The Sun.
London, England, 1866-06-06 00:00:00

'.6:.t.i;f'DON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, TUNE 6, IS6

THE SUN,

la, declaring

regrets the attitude assumed by Austr.
that while each Power must regard its int. Ind from
its own point of view, Europe had a right to expect
other determinations from a great Conserv:ltive
Power." The real thing to be regretted in thi.,
matter is the refusal of Earl RUSSELL to t-
he pro-
posal made by the French EMPZUOR as to a C., Ti-
gress being held in Paris some years
back to settle
the Schleswig-Holstein question. had !,hat been
acceded to no doubt the Dano-German war might
have been prevented altogether, but the past On-
not be retrieved iu its errors and mistakes.
The prospect of peace seems very doubtful, and
and when we eome to consider that it rests upon
the sense of Prussia, the moderation of Italy, and
the concession of Austria, it seems almost idle to
expect its duration. Prussia is apparently willing
to forego her determination of not being the first
to commence war, and means to send troops into
Holstein. It is said that she will assert her claim
to co-possession of the Duchies on the ground
that the' Austrian Government has violated the
Gastein Convention. If she attempts to carry
out this plan, there is no hope left of
hostilities being avoided, and Austria must per
force take up arms in order to preserve her position.
On the other hand, Count MENSDORFF has issued a
Circular Note declaring that Austria will observe
the Gastein Convention until a definitive settlement
of the Duchy question be arrived at. The two
Powers are evidently acting upon quite contrary
principles, and it is indeed difficult to find out what
conclusion they can arrive at, except a declaration
of war. The policy now being pursued by Austria
towards Venetia is a very false one, and it must be
a source of great vexation to her friends and well-
wishers. The proposal of a loan from that province
to meet the extraordinary wants of the time is
quite out of character, and if it be persisted in, it
must inevitably lead to unhappy consequences. The
people of this country will watch anxiously the course
of events, and while they will deeply regret that the
nations of the Continent are plunged into the hor-
rors of war, they will have the additional annoyance
of thinking that the mistaken policy of our Govern-
ment two years ago has greatly contributed to the
present imbroglio, and may be pointed at as a lead-
ing feature in the causes that produced the impend-
ing catastrophe. One of the most striking incidents
in this affair is the aversion displayed by the people
of Prussia to the war, they seem quite as unwilling
to engage in a contest as the Austrians and Italians
are eager and ready to join in it. We should feel
more sympathy with them if we did not remember the
encouragement they gave to their Government in
the prosecution of the attack upon Denmark. To
further this end they sacrificed the interests of their
own freedom at home, and it was thought by many
—the opinion having turned out a correct one by
the way—that things had gone too far to admit
of a Conference taking place at this juncture. In-
deed, nothing is more difficult than for Govern-
ment to draw back when they have once committed
themselves to " declarations" and "reservations,"
as the Cabinet of Austria and Prussia have done for
some time past.

CORRESPONDENCE FROM PARIS.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)
PARIS, Tuesday Evening.

The Moniteur has nothing to say to-day about the
Conference. According to the Journal des Debats
"The chances of pacific solution are considerably
decreased by the reply of Austria to the invitation
of the three Powers."

The Constitutionnel, after remarking that if Aus-
tria should persist in her present views a Conference
would be useless, says : • " We deeply regret the
attitude assumed by the Cabinet of Vienna. No
doubt each Power understands its duties and its
interests according to its own fashion, but it ap-
pears to us that Europe had a right to expect other
determinations on the part of a great Conservative '
Power. Be this as it may, one fact results ; it de-
monstrates more clearly the disinterested policy of
France, and her active solicitude for the preserva-
tion of peace. France took the initiative in making
proposals for an amicable arrangement ; England
and Russia earnestly joined in the task, and it is
known with what care and spirit of conciliation the
proposals made by them were drawn up. Should
their proposals not be attended with success, Europe
ought not to be the less grateful towards those
Powers who, with a disinterested feeling and desire
for peace, undertook such a noble and generous
task."
The Constitutionnel proceeds to quote articles from
German papers to show the irritation produced at
Berlin by the declaration of Austria referring the
affairs of the Duchies to the Diet. They consider the
conduct of Austria as a direct provocative to war.
According to the leading Berlin papers the Cabinet
of Vienna has openly violated the treaty of Gastein
by authorising the convocation of the States of
Holstein, and they add that if Austria should per-
sist in this policy, Prussia will be compelled to op-
pose her.

