The Sun.
London, England, 1835-06-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Lord John Russell moved last night in the House of 1
Common's for leave to bring in " A Bill to provide for the
Regv!ation of Municipal Corporations in England and
Wales." We seldom recollect such an intense interest
being felt in either House of Parliament, with respect to
the substance and details of any Cabinet measure. Both
parties in the Commons seemed equally in the dark as to
tts nature and merits. We may now confidently say, that
never was a proposition—involving the sweeping reforma-
tionof ancient social institutions, and a new distribution of
political power—received with such general or just appro-
bation. The leading features of the measure were stated
by Lord John Russell, in a speech remarkable for its manly
simplicity and lucid arrangement. It was generally antici-
pated, and it was, we believe, intended by the Tories,
that a
.vehement opposition should be given to any
Ministerial plan of Corporation Reform really deserv-
ing of the name. We shall now content ourselves
with a simple account of the main features of the Bill ;
and we, at the same time, direct attention to a correct
abstract, in another column, of its most important provi-
sions. We may briefly state, that the measure strikes at
the root of municipal corruption. It proposes to supersede
the entire body of existing corporators, by newly-organised
elective Assemblies, in October next. The anomalous and
involved system of Aldermen, capital and assistant
Bur-
gesses, and the perplexing varieties of corporate bodies,
is
set aside for one simple and uniform plan of municipal go-
vernment, based on the triennial election of Town Councils
t)iosen by Burgosses consisting of all who possess houses,
shops, &c., rated in the boroughs. . Thus household suf-
frage, subject to certain limitations, is created ; all the va-
rious and inconsistent rights of municipal franchise are ter-
minated, and the door to the influence of base freemen is
entirely closed. The Council is to be subjected to triennial
change, one-third of the body to vacate office annually ; but
the ex-members are to be capable of re-election. This
body is to possess all the deliberative functions of the Cor-
poration. It is annually to choose a Mayor, or presiding
officer, who is to be a justice of the peace for the borough
and county during his period of office, and the returning
officer in the election of Members of Parliament. The
Council are to nominate the various sub-committees for
local government. The ancient territorial limits of muni-
cipal jurisdiction are to be extended, so as to bear relation
to the modern increase of population ; and the larger cities
and boroughs, of 25,000 inhabitants and upwards, to be
divided into wards. All elections are to terminate in one
day, and a mode of voting is established by written ticket,
the register to be final. Magistrates are to be nominated
by the Town Councils, subject to the approval of the
Crown ; stipendiary magistrates to be appointed, where
required, by the Corporation ; the police is to ema-
nate from, and be subject to, the Town Council, and
a uniform system of civil and criminal jurisdiction
established. Charitable trusts will be placed under
the administration of distinct Boards nominated by the
council ; all accounts are to be officially audited and an-
nually published. All exclusive privileges of trading will
be abolished, but the pecuniary rights of individuals are to
be fully respected. All existing Mayors, Aldermen, Coun-
cillors, Town Clerks, and other officers, are to go out of
office on the election of the new Councils under the Act.
Compensation is given to all persons holding beneficial
offices for life under the old system, and the town councils
are to appoint their successors. The power of licensing
publicans and victuallers is transferred to the town councils.
Limited powers of rate are given for municipal purposes,
where the borough funds are inadequate. All capital ju-
risdictions are abolished. County justices of the peace are
to have concurrent jurisdiction in boroughs not possessing
a separate Court of Sessions. Burgesses are to be jurors.
