The Sun.
London, England, 1835-03-24 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

When it began to be known yesterday that .Lord Canterbury
had resigned the mission to Canada, which of course would
not have been effered to him without previous concert, various
surmises as to the cause were hazarded. The general belief,
however, was that the Noble Lord was not without his suspi-
cions, that though the spring had just commenced, it was al-
ready autumn with Ministers, and that he might spare himself
the trouble of preparation for a mission on which he would
never have to enter. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, how-
ever, stated in the House that severe indisposition prevailed in the
family of the Noble Lord. We have elsewhere alluded to the bul-
lying system pursued by Ministers in the House last night. This
disposition to pugnacity is not only extremely unbecoming in per-
sons in their situation, but affords the best proof of their consci-
ousness of the justice of the charges which provoke them to
such unseemly behaviour. It was observed hat night in the
House be Colonel Evans, that the days of Ministers were
numbered. It is not- unnatural that they should begin to
recriminate and fight shy of each other. Sir Robert fairly
threw his colleagues overboard last night. The honesty of
the Duke of Wellington, in not even cloaking his want of
principle, he cannot digest. But the Ultras, as he termed
tile only honest men of his party last night, were fairly dis
claimed. This ia all they have gained by suffering themselves
to he dragged through the dirt by him. Sir Robert is di:a_
aatisfied ith himself and dissatisfied with his colleagues, and
they will repay him with interest, if we mistake not. The
time is fast approaching when this wicked combination for the
purpose cf cheating and insulting the nation will break up.—
Morning chronicle.
A great deal of time was consumed in the House of Com-
mons last night upon questions not regularly before them.
The skirmishes were, however, in many instances, very brisk,
and very personal. It is by no means to the credit of the
house that it seems to deviate more and more, every day,
from the calm temper of discussion, and that personal it-
tercations, all of which have hitherto terminated within the
walls, as they ought to do, increase instead of diminish, with
the increase of intelligence. This is Much to be regretted.
We shall not allude here to any of the late differences so
particularly as to describe them ; our report of last night's
proceedings-does that sufficiently. But we hope that those
who, either by their talents or by their station, exercise an
influence upon the Assembly to which we allude, will rather
discountenance than encourage, by their example, a course
so repugnant to reason. It is not by a motion, nor by a re-
solution of the House, that a practice so • discreditible can
be done away with, but by a correct impression of the feel-
ing entertained by the public at large when any of these
unseemly squabbles come under their observation. We are
satisfied that we do not exaggerate the feeling in such
cases, when we express it by so strong a word as—disgust.
—Morning Herald,
Not a single motion, or notice of a motion, has proceeded
from the Opposition side of the House of Commons, since
the present session began, which has not smelt rank of fac-
tion. To what but the mere spirit of party can we trace the
rejection of the late Speaker from the Chair, or an amend-
ment to the Address, which could find no other ground to rest
upon than the dissolution of a Parliament chosen under the
immediate auspices -of a Whig-Radical Administration ;—or
Mr. Joseph flume's motion (afterwards abandoned, it is true,
but stubbornly clung to until it became ridiculous), first for
postponing the supplies, and next for curtailing them ;—or the
motion of yesterday, announced by Mr. Ward (abandoned after-
wards, as the former one had been), for stopping the Army
Estimates ;—or the strange, perverse, and hardly intelligible,
but vain, resistance hit the introduction of Sir Henry Hard-
inge's Tithe Bill, identified as it was in principle and charac-
ter with the measure of last session, introduced by these same
Whigs ;,or. the threatened motion to oppose the bringing up
of the report, which was also prudently, though somewhat
awkwardly, surrendered ;—or, finally, to what but the extrava-
gance-of 'faction can any reasonable man impute the much
vaunted motion, whereof notice has been given be Lord .1.
Russell, and the discussion fixed for Monday next, the 30th
inst., the professed purpose of which is to affirm the whole of
Mr. Ward's motion of test session-I=:t, a fact for which there
is not yet a tittle if et idence, viz —the existence of a surplus
church revenue above the wants of the Irish Protestant popu-
lation ; 2d, a principle of appropriation, of which the applica-
bility (that is, the value) depends on the establishment of the
above-mentioned fact —for which we now have nothing but
assumption? For any one of these eight motions, on three
only of which tile Whig-Radicals came to a division, and
on the last of which divisions they were beaten, we ask
any man, not altogether infatuated by party spleen
and violence, what shadow of motive or pretext can be
discovered that has the remotest relevancy to the public
good ? Had the nation the slightest interest in excluding
Sir C. M. Sutton from the Speaker's chair,—or in condemning
the dissolution of a Parliament which no vote of the present
House of Commons could reanimate,—or in postponing the
grant of money for the public service,--or in harassing the
Crown by a short Money Bill,—or in thwarting the progress
of a measure, admitted to be a good one, for commuting tithe,
—or note, in the last place, for rendering null and void the
appointment of a commission of inquiry into the Church of
Ireland, to the appointment of which Commission the Whig
Cabinet of last year attached such immeasurable impor-
tance, as the only rational and effective medium through
which it was possible to obtain a precise knowledge of the
circumstances of the Irish Church, or a safe and satisfactory
basis whereon to legislate for the future appropriation
and distribution of its revenues? Why did Lord Althorp, in
the former Session, refuse to adopt Mr. Ward's motion ? Be-
cause he said a Commission of Inquiry was necessary to report
upon those matters which, when ascertained, would form the
proper guides, and without a correct knowledge of which there
could be no unerring guide to the deliberations of Parliament
upon the subject. Lord John Russell and all his colleagues, and
all the Whigs by whom he is now supported, were active par-
ties to this decision of Lord Althorp. We ask, then, has the
Commission yet reported the result of its inquiries? Do the
Conservative Ministers kno.v through the Co mmiseion a syllable
more about the state of the Irish population. or the manner in
which it stands relatively to the Church, than did the Whig .
