The Sun.
London, England, 1835-09-04 00:00:00

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

TATTERSALL'S.
DONCASTER ST. LEGER.-(TUESDAY WEEK.
A few bets were made yesterday about the four principal fa-
vorites, but without producing any material alteration in the posi-
tion they respectively. occupied on Monday. Jupiter rose several
points without being backed, although two or three parties seeme d-
anxious to get on. Verbena was sent from 15 to Ito4oto 1, and,
notwithstanding the latter odds were taken to rather more than
1001., the indications were sufficiently definite to justify a belief in
the report that she is lame, or otherwise amiss. A dull afternoon
closed as follows :-
10 to 3 agst Mr. Bowes's Mundig—taken
7to 2 agst Mr. Mostyn's Queen of Trumps--4 to 1 taken
7 to 1 agst Lord Orford's Ascot—taken
9 to 1 agst Mr. Greville's Preserve—taken
14 to 1 agst Mr. Richardson's Hornsea—offered
)5 to 1 agst Mr. Johnson a Jupiter—take 16 to 1
20 to 1 agst Mr. Houldsworth's Turban—offered
40 to 1 agst Lord Derby's Verbena—offered
Offers to take 5 to 4 between the field and two, ani 6 tos be
tween Mundig and Queen of Trumps.

.NICIPAL CORPORATIONS BILL.

(From the Newcastle Courant.)
GATESHEAD.

A numerous Meeting of the inhabitants of Gateshead was
held on Thursday night last, at the Grey Horse Inn, to con-
sider what steps should be taken in consequence of the conduct
,cif the House of Lords with respect to Municipal Reform. The
Attendance of C. Rippon, Esq., M.P. for the borough, gave
an additional interest to the meeting.

Mr. JABEZ Hoop, one of the Borough Stewards, having
teen called to the Chair, and having opened the meeting with
-a few remarks, in the course of which he said the question
was, whether the people vaere to he governed by the King and
his Parliament, or by a corrupt and pauper House of Lords,
Mr. W. BROCRETT rose to move the adoption of a petition
to the House of Commons, urging the rejection of the Corpo-
ration Bill in the form it would be sent to that House from
the House of Pcr.xs. After alluding to the presence of Mr.
Eippon, and the contrast exhibited by his conduct to that of
ether representatives, who, having neglected and betrayed the
interests entrusted to their charge, dared not appear before
their co'.istituents at a momentous crisis like the present, he
proceee.ed to notice some of the Lords' amendments to the
Bill ; and having dwelt upon these points at considerable
lengfa, he emphatically called upon the meeting to join with
their fellow-countrymen in protecting the throne from the ma-
chinittions of the aristocracy. He concluded by reading the
pet3.tion, the adoption of which was seconded by Mr. JAMES
CYJARnrom, and unanimously agreed to.
Mr. WATSON proposed the second resolution, by moving
an Address to his Majesty on the present state of affairs,
and entered at some length in vindication of the Municipal
Corporation Bill, and adverted in strong terms on the course
pursued by Lord Lyndhurst and his party, and stigmatized
them as vampyres. They had (he said) insulted the people
both in action and in word ; first, in the way they had treated
the present Bill, and secondly in calling them destructives.
'He was confident they did not deserve this, for they sought
nothing but the public good, and the rights and just privi-
leges of their countrymen. He assured the meeting that
they had nothing to fear in the course they were now adopt-
ing, or in regard to the consequences which were likely to
follow, provided they acted with that prudence and decision
which so eminently characterises the nation ; and by so doing
they would speedily see the extirpation of all abuses which
the country now complained of.
Mr. JOHNSON seconded the motion.
Mr. ROWNTREE then moved an Address to his Majesty's
Ministers, pledging the meeting to give them all the support
in their power in the present trying circumstances in which
they were placed. He said he felt confident that their steady,
firm, and persevering conduct met the approbation of all pre-
sent, and had obtained the admiration of their fellow-country-
men. In the House of Peers, Lord Melbourne's conduct,
also, was such as well deserved the title of the people's friend,
and the defender of the rights of the Constitution. He
viewed with indignation the way in which the Corporation
measure had been received in the Upper House, and the
insult offered not only to the people, but to their Repre-
sentatives, by allowing Counsel to handle the Bill the way
they had done. Mr. R. then concluded by hoping that his
Majesty's Ministers would receive every encouragement from
the people, to enable them to show to the House of Lords the
necessity of acting in accordance with the wishes of the people.
Mr. MATCHITT seconded the motion.

