The Sun.
London, England, 1859-03-16 00:00:00

end to this mutual confidence, so honourable for
Europe. The word of Sovereigns, the official an-
nouncements of statesmen, must now be believed
only when there is a balance of proba ility that
they are true. An Imperial speech, the apparent
-meaning of which is one way, must b scanned to
discover whether certain expressions may now be
held to mean exactly the opposite. In this new
and odious statescraft it is a fine ti ing to pen a
document which shall reassure the partisans of
peace, while giving a masonic intimation to the
partisans of war that war will come after all. To
accomplish these objects articles are written and
re-written, phrases of studied ambiguity are intro-
duced where honour and international usage de-
mand that all should be clear; one official journal
is instructed to contradict another ; and the Sove-
reign himself only speaks to blind the eyes of his
allies and his people. It is for these reasons that
we can attach but little importance to the article
in the Moniteur of which a translation is published
in another place. It was, we learn, kept in hand
for several days, no doubt that it might be pared
down to the proper form of smooth unmeaningness.
To say something which should not interfere with
that peaceable solution which the will of all Europe,
including France, imposes, and yet should not pre-
vent the Emperor from taking advantage of any
slip of his adversary, is the object of this article,
and,, though it indicates that wiser counsels are
prevailing at Paris, it shows plainly how much
more the attitude of Europe has conduced to this
result than any moderation in the Emperor himself.
Of course, the .Moniteur cannot conceive any
reason for the excitement in Europe. Part of
Germany
." presents an appearance both aflicting
and astonishing." The demonstrations in Bavaria,
Wurtemburg, and Hanover utterly perplex the
Imperial Government. What can be the mean-
ing of an appeal to the Confederation on the
part of Austria, the enthusiastic answer of the
people, and the active interference of the Prussian'
Government ? Why is the exportation of horses
prohibited ? Why are the newspapers full of
patriotic appeals, and the poets, good and bad,
writing after the model of 1813 ? The French
Emperor cannot understand the reason of these
things any more than he understood the indignation
of England at the insults which followed the attempt
of Orsmi, or the advance of Austrian troops into
Lombardy, as the consequence of his conciliatory
speech on New Year's Day. " France has occupied
herself with the alarming state of affairs in Italy
merely to allay it." "It is impossible to show a
more sincere desire to unravel peacefully the exist-
ing difficulties." To inveigh against or to ridicule
this affected surprise at the alarm caused by an
elaborate political conspiracy would be superfluous.
We must take the style of the Imperialist writer as
we find it, and proceed to more important matters.
The object of the article is to reassure the Ger-
mans against the fear of French domination, and to
show that they have no interest in siding with
Austria in an Italian quarrel. The extract which
we subjoin contains some propositions which are at
the bottom of all French policy. Arguing that the
Emperor may fairly occupy himself with Italian
affairs, the writer says,—" The existence of a great
nation like France is not restricted to her frontiers,
but manifests itself in the world at large by salu-
tary acts. France uses her endeavours for the
benefit of her national power and the advantage of
civilization. . . To contest her right to this
legitimate influence would be to mistake the rights
of France." The meaning of all this is, that, as
France conceives her national power would be
benefited by an interference in Italy, she has a right
so to interfere, and to contest this legitimate in-
fluence would be to mistake her rights. This
principle is one of universal application.; France
has a mission to fulfil, and wherever her interference
is questioned her rights are denied. But Germany
may be reassured. The Emperor does not con-
sider that the national power of France and the
interests of civilisation demand an interference in
that quarter. The treaties of 1815 are to be an-
nulled only in Italy. The Emperor has shown his
moderation by not tearing them to pieces when he
mounted the throne. Germans have this guarantee
that he will not invade their country—namely, that
he has not done so yet. Consequently, "Germany
has nothing to apprehend from us for her indepen-
dence, We sympathise with her nationality."
This must be gratifying to the Teutonic race, and
should almost lead them to disband their armies
and blow up the federal fortresses. But the Moni-
teur cannot pardon those who have shown this
mistrust of France. Happily, the Emperor "does
not hold the whole of Germany responsible for the
errors and malevolence of certain manifestations
which spring rather from mean resentment than
from serious fears." But she hadbetter change her
tone • " by showing herself impartial she will show
herself foresighted, and will do better service to
the cause of peace."
The German people are not likely to be much
moved by this appeal. They know well that the
attitude they have taken is just that most likely to
lead to a peaceful settlement. Amid the dangers
of the present time there are two most reassuring
symptoms in Europe. The one is the indisposition
of the French to a war, at least with -any Conti-
nental Power • the other is this very unity and en-
thusiasm in Germany which excites the anger of the
Moniteur. When the present Constitution of Ger-
many was founded in 1815 there were grave doubts
of its strength as a political fabric. It was, people
said, a union merely in name, something conceded
to the dogmas of theorists and the dreams of poets,
but useless for the defence of Germany, and even
calculated to foster enfeebling rivalries. Prussia
and Austria would be brought into continual an-
tagonism, each would draw to itself a part of the
minor States, and the ill-feeling generated by these
means would perhaps end in the calling 'in of
foreign interference. Even those who anticipated
no such evil still looked for little real benefit.
Prussia and Austria must fall back on a third
Power and the Holy Alliance proved the truth of
the opinion. Germany could never be one as long
as the interests and passions of the Sovereigns
divided it. But the lapse of forty years, the in-
fluence of constant intercourse, and of a highly
national literature and press, have completed the
work which the war of 1813 began. It is evident
that the German Confederation, however clumsy as
a machine, is capable of being worked by willing
Governments, and that there is sufficient public
spirit in the country to set the Governments in
action. The power which Austria possesses under
the Federal Law of calling on the other States for
support has been the means of eliciting a demon-
stration most gratifying to those who believe, with
us, that the strength and courage of Germany are
amongst the best guarantees for European peace.
The half-formed alliance between France and
Russia has forced Germany to trust in itself, and the
result is a display of spirit and independence which
are sufficient to deter the boldest invader. The
Germans recollect the lesson taught by the early
wars of the French Revolution. Then princely
families abandoned the Chief of the Empire for their
own personal aggrandisement. The rulers of
Bavaria, Saxony, and Wurtemberg, lured by the
title of " King," joined the enemy. Even Prussia
was bought over by the permission to seize Hanover
from the Sovereign of England. Such events are
not likely to recur. Germany has attained sufficient
unity to feel that an attack on one member of the
Federation must be resisted by all, and that this
is the only condition on which a nation placed be-
tween two great and unscrupulous military Empires
can hope to exist.

