The Sun.
London, England, 1835-07-11 00:00:00

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MR. BULWER'S ILLUSTRATED WORK ON THE
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This day was published, in Bvo., cloth, boards, price 3s. 6d.,
wo DISCOURSES on the UNION between
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fatory Address to Unitarian Christians.
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CHRISTIE'S DISCOURSES on the DIVINE
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Fourth Edition, ss.
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m promulgating, "in limine," as a fact, that the Supreme Being
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Second Edition, Priee 2s. 6d., with curious Plate,
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By WILLIAM and MARY HOWITT.
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7/1-11-e zei't./Gl.-7
SPIRIT OF THE PURL C JOURNALS.
,;17 (

There is a well-known anecdote of a Judge, wholtou.l4
suffer one party to speak, as he understood the case well.

enough when he heard only one statement ; but when hi
heard two; he was quite bewildered. Mr. Walter reminds
us of this Judge. He last night availed himself of a mo-
tion for the authority under which 30,000/. was advanced

to the Thames Tunnel Company, to attack Ministers :

but fearful lest his statement might be spoiled by a know-
ledge of the facts of the case, he took care not to apply for
the information offered to him, in the only quarter where

it could be correctly obtained. Mr. Hawes, one of the
Directors of the Company, in consequence of a con-
versation between the Chancellor of the Exchequer and
the Hon. Member for Berkshire, when he himself was not pre-
sent, had thought it right to go to Mr. Walter, and to say to
him that if he wished to see any of the documents belonging
to the Company be was at perfect liberty to examine them,
and that all the books of the Company should be open to
him. From that time he had not had the least communi-

cation with the Honourable Member ; but that did not pre-

vent Mr. Waiter ftOM bringinr, the subject before the
House with an appearance of detail, the statement, how-
ever, being without the slightest foundation. The Honour-
able Member had, in fact, conjured up a number of wind-
mills to fight with. According to him, a breach of privi-
lege had been committed in the case of this loan of 30,000/.
Then be said that a Bill had passed through Parliament
with respect to a further sum to be lent to the Directors of
the Company, which Bill had been smuggled through
the House. The single fact, it seems, was that a mil-
lion of money had been voted for the promotion o
public works, to the Exchequer Loan Commissioners, to
be disbursed by them under the control of the Lords of
the Treasury ; and out of this sum the Directors bad pro-
cured the 30,0001. without committing the slightest irre-
gularity. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had also in- ,
formed Mr. Walter that if he wished to know how the

30,0001. was spent, there was not a single paper in the
Treasury referring to the subject which he was not at per-
fect liberty to inspect. However, had Mr. Walter taken

this slight trouble, his statement would have been cat short.
But the most curious part of this business was the conduct
of Sir Robert Peel. Nothing escapes the eye .4f the Rigbt
Hon. Baronet. Johnny M'Rea's forte , dkrixot lie in
comedy ; bus ~Sir Robert would havn.foutid out where it lay.
Though Ms. John. - Walter may not be an Arh(totlfm• lie
may, in some respects, be of more use to Cie
Honourable Baronet than Aristotle himself could lie.

The House were exceedingly amused with the appearance
of deep attention which Sir Robert paid to the tedious and,
absurd statement of the Honourable Member for Berk-

shire ; and the cause was at least as obvious as the connec-
tion between Tenderden-steeple and Goodwin-sands. The
speech of the Hon. Member for Berkshire may have been
very silly and very unnecessary ; but there is a way from
Berkshire to Printing-house-square ; and well does Sir
Robert know the virtues of which that said square is redo-
lent. It was said of Dr. Gilbert Stuart, the Historian and
Reviewer, that in the latter capacity he never discovered
that a book was bad when the author had given him a good
dinner. The wisdom and eloquence, and all the high qua-

ies of a Statesman, which the Times discovered in Sir

Robert Peel for the first time in November last, and to
which it has so often borne testimony since, have met with
a grateful return from the Right Honourable Baronet, who
did not disdain last night to appear in the character of Mr.
Walter's bottle-bolder. " There could be no motion," he
said, " more proper than that of the Hon. Member for
Berkshire." No doubt.