Mr. KELL, in proposing the next resolution, alluded to the
manner in which the Commissioners on the Corporation Bill
had been treated by the House of Lords, and vindicated their
character as men fully capable of accomplishing the task en.
trusted to them ; and instanced in complimentary terms the sa-
tisfactory manner in which the two Commissioners (Messrs.
Rumball and Dwarris) who had visited Newcastle and Gates-
head had performed their duty in both places. After a few
remarks on the conduct of the Peers, he concluded by moving
a vote of thanks to Messrs. Rumbald and Dwarris.
Mr. GLAuoLst seconded the motion.

Mr. FOSTER proposed that the thanks of this meeting be
given to their able and much respected representative, Mr.
Rippon, and briefly complimented the people of Gateshead for
the spirit they had displayed on this occasion, and the bold
manner in which they had come forward to defend the rights of
their countrymen.
This was seconded by Mr. REVELY, and was received with
-three times three loud cheers.

Mr. RIPPON then came forward, and spoke to the following
effect :—Believe me, gentlemen, it is to me most truly pleasing
and gratifying to meet you at all times, but more especially on
an occasion such as the present. lam sure that it is quite
unnecessary for me to offer you any remarks upon the Muni-
cipal Bill, which has been so fairly and fully discussed by the
gentlemen who preceded me. And I believe it still more un-
necessary for me to of a single observation upon the subject
of the Irish Church Bill, which has also been casually glanced
at ; for mr nv of you by possibility may agree with me in think-
ing, that if the House of Lords are contented to abandon the
Irish paesans, it is advisable at least to let them have their own
way in tbis respect.—( Laughter and applause.) The Irish
Church Bill offered to the parsons a security of 75 per cent., to
be paid by the landowners of their respective districts ; but the
Housr. of Lords have been pleased to say that the clergy shall
not receive this boon- The clergy, in several instances, pre-
sent ed petitions to the House of Commons, in which it was
sta :ed that they worked their own fields and planted their own
pr.tatoes ; and declared that, for the sake of their faith, they
v ere prepared to remain as they were. If they entertain such
!feelings, I can assure you that I know full well that the people
of Ireland will never be coerced into the payment of tithes by
the application of English bayonets, for I believe that Lord
Melbourne is determined to refuse that extraneous and uncon-
stitutional mode of collection ; and the only issue will be,
never can such a measure be again offered to the consideration
of their Lordships—never again can such advantages be held
out to the clergy of the. Established Church of Ireland.—
( Loud cheers.) And lam sure it will tend to hasten the
corning- of that happy day—the advent of that just settlement
of tbis great question, in leaving every man to pay his religious
teacher in whatever way he thinks best.—(Great cheering.)
With respect to the Municipal Reform Bill, perhaps you will
permit me to make a few remarks upon a few of the observe-
eions cf the gentlemen who have preceded me. My friend on
my left alluded to some of the magnanimous Peers by whom
the great majority of the opponents of the Bill is swelled ; but
I have happened to hear one individual Peer, created by Lord
Grey--one of those who were brought in to swell the Liberal
party, and put down that Oligarchical faction which had hitherto
prevailed in their opposition to the Reform Bill—l heard with
my own ears that noble individual get up in his place, and say,
" Although, my Lords, I have through all my life supported
Ineasures favourable to the people, yet the day has come when
it is my duty to stand by my order. —( Laughter.) Yes, my Lords,
the day has come, when I see the walls of this town placarded
with squibs, asking, Of what use are the Lords ? ' and I
tell you, my Lords, that we, the Peers of England, have now
to perform that great duty for which we were originally con•
stituted, to resist the encroachments of the people."—( Loud
laughter.) That man, gentlemen, was Lord Segrave, late
Colonel Berkeley, a personage intimately connected with the
city of Gloucester—who had a particular interest in the Cor-
poration of that town—and whose patriotic support might