TheMoniteur affects to make a distinction be-
tween Prussia and the other German States declar-
ing that the Court of Berlin has acted a becoming
part in uniting itself to Great Britain, while
" agitators were endeavouring to rouse angry
passions, and to form a coalition against. us."
Undoubtedly, the Prussian Regent, having
regard to the importance of the question, and
the high place of his own country in Europe,
was not committing himself in any way against
France. But it is well understood that, while re-
cognising the existence of Italian grievances, and
wiule urgin-
g in company with England, the neces-
sity of reforming'
condemn the them, Prussia has not ceased to
unwarrantable policy of France.
Greatness
imposes obligations on States as well as
cannot act with the
individuals, russia, as a European power,
burg. But in te re freedom of Saxony or Wurtem- 1
there is as clearly
the more open demonstrations
As-
suming, then, that the itionn:
the Imperial intentions, and
from
the
L uro
himself with the affairs of Italya,, •
European tranquillity, we tna-
wsearnien,patnd dignity of the one
aggressor as in
of the other.
tehurt represents truly
he has occupied
in the interest of
.1 say that he has , pe generally.
His sympathy
re-
ceived most able assistance froo
for German nattottalit • if •
y especia
will no doubt be increased by the ruction that
when he for a time embarked en a course which
t
might have led to an interruption of this tranquil_
lity, the rulers and people ofGermany recalled him
from his error. We trust that prussia and the
States of the Confederation will persevere in thus
aiding the Imperial reformer. By a firm attitude
and sufficient preparation they can attach him
more than ever to those pacific principles which he
announces as his own.