These are the leading features of the measure, and a more
comprehensive or generally unobjectionable plan of reform was
never presented. We will not at this time seek to detract
from the measure, by any ungracious strictures on some
points of a questionable nature. The most intense interest
was excited when Sir Robert Peel rose to state his senti-
ments on the subject ; and we have reason to know that
the majority of the Tories meditated a rank opposition and
a bold defence of all the sins of the old corporators. But
the astute and conforming Baronet surrendered at discre-
tion. The Recorder of Tamworth knows full well the
bearing of the public mind, and his party and self-elect
corporators are as nothing compared with the preservation
of his character for sagacity, and the keeping of his newly-
adopted liberality of opinion. To the chagrin and known
lamentation of his recent Tory adherents, Sir Robert
Peel confessed his adhesion to the general principles
of representative local government. We will not com-
ment further on this curious " turn " in the fluctua-
ting statesman, but we are not troubled with short memo-
ries. Sir Robert Peel for years held official power and the
seals of the Home Office. During that period he was
the constant vindicator of corporations and " ancient
institutions," however defective. His reforming tendencies
were confined to a measure of metropolitan police, and a
partial consolidation of the criminal law. When recently
holding the paramount power of the Premiership, and well
knowing the anxiety of the public mind on Corporate Re-
form, he cautiously limited his liberal pledges on this great
national subject to the specious declaration tint he would
give his best consideration to the Reports of the Commis-
sioners. He betrayed no symptoms of any ministerial in-
tention of reforming the Corporations ; on the contrary,
his cautious silence was suspicious, though doubtless he has
now discovered the inexpediency of his cold contempt of
the question of Municipal Reform. The Tories lost a
golden opportunity of preserving for a time the tenure of
office, and subsequent majorities have no doubt greatly en-
lightened their understandings. The Right Hon. Baronet
had, however, a difficult part to play. As the leader of the
Conservatives, in the House, he no doubt felt that he
could not uphold the existing system ; but he knew
also that the transference of power to the rated inha-
bitants of the different boroughs, will be severely felt by
that party to which the greater part of the Corporations
now belong. Sir Robert made, however, a virtue of ne-
cessity. He imitated the policy of the fox in the fable,
who despised the grapes he could not reach. In this he
acted wisely ; for however much he may regret the loss of
the Conservative power, he could not have adverted to the
continuance of the monstrous abuses which now prevail in
Corporations, without exciting a feeling of deep indigna-
tion throughout the country. The people owe this resig-
nation of the Leader of the Tories to the majorities which
terminated the existence of the Tory Ministry. Had that
Ministry remained in office, various devices would have
been resorted to for entering on all possible reforms in
preference to Corporation Reform. But now that the
measure has been fairly introduced, there are but
two courses open—to adopt or to oppose it. We give
the Right Honourable Baronet full credit for his
course last night ; it was politic, and will be of
benefit to the measure, though we always predicted its suc-
cess whatever might be his tactics. But we will lend our-
selves to no attempt to practice a delusion on the public.
The political conversion of Sir Robert Peel is too late to
deceive parliament or the people. He has raised the hiddings
after the auction was concluded ; his penitence is now use-
less. As a repentant sinner we will cheerfully receive him
into the fold of Corporation Reformers ; but Sir Robert
Peel • conformed to the Ministerial Bill, because he well
knew opposition to be useless, and destructive of his political
station. And further, we warn the liberal Members of the
House of Commons, that his novel zeal for Corporation
Reform may, if not correctly appreciated, prove fully as
dangerous to the Bill as his opposition. He significantly
indicated his anxiety for delay, and several of his views
were at direct variance with many essential principles of
Municipal Reform. The lamb must not trust the wolf,
and Ministers must mainly confide in their own strength
and uphold their own measures. Much do we con-
gratulate the Reformers on this forced march on the
enemy, certain that the Session will not pass over without a
full measure of Corporation Reform. The Bill was read a
first time, and the second reading was fixed for Monday
se'nnight. We trust that Sir Robert Peel will be accom-
modated with no delay, and that the Liberal Members of
the House of Commons will not fail, by a strict attend-
ance, to secure the details of the measure. The professions
of the Tories are suspicious, and their support of the Bill is
its only danger. Mr. O'Connell eloquently claimed for Ire-
land participation in Municipal Reform ; and we are glad
to learn from what fell from Mr. Spring Rice, that a mea-
sure applicable to Ireland may soon be expected. It was
shown by him that Ireland requires a separate measure, as
the rating on which the English franchise is founded is not
applicable to Irish Corporations. The simplicity of the
English measure is its great merit ; and the justice and
aptness of its provisions are so obvious, that they deprive its
opponents and lukewarm friends of every thing like a plausi-
ble pretext for delay.—Morning Chronicle.
The great gun of the Melbourne Administration was
fired last night, and we much suspect that a large propor-
tion of those who assisted the present Ministers to force
themselvesinto power, will be disposed to treat it as no
better than a pop-gun. We feel bound to say, however,
that the Municipal Corporation Reform, of which the
principalfeatures were depicted last night by Lord John
Russell in the House of Commons, seemed to be a far
more sober and rational measure than we expected from its
authors. And we say this, notwithstanding that the pro-
ject of Government is presented to us under all the disad-
vantages of a very confused, gossiping, and foolish speech,
uttered by the Noble Secretary for the Home Deparment,
when attempting to explain its leading provisions. Unfor-
tunately for Lord John Russell, he is not permitted either
to talk nonsense in the House of Commons, or to manifest
in that assembly the small cunning which is his distin-
guishing characteristic, without instant and complete ex-
posure. Sir Robert Peel is always there, and always
ready to strip the Ministerial leader of his thin disguise,

and to inflict upon the fraudulent tricks or the empty fol-
lies, which he presents by turns, the appropriate punishment
of indignant denunciation or of poignant satire. The latter
was the chief instrument of castigation last night, and, as
its exertion was never better deserved, we venture to say
that never was its application more vigorous or effective.
