The Sun.
London, England, 1866-11-29 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY
,EVENING, NOVEMBER 29, 1866.

IRELAND.

DUBLIN, Nov. 28.
The Fenian.uniforms and arms seized yesterday
at Liverpool are probably the first fruits of a large
harvest to be gathered in transitu from America to
Ireland. There are some ladies in Dublin so alarmed
they are afraid to go to bed at night, especially since
they heard that Gen. Sir Thomas Larcom had re-
solved to sleep in the Castle with a strong guard,
and that other extraordinary precautions are being
used by the, authorities. The news that Stephens has
left America and is on his way to this country will,
of course, increase the fears of the timid ; but those
who reflect do not apprehend any invasion.
They expect that the Fenian armada will be
disposed of by our gunboats before it reaches Ban-
try Bay or any other harbour. Since the laying of
the Atlantic telegraph the Fenians should have
given up in despair. They would have done so pro-
bably, but for two causes--first, the pleasure of re-
ceiving large sums of money and exercising power
and patronage employed by the leaders, and next the
pleasure of annoying and tormenting England. This
is, perhaps, considered by many of the party as a
, sufficient reward in itself for their labours and dan-
gers. The extent to which this stinging and goading
process succeeds, though carried on by venomous
creatures so weak, and so easily crushed if they could
only be caught, should teach the Legislature the
wisdom of removing, if possible, the matter in which
they are engendered ; for this plague is like the
cholera or the rinderpest--it can be stamped out
effectually only by destroying the sources whence
it emanates and the bad sanitary conditions by
which it is attracted. In the meantime the pesti-
lence seems to be spreading over the country.
What occurred at Boyle on Monday is probably
only a sample of what happens in most towns in
Ireland wherever there is a fair or any assembly
which serves as a pretext for the appearance of
strangers. There a great number of strangers
thronged the various lodging-houses, many of
them suspicious-looking characters.. The wealthy
graziers could not have contemplated the ,
visitors with much comfort when they heard that
the police had been paying domiciliary visits, taking
dowv names and making other inquiries. People
feel now the truth of what you state—that this new
trouble arises iu a great measure from the looseness
and leniency experienced by the Fenian conspirators
last year. But the lesson will not be lost if pirates,
robbers, and ruffians caught in the act of making
war upon society are treated as they deserve, and
as they have a right to expect to be treated.
The arguments in the case of Denis D. Mulcahy
were resumed yesterday morning, with the same
forms as on previous days. The Lord Chief Justice
again betrayed his unaccountable impatience to
have a full argument on the right of the Crown to
reply, and his desire to give judgment upon it. Why
he should wish the public time to be wasted on a
discussion about a right which the prisoner's coun-
sel did not dispute is a mystery. The following
dialogue, which occurred at the opening of the court
yesterday morning, is curious :
The Chief Justice said, before Mr. Lawson proceeded
with his argument, he wished to state that the question as
to the right of the Crown to reply was not decided in tho
present case, and whenever the question would again arise,
the Court were prepared to hear it fully argued and decide
on it.

The Solicitor-General stated that, according to Irish prac-
tice, the right of the Crown to reply was fully established.
The Chief Justice said the Court would require to hoar
something more than Irish practice before they would decide
the point.
The Solicitor-General—As the case does not arise now
I will say nothing more about it, but I am quite prepared
to argue the point whenever it may arise.
The Attorney-General observed that it was impossible to
argue a question that was not before the Court, and it was
likely that those who felt interested in the question would
argue it.

TheiChief Justice—l am aware of that, but I think it
right to intimate that if it is raised I shall require it to be
fully argued..

Mr. Lawson then proceeded to reply on the part of
the Crown. In the course of his argument he in-
troduced some new cases, to which Mr. Butt briefly
replied. This closed the arguments. The Chief
Justice then said that the case should stand over
for judgment till the second day of next Term,
which will be the 12th of January. The prisoner
was then formally committed to Mountjoy Prison,
and conveyed thither strongly guarded.