(From the Daily Hetes.)
For the second time within ten days a mysterious
voice woos us in the Moniteur to acknowledge the
benignity and justice which guide the foreign po
licy of France. Before surrendering ourselves to
the solemn assurances and grave denials of the offi-
cial journal, it would be satisfactory to know on
whose authority they are put forward. The Re-
public " one and indivisible" does not seem to have
bequeathed that quality to the Empire. A house
drnded against itself is the subject of the pictures

which friendly as well as unfriendly hands are
daily transmitting from Path. We are invited to
distinguish nicely between the papers successively
published in the Moniteur with equal semblance
of authority. We read of some articles which
proceed directly from "an illustrious hand ;" of
others only second to them in authority, full of the
verbal and plenary inspiration of the Divinity of
the Tuileries. Then there is the balanced, reserved,
and highly diplomatic article, evidently the pro-
duct
of some compromise, and calculated to deceive
all parties with judicial impartiality: and lastly,
within these few days we have heard of articles
devoid of all authority and surreptitiously inter-
polatedby a Minister presuming on the acquiescence
of an apathetic and dilatory master. Our Paris
Cori espondent informed us yesterday that the un-
avowed organs of the Tuileries are asserting in
various forms that the article published on Satur-
day week in the Monaco,- Nveo" not published with
the good will of the Emperoi." Time and events,
it will be seen, are doing their work on the mon-
strous reputation which not long since overshadowed
Europe. A year ago an assertion such as that we
have quoted would have been simply unintelligible.
If we could discover the precise degree of autho-
rity due to the latest utterances of the Moniteur,
and ascertain that it was the highest, it would cer-
tainly be worth while to ask in what necessity they
originate, what purpose are they meant to serve, in
a word, what do they mean ? It is true that the
soundest and best justified inferences formed to-day
may be overthrown to-morrow by the gloss of some
quasi-official commentator at Paris. But risking
this, we will take things as we find them.
In form the article of the Moniteur is an admoni-
tion, almost un premier avertlssement, to Germany.
Hanover, Wirtemberg, Bavaria, and the smaller
States, which in their Chambers, in their newspa-
pers, or on their stage, have denounced the project
of a war of which no one knows either the motive or
the aim, are told that they have " astonished and
afflicted" France. The charge, as further developed,
assumes a serious aspect. Apart of Germanyhaving
followed the movements, remarked the tendencies of
France, and thereupon formed its own conclusions,
has thought proper to display the feelings natural
to people who feel that the state of European poli-
ties leaves them no guarantee of safety but that
which their own vigilance and courage can supply.
They have freely canvassed the designs which the
Paris press, under the tutelage of the Government,
has taught them to ascribe to the Emperor, and
taken counsel for their own defence. In so doing,
it appears they have been guilty of an offence which
we are sure no one has until now suspected. They
" have attacked France on the independence of her
policy." Nothing but the considerateness of the
Emperor—if it is the Emperor who is now speak
ing—which distinguishes between the culpable and
the unoffending parts of Germany, exonerates the
Confederation at large from responsibility for this
imputed offence. It is more than intimated that
in expressing their opinion too freely the Germans
have furnished France with a very fair casus belli,
and the world is summoned to admire once more
the moderation and magnanimity which foregoes
so fair an occasion for war. " A kind of crusade
against France," if is complained, " has been com-
menced in some German States." The right of
France to make her influence felt in Europe has
been denied; her vital and essential attributes as a
great nation have been called in question. This
having been demonstrated, Europe is reminded of
what the Emperor has done, and what he has for-
borne to do, for the sake of its peace. We are asked
to consider what would have happened if, when he
ascended the throne, he had been moved by the
narrow sentiments and irritating prejudices which
are now attributed to him. He would have revived
the wars of the First Empire, and have undertaken
to efface the souvenirs of 1814 and 1815. That he
did not is a proof that he understood the character
and wants of the age. The independence of Ger-
many has nothing to fear from France; in return,
Germany should do France justice. While, how-
ever, some agitators are seeking to raise up a coali-
tion against France on the other side of the Rhine,
Prussia understands her duties better, and in concert
with Germany is giving good advise at Vienna.
This conduct will better serve the interests of
Germany than that of those who appeal to the
prejudices of the past, and irritate the national
spirit of the French people, who, exciteable under
menace, may be calmed by conciliation.
The substantial truth of some of these remon-
strances it is easy to discern. The courts and people
of many of the minor courts of Germany, not taking
trouble to ascertain the political situation of their
country, and thinking only of the fear and hatred
of Napoleon in which they were reared, have shown
a disposition to commit themselves headlong to the
maintenance of every Austrian iniquity south of
the Alps, where they have neither duties nnr inte-
rests. That the Emperor of France should feel
annoyed at this is conceivable—but why say so in
the Moniteur ? Why this persistent adherence to
the role of the injured innocent ? Only one reason
presents itself. The maintenance of this character
is necessary for the issue from time to time of those
monitions which look like threats, but are not, and
which form a recognised part of the Imperial
system. Experience shows that once in six months
is the average frequency with which a nation is
likely to be menaced. At the beginning of last
year it was our turn, in September it was that of
Portugal, and now it is the turn of Austria. Osten-
sibly addressed to Europe, these minatory articles
are really produced for home consumption, and if
they elate the pride and assuage the irritation of
the French people they answer their purpose. But
national vanity may be alimented at too great a
cost ; and it would be curious to calculate how long
it will take France to eat up the friendship of all
her neighbours.

