The Sun.
London, England, 1866-12-14 00:00:00

VIE S'UN', LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 14, 186 G.

The Members for Finsbury and their
Constituents.

Mr. TOrrens, M.P., and Alderman Lusk, M.P.,
met their constituents last evening in the theatre of
the London Mechanics' Institution, to deliver ad-
dresses upon the last Session of Parliament, accord-
ing to a promise given by them at their election.
Mr. R. Willshere, of Islington, was voted to the
chair. The hon. members were loudly cheered when
they entered the room.
After a few remarks from the chairman,
Mr. TORRENS, M.P., addressed the meeting. He
said since he last met his constituents events had
taken place that had materially changed the
aspect of political affairs both abroad and at home.
Many of the States of Europe that then existed
existed no longer ; they had been incorporated
into one great monarchy, and another vast mili-
tary power had arisen to add to the chances of war,
and it remained to be seen whether it might not also
add to the embarrassments of other contingen states.
Austria had lost her old position, and, it was stated,
was setting her house in order. And she had need
to do so, for her very existence was in peril. The
Greeks were once more endeavouring to liberate
themselves from a barbarous yoke. (Hear, hear.)
Russia, wisely biding her time, with English gold and
skill, was making vast military railroads, the use of
which, when she was asked, she did not hesitate to
avow was to try and do better next time. (Laughter.)
France, nettled by thefailure of her attempt to found
a new empire in Mexico, and by the sudden uprising
of Prussia, announced that less than 800,000 regu-
lar troops would not suffice for her future dignity,
besides 300,000 home guards, making a total of
1,100,000 men. Spain lay garrotted by her own
police. (Cheers.) Belgium sat trembling and
smiling, afraid of being asked whether she suspected
anyone of wishing to do her foul play. And where
was England ? He trusted the answer in every
heart would be a consciousness of the security that
a great nation could only justly feel when she wished
no ill to her neighbours, and had put away that am-
bition that weighed upon the national heart, of in-
termeddling in the quarrels of other people.
(Cheers.) All that had happened in Europe had a
direct influence upon us. On either hand there
were whisperings and bustlings of preparations for
future fight, and there had always unhappily been
men amongst the ruling classes who fancied that,
because others were armed we should be armed,
too, notwithstanding their knowledge that those
who were armed were powerless to' pay without
new taxes or increased debt. He feared that
before next session was over, the Government
would have to be asked to give a firm and decided
negative to the proposal that England should again
commit the folly of our fathers. They sinned and
were not, and we bore their iniquities. We had
eight hundred millions of reasons why we should not
vote another shilling for further army estimates.
(Cheers.) He trusted that the present administra-
tion would not commit that fault. We were told
that we wanted more moneyand men to defend our
shores. Last year 25 millions of money were voted
for ordnance, navy, and regular troops, and now we
were told by people who loved warfare and soldier-
ing that this was not enough, and that the country
was not safe notwithstanding that great expendi-
ture. If that were so, the sole impression upon his
mind was, that we should cut down the army esti-
mates and,save the money. (Cheers.) But he be-
lieved there was no truth whatever in the fear of any
power being developed in Europe that ought to
make us afraid. If reform in the army were neces-
sary, more shame for those who had had the expen-
diture of such sums of money as Lord Grey, the
Duke of Wellington, Lord Melbourne, and the late
Sir Robert Peel never thought of asking from Par-
liament. If we were to have an army reform let us
have it in treating soldiers as we would other men.
(Cheers.) There was mental pluck and physical
pluck, which we were told must be stimulated upon
twopence a day more pension, and two extra ounces
of beef, bone included, for the soldier on duty. Let
the mode of recruiting be changed by desisting from
catchin g the runaway and scapegrace, and from
buying the recruit drunk and beating him into dis-
cipline. (Cheers.) There was grief in the work-
ing man's family and sorrow around his hearth
whenever it was whispered the son had ab-
sconded to enlist. The very idea of enlistment
was a reproach, and was synonymous with the
confession that a man was good for nothing
better, and would settle down to nothing useful.
What was wanted was to see the army representa-
tive of every class in the nation, and not collected
from the scum and refuse of society, and to have it
looked upon as a profession in which the pride of a
man's heart might exult, in which the hope of a
youth might have its legitimate ambition, and in
which the virtues, self-denial, order, and dignity
that befitted a free man might be exercised. Give
up the lash, abandon degrading punishments, break
down promotion by purchase—(cheers)—and let
the man know that the career is open to him, and
that he who shed his blood for the state was its
honoured child, and that he who had the merit to
command the troops of the state should have the
command. (Cheers.) It was said something more
than regular troops were wanted, and while not dis-
puting that he looked to the true reserve forces of
he country in the reorganisation upon old const'
_ .

cutional principles of the militia. They should no,
be raised by ballot or compulsory enlistment, but
by a system that would enable a man to go out for
a few days' drill near his home, and return to his
family with that pride which the volunteer felt
when called out to parade. Then we should have
.without expense and demoralisation a militia com-
posed of men of all ranks to be a reserved power,
that would render us secure against possible attack
or insult. No doubt it was true what the Horse-
Guards and A% ar-office asserted, that what with re-
lief for Canada and India, it was no longer easy to
find men enough for the regular troops to keep up
the rotation of regiments the service required. This
was an excellent reason for abandoning the extra-
vagant and ill-advised attempt to hold down 150
millions of people in India by British 'youth and
vigour. If we could not govern India more cheaply
—that was more justly and more wisely—that
was more economically ; if India could not be
governed by the Indian people, we confessed we
were mere usurpers in the country—(cheers)—and
sooner or later the empire would crumble to dust.
As for Canada, the day had gone by when we could
afford to affect to garrison that colony by English
troops. The best thing we could do for Canada
was to assure her of our neutrality, enabling, en-
titling, and binding us to withdraw those small
garrisons that, not enough for practical defence,
were just sufficient to provoke and tantalise a neigh-
bour. There was another use of our army which
unhappily could not in the present hour be omitted.
Our camps, arsenals, and garrisons in England
were being denuded of troops, not because we had
found it necessary to send them against a threaten-
ing foreign foe, not as reliefs to a conquered laud
like India, not for a distant colony like Canada,
but it was grievous to know that they were being
borne across the Channel to hold down by force an
apprehended rising in a portion of the United King-
dom with which we had been associated for 600
years. (Cheers.) Many of the rumours of the last
three weeks were probably due to panic and mis-
taken fears. He knew something of the Irish people.
He had read their history, and had lived amongst
them, and in acknowledging the great discontent
that existed in Ireland he could not forget the fatal,
blind, arrogant, and cruel policy which bad con-
verted the country for generations into a condition
which every hour might make a field of blood. Let
no man go away with the impression he was pony-
ing with siEdition. The duty of our executive
was to keep the peace ; and he thought the greatest
kindness they could exercise towards a susceptible,
excitable, and irritable population was to keep
them back from the brink towards which they
were struggling. But while hoping the Govern-
ment would perform its duty vigilantly and suc-
cessfully, he could not help looking forward to a
time when an account must be called for of what
had been done, and when the executive—Whig or
Tory—must be asked, " How long halt ye between
two opinions ? If Ireland be part of the United
Kingdom why do you not govern her in a way to
content her? If she be not part of the United