The Sun.
London, England, 1832-07-03 00:00:00

WALKING DRESSES.

A claret riding coat with cross flaps and pockets, double
breasted, and holes in both fore parts, calculated to button up
to the top. Waistcoat of buff kerseymere. Trousers of
white moleskin, cut rather wide, and buttoned up in front.
A French brown walking coat with broad lappets, and cut
to turn to the bottom ; cloth collar rather short ; skirts full,
and the sleeves easy. Waistcoat of the same, with turndown
collar. Trousers of white moleskin to fit easily to the shape,
and short to wear with a shoe.

COURT OF CHANCERY.-(THIS DAY.)

COLEMAN V SMITHERS.
The Court proceeded to hear this part-heard cause,
which occupied the whole day.

SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE--(THIS DAY.)

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

At the Northampton Reform Dinner, Lord
Milton made some observations on the subject
of war, which require to be particularly noticed
at this time.
" There were (said his Lordship) many opinions as to
o,vpulati Governments. For his part, he thought popular
Government was not less disposed to war than any other
Government. But it was not in the recollection of any
living man that a popular Government went to war, ex-
cept their object was to oppose the maintenance of arbi-
trary power.—( Cheers.) He was free to admit that with
a popular Government there was less facility to go to war.
fist let the people not flatter themselves with the delusion
that the temple of Janus was always to he shut ; whoever
entertained such an opinion laboured under a most grievous
delusion. He was a fri,-nd to peace, and reluctant would
he be to consent to any war which would break the peace
of Europe, unless it was demanded by the honour and in-
terests of the country.—(Cheers.)"
We differ from his Lordship on this subject.
We think popular Government must be less dis-
posed to war than any other Government, for
this reason, that it can never have an interest in
going to war. A despotic Sovereign is natu-
rally anxious to extend his territories, which he
views in the light of property, on the principle
that leads individuals in common life to think
they never can possess too many acres. But
what motive can the citizen of a popular Go-
vernment have for wishing to extend a territory
a'ready sufficiently ample fur purposes of defence ?
And experience bears us out in this. The Swiss
Confederation for centuries has never attempted
to enlarge its dominions. During the same
period, all the Sovereigns of Europe, without
exception, have been—some more, some less—
frequently engaged ha attempts to aggrandize
themselves. The wars of a popular Government
must be wars of a strictly defensive character, or
for the support of allies, with whom the danger
from a common enemy has compelled it to unite.
We should not at another time have taken so
much notice of these few sentences of his Lord-
ship, but we look upon so marked an allusion to
war at this time as rather ominous. Honour
and interest, says Lord Milton ! Honour as
between nation and nation, is a very vague ex-
pression. The stipulations into which we have
entered ought to be faithfully performed. As
to interest, we conceive that we can never have
any in making war. Yet we can conceive a case
in which war might be necessary and inevitable.
The Americans may wish well to a cause, but
as they have nothing to apprehend from Europe,
they very properly determine to take no part in
its quarrels. The policy of a nation in Europe
is generally different, because a regard to its own
safety will not allow it to look with indifference
on the proceedings of other States. But we, though
an European power, are, from our peculiar situa-
tion, nearly in the condition of the Americans.
We can hardly conceive a change in Europe
from which we could have anything to appre-
hend in the way of danger to ourselves. From
the command of the sea which we possess, from
our great population, and the facilities we pos-
sess for the conveyance of men in a short space
from one extremity of the kingdom to the other,
we may be said to be placed beyond attack. Long
before any hostile nation could .have completed
its preparations for an invasion, we could in this
island alone have, without difficulty, upwards of
one million of men under arms ; and these men
would not be, like the nominal armies of Russia,
so scattered that it would require years to unite
them ; but they would be nearly all moved in a
day or two on any given point. The motive for
alliances bet,,een nations is the thereby securing
the safety of the allied. Utility is the basis.
But an alliance between us and a continental na-
tion is, on our part, Quixotism. We require not
the aid of any ally, and therefore the benefit
would be all on one side. For the Government
of this country to interfere with Continental
wars, would, in our opinion, be a wasting the
resources of the nation without a motive. In the
case of Poland, we have no doubt that the unfortu-
nate natives of that country are subjected to the
most savage treatment. They have a claim on our
sympathy, and on our interference with their
oppressors on their behalf. But the Govern-
ment of this country would not be justified in
involving the nation in war for this object. We
pity the Poles—we pity even the Russians, who
themselves must suffer much from one of the
worst conceivable Governments. But the Go-
vernment of a country owes a paramount duty
to the governed. We are not bound to be the
Don Quisotes of the world, and to buckle on
our armour to redress all the evils that exist in
different countries. We should be a common
nuisance, were we to set ourselves up as Judges
on all quarrels between nation and nation, and
Government and subjects. It is otherwise with
the Continental nations. They cannot view with
indifference what may endanger their own
safety. For instance, the people of Germany
have an interest in the independence of Poland.
The Germans, unfortunately for themselves, are
considered as little better than the cattle of their
respective Sovereigns. If they had a national
Government, that Government would endeavour
to prevent Russia from occupying a large and
fertile country, and thereby maintaining large
armies on the frontiers of Germany. If the
Germans even succeed in vindicating their inde-
pendence, they will make common cause with
the Poles. 'But this is their business and not
ours. By our interference we should only tempt
those who are most deeply interested in the issue
to neglect what they owe to themselves by rely-
ing on us. We may be assured that the less we
meddle with the continental nations the more
they will be disposed to exert themselves. They
must understand their interests better than we
can ; and where they are not alarmed, we need
not be alarmed for them.—Morning Chronicle.
The highest court of appeal known to the
laws of France, has established a new claim to
the national respect and gratitude, by releasing
the inhabitants of Paris from the terrors of mi-
litary tyranny. The Court of Cassatiou, on
Friday last, proncunced the sentence of the
court-martial upon Geoffroy to be illegal,—
whole
of the
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proceed-
ings, and be examined in the
first instance by the officer of the tribunal of
Paris. This must be regarded as a glorious tri•
umph for law and freedom, and peace and or-
der—for the sake of public confidence in the
stability of' a regular Government, as contrasted
with that capricious and unbridled despotism,
which is never safe from the risk of a sudden
transition to anarchy, or rather, indeed, con-
tains within itself the true principle of all anar-
chy, which is no more than, the unregthuhiltle
1 higher
o power,
many, wherein the judicial authorities of
France have proved themselves the saviours of all
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were dumb. But it had not been so under the