The Sun.
London, England, 1859-01-13 00:00:00

AN AMERICAN ON THE BALLOT.
On Tuesday evening a meeting was held in the Tem-
perance Hall, Sheffield, to consider " The importance of
making the ballot a part of the New Reform Bill." There
was a very numerous attendance. Alderman H. E. Hoole
presided, and on the platform we observed Edward C.
Whitehnrst, Esq., vice-chairman of the London Ballot
Society ; Pliny Miles, Esq., of America ; Mr. F. Sims,
Sheffield, agent of the Ballot Society, &c.
Mr. PLINY MILES was loudly applauded on rising.
He said he did not know that he was called upon
to make any excuse for his appearance. Though his
voice was feeble, he would raise it in a country like
this in furthering the ballot. To him it was a matter of
surprise that there should be anything like objection to
vote by ballot, provided the rulers consented to allow
the people to vote at all. (Cheers.) In the United States
they believed that all power emanated from and belonged to
the people. There was a party in this country, who were
known as their rulers, when in reality they should be their
servants. (Hear, hear.) He was not there to advance
anything which might be taken up as an argument for cer-
tain parties or certain conditions of society, but to state
certain facts. Their opponents had said the ballot did not
work well in America. True some people were not strictly
honest, and they had a very wide suffrage ; certainly the
American was not a perfect Government, neither was the
English one. (Hear.) They had next the universal suf-
frage in all their states, and their nation had gone through
prosperity unequalled for nearly a hundred years. We were
accustomed to think the two Governments were among
the best in the world for the government of the people.
English people were accustomed to think theirs the best,
and Americans did the same. If he were asked what form
of Government he would prefer, he should choose the lat-
ter; but it must be a fundamental maxim that all power
existed in the people, and not necessarily in certain parties
that were born in certain positions. Their rulers had to
come to them to carry on the springs of war, for taxes, for
money, and why should not they came to them for power.
(Cheers.) He was conversing the other day with one of
those simple, well-meaning persons they world find every-
where, whom he met in London, and he said he did not
know what to think of the ballot ; he could not understand
it. He (the speaker) told him there was no difficulty in
understanding it; it was exceedingly simple. They had it
in America. to protect the voter in his inalienable rights as
well as for convenience. The people were not accountable
to others for their use of power. When the people in America
sent their representatives to Washington to make regur,
lations for the public good, they said "We Rill have no
secrets with you, and every vote you ca:t shall be an open
one : we will not allow you to go there and vote under the
rose." Then at the end of two years, if they were not
pleased w ith the votes given, they said, " Stand on one
side, and we NI ill put somebody else in your place." (Hear.)
It to him looked a very simple matter. He did not appre-
ciate the political system of this country, but at the same
time it appeared to him, .that if they were called upon to
give an opinion, it should not be one of coercion. There
was a difference between voting of one's own free will, and
being driven to it at the pOint of the bayonet. If they
allowed people to vote, and did not allow them to vote as
they pleased, then the operation simply became a farce.
They had on the table a copy of an American ballot box.
They had generally a larger box than that, because they had
generally a larger number of votes in most communities
than that box would hold. But people came to a table like
that where everybody stood round. There were two or three
inspectors of elections. A voter handed his paper to one of
them, and he had no right to open it or to look at it. He
saw that it was a single piece of paper, and took it before
his brother inspector and dropped it into the box, and thus
the process went on silently and secretly. Some English-
men said they had disorderly elections. They had had
sometimes a little disorder. Even in New York they had
sometimes disorderly elections, it was said. And had they
not in this country sometimes disorderly 'elections ? (Hear,
hear.) He was told that one man in every six had the
power of voting in this country. In America five-sixths
had the power ; and he believed that more than two-
fifths of the residents in New York were persons of
foreign birth, and were, therefore, much less under
control; and yet he had never seen anything like fighting
at the polls. There was very frequently a great deal of
delay caused by what was called challenging the votes, that
was, in suspicious cases a person said he would challenge
the vote. A magistrate who was present took up the Bible,
and the voter had to make oath that he was lega'ly a voter,
and qualified to vote under the constitution of the state; and
some instances had been found where persons had perjured
themselves. The ballot was a great advantage where there
was a very wide suffrage, and he must say that open
bribery was certainly not common in America, that going
and purchasing votes was not common. for a very good
reason—that there was too large a crowd to buy; andanother
reason was that the purchaser was buying a very uncertain
piece of goods that could take wings and flyaway. (Laughter.)
