The Sun.
London, England, 1866-12-03 00:00:00

very important one, and much will depend upon
it. The working men of London b lut
thit they are' to be trusted withasharthe
that
tf
they
ytiarcael
power. They have to give evidence
capable of something more thancheering flattering
phrases addressed to themselves, and epithetsterigant-
tached to the aristocracy. They.. have to dneemfeorra, butnstrate
not only that they want Yarname y
that they know what it is when they get it, and can
form a clearer idea of the duties and privileges of
an English citizen than echoing the denunciations of
a mob orator, or drinking the health of a candidate.
Their conduct to-day will, we trust,prove that however
some among them may be led to foolish and intolerant
extremes, as a body they are patriotic, intelligent,
and moderate, willing to improve rather than over-
throw our existing system, and anxious rather to
share in the government as it i 3 than to grasp the
reins of power in their Own unaccustomed
hands. If the domonstration goes off with credit
and sobriety it will no doubt have great
influence. There are, of course, in all classes some
selfish and intolerant persons who object to any
effort being made to elevate the lower ranks, and
who would willingly monopolise political influence
and authority. But the great majority of all par-
ties are chiefly averse to a reform of Parliament
because they are apprehensive of sudden and violent
changes. Moderate men would not dislike the addi-
tion of a large number of working men to the con-
stituencie, provided that the principles of govern-
ment were left as they are. What they
fear is, that a considerable extension of
the suffrage will be followed by a demand for
manhood suffrage, annual Parliaments, payment
of members, and all the impracticable paraphernalia
of democracy. We must admit that the recognised
leaders of the Reform movement have not gone the
way to dissipate this uneasiness by their perpetual
laudation of American institutions, by their abuse
of the aristocracy and their endeavours to foster
class jealousies, and the suspicion with which the
employer is always inclined to regard the employed,
they have given a form and substance to what
might otherwise have been only conjecture.
But, like the Jamaica question, all this is
entirely foreign to the subject. . Opinions may differ
as to the conduct or policy of Mr. EYRE, but there
is a band of politicians (among whom are several
prominent Reformers) who are working hard to
identify the reform of the English Parliament with
the suppression of the rebellion in Jamaica. What
on earth the one question has to do with the other
it is not easy to demonstrate ; but the general effect
is to get up a confused sense of injustice, cruelty,
and oppression in the minds of the masses ; and as
the terms of "tyranny," "crushing down the people,"
and " the resources of wealth" are freely employed, the
illustration serves the purpose. It is this sort of
conduct that is so inimical to the best interests of
the people and to the cause of Parliamentary Reform.
The very word "reform" indicates an extension of
what is, an improvement of existing institutions, a
change for the better, not a complete destruction
and overthrow. When we talk of "reforming"pn taa
criminal, we do not mean to hang him and
new man in his place ; but reform in the dictionary
of some politicians appears to mean annihilation.
The worst of it is that if we get rid of all our old
encumbrances we are very likely to get rid of our
liberties too ; and, perhaps, it would be as wel. to
remember that, in spite of the elective Government
of America, the manhood suffrage of Australia, and
the ballot of France, England possesses, and has
long possessed, the substance of civil, religious, and
individual liberty, of which these countries have as
yet only the shadow.
The spectacle of to-day is a plain and incontro-
vertible proof of the real social freedJm which our
people possess. They are assembling by hundreds
of thousands with the full consent of the authori-
ties, and may indulge in what language and pass
what resolutions they like. No doubt they want
more than this, but if they adopt the constitutional
methods open to them they will infallibly obtain
their reasonable and constitutional desires. No
Government can afford to disregard the strongly
expressed opinion of the country on a na-

tioual question, and Lord DERBY, we are willing to
believe, has no desire to do so. Sooner or later
Reform must be granted, and the question of
the time and manner of the concession will
be probably much influenced by the events of the
days. We would only caution the League on two
points. Let them frame their demands within
reasonable limits—putting aside manhood suffrage
altogether—and let them make those demands in a
spirit of fair play and with good temper. Not car-
ried away by declamation, nor irritate by innuen-
does, but soberly, sensibly, and patriotically, in a
manner worthy of straightforward and practical
Englishmen.