The Sun.
London, England, 1859-01-14 00:00:00

not to allow the meeting to proceed. ' After 40
minutes had been Wasted, Mr. Roebuck took up his
hat and retired. amid cheering ; -Mr. Hadfield fol.
lowed, and the Mayor dissolved the meeting.
A consultation took place at the RoyafHotel,
and: the crowd having gathered outside, it was
eventually determinel the t another meeting should
at once be held in the Temperance-hall.. This was
announced to the crowd outside, -who at once went
thither. Though the pooni is capable of holding
from 3,000 to 4,003 persons it was filled within a
few ininiites; and so great Was the pressure that the
reporters, in order to reach the platform, had to
climb, through _ a back -window.
.The meeting was
afterwards carried on without a renewal of the in-
terruption previously experienced.
The MAYOR having. been called to the chair,
introduced Mr. Roebuck, who was received with
prolonged cheering.
Mr. ROEBUCK, after recapitulating his fornier
arguments, proceeded to say---Nowi then, the great
discovery of modern statesmen has been the system
of thorough representation. They have said, and we
have discOvered, that people meeting together
-choose their representatives, those representatives
being made the watchers of the Government, and by.
that Means' you attain all you can have by good go.
vernment. They would watch the Government, and
they Would take oare that the-Government did not
oppress the weak, as was the .nature of mankind to
(10-7-to make the weak work for them. But here
came in again a difficulty. How shoUld yon Watch
the representatives of the people ? There is only
one meaner To. make their office of a certain dura-,
tion,qo make them to .be elected for a certain
time, and then to return back again, so that you
may put their deserts to the test by either re-elect-
ing or discharging them. The elective body is so
narrow as knot to represent the whole people's in-
terests; yet the elective body will have the power
to tyrannise over the others. Therefore the ques-
tion is, how we shall make the elective body repre-
sent the, whole people. lam now about to addiess
myself to a point upon which I very much believe
that a great number of you won't agree with me.
But, as I said at the Town-hall, I beg your kind
forbearance. I speak out straightforward what_ I
Mean. may be wrong. NoW, here lam very
often told—recollect, the point we are. upon is to
make the electors represent the interests of the
Whole people,_ because without that they would not.
be an efficient check upon the representatives, who
arc -a cheekup_on the Government—l am very- often
told that every man has ,an inalienable right to
electoral power. lat once tell you that 1 don't
understand that language. What is the inalienable
right ? Is there. any country in the world in which
that power exists ? No. If there were, the people
would mot be oppressed; They have not, then, as
a matter of fact, that which they call their inalien-
able right ; or, in other words, universal suffrage,
manhood suffrage, or the other terms they give it.
What do you'mean by an inalienable right? My
object in the matter is to make the constituent body.
fairly,.represent the whole people, because I say
that for the government of mankind it is requisite
it should be so. But when you tell me that a man
has the inalienable right, I at once tell. you I don't,
understand it. lam going to tell_ you what I be-
lieve is necessary to make the'body of -electors to
represent the interests of the community. at large.
Here again is a difficulty in understanding this ina-
lienable right, for one-half of tho-human race are
women. How are they to becoihe an, elective body ?
This is a matter that has often been discussed, and
I must say that, owing everything as I do to women,
for their happiness and our own I would certainly
relieve them from the trouble of polities. By stat-
ing this I make at once a great defalcation from the
whole of the human race. But, mark you, if you
talk about ,the inalienable right, it must be for the
women as well as men. Again, when shall people
have the elective power ? You won't give it to a
baby at four year old ? It must come ; then we'll
strike off all under 21. Then you leave a large
mass of the adult popnlation unrepresented. What
can be done with them ? Hertofore, the electoral
franchise was in the hands of a very small portion
of the community. From the time of William 111,
downwards the power has.been in the handS- of the
landlords. When 1830 came there was a' great
Reform Bill introduced by, the Whin. reformers.
We all know what that Meant. It did' not extend
to the.- working classes, but the working classes
aided in getting it. atear.),LThey, said, and in a
manner that weds me to em;—we ' kniiw we
shall not 'be benefited by that Reform Bill,
but they said, we will give you that which we desire
for ourselves, feeling confident that by the enjoy-
ment of what we seek you will see the justice of giv-
ins- us that which we give you. I well remember
that Reform -Bill. I had a hand in stirring up the
people to ask for it. And they did ask for it, and so
forcibly that we were on the very brink of a revolu-
tion to obtain it. We were saved from that out-
break, we were saved from the horrors of that war
by the Duke of Wellington. He, by the great power
lie obtained over the House of. Lords, persuaded
them to yield, and You have that Reform Bill.
From the time of the passing of the Reform Bill
there has been a pressure on the House of Commons
and a pressure on every statesman, calling for a new
Reform Bill, because there is a great body of my
fellow-countrymen worthy to'have a voice in the
representation. I speak of the working classes.
They were excluded by the Reform Bill, and depend
upon it that every attempt to obtain a new reform
will be an attempt in some way to give power to the
working classes. But mark, me—mark me well—,
there will be an imposition practised on you. There
will be a large and wide increase of the suffrage.
But will it affect the composition of .the House of
Commons? I will tell you. The large increase of
voting power will just return the same members
that have been returned, and Liberal men will be
returned just as they have been before. But while
no other reform takes place in the constitution the
House of Commons will remain just what it now is.
Therefore there are two things to be considered—
first, the franchise, and next the distributiox.
(Hear, hear.) We ought to ascertain who are to
have votes, and next the area of persons who shall
return representatives to Parliament, thereby, as I
believe, entirely.overturning the landed aristocracy
of this country. (Cheers.) I don't blink the ques-
tion. There it is. (Cheers.) Now I want to
know how we shall give to the working classes
that which we desire. And truly I say it is for
the interest of the working classes . themselves
that the vagabond population should not be
represented. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Roebuck ex-
pressed his opinion that every man living in a
house rated to the poor, occupying the whole or
part thereof, and registcrod.aS an occupant, ought
to be endowed with the franchise. He went on—l
believe the House of commons at present represents
very truly the passions and feelings which are pe-
culiar to Englishmen. I remember making that
statement once before in Sheffield, