The Sun.
London, England, 1866-01-24 00:00:00

Mr. Goldwin Smith on the American War.

The Union and Emancipation Society of Manchester
celebrated its triumph, and declared its own dissolution,
on Monday evening, at a soiree given in the Town-hall.
Mr. E. 0. GREENING, one of the hon. secretaries, read an
address of the executive committee congratulating the
members and friends of the association on the auspicious
termination of their labours.

Mr. Goraewne SMITH, who was loudly cheered on rising,
delivered an address "Upon the Civil War in America."
He commenced by remarking that although the time had
not yet arrived when an impartial history of the struggle
could bo written, we might hope is understand its real im-
port and the real consequence of the victory, and to read
as far as mortal eyes might read the counsels of Providence
in this the great event of our age. In sketching the rise
of slavery, the speaker remarked that the demon, having
gained a foothold, towered up in colossal strength and laid
his terrible hand on the moral life of the American people.
As Northern society was in its structure and principles
essentially Christian, so Southern society was as essentially
anti-Christian, and at the same time and for the same rea-
sons, essentially barbarous ; though it might profess, and
even unctuously profess, a belief in a Christian creed;
though it might keep a Christian clergy to preach slavery ;
though, perhaps, if secession had won the day, it would
have had an established church to support the slave prin.-
' ciple. (Loud cheers.) In its-slave code it denied the fun-
damental essentials of Christianity, and it was based upon
cruelty. It denied to its victims all conditions alike of
moral and intellectual manhood ; it denied them what the
worst of heathen slave states had not denied them—the
hope of emancipation. For the purposes of rapacity and
crime this slavery was systematically effacing the imago
of the Maker from millions of human beings, although
amidst even religious professions and prayers. (Cheers.)
1 Pretending to set intellect free from manual toil, and direct
it to higher ends, it produced no intellectual fruits what-
ever, except the statecraft, the sole object of which was to
extend and propagate slavery. It could not produce intel-
lectual fruits because the noble aspirations which led to the
discovery of truth could not deal with brutality and injus-
tice. No doubt there had been lavish hospitality, which
had brought golden words from these-who shared it in the
houses on Southern plantations, as there always was whore
prodigality was fed by the sweat of another man's brow.
(Cheers.) No doubt the graces and blandishments of South-
ern ladies often won their admiration, as was the case with
the Roman ladies who saw their slaves crucified. The
patriotism of the North was tho patriotism of a Christian
community, the patriotism of the South was that of a heathen
republic. In the political field slavery found an organisa-
tion ready made for it, a weapon prepared for its hand in
the democratic party. Washington and his friends fought,
as Englishmen had, for the Great Charter, but there was
another party, of which Jefferson was the leader —an off-
shoot, not of English patriotism, but of FrenchJacobinism.
This party made war in 1810, and carried into power Gen.
Jackson, the American counterpart of the Dantons of the
French revolution. Never had the name of democracy
been more abused than by its connection with this party.
(Cheers.) The churches of the wealthier class, thinking
no doubt that so long as they held fast of orthodoxy they
niight let morality go—(cheers)—or rather, because they
had no real faith in thorn, but only a traditional creed,
bowed under hypocritical professions of political neutrality
to the dominant iniquity of the hour. If there was a con-
stitutional right of secession, of which no trace whatever
could be seen 2n the articles of constitution, this 'was not
the exercise of that right. (Hear, hear.) But it might be
answered there was a natural right of rebellion. That
there was a natural right of rebellion against hopeless
tyranny, for the purpose of recovering freedom, he ad-
mitted—(hear, hear)—but he did not admit that there
was a natural right of rebellion against a free government,
' in which no grievance was hopeless, for the purpose of
making the great masses of its people slaves for over. The
negro labourers in the South had no part in the secession
which was to rob them of their last hope of emancipation.
They were entitled to the protection of the State ; so were
the white people. How, on the whole, did the North bear
itself in this war? How did its love of law, its patriotism
and humanity endure the severest test which can be ap-
plied to the character of a nation ? The answer to this
question was as important as the actual issue of the war.
There would be "anarchy"—so said that wisdom which
was wise by precedents, and which in choosing its prece-
, dents was guided by its passions. (Laughter and cheers.)
Never, through the whole cf the conflict, fiercely as the
passions of parties were inflamed at the North, was public
order seriously disturbed, except by the savage Irish at
New York, and on that occasion it was quickly seen that
there was force enough on the side of order, and that the
belief in the omnipotence of the New York mob, however
time-honoured, was not true. (Laughter.) He witnessed
himself the last presidential election. No occasion could
be more trying to the self-control of the people. He had
said before, and repeated now, that the day passed off like
an English Sabbath. (Cheers.) Of tyranny of opinion
no doubt there was too much in America, and wherever
else human nature had not yet learnt the highest of moral
lessons—perfect respect for conscientious difference of
opinion. But the tyranny of opinion in America, in the
midst of a dangerous civil war, appeared to him vory like
the freedom of opinion which other countries enjoy in
time of perfect peace. After the " anarchy" there was of
course to be " military despotism." Yet not a shadow of
military despotism fell on the scene, not a thought of trea-
son—so far as appeared—over entered a general's mind ;
and when, on a single occasion, a victorious commander
stepped beyond a general's province and entered upon po-
litical negotiations, his soldiers, though ho was their idol,
showed at once, that they had been citizens before
they were soldiers. (Hear, hear.) Those soldiers, as had
been justly remarked, had been readers, and when men
were readers it was difficult to use them as praetorians or
Zouaves. (Cheers.) The fears, natural as they were, of
the predominance of the military'spirit and the ascendancy
of the military over the civil power, had so far proved
totally unfounded ; the ascendancy of the civil over the
military power had, on the contrary, been maintained in a
manner very memorable and full of comfort. Gen. Grant
had been foremost in reducing the standing army, and by
his noble avoidance of military pomp and everything that
might inflame a military spirit, done his utmost to preven t
the advent of sabre sway. (Cheers.) The American Pre-
sident became almost a dictator during the war. At all
times the power of the President was greater than was
commonly supposed. If the constitutions of England and
America were compared with regard to their forms and sub-
stance, that of America would bo found to approach more
nearly to a popular elective monarchy, and that of England
to an aristocratic republic. Yet how few had been the errors
in the exercise of authority; and those who declaimed on
the fickleness of democracy might be challenged to produce
from history an instance of a government so supported and
obeyed through such trials and reverses. It had been
said that the armies of the North were "hirelings."
There were foreigners in the army no doubt who, unlike
many whom we employed in the Crimea, were striving to
make the country they served their home—(cheers)--but
that the mass were American husbandman, . woodsmen,
and artisans, the world must begin to believe, now it was
seen they returned to the plough and the axo, the work-
-1
shop, and the loom. Referring to the manifestations of
opinion and sympathy in England, the speaker said the
Conservatives must not think that they could sanction
violence till the laW was settled in their own favour, and
thenceforth permit it no more. They would find that vio-
lence had let in subversion of law, that the party which,
in the long run, had most reason to dread the inroads of
physical force was that which, in the long run, had not
physical force on its side. When that strange epilogue of
the civil war—the Jamaica massacre—was about to become
the subject of a party contest, it could not be forbidden to