A private letter from Berlin, written by a well-
informed correspondent, states that the " reserva-
tions" of Austria imply a decided refusal to enter
into any discussion relative to Venetia. The conse-
quence of this is that at Berlin the idea of the Con-
ference is considered as a complete failure, and that
war is inevitable. There is an impression, too, that
at Paris the Venetia question is considered in the
same light as in Italy, and that in case of war
France will support Italy in her attempts at inde-
pendence. War, therefore, is considered at Berlin
to be inevitable, or as only a question of time, or of
an hour.

In the &mate, on the przz.ln!:.ation of a petition re-
specting coalitions among workmen, Baron Charles
Dupin made some interesting observations relative
to the industrial progress of Paris, which he 'termed
the richest and most splendid capital of Europe. In
1847 the value of the articles at Paris, the produce of
French industry and taste, represented 1,500 mil-
lions. After the misfortunes of 1848 the value fell to
8 millions. In 1860, however, the value augmented
to 3 millions, and it might be anticipated that it
would hereafter reach 4 milliards, or 4 thousand
millions of francs. That rise and that fall in
the value of industry to which he had alluded
formed a striking illustration of the advantages
of peace, and of the folly which had produced
revolutions and successive regimes. The speaker
proceeded to allude to the good feeling which now
existed between the masters and workmen of Paris,
which had been very beneficial to both, and ex-
pressed his satisfaction that the Socialist agitation
of last year was now extinct.
A letter from Berne (Switzerland) says :—"There
is another victim of the war. Our Consul-General
at Leipaic, M.H.,
\ 31), who was at Zurich yesterday
(May
blew out his brains, in consequence of
the severe losses he has experienced from the anti-
cipations of war."

All who reckoned upon settled summer weather
have been disappointed. Since Sunday night, when
we had a good deal of lightning, the temperature
has been variable. Yesterday was a very rainy day,
and last night was a winter night in every respect.
To-day it has been showery, like April, and not
over-warm.

The evening papers do not contain any news to
be relied on. The tendency at the Bourse has been
downwards, but sanguine politicians say that the
depreciation is not so serious as the real position of
affairs might justify.

ABORTIVE ATTEMPT TO POISON A DOG. —A dog
belonging to a person in Manchester having exhibited
symptoms of madness, twelve drops of prussic acid—three
being quite sufficient to cause death—were administered
on a piece of raw beef. The dose appearing to have no
effect, ten drops more were given with a liko result.
Shortly after a teaspoonful of arsenic was given ; but the
dog also survived this.

LA TEST INTELLIGENCE.

(REU TER'S TELEGRAMS.)

PRUSSIA AND AUSTRIA.

BERLIN, JUNE 6.

The Prussian Government has addressed a des-
patch to Vienna, declaring that the measures an-

nouu,^ed by Austria in the Federal Diet violate the

treaty of :
a ezi o
roand cause the suspension of the
w existing in the Duchies. The.
co-possession
two Powers are therefore restored to the position
t
and rights accorded them by the treaty of Vienna,
which retains its European validity.

VENETIA.
VENICE, JUNE 5.

The municipality of Venice ii2.ve published a
notification ordering certain measures th be taken
with the object of provisioning the city for three
months.

FLORENCE, June 6.

Intelligence published here from Venice states
that great agitation prevails in that city on ac-
count of the forced loan and the refusal of the
municipality to co-operate in collecting it. Great
numbers had deserted the city in consequence of
the new conscription ordered by the Government.
The authorities are said to have made arrange-
ments for carrying away the funds and valuables of
the Basilica of St. Mark.

HOLSTEIN.

ALTONA, JITYL G.

Bills have been posted up in the streets of this
town convoking, with the consent of the authori-
ties, a meeting of the inhabitants, to discuss the
state of the country, in view of the declaration
made by Austria at the Federal Diet.

SPAIN.

MADRID, JUNE 6.

The Ministerial party in the Congress have re-
solved to support the motion that the Cortes should
not be adjourned, provided that the opposition do
not vote in favour of any of the numerous amend-
ments proposed to Marshal O'Donnell's bill request-
ing full powers.

AMERICA.
ARRIVAL OF THE BREMEN.

SOUTHAMPTON, June 6.

The North German Lloyd's steamer Bremen, from
New York on the 26th ult., has arrived off Cowes.
She brings 232 passengers for this port, Havre, and
Bremen ; the usual mails, 031,338 in specie for
England, $364,500 for France, and $250,000 for
Bremen.

On the 27th ult. she spoke the steamers Saxonia,
America, and Brazilian, on the 31st the Achilles,
and on the 3d inst. the Louisiana.

ARRIVAL OF THE CITY OF LIMERICK.
LIVERPOOL, June 6.

The Inman steamship 'City of Limerick, from
New York on the 19th May, passed Holyhead at
8 a.m. to-day in tow of the City of New York.

The Real. Meaning of it.

The following is the explanation put forth in the
interests of the Government :--

" Solvuntur risu tabulre !" Captain Ilayter's parent's
opinions, and Captain Hayter himself, and Captain Hay-
ter's amendment, and the motley party which sought to
filch a victory by such cat's paws, were all laughed out of
the House of Commons together, in the ever-to-be-remem-
bered scene of Monday evening. Only the pencil of the
painter could vividly represent so extraordinary a spec-
tacle. Pen and ink are inadequate to portray this ludi-
crous and consummate rout, this Parliamentary "Battle
of tho Spurs," this headlong, helpless, sauve qui pent of the
sessioff—a session which had heard so many ferocious
threats of victory on the part of the discomfited warriors.
We wish that, instead of a mere description, we
could present the public with a picture of the
House of Commons at that juncture when "the
dignity of Parliament" was to have avenged itself upon
Mr, Ciladstono, The " dignity of Parliament," so
far as the Tories and their allies represent it, was at that
moment crowding "neck and crop" out of the Chamber,
in an agony of dread lest Mr, Sergeant-at-Arms should
shut the door in its face, to make it keep its promise about
"reaiiing a, lesson to the Ministers." Descend, Muse of the
satiric song, and relate this woes of Adellam! tell how
Elcho grsat in arms, and the chieftain Disraeli, and the
white crest of Caine, tnrned and fled from their own field
of battle ! The Muse can't do it for laughing; the thing
must be told in prose. Be it understood, then, that until
the hour when Lord Grosvenor declared he should vote
for the Government, the camp of the Tories, "pioneers
and all," were full of hope, and ready to assassinate Re-
form, or rather, we beg pardon, to " consider it"—for
that is the Parliamentary' phrase. Such a proof that
the plot had collapsed made all the courage ooze out
of their fingers. Mr. Disraeli left off commanding,
and spent his despair upon Lord Clarendon ; Captain
Hayter stuttered and stammered out that he would like to
withdraw his amendment; Lord Elcho implored him to
make baste, now that Lord Grosvenor had left the Cave ;
and while the Liberal side, with sarcastic cheers, chal-
lenged the wavering ranks to stand and fight as they had
threatened, the entire Tory force broke suddenly away
with a rush, and skedaddled, "horse, foot, and dragoons,"
Adullamites, Disraelites, and the- rest, in dire confusion
through the doors. The Tory organs have reported that
the Amendment was withdrawn, but unluckily it could
not be withdrawn save by the leave of the house. More
than 400 Liberal members thundered "No" to the propo-
sal; ant when the Speaker formally put the precious com-
position to the Commons, they negatived it with "inextin-
guishable laughter," and with ringing rounds of cheering.
By this time, however, it had struck the Tory chiefs that
the Ministers might go on with the bill in committee
undisturbed; so they stayed their panting flight,
and rallied to return. But the stampedo at the door was
still tremendous, and when the warriors emerged—dishe-
velled, angry, and hot with the contact of excited senators
—they found the bill comfortably proceeding, and Mr:
Gladstone sitting placidly by Mr. Dobson, surveying with
a smile the most, complete and laughable triumph which
Truth, in her merriest mood, ever gave over shufflers and
trimmers. Mr. Lowe had fared especially ill the rout and
the rally—so badly that he sprung up to protest against
it; but as the right hon. gentleman reads Hudibras, he
will find his comfort in the famous lines about him " who
fights and runs away." Mr. Beresford Hops, trampled
upon by some Tory horsemen or footmen in the flight,
lost his temper ; Mr. Darby Griffith lost only an
amendment. Honesty, statesmanship, and the cause
of Reform gained a signal victory, heightened
by such ridiculous circumstances, that if Mr. Glad-
stone could but feel the passion of vengeance, the delays
and insults of the session would have been amply counter-
balanced in that brief five minutes of Conservative panic.
All credit, of course, is due to those heroic Tory organs
who, on the morrow of such an unexpected and distressing
defeat, pretend not to be disappointed. It is like Varro's
conduct after the battle of Canna;, and deserves as much
gratitude from the party as that unlucky general obtained.
They are quite right, too, in remarking that the occasion
was one of "no loss" to the Tories, for there cannot pos-
sibly be any slaughter where the enemy runs clean off the
field. Indeed, if the Tories feign contentment with the
result, we would rather aid than hinder such admirable
powers of resignation ; for the punishment of the baffled
conspirators is bitter enough without any infusion of gall
into their wounds. Nothing could be kinder, for example,
than Mr. Gladstone's allusion to the tableau as "a
way of quitting the house not often seen." We desire to
imitate his generous cuphonism, and only to speak of the
catastrophe attending the amendment as a "a way of going
into committee not often attained." If anybody hereafter
should advert to the manner in which, after three nights'
debate, Mr. Disraeli and his followers " voted," let it be
by such e,mbible allusions. It will seem unchristian to call
the bill, as Coriolanus does his scars, the memorial of an
hour "when certain of you roared and ran from the noise
of your own drains." The utter and consummate discom-
fiture of the party is hard enough to boar. The amend-
ment, be it remembered, was to be fatal to the Govern-
ment. It was thought so sure to be carried that the Tory
journals, out of pure compassion, wanted the Cabinet to
withdraw the bill. Should it decline, Mr. Disraeli and
Lord Cranborne were ready with a modest sigh to save
the country ; and Sir Stafford Norticote stood prepared
to explain true financial principles to Mr. Gladstone. These
sacrifices, however, have not been demanded; and the
Reform Bill is in Committee, where amendments cease
from troubling, and Adullam is at rest.— Telegraph.

The following is the Opposition account of it :

