The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-14 00:00:00

THE AFFAIRS OF ITALY.

Yesterday appeared a blue-book of 400 pages,
containing the diplomatic correspondence relative to
the affairs of Italy from January to May last. We
propose so far to avail ourselves of the space left at
our disposal by the short suspension of the sittings
of Parliament this week as to publish the most in-
teresting andimportant of the despatches before us,
giving a brief and general descriptive summary of
such others as may appear to require notice.
The subject opens with the communication by
Earl Cowley to the Foreign- office of the famous
rebuke " administered by Napoleon 111. to the
Austrian Ambassador on New Year's-day. The
Emperor said, with some severity of tone, that,
although the relations between the two Empires
were not such as he could desire, he begged to
assure the Empeoor of Austria that his personal
feelings towards his Majesty remained unaltered."
These words were declared by Sir J. Hudson,
(Turin despatch of January 3), as likely to be con-
sidered tantamount to a declaration of war, in the
then condition of Italy.
The views of our own Government were speedily
expressed by Lord Malmesbury in despatches to
Earl Cowley and Lord A. Loftus. As these docu-
ments are said by the late Foreign Secretary fully
to embody the views and policy of the Government
of her Britannic Majesty we subjoin them at
length :
No. 5.
" THE EARL OF MALMESBURY TO EARL COWLEY.
Foreign ,s Jan. 10, 1859.
"My Lord,—Her Majesty's Government have
heard from your Excellency with deep concern that
the state of the relations between the French and
Austrian Courts is of a nature so unsatisfactory
that in your opuThion and that of the public of
France it might at any moment lead to a still fur-
ther and more fatal estrangement. The speech of
the Emperor to M. Hubner on New Year's-day in-
creased the general alarm, which has extended to
this country; and although subsequently a more
courteous treatment of the Austrian Minister was
displayed at the Tuileries, and the iloniteur has
attempted to reassure the public mind, the agitation
is not diminished.
" Her Majesty's Government have such entire
confidence in your Excellency's tact and judgment
that they feel that no given instructions can be so
useful as a full liberty left to your Excellency to
take advantage of the most fitting occasions to urge
upon the Emperor and upon his Ministers the para-
mount importance of preserving the peace of Europe
under any circumstances in which the vital inte-
rests of France itself are not imperilled.
" Her Majesty's Government received and hailed
with sincere satisfaction the assurances with which,
in 1852, the Emperor of the French consecrated his
election to the throne. Those assurances were, that
his Imperial Majesty would observe and maintain
the treaties which were then the law of Europe, and
her Majesty's Government are bound to say that
no pledge was ever more faithfully and loyally kept.
" The European benefit of an unbroken alliance
between England and France has been the result
of that honourable policy, and her Majesty's Go-
vernment, who believe that the peace of Europe
is ever in the hands of those two great empires,
feel the deepest anxiety whenever France appears
likely to be in hostility with any of the great
Powers of the Continent.
"Her Majesty's Government must state to your
Excellency. that, in the evident ill-humour dis-
played reciprocally between France and Austria
at this moment, they can conceive no great national
question of interest involved which can reasonably
cause such a feeling. No portion of the territory
of either is threatened by the other ; no commercial
privileges are asked or refused by either; no point
of national honour is at stake in either country.
" The solution of a sentiment which has appa-
rently brought these two States to the verge of
collision appears to her Majesty's Government to
be found in mutual faults of temper and indiscre-
tion on the part of the two Governments, and
neither party appears disposed to make such sacri-
fices as would put an end to the panic which they
have caused, and the practical evils which they
may create.
" It is under these circumstances that an impar-
tial State like England is justified in proffering to
her two allies the best and most sincere advice that
she can give.
"I repeat that I trust to your Excellency to per-
form this duty, and I hope you will not omit to
point out to the French GoverAment that, while no
French interest is at stake between France and
Austria, there is a State and there are persons who,
to increase its territory and fortify their personal
position, ardently desire to involve two powerful
empires in a war from which they expect to obtain
those results.'
" That war, if it be what is expected, namely, an
Italian war, can neither be short nor decisive. It
may begin as a conflict in which three monarchies
are engaged, but looking at the soil on which it
will be waged, and the elements which it will con-
tain, most before long expand into a war of opi-
nions. Among these theories your Excellency may
be assured that those of a republican hue will not
be the faintest.
" Of such a war France would have to bear the
heaviest expenditure of blood and treasure against
a foe possessing great military power, and a deter-
mination to use it to the last ; while the phases of
the contest would give new life to that dreaded
class who look in anarchy alone for a realisation of
their avarice or ambition.
" Her Majesty's Government have already pressed
upon Austria analogous advice, and they believe
that they will also be aided in their counsels by
the Court of Russia.
" Her Majesty's Government would wish your
Excellency to go further, and frankly to enter into
the present state of Italy with the French Govern-
ment. I am aware from the conversation which
Lord Clarendon held lately at Compiegne with the
Emperor, and which his lordship repeated to me,
that his Imperial Majesty has long looked at the
internal state of Italy with interest and anxiety.
It may be, although I have no reason for believing
such is the case, that he imagines that in a war
with Austria, and having Sardinia as an ally, he
may play the important part of the regenerator of
Italy. If so, the treaties of 1815 must be effaced,
for such a redistribution of territory could not be
effected without the consent of the parties to those
treaties. But those compacts have ensured to
Europe the longest peace on record, and, in the
opinion of her Majesty's Government, still answer
their original purpose in maintaining the balance
of power.
"I would not, however, have your Excellency
believe that her Majesty's Government are indiffe-
rent to the just discontent which affects a lame
portion of the Italian populations. Yet it is not in
a war between France and Austria that their relief
is to be found. Such a war may bring about a
change of masters, but assuredly it will not give
them independence, and without independence
liberty is hopeless.
" Her Majesty's Government are convinced that
it is in the union and good understanding of France
and Austria that an amelioration and gradual im-
provement of the condition of the Italians can be
now begun and finally effected. If, happily for that
people, those two Governments would occupy
themselves seriously to insist upon and carry out
the reforms demanded by both justice and policy in
central Italy, they would doubtless succeed.
" In an effort so glorious for both countries, and
so beneficial to Austria, her Majesty's Government
would heartily join, although they are of opinion
that, as a Protestant country, England should not
take too prominent a part, lest she should excite a
suspicion that she was swayed by motives of a sec-
tarian character. If Prussia and Russia approved,
they would stand in the same light as England ;
and if it should appear to the two great Roman Ca-
tholic empires that any modification of the territo-
rial distribution of central Italy would contribute
to the peace of the country and good government of
the people, without enfeebling the spiritual autho-
rity of the Pope, her Majesty's Government would
be ready, together with the other Powers who were
parties to the treaties of 1815, to give it their best
consideration.
" These views of her Majesty's Government your
Excellency will propound to the French Govern.
- meet when you have a fitting opportunity. Your
Excellency's task is to avert, if possible, the curse
of a war, which, I am convinced, would be one of
the longest and bloodiest on record, in which all the
worst passions of conflicting theorists, exiled pre-
tenders, and adverse races would be mixed in a
• deadly struggle.
"It is also to urge a peaceful course of action, in
hen of a policy sop regnant with those calamities.
am, &c., " MALMESBUItY."