The Master of the Bolls was to have disposed
yesterday of the motion, fully argued before him
last week, about the Supplemental Charter, but he
st,,te.l that he could not then do so, but would go
fully into the facts of the case next Monday.

Upper and Lower Canada. A ]though Montmal,
Quebec, and Kingstown might d efy the efforts of
an invader, there would be no m cans of defending
the open country. If the inhabit ants rose against
the invaders they would but inswe their own de-
struction, and lead to useless waste of pro• perty and
life. It is in vain to attempt to organise a defence
of a country so situated, and nothing con' id be more
ill-advised than by false inducements tc lead the
inhabitants into so fatal a mistake. A British
force landed in North America would bt it find their
way into American prisons in the even- t of a war,
and only lead to a waste of England's sti •ength, and
a bitter humiliation to her arms. W e consider,
then, that the true position should be recognised,
and no thought entertained of launching Canada
into war with the United States, even in the event
of a rupture between England and Ai merica. Money
expended to fortify the colony against the -neigh-
bouring nation is money thrown a way. The cir-
cumstances are as well known to American states-
men and generals as they can be to an y other class
of men. The position is disagreeable, but, like
many other disagreeable positions in life, people get
used to it and adapt themselves to the circumstances.
The impossibility of successfully defending Canada
is England's weak point in her connection with
America. That connection is, in our opinion, a
mistake. Canada would be more se cure as an inde-
pendent country, either Federated with her sister
provinces into a single nation, or as sole mistress of
her own destiny erected into an independent terri-
tory, or amalgamated into the Union on such terms
as might be agreed upon. We believe the latter
course to be the true policy, and the one which will
eventually be adopted. As the case now stands,
Canada is menaced by a ceaseless danger. As the
case would then stand, Canada would be among the
most secure countries on this earth. It is worth
fighting for security and independence when fight-
ing can attain these ends ; but it would be wicked
folly to spill one drop of blood when these ends can
be attained without a musket discharged or a sabre
drawn.—Anglo-A 772 erican Times.

Richard Hare, who has been superseded at his own
request ; William H. Harris, master, additional,
to the Cumberland, for service in the Rodney ;
Charles B. Willcoeks, assist.-paymaster, to the
Ocean ; and A. Smith, assist.-paymaster, to the
Fisgard, as supernumerary.

The " Standard's" Estimate of the Leaders
of the Reform League.

