The Sun.
London, England, 1832-02-10 00:00:00

dungeon to a damp dungeon, that if be might not actually
he put to death in the ordiniry sense of the word, he
might be compelled to suffar death in a very lingering
form. Applications were made by the French Gevern-
went to the Portuguese Government on the subject of
these two persons. The papers that passed- on this sub-
ject would show, on the part of the Portuguese Gov. rn-
ment, a series of contrivances, evasions, nad artful delays,
to all the applications made on the part orthe French.
A despatch of the 17th of June proved that the French
Consul, on making an application on the subject, was in •
sultingly told, that being only the Consul, and not a diplo-
matic Minister, they could not listen to him, and he was
put off till the appearance of the French ships of war in
the Tagus, Was that the conduct which was manifested
towards France alone ? No ; it was precisely the same
conduct that was observed with respect to England.
Was any delay epaied, or was there any hope held out
that the complaints made would meet with attention, if
they were forwarded by a less decisive negociator than
the Commander of a squadron of ships of war.—(Hear,
hear.) None whatever.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Go-
vernment of Portugal was, as regarded its dignity or power,
a caricature of the other despotisms of Europe, while as
regarded its offensiveness, it was by no means the most
contemptible.—( Hear, hear, hear.) An allusion had been
made to the speech of Mr. Canning, that speech in which
hi, 'orfeited the esteem many. persons who held certain
opinions, and there he stated that he had a remedy in his
power, with which he could check the ; roudest despot in
Europe. He believed that the Right lisn. Gentleman
had spoken truly—(Hear, hear, hear)--and that the ob-
ject of those who wished to preserve peace was to guard
against that political fanaticism which, not measuring the
changes of the times, might he likely, by its folly, to en-
danger the peace in the attempt to wound the liberties of
Europe.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Right Hen. Gentle-
man acted as became him, and be preserved the peace of
Europe. Let those who, with the alone remedy in their
power, acted with the same desire to save Europe from a
war, have their conduct consider• d worthy of some corn•
mendation.—(Hear, hear, h ar.) They had heard that
Don Pedro could now no longer interest the friends of
liberty, because he did not promise to the Portuguese a tee-
toration of the Constitution he had formerly given them. If
that were true, all that they had heard of the manufacture
of Constitutions by Don Pedro and Jeremy Bentham (and
he knew well which of the two manufacturers he
should choose)—(Hear, beer, hear)—went for no-
thing ; and there was no ground for alleging that
support was given to Don Pedro because he went with
revolutionary purposes to overthrow the old institutions
Of the country._(Hear, hear.) He now came to the
consideration whether the war against Portugal was such
as to call for our interference against France. Could any
man he found who would soy it was such a war? His
Right Hon. Friend, indeed, seemed to take it for granted
that it was almost such a war, at least he appeared to im s-
eine th it it was a war begun without necessity and with
little show of justice. His Right Hon. Friend supposed
that no inquiry had been made. How could such an
opinion be held in the face of the despatches of our own
agents in Portugal? The despatch to which he had al-
ready alluded, frankly stated, that the circumstances had
Been made known to this Government, and it stated, at
the same time, the advice and opinion of the Government.
That opinion was, that France had a reasonable ground of
complaint ; and if the Government believed that to be
the fact, they were bound to inform the Portuguese Go-
vernment of their opinion. But then it was said there
had been no great moderation in the conduct of
France, and that we ought to have mediated.
What was mediation, and when was it to be
? We who had suffered the same evils as
those of which France had complained—we, tech who
had obtained reparation by the terrera of our ships of
wer in the Tagus—were we to mediate because a Power
chat had suffered like us, had had recourse to the arise
in ans to obtain reparation ? Was that a case in which
men where to talk pf mediation? What mediation
could we offer further than that of giving our sincere ad-
vice—and that advice we had given—and it was, that
Pertugal should giant reparation for the wrongs com-
plained of. England was not in the face of all possible facts
to suppose that France was the aggressor, when 311 had
lieen compelled to admit that there were grounds for corn-
pi lint—that application for redress had best] made, and
that that epplicition had been refused. When he said re-
fused, he did not mean refused to the French Consul, but

reru,ed to every one—refu•ed even at the eleventh hour

to give reparation. What was the answer, even at the
eleventh hour, returned to the French ,quadron ? It
was We have referred all these matters to our
Al ies." They did not tell who those Allies were—what
'hey had communicated to their Allies—and what answer,
if any, that those Allies had made. Under such "cit.-
eutn.t.mees, whoever by the refusal of a ju.t repai‘a,
tion occasioned a war, was the party responsible fu
all the evils of that war --(Hear, hear.) Was it not
trifling with this question to talk of mediation ? He
thought it was: and, therefore, without encroaching fur-
ther on the time of the House, he would content himself
viih declaring his opposition to the motion.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord ELIOT could not help thinking that the Foreign
Enlistment Bill,which the Right Hon. and Learned Gen.
tlentan had introduced to their notice, had little to do with
the question before the House, and all, therefore, that he
should say upon it was, that as that Act was part of the
iaw of the land, it ought to be obeyed.—(Hear.) As he
hail heard the circumstances connected with the sailing of
the expedition, they were these :—The Government. had

received notice of that expedition, but refused to take any
st •ps, on the ground that the information was not pro-

perky authenticated. The persons who had rivers the in-
formation then applied to the Board of Cu•toms, hut it

. .
1414 in vaM ; th.- Government did not interfere. The
object of this motion was not to pass a vote of censure
on the Ministers, but to call for information on a point
which hoi not yet been sufficiently explained. With re-
spect to the ca,es of the two Frenchmen, dhout whom !he