" THE EARL OF .. No. 8.
AIALMESBURY TO LORD A. LOFTUS.
‘4 My Lord, I "Foreign-office, Jan. 12,1859.
have to instruct your lordship to
take an early opportunity of stating to Count Buol
that her Maitest Government have witnessed with
much concern le increasing estrangement between
Austria and. France, has at last become so
notorious it s to produce ae general impression that
Europe is on the eve of witnessing a contest between
those two states, and that the battlefield selected
by them w 1.71. be Italy.
" On two ( )ceasions--one more than a month ago'
—I stated fi ) Count Apponyi, -verbally, the appre-
hensions of ht :r Majesty's Government,and ventured

to give him their views and opinions in thelorm of
advice% They were analogous to those which I now
submit to your lordship.
" Her Majesty's Government therefore have
hoped, and still continue to hope, that maturer
reflection on both sides will avert a calamity, the
results of which no human foresight can divine ;
and, deprecating all officious interference with Aus-
trian affairs, your lordship can scarcely find it ne-
cessary to assure Count Buol that we are ready and
anxious to exert our utmost influence to assuage
animosities and explain away causes of offence, if
only a disposition is shown by either party to avail
itself of our good offices for that purpose.
" It appears, indeed, to her Majesty' Government
that the existing ill feeling between the two impe-
rial Courts has its origin, not so much in any real
and patent cause of disagreement, ,as in mutual
distrust of each other's views and intentions, and
the consequent disposition to give an unfavourable
construction to every measure to which either party
may have recourse. There are no questions of terri
torial claim or occupation, none of cothmercial
injury', or of disregarded rights, which can be alleged
on either side as justifying the coldness and reserve,
not to say suspicious irritability, which characterise
their present intercourse. Yet it appears to her
Majesty's Government that neither party evinces a
sincere disposition to come to a frank understanding
with the other, or to make any sacrifices, however
unimportant, to bring about so desirable a result.
~ "With these impressions, it must be evident to
the Austrian Government that no unseemly wish to
interfere with its independent line of action induces
her Majesty's Government to tender their advice to
Austria. That advice is offered from a sincere de-
sire to see her prosper as one of the most important
members of the European family of States, and as
one of her Majesty's most ancient allies.
"Her Majesty's Government therefore desire
your lordship, while there is yet time, to place be-
fore the Imperial Court some considerations which
they hope may not be without influence at the
present crisis.
" It is impossible to deny that a war once begun
in Italy would soon assume the character of a re-
volutionary contest, and no human foresight can
perceive what results would remain to Europe
when, after a long and desperate contest, the com-
batants had sunk from exhaustion into peace. Such
a war, however, begun at first, would soon be
adopted as one of dynasties and opinions, in which
exiled pretenders, and every class of political theo-
rist, would see the possible realisation of their

wishes. '
"It cannot be predicated that France would be a
gainer from such a state of things. On the con-
trary, it is probable that she would be far from
finding her account in it. But it is certain that
Austria, even if she were to come out of the con-
test truimphant, would suffer to an irreparable
extent in all her material interests.
" It is with sincere pleasure that her Majesty's
Government pay a just tribute to Austria, by ad-
mitting that the government of her Italian pro-
vinces has been conductedby the Archduke Viceroy
with great ability, and in a spirit of conciliation
and liberality which does his Imperial Highness
the greatest honour. Her Majesty's Government
ardently trust that in the interests of the Italians
themselves and of the peace of Europe the Austrian
Government will continue to pursue a course which
cannot fail to bring to its side the public opinion of
impartial and independent States. It appears to
her Majesty's Government to be of paramount
importance at this critical moment for Austria to
enlist public opinion in her cause, and to take more
than common care to avoid every act that could
possibly be construed into a wilful offenc to t
e hose
States who may, perhaps, desire a quarrel with her.
Her Majesty's Government, therefore, urge your
lordship to take every opportune occasion to im-
press this truth on the Austrian Government.
" Your Lordship will frankly tell Count Buol that
should such a struggle as we deprecate be the re-
sult of the present estrangement between France
and Austria, England would remain a neutral spec-
tator of the contest, and that in no case would public
opinion in this country render it possible for her to
assist Austria as against her own subjects, if the
contest assumed the aspect of a revolution of her
Italian provinces against her Government.
" The public opinion in England has a natural
tendency to sympathise with Italian nationalities,
but her Nlajesty's Government believe that those
sympathies would not be roused to any active form
against Austria unless Austria put herself patently
in the wrong, and either became an aggressor or
gave France or Sardinia a fair excuse for beginning
a war.
" Her Majesty's Government do not deny that
Austria has cause of uneasiness in Italy, but they
maintain that it cannot be mitigated or removed by
plunging into war with France or Sardinia. If
Austria and France could be induced to take a just
estimate not only of their own political interests,
but of the course which would most effectually con-
tribute to the happiness of the Italian populations
throughout the whole extent of the peninsula, hgr
Majesty's Government feel that the work would be
already half accomplished, and the rest of Europe,
instead of looking forward with anxiety to the
future, would only have to congratulate itself on
the prospect at length opening to them of Italian
regeneration, unstained by deeds of violence and
bloodshed.
"No one looking on the state of Italy can
doubt that many causes of just discontent are to
be found in the general administration of the
country, and her Majesty's Government, sym-
pathising, as they unquestionably do, with the
sufferings of the Italian population, would gladly
lend their best efforts to produce an amelioration iu
the existing state of things. But they know that
such amelioration can never be effected, with any
certainty of permanency, by war. It may
.produce
a change of masters, but it will not confer indepen-
dence ; it may, perhaps, contribute to the elevation.
of some fortunate individuals, but it will ensure the
disorganization of the whole social system, and in-
definitely retard the material improvement of the
Italian population.
" On the other hand, her Majesty's Government
entertain but little doubt that if Austria and France
—the former an Italian, and both Roman Catholic
States—laying aside mutual suspicion, were to join
heartily with a view to promote, by peaceful means,
the regeneration of Italy, their combined influence
would speedily effect a change in the present un-
happy state of affairs, and contribute to establish
confidence between rulers and their subjects.
" Her Majesty's Government have not failed
to press upon the Government of France consi-
derations such as these, and they have not hesi-
tated to express their conviction that France,
though she may have no material stake at issue,
could have little or nothing to gain in an Italian

War.
" As the common friends, then, of both parties,
tnd as sincerely desirous of the welfare of the
Italian people, her Majesty's Government entreat
the two Imperial Courts to lay aside their ani-
mosities and to act in peaceful concert for that im-
portant object. Her Majesty's Government think
that it would not only be becoming in Austria,
from her peculiar position in Italy, but also advan-
tageous to her in the public opinion of Europe, if
she were to make the first advances, and propose
to the French Government to join with her in con-
sidering the best means of reforming the glar-
ing abuses in the Papal dominions which oc-
cupy central Italy. Austria is an Italian State,
and both Austria and France are now occupying
the Papal territory with their troops. Such a po-
sition cannot be lasting, and her Majesty's Govern-
ment submit to both Austria and France that it is
their public duty to terminate, if possible, a state of
things which has become intolerable.
,
the' Your Lordship may assure Count Buol that
withheldsupport
af
threrarlislaji
will earnest
not be'sanGyol,o"evrerirruernets
'erostmy
which the Cabinet of
Vienna may there make for
the establishment of a good understanding with
France with regard to Italy, or for giving effect to
her praiseworthy efforts.
Her Majesty's Government would further be
prepared to contribute, as much as in them lies, to
make any propositions, emanating from such a com-
mon understanding on the part of Austria and
France, acceptable to the parties in Italy to whom
they might be addressed.
If it should appear to Austria and France, the
two great Roman Catholic empires, after mature
counsel on the subject, that any modification of the
existing territorial arrangements in Central Italy
would be likely to contribute to the
of ptheace of the
country and the good government e people,
her Majesty's Government would be prepared,
in conjunction with the other Powers by whom
the present order of things was established
in 1815, to give their best consideration to any
measures calculated, without enfeebling the spiri-
tual power of the Pope, to effect objects sod esirable
in the interests of humanity, and so important as
regards the ggneral peace of Europe.
" But her Majesty's Government are of opinion
that, at the outset of the endeavours which might
be made by Austria and France to induce any
of
the Sovereigns of Central Italy
.to agree to, and
carry out, such reforms in the internal adminis-
tration of their dominions as may be required by
justice and sound policy, it would not be expe-
dient that England should appear to take the
initiative or prominent part.
" So much of ecclesiastical polity is involved in
these questions, more- especially as regards the
Papal States, that the interference of a Protestant
country in the proposed reforms might be looked
upon with suspicion, and rather injure than benefit
the cause.
" It appears, therefore, to her Majesty's Govern-
ment, to be essential that Austria and France, by

reason of their more direct interest in, and the
means they can bring to b ail- on Matters at issue,
should take a leading part in their adjustment ;
leaving it to her Majesty's Government, and to
those of Prussia and Russia, equally dissenting with
themselves from the Church of Rome, to support,
by such means as they might deem most advisable,
the efforts of the Catholic Powers to induce the
Pope and other Italian Sovereigns to sanction a
change of system for the benefit of their respective
subjects.
" Your lordship will enter fully, with Count
Buol, on this important subject, and you will
earnestly press upon him the expediency of an
early decision, while there is yet time for an
honourable and amicable understanding being
effected with France. The present opportunity
once lost, no other will present itself, until the
resources of both countries are wasted in a war
undertaken by the aggressor, whoever he may be
for no national purpose, and defensible by no prin
ciple of morality.