doubtless have been obtained by Ministers, would they only
have consented to remove Gloucester from the Bill.—( Cheers
and laughter.) Mr. Rowntree, also, has observed, that he
was surprised the House of Lords did not stay the line of pro-
ceeding which was adopted by counsel before their Lordships.
lie and you will be much more surprised to hear that, night
after night, during the purchased pleadings of this professional
buffoon, the Lords and this witty personage sometimes
amused themselves for a quarter of an hour together with
cracking jokes on subjects totally irrelevant to the question in
Band._( Hear, hear.) I saw chairs provided for the town
clerks at tteeir Lordships' bar. We, the members of the other
House of Parliament, have a right to stand—( Laughter)--
but if any one were to petition that we should be permitted
the- use of even a wooden form, I am sure their Lordships
would, with one voice, reject the approach of such an inti-
,Nacy.—( Renewed laughter.) Perhaps you are not aware
tat' the practice of the Upper House of Parliament is
this, that, in the event of a conference being held between
the two Houses, the Lords are permitted to come in a body,
with their hats on. We are suffered to enter, one by one,
with our hats off.—(Laughter.) The Lords sit—we stand.
But their Lordships really make one exception, which is, that
in case of physical inability of a Member of the House of
Commons attending the conference, he may sit down, pro-
vided it be in a corner, where he may be supposed to escape
their notice.—(Loud laughter.) Therefore, our only chance
of having a seat, is by reason of the blindness or non-observa-
tion of the Noble Lords attending the interview. Now, gen-
tlemen, I do think that in a case like this, it is only fostering
that intolerant spirit which has too long prevailed, to suffer
the continuance of such a practice.—( Applause.) However,
this is somewhat irrelevant, and I shall endeavour to come a
little nearer the point. On looking through a newspaper to-
day, I saw a sort of abstract of their. Lordships' amendments
of the Municipal Bill, from which I observed that they had
struck out various places from the schedules. In the first
place, I perceived this had happened to the village of Henley ;
and this immediately brought to my recollection a circum-
stance which lately occurred to me in that place, while on
my road to Oxford. I was detained there for a time—had
nothing to do—and knew nobody. So I went into a shop,
and in the course of conversation with the shopkeeper, I asked
him what sort of Corporation they had at that place ? He
replied, that the Municipal Bill would effect a great improve-
ment ; for they had among them a brewer, named Brakspear,
who was a Member of the Corporation and a Magistrate,
and no public-house was licensed, or permitted to receive
a license, unless the parties keeping it dealt with this
brewer.—( Loud and continued laughter.) Now this place
is, by the wisdom and honesty of Lord Lyndhurst, struck
..)ut of the Bill.—( Hear, hear.) However, lam not surprised
at the course which the House of Lords are pursuing. I remem-
ber that previous to the passing of the Reform Bill, this coun-
try was governed by an oligarchy. That Reform Bill dimi-
nished their powers in effect; but the present constitution of
the House of Peers permits them to obstruct the passage of
every measure of improvement suggested by the House of Com-
mons ; and this virtually nullifies the effect of the Reform Bill.
( Applause.) They lost by the first Bill the power and the
means of pecuniary profit ; and they see in the present mea-
sure—this second Bill of Reform, a second diminution of their
interests. You know that the distinction between a peer and
yourselves is so peculiarly artificial, that if one were dropped
in this room, and sunk in the middle of that crowd, nobody
could by possibility pick him out of it.-- (Loud laughter and
cheers.) Therefore, their desire always is and must be, to
widen the distinction between themselves and the rest of the
community as greatly as possible ; and to secure those advantage
and honours which the great body of the people do not possess.
This is the cause of their present resistance. But that resist-
ance, I am happy to believe, will be totally ine frectual.
I am aware that, by many, a collision between the two houses
is expected to arise. To me, however, it appears that the