Though the Right Hon. Baronet appeared to listen with
deep interest to the statement of his Hon. Friend, still it
was not conceived that he would carry his condescension so
far as to become his champion ; and the extent to which
Sir Robert carried his accommodating prudence rather sur-
prised even those who thought they knew the Right Hon.
Baronet well, and bad not been careless observers of his
devious course. But Sir Robert has shown them that there
are, pages in his character which they bad not read. He is
above being romantic ; and his services last night will no
doubt be long held in grateful remembrance in Printing-
house-square. He will have his quid pro quo.—Morning
Chronicle.

The number of the Quarterly Review just published has
an article on the subject of Municipal Reform, written in
the most lugubrious and desponding tone. The writer
considers this Bill as a proof that the Reform Bill was
intended to cause a revolution, and. observes that, so great
is the stupor and apathy of the country, he cannot hope
that any observations of his can influence in the slightest
degree " the fate of this portentous measure." If the
writer mean by this that he does not expect to convince
the people of England that the principle of self-election
and utter irresponsibility are better than that of election
and representation, we must confess we fully agree with
him ; or if he would fain persuade us that the restoring to
the permanent and responsible residents of every borough,
their municipal franchises, of which they have only been de-
prived by a system of fraud and usurpation, amounts to rob-
bery and revolution, we can only hope that the people will
continue thus strangely "apathetic," and the House of Com-
mons " so blindly eager" to adapt our corporate institutions
to the wants of the times, notwithstanding the ominous warn-
ings contained in the article in question. Indeed, from the
whole style of the article—from the prophetic statements
with respect to the " expulsion of the aristocracy," " usur-
pation of the Monarchy," and of democracy " seating it-
self in solitary despotism on the hereditary throne of all
democracies, the ruins of the country"—we should have
suspected the writer of being what is commonly termed " a
cup too low," or that he was afflicted with the madness
with which he has chosen to charge poor Cassandra, whose
prophecies, by the way, were generally disregarded for d
very different reason, had we not been able to discover that
much was to be attributed to the effects of party feeling
or to the jaundice of disappointment. We find much abuse
of the Corporation Commission, and still more of the Cor-
poration Commissioners, 19 of whom out of 20, we are
told, are nearly unknown in Westminster Hall, and that
the advantage in selecting these unpractised bands, con-
sisted in the fact, " that none are found so fearless
and so fit to sweep away all the old institutions of the
country as those who know nothing about them." All
this may be true, but still it does not at all touch
the merits of the question, or enter into the
expediency of amending our Corporate institutions, or
at all show to the country that the present measure is
wholly uncalled for. To be sure, we are informed after-
wards "that the only real abuse" was the practice of ad-
mitting non-residents to continue corporators, which, how-
ever, we are assured was not always the fault of the Corpo-
rations, but frequently the effect of votes of the House of
Commons. If this can be meant seriously, we would ask
is it not an evil, and one which calls loudly for correction,
that in so many boroughs the means provided by the exist-
ing Corporations for the preservation of the peace, for the
administration of justice, arc totally inadequate to these
objects ? Is it no objection that high corporate offices
should be filled by persons totally incompetent to dis-
charge their duties, and who, consequently, become the
mere tools, or puppets of the Town Clerk, or even some
inferior personage ? Was it no cause of complaint that
Ririe. were often summoned only from among the free-
men, who were few in number, and too frequently the
mere creatures of the Corporation ? And is it no evil
that large funds, raised in some instances by taxation of
the inhabitants, by fines for not serving offices, by tolls
at fairs and markets. &e., should he disbursed by a
wholly irresponsible body, for the benefit of a few fa-
voured individuals, the public welfare, the prosperity,
and convenience of the inhabitants at large being wholly
unconsidered? We might multiply instances to a much
greater length, but we think that the defects and abuses of
the corporate system are far too glaring, and too generally
acknowledged, to require anything further being said upon
that head. The very fact of the House of Commons and the
country at large receiving the principle of the measure in
the way they have done is, we consider, conclusive upon
the subject. With Sir Robert Peel, we fully admit the
principle of popular election, and the expediency of the re-
form, at the same time by no means casting any reflection
on the present race of corporators. On the defects of the
Bill we have already given our opinion freely ;—that it may
be amended in some of its details we confidently hope ; for
we trust that the Constitution has not ordered in -vain that
such a measure should undergo a second sifting by another
branch of the Legislature, which, whatever may be its
faults—whatever the intolerance of some of its members—
has hitherto shown itself an honourable and independent
tribunal, and which we feel assured can never fall from its
high state as long as it continues true to itself.—Morning
Herald.
The case of Lieutenant-Colonel Bradley was again
brought under the consideration of the House of Commons
last, night by the able and patriotic Member for Finsbury,
Mr. Duneornbe, who presented a petition relative to the
peculiar hardship of the Colonel's dismlssal from the 2d
West India Regiment, and his subsequent. imp
ten risonment for
maybe
omm a explainednd tom a
Colonelf e w
Arthurwords :
Tee
mhs . The case
petitionereon t
was
ssecond
in
at Honduras ; and upon Colonel Arthur's regiment of
Chasseurs being disbanded, petitioner, as a matter of right,
claimed the command, and after several evasive replies,
Col. Arthur required petitioner to attend a meeting of offi-
tmhseelsiu btjheec tc,bv‘i
e,hfi p
in etitionerdandrefused
lie two a
sd op,l
accoend-
useiendr:ehr!irunPonbsie arrest for a period of 10 months, and at the
expiration of that time was dismissed the service. The pe-
titioner had subsequently brought an action for false impri-
sonment against Colonel Arthur, and had obtained a ver-
dict of 100/. damages ; and it is not the least aggravating
part of the case, that these damages were paid by the Govern-
ment, who refused Col. Bradley au inquiry into the thrown-

