The Sun.
London, England, 1835-07-21 00:00:00

PRICE OF CANDLES.
The price of good Store Candles in the Retail Shops is as follows :
Candles, per dozen, Cs. cd. ; inferior, 6s. ad.—Moulds, Bs. lid.
Sixpence per dozen discount for cash.

COAL MARA
Per Ton. s. d
Adair's l7 6
Holywell l7 9
Lease's Alain
ord s ltedhugh -15 9
Piston l5 9
Pontop Windsor l7 6
"Bonfield
West Hartley
Wylam
Blythe ll 9

.ET.-July 20.

Per Ton, s. d •
Walls End Brown's l9 0
Walls End Hotpur l9 9
Walls End Hilda l9 9
Walls End Ncwmarch l9 3
Walls End Northumberland, l9 9
Walls End Pearah l6 3
Walls End Braddyll's 2l 3

IWalls End Hettori ......... 2l 3
Walls End Lambton 2l 3
Walls End Stewart's
Walls End Adelaide
Wags End Gordon 2O 3
Walls End South Durham t.o 3
Walls End Tees
Wails End Wellington
Walls End Elgin. l7 3
Walls End Henderson
last market day, 24

.
Cowpen
Howard's Netherton Main
Hartley
Stanley Main.
Twibell's Gawber Hall
Walls End Bell, Robson & Co l9 3
Walls End Bewicke and Co 2O 6
Ships arrived since I,

THE LANGUAGE OF FLOWERS.—The new edi-
tion of this elegant little work, will, we understand, appear in
a few days, revised, and considerably improved, by the editor
of " The Forget Me Not." The growing taste for flowers is
strikingly evinced in the demand for this little production,
a third edition having been called for since its first and recent
publication. The purport of the work is to give to each flower
a sentiment or attribute corresponding with its colour, form, or
odour-_a language eloquent, and expressive of the most de-
licate ideas, is thus given to these mute emblems. The hand
bouquets so much in vogue in the ball-rooms of our nobility,
are not unfrequently arranged according to this little treatise.
" TALES OF THE PEERAGE AND THB PEA-
SANTRY," EDITED BY LADY DACRE.—The character of the
Countess of Nithsdale in this new production is conceived and
developed in a most able manner. The scenes of London life
at the time are hit off with lightness and knowledge. The
simple art with which the story of " The Hampshire Cottage"
is managed, and the quiet power of the execution, are so great,
that the tale strongly reminds us of Mrs. Inchbald's " Simple
Story." As a work of art " The Hampshire Cottage" is the
gem of the book, but; as a story, " Blanche" has more variety,
more extrinsic interest, and a more extensive moral. The
scenes are not laid in what is generally understood by exclu-
sive society ; for Lady Dacre is not an exclusive; but the
characters are those of high life. In its progress it exhibits
many amusing scenes and agreeable characters ; the latter part
it done with a high degree of truth, humour, good feeling,
and good taste. It is quiet, but capital—no exaggeration, no
vulgar caricature.—Spectator.
A SUMMER RAMBLE IN SYRIA AND THE
HOLY LAND.—This work, which will in a few days be laid
before the public, is from the pen of the Rev. Vera Monro,
who has just returned from the East. Having explored Syria,
the traveller made the fullest investigation of Jerusalem itself,
and its adjrent localities,lincluding, of course, the Dead Sea,
and the spat where stood the doomed cities of the plain. In
his examination of this latter place the Rev. Author has tri-
umphantly refuted the infidel sophistications of Volney and
other sceptics, who impugn the truth of the awful miracle there
performed, ascribing the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrha
to certain natural causes, which the present work proves to be
utterly incompatible with the geology of the surrounding
region.

