The Sun.
London, England, 1866-03-31 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—The imminence of a rupture between
two of the great Powers of Europe is a fact which,
if it could be absolutely credited, might well create
universal alarm. A collision between the armies of
Austria and Prussia might be the beginning of
another Seven Years' War and the signal of a Euro-
pean conflagration. We have been threatened with
no such calamity in recent times, for it is certain
that such a contest would involve the principal
States of the second class, and too probable that it
would attract the intervention of greater Powers.
But the truth is, that as yet the world, and espe-
cially the English world, is incredulous on the sub-
ject. We cannot persuade ourselves that Austria
and Prussia, however fiercely they may wrangle,
will actually fight. They have been on the verge of
hostilities before without coming to blows, and, in-
deed, were nearer war in 1850 than even at this
moment. We can hardly avoid thinking, therefore,
that they will find some way out of their present
quairel, desperate as it appears, and this view of
the case is probably aided by an involuntary indif-
ference to the result. It is so impossible to sym-
pathise with either party to the dispute, and so diffi-
cult to escape the reflection that whatever befalls
either of them will have been well deserved, that we
instinctively dismiss the subject from our minds as
either unimportant or unpractical. This great Ger-
man war, however, is really believed to be immi-
nent. While our attention has been engaged by
domestic topics and anticipations of trouble inAme-
rica, Austria and Prussia have been exchanging re-
criminations and menaces till all but the last words
have been reached. What renders the case more
alarming is that the question is not speculative. The
dispute can no longer be conducted by those tor-
tuous dialectics in which Germans delight. The
question has emerged from the region of " ideas,"
and stands out sharply expressed in facts and pur-
poses. After a year of shameless manoeuvres, Prus-
sia has at length thrown aside all hypocrisy and re-
serve, and declared her intention of annexing to
her own dominions the two Duchies which were
wrested from Denmark on the pretexts of injured na-
tionality or doubtful succession. Austria refuses her
consent to this apppropriation, and, as she is in
actual possession of half the territory, she can
drive Prussia to the alternative of humilating re-
treat or open war. On this policicy she now seems
to be bent, and, as Prussia is more likely, of the
two, to fight than to retire, we may learn any
morning that the peace of Europe has been
broken, and that the two great Powers of Germany
are at war. It is hardly possible to discriminate
between merits or demerits in a cause like this, for,
though Prussia has been undoubtedly the arch de-
linquent in the transaction, her policy was em-
braced and promoted by Austria up to so late a
stage of the proceedings that the responsibility for
the result seems to be pretty evenly divided. At
this moment, however, and as things now stand, the
views of Austria would certainly be more in accord-
ance with the views of Europe and the dictates of
right than the views of Prussia: Prussia is simply
advancing with unabashed audacity to the consum-
mation of a scheme every step of which has been
signalised by violence and wrong. She has unhesi-
tatingly discarded, one by one, the pretexts on
which she justified her successive approaches to the
end, and, after gradually showing that her object
in the Danish war was not right but robbery, she
now proposes to take possession and make open
appropriation of the soil. Austria opposes this
design, and, in opposing it, represents, so far, the
principles of justice and the policy of Europe. It
may be true that her motives will not bear inquiry,
and that her past conduct detracts fatally from her
present pretensions ; but, nevertheless, the settle-
ment which she desires would be more consistent
with sound European policy than the propositions
of Prussia. To that extent we may give Aus-
tria our sympathies. The preference is not indeed
very decided, but it at least exceeds anything we

can bestow upon Prussia. Prussia can challenge no
admiration, except it be that which is usually
forthcoming in some degree for unqualified
audacity and brute determination. Since
Frederick 11. has found his eulogist, even
M. Bismark may reasonably hope for partisans.
It is bewidering to contemplate an event so
terrible as that now in prospect, and to feel at
the same time that we can discern on either
side no claim for our sympathies.

THE "ANGLO-AMERICAN TIMES" ON FREE-TRADE
LEAGUES.—Germany, or rather the portions of that
country includ ed in the Zollverein, or Revenue Union,
presents to-day the strongest argument in favour of
free trade that can probably be advanced. Except-
ing the free cities of Lubeck, Bremen, and Ham-
burg, a few of the minor duchies and Austria, all
of Germany is included in the league, and through-
out this populous territory, the home of not less
than 34,000,000 of people, all interchange of com-
modities is absolutely unrestricted, and the maxi-
mum duties that can be levied upon any goods or
articles of foreign growth or production is ten per
cent.i while for the past twelve or fifteen years the
raw productions of foreign countries have been ad-
mitted almost free of impost charges. And yet the
income to Government has increased largely, and
the wealth of the people immensely so under this sys-
tem. It is such facts as these that show how injurious
to a country like the United States must prove not
only the increased protection for which some of the
manufacturers of New England are so clamorous,
but the high tariff rates now existing—which on
nearly every description of imports are five times as
great as the maximum of these German States. The
principal of fostering an unhealthy business or trade,
by imposing restrictions upon its natural competi-
tors, and thus burdening the legitimate interests of
the country in order that the exotic plant may
prosper, is radically wrong. The few may thus be
made to prosper, but it will always be at the ex-
pense of the many. Believing that the pro-
ducing or agricultural sections of Amer: ca.
must inevitably suffer to a great extent by
the proposed legislation of the manufacturers,
as urged by their representatives in Con-
gress, we cannot but feel gratified at seeing so
strong an organisation springing up as is the
" American Free-Trade League." We some time
since noticed the fact that, in several of the West-
ern cities, such an organisation had been started ;
but, since that time, it has been organised
in New York city, and obtained considerable
strength there. This will be seen at once by perus-
ing the list of officers, which leads off with the
editor of that conservative old journal, the Evening
Post. The officers are as follows :—President, Wm.
Cullen Bryant ; vice-presidents, David Dudley
Field, Lucius Robinson, Isaac H. Bailey, Alfred
Pell ; corresponding secretary, Charles Astor Bris-
ted ; recording secretary, Robt. Pell ; treasurer, W.
B. Scott. The organisation is to be a permanent ones
the sum of fifty dollars constituting a life member.
The platform of the Free-Trade League is strong
and to the point, boldly enunciating the principles
for which the company was formed. It holds that
men should have the right to exercise their indus-
try, to dispose of its fruits in any market which to
them may seem best, and with the proceeds to buy
whatever and wherever they please. The " paren-
tal" interference of Government with private pur-
suits is strongly protested against, the League being
convinced that the less Government is felt and seen
the better for all concerned. This is a good doc-
trine, which did not admit of putting a Government
agent into every corner and hole of the country.
The society further believes that the " protection"
of the manufacturer is robbery of the consumer,
with added hypocrisy of pretending to look after
the interest of the latter. There are many

reasons why a moderate protective policy is
temporarily desirable in the United States,
but none which can justify the high protec-
tive legislation advocated by the manufacturers of
the Eastern States. The great staples of America
for a century to come will be grain and cotton, and
nothing but Free Trade, or a very moderate tariff
for revenue purposes, will ever satisfy the great
agricultural interests of that vast country.