Suppose there were two candidates, ore named Wood;
he (Mr. Miles) could get voting papers for each candi-
date. If then, a ruffian. friendly to Wood, came up
and insisted on knowing how he (Mr. Miles) was going to
vote, what would he gain by his question? He could show
him the voting paper Rath Mr. Wood's name on it, as
though he were going to vote for Wood, yet drop the oppo-
nent's voting paper into the box, and the ruffian could not
ascertain for whom he had voted. So, vote without the
ballot looked to him just like saying, "We will permit the
people nominally to have a certain power, but in reality we
will give them none, providing we can get them under our
thumb." He could not see a reason why the people should
not have theballot, except for one simple reason—that were
it adopted intimidation could not go on. He had heard of
one or two persons from Virginia who said the ballot box
was quite useless. One said it was the box of Pandora,
from whence issued every evil. There were, however,
opinions in Virginia not prevalent in any other of the
states. In colonial times, he believed it was there that one Of
the original magistrates thanked God there were no
schools and no learning. The present governor of the
State of Virginia was Mr. Wise, who stated, in Congress)
that he came there from the county of Virginia, and he
thanked God there was not a newspaper in the county.
He did not know that they were discussing the qualifica-
tions of electors, but on that subject there was the opinion
of one of their eminent men, which was worth quoting.
A bill was proposed, which provided that no man should
have a vote unless he was worth 250 dollars. Benjamin
Franklin heard the debates in favour of the property
qualification. He did not see precisely the ground of
argument, but, after listening. he said he thought
the votes were cast by men; and ho did not know
why men worth nothing should have a vote as well
as the man worth 260 dollars. lie said a man might
have a cow, a pig, a quantity of household furniture,
or a donkey. If that amounted to 250 dollars, ha
would have a vote ; but before the next election the ass
might die, and then he could not have the vote. He added,
"Now, gentlemen, is it the man that votes, or is it the
jackass ?" (Laughter.) He once beard of a candidate for
office in New York, who had a friend, a banker, of some in-
fluence, and he asked his Mend if he would assist him in
being elected to a certain office. The banker acquiesced, and
said he would. He stumped for him—that was he made
some speeches in his favour. The election day came, the
ballots were deposited, and it was found at the gentleman
had got just three votes. " Why, how is tEis ?" said the can-
didate. The banker could not tell. He said, " Certainly
there are three votes. I put in one, and you put in ano-
ther, but where the d evil the other came from I cannot tell."
(Laughter.) In America they had a process of counting
noses, as they called it. The agents, canvassers, and can-
didates went round and asked about the votes, so as
to form an estimate of the result of the election, and they
could judge only by the promises given. He might ask in
this country if it were not known how every man voted ?
The poll book Was open to every one, and could be made
use of. Could that be done in the United States ? No. If
a larga Ottiployer, or a man renting land, or one who had a
good deal'of Witte/roe on those around him, should attempt
to coerce them, why filen it was perfectly easy for them to
go and deposit a vote, which cotild not possibly be known
to the candidates. The law protected him in giving him
a secret vote, as unquestionably it should in every com-
munity. Methods had been tried to neutralise the effect
of this. In Massachusetts it was found the people printed
voting papers, but a plan was adopted to prevent it by print-
ing a certain stamp on the back of the papers, £,O as to know
them. They were printed by the state, and it was made obli-
gatory on every person to have one of those papers, and put it
inside an envelope and seal it up, and every vote was illegal
that was net so. He .had heard the opinion of John Ran-
dolph against the ballot. He had a large number of slaves,
and a great number of persons over whom he had influence;
and it was very evident from his position in life that he
would oppose the ballot, because he could not influence
persons as he might have, done had they given open
votes, To those who wished to give them to understand
that they actually did, and did not "
k
e
ep
the promise to
the ear and break it to the hope," they would say, " You
may vote as you please ;" but it was like a picture he once
saw, which represented a queen and a prime minister, w
wanted her to sign a document asthe sovereign of the people.
She did dot seem inclined to sign it, and the minister had
gone as a matter of form. He was represented as saying, in
his blandest tones, "There is no compulsion, only you
must sign it." (Laughter.) Well, if there was no compul-
sion, then vote secretly ; but if there was compulsion, then
let them vote according as they wished. The ballot had
been described as
A simple, silent shower,
That demonstrates the freeman's power ;
Like the snow-flake on the sod,
That executes the will of God.
(Loud cheers.)
Mr. E. C. WHITEHURST having addressed the meeting
Councillor A. Boozes moved " That this meeting desires
to express its opinion that the adoption of the ballot is in-
dispensable to an honest representation, and that no mea-
sure for the aaiendment of the representation of the people
in the Commons House of Parliament will be satisfactory
which does not contain a provision that the votes be taken
by way of the ballot."
The resolution was carried unanimously.
The CHAIRMAN said the next resolution had reference
to, a gentleman on whom had beep placed by the people the
responsibility of drawing up a reform bill, who, by his un-