The Corporation Bill was read a third time in the
Commons last night, without a division, and will be
carried up to the Lords this evening. As we antici-
pated, Sir Richard Vyvyan, seconded by Sir Robert
Inglis, opposed the entire principle of the measure, in
ante-diluvian speeches vastly amusing, though de-
serving of no serious comment. These confirmed
Tories adhered to their ancient creed, like martyrs at
the stake ; and their consistency must have been not
a little unpalatable to the Conservative Conformers.
Notwithstanding the length of time the Bill has been
in Committee, it has passed the Lower House with
no real alteration for the worse. The pecuniary
rights of the freemen are compulsorily subject to
alienation on compensation. In some details the
measure is materially improved. The Town Councils
are empowered to grant building leases for 75 years,
and several additional securities are provided for
the honest . administration of the municipal govern-
ment. We deem it only just to Lord John Russell
to bear testimony to the patience, discretion, and
ability which have marked his conduct during
the passage of the Bill through the House, in
the face of an Opposition numerous and watch-
ing for opportunities of mischief. The Lords
last night also broke ground --lin the subject.—
Loud Grey presented a petition from Newcastle, in
favour of the measure, to which his Lordship gave his
unqualified approbation. The Duke of Newcastle,
Lord Falmouth, and several Peers manifested no very
favourable disposition towards the Bill ; but probably,
when it arrives in the Upper House, their Lordships
will better appreciate its merits. Mr. Hogg and his
singular Report or Protest, again formed the subject
of discussion ; and it is extremely curious to observe
Lord Falmouth and other Peers denying all authority
or c lit to the Reports which they have received, and
yet peculiarly anxious to obtain that which has
not yet reached them—Mr. Hogg's lucubrations. We
earnestly hope that no delay will occur in gratifying
their Lordships' desire to become possessed of this
mysterious document, and cannot doubt, from the two
solitary and only Reports which Mr. Hogg has made
in two years, viz., Dinas Mydw and Bangor,
and from his absurd correspondence with the Home
Office, just circulated in the Commons, that
this protesting Commissioner will speedily find
his level. More ridiculous productions than
these little Reports on two towns not possess-
ing Municipal Corporations cannot be conceived ; and
it seems to us that the only object of the Tory anxiety
for his further productions is to attach blame some-
where for his appointment. However, we shall see
whether the mountain in labour brings forth more than
a mouse. The Lords are now about to enter on a
task entailing high responsibility—one which will
greatly determine their station in public opinion. We
shall hereafter point out what we deem their interest
and proper course. It is far from our intention to
deny them an independent jurisdiction, but the mea-
sure has relation much more to the Commons than
the Lords ; and if the latter bring into play their
Tory prejudices, in opposition to public opinion, the
hereditary branch of the Legislature will be further
depreciated in popular estimation. The second read-
ing will show their Lordships' views and inten-
tions next week. If they clip the measure, they will
only have a larger one to accept next year. The
Peers do not appear to great advantage in the Re-
ports, and we are sure that none are more interested
than their Lordships in Municipal Reform, which will
take from some of them an " influence " with corpora-
tions exercised greatly to their discredit and injury, if
they could but see it. We cannot conclude these
observations without directing the attention of their
Lordships to a part of Lord John Russell's speech,
which excited the particular ire of Sir Robert Inglis,
and which, therefore, ought not to be disregarded by
them :—" He recollected to have seen in print the ad-
vice of the flight Hon. Baronet the Member for
Tamworth, given with his usual discretion to that party
to which he belonged, and in which he called upon
them not to expect that any other place than this
House (the Commons) could be or even ought to l,e
looked to as the index of the opinions of the people of
this country." We believe the Right Hon. Baronet
added that the battles ought to be fought in the
House of Commons. We have merely to add, that
the,Lords, before making up their minds to throw out
this Bill, ought to ask themselves cui bond ? Were
they by Court intrigues to effect another dismissal of
the Reform Ministry, they must again coi form and
appeal to the people on Reform principles. Now,
sudden coiformang is at best liable to great suspicion
—but a re-coqforming after a relapse, must stagger
the faith of the most stupid boor in all England.—
Morning Chronicle.
We have but few observations to make respecting the
Hume and O'Connell meeting at the Crown and An-
chor, presided over by their most respectable toady
Lord Brougham. It is necessary, however, that what-
ever may be done with what the slang of these mounte-
banks denominates " Taxes on Knowledge," the
public should not be deeeived by the falsehoods or the
fooleries by which the removal of the Stamp Duty on
Newspapers is sought to be effected. We have stated
over and over again, and we repeat now, that we be-
lieve we should be gainers by the removal of these du-
ties, and in this belief we are confirmed by every man
who knows any thing about the subject. Some stupid
persons there are who, having been told that a large ca-
pital is necessary for the establishment and mainte-
nance of a well-conducted newspaper, jump to
the absurd conclusion, that, therefore, this capital,
or some considerable portion of it, is devoted to
the purchase of stamps. Nothing can be more untrue.
Whenever the newspaper stamps are removed, and the
proteges of Daniel O'Connell or of Mr. Hume start a
newspaper, they will find that the purposes for which ca-
pital is required are wholly unconnected with the
Stamp-office. The enormous establishment at home,
which is essential to every newspaper that pretends to
public support, and the cost of correspondents abroad,
of expresses, &c.—these, and a hundred other requi-
sites, especially when competition runs high between
newspapers, are what render capital, and capital to a
very large amount, absolutely necessary. Remove
the stamp duties to-morrow, let the e'ite of the Crown
and Anchor spouters start a paper, and they will
find that if Daniel give up a whole year's pro-
ceeds of his beggar-box, if my Lord Brougham con-
tribute his pension, Dr. Birkbeck the fees he gets
from his patients for twelve months, adding thereto as
much coin as it might be possible, by means of the
thumb-screw or the rack, to squeeze out of Middlesex
Joseph—the whole will not be sufficient to enable them
to compete with the least of those newspapers, the
secret of whose success they attribute to the existence
of the stamp duties. Sc 3 much for the question, so far
as we are personally concerned in it. With regard to
the public, however, we desire that they should clearly
understand the bearings of the proposition upon them
and their interests. For the present we will say no-
thing of the moral consequences of letting loose the
admirers of Daniel O'Connell upon society in penny
political journals of the Death's head and cross-bones
school. Besides, the financial view of the question
will come home to men whose moral sense we might
appeal to in vain. The revenue then, derived from
stamps on newspapers in 1833 was as follows :

£ s. d.
England
Scotland..
Ireland

574,430 10 81
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, be it remem-
bered, has no surplus, and the question which the cla-
mourers for the repeal of the stamp duties will do well
to set about deciding immediately (communicating
without delay their decision to Mr. S. Rice), is, upon

•
wrat article demi g their food, or other,
necessaries or comforts, they will have an additional '.
tax imposed to the amount of 580,0001. a-year.
During the four years that Lord Brougham was a
Cabinet Minister, being then all the while, besides Lord
High Chancellor, what he boasts himself to be now
that he is out of place—namely, a trader in penny pub-
lications, a schoolmaster, &c., many taxes were repealed
and reduced, but the cheap-knowledge monger never
then put in a word in favour of getting rid of these
abominable " taxes on knowledge." Immaculate and
consistant statesman T. But no matter : the question now
is, since the Ministers' masters—the Irish Papists and
the English Destructives—command the Chancellor of
the Exchequer to remove these duties, which of the taxes
repealed or reduced the people will like to have put on
twain. Printed cottons, &c. were relieved to the
amount of 550,0001., but that sum will not make
good the deficiency in the revenue ; neither will the
sum of 500,0001. which was taken off candles. The
reduction upon coals and slates, about 900,0001.,
would be more than is wanted : but the re-imposition
of the duty on soap, relieved to the amount of about
590,0001., would be as near the mark as may be, un-
less it be preferred to lay on the 580,0001. as an ad-
ditional duty on windows, which would obviously be
exceedingly popular, as indeed any increase of taxation
just now may be expected to be. This, however, is no
affair of our's. The money must be had, and we leave
the Chancellor of the Exchequer and his respectable
apd affectionate Daniel to settle the how and the
where as best they may to the satisfaction of the
public, who, however it may be humbugged, shall
not be quite hoodwinked if we can help it.- There .
is little else which calls for comment in the scene at
the Crown and Anchor, which we described at
great length yesterday—if we except the ignorance
so cleverly exposed by our correspondent "An
American,. whose letter will be found in another
column. There is nothing novel in Lord Brougham
making a show .•)f himself any where ; and we verily
believe that if he could not get a crowd about him,
and himself talked of by any other means, he would
advertise a public meeting to see him climb up the
dome of St. Paul's for a bird's nest. It is, however,
probably to his association with Joseph Hume, with
whom lie is in perpetual communication for counsel
and direction, that we are to attribute the fall of his
Lordship to so low a pitch as to preside over a meeting
where the Irish Agitator blackguarded and ridiculed
the House of Lords after his most approved fashion.
Is it commonly decent for Lord Brougham to take this
mode of revenging himself upon the assembly to which
he belongs, because the members of that assembly have
made a just estimate of his character and conduct ? A
cheap press is, according to Mr. O'Connell, to effect,
among other blessings, the abolition of the hereditary
peerage ; and Lord Brougham, then and there present,
did not say that he held a different opinion on this
subject from his brother agitator. One more word
about Mr. O'Connell's abuse of us, and we have done.
He called us renegades, villains, miscreants, &c., be-
cause we now oppose the Whigs, whereas we once
supported them. In the same breath he admitted that
last year he himself opposed, and that now he sup-
ports, the very same faction. We wonder what he
calls himself, if the names bestowed upon us were
deserved I But let him rail on ;we cannot have surer
testimony of the rectitude of our conduct than the dis-
praise and the abuse of a man who never speaks the
truth except by accident, and whose history would be
appropriately written in the blood of the slaughtered
peasants whom his agitation has driven to outrage and
rebellion.— Times.