Night Hon. and Learned Gentleman had said so much, he

,oust express his opinion, that as to the first, a more gross,
,nd,eent, and blviphemous act thin that person had been

•
guilty of, he hardly knew, and in a country where religion
had degenerated into superstition, it wag not a matter of

w ,rider that the severity of the sentence should he consi.
derable.—(Hear, hear.) The man had been convicted of

the offence before the regular tribunik, upon the testi-
mony of fifteen witnesses It was not, therefore, a ves-
tint' whether the sentence was severe or not, but whether
it bad been pronounced according to the law of the
country. What did the French demand ? Why, that
the Judges who had pronounc-d the sentence should be

superseded. It seemed to him a most gross infraction of
national rights to demand that seven Judges should he
superseded.—( Hear.) It was only to be justified on the
principle sic to/o sic jubeo. They demanded so many
Thousand francs for one case, and so many thou-and for
another ; to all which Portugal said all that she could—
that she was ready to refer the matter to her Allies.

The Consul to whom the Right Hon. and Learned Gen-
tleman had referred was not a person in the habit of
treating with Governments—he was nothing more than a

corrum:reial Consul, and the consent of the Portuguese

Gwernment to enter into communication with him was

merely a matter of courtesy. The obj,ction of the Right
Hon. and Learned Gentletnan as to the conduct of the

Portuguese Government, with reference to their treatment

of the French Consul, was, therefore, without founda-
tion. He should nor say much of the second case, that of
M. Sadinet, because he was not well acquainted with the
circumstances. He believed that M. Casein had claimed

that individual as a Frenchman, on the ground that he
had been naturalized during the Constitutional Govern-
ment in Portugal, and, therefore, that his naturalization
was void. That, however, was not a sufficient reason ;
for private acts performed by the liberal Government hid

not been rendered void. He must say that he thought the
Noble Lord and Mr. Hoppner (the Consul) had behaved
more harshly than was necessary towards Don Miguel ;
but as their object had been to vindicate the honour of the

British flag, an English House of Commons was not the

place where a Minister was likely to he called to a severe
account for having stretched a point on such a matter.—
(Hear, hear.) There was, however, a manifest dal-

once between the case of England and that of France. The

flag of France had not been insulted—and whatever coin-
plaints France had to make on account of the treatment of
those whom she had claimed as her citizens, Don Miguel

was ready to refer to his Allies. He came now to the
question as to the relative rights of Don Pedro and Dori
Alzuel. He had devoted B,,nie attention to the history of
Portugal, and be believed he was justified in asaerting,
that by the declaration of the Cortes of Lamego M )143,

confirmed by a resolution of the Cortes of 1648, no foreign
King could be King of Portugal. Don Pedro, therefore,
having the Crown of Brazil, w4s not entitled to enjoy at
the same time the Crown of Portugal, and not being so
entitled, could have no right to confer on another that
which he did not possess himself. However, with that
(i‘estion England had nothing to do.—(flear, hear.) The
Poquguese alone were the proper judges of the Sovereign
whn-n they would have to reign over them.—(Hear.)
Now with respect to the poticy of not recognising lion
he had only to say, that Don Miguel bad been
recogrised by two Powers, exactly the reverse of each
other LI more respects than one—he meant by the Pope
and till United States.—(Hear, hear.) He had often
heard that House the example of the United States
held up worthy of our imitation ; he did nut know but