To ono who looks at it merely from the outside the
scene which took place in the House of Commons between
ten o'clock on Monday night and three on Tuesday morn-
ing, is, of course, utterly incomprehsible. As it appeared
in our Parliamentary report it is one piece of inextricable
confusion ; a phantasmagoria, of which the explanation, if
there be one, is entirely hidden from the spectator.
The speeches and conduct of various parties are
related to one another only as the speeches and
conduct we witness in our dream, when we act
upoa what seems then to be a close and connected
chain of reasoning, which, when we wake, is seen
to be no reasoning whatever. Of course, the scene is per-
fectly intelligible to those who have the key, but that key
is not to be found in anything which reached the reporters'
gallery. Looking merely at the surface the situation of
the house at the close of the debate is simply inexplicable.
A great battle suddenly ceases ; the conflicting hosts dis-
solve ; and all unite, as at a review, in a pacific "march
past" the director of the spectacle. The Ministry had in-
troduced, with great parade and grandiloquent protesta-
tions, a measure affecting the highest political interests of
the country —a measure which, if it passed, must unsettle
the -foundations of the representative system, must
commit us to a wholly new course of constitutional
policy, alter the basis of power, and affect for ages to
come the relations of the various Glasses of society
to one another and to the community : a measure
which in the eyes of its supporters would rectify a
great injustice, and raise to their rightful position a large
and important section of the people ; which in the opinion
of the Opposition would commit the country to a career of
innovation which could end onlyin an absolute democracy.
Ministershad declared their purpose to stand or fall by this
measure ; they had talked of burning boats and breaking
bridges ; had vowed that they would not recede, cr com-
promise, or suffer delay ; had taunted their adversaries
with faction and their reluctant followers with treachery;
had done their best teenlist the fiercest passions of both
sides in the struggle ; had gone so far as to warn Parlia-
ment that they would put up with no evasions, no post-
ponement, and that it should sit till winter if it did not
previously dispose of the bill. That the Government
should yield ornegotiate seemed impossible. Mr. Gladstone
had done all that words could do to render it impossible.
On the other hand, the opponents of the bill were
equally decided. The Conservative party, to a man, was
resolved to throw it out. A large section of the Liberals,
comprising many of the ablest and most respected, many
of the richest, noblest, and most influential members of
the party, had also declared against it, and committed
themselves in open opposition to their chiefs. They did
not wish to throw out the Government, but they were
prepared to throw out the Government rather than let the
bill-pass. In one great division they had almost done this
—so nearly that they had extorted a great and vital con-
cession. In a second they had actually beaten the Minis-
try. And now the whole issue had been broadly stated
and fairly raised by a motion condemnatory of the entire
measure ; battle was joined ; the Liberal malcontents
had chosen their line, and one of their number, se-
lected • apparently because he was peculiarly allied
with the Ministry, as if to show that even the son
of their oldest and staunchest follower could not
stomach their bill, had moved the amendment which was
to decide the fate of the Ministry and of the Reform scheme.
Suddenly a halt occurred. Rumours of negociation flew
about. The debate languished. Questions were put ; but
the Ministry would admit nothing, would retract nothing,
would explain nothing. One would have supposed that
the contest would be resumed as fiercely as ever. But no !
the temper of the house was manifestly changed. The
mover of the amendment announced that he should wait
for a declaration of the Ministerial intentions. The dis-
cussion dragged on ; the Minister rose, spoke, and sat
down without promising anything or withdrawing- any-
thing, after a speech almost as bitter and offensive as
ever; and thereupon the amendment was withdrawn, and,
ono after another, the Liberal malcontents expressed their
satisfaction, and let the house go into committee on a bill
which a few hours before they were resolved to defeat at
any cost. Tho utter inconsequence of these proceed-
ings—the absolute want of apparent sense, reason, motive
—sufficiently proves the existence of something that was
not apparent ; proves that the issue was decided by under-
grbund influences. What were they ? Lord Grosvenor
was the only " Adullamite" who attempted to explain his
conduct. He had to show how it came to pass that he,
the representative of a great Whig family, the connection
of several Ministers, the friend of all, who had neverthe-
less fought against this bill, who had led one great attack
upon it, who had nearly overthrown the Government, who
had declared his radh:al disapproval of their Reform policy
and had resolved to defeat it at the risk of ejecting them,