In the House of Lords last night, in answer to a
question from the Earl of Glengall, Lord Melbourne
intimated that it was not the intention of the Govern-
ment to renew the Irish Coercion Bill, which will ex-
pire in the month of August , • but he also intimated'
that he would bring in a Bill founded,upon theßeport
of the Commission appointed to inquire into the state
of the Queen's County in 1831, which Bill, however,
would be brought into operation only when Govern-
ment might think fit. We cannot help thinking that
any such Bill will be grossly unconstitutional, for it
will place in the hands of the Executive a power of
coercing a portion of the empire at discretion, without
the control of the Legislature. 'When Parliament agreed
to the Coercion Bill, it was admitted to be a most un-
constitutional remedy for that which was considered to
be a greater evil ; but still the Legislature, in its whole-
some jealousy of the Executive, would not resign its
control for more than a single year, though at the expi-
ration of that year it was again renewed. Now, however,
it would appear as if a perpetual measure of some kind
was in contemplation not to be always in operation, but
still enabling the Government at any moment, without
consulting Parliament, to deprive the people of Ire-
land of the benefits of the British Constitution. A
`Whig Government alone could dream of arrogating
to themselves a power so despotic. The duty of judg-
ing of the necessity of any coercive measure should
rest with the Legislature ; and we trust they will not
delegate that duty to an Executive, which will thereby
become, as far as Ireland is concerned, possessed of
despotic power. Why will the Government so firmly,
so resolvedly close its eyes to the easy, simple, and,
beyond all question, efficacious mode of tranquilising
Ireland ? Feed the people—feed them—give them em-
ployment—give them poor laws—keep squalid wretch-
edness and gaunt famine from their doors, and there
will no longer be a necessity for anything in the shape
of a Coercion Bill. Until that is done, Ireland will
continue to occupy the attention of the Legislature for
at least two-thirds of every Session, the interests of the
people of England will be neglected, and the people
of Ireland will continue to be starved in thousands.—.
Morning Herald.

" This day, says a Morning Contemporary, " on
the motion for the Speaker leaving the Chair, on the
Church of Ireland Bill, Sir Robert Peel will move
his instruction to the Committee' that the Bill be divi-
ed into two. On this occasion it is indispensably ne-
cessary that every Member of the Conservative party
should be in his place, and the Protestant constztuen•
cies of the country will be slow to receive any excuse,
however plausible or well devised, for the omission or
neglect of this now sacred duty. We deem ourselves
peremptorily called upon to give this notice to the
Members of the House of Commons in the most
solemn and impressive manner that belongs to us."
We reiterate the above advice with all our heart and
with all our might. Every Reformer to his post I
Now is the day of battle ! Now comes the trial of
strength between the people and their enemies. If the
Representatives of the former be but true to their con-
stituents, victory will once more sit in triumph on their
helms—if they prove to be renegades, and fail to be
instant in season and out of season, Heaven have
mercy upon them, for the forgiveness of the people
will be small.—Morning Advertiser.
We published yesterday under the head of " Cons
servative Negligence" a list of Members of the House
of Commons, elected by Conservative constituencies,
whom we supposed to have been absent on the di-
vision upon Mr. Praed's motion of Thursday last, to
amend the Municipal Corporations Bill. This list
we derived from the columns of our excellent Con-
servative contemporary, the John Bull, to which
journal, in pursuance of our usual practice, we fairly
acknowledged our obligation. In this list it appears
there were some inaccuracies, and those which have
been distinctly brought to our knowledge, by the con-
descension of the Members of Parliament immediately
interested in their correction, we have this day cor-
rected. In the main, however, we believe the list to
be accurate. We know of no inaccuracies in it,
with the exception of those we have recorded. It is
scarcely necessary for us to say that our columns
are open to any well authenticated contradiction of
any part of our statement ; but we cannot receive from
'any authority whatever a vague and general impeach-
ment of its accuracy. The Conservative people of
England, in whose name we speak, have a right to
expect that Gentlemen, calling themselves Conserva-
tive Members of Parliament, will not be absent from
their places in the House of Commons when impor-
tant questions are to be decided. Andwefiank
of thelyand
distinctly say that we will never screen Members
learn w hby°
House of Commons, be they whoint!iey
7w.me
la
disappoint this. reasonable .expectation-
ithis
n
in
.
.liwsthothaarte thoereinado7l97lo7; :the
luice-HowausnenCf-toegZ
their attendance when questions. are
(-4; 'pe:--tteciotea