stances. So that after 21 years' service, he was degraded,
stripped of his character as an officer, ruined as a man, and
denied the opportunity of vindication. Without entering
upon the question of discipline, the simple fact of damages
being awarded by a Jury is in itself a demonstration of the
claims which Colonel Bradley has upon the Government
for justice and compensation. Messrs. Hume and O'Con-
nell eloquently argued in favour of the petitioner. Lord
Howick and Sir H. Hardinge took a different view of the
subject, and Mr. Duncombe concluded by giving notice
that on the 21st of July he should move for a Select Corn-
mittee to inquire into the case. Finsbury may justly feel
pride in her Representative, who, whenever a public or
private wrong is sought to be redressed, has been ever
found at his post, the manly and uncompromising advocate
of justice. That he may be successful in the present case
we confidently hope and trust. It is one of gross injustice,
and, to say the least of it, deserves a rigid investigation.
It can be no justification of the course pursued by Lord
Howick that other Secretaries of War have set him the
example ; and even if Colonel Bradley had been in error,
which an independent Court of Justice has declared that
he was not, he has already paid more than the penalty. Is
he, we ask, to be the victim of a Whig, as well as of a
Tory, Government ?—Morning Advertiser.
We have been compelled, by press of matter, to sus-
pend our observations on the Irish Church Bill : but we
cannot let the week end, without a few words on the sub-
ject. The first important operation in breaking ground
upon this important Bill was, as our readers have already
seen in Wednesday's paper, notified by Sir Robert Peel
on Tuesday evening. There could not have been a course
suggested more clear or convenient, or better calculated to
disentangle the complication of subject which now embar-
rasses the whole measure, than that proposed by the
Right Hon. Baronet. He is for dividing the Bill in twain,
one part embracing that portion of the now conjoint
measure, which Sir Robert Peel and the Conservatives
can—with a due regard to conscience and honour—sup-
port, and which, we may therefore take for granted, will
pass the House unanimously ; the other comprehend-
ing that litigious clause, and maintaining that disput-
ed principle (the alienation of Church property to other
than Church purposes) which was resisted by the Mel-
bourne Government of last year, and reprobated by some of
its leading Members, before they had sealed their bargain
with the Papist agitators of Ireland, which, moreover, Sir
R. Peel, Lord Stanley, and the great body of Conserva-
tives, have declared their fixed determination to oppose
under every form in which it may be presented, and under
every imaginable combination of circumstances. As we
have already stated, if the question stood upon the mere
abstract ground, whether a bona fide surplus over the wants
of the Church being once established, Parliament might or
might not equitably employ than real surplus for the gene-
ral good of the community, our voice would, on plain
conviction, be given for the affirmative of the question
so propounded. But two things have been self evident from
the proceedings of the Whigs and their allies :—lst, that
the abstract principle was originally forced upon the House
by the Whigs as a mere party cry for getting up a fac-
tious majority, and expelling the Conservatives from office :
2d, that it was forced upon the Whigs by the Repealers,
not as an empty sound signifying nothing, but as a solid,
practical, dense enormity, to be executed against the Church
of Ireland—the repeal policy of the Government being cc
shaped, that at all events a surplus should be manufactured,
even were that desirable result to be obtained by votirn