" I am, &c.,
(Signed) " MALMESBURY."
On the 12th of January, the co-operation a
Russia to preserve the general peace of Europe
was earnestly solicited, through Sir J. Crampton,
at the same time that the disposition of that Power,
constantly shown since the peace of 1856, to culti-
vate the friendship of France was fully recognised.
The same appeal was made to Prussia, and the
anxiety of our Government was freely expressed to
1 the Court of Sardinia (January 13) on the mena-
cing state of affairs.
The account of a conversation between Earl Cow-
lry and the Count Walewski, on the 13th of
January, is too important to be omitted. It is
given in the following despatch :
No. 13.
" EARL COWLEY TO THE EARL OF MALMESBURY.
" (Received January 15.)
" (Extract.) " Paris, January 14, 1859.
"I had a long and not an unimportant conversa-
tion with Count Walewski this afternoon. I went
to his Excellency for the purpose of communicating
to him the substance of your Lordship's despatch
of the 10th inst. (No. 5), relative to the present
political crisis ; and, with this view, I read to him
the greater part of your observations.
"I should neither do justice to your Lordship
nor Count Walewski himself if I refrained from
recording the profound impression which the argu-
ment running through that despatch made upon his
Excellency. Some of the passages he requested me
to read twice over, others at once elicited his
warmest approval ; and I do not allow myself to
doubt that the tenour of your Lordship's remarks
will be faithfully conveyed to the Emperor.
" I particularly pointed out to Count Walewski
the total disinterestedness of the advice proffered
by her Majesty's Government; for of all quarters
of Europe, I observed, a war in Italy would be least
prejudicial to the material interest of Great Britain.
" After hearing me, and expressing, in general
terms, his appreciation of the masterly statement
which I read to him, his Excellency said that he
would state at once that, serious as was the aspect
of affairs, it would not be rendered more serious by
any proceedings on the part of France. France
had no wish to go to war or to induce others to
go to war ; and if she took up arms, it would be
on a question of right and in the defence of exist-
ing treaties. Such, his Excellency said, was the
Emperor's firm determination. His Majesty would
not declare war if unprovoked, or himself provoke a
war on the part of others : and if others would
be as prudent as his Majesty, the crisis would
pass over.
" The reverse of the medal was to be looked for
in the possible imprudence of other Powers; the
gravity of the crisis was to be sought elsewhere.
So long as Austria remained within her own frontier,
she might act as she pleased ; he would guarantee
there 'would be no interference from France ; but
let her once march a soldier into any part of Italy,
excepting the Legations, he would answer for
nothing. He did not mean to declare that, even
then, France would interfere, but, in all probability,
Sardinia would, when the complications which
might ensue might involve all Europe. In a word
he looked upon the peace of Europe as being at this
moment in the hands of Austria. .
"Count Walewski assured me, further, that the
Emperor's instructions to Prince Napoleon on his
Imperial Highness's departure for Turin had been
of a most pacific character."
The views of the Ministry of the Earl of Derby
respecting the bearing of the question upon the
interests of the Pope are expounded in the follow-
ing despatch. We invite particular attention to
the declaration of her Majesty's Government to
maintain a strict neutrality, in paragraph 6 :
No. 14.
" THE EARL OF MALMESBURY TO MR. RUSSELL.*
" Foreign-office, Jan. 13, 1859.
" Sir,—The prevailing apprehensions of approach-
ing troubles in Italy, growing out of, or followed
by, a war between Austria and France in that coun-
try, cannot have failed to make a serious impression
on the Papal Government, and to lead it to consider
what effects such a calamity may have on the tem-
poral power of the Pope.
" Her Majesty's Government are exerting them-
selves, and will still continue to use their utmost
efforts, to prevail upon the Governments whom
public rumour designates as prepared to embark in
this contest, to refrain from pursuing the acrimo-
nious discussions which have of late interrupted
their amicable relations, and, on the contrary, to
unite cordially in a common course of action, with
the view, if possible, of effecting by moral influence
such an improvement in the general state of Italy
as, by allaying the discontent which a large pro-
portion of the Italian people so justly feel at the
system of government under which they live, may
at once improve the social condition of the people,
and establish feelings of confidence and goodwill
between them and their rulers.
~ Whether, in the state of feeling that now exists
between the Governments of Austria and France,
there needs any insurrectionary movement in Lom-
bardy or any part of Italy to give an excuse for an
open rupture between those two Powers, certain it
is that both are looking forward to and preparinc,
for the day when their armies shall stand in hostile
array against each other on the plains of Lombardy.
But, unquestionably, the probability of immediate
collision, and, at all events, the calamities that
must ensue from it, would be much diminished
if the Governments of Italy were spontaneously,
to exprsss their readiness earnestly to con-
sider, with the two'great Roman Catholic Powers
of Europe, the means of improving the adminis-
tration of their several States for the benfit of their
subjects; and to offer substantial guarantees that
such improvements, once agreed upon, should be
honestly carried out.
" Her Majesty's Government having pointed out
to the two Imperial Courts that by united action
for this object they would not only relieve the rest
of Europe from the apprehensions under which it
now labours, but would probably set on foot in
Italy an order of things calculated to allay the
animosities which unhappily prevail in the several
Italian States, and which, as long as they exist,
must always be a source of disquietude to all
Powers interested in the maintenance of the general

peace.
" Her Majesty's Government are aware that,
from affinity of religion and from the military posi-
tion which Austria and France at present occupy
in the Roman States, the initiative of any
attempt in this direction most properly belongs
to those two Powers, and that Great Britain,
Prussia, and Russia, standing is both respects on a
different footing, could not advantageously propose
to assume a prominent part in any such measure.
But her Majesty's Government have intimated their
readiness to contribute, as far as their assistance
may be likely to avail, to bring about a better
order of things in Italy. The Government and
people of this country sympathise sincerely with
the wrongs of the Italian people, hut they feel that
those wrongs will be redressed more effectually by
peaceful than by violent means. They look for-
ward with alarm to the beginning of disturbances
in Italy, whether originating in insurrection or in
war, because they are assure-2 that troubles once
begun will speedily overspread the whole country,
and that the conflict which will arise must inevitably
disorganise still more its entire social system, and
be attended with an amount of human misery
which cannot be anticipated without dismay.
" In any such contest, indeed, the part which this
country would have to play is sufficiently indicated
by its local position and the general tendency of its
political institutions. A war in Italy would not
internal
e
directly affect any material British interests ;
neither would
Majesty's
it be consistent with our political
principles to interfere otherwise than by advice in
the affairs i s
to o
observe the
between the contending Italian States. Therefore,
Government
parties,th e woulda strictestn tdh would
okuli
dt neutralitys incum-
benteeupon
in t
the struggle while in progress, or in its result, as
long as it sould be confined to Italy, any justifiable
moassuming any other attitude in regard
in itt";ehafonr that of a spectator, deeply lamenting.,
indeed, the calamities which they might witness,
but declining. any active part in a contest not
'directly affecting British interests, - andbegun, as
they would consider it, by the chief actors in it
without any sufficient cause.
sil have thought it advisable to give you this