LONDON,
TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 21, 1835.

The Municipal Reform Bill was read a third time
last night in the House of Common 3, and passed.
This great measure has now to undergo the fiery
ordeal of the Lords, who have already pretty broadly
intimated their intention to pounce on it, tooth and
nail, and tear it into a thousand fragments. Pre-
viously, however, to their grand attack, they will try
what is to be done by intrigue and delay ; hence the
proposal of the Earl of DEVON last night, that " a
Committee should be appointed to inquire into all the
facts and circumstances under which Mr. HOGG's
protest was framed "—a prvpubal which, though it
came to no definite conclusion, may yet be looked on
as an omen of ill import to the Bill. It is, in fact, a
straw thrown up to show which way the wind blows.
Under these untoward circumstances, it is some con-
solation to know that the Ministerial measure will
receive the support of Lord GREY. All the moral
and political influence which this high-minded patriarch
of Reform can bring to bear in its behalf, will be zealously
put forward. Is not this proof positive that the Bill
can have no such injurious republican tendency as its
opponents would fain attribute to it ? Were it th
unconstitutional measure that Sir R. VYVIAN declared
it to be, who would be more uncompromising in his
hostility than Earl GREY ? His Lordship is no
visionary. He is no enthusiast, to be seduced and led
away by the last new political fashion. Far other-
wise. His long and chequered public career, of up-
wards of half a century, triumphantly establishes the
fact, that in all his reforms he has had an eye to the
great principles of the Constitution.
Sir R. VYVYAN'S chief objection to the Bill
seems to be that it disrobes Aldermen. On this
branch of his subject he was quite pathetic last night,
in the House of Commons ; and talked of the dig-
nity and worth and wisdom of these civic aristocrats,
in a way that, were there any gratitude among them,
should procure him, between this and next October,
the freedom, in a gold snuff-box, of half the Corpo-
rate towns in the kingdom. The Hon. Baronet pro-
fessed to be more especially horror-struck at the idea
of the Lord Mayor's State-carriage being dispensed
with, which he felt convinced would be the case, the
instant the revolutionary Corporation Bill came into
full operation. The sight of this glorious equipage,
he observed, was one of the chief stimulants to exer-
tion on the part of the Cockney apprentices, who very
naturally hoped that one day or other they would be
rich and dignified enough to take the air in it
themselves ; but if they were no longer permitted
to feast their eyes on the spectacle of its mag-
nificence, of course they would no longer feel
any inducement to work ; and thus the me-
tropolis would,overflow with lazy, unambitious ope-
ratives ; industry would be at a discount ; trade would
become paralyzed ; George Barnwells would abound
in every street and alley ; and all because the State
carriage was consigned to the pawnbroker's or the
auctioneer's, instead of being allowed to waddle, at a
duck's pace, down Cheapside, with an enormous Lord
Mayor and a. still more enormous sword stick-
ing oft: of the window, on the ninth day of every ,

November I This, it must confessed, is an awful in-
novation on the habits of the good old times. Still we
by no means apprehend that it will produce the disas-
trous consequences which the Hon. Baronet's line of
argument would.seem to imply. We cannot, for_ the e
of us, see the connection that exists between civic in-
dustry and the civic State carriage ; but were we
once as completely satisfied on the point, as Sir
R. VYVYAN appears to be, and were we, like him, a
Member of the Legislative Senate, we should feel it
our duty to move that a Bill be brought into Parlia-
ment, for the express purpose of providing for the
better protection of the LORD MAYOR'S State-car-
riage ; and that it be allowed, as heretofore, to run on
all great occasions, in order that industry and ambition
may thereby receive a stimulus I But enough of the
Hon. Baronet and his speech, which is so utterly ab-
surd, as scarcely to merit even a passing notice.

