The Sun.
London, England, 1866-04-11 00:00:00

which require removal ; the prospects of success are
so scanty that it is not worth while to disturb
the existing order of things. In fact, it was this
system carried on year after year that has secured
so long a period of inaction. Lord PAL3IERSTON
was no reformer himself—indeed he never professed
to be ; and, as head of the Liberal party, he did
not feel bound to do what the Liberal party were
not really in earnest about. Lord PALMERSTON
was too shrewd and keensighted to be mis-
led by hustings speeches or declamations
at public assemblies ; he had seen and heard
too much of such things in his fifty years'
political experience. lie knew very well that
so long as the agitators had a grievance to talk
about they would be very well satisfied, and, for
his part, he did not believe very much in the neces-
sity for a change. But the accession of Earl
RUSSELL to power has altered the aspect
of affairs. In spite of his very unsatisfactory
conduct of late years, in spite of his famous
advice to " Rest and be thankful," in spite
of his unfair treatment of Lord DERBY'S Reform
Bill, and subsequent inaction when in office,
the name of JOHN RUSSELL is popularly
associated with Parlimentary Reform, and
no sooner was he at the head of the Cabinet
than the general cry was " Now we shall have
Reform." It would be impossible for the RUSSELL
Government to exist a single session without re-
deeming the pledge made by so many successive
Administrations. There is no excuse or plea of
any sort for delay. The second member of the
Cabinet, the Leader of the House of Commons,
is known to be a genuine and earnest Reformer.
No one doubts the sincerity of Mr. GLADSTONE'S
convictions, even though there may be little
enough in the bill which it is his duty to lay
before the Commons to excite any en-
thusiasm. Left to carry out his own
wishes, we have no doubt that Mr. GLAD-
STONE would have framed a larger, more compre-
hensive, more statesmanlike measure, a mea-
sure which should set this vexed question
at rest for this generation, and leave
the public and the Parliament free to
turn their attention to questions of internal
policy, not concentrating all their forces on the
consideration of the mere form of government itself.
But he has thought, with reason, that it was better
. to bring in such a bill as they could carry
than to let the matter wait another year.
The extension of the Franchise offered by the pre-
sent measure is at least the admission of a prin-
ciple ; it recognises the grievance of which some
millions of intelligent and respectable men have to
complain. It is partial, no doubt, and limited in
its action ; it only recognises a money qualification,
and it still excludes a very wide circle ; but it does
admit a considerable addition to the number of our
constituencies, and permits lodgers the right to
vote. It might, no doubt, be better, but it is
capable of improvement in committee, and as its
timidity is its chief fault the friends of moderate
counsels should uphold it. Let the Bill and the
Government both have a fair chance, and not be
condemned untried. There is nothing in this Bill
which will have to be retracted by any Govern-
ment ; let it therefore be proceeded with, and let us
see how far the Cabinet are prepared to fulfil their
subsequent pledges.

Austria and Prussia are still hard at work in
provoking each other, and in patching up the quar-
rel in a temporary style, only to renew it at the
earliest opportunity. The Austrian reply of the

31st was moderate in some respects, but it did not
suit the fancies of the Prussian Minister. Pro-

tenznatzt-1W,,-aytje,_oj,affene wam,_ that the Note

discontinued, or else it was said that Austria would
appeal to the Federal Diet. It was said at one time
that the Prussian Cabinet had replied to this coin-

munication in a favourable manner, but

hat report has now been contradicted ; and

we learn that, although no official con

munication has been received, it is because
that the Prussian Government have decided upon
the nature of their reply, and that its tenour is not
of a favourable character. Herr Von BISJINECK,

indeed, does not agree in the sentiments expressed
by the Austrian State, as to the perfect good-will
and friendly disposition of the Austrians. Prussia,
it is affirmed, has only adopted the necessary mea-
sures for self-defence, and will not " strike unless
stricken." It can be no matter of surprise to any
one that Count BISMARCK declines to allow the in-
terference of the Bund, because he has always indig-
nantly repelled such a notion. It is really astonish-
ing to what lengths this wily politican can go ; he
is always ready with a reply to any demand, and
thus he is going to assert that the Minister President
will soon announce that Prussia is not bound by
Article 11 of the Act of Confederation.
As for the notion everywhere prevalent that the
Emperor of RUSSIA was about to mediate between
the German Powers, it is shown to be erroneous.
General Von RICHTER did not go to Berlin

to present the letter to the King of PRussiA

and hence he could not have effected anything
in the way of entreaty and explanation. The

CZAR, it is now said, has only requested the
Sovereigns of Austria and Prussia to inform him
why " they are making such great preparations "

for war. General Von RICHTER of course saw
for himself the truth of these reports concerning
the extensive preparations of Austria, and he said
that he was annoyed at the ignorance of the
Prussian Minister President on such a subject. It
is said that Count BISMARCK has sent out non-
official agents, and the information they send him
suits his purpose, indeed he has been, it is asserted,
greatly misinformed, while his agents have themselves
been sometimes " tricked "in their turn. Time
produces many changes in the same individual, and
certainly King WILLIAM is no exception to the rule.
He has altered greatly both in practice and profes-
sion from what he was some time back. Many
years ago a deputation from Frankfort waited upon
him to offer the Imperial Crown to him, and he re-
fused in the most positive manner to go to war with
his fellow-Sovereigns. " I could not resolve," he
said, " to place myself at the head of a Prussian
army, in order to subjugate a German country or
province." Certainly his MAJESTY has seen fit to
alter his opinions pretty considerably since then,
when he has entertained the notion of annexing the
Schleswig-Holstein Duchies, in spite of all
efforts made to dissuade him, and all the protests
uttered against the unconstitutional course. It is
zit at e d journalsdeman d thats
o f
Austria Prussia
certainby snotonl some of
accedeth Berlinto the
that she should disarm, which no doubt is true, and
of course the consternation in certain quarters may
be conceived. The merchants of Berlin will to-day
present
an address to the King, which expresses a
hope that
a peaceful settlement of the difficulty at
present existing between Austria and Prussia, may
be cometo. This shows the extremities to which the
affair has proceeded.
If war should be the result of all these squabbles
the Government will
n
supported as they did in the case findcase themselves
supported theleamtesewlvaers,
because the people of Prussia will naturally ask for
what end they are to be dragged into collision with
their neighbours, and what it is they aro fighting