could consent to oppose au amendment which entirely
ex-
pressed his own views, and to vote for going into committee
on a bill which he intended, in his own words, to fight
against tooth and nail. And his explanation was a very
lame one. We can quite appreciate his wish to avoid
depriving brothers-in-law and cousins, and innumerable
connections, of their political offices or their salaried places
in the Household or elsewhere; but he had been willing
to run this risk before, and the bill was no better now.
We can, though it be a stretch of credulity, believe that he
thinks Lord Clarendon a first-rate Foreign Secretary, and
desires at this dangerous juncture to keep him in his place ;
but Lord Grosvenor did not pretend to think that Lord
Clarendon was more precious than the Constitution, or that
it would be worth while, rather than lose him, to let the
Reform Bill pass. No ; the real pith of Lord Grosvenor's
explanation lay in his assertion that the bill was in no case
likely to pass ; that he could afford to vote for it because
it could not be carried. Additional force was given to
this significant sentence by the conduct of Capt. Ilayter.
That gentleman pronounced, not only that grouping was ab-
surd, but that the bill was otherwise "unfit to be the basis
of a satisfactory measure." Mr. Gladstone intimated that
grouping was not a vital point—i.e., that if defeated on it
he would not resign; but he said nothing that could
satisfy the demand implied in the second half of the
motion. Yet Captain Hayter expressed himself content,
and withdrew; and Lord Elcho, the most discontented of
all that had resorted to the cave, approved the withdrawal.
Can any one doubt that something had passed which was
not in Mr. Glad Stone's speech? Can any one doubt what
that something was ? The missing link between the
speech of the Minister and the conduct of Captain Hayter
—the wanting reason for the withdrawal of the amend-
ment—the only possible explanation of the course taken
by the Adullamites—is to be found in the truth of the
rumours which were floating about from Friday to Mon-
day. Lord Grosvenor, Captain Hayter, and Lord Elcho
had two objects in view. They did not wish to defeat the
Ministry ; they did wish at all hazards to defeat the bill.
If, then, they aro content, it is because they have secured
both their aims ; if they have suddenly consented to save
the Government, it is because the Government has agreed
to sacrifice the bill. This is the only supposition consis-
tent with the consistency, honour, and common sense of
those who, up to Friday night, were resolved to vote for
the amendment, and who, on Monday night, agreed to its
withdrawal. They never would, they never could have
done so, but that they knew that in abandoning the form
they secured the matter ; that the bill was doomed. Doomed
it assuredly is. Into the terms of the arrangement, the man-
ner of its negociation, the date of its fulfilment, we do not care
to inquire. It is enough for us to know that by some means
and at some time the bill will be abandoned, and the Minis-
try will remain in power. They would stand or fall with
the bill ; true, but the bill will not fall, it will simply be
withdrawn.' Mr. Gladstone has satisfied himself that he
can honestly and honourably retain office without carrying
a Franchise Bill this year ; that his pledges will be fulfilled
if he brings 04" in next year, with a better chance of car-
rying it. That is a matter between himself and his party;
it concern any others, it is only in so far as such ex-
amples of lax interpretation weaken public faith
in the sincerity and straightforwardness of states-
tupp, diminish the weight of Government in the Legis-
lature, and tend to perplex the morality of public life.
Henceforth, when a Minister endeavours to enforce steadi-
ness and obedience "among his supporters, and to im-
pose a sense of responsibility upon the Opposition, by
pledging himself to stand or fall by a particular measure—
to carry it or to resign—he will be understood to speak
with an arri6v pensee, and the effect of the menace will be,
not that he will be better supported, but that the efforts of
malcontents will be directed not to the open defeat of the
measure, but to its compulsory withdrawal. Henceforth
it will be understood that no words, whatever their appa-
rent sense, really mean that a Minister will in a given
event resign; and if a statesman should be taunted with
a positive and formal promise of that purport, he will
always be able to shelter himself under this precedent, and
to observe that, however strong his language, it was not
stronger than that which, in 186 G, Lord Russell and Mr
Gladstone found it possible, in the space of four months,
wholly to avoid and treat as of no effect.—Stand.ard.