* A similar despatch, mutatis Inutandis, was addres4ed
on the same day to Mr. Corbett, at Florence, with the fol-
lowing addition :—" I have addressed an instruction in the
words of this despatch direct to Mr. Russell, at Rome,,,

general. insight into the view;of her Majesty's
Government at the present crisis.; and although it
would not be advisable that you should seek occa-
sion to enter upon these matters with the Papal
Government, you will, if obliged to do so, regulate
your langmige by the tenour of this despatch.
" I am, &c.
" 14ALMESBURY."
The resor:ve or our Government to adhere to a
policy of m rutrality and to the treaties of 1815 was
expressly d eclared by Lord Bloomfield to the Baron '
de Schleinit z (San. 13). Baron Schleinitz enter-
tained no h ope at this time that any advice likely
to affect ti le fundamental institutions of Rome
would be accepted either by France or Austria ; he
even hints at the probability of " incalculable op-
position." A conversation of Earl Cowley with the
Emperor a the French on the relations of France
and Austria, is thus described :

No. 24.
" EARL COWLEY TO THE EARL OF MALAIESBURY.
" (Received January 21.)
" (E.cfract.) " Paris, Jan. 19, 1859.
" Ravi ag taken measures for bringing to the Em-
peror's k n.owledge portions of your Lordship's
despatch of the 10th inst. (No. 5), concerning the
state of the relations between France and Austria,
and the general apprehension that war might be
the consequence, his Majesty was pleased, in a con-
versation which I had with him yesterday evening
to advert to these matters.
" His Majesty in admitting that great alarm and
disquietude prevailed, said he was quite unable to
divine the reason of it ; he was not aware of any •
thing that rendered. war more probable to-day than
it was three months ago ; nor had he the slightest
wish or intention to provoke one. It was true that
about a fortnight ago, he had received a pressing
letter from the King of Sardinia, stating that he
(the King) had. information, on which he could rely,
that he was about to be attacked by Austria, and
entreating him (the Emperor) to give him such as-
sistance as would enable him to bring up his outly-
ing troops to the Austrian frontier. On the receipt
of this letter, the Emperor continued, he had stop-
ped the embarkation of two batteries of artillery
which had been destined. for Algeria, but he had
taken no other precautions whatever, and. he sup-
posed that this must have alarmed the public mind.
" What I said to M. de Cavour,' continued his
Majesty, I repeat now ; nay sympathies always
have been, and still are, with Italy. I regret that
Lombardy should be in the possession of Austria,
but I cannot and do not dispute the right of the
latter. I respect existing treaties, because they are
the only landmarks we have ; so long as Austria
remains within her own frontiers she is, of course,
mistress to do as she pleases. With regard to Sar-
dinia, if she provokes hostilities unjustly, and places
herself in the wrong, she must expect no support
from me.
" I should mention that when speaking of the
tenure of Lombardy by Austria, the Emperor ob-
served that he was not surprised that large rein-
forcements should have been despatched to
strengthen the troops garrisoning that country,
but they need not have been placed in a position
on the Tessin, thus provoking a counter demon-
stration on the part of Sardinia.
"I rejoined that, not being a military man, I
could not say how far an advanced position on the
Tessin was necessary to the safety of the Lombar-
dian frontier. But, however that might be, I said
that I could not forget that in 1848 Count Buol,
being then Austrian Minister at Turin, received the
most solemn assurances from the late King, Charles
Albert, that there was no intention of attacking
Lombardy, whereas when his Majesty gave these
assurances orders had been actually expedited to
the Sardinian troops to march and pass the fron-
tier. It was not astonishing that a Government
of which Count Buol is a member, with a recollec-
tion of this act of treachery, should take care that
Austria was not again surprised."
The aversion of the French Government prom any
action in common with Austria in order to effect
reforms in Central Italy and the Pope's dominions
was clearly expressed at a subsequent interview
with Count Walewski.
In the course of the month of January, the de-
spatch (No. 8) already quoted, was read to Count
Buol, in Vienna, by Lord A. Loftus. His Excel-
lency listened to it with deep interest, and thus
expounded his views on the matter. It is Lord A.
Loftus who is writing to the Foreign-office :
" Count Buol commenced by stating that, as I
had not made a formal communication to him of
this despatch (for such I stated. had not been my
instruction), he should not reply to it in any formal
manner, bit merely consider it, and refer to it, in
the light of remarks which I addressed to him in
the course of conversation. He expressed himself
as fully sensible of the kind and friendly motives
which had moved her Majesty's Government to
offer their advice and counsel at the present critical
moment, and he appreciated the cordial and sincere
interest which they evinced for Austria. But he
could not conceal from me his fears, that the
opinions set forth in your Lordship's despatch
might produce more harm then if these same views
and opinions had been likewise expressed at Paris
and Turin. 'ln fact,' said his Excellency, I regret
that you have read that despatch to me ; I regret
also that it has been written. If,' continued Count
Buol, you wish to preach peace and to prevent
war, address yourselves with firmness to France
and Piedmont. We are not meditating war; we
shall not be the aggressors. Tell the Emperor
Louis Napoleon that Great Britain will not pas-
sively look on if his Majesty should commence hos-
tilities. Say to him that should he take such a
tours it will be at his own risk and peril. On the
other hand, warn King Victor Emmanuel that Eng-
land will not sanction any act of wilful aggression,
undertaken in full peace, by Piedmont against
Austria. If Great Britain is prepared to hold this
language, no war will arise.
" In referring to that portion of the despatch
respecting any possible territorial change which
might be deemed desirable by all parties in
Central Italy, his Excellency stated with some
emphasis that he considered this proposal as a
most dangerous doctrine, and as subversive of the
o n
wast Buolnwoht which
hho actionyuf
ilodaumr
nel
oe
trtdshb
eeh
Italianippa'se
ttreen,a,ttiloensstaaotnfedal
wBtolissch.
Pno
theuef
rsra
Cabinetio nlordshipof t h
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a ennndo
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mind, or to raislefuthloyoi
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i adviceewd i.
ou
had deprecated in the strongest terms any attempt
to carry out the reforms required in Italy by phy-
sical force, and had advocated at Paris, as well as
here, the desirableness of a harmonious under-
standing between Austria and France on the
affairs of Italy.
" There are,' I observed to his Excellency,
two courses to •pursue with respect to Italy,
where the present state of things is intolerable,
and cannot last. The reforms, which must
inevitably be made, can be effected by peaceful ne-
gotiation, and the establishment of a complete
agreement between Austria and France, with far
more chance of eventual success than by the
ruinous action of war. Such is the course urged
on your attention and recommended by her Ma-
jesty's Government. The other course and only al-
ternative, must be, eventually, revolution and war ;
and I have no doubt that your Excellency will agree
that the remedy in the last alternative is as dangerous
as the evil which it seeks to cure.' I recalled to him the
opinions enunciated at the Conference of Paris
when the continued Occupation of the Roman States
was acknowledged to be an irregular state of things
which could not last and. served only to perpetuate
the bad government of those States. It amounted
almost to an annexation, which was opposed to the
spirit of the European treaties. If, therefore, I said,
you will do nothing by peaceful means, and in con-
cert with France, for the amelioration of the Italian
Governments, be assured that a war will be inevi-
table, and no human foresight can tell to what ulti-
mate changes it may lead. You reply, We shall
not begin war. We do not meditate any aggres-
sion.' But let me tell you that at this moment the
decision of peace or war is no longer within the
hands of the Governments, but is transferred into
those of the Mazzini and Revolutionary party,
whose aim has always been to bring about a breach
between France and Austria for the attainment of
their own ends. You are therefore playing the
game of the Revolutionary party, and you will in-
evitably fall into the trap which they have laid.
" How so !' said his Excellency. 1 replied by
loudly declaring your intention of giving succour
to the minor independent States of Italy, you will
give a pretext for others to oppose such interven-
tion, andyou thus place it in the hands of Mazzini,
by getting up some disturbance in Parma, or
Modena, to bring about that very collision with
Piedmont, and probably, also, with France, which
that party- are desirous for. If your Excellency, I
continued, gives me the assurance that in no case
will Austria move a soldier across her frontier in
Italy without previous concert with France, then I
shall consider that war may be averted.
" No, said Count Buol, I cannot give you that
assurance, for it would be a surrender of our sove-
reign power. We shall not intervene in any State
unless our aid is asked. for, and in that case it
will be granted, and the knowledge that it
will be granted is the best preservative of order.
But, said his Excellency, let me ask you what
you will say to Piedmont if she were to
attack us ? I said I could not imagine
such an eventuality. It would be a mouse attack-
ing the lion ; but I should then say, what I should

