominations of Protestant Dissenters, for whom I enter-
tain deeper feelings of respect and esteem. If, in the un-
seemly strife which has so long been permitted to prevail
amongst Christians in that unhappy country, mutual recrimi-
nations have been more apparent than those feelings of charity
and good will, which their common faith would have pre-
scribed, the fault is to be attributed wholly to misgovernment,
and to a system which, it is to be hoped, is now on the eve of
a thorough reformation. It is perieCtly consistent with
oar views, and in every respect necessalTs to combine
with the most liberal measures for the satisfacon of the
Catholic population, adequate provisions against anj dan-
ger to be justly apprehended from a revival of the ascensl-
ancy of the Catholic Church. No measure will be ac-
ceptable to the country, which shall leave the Protestant
minority exposed to the possibility of persecution, either
in their religious or temporal interests. The sinecure emo-
luments ( f the Church Establishment, and the expected
enjoyment of them, by those who consider their mainte-
nance of more consequence than the peace and civilization
of the country, are the only sacrifices necessary to effect a
reasonable settlement.
On other subjects, I need scarcely refer to the opinions I
have so often expressed to you. Every proposition for the
redress of the complaints, and the removal of the exclu-
sions and disabilities, under which the Dissenters shall la-
bour, or which shall have for its object, the placing them,
in respect to ease of conscience, and the enjoyments of
civil rights and advantages, on an equal footing with their
fellow-subjects, will have my cordial support.
We have happily the experience of the Bill passed two
years ago, for the reformation of the Corporations in Scot-
land, as a safe guide on that question. No person can
dream of proposing a less efficient measure for England.
The apprehensions of the most timid Conservative on this
ssabject, may be easily removed by reference to the state of
quiet, contentment, and peace, that has reigned in the
towns of Scotland since the provisions of that Bill came
into operation. On these and other points, all that is requir-
ed is, that the general wishes and good of the community,
shah be preferred in our future legislation to narrow views,
and the selfish clamour of parties interested in upholding a
system of monopoly and exclusion. It would be too much.
to expect, that in our present state of society, there should
neither be visionary theorists, nor unprincipled politicians,
whose schemes, if they had the power to enforce them,
might threaten the safety or extend to the destruction of
our best institutions. A great deal is said by one party of
their influence both in and out of doors ; certainly not
hitherto justified by any encouragement of their doctrines
from the Reformed House of Commons, or the general
constituency of the country. If we have these representa-
tives of extreme opinions on the one band, there are at
least a sufficient number on the other to cope with them in
•arliament ; and it is better that both should meet in the
same arena, where, by a mutual expression of opinion, the
advantages of the best practical principles may be made
manifest to the country. The same correction could not be
applied, while the Utopian professor of Pure-isiii, or the
real Destructive, had only the means, and enjoyedihe ex-
clusive practice of recommending his nostrums out of doors ;
and exhibited ready examples of the evils for which he
proscribed ,his remedies, in the abuse of an unrer:ormed Go-
vernment. We may place full confidence for a security
against dangers of this description, in the sound sense and
intelligence of the new constituency. There are other
dangers of a more difficult character to deal with, which
may even be increased by the destruction of the present
Administration, but which must either give way to firinness
and temper on the part of the House of Commons, or in-
volve those from whom they are to be apprehended in
greater evil, than it is in their power to inflict upon the
country. We need not be scared with the alarm of revo-
lution, if all classes will reconcile themselves to the changes
that have taken place, and their necessary consequence—a
popular Administration.
I know of no limit to the progressive march of amend-
ment, adapting itself to the wants of our ever changing con-
dition of society, provided it be guided by caution, prudence,
and wisdom, and that. time is given for ample discussion
and reflection before measures are ultimately adopted. If
we will only consent to go on—it is in vain either to attempt
to go back or to stand still (and we have already gone too
far, if that was to be the policy)—our own institutions will
pass safely through this, as they have passed through se-
vcrer trials in the history of the country. If, on some
points, the people have been pertinacious and impatient—if
there has been pressure from without—how deeply are for-
mer Administrations responsible for it ! No concession
has been made in time or graciously—no just right has been
admitted—no grievance relieved—until an irresistible array
of strength on the part of the people has been resort ed to,
for the enforcement,of redress, denied to their just but un-
availing petitions. • The unparalleled vexations of the tithe
system in Ireland, aggravated by the tyrannical proceedings
in the Ecclesiastical Law Courts, were only at last re-
dressed, because it was found impossible to persevere in
them. The disqualifications of the Catholics were not re-
moved till the fidelity of the troops could no longer be re-
l. ed upon. The Test and Corporation Acts were only
re-
p in obedience to an opposition too strong for re-
sistance. The great struggle for Reform itself took its im-
mediate rise from the refusal to transfer the elective franchise
from two miserable boroughs, convicted of its abuse, to the
powerful communities of Manchester and Leeds, then de-
prived of the smallest voice in the national coun-
cils. The hopelessness of the least concession to popular
rights and feelings, was still further evinced by the declares