Our contemporary, the Standard, lacking argu-
ment, yesterday indulges in sneers against the
leaders of the Reform movement. "It has always
been a matter of contemptuous surprise that a
movement like that of the Reform League, con-
templating, as it does nothing else, than the uproot-
ing of our political system, and the destruction of
the largest and most united party existing within
it, should be engineered by a nobody like Mr.
BEALES (M.A.), assisted by a posse of professional
agitators of the LUCRAFT and ODGERS type." Per-
haps the Standard gives the prominence it now ac-
cords to these nobodies in its columns from a noble
sense of fair play. The idea of such people, assisted
by the long list of obscure agitators it further on
enumerates, entering the lists against the largest and
must united party, besides its contemptuous pity,
must excite its compassion, otherwise it surely would
not aid in bringing them prominently into notice.
To the contemptuous surprise must no doubt be
added a pleasing sense of security on the part " of
the largest and most united party." We were under
the delusion that the party led,by the "nobody" Mr.
BEALES was numerically larger than any other, but
then if its leader is nobody it is not likely that his
followers are somebodies. Nobody is an unfortu-
nate word for the Standard to have used. It em-
braces the very essence of the whole question.
The people led by Mr. BEALES are, politically,
nobodies, and both they and their leaders naturally
wish to be somebodies. The English Constitution
recognises them as individuals, and what they assert
is, that " the largest and most united party" have
succeeded in depriving them of the rights which the
Constitution of this country accords them. If these
rights be conceded, the Standard declares that then
a Parliament will be formed in which poverty and
uninstructed numbers will give law to rank, wealth,
and intelligence. For a lengthened period rank,
wealth, and intelligence have given law to poverty
and uninstructed numbers. The more confined the
oligarchy of rank, wealth, and intelligence became,
the worse, and the more oppressive was the law
they gave. The broader the constituencies have
been made, the more has equity entered into the
framework of the laws given. The " nobodies'
argue that they have been deprived of their ancient
" rights" by the usurpation of rank and wealth.
The narrower the constituencies became under the
influence of this rank and wealth the more corrupt
they grew—the lesser became the nobodies, and
the greater the somebodies It may be very un-
reasonable on the part of the vast mass of this
nation to desire to have a voice in their Govern-
ment, but somehow or other the people have become
penetrated with this wish, and are not likely to
rest till they have tried their strength with
" the largest and most united party." It is
not their desire to uproot any English
institution, or unduly to weigh against any class.
They wish simply to recover the rights of which
their forefathers have been deprived ; and to secure
a system of legislation which will fairly represent
the 49-50ths of the people who have now no voice
in the Government. It is a fact that most of the
great reforms carried out in this world have been
inaugurated and engineered by nobodies, for the
very simple reason that it is not the privileged
classes that lead movements directed against their
own privileges. If the people of this country waited
till the Duke should be born to lead them, they
would have to wait for some time before they re-
cover their rights, and they prefer taking the best
leaders they can get, and engineering the movement
with material to their hands. It may be a matter
of congratulation to the Standard that their leaders
should besucliobscure agitators, and their means of
engineering so poor ; but if the Standard, and other
organs of Tory opinion, continue to write so much
about these obscure -persons, they will at any rate
soon cease to be unknown to one Englishman out
of a hundred, and this reproach will cease to be
urged against them. The League is much obliged
to the Standard, which is a very widely cir-
culated penny paper, for giving such prominence
to its requirements. Fifty thousand pounds are
wanted to carry on the organisation of the League,
and our influential contemporary gives to this More
than the publicity of an advertisement. We were
not aware of this till informed by the Standard,
but now that we know it we wish all our readers to
know it also. Were money really required in Eng-
land to strengthen a movement which excites such
general sympathy throughout America the sum
would be quickly forthcoming ; but the English
people are well able to meet the small wants of the
Reform League. Should the battle become very
hot, and an arpeal be made to the friends of the
movement in America, it would then be time for
us to announce the fact. At present there is n 2
such necessity. In proof of this we may state that
a few days ago the Standard gave some statistics,
showing the sum which would be lost to the opera-
tives of London if they observed the holyday an-
nounced by the League for the 3d December next.
That sum amounted to hundreds of thousands, and
if they could afford to sacrifice so much money on
a mere holyday, they can afford to keep the
movement alive, which is their only means of
attaining to a political existence against
the opposition of the " largest and most
united party" in the kingdom. In conclusion, we
must remind the Standard that it is a Tory measure,