that it was so in the present iostanoe. By their recogni-
tion of Dan Miguel, they had obtained in their favour a
relaxation of the commercial code of Portugal.—(Hear,
hear.) At a time when our manufactures were languish-
Mg for want of a marker, it seemed to him very impolitic
that We should clo•e the, doors of communication against
a nation that would o•herwise consume a large portion of
our manufactures. He thought his Right Hon. Friend
had made out a case for explanation, and he should there-
fore give the !elution his support.
Sir J. MACKINTOSH, in explanation, said that Sa-
dinet had been naturalised by the Cot tea ; but the validity
of their acts had been denied by Don Miguel, and the va-
lality of other instances o' naturalisation had been given
up by the British Consul himself.
Colonel DAVIES said, with re'Crence to the declaration
of the Cortes of Lam go, to which the Noble Lord had
referred, that declaration was directed against foreigners
possessing the throne of Portugal. Now in no sense of
the word was Don Pedro a foreigner, and therefore the
declaration could not apply to hint. But the circumstances
were still strenger than the Noble Lord seemed to suppose
in favour of Dun Pedro. John VI. had declared Don
Pedro invested with authority over the Brazils in his name,
and as his representative : and at the same time John VI.
d -clared Don Pedro his heir and succ,ssor to the throne
on Portugal. With respect to the declaration of 1618, it
was made when the Portuguese had established their inde-
pendeoce, and when trey were desirous of adopting every
method of preserving that independence. With that vieiv
they declared, that it the King should m 'try a foreigner,
he should be barred horn the throne. Now, if that law
were to he insisted upon, what would become of the rights
of Don Miguel, as well as those of Dun Pedro ? The re-
cognition of Portugal was recommended on account of
c mitnercial advantages. He admitted that they ought to
be attended to ; but were we to violate all the principles
on which we had hitherto ,icted, and for the sake of some
doubtful commercial advantages, to recognise such a cr, a-
ture as Don Miguel? He thought not; lint even if he
were wrong in that opinion, it was doubtful whether, in a
mere selliali point of view, there would be lny aovantage
in it. Tne advantages that commerce could bestow could
only be looked for horn a free Government, and our interest,
therefore, must urge us to wi•h for the establishment of a
free Government, for experience had taught us, that when
groaning under such a despotism as now oppressed her,
Portugal could be but a very inconsiderable consumer of
our martufactures.—( Hear, Ir• ar, hear.) Tie Right
Honourable Gentleman who had brought forward this
motion had ma •e a most curious distinction between
France and England. He hail said that France
was not entitled to reparation like England, because she
was not engaged in treaties with Portugal as England was.
Now, it seemed to him that thid distinction could not be
supported, for that France, though not connected with
Portugal by treaties, was as much entitled as any other
Power to reparation for a breach of national law. He ad-
mitted that the conduct of Bonhotume was not to be justi-
fied, but he denied that that person had been treated ac-
cording to la v. It was said that there was no proof of
this. How could that be asserted in the teeth of the dis-
patches sent by our own Consul, Mr. Matthews, and by
Mr. Mackenzie, neither of whom was very likely to in-
vent accusations against Don Miguel, or even to give those
already made an unfavourable colour ? When Portugal
was threatened with foreign invasion, British soldiers
were sent thither to guard it front that invasion ; but he
regretted to say that they had been made the means of de-
stroying the Constitution they were originally sent to pre-
aerve.—(llear, hear.) What had been the conduct of Don
Miguel ? He had taken the oath of allegiance to Donna
Maria IL, to whom he swore to deliver up the kingdom
when she came of age ; turd he had likewise sworn to
maintain the Constitution. These were the oaths of that
perjured traitor.—(Hear, hear.) The British soldiers
who had been sent out to preserve the Constitution from
foreign invasion bad been, lie was sure, much to time dis-
appointment of those gallant bands, the means of esta-
blishing the tyranny of Don Miguel ; for they had received
onlers to resist any attempt against the person of Don
Miguel, and in that way they had acted as his protectors
when he WAS engaged in establishing his hateful tyranny.
—(Hear.) He called on the House not to concur with
this motion—the object of which was, to cast a slur upon
the foreign policy of this country--a slur which the Mi-
nistry did nut deserve, eap,cially as to the supposed harsh-
ness toward, Portugal. If reports were to be believed, a
Spanish army was now advancing towards the frontiers,
and wiruld probably be stationed upon them when Don
Rdro arrived in Portugal. Now this country was bound
by treaty to assist Portugal in the case of a foreign inva-
sion. He could only say that lie felt the most sincere
wishes that the cause of liberal institutions might succeed
—(Hear)--and that the tyrant might be hurled from his
blood-stained throne.—(Cheers„)
Lord 111ORPETH-1 must say, Sir, that my Noble
trtiend, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, is the
lint man whom I should have expected to be attacked on
this Subject ; and above all, that the attack should be
!nide by a Member of the late Government. lam the
more surprised at this attack, as it seems to me that the
foreign policy of this country with respect to Portugal has
been energetic, successful, and complete.—(Hear, hear.)
It is the more surprising too, that this charge should have
been made by a :Member of the late Government, who has
Armin on a recr nt occasion, that he at least among his

_ .
late colleagues is open to considerations of candour and con-
, si-tency.—(Cheers.) I have looked through the papers on
this subject, and I must say that I could not help observ-
ing the most masked difference i❑ the conduct of the two
successive Governments. The conduct of the one has dis-
played vigour and promptitude, while that of the other
has exhibited only dilatoriness and vacillation. The re-
solutions of the one have been taken, and their demands
enforced, with consistency and perseverance; while the
other, though they have assumed a higher tone in the fir-t
instinct., have let it down afterwards, and it has become
more and more attenuated, till their demands have been
finally put off by the most shuffling evasions.—( Hear,
h-ar ) I do not speak this without book—there are strong
itoints of contrast between the two Governments. Tut.

Right Hon. Gentleman has thought proper to open the
transactions for the last four years, rind he must therefore
t ike the consequences. lam lloW coin gto call the atten-
tion of the House to the case of Marcos Ascoli, which is
perhaps the most remarkable in which the late Govern-
ment was engaged with Portugal. On the imprison-
ment of this gentleman being notified to Lord Alierdeen,
he wrote to Mr. Matthews to say, " I am to instruct you,

:herefure, upon the receipt of this dispatch, to request an

audience of Viscount de Santarem, at which, should

Marcos Ascoli be still in confinement, you will demand kis
immediate lib,ration, ai well as full compensation for the
wrongs which he has endured ;" and further on the Noble

Eirl continues, " Should your representations remain
for thirty days not complied with, you will then report
to me, for the information of his Majesty's Govern-
ment." On the 17th of November this demand
on the part of the British Government was an
nounced by Mr. Matthews to the Viscount de Santa-
rem, and, consequenly, upon the 18th of December the
thirty days appointed by Lord Aberdeen expired, to

I,:)wev.e;-, the Nob!e Lnrd afterwards add,d three

more, after having state,' that " nothing can jusiify
the cruel treatment which this person has received." But,

notwithstanding the representations made to the Portu.

gu, se Government, I Lind Mr 7 Matthews writing word

on the Ist-January, 1529, " It becomes incumbent on nie
to acquaint your Lordship, that Marcos A'coli remlins in

gaol at this hour." And on the 17th of the same month
there is a letter from Mr. Matthews, stating, " I beg leave

to enclose a copy of the sentence passed upon Marcos Aq•
coli on his appeal, confirming the former sentence of

banishment, and condemning him to the additional
coats." So that, after Ascoli had :suffered four in.,nths'
imprisonment, lie finds himself in the situation of a ruined