equally say of you, if you move a soldier across
your frontier, that she is the aggressor.
" Count Buol then said that the agitation and
excitement had greatly subsided in Lombardy since
the Austrian reinforcements had arrived, and that
he did not entertain the same fear as that with
which her Majesty Government were impressed
of a disturbance arising in Italy. The accounts
from Paris were also more satisfactory, tho public
mind and the press were far more calm and reas-
sured. His Excellency added that there was really-
no question of difference between Austria and
France except the Belgrade affair, which might be
considered closed; and he did not partake of the
alarm felt for the peace of Italy."
As regards the proposal to interfere in the con-
cerns of Rome his Excellency declined to take the
initiative in resuming the question. He added the
following words :
" The truth is, we can never come to an under-
standin g with France on Italian affairs, for we start
from two different points ; first, we do not consider
France to be an Italian Power ; secondly, France
sympathises with and protects the catise of nation-
alities, whereas we support that of the Sovereigns,
Governments, and of l'ordre etabli ; therefore there
can be no basis on which to found a concert or per-
fect co-operation. Nor is it necessary. It is a great
mistake to think that Italy requires change. If
Italy is left quiet, if agitation is put down, and if
the hopes of certain parties who only seek their
own aggrandisement are annulled, there will be no
commotion, no war in Italy, and no muse for the
measures which are counselled in the despatch you
have read to me."
The Russian Government (2d February) expressed
a strong desire to prevent the outbreak of war
between Austria and France, and urged the English
Government to exert all its influence to prevent so
dreadful an occurrence. Prussia also strongly
advised moderation.
Passing over despatches of mere routine, most of
which are now out of date in every respect, we
arrive at the confidential mission of Lord Cowley to
Vienna. He received his instructions on the subject
on the 13th of February, and the following interest•
ing despatch gives a summary of the results of the
mission.

No. 106.
EARL COWLEY TO THE EARL OF MALAtESBURY,

" (Received March 12.)
" Vienna, March 9, 1859.
"My Lord,—Being on the eve of leaving Vienna
on my return to England I am about to give your
Lordship in this despatch a general summary of the
results of the confidential mission with which I have
been charged, under the instructions contained in
your Lordship's despatch of the 22d ult. (No. 70).
" I reached Vienna early on the 27th ult. I had
an interview with Count Buol on the same day,
and on the following day had the honour to be re-
ceived by the Emperor of Austria. Hardly a day
has intervened since in which I have not had long
conversations with Count Buol. Ido not propose
entering into any details of what passed on these
occasions, but shall confine myself to stating that
the friendly overtures of her Majesty's Government
were received in the same spirit in which they were
made, and that Count Buol has shown throughout
the discussions which I have had with him a sincere
desire to avoid the extremities of war, and to meet
the wishes and advice of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, as far as he thought he might do so without
compromising the national honour of Austria. I
may add that similar feelings were evinced by the