the whole revenue to be surplus. No wonder, then, that
the anti-appropriation feeling has gained strength every day,
since the league of Whigs with Repealers—or, to use a
luster term, since the subjugation of the Whigs to their
anti-Saxon masters has been blazoned before the world.
The Bill is one of contingent, prospective confiscation. It
is one which holds nothing sacred but the Popish
clamour against the maintenance of the Protestant
clergy, which is provided out of funds that if to-mor-
row they were withdrawn from the Church, would 1-1-t
enrich any incoming tenant from North to South of
Ireland by one fraction of a farthing in the year. It is
a Bill which, affecting some show of prudery in its
ment of persons now alive, sweeps away with remorseless
violence those principles which are essential to the safety of
all future generations. The second objection of Sir R.
Peel to the Bill is in our eyes founded on a vice in its con-
struction more ominous and deadly than that of the aliena-
tion of Church revenue. We mean the studied perpetuity
which has been given to the form of the fund out of which
the Clergy are to be subsisted. In every preceding Bill
for commutation of tithe the principle of redemption has
been formally recognized, and some plan for the application
of it, more or less judicious, has been•carefully developed rs
an integral portion of the measure. The advantage of
such a process is unquestionable and obvious. Whatcv,r
landed proprietor redeems his tithe is released at o:1,a.
from all future payments to the Church, and ceases to
regard the Clergyman of the parish as a standing pen-
sioner on his rental. Such a man has thenceforth no
grudge of jealousy towards the Church, and broods over
no scheme in times of '- unwonted pressure on the landed
interest," for getting rid of the rent charge altogether ; if
he be a Member of Parliament, by voting down 11,e
Church and voting up the " voluntary principle ;" if he
be not in Parliament, by petitioning his representative to
do so. No ; a clause for facilitating and regulating the
redemption of commuted tithe is a guarantee against any
probable attempts to lop away a second, or third, SO per
cent., on the plea of no adequate service being render-id
for it by the clergy. The irreligious man, the exclusive
lover of this world, is ever a hard and thankless master to
his spiritual minister, being also he who stands most in need
of such a guide. If, then, such be the considerations which
recommend a clause for the redemption of tithe, it is plain
enough what are the evils inseparable from its absence. The
prospect of paying an everlasting rent-charge out of his
own pocket to the clergyman will enlist the cupidity of
every proprietor in the kingdom in favour of any pro-
ject for abolishing such a charge, or at least for subjecting
it to successive reductions. It will leave the theatre of
war where it was, but it will substitute a fresh set of com-
batants for the old. The animosity of the poor tenants
against the Church will subside, and the more systomat is
and fatal hostility of the landlords will take the place of it.
If the Irish gentry were once wicked enough to plunder
the parochial clergy of the tithe of agistment, because it
fell as a burden upon themselves, is the leaven of their mo-
rality become so much purer that they will pay more re-
spect to the rent-charge than to the tithe of agistment ?
We heartily concur with Sir Robert Peel in his condemna-
tion of this glaring defect in the new measure. It is o: e
which seems to us even more dangerous than the principle
of appropriation, of which the enforcement may by son e
happy means be prevented. Whereas this non-redempti' n
principle embodies in perpetuunt the whole lay-proprietor y
of the kingdom against the sole subsistence now provided
for the clergy.—Times.