man, the whole of his commercial business paralysed, and
himself compelled to quit the country. This, then, is one
of the specimens of Lord Aberdeen's interference for the
protection of the British subject, and for the honour of
England.—(Cheers.) But this is not the only case.
Another striking oue is, that of the British Vice-Consul of
Tavira, who, after being confined for eight months, with-
out any charge whatever being brought against him, was
at length liberated, though without any compensation
whatever for the injustice practised towards him. In
consequence of this treatment, Mr. Matthews felt himself
bound to endeavour to instigate the British Government to
take steps to prevent such injustice in future. So coun-
selled Mr. Matthews ; hut not acted the Earl of Aber-
deen. And what was the consequence of this inactivity ?
The continuance of the same system, exemplified in the
arrests of Mr. Noble, Mr. Fragoas, and Mrs. Story.—
the subsequent doubling of the duty on British
merchandise—the seizure of British vessels at Terceira
—the levy of fresh imposts on British subjects—
the allowing the Ninus to rot in the Tagus, after it
was determined that there was no pretence for capturing
her—the plundering of the St. Helena by the Diana,
and the gross insult of the C ip ain and crew._(Cheers.)
But now let us look at what has been doing since the pre-
sent Government came into office. Mr. Hoppner, who,
luckily for the interests of the country, succeeded Mr.
Mackenzie—( Hear, hear) —commenced his duties early
in last year, and i❑ Match list he took occasion to state to
my Noble Friend (Lord Palmerston) his conviction that
nothing but coercive measures would produce any effect on
the Portuguese Government. But as I took an instance
with respect to the former Government, I will do the same

in this case. The details of the outrage committed on the
house of Mr. Roberts were received by toy Noble Friend
on the 9th of April ; and on the 15th, not adopting the
example of the Noble Earl's thirty and three days, my
Noble Friend wrote thus to Mr Hoppner :—" You will
clearly explain to M. de Santarem, that these demands
admit of no modification or neociation, and you will re-
' quire a categorical answer, affirmative or negative, in
ten days; and you will inform M. de Sintarem what are
the reprisals which the naval commander of his Majesty's
ships off the Tagus, and off Oaorto, is ordered to make in
the event of ri refusal, or should no answer he given within
the above-mentioned time." And whit was the result of
this peremptory demand ? That the propositions made to
the Portuguese Government were acceded to, and that in a
few days the thanks of the British residents in Lisbon were
received for the paternal protection which hail been extended
towards them.—(Cheers.) In short, the whole tenor of
the two courses of proceedings adopted by the two different
Governments of this country are not inaptly marked by
those two great measures to which resort was had on
either side. The present Government sent out the ships
of the King at the call of his oppress d subjects, to secure
their tights under the batteries of Lisbon ; while the other
Government only used the marine of Env; and in one of.
fensive operation—and that was in the waters of Tercet
(Cheers. ) Sir, I cannot revert to the part that this country
took on that occasion, without feelings of the deepest re-
gret. I cannot remember the way in which we put our-
selves forward to cheek the honest e:aullitions of Portuguese
patriotism, without sensations of sorrow and concern ; and
ever must I Itment that this country has, by that event,
shown hersslf to Europe in the situation of one making an
attack on the subjects of a Queen, a minor, and our guest,
in a place where they had a tight to find themselves.—
(Cheers.) I have not been able to gather from the speech
of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Courtenay) w a, are
his wishes, or in what course he desire. to see the ships of
Don Miguel sailing. But there is one pomt in which I
fully agree with hits.—that is. a strict neutrality on our
parr.—(Heir.) Hopes we cannot help having—hopes we
must have ; but it has already been rightly said, the quarrel
is for the Portuguese, and for them alone. But when we
are told that Don Miguel is popular with that nation—
when it is siid that he is their choice and their favourite,
I cannot help doubting it, and looking at such a statement
as an enormous paradox, anti a libel on the whole Portu-
guese people.—(Cheers.) But at all events, let this be as
it may, I trust, that while the contest is yet pending, care
will be taken that we shall not throw the iv, ight of our
countenance into the balance in his favour, and that if
he is to succeed, that success will be obtained through
the boasted sympathy of his fellow-countrymen.---a Hear. )
I feel, too, no little gratification, that on this occasion the
wails of the English House of Commons had not been pro-
faned by any eulogium being pronounced upon his cha-
racter. lam glad that we have not beeti told that a man
who, on a fair computation, has c.insigned 80,000 of his
subjects to exile, to proscription, at the scaffold, to loath-
some dungeons, and to pestilential climates—that he, who
is the shameful usurper of his niece's throne, and the foul
d-serter of a brother's blood—that he, on whom the ties
o: kindred and the sacred obligations of oaths are as no-
thing—that he, over whom the proceedings of civilizal
nations, nay, the very decencies of civilized life have no
influence or tenure....l sq, Sir, I am glad that such a man
as this has not this evening, at least, found individuals
ready to defend him, on the score that he is an admirer of
rustic garnes—a lover of country sports—a sort of harm-
less, inoffensive specimen of the every-day country gentle-
man.—(Cheers.) Bet what seems most to be grudged by
certain Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House
is that after our own honour has Leen vindicated, and
after we have afforded to our own subjects safety
for their persons and their property, we have also suf-
fered France to pursue the satne course ; that we have
adowed the subjects of the Citiz'n King to procure that pro-
tectioo from the insults of the absolute and holy Mattel,
which we have administered to the Portuguese residents of
our own country. Sir, I think that in that we have
done wisely. I think that the conduct pursued by the
French Government was borne out by the provocation re-
ceived. What was that provocation ? Tae Consul of
the French was ret tined, and communications were entered
into with him, until he becatne troublesome in his de-
mands, and then he was dismissed. In cons, quence of
what had taken place, application was made for redress,
That redress was denied ; and then the French Govern-
ment resorted to force to compel it. I must admit that I
am of opinion that the French Government went to the
utmost point of the 1 itv of nations, but not beyond it.
Eneland, however, has no right to complain; for towards
us France distinctly stated her wish of acting with con-
cert and deference; and this very fact, which has excited
so much distrust and sarcasm in a certain par y in this
House, I hail as a fortunate anti happy omen for the best
interests of civitiz ition, of liberty, end (above and beyond
all) of the peace of Europe.—(Cheers.) Turning from
this general view of the subject to a more particular tegard
of what has been done by the present Government, I as-
sert that my Noble Friend's conduct has shown his deter-
mination not to suffer wrong to go unredressed, or the
honour of the British name to be tarnished ; and, front
this example, I do not doubt that, in his general policy,
he will exhibit that absence of petty distrust which will go
further than any system we have seen practised of late to
secure the full and undisturbed development of our com-
mercial resources, and to uphold and preserve the universal
concord of the world.—( Loud cheers.)
Mr. C. PELHAIII said, th,t the charge against the 31i-
nistry was, that they had neglected to attend to the provi-
sions of the Foreign Enlistment Act; which charge, he
thought, had been strangely lost sight of by most of the
Hon. Gentlemen who had addressed the House.
Mr. WRANGHAAI complained that the Noble Lord
(Morpeth) bad gat bled the quotation from Lord Aberdeen's
letter. The passage in that document ran thus :
" Should your representations remain for thirty days not
complied with, you will then report to the for the informa-
tion of his Majesty's Government ; and you will, at the