lIE.4LTH ,OF LONDON DURING THE
WEEK.

(From the .Registrar-General Report.)

The deaths registered in London in the week
ending Saturday declined to 1,174, having been in
the previous week 1,215. In the ten years 1849-58
the average number of deaths in the weeks corre-
sponding with last week was 1,228 ; but as the
deaths included in the present return occurred in
an increased population they should be compared
with the average raised in proportion to that
increase—namely, with 1,351. Therefore the num-
ber of persons who died last week is less by 177
than the number that would have died if the
average rate of mortality had prevailed.
The deaths referred to diseases of the zymoiic
class in the aggregate do not exceed the corrected
average at the present time, while those caused by
affections of the respiratory organs—chiefly bron-
chitis, pneumonia, and asthma, are 209, being 100
less than the average. On the other hand,.,though•
scarlatina (including diphtheria) has become less
fatal, the deaths from it are still very numerous,
those of last week having been 79, against 32, the
average number of corresponding weeks. Nineteen
of the 79 were : from diphtheria, and occurred in
sub-districts as follows :—in the Kensington sub-
district 1, Belgrave 1, Cavendish-square sub-district
1, Tottenham-court 1, Islington East 2, Hackney 1,
St. Clement Danes 1, Goswell-street 1, Finsbury 1,
Haggerstone East 1, Bethnal-green 1, St. Mary
Magdalen, Bermondsey 1, Leather Market 1, St.
Peter Walworth 1, Peckham 1, Rotherhithe 1,
Plumstead 1, and Lee 1. Fourteen women died
after childbearing. A labourer, aged 40 years,
found in the public road in Paddington, died from
destitution. One person died of intemperance, be-
sides three of delirium tremens. Five nonagenarians
died in the week, all widows, the oldest of whom
was 95 years.ll
Last week the births of 970 boys and 894 girls, in
all 1,864 children were registered in London. In
the 10 corresponding weeks of the years 1849-58
the average number was 1,736.
At the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, the mean
height of the barometer in the week was 29.881 in.
On three days the mean daily reading was above
30 in. The barometrical readings varied from
29.55 in, to 33.35 in. The mean temperature of the
week was 45,7 deg., which is 5.4 deg. above the
average of the same week in 43 years (as deter-
mined by 141 r. Glaisher.) On Saturday the mean
temperature was 53.5 deg., which is 12.9 deg. above
the average of the same day. On that day the
highest reading in the shade was 58 deg, and the
lowest was as high as 50 deg. The thermometer
in the shade attained its highest point both on
Sunday and Monday—viz., 59 deg., and it fell to
its lowest on Thursday, 29.7 dog, The range of
the week was therefore 29.3 deg. ; the mean daily
range was 16 deg. The difference between thernean
dew-point temperature and air temperature was
6.6 deg. Tho mean degree of humidity of the air
was 78. The mean temperature of the water of
the Thames was 47.9 deg, The wind blew on six
days from the south-west. Thu rainfall was
0.09

election
of
Oat
coronerONE
sion of the county
of Middlesex is appointed to take place on aerkenwell-
R foirPthFC'e
green at nine o'clock on Tuesday next.
UeosEtztaST4AtviIDDLESEX.—The
[AnviurrisemENT.]—Holloway's Pills.—Dyspepsia.—
Disordered Digestion.—Somepersons are particularly prone
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acquire Strength,awn
s, and the patient isthoroughly restored
happiness r .
cheering thoughts andrefreshing
) repose.
from the
to easy digestion,