The House of Commons having, to its immortal
honour, passed a measure of national reform greater
in its extent, and more important in its consequences,
than any recorded by the pen of the historian, now
proceeds to the consideration of another, on the success
of which depend the peace and welfare of a large
portion of the Empire. The Irish Church Reform
Bill goes into Committee to-night, and is to be op-
posed by all the power of the Tory faction. Sir RO-
BERT PEEL has long since formally announced his
intention to move that this Bill be divided into two,—
that the portion of it which relates to the new adjust-
ment of the tithe system should form one Bill, and
that whicli relates to the future regulation of the
Church Establishment, and the appropriation of its
surplus funds, another. By this happy arrangement,
the wily Baronet would be rescued from the painful
necessity of opposing those parts of the measure which
he approves, it being impossible for him to assent
to what he and his party nickname the alienation
of Church property. That there is the least chance
of such a motion being carried no one can for a mo-
ment believe, who considers that the House of Com-
mons has already solemnly pledged itself not to discon-
nect the appropriation of the superabundant revenue
from the settlement of the tithe question. Sir ROBERT
knows well enough that all attempts to alter this de-
termination of the House are utterly vain, but he
knows also that there are certain forms, which, for the
sake of what is called consistency, must he gone
through. By his former ill-advised course, in staking
the existence of his Administration on the rejection of
the appropriation principle, he is reduced to the ne-
cessity of opposing it, or of forfeiting his reputation
for public principle—an alternative perplexing enough
to ordinary men, but not so to one who has expe-
rienced the effects of actually carrying, with an un-
changed mind, through the House of Commons, a
()Teat measure which he had all his life opposed,
and of undertaking to carry, through the same
House, those Reforms which he had denounced as
the destruction of the Monarchy, and the bane of the
country. The man, we say, who, after all this expe-
rience, still stands in need of a guide to direct him to
the path he ought to follow, should leave politics, and
betake himself to some other trade.

We have so often expressed our opinion of the jus-
tice and necessity of such a measure as that which
his Majesty's Ministers have proposed to heal the
wounds of Ireland, that it is unnecessary for us to
say anything on that subject at present. The very
men who, to serve their own selfish purposes, are now
leagued together against it, acknowledge that a
radical change must be made in the ecclesiastical
system of Ireland—in that system to which all her
evils may be traced. Yet in the blind fury
of party zeal, they would not hesitate to plunge
the country into the horrors of a civil war,
rather than allow their political opponents the
merit of having devised and executed an effectual
plan for the remedy of those grievances which they
and their wicked policy have occasioned. If we
wanted any proof of the insincerity of the Tory
faction, in their opposition to the Irish Tithe Bill—
any proof of the facility with which they can, when
it suits their purposes, strain at a gnat and swallow
a"camel—we need only look at the main ground of
their opposition to the present Bill. This is the shock
which would be given to the security of property by divert-
ing the funds now devoted co ecclesiastical purposes to
general education. Now let any sober-minded man
look at that portion of the Bill of which they
approve—the tithe portion ; and say if, after conced-
ing the right of the Legislature to do what is
there proposed to be done, and also the necessity of its
being done, he can see a shadow of reason for any
alarm, lest the rights of property should be endan-
gered by adapting the revenues of the Irish Church
to her wants, and applying the surplus to the moral
improvement of the people of Ireland.

The whole of the Paris Journals of Sunday have
been received. The Indicateur of the 16th inst. an-
nounces that on the day before, a Spanish Cabinet
Messenger passed through Bordeaux on his way to
Paris. When he left Madrid, which was on the 12th,
the capital enjoyed perfect tranquillity. The QUEEN
REGENT had just set out for La Granja. In every vil-
lage through which the courier passed the report was
spread of the defeat of the Carlists at Mondragon.

The French Journals contain some severe strictures
on the conduct of England and France, with respect to
the exclusive privilege of Russia to navigate the sea of