Emperor.
" The delicate task entrusted to me by the confi
dente of her Majesty's Government was rendered
somewhat easier by the intelligence which reached
your Lordship a few hours before I left London, to
the effect that the Pope had himself requested the
withdrawal, within the year, of the Austrian and
French forces now occupying the Papal territory ;
and although Count Buol has been, and is, up to
this moment, without other information respecting
his Holiness's wishes, except the meagre announce-
ment of the telegraph, he declared without hesita-
tion, from the first, the readiness of the Emperor to
comply with the Pope's request. He is of opinion,
however, that caution will be necessary in with-
drawing the troops of occupation, that insurrections
might follow their sudden removal, and that it
will be advisable that they should be withdrawn,
in the first instance, reciprocally to Ancona and
Civita Vecchia, and that their final departure should
take place some months later, when the Papal Go-
vernment will have had time to organise in their
stead n military and police force sufficient to ensure
the maintenance of public tranquillity. Count Buol
suggests that the Austrian, French, and Papal
Commanders-in-Chief should meet at Rome, in
order to settle matters connected with this point.
" With respect to the reforms of administration
to be introduced into the Roman States, Count Buol
expresses himself willing either to resume the nego-
tiation which had been commenced with the French
Government upon that subject in 1857, but after-
wards allowed to drop by that Government and not
by him, or to fall back upon the recommendations
made by the five Powers to the Pope in 1831-32.
He prefers the latter measure, because he thinks it
more likely to be attended with success. He would
not, however; object to the former, but in that case
the proposal must come from the French Govern-
ment. The matter stands thus—France had made
certain propositions to Austria, to which counter
propositions had been offered ; but Austria had
never been able to obtain the opinion of the French
Government upon these I itter. She had more than
once asked for that opinion, and it remained with
the French Government to take the next step.
" Upon the third point mentioned in your lord-
ship's despatch of the 22d ult., namely, a security
for the better relations bet ween the Governments of
-Austria and Sardinia, Count Buol says that your
lordship must address yourself to Turin. It is
not, he maintains, from the conduct of Austria
that the present critical state of affairs has arisen,
but from the ambitious and encroaching policy
of Sardinia. Austria desires no better than to
renew those amicable relations which had for
so many years united the two Governments,
but it could only be done on one condition,—a
complete change of external policy on the part of
the Sardinian Government. With the internal
policy of Sardinia Austria has nothing to do, and
has no desire to interfere. Count Buol gives the
further assurance that Austria, notwithstanding
the wovocations which she has received, has no
intention of attacking Sardinia, as long as the Sar-
dinian troops keep within their own territory ; but
he insists, as long as Sardinia remains armed, that
there can be Ro security for peace.
" I come now to the fourth point mentioned in
your lordship's instructions--namely, the abroga-
tion or modification of the Anstro-Italian treaties of
1847. Even on this point, on which Austria is
naturally more sensitive than any other, I believe
Count Buol is not only prepared to act with mode-
ration and forbearance with regard to the actual
execution of those treaties, but disposed to examine
whether they may be replaced, with the consent of
the other contracting parties, by some other combi-
nation, which, while relieving Austria from the
necessity of an interference the responsibility of
which is fully felt, would not risk the chance of the
Duchies becoming a prey to revolution and anarchy.
"In discussing this question, with a view to its
practical solution, it was absolutely necessary to
take into consideration the doininant feeling in
Count Buol's mind, that the only real danger of
revolution to which the Duchies would be exposed
would have its source in, and would be supported
by, Sardinia. Any scheme, therefore, for replacing
the treaties in question, to have a chance of being
accepted by Austria, must take this feeling into
account. Two plans presented themselves, and
were subjects of cursory conversation between Count
Buol and myself. The first, to which I avow a
strong preference, should it be pursued further,
and found practicable, is the recognition by the great
Powers, or by Austria and France alone, of the
neutrality of the territory of Sardinia ; the second
is a league among the smaller States cf Italy for
their mutual succour in case of internal disorder.
Count Buol seemed favourably inclined to take into
his consideration any proposal having for its object
the modification of the Treaties of 1847, based on
either of these plans.
" The !first of these appeared to me to have the
great advantage not only, if fairly carried into exe-
cution, of satisfying the Austrian Government that
danger
the Duchies would not be exposed to future d.antfn
but of cutting at once at the root of the existing
xicsausge
mischief. For what, in fact, is the apparents taken
of the present crisis in Italy?
alarm at what she considers theSarclinla'ng attitude
assumed by Austria. She declarTselnleaurcesi:tlifyt,obe
armedin
danger of invasion. She has, consequently,
beyond her financial means, and she has obtained
from the Emperor of the French a alifiedaplraormmi.sde
of assistance, which has in turn similarly
and
beenf
her
happened.
pna e
t h
bdl .
n e e
Safe
fa e
.
-
Austria, and caused that Power to take military
precautions of a most costlyad
meter. But if Sardinia h
terri-
tory, none of these evils could have
o f great
a o
neutralmde
from any attack from either
bours, Sardinia would have no occasion to keep on
foot an army ruinous to her finances. She could
pursue in peace and tranquillity the development
of her commerce and industry under those free in-
stitutions which she has chosen, and, it might be
hoped, would become a pattern and example for
the rest of Italy to follow. Austria and the Govern-
ments-of Central Italy. on the other hand, relieved
from all anxiety as to the aggressive policy of Sar-
dinia, might consent to give up those treaties which
have been the cause of so much irritation.
"it may be said that Sardinia would never eon-

sent to such an arrangement ; but I submit that
such consent, although desirable, is not necessary;
all that is required being that others should agree
to respect her territory.
" The other idea, of a league among the Italian
States for their mutual defence against revolution,
seems to me more difficult of accomplishment,
though nevertheless worthy of consideration should
it be preferred by the parties most interested in
the question.

" Before quitting altogether the subject of the
separate treaties, I may mention that Count Buol
considers the secret article in the Austro-Neapolitan
treaty of 1815, which binds the King of Naples not
to alter the institutions of the kingdom without the
permission of Austria, to be a dead letter.
" But, while insisting principally on the four
points especially recommended to me by your lord-
ship's instructions, I have ascertained Count Buol's
sentiments on the other matters suggested to me
by Count Walewski. I will take them in the order
in which they are stated in my despatch of the 16th
of February :