issue of all this will be as folio ws. The King will send for the
his Majesty that they cannot
,
Tory leaders ; and they will tell
possibly undertake to carry ern t 1 e Government. His Majesty
will thereupon inter fere with- the House of Lords, and their
Lordships will write a length cued protest; append it to their
most respectable sign atures ; and then walk out of the House,
as they did previous to the passing of the Reform Bill,—
( Laughter.) This, I will ve ature to say, will be the end of the
matter. But during the dis cussion upon the Bill, I happened
to hear Lord Lyndhurst add ressing a somewhat different argu-
ment to his attentive auditoa y, in that calm and deeply-melodi-
ous tone for which he is so ret narkable. He said—( And here Mr.
Rippon endeavoured to imitate the voice and manner of Lord
Lyndhurst)—" My Lords, resist this Bill and you arc safe:
pass it, and you cannot saw a the Church.—(Laughter.) Next,
you will not save your ow a House." Now really this is about
the best argument that I have heard used in favour of the
Bill.—(Laughter.) Hot sever, this announcement sank deep-
ly into the hearts of that Lordships, and some of them indi-
I sated by their looks that it had set their minds easy, and that
they were resolved to s. and the hazard of the die. Gentle-
men, this state of this rg '3 could never have taken place if Lord
Grey and the Whig Grn vernmerit had done their duty. If they
had stood by the peg ;if tkity had contended for measures
such as the people ch ;sired, a• ad would have enforced, instead of
bringing forward sue h only as they believed the Lords would
accept and approve of;—i f they had done this, and never in-
duced the people to fall into that state of lethargy and indif-
ference which they ( lid fi 11 into, from a conviction that the re-
form Bill never woul d lea dto the improvements they had fond-
ly anticipated, and 'that, in fact, it was mere humbug ; if, he
repeated, they had done this, and not made men think the
reform Bill would neve r prove a fruitful measure, they
might have secured an administration at least as strong as
was Lord Grey's immediately after passing the reform
(Cheers.) But they ref ased to do so; and what was the con-
sequence ? Why the pa ople justly hated the name of Whig
as cordially as ever they hated the name of Tory. (Applause.)
And then the King, ex icouraged by the assertions of those
around him that the pea pie had become indifferent to reform,
arid cared nothing for th( a- Whigs, willingly returned to a con-
servative, and, as it as as • called, a settled state of government,
and turned the Whi gs .out or. office. Then came Sir Robert
Peel's celebrated T amw ortb . declaration ; then did the To-
ries express themselves cert ain of being able to carry on the
Government; then did the;ybelieve, and induced the King
to believe, that they- cola' I get a Parliament in which they
would have a majority. But Sir Robert Peel and his Tory
supporters failed ; and it now only remained for the people to
encourage the present t Government, and second the efforts
of their representatives in obviating the fatal consequences
which must happen to t' tie country, if for any lengthened pe-
riod, a collision betwee n the two branches of the legislature
should be suffered to go on.—(Cheers.) You may think
that there cannot be a doubt of the public opinion on the
question of Corporati on Reform ; but I assure you upon my
honour, that during a is last summer, in London, I met with a
worthy and excellent friend of mine, and a good neighbour of
yours, who assured we, with the utmost gravity, that my con-
' stituents did not es are twopence about the Bill.—(Laughter.) I
told him he was m istaken ; and I only wish he had been pre-
sent at this meeting, which would have afforded him the best
possible reply. Gentlemen, my being here may seem
to indicate a nef-,,slect of duty, and an absence from the post
where I ought to have been ; but I assure you that previously
to my leaving Lousdoin, I communicated to Government my
readiness instantly to -return when wanted, if they had the mo-
ral courage to put to issue the final settlement of the question
with the House of L o rds.—( Vehement cheers.) On Sunday
last, I received a circular from Lord John Russell, requesting
my attendance in the House of Commons. I repeated my
opinion of the How e of Lords : I told him what my views
were, and that I was ready to set out on tne instant; but if he
merely intended to propose that the Lords' amendments should
he taken into consideration, to confer with their Lordships, and
then to withdraw the Bill, he must excuse my absence, for
really that would be too great a farce for my patience.--
(Cheers and laughter.) I expect an answer by to-morrow's
post, what course the Government intend to pursue. I
have very great confidence in the head of the administra-
tion, for I consider him a most firm and excellent man—
(Cheers) but there are in his Government some moderate
men at the present time ; though I hope they will see the
hopelessness of continuing the present state of things. It
impossible to go on with the farce of proposing measures which
they know they cannot carry ; and the time is arrived when
they must have the power to effect the reforms necessary for, and
demanded by, the people, or they must give up the merely no-
minal powers they now possess.—( Cheers.) Whenever there
may be occasion for my attendance to support this Bill, or any
other in which the interests of my country or my constituents
arc concerned, believe me that I shall never be absent from
my post.--( Mr. Rippon then referred to the local interests of
the borough ; said they compelled him to be indolent in these
matters ; and promised his attention to them whenever it was
desired.) Gentlemen, it would be most merciless in me to
detain you longer in this heated room. I only trust the House
of Lords may have well considered the consequences of their
error. lam one of those who are sincerely desirous for the
maintenance of a limited monarchy ; but under this condition,
that should the time ever arrive when it becomes a question
between a Monarch and a House of Lords on the one hand,
and the interests of the people on the other, the one is so con- j
temptible in comparison with the other, that I should not -for
one moment doubt w hick of the two to choose.—( Great
cheering.) Looking over a book two or three days ago, I hap-
pened to meet with an syinion upon the duties attached to the
legislature, corning from an authority which certainly will by
a Tory never be suspected. I could not forbear committing
it to paper, and with your permission I will now read it 1
to you. It comes from a quarter which, I believe, would, on
the face of it, be liable to suspicion ; and, therefore, I shall
not, in the first instance, mention the author, though I shall
have no hesitation to do so afterwards. The passage is to
this effect :—" The power and privileges of the King are
vested in him as a trust for the benefit of the people; and
they are sacred only as they are necessary to the preservation
of that poise and balance of the Constitution which experience
has proved to be the best security for the liberty of the sub-
ject." This is the duty of the King, and in like manner,
though title and rank are given to the peer to be used for his
personal honour, his legislative powers are entrusted to him
only to be used for the benefit of the people.—( Loud and con-
tinued cheers.) The statement proceeds from no less a per-
sonage than George the Fourth, at the time that he was Prince
of Wales.—(Applause.) And I am sure, if these were his
opinions, it would be well if William the Fourth, his brother,
whom I believe to be a much more honest man, would at least
ponder on them well, and lay them to his heart.--( Cheers.)
Gentlemen, I have now only to thank you once more for the
kind manner in which you have received my too lengthened
remarks; and to assure you that at all times it shall be my bu-
siness to study your interests to the best of my ability.—(Long
continued cheers. )

