The Sun.
London, England, 1835-04-17 00:00:00

are tO be recalled forthwith, and, in consideration of
their unjust sufferings, to be placed immediately upon
the Pension List, and, such of them as can read and
write, to be sworn in without delay Members of the
Privy Council. Some announcement equivalent to
the above, though perhaps differing in form, may he
expected to distinguish the Easter Eve meeting of
Parliament. A meeting of the two Houses, at such a
time, should be distinguished by some extraordinary
proceedings, and for the performances of extraordinary
teals the Whig Radicals are certainly the right men.
The proceedings in Parliament last night fully sanction
our claim to indulge in what conjectures we please as
to what may be announced on Saturday, for those pro-
ceedings show very clearly that no definite idea is yet
formed by any hods.; as to what the announcement of
Saturday will be. Whetherthere will be any Government
or no Government at that time, notwithstanding the
extraordinary meeting for the purpose of hearing what
the Government is to be, is a matter of the greatest
doubt. All that is certain is, that if the formation of
a Government be then announced, it he such as to
prove that the Whigs care a great deal for place, and
nothing for consistency. The short speech of Mr.
Sinclair last night was one of the most perfect things
of its kind that we have ever heard. The Hon. Mem-
ber spoke volumes when he explained how much easier
it was to overthrow a Government than to provide
another to fill its place, and compelled Lord John Rus-
sel to get up to say something—meaning nothing—a
task in which it must be allowed Lord John fully suc-
ceeded. All that can be learned from Lord John Rus-
sell's statement is that the operation of constructing a
Government has proceeded so far that Lord Mel-
bourne and the Marquis of Lansdowne, to whom
it had been entrusted, have been enabled, at the end
of a week, to make a communication to his Majesty,
" which communication was one," as Lord John
Russell describes it, " of a preliminary nature."
This was all the information Lord John Russell could
impart, except that " before Saturday next the list of
those who are to form the new Cabinet cannot be sub-
mitted to the House." His Lordship, it will be ob-
served, carefully abstains from saying that the list will
be submitted on Saturday. From anything that Lord
John has said we cannot be quite sure that anything
will be announced on Saturday, or, indeed, that the
formation of a Whig-Radical Administration will ever
be announced at all. We will not attempt to explain;
in the absence of information upon the subject, for
the authenticity of which we can vouch, what the pre-
cise difficulties are which impede the formation of the
Whig-Radical Administration. By all, but those who
were blinded by their intense eagerness for place, great
and numerous difficulties in the way of such an enter-
prise were distinctly foreseen. The present situation
of affairs is, however, an everlasting disgrace to the
party which has produced it. This party cannot
plead that the time which has been allowed them,
for the formation of a Government, is short. They
have had the whole time from the vote upon the
Speakership to the present hour to construct their
Administration, for from the date of that vote it has
been clear that the confederacy had a majority in the
House of Commons, and they could not have been
strangers to their own determination to make use of the
power which this majority gave them of displacing Sir
Robert Peel's Administration. Had they been any
thing but drivellers or traitors they would first have
set about to adjust, among themselves, the principles
of the Administration by which that of Sir Robert
Peel was to be succeeded, and the distribution of place
and power among the various individuals of the confe-
derated parties ; and, having succeeded in this, would
then have combined their factious efforts in Parliament
for the overthrow of the existing Government. This,
however, was a course too rational and too patriotic for
such persons as constituted the late Opposition. They
determined accordingly to destroy to Sir Robert Peel's
Government first, and to leave the country to the
chance of their being able to form a Government
afterwards. This was foolish as regards their own
selfish interests ; it was injurious and insulting to the
country ; it was nothing short of treasonable towards
the Sovereign. But the Whig-Radicals had tempta-
tions to the base and stupid guilt, into which they have
fallen, too strong for their powers of resistance. They
knew that to settle the basis and adjust the component
parts of a new Administration, among themselves, was
a difficult and tedious, if not an impossible task. They
knew that an attempt to accomplish this would pro-
bably break their Parliamentary force into fragments,
and must certainly retard the display and exercise of its
power. And without regard to the ultimate conse-
quences to the interests of the country, or to their own
characters as Statesmen, they determined to do their
worst against their political antagonists. The people
of Great Britain will be at no loss for the natural and
necessary inference from the whole of this transaction.
They will be unanimously of opinion that the men,
who have been engaged in it, are entirely unworthy of
the confidence or esteem either of their Sovereign or
their fellow-subjects.—Morning Post.
Notwithstanding the barrenness of the communica-
tion in the House of Commons last night, to which we
allude in the next article, respecting the progress made
in the Ministerial arrangements, we believe we may state
with confidence, that there is not the slightest ground
for drawing an inference from that circumstance, that
the result will not be favourable. We are more confi-
dent now than ever that the matter will be satisfactorily
settled, and that the writs will be moved for to-morrow.
There is a well-known anecdote of a clown, who
listened to a dispute between two scholars, and when
appealed to, said he knew very well who had the worst
of the argument—it was he that was in a passion. Mr.
Gco. Sinclair—who, though not a Solon, is not without
a competent share of cunning—would hardly have been
so testy, if he bad not received some intimation
that the prospects of his favourite Conservatism
were not very bright. On the other hand, we should
not have thought very highly of the prudence of the
late Opposition leaders, had we seen them eager to
snap at the bait of place. It appears to us that we
are enabled to augur most favourably from the caution
and prudence which we observe in the hesitation of
Lord Melbourne and the Statesmen with whom he acts,
to embark without a good previous discussion and un-
derstanding on the principles on which alone a Go-
vernment pledged to the Resolution of the House of
Commons, and to the steady march of amelioration
and reform, could consent to undertake the Govern-
ment—especially after their unceremonious dismissal,
on the sole ground of their steadiness to those princi-
ples, in November last. 'We, of course, may be mis-
taken in our inferences ; but the interval between this
and to-morrow is short, and it will then be seen whe-
ther we have conjectured aright.—Morning Chronicle.
Our readers will see, from our Parliamentary report,
that the two Houses were last night adjourned till to-
morrow, in consequence of the Ministerial arrange-
ments not having been completed. In the House of
Lords the Duke of Wellington merely moved the ad-
journment, " in consequence of present circumstances ;"
but in the House of Commons, that most consistent
Nor:hern luminary, Mr. Sinclair, would not allow the
adjournment to be carried as a matter of course. "It
would be extremely satisfactory," said the Honour-
able Gentleman, " to know whether such arrangements
arc likely to be made, as to render it worth while for
Members to attend on Saturday." This is a reason-
able wish ; and had Mr. George Sinclair confined him-
self to the expression of it, we should have had
nothing to say on the subject ; but the Honourable
Gentleman followed up his question by remarks, as-
suming that the Opposition were to blame for the delay.
" Now the Ministry is at an end, the Honourable
Gentlemen opposite, said he, " find that it is more easy
tc overthrow one Government than to erect another.
The Honourable Gentleman might have remembered
the adage that there are two to a bargain. No one
ever questioned the right of the King to choose his
Ministers. Sir Robert Peel, who, on announcing the
dissolution of his Ministry, said that he had the entire
confidence of his Majesty, could perhaps have en-
lightened the Honourable Gentleman why "it is
more easy to overthrow one Government than to erect
another ;" why, in his fine and super-ornate phraseo-
logy, it is " much more easy to destroy the Doric co-
lumn of the Conservative Government, than to raise
the Composite pillar of its enemies." Should the diffi-
culty be found insuperable for the present, whatever
the Honourable Gentleman thinks, it may not always
be so. We have no doubt that the statesmeu now Otell.