" 1. The adoption by all the States of Italy of a
system of government which would admit of the
taxes being voted by an Assembly, of some sort.
" Without any proposal of this nature. I inti-
mated to Couut Buol the expediency of reforms in
the administration of these States.
" Count Buol said that the Austrian Government
had been much maligned by those who supposed
that Austria was opposed to reforms, or had used
her influence to prevent them. On the contrary,
he could assure me that her advice had ever tended
to encourage real ameliorations. He was not, how-
ever, one of those who imagined that sweeping
measnres suited the nature of the. Italian people.
Austria respected the right of all sovereigns and
nations to model their own institutions. 'There
was much of which he could not approve in the
constitution of Sardiuia, but he:had never attempted
to interfero with it. On the same principle he had
refrained, and would still continue to refrain, from
all intervention in the internal affairs of other
Italian States, who, however, were not so ill-
governed as it pleased Sardinia to represent them
to be.
" 2. Pecuniary aid from all the Roman Catholic
States to the Pope, for religious purposes, and the
consequent reduction of taxes levied in the Papal
States.
" Count Buol did not evince the least disposition
to entertain any proposal of the kind.
" Before closing this despatch, I will beg your
lordship's permission to refer briefly to some of the
difficulties with which I have had to contend in
carrying out your lordship's instructions.
" In the first place, I had to encounter a fixed
idea that France was determined on war with
Austria, and that to make concessions was but to
put off the evil day. I hope that 1 have succeeded
in partially removing this impression.
" Secondly, the pride of Austria naturally revolts
at being constituted the object of attack, and being
called upon to make concessions instigated by the
animosity and ambition of Sardinia.
" Thirdly, the attitude assumed by Germany.
towards France, by which the Austrian Govern-
ment is naturally anxious to profit.
" And, lastly, there being no real question at issue
between Austria and France which can fairly be
assumed to involve a casus belli.
" I have the satisfaction of adding, in conclusion,
that great as is the irritation which, it cannot be
denied, exists at this moment against the Emperor
of the French, the Emperor of Austria and his Go-
vernment render full justice to the services which
have been rendered to Europe by the former Sove-
reign ; nor can I doubt that the Austrian Govern-
ment would accept, with a sincere desire to bring
them to an honest conclusion, any overtures for a
reconciliation with France, the acceptance of which
would not be incompatible with their honour. But
as long as Sardinia is allowed to remain armed, I
doubt whether Austria will enter into negotiations,
since she looks upon the Sardinian army as the
advanced guard of France, permitting the latter to
take her own time to arm, and will feel no security
that peace is intended so long as that advanced
guard is in existence. The disarmament of Sardinia
is, therefore, to Austria, the gage of the sincerity of
France. I need hardly add that, upon Sardinia
disarming, Austria will take a similar course
I have, &c.,

(Signed)

" COWLEY."

The correspondence relative to the proposed
Congress or Conference is very voluminous, and
now, of course, somewhat barren of interest. The
impression on Earl Cowley's mind on the 18th of
March was that the French Emperor was desirous
of keeping peace, and that he contemplated no
modifications of the Treaties of 1815 ; that he had
great sympathy for the Italians and wished to do
something for their benefit.
On the 11th of April the Earl of Malmesbury,
in a letter to Lord A. Loftus, urged upon the Go-
vernment of Austria the propriety of disarming,
and distinctly stated that if the proposal were
declined Austria "would have placed herself in
the wrong and forfeited the sympathy of this
country." No further concession, he adds, was to
be expected from France. _

Her Majesty's Government fully approved the
proposal for a disarmament of the three Powers
before the meeting of the Congress, and expressed
a wish to bring to a close the " false negotiations"
that had been going on. _

We may conclude our summary with the follow-
ing last " warning" of the British Government to
Austria, after the arbitrary summons which she
addressed to Sardinia at the latter end of April:—
" THE EARL OF MALMESBURY TO LORD A. LOFTUS.
" Foreign-office, April 22.
"My Lord,—l have acquainted you by the
telegraph with the strong feeling of indignation
against Austria which prevails in London, in
consequence of its having become known that,
at the very time that Austria had summoned
Sardinia to disarm under penalty of immediate
hostilities in case of refusal, Sardinia had actually
agreed unconditionally to disarm. Your lordship's
language, therefore, to Count Buol cannot be too
strong in regard to the course adopted by Austria.
" Her Majesty's Government are at a loss to
imagine on what. grounds the Cabinet of Vienna
can justify this menace of invasion of Sardinia,
now that she has agreed to disarm. It cannot,
surely, be justified on the ground of the admission
of the representatives of Italian States to the Con•
gress; for the Austrian Government was itself a
consenting party to the admission of them in a
certain character, and it is monstrous to suppose
that a change in that character, whatever it might
be, even supposing it were insisted upon, could
warrant Austria in taking the fatal step of an in-
vasion.

" Her Majesty's Government feel, after all that
has passed, that they are entitled to expect to be
informed on this point; and, in order to bring the
question to an immediate. issue, you will ask Count
Buol whether Austria will stop the march of her
armies, and will agree to the admission of the re-
presentatives of the Italian States as mere dele-
gates and not as Plenipotentiaries, and will also
accept the first three points in my proposals of the
18th inst. relating to disarmament to be effected
by commissioners, and to the meeting of the Con-
gress when those commissioners have commenced
their labours.
" You will give Count Buol clearly to understand
that the refusal of Austr llia wi enlist against her
the feelings of the Government and of all classes in
this country.
" You will add that, in making this proposal,
her Majesty's Government assume that if Austria
should agree to it, the military operations now in
progress in France would at once be arrested.
As regards, however, the question of Sar-
dinian disarmament, I have to observe that her
Majesty's Government still consider it impossible
to call upon the Cabinet of Turin at once to
disperse the Free Corps, as such a measure would,
in all probability, lead to a revolutionary move
•
ment in Italy. The wisest course wouldbe to keep
them together for awhile under the Alps, and to
effect their disbandment gradually.
a I am, &c.,
" MALMESBURY."

The following strong language, moreover, occurs
at the close of a draught of note, or protest, pre-
sented by Lord A. Loftus immediately afterwards :
" Her Majesty's Government can only now deal
with the case as it is presented before them- -
namely, that Austria has peremptorily summoned
Sardinia to disarm, under penalty of immediate
war ; and the undersigned (Lord A. Loftus) is
directed to say that her Majesty's Government feel
it due to themselves and to the great interests of
humanity which they have so earnestly striven to
uphold, and also to those who have aided them in
their endeavours, solemnly to record their protest
against the course that Austria, regardless of the
terrible consequences to Europe, and indifferent to
the public opinion of the world, has so rashly, and,
as her Majesty's Government believe, so unjustly
adopted. They assign to Austria and fix upon her
the last responsibility for all the miseries and
calamities inevitably consequent on a conflict which
was on the eve of being averted, but which, once
begun, will infallibly produce a more than ordinary
amount of social suffering and political convulsion."

On the 25th of April our Government considered
the negotiations foi a Congress " at an end," and
war unhappily commenced.