Thanks were then given to the Chairman, and the meeting
separated.

NEWCASTLE.

(Abrfdged from the Newcastle Chronicle oSaturday.)

On Tuesday, the 25th inst., a publice Meting of the Inha-
bitants of this town, convened by the Mayor, pursuant to requi-
sition, was held in the Guildhall, to consider of the propriety
of petitioning the House of Commons to reject the Municipal
Corporation Reform Bill as " amended" by the House of
Lords. At a few minutes after one, John Lionel Hood, Esq.,
the Mayor, appeared upon the Bench, and was greeted with a
round of applause.
Dr. HEADLAM then rose to propose the first Resolution,
amid loud cheers. Their Lordships were determined, it ap-
peared, from the first, either to strangle the Corporation Bill
in its infancy, or to mutilate it so, that the parent should not
again know his own offspring.—(Cheers.) Never was there
such a demolition, both in point of principle and usefulness,
of any public measure. It was necessary to follow shortly the
course which the Bill took in the House of Peers. It ap-
peared to him there were but three alterations of moment
which it was necessary for him then to mention. The first
was with respect to perpetuating the rights and privileges of
freemen. The House of Peers, no doubt, thought they would
obtain great advantages from that measure. They considered
that every body would approve of their sympathy for the rights
of the poor. But they (the meeting) knew what use was
made by the freemen of those privileges against themselves ;
they impeded their independence, destroyed their industry, and
prevented enterprise amongst them. But however useful the
Peers considered this amendment, as a means of benefitting
the people, the next alteration they made was strangely at
variance with that intention—he alluded to the qualification
clause, which, at the outset, disqualified five-sixths of the
Constituency from holding any office of trust in the Corpora-
tion ; did that evince any regard for the rights and privileges
of the people—for responsible power—for free institutions ?
(Cheers.) Now, in his opinion, the effect of this qualifica-
tion clause went directly to render property absolutely odious,
because people who were disqualified from want of property
became desirous to turn out of their situations those who had
it. The last clause which he should mention was the alder-
man's clause.—(Laughter.) The Peers, not satisfied that
this disqualifying clause would destroy the spirit of the Bill_
would destroy its democratical and popular character, must
needs throw the dead weight of all the old aldermen into the
scale.—(Laughter.) It appeared that no qualification was
required for aldermen—(Cheers and laughter)--an alderman
might be bankrupt in fortune and character, still, because he was
once an alderman he was to remain so for ever. After this de-
scription of the " amendments," he did not think the meeting
would agree with him that they had no alternative left but to
petition the House of Commons to reject the Bill in toto.—
( Cheers.) Any modification of the Bill would prevent justice
being obtained hereafter.
The resolution was seconded by Mr. THOMAS WILSON, and
carried unanimously with loud cheers.
Mr. A. L. POTTER moved the next resolution.
Mr. CIIARNLEY seconded the resolution.

The resolution was put and carried unanimously.
Mr. C. RHINE proposed the next Resolution. What bad
the people asked the Lords for ? They had merely asked
to be allowed to put their houses in order, and the Peers
said " You shall not !" The people had asked to put
their towns in order—their towns which did not concern
the Peers—towns which they seldom entered, and which,
when they did enter, they galloped quickly through
they asked that they might do this, and they were refused ;
surely he might say, that in doing this, they (the Lords) must
have been actuated by something wrong, must have had some
sinister purpose in view to which it would not be proper for
him further to allude.—(Cheers.) Situated as the people
were, they had only one source to which they could turn for
relief—only one course to pursue, and that was to make their
representatives more efficient in their service ; to make them
more in unison with the feelings of the people than they at
present are ; by pursuing that course they would be freed from