the first Minister of the Crown—that the anoma-
ern, so long in 0:5-ctice. and so long complained of,
best that could be decsed, and admitted of no bu. •
[provement. In the course of the struggle, wberi
,wn had recommended to ParliAment compliance
prayers of the people, the violent resistance of the
rchy led to the formation of Political Unions, and
lay of force, which the Duke of Wellington and thg
Jf Lords found it impossible to cope with, before the
of the bill. What became of. the Political Unions,

e agitation of the period had been allowed to sub-
side, during the latter part of Lord Grey's, and the whole
of Lord Melbourne's administration ? If the difficulties of
governing the country have been seriously increased by
madly entering into these contests with the people, proving
at the same time an indisposition to place the least -confi-
dence in them, and their ability to wring from the hands of
unwilling poWer a larger share in the administration -of their
own affairs, who is to blame for it ? As far as my expe-
rience goes, pressure from without has been generally pct.-
ceded, and often justified by, an obvious reluctance within,
to keep pace with the. reasonable demands of public opinion.
—I do not mean to contend for the infallibility either of
the public, or their Representatives hr the House of
Commons. Both are liable to error ; 'Rad in the
history of popular Governments, there are abund-
ance of lamentable instances of their acts having .been
regulated, rather by the passions and feelings of the.
client, than by calm reason and a sober judgment of their
bearings and consequences. These defects are part of the
price we pay for the inestimable advantages of governing
ourselves. My point, is, that it is in vain in the present
state of our representation, as settled by the Reform Bill,
for any Government to undertake the management of the
public affairs, which does not cordially and willingly adopt
the views .of a large majority of the' representatives of the
people. We are too much addicted to the use of general
terms, in these- discussions. What does pressure from
without mean, and how is it to.be resisted? Let us come
to specific facts. The only instances in my recollection, of
pressure from without, in the last House of Commons,
were,—on the Irish Church, faluiry into the Pension List,
and for Reduction of Taxation. an the first, the rejection
of the 147th clause of the Church Teinuoralities' Bill, by
the House of Lords, raised suspicions, wbich were con-
firmed, upon ascertaining that a difference of opinion
existed in the Cabinet with regard to the principle involved
in that provision. On the second, the Representati7es
acted upon feelings entertained and strongly expressed,
from 'John O'Groat's House to the Land's End ;
a;:d I confess, on these two points I saw nothing either
wina,.!iral or unreasonable in the pressure, and experience
seareelyt,,nms to justify the policy adopted of resisting it. On
the last, e,crOinl.Y,
looking to the great efforts made by the
Government tt; reduce the expenditure, and the snecess
with which they were attended (for I believe in three years
they had -reduced nearly a fifth of the whole expenditure
within their control), the pressure did seem a little severe ;
but then this was an evil of old standing, to which Unre-
formed Parliaments were a; -liable as Reformed ones.
There is little appearance, front what I see passing on the
several hustings, of a remedy haling been found for it, in
the recent dissolution.
" An ignorant impatience of taxation," as the late Lord
Castlereagh termed it ; an overwhelining debt, and the
complaints of our beggared farmers, struggling with money
prices against paper rents—with all the fruits of our paper
currency, of the wisdom which dictated Mr. Vansittart's
resolution ; in one year, that a pound note and a shilling
were equal to a guinea—in another, that they only repre-
sented fifteen ; of the measure of 1819 and 1822,
the last producing ath the "permanent" prosperity of the
beginning of 1825, and the ruin which desolated the com-
mercial world in the end of that year ; all these were the
inheritances of a Whig Government and a Reformed Par-
liament, from their predecessors. It is to be hoped the
country will not be placed under deeper obligations, by the
more popular Governments, which must hold the helm for
the next half century.
It is scarcely in the nature of things to exect that men,
hitherto acting on such different principles, will now turn
over an entirely new leaf, and sincerely concur in adopting
a revolution effected in despite of their most strenuous op-
position. In Sir Robert Peel, personally, I should feel as
much confideme as I do unfeigned respect for his character
and abilities, if I had sufficient grounds on which to form
•a belief that he would act on this feeling, lookinc, back to
the past only for experience, and forward only to those effi-
cient reforms and amendments which can alone 'obtain for
any English Minister the support of Parliament and of the
nation.