and not the standard by which the Reformers
can be estimated fairly. It is a very good and in-
dulgent standard when measuring its own giants,
but a standard which has an unfortunate habit of
expanding when taking the measure of those op-
posed to its politics. People,, that our eyes and our
intellects tell us are great men dwindle down to
the dimensions of TOM THUMB when this standard
is brought to bear in estimating their bulk. Mr.
BEALES and the other obscure agitators are not,
therefore, likely to be much affected by the an-
nouncement of their relative importance, though
some of them might naturally be surprised.—Anglo-
American Times.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—The result of the interview between the
Home Secretary and the Deputation from the
" Demonstration Committee" of the Friendly So-
cieties must beconsidered highly satisfactory. Apart
from the objection that special constables can only
be appointed upon sworn information that tumult,
riot, or felony is apprehended, it is far better that
order should be kept by the police than by persons
actively concerned in promoting the monster Re-
form Meeting. The application to Mr. Walpole
seems, indeed, to have been founded on a miscon-
ception of Sir Richard Mayne's answer to a former
Deputation. The Chief Commissioner of Police
had been requested to facilitate the progress of the
procession by keeping one side of the streets clear,
and to this request he replied that he had no legal
power to do so, whence it was inferred that he dis-
claimed all intention of taking measures for the
maintenance of the peace. Now, although there
appears to be some doubt as to the precise jurisdic-
tion of the police over metropolitan thoroughfares,
it is well known that a large discretion is practically
exercised by them, with the full concurrence of the
public. Not only on Lord Mayor's Day, but on
such occasions as the entry of the Princess of Wales
into London, the ordinary traffic is stopped by an
authority which no one thinks of questioning. We
are by no means sure, therefore, that Sir Richard
Mayne need have felt any scruple in undertaking
expressly to make arrangements for the unimpeded
passage of the procession ; but while he declined to
give any pledge of this kind, he did not, as was
alleged, altogether refuse to " assist the Commit-
tee." On the contrary, he desired to be informed
of the route to be taken, and distinctly stated that he
should consider it his duty to prevent any disturb •
auce or disorder, so far as lay in his power. Mr.
Walpole did little more than adopt this language on
behalf of the Government. He pointed out to the
Deputation that in order to justify " swearing in
1,000 special constables, composed of the artisans
of London," it must be deposed by a credible
witness before two magistrates that a serious breach
of the peace has taken place or is anticipated on
reasonable grounds; and he might have added that
special constables, even though gentlemen of high
position, could have no possible right to remove ob-
structions in the streets. He promised, however,
that Sir R. Mayne should be instructed to enforce
order during the transit of the procession as well as
during the meeting, and reminded the delegates he
should rely upon them to support the police in case
of need. The spirit in which these negotiations—if
they may be so called—have been conducted reflects
credit alike on the Government and the representa-
tives of the Trade Societies. The latter, to do them
justice, do not shrink from the responsibility which
devolves on them, nor do they claim any rights
which can fairly be disputed. They admitted with-
out reserve, in the course of the conference with Mr.
Walpole, that a mass meeting on the scale contem-
plated involves no little risk of disorder, in which
their constituents might and would take no part, hut
of which their cause must inevitably bear the dis-
grace. They professed their anxiety to make the
demonstration such as would do honour to the work-
ing men of London, who, though quite able to de-
fend themselves, might be unable to defend others
against the roughs, who are sure to be attracted by
the hope of a row. All they asked was that due pre-
cautions should be taken toprotect the peaceable in-
habitants of the metropolis from the possible vio-
lence of this last class, and to secure the meeting
against interruption. With equal good sense they
emphatically disowned, in their interview with Lord
John Manners, any plea of right to the use of Hyde-
park or the Green-park, and urged the Govern-
ment to grant the one or the other as an act of grace
and favour only. Had a like moderation been ob-
served by the leaders of the Reform League in July
last, we should have been spared a scene which the
most zealous reformers have most reason to
regret. That scene, however, might perhaps
have been still averted, had the Home Secretary
then shown as much tact and judgment as he
has in the present instance. There are cases in
which a cautious and patient disposition like that of
Mr. Walpole is preferable to the quick intelligence
and prompt decision of Sir George Grey. The
latter would probably have detected and exposed the
flaws in Mr. &. Potter's reasoning most effectively
offhand, but might have failed to elicit from the
Deputation those assurances without which he could
scarcely have yielded to their requisition with pro-
priety. At first sight it was a somewhat startling
idea that the police, against whom the working men
were supposed to harbour a grudge for their inter-