Lord John Russell, in selecting his examples to show the
abuses into which Corporations have fallen, pointed out,
with an honesty peculiar to himself and to his party, several
boroughs in which Conservatives are supposed to have the
greatest sway, as those in which abuses are the most noto-
rious and conspicuous. Sir Robert Peel, amidst the ap-
plauding laughter of the House, referred the Noble Lord
to the cases of Derby and of Portsmouth Whig boroughs,
in the former of which, according to the Report of the
Commissioners, the House of Cavendish, so long as it
was worth while, for Parliamentary purposes, to do
so, used to manufacture freemen at its pleasure,
and generously pay the fees of their admission,
and in the latter of which, still following the same
authority, out of a revenue of about 8001. a-year, nearly
5001., on the average of years, was spent in feasting the
Whigs of the town and its vicinity. It is needless to point
out the various other portions of the Noble Lord's speech
which were justly selected by Sir Robert Peel as the topics
of his ridicule or censure. The nation will read the ad-
mirable speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, and will per-
ceive that in no single instance was either the censure or
the satire misapplied. The general impression in the
House of Commons, even before Sir Robert Peel began to
speak, was, that for so great an occasion as that of intro-
ducing the great Whig-Radical measure of the session, the
address of Lord John Russell was a very poor affair. The
measure his Lordship introduced may, however be, in the
main, a tolerably good and rational measure, although it was
presented to the House by a speech which was neither good
nor rational. We have already said that it is much less mis-
chievous or irrational than we expected ; and, without ex-
pressing any more definite opinion of its general character,
we now proceed to give a brief outline of its provisions.
The Bill which Lord John Russell obtained leave to bring
in is to re-model 183 of the Corporations of England and
Wales, and to leave 103 of these Corporations untouched.
In those 183 Corporations the Bill is to be of paramount
authority to any charter they may possess, whenever the
latter is at variance with the former. The Reformed Cor-
porations are to consist of a Mayor and Common Council.
The Common Council is to be composed of a number of
the inhabitants, varying from 15 to 90, according to the
population of the city or borough. The members of this body
are to be elected by such inhabitant householders of the
city or borough as have for three years, and up to the time
of election, paid borough and parochial rates ; and there
is to be a fresh election of a third of the members
every year. The Mayor is to be elected annually by the
Common Council, and eligibility to the office is not to be
dependant upon any qualification as to property or other-
wise. The Mayor, by virtue of his office, is to be a Justice
of the Peace for the town and county. The police and
watching of the towns are to be under the management of
the Corporation ; but the control of the paving and light-
ing is to remain in the same hands as at present. The
Common Council is to have the power of appointing a
Town Clerk and Treasurer ; but where practicable (we
presume where no distinct objection can be alleged), the
present officers are to be retained in those situations.
It is to appoint a Committee of not less than fifteen,
to inquire into, and control, the expenditure of the Cor-
poration funds ; and the proceedings of this body are
to be made public. It is also to appoint a separate
Committee, to be taken, not from its owa members, but
from the burgesses at large, for the management and con-
trol of all charitable funds at its disposal. The Corpora-
tions of 129 towns, classed under schedule A of this Mu-
nicipal Reform Bill, are each to recommend certain persons
to the Crown, from whom one is to be selected, whose duty
it will be to preside at the Quarter Sessions to be esta-
blished in the town, who is to be called Commissioner of
the Peace. The remaining towns of the 183 included in
the Bill are to have Quarter Sessions also, on applica-
tion for that privilege, and engaging to pay the expense
of the presiding officer, and provide the necessary
building. Where there is already a Recorder, he is to dis-
charge this duty, and all Recorders are henceforth to be
appointed by the Crown, and to be Barristers of five
years' standing. Corporate rights are not to be obtained
for the future by birth or apprenticeship ; but those al-
ready so acquired are to be preserved. When the Bill
destroys or impairs existing rights, compensation is to be
made. The above is a brief and hasty, but, so far as it
goes, we believe a correct abstract of the measure as it was
described last night by Lord John Russell. There are evi-
dently many points of considerable importance, which, if
not omitted in the Bill, were, at least, overlooked in the
explanation of it given last night by the Noble Secretary.