same time, communicate to the British merchants and

others, his Alajesty's subjects at Lisbon, that you have
done so, in order that they may be prepared for those mea-

sures to which his 'Majesty will be compelled forthwill
to have recourse, for the purpose of obtaining that repard.
tion with he will have vainly expected from the Porto.

gu se Government." And again, o❑ the 15th of _Novem-
ber, his Lordship wrote to Mr. Matthews, "• In order to
remove any doubts which you may entertain r,specting
the precise object of his Majesty's Government, I have

now to instruct you to inform 111. de Santarem, that they
require that the mark of displeagure, with which the In-
tendant of Police shall he risiied by the Government of
Portugal for his unwarrantable conduct on the occasion in

question, shall be conveyed to that officer in so public a

manner as unequivocally to manifest the sentiments of the
G .vernment." After this remonstrance the redr.-ss de-

mantled was given, though he must admit that there had
been con.iderable delay. He wa,, however, sure that the
present Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs would not
fro-n that delay conclude that insufficient exertions had
been made to obtai❑ it. Shortly before the redress was
granted, a stronger mode of compAling it was ou the point
of being carried into execution ; but the redress being
giv,n, that compulsion was, of course, prevented. WV►tt,

respect to the conduct of France towards Portugal, he
thought that that was not one which, according to the
terms of this motion, they were called upon to discuss.
Mr. GALLY KNIGHT thought that tie course take❑
by the former Government was very reprehensib e, for it

had allowed British subjects to he injured, and British

•
officers to be insulted, while they acquiesced in the idle
blockade of Miguel, and sent Briti•h vessels to do his

work. But now, under the present Government, Eng-
land had become herself again.—(Hear, hear.) In,teal of

wrongs committed, there were wrongs redressed—instead
of high-sounding words, there was a frigate sent to Lisb.in
—arid instead of complaints from the merchants, there was

a vote of thanks from thein.—(Cheers.)
Sir JOHN MILLEY DOYLE—An Hon. Member has
endeavoured to convince the House, that during the late
Government the most energetic lanAtiage was used, and the
nnowtshtincgatleigkoercl
aiparaetieal answersill:ilsettroaatnded. Now, a
illustration in
these cases,
cass there is
es,lwill
just give the House an instance, which, I have no doubt,
will be quite to the taste of the Hon. Gentleman.—(A
laugh, and hear.) A foreign Captain (there being at that
time wt person to represent this country in Portugal) was
entrusted with a categorical question, to which he was to
demand a categorical answer in twenty-four hours. The
usurper, however, asked for another twenty-four hours;
to which the Captain consented, stating, that if by that
time the answer was not given, no further time could be
allowed ; and that as the Don was so highly religious a
character, he might expect to have cannon law carried
into full effect against him.—(A laugh, and hear, hear.)
However, at length the answer came. And what was it?
A plump refusal to the demand of England.—(Hear.)
The little petty tyrant of Portugal coolly sending word
that he would not comply with the just request of Great
Britain. Then, of course, after this the House would ex-
pect that protnptitude was the order of the day. No such
thing; for all that the Captain was required to do was to
travel back to England, and tell his story to the Noble
Earl, who, according to the testimony of some Hon.
Gentlemen, was so vigorously resolute in his detertnitia-
tiun.......r Hear, bear.) And now let me say a word on the
case of Marcos Ascoli. He went out of Lisbon with a
regular passport, and acted in all respects in obedience to
the laws of Portugal ; and yet, notwithstanding this, be