:Ministers, when the latter made their own ignerance of the pro •
cee-iings carried on by the same Cemmissic7ners, their distinct
and exclusive ground for rejecting that very proposition which
they now attempt to force on the present Government ? If
Lord J. Russell and his friends were jiStified a few months
ago in refusing to legislate without knowledge u; en this ogles-
tiena are they now justified in compelling Sir It. Peel, by dint
of numbers, for arguments they have none, to accept laws
from :hem concocted in equal absence of all knowledge? •
But, again, do they charge upon the Commissioners of In-
mury env culpable delay in dhe preparation of their report?
or dues Lord John insinuate against the Conservative Govern-
ment any underhand efforts to frustrate or retard its delivery?
For in either caee there might be a fair apology for the
impatience of the Whigs to adjudge the question upon
then own prepossessions of its merits, without waiting for_
the facts or reasonings which they had originally thought
essential to its secure adjustment ; otherwise the inde-
ceney is to us without example, and with all the taliz
about " inconsistency," the inconsistency of these gen-
tlemen beats whatever we have heard or read of even in their
own annuls, if they now attempt to carry through the lionse
of Commons a vote which, under precisely similar circum-
stances, they pronounced within this twelvemonth to be pre-
mature mid unjust, and to escape from which they nominated
this special comnuss ion. But if the truth must be told, we
are afraid that it is not the discussion, so much as the division,
of the 30th, on which Lord John and his followers pin their
confidence. _lf their opinions be matters of importance to
none, their sympathies at least are shared by all whose en-
joyment of office or whose hopes of it were crushed by the dis-
missal of the late Governmel t, and reign be revived by
the overthrow of its successors. Hence it is votes for
Yihirth they are canvassing, not conversions ; hence the call of
tire 'House ; hence the seeming carelessness respecting more
than one question of real value as affecting the national
interests ; and the announcement in the morning and evening
organs of the party, that alt skirmishing is to be set aside, all
subordinate subjects connected merely with the public force,
the public finances, the religions concerns, in any other than
a party sense—whatever most deeply regards our permanent
institution, and on which holiest men may, or must, indeed,
inevitably differ—all these would not repay the irksomeness of
a single evening's contest • but the one question—tile question
—is, that which involves ;he offices, the salaries, and patronage
of certain persons: that alone, the question of who shall scat
himself on the Treasury-bench, is worth a patriot's medita-
tien.—Tinles.
- The enemy with whom we have to deal, if not powerful, is
at least cunning and zealous—it knows all the weak points of
the Liberal camp, and it is always playing upon them, though
hitherto unsuccessfully, in order to effect a breach ' • and it is,
in consequence, most important that the Liberal Members
should take no steps which are not resolved upon in common.
Lord John Russell has hitherto proved himself to be not only
an able, but a successful leader, and with him and his advisers
the Reformers must go to battle, or run the risk of losing it.
We are powerful in numbers ; but union is not the less neces•
sary. The Liberal Members must also be present in their
places. There has been enough—somewhat more than enough
—of preparation for battle—the day of trial is now at hand, and if
the people forgive their betrayers—let the " right hand of the
people forget its cunning." Since the above was written,
we have learned that the Tories have virtually given up the
ghost, and that their last knell will be tolled even before Mon-
day next, the appointed day of trial. The dissensions in their
camp have caused this result on the one hand, and the great
majority of the Liberals on the other. They have been seized
by a paralysis from which there is no recovery—in a word, Sir
Peel will not, because he cannot, retain office with his pre-
sent coadjutors and supporters. He may wait to be beaten—
but the waiting is a mere pretence. He knows that on Mon-
day he will have a large majority against him; but he only
waits for that majority as an excuse for getting rid, not only of
the anxious office he has undertaken, but of the high Church
party, with which he has had to wage war since the commence-
ment of his premiership, and of which he is most anxious to get
rid.—Morning Advertiser.
The pugnacious spirit displayed by Sir Robert Peel on a
late occasion towards Mr. Hume, and at a period not remote,
towards Dr. Lushington, appears to have awakened a feeling
of emulation among his followers. Last evening, Sir Henry
Hardinge improved upon his master ; although, truth to say,
Sir Henry, in his legislative career, has ever been more con-
spicuous for his argument= ad hominem, than for any other
intelligible bearing. Mr. 13arron rebutted this novel species
of logic in a way becoming a man and a gentleman; at the
same time evincing that deference to the opinion of the
Speaker which ought to characterise a Member of the
House over which he presides. The Gallant Colonel
Evans, however, from a tenacious and chivalrous sense of
honour which it is impossible to blame, and which, in
fact, is entitled to the highest praise, protested against
the tone of defiance and dictation—on pain of suf-
ferance—which Sir Henry Hardinge had assumed. A