This Bill, when printed, will be found, we have no doubt,
to contain many crudities and imperfections ; but, with the
assistance of Sir Robert Peel, who has declared his con-
currence in the object.•the measure has in view, and who,
we hazard little in saying, understands the subject to which
it relates infinitely better than any one of the present Mi-
nisters of the Crown, there is no reason to despair that it
may be wrought at last into a useful and beneficial Act of
the Legislature.—Morning Post.
Lord John Russell stated the outline of his plan for the
reform of Corporations, in the House of Commons, last
night, on moving for leave to bring in a Bill " to provide
for the regulation of Municipal Corporations in England
and Wales." We will not enumerate the cases of abuse
stated by the Noble Lord, in order to prove the necessity
of what every one admits, namely, the application of an
efficient, but at the same time of a prudent and safe reform
to the Municipal Institutions of the kingdom. Taking this
necessity for granted, we will proceed at once to give a
short abstract of his Lordship's plan, now at length brought
formally before Parliament, and requiring, what it will most
certainly obtain, the attentive and anxious consideration of
almost every member of the community. The avowed
object of the measure is to procure a real local Government
for the towns, under the control of the people, and to
secure the responsibility of those who administer the funds.
With this view he proposed that 183 boroughs, con-
taining two millions of inhabitants, should be affected by
the Bill. The Bill did not contemplate the dissolution,
but the reform of Corporations ; it did not contemplate
the extinction of existing charters, but it would contain a
provision in the very first clause annulling all powers given
by the Charters, which were inconsistent with the privileges
conceded under the Bill. There were 99 Corporations
not included. It was proposed that one uniform system of
government, and one uniform mode of election, and a like
description of officers, should prevail in all the Corpora-
tions affected by the new measure. With respect to the
franchise, it is intended that it shall not be confined to 101.
householders, but to extend to all who have been rated, and
have paid poor-rates for three years, the object of the re
striction to three years being to secure the permanent cha-
racter of the voters, The persons to be elected for the go-
vernment of towns are the Magistrates and Common Coun-
cil, the latter to vary in number according to the number of
the population, and in large towns to be divided into wards.
The Bill would put an end to exclusive rights of trading, as
injurious to the community, and would provide for the elec-
tion of the Common Council every third year, one-third of the
number going out each year. It would prescribe no qua-
lifications for the Mayor or Common Council, but would
leave to them the appointment of Town Clerks and Trea-
surers, the existing Town Clerks, &c., not to be continued
in office unless approved of by the new authorities. If
cases for compensation should arise, they will be of course
provided for ; and as the debts of the Corporations amount
to 2,000,0001., provision will be made for the publicity and
public auditing of the accounts. As to the administration
of justice, the Bill would leave the watch and police under
the control of the Council. Publicans' licenses to be
granted by the Coiporation, and the Recorder to be se-
lected from Barristers of at least five years' standing. To
omit other details, we shall merely mention, in addition,
that the Bill proposes to abolish the jurisdiction of Cor-
porations in capital cases. Such are the leading features
of the proposed measure. We refer to our Parliamentary
report for more particular details, and reserve to a future
opportunity all comment upon the principles involved in
those details, affecting, as they must, for good or for evil,
the best interests of the country.—Morning Herald.
We give elsewhere a document, which is published in
more than one evening paper, as containing the heads of
Lord John Russell's Corporation Bill. His Lordship's
speech, it will be seen, is not quite so full in most parti-
culars, but in others it is more explicit. As Lord John
Russell's speech seems to us to be the best authority, we
take our description of the measure from that. The Bill,
then, as announced by Lord John Russell, includes 183
boroughs, which contain about 2,000,000 of inhabitants ;
and declares that all clauses in Corporate charters which
are inconsistent with its provisions are to cease and deter-
mine. This clause, we suppose, demolishes some Corpora-
tions, and puts those that remain, and those that are to
be created, under the operation of the Bill. The elec-
tive franchise in Corporations is to be vested in the re-
sident (within seven miles) occupiers of houses, warehouses,
counting-houses, or shops, who have been rated for three
years to the relief of the poor, and who have paid all their
rates due for six months previous to the election. There
are to be a Mayor and a Common Council. The number
of the Common Council is to be suited to the population
of the borough, and will vary from 15 in the smallest, to
90 in the largest. The Council is to be elected every three
years ; but one-third are to go out every year. The mode
of election is not to be (as we told the Ministerial even-
ing organ a week ago it would not be) by ballot, but openly.
The voter will sign his name to the list of persons for whom
he votes. In voting for 90 persons it would obviously be
hardly possible to vote viva voce, and in the first instance
an elector will have to vote for this number in the larger