was seised out of the vessel in which he had embarked,
and placed in confinement—not such confinement as a
man would undergo in a common gaol in this country, but
in a solitary dungeon forty or fifty feet under ground, and
with nothing to comfort him but the rats and the mice—
(A laugh and hear)—he was not even allowed to consult
with his processional advisers, sor to have any of the con-
solations of his holy religion. Thus, then, it was that
England was insulted, and that for thirty. three days this
individual was exposed to the rigours and misery of a
solitary dungeon ; and even after that was put an end to,
he was still imprisoned for a further period for three or
four months ; after which he came to England. But then
it was urged on the other hand, that the Government of
this country insisted on ample redress. Oh, no doubt ! And
what was the redress in return for all the sufferings he had
undergone, and fur his being so far ruined as to he obliged
when in London to seek assistance from his friends, rit
whom I was one, though God knows that I had not much
to give him, for I had been robbed under the same nefa-
rious system? What, for all this, was the redress that
he received from the m'ghty Don Miguel I Would the
House of Commons believe it !-561. ?—(Cheer,)—which
plainly showed that an Englishman was valued very highly
by his native Government, when so much as 561. were
obtained as toe price of his redress.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
I know it has been said that if the Duke of Braganza were
to succeed, he would abolish the Charter in Portugal.—
But I presume that those gentlemen who argue thus can-
tles have lead the manifesto of that illustrious individual.
The. Hon. Gentleman went on to sty :—lt was a curious
fact, but no less true than curious—(A laugh)—aat at
the same time when they were sending remonstrances, and
saying what they would not do if these remonstrances were
net att.-nded to, and telling Don Miguel that he was a very
had bey—(A laugh)— letters of a very contrary tendency
%vele handed about in Lisbon from persons of high rank
in this country.—(Hear.) These letters were seen by an
in !ividual now in the House, and who pronounced them to
be the lest exeeuted forgeries he had ever seen.—( Hear, and
laughter.) A Right Urn. Gentlem in below him (Sir J.
M. Davie) stated in the Foreign-office that if tl,e Noble
Individual in whose name those letters were written had
not asserted that they were forgeries, he would have be-
lieved them to he genuine. At the time when the fleet
of Don Miguel was going to attack Madeira, the Major-
General, addressing the officers, in hearing of an officer of
this Government, and calling on them to take possession
of the island for the Prince whom they adored—(A laugh)
—assured them that the Btitish Government were deter-
mined to support Don Migu- —( Hear, hear.) He hoped
the House would support him in the motion which he
should submit, and he pledged himself to bring persons to
substantiate upon oath the statements which he had made.
Colonel EVANS was understood to defend the conduct
of the officer alluded to by an Hon. Member opposite
(Mr. Wr ,ngham).
Sir GEORGE MURRAY said, that nothing could be
more gratifying to him than the recollections connected
with his honourable services in the country to which the
present motion hid reference. It was with deep regret be
saw the Portuguese people again bending to the insult awl
oppression of French domination.—(Cheers.) It was
mortifying to him to see a French fleet carrying hostilities
into the Tagus—( HUar, hear, lo ar)—notwithstanding
what had been said by an Hon. and Learned Gentleman
opposite, to exculpate an individual who had been guilty
or an outrage, one of the most disgusting and sacrilegious
ever committed.—(Hear.) In looking to the course pur-
sued by Lord Aberdeen, and that which was followed by
his Noble Friend opposite (Lord Palmerston), respecting
the injuries sustained by British subjects, he could not
concur in the opinion that Lord Aberdeen ought to have
proceeded to hostilities at once ; but he thought that what
his Noble Friend opposite did was p ,rlectly proper, after
the remonstrances of Lord Aberdeen had failed to produce
any effect. With friennly Powers it was necessary that
demands for reparation should be made in a friendly tone
a, first. The Noble Lord seemed to think that his Right
Hon. Friend (Mr. Courtenay) wished to institute an inquiry
into the laws of Portugal and the character of Don Miguel.
He had nu such object. His purpose was merely to ascer-
tain what share the Government had had in the violation
of tl,e Fereign Enlistment Act. He was not going to de
fend that Bill. Professionally speaking, he should rather
be inclined to wish that no such Bill existed, and that
there was a free trade in arms.—(Laughter.) Put under
the law, as it stood at present, it was competent, he ap-
prehended, to any Member of that House to call for an in-
quiry as to whether or not the Government was a party
to the violation of the law.—(Hear.)
Sir J. MAQ.KOTOSH denied that he had spoken with
levity of the aiiiiiilegious conduct of which Bonhomme
was accused.

Sir R. INGLIS defended the conduct of the tribunal
by which Bonhomrne was condemned.
Lord EBRINGTON had read all the voluminous p,pera
published relating to this subject, and could not but express
his admiration of the telent and ability, the firmness and
discretion, with which his Noble Friend.the Secretary fur
Foreign Affaits had conducted the delicate and difficult
negotiation connected with it.
LordPALMERSTON said, the first point to which his
Right Hon. Friend had drawn the attention of the House
was one on which he (Lord Palmerston) ❑ow felt that it '
was quite uhnecessary for him to make any defence. It
related to the conduct of Government in enforcing the
claims of British subjects to redress upon the notice of the
Governth*;tif Portugal. His Right Hon. Friend had
admitted tiAlle fullest manner, that the Government of
England was entitled to demand from the Government of
Portugal that satisfaction which after numerous attempts
at evasion it obtained in the course of May last ; but had
said that we pressed too harshly on the Government of
Portugal when we insisted on the public and ignominious
dismissal of the Captain of the Diana for the illegal de-
tention of our vessels. Now if the charge were true that
we had demanded of the Portuguese Government more than
in common justice we were entitled to demand, his answer
o❑ the part of the present Administration would be most
easy,—they had only followed up the demands made ori-
ginally by their predecessors in office; and they had done
no inure than carry into execution that which had been
threatened, hut only threatened, by the Administration to

which they had succeeded.
_lndeed, the sole defence which

•
had that night been made for the seeming apathy of the
late Administration, under all the insults to which British
interests were exposed in Portugal, rested upon the asser-
tion that Lord Aberdeen and his colleagues in office had
threatened the Portuguese Government with those very
proceedings which the present Administration had
lett itself compelled to take in defence of the honour and
interest of the country.—(Hear, heir.) He frankly ad-
mitted that the late Government had acted rightl in
threatening those proceedings. He was fully convinced
that no man could have read the papers now upon their
table without feeling that never was there an instance in
the history of civilized Europe in which one Government
bad so conducted it.4elf towards another as the Government

of P irtugal had conducted itself towards us from 1828

almost to the present time. These papers contained a
series of cases full of the grossest insult and oppression.
There was the case of an Hon. and Gallant Member of
that House who had just spoken, and who had defended
Pot tu4al in her hour of nerd at the point of his sword
(Sir J. M. Doyle).—(Hear, hear.) There was the case
of Mr. Young, another British officer, who had bled in
the service of Portugal.—there was the case of Mr. Cob-
ham, of Mr. Rospigliosi, of Mr. Noble, of Mr. O'Brien,
of Mr. Macrocon, of Fraeaos, and, worse then all, there

was the case of the cruel seizure of Mrs. Storey. There
was also the case of the Maltese sailors, who he it re-

collected were n(,w subjects of Gi eat Britain. Besides all
these cases of insult and oppression, there was the capture

of the Ninus, of the St. Helena packer, and of some other
vessels. In all these cases what was the distinguished fea-
tures? Violations of the laws of Portugal and infractions

of the treaties in force between the two countries ;—arresta.

Lions upon suspicion ;—imprisonments, without charge at
the commencement, continued without trial to their close ;
release and reparation retuned ;—threats, unattended witn-

out any results, except fresh insults;—and threat+, more.
over, not duly enforced by the British Government, until
the present Administration came into power.—(Loud
cheering from almost every part of the House, except the
leading Opposition Bench, on which Sir R. Peel and Mr.
Hunt sat.) As far as the British Government was
concerned, never was there, in the whole history of na-
tions, an instance of so much forbearance under the com-
bined operation of injury and insult—(Cries of " Hear"
from the Ministerial Benches)—and if the British Go-

vernment was to blame, it was not for having acted with
too much rigour, but from having displayed too great an
abstinence from enforcing its claims to satisfaction and
redress.—(Hear, hear.) But then it was said by gentle-
men on the other side of the House, " You ought to have
defended Portue,al from the arrogant and overbearing de-
inands of France." New, by some singular but rather
inexplicable accident, the demands of France had been
grounded, during the whole of this-debate, upo❑ the soli-
tary case of Bunhomme. Now it was worth while to

consider, whether the facts even of Bonhomme's case had

been fairly stated to the House. He thought that they
had not been fairly stated ; and lie would shortly explain
why. In the first place, Bonhomine was not, as had
hem stated, a tutor of youth : he was himself a student
at Coimbra, who was in the first year of his studies of a

course of law. Tlie charge against him, if true, was cer-
tainly of a disgusting nature; but there were, owing to
its improbability, great doubts whether it was true at all.

~_.

The offence was said to have been committed at least a.
year and a half before Bonhomme was placed on his trial
for it : for a long time no cotice was taken of its exist-
ence ; at the time of its commission, if it ever was com-
mitted, Benhomine was in company with several Portu-
goese studerts ; those students were never taken, but Bun-
homme was selected as a single victim to answer for them
all. He would suppose, however, for the sake of argument,
that Bonhomme had been justly condemned by the Por-
tuguese tribunals; and even then he would say, that
France, even if she put the case of Bonhonmse out of iron-a
sideration, bsd just claims for redress upon the usurper
and tyrant of Portugal. Take for instance the cas• of
M. Saevinet, a man ,ar advanced in years. What was the
charge against this gentleman ? That he bad let off
rockets in ltis garden. He was tried upon this charge
before a military commission ; and in the act which re-
corded his conviction it was stated, that some of the sol-
diers who had been dr .wra over to the revolution had re-
ceived refreshments in his warehouse. It was likewise
stated that he was not present when these refreshments
were given ; that he had not authorised them to be given ;
that he was not privy to their having !pen given ; and that
his usual place of residence was at a great distance. But
then it was said that these circumstances did not relieve
him from the imputation of guilt, ‘• not only because he
was responsible in a crime of such magnitude for whoever
passed in his warehouse as its owner, but also because he
had confessed in his interrogatories, that he hail been ad-
vised twice by his foreman to keep out of the way." In
the record of his sentence it was argued, that such being
tae case he must have been Guilty, for would such advice
have leon given to him icy his foreman, unless hie foreman
had been privy to his traitorous d stns ? The record then
procc eded to state, that " this would not have happened
if the misgivings of the foreman hid not impli-
cated the conscience of the prisoner, which is cor-
roborated by the fact of his having' b: en apprehended
while concealed in the upper part of his garret, which no
innocent pet son would do ; and another corroboration may
he derived from the liberal ideas to which be is so partial,
as may he collected from the p ipere seized in his possession.
But,' continued this extraordinary document, " there is no
clear proof that the rockets were let off front the house of
this prisoner, or that among the papers found upon him
there were any establishing a premeditated revolution."
In spite of this judicial declaration, M. Sauvinet, at that
time seventy-six years of age, was condemed to a brutal
and barbarous imprisonment—he was thrust into a dun-
geon, where he was treated more like a dumb animal than
a human being,—where he was deprived of those comforts
allowed even to the worst criminals,—where he was sub-
jected tii blows and stripes and other wanton cruelties,—
where he was compelled to endure almost every species of
mental and physical torture, and all this on the most
frivolous pretences, for which there was not even a shadow
of proof.—(Loud cries of " Hear," nom all parts of the
House.) We had a right to say—indeed it was im-
possible to deny--that if this had been the only
ground, it was in itself a ground on which France had
a right to demand full satisfaction from Portugal.
But was this the only case of oppression to which
French subjects had been exposed ? No ; there were
several other cases—there were the cases of Gimbel and
of Vallon, of Dupont, of the engraver Dubois, and of se-
veral other persons. All these parties had been imprisoned,
one of them for a year, another for 27 months,—all
without guilt, or even without the allegation in their sen-
tences that the charges adduced against them were proved.
He (Lord Palmerston) therefore said that the French were
entitled to demand redress frem the Portuguese Govern-
ment; and furthermore, that the British Government
was not entitl d to interpose to prevent the French
Government from obtaining it.—(Hear, hear.) His
Right Hon. Friend had said, that though we might not
have known of the intention of the French Government
to demand satisfaction on the 4th of May when we ob-
tained satisfaction for ourselves, we must have known it on
14th of the same month, when, having obtained redress
from Portugal, we were bound to have come forward in
her behalf. To this he would reply, that at that time
the transaction had got to a stage at which our inter-
ference, even if justifiable, would have been most difficult
of execution. When die French Consul-General at Lis-
bon first interfered on behalf of his oppressed countrymen,
the Portuguese Minister said to hitn—" Oh, we cannot
listen to you ; you are only a Consul ; your note involves
questions of a diplomatic nature; such communications
ire quiet alien to your functions ; and we regret that
we rind ourselves in the utter impossibility of replying
to them." The Ministers of Don Miguel had, however,
listened to the French Consul-G neral on other occa-
sions ; but as soon as his communications &gen to he
disagreeable to their master, they turned round upon
him and said, " We cannot hear your proposals : you
are no diplomatist ;" and true it was that he was no
diplomatist, for diplomatic intercourse between Portugal
and civilized Europe had ceased for some time previously
to exist. Their refusal was tantamount to saying to the
French Consul-General, " We will injure your country at
will, and for the injuries we inflict we will give you no
redress." What, then, was the conduct which France
pursued under such circumstances ? First of all, she sent
a single ship to demand redress. The demand of redress
was met by a dis inct refusal; but when a squadron of
French vessels of war arrived, and the Portuguese knew
that reprisals would be male upon their commerce, then
their answer was, " Have the goodness to wait awhile ;
we have referred your claims to England, our good end
faithful ally, and we request that you will suspend your
operations and keep your orders in your pocket, until we
learn how that question will he settled." What would
any English Admiral have said to such a requisition ?
What reply did the House conceive an English sailor would
make, if told, " We have written to France for instruc-
tions—wait till we get our answer from Paris ?"—(Hear,
hear.) He will knew what an English Admiral would
.lo under such circumstances—he would show no hesita-
tion—he would execute his orders without delay, and
would take no notice of in answer so evidently evasive.—
(Hear, hear). it would have been the height of injustice,
if, in this crisis of affairs, he had tinned round on France
and said, " No, you shall get no reparation for your in-
jured subjects—we are lords paramount of Europe_ ye
have a peculi it right to cempul Portugal to satisfy us, and
to prevent her from satisfying any one else—(Loud cheers)
_we considir Portugal as part of the dominions of Eng-
land—we will allow her to insult all the rest of Europe
but ourselves, and if you think of obtaining redress