It is impossible to feel the smallest reliance in some of
his colleagues, or in the views of a large proportion of his
supporters, who belong to that class, which was said, on
their return to a neighbouring country, after a convulsion
which had uprooted the instituions of centuries, to have for-
gotten nothing, and to have learnt nothing. Every
association, however, connected with Sir Robert
Peel, his connection with the progress and changes
which led ultimately to the Reform Bill, and with
the intelligence, the advancing power, and the wealth of
the country, might encourage hopes that he would take
distinguished part in leadity, and regulating measures
of aoelioration, rendered difficult of arrangement., by a re-
,k.ta„ce 100 long and too successfully opposed to the wants
and wishesreflecting the and instructed portion of the
community. On ;he other hand, the first act of his Go-
vernment, the dissolu,:on of the Parliament, is a severe
drawback from these expec,!ations. That must have been
decided by influences hostile to any real reconciliation with
the people, and in utter ignorance of the general feelings of
the country. The changes in the returns hitherto an-
nounced are principally from the old constituencies of some
of the larger towns, and in smaller boroughs, where the
conversion of a lesser number of voters was Officient to
effect the object, and can deceive no one who has the least
experience on the subject. These alterations have been as
much regulated by public opinion as the nomination of a
large majority of the Cabinet. The addition to the Tory
ranks will only make the Administration of future govern-
ment more difficult, and possibly lead, from the transactions
connected with the elections, to further claims for Reform.
It cannot in the least affect the march of political events.
No Parliament now elected, or hereafter to be :lected, in
England, will, in the sense applied to that word by one
party, be more Conservative than the last one.
Whatever may be your judgment of the views stated in
this let: ,thened address, either with respect to the past, the
present, of the future, I know you will at least belies a that
they are the roult of a deliberate and conscientious ..consi-
deration of the cirezzmstances of the country.
Having acted for manjyears zea!ously and devotedly in the
ranks of one of the two great political parties in the State, I
cannot expect credit in this rest ct from those who impute
to all public men the adaptation of their opinions to the ob-

ject of obtaining power and place.
So far from seeking office on my first appointment, I con-
siklered the acceptance of it the greatest sacrifice I could
make to strong personal f:iendship and attachment. When
the Reform Bill was I resigned my situation, certainly
with no intention of returning to the public service. .A se-
cond appeal, on the same grounds, overcame any repug-
nance (increased by experience) to official employment ;
aml the loss of health entailed by the labours of the last
session, would have compelled me again to retire, if subse-
quent,events had left me an option on the subject.
No considerations of this description can therefore in-
fluence my feelings or my conduct ; and I know of no event
likely to interfere with my desire to devote such attendance
as it may be in my power to give in the House of Commons
excluslvely to your service.
In the proceedings of the present Parliament, I shall feel
the greatest interest in protecting the public in the impend-
ing conflict of parties ; and my conduct will be directed by
the hope, that we may yet be able to - find some means of
averting our present dangers, and securing the constitution
in the crisis to be appreended from recent events. The
only reward I shall look for, will be in the continuance of
that approbation, which you have hitherto expressed, of my
execution of the trust you have so long confided to me.
I have the honour to be, Gentlemen,
Your faithful and humble servant,
EDWARD ELLICE.

COLBURN'S MODERN NO are re-
quested to state that the March Number of this new and cheap
Library of Entertainment will consist of Lady Morgan's cele-
brated national tale of " O'Donnell," revised and correctec',
the three volumes being comprised in one, with a portrait or
the author, vignette, &c., and bound for 55., an instance of
cheapness .nithert*mparalled, And on the Ist of March will
rlso appear the third part of the second and cheaper edition of
Sir Jonah Barrington's " Memoirs of Ireland," to be corn-
pleted_in six parts, at Els. each, with upwards of 40 portraits,
fac-similes, &c. Published for Henry Colburn, by IL Bentley ;
:went for Ireland, Mr. John Cumming, Dublin; for Scotland,
Alessi's. Bell and Bradfute, Edinburgh.
FlRE.—Yestcrday afternoon a fortunate discovery
of fire took place in the house of Mr. Walker, cooper, of 15,
Charlotte-street, New-road, Chelsea, and the publication of
which ought to act as a warning to parents in leaving their
children without proper persons to look after them during
their absence. It appears that the father and mother had gone
out and left two boys in the workshop, where a quantity of
shavings were lying about : one of them procured a light and
set fire to a few of the chips, and in a minute or two the sparks
communicated to the shavings. The utmost alarm prevailed
for some time, and before any assistance could be rendered,
the stock in the shop was entirely consumed. Several engines
and firemen were in attendance shortly after the alarm was
first given, and after the application of an immense quantity of
water on the flames, the fire was got und,r and the upper part
of. the house, with tho furniture, &c. saved. The children
received /Jo injury. Mr. Walker is insured in the Glbe Fire-
office.
The number of miles over which the contractors
carry the mail in the United States is said to be no less than
twenty-six millions eight hundred and fifty-four thousnml four
hundred and eighty-five.

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