ference with the meeting in Hyde Park, should be
directed, as it were, to aid and abet another similar
demonstration. But Mr. Walpole very wisely took
time to consider it, and in coupling the concession
with an appeal to the self-respect of the Trade So-
cieties, he took at once the most conciliatory and
the most politic course. That every possible effort
will be made to insure good order next Monday we I
entertain not the slightest doubt. Those who will 1
participate in the proposed demonstration are well
aware that they are on their good behaviour, nor
can they altogether clear themselves of liability for
the conduct of the roughs who may accompany
them. These nondescript persons may belong to
no Trade Society, Friendly Society, or Temperance
Society, and may not be members of the Odd Fel-
lowS or the Foresters, but it must not be forgotten
that for them, no less than for real artisans, the
Reform League demands the franchise. Manhood
suffrage would place a large share of political power
in the hands of those who broke down palings and
tore up trees last summer out of pure mischief, and
the public may well find it difficult to draw a
marked line between them and the Trades' Union-
ists. Nothing has damaged the prospects of Reform
more than an impression, which cannot be called
groundless, that a tyrannical impatience of all op-
position to the will of the majority and a readiness
to employ physical coercion in thelast resort prevail
widely among the working classes. Let it once be
shown that a tolerant respect for the rights of minori-
ties, a hatred of violence in every shape, and a reluct-
ance,so characteristic of English politics, to push even
sound principles to extremes, are shared by them
with the upper and middle classes, and half the ob-
jections to their enfranchisement fall to the ground.
We are by no means prepared to condemn all popular
demonstrations in favour of an extended suffrage,
however much waste of time and inconvenience they
may involve. They are a legitimate response to the
charge of general indifference to Reform. On the
other hand, unless conducted with a degree .of deco-
rum which it is not easy to secure at a mass meeting,
they can only defeat their own object. We sincerely
trust that nothing will occur on Monday to make us
doubt the wisdom of Mr. Walpole in meeting the
Trades' Committee half-way. These gentlemen
acknowledge the courtesy with which they were
treated by a Conservative Home Secretary and a
Tory Commissioner of Public Works. Lord John
Manners, after consulting his colleagues, felt him-
self unable to grant the use of Hyde Park or the
Green Park, but solely on the ground that such
places of public recreation ought not to be engrossed
for purposes of political agitation, and he offered
Primrose-hill as a substitute. For reasons which
it is not difficult to conjecture the Committee ob-
jected to that particular site, and they are now
indebted to a Conservative nobleman for one which
all seem to approve. Lord Ranelagh has thrown
open his grounds of Beaufort House to the meeting,
and thereby furnished the promoters with an addi-
tional motive for controlling properly the character
of its proceedings.
THE "ANGLO-AMERICAN" ON DR. MARY WALKER.
---The subject of Dr. MARY WALKER'S address must
be one of deep interest to women. All innovations
on the conventionalities of society are received with
suspicion and determined opposition. Dr. MARY
proposes two—and has, in her own person, carried
both into effect. The one arises, as a natural se-
quence from the other, and on both this American
lady takes her stand as the firm champion.
The first proposition she lays down is simply this,
"that women should be educated to the practice of
"medicine for the treatment of their own sex"—the
second, arising from the first, " that women who
" devote themselves to such a profession should be
" dressed in a manner to enable them to carry out
" with facility the studies and practice of the pur-
" suit." Although 'these propositions are suscep-
tible of a much broader basis, and would, in effect,
lead to extensive innovations, we will confine our
remarks to the proposals as we here lay them down.
The first sounds to us a most reasonable proposition.
If women be capable of attaining to au equal de-
gree in scientific knowledge as men, to qualify them
for the license to practice medicine, there are
many reasons why they would be better adapted for
attending on women than men. These reasons are

so apparent that it is almost. needless to explain
them here. Custom has sanctioned the treatment

of female maladies by,rnale practitioners, but:the in-
convenience of the practice can never be overcome,
as it rests in the nature of women. There is but

one solution, and that the general adoption of Dr.
MARY WALKER'S proposition. The question is, Are
women capable, generally, of acquiring the neces-
sary science? Although few women have reached
the highest point in any branch of art to which
genius has attained, it should not be forgotten that
they have never started fair in the race. They are
not educated and thrown into the world in its pro-
fessions, and the opportunity, therefore, is denied
them of competing on equal terms with men. Nor
would it be desirable for society to withdraw women

from their true avocations to -do the work of men.
The proposition we discuss, however, is a clear
exception to this general rule. There are few
women who would not prefer to call in a female

physician, provided they had equal faith in the