for your wrongs, you must prepare to meet -an Eng-
lis'i fleet upon the ocean, and an English army upon
the field."—(Cheers from the Ministerial benches.)—
It was a remarkable photnomenon, that at the moment the
political opponents of the Government, both in England
and in France, appeared most anxious to goad the people
of their respective countries into quarrel and into war.—
(Loud cries of " Hear" from the Ministerial benches.)
lie well „rnernharetl that when, some time ago, he pressed
on the House his opinions, as to the course which we
ought to follow towards the Government of Portugal, he
WAS met by the cry, " Your voice is for war,—we cannot
adopt your policy without commencing immediate hosti-
lities." If he were inclined to retort that charge upon
the Opposition of the present days—if he were to say that
the course which they urged Ministers to pursue towards
France would necessarily terminate in a war with that
country.—he should say that which would be better
founded in fact than the groundless charge which they had
formerly advanced against bim.—(Cheers.) He would,
however, console the House and the country by avowing
thus publicly that such taunts as those would have no in-
fluence on the present Ailministration.—(Cheers.) Mit;
nisters were fully sensible of the value of the friendship of
SO liberal and intellig nt a Power as France.—(Cheers.)
They hoped that they had established on a firm basis peace
and amity between England and France.—(Great cheer-
ing.) They trusted that the days were now gone by
when petty feuds and paltry jealousies, and selfish notions
of mistaken interests, would have any influence on either
Government.—(Cheering.) The two countries had too
- ' -

many interests, too many feelings, in common, to allow
themselves to be separated by those who were the enemies
of free institutions in both—(Hear, hear)—and though
Ministers were now charged with having been too partial
to France in this instance, he hoped that the people of
England would be convinced, that without derogating
from their interests and from their honour, they had suc-
ceeded in making a cordial unio❑ with our old hereditary
foe, and in pursuing a peaceable course equally honourable
to both nations.—( Cheers.) He had now done with this
Pitt of the charge against the present Administration. The
other part of the indictment which his Right Hon. Friend
11,1,1 drawn up against them amounted to this,—that they
hid not observed that neutrality and that non-interference
which had been laid down by their predecessors in offire,
and which they had sanctioned themselves. Now with

--
regard to the doctrine of non-interference, he must say
that the late Administration had carried it much further
than the present Administration was inclined to do : for the

mite Administration had determined not to violate theprFn-
ciples of non-interference, even when that violation was
required, by a regard of what was due to the pro-
tection o.f.aeSturiattisthhe iport:rie ss tiso.n—s
o(fHtehaer ,Fohreeairg.
n)
Enlistment
etmoennlyt
ground on which this charge of violated neutrality was
to aided, 3
Bill had not been enforced by the present Ministers; and
though the motion of his Right Hon. Friend was preface,'
by a long and elaborate review of all our transactions with
Portagal during the last four years, the motion itself rela-
ted to nothing wore than a few alleged facts, which were