MAGISTERIAL DINNERS.—The Middlesex Ma-
gistrates have received an official notice from the Treasury,
that it is intended, henceforth, instead of allowing, as hereto-
fore, on each day of the Court's sitting in Sessions for the de-
spatch of public business, a sum of 4s. each, for a bench of 24
magistrates, by way of what is termed " travelling expenses,"
to allow for only a bench of twelve Magistrates, thus cutting
down the allowance one half. The money thus obtained, we
understand, has hitherto been applied in aid of what was called
the " Dinner Fund," a sumptuous dinner being provided every
evening of the Court's sitting, by Mrs. Sheppard, of the
Crown Terern, and served up in the noble dining-room at-
tached to the Sessions house. The actual expense very con-
siderably exceeded the allowance, and the difference was made
up by annual equal subscriptions from those Magistrates who
became members of the dinner club.

THE NEW STREET LEADING TO WATERLOO-
BRIDGE.--A memorial was lately presented to the Lords of
the Treasury, for carrying into effect the above improvement
to Broad-street, Bloomsbury, signed by 550 of the inhabitants
of Russell and Bedford-squares, by the Rector, in behalf of
the Vestry of St. Giles's and St. George's, Bloomsbury, and
the Rectors, Churchwardens, and Overseers of the parish( s
of St. Paul, Covent-garden, and St. Mary-le- Strand, tl e
proprietors of the national Theatres and English Opel a
House, the Physicians and Secretary of the British Lying_
in- Hospital. praying their Lordships may not lose so favour-
able an opportunity of carrying into effect so desirable an im-
provement. _

The Emperor of Russia has lately decreed that all
persons emigrating from Turkey to settle themselves in Russia
shall enjoy, during five years, freedom from all imposts.
" HORSE SHOE ROBINSON is an historical novel
of considerable power and interest. The wild scenery of such
half-settled countries as Virginia, the habits of life and diversi-
fied characters of the remoter parts of the States some fifty
years since, the stirring adventures and barbarities of colonial
partisan warfare, and the irregular troops by whom it was
chiefly waged, are subjects that give a truthful air and an ex-
citing antiquarianism to the work, altogether apart from its
merits as a novel. The scene of the story is laid in the Southern
States, in 1780, about the time when the American General,
Gates, was defeated by Lord Cornwallis, and the cause of in-
dependence was apparently crushed. "—Spectator.
HOPES FOR MAMMAS.—The Embassy to Lon-
don is not yet filled up. The Duke of Noblegas and the
Duke of San Lorenzo are both spoken of, but another can-
didate has started up, who is likely to carry the palm. I mean
the Duke of Osuna, a young man of 25, very rich, fond of
English horses, English carriages, and, I hope, destined to be
fond of an English wife. I advise our young daughters of
NoblitY, to prepare for a Spanish campaign, and arm them-
. . with fan, basquina, and mantilla, for this said young
,61.3., eighty thousand pounds a-year, and at his uncle,
1 „ i : , it Infantado's death, will have as much more.
)',,,Onit
44ti ' -ikOsuna has no diplomatic experience, and, as
AbilkWasif\i'lls'.uld say, he is "an untried claw. lie may
4 , toAri ognts„....;and I hope they may come to light iu Erg,.k.
-4, _ „bid I- but-14 iS a good-looking young man, unmarried, with
rt"\-Ir4t-ls !Attest eitid I am sure will make his way good in
-.
.. iv.tivisser-itquero ' even should he fail in Downing-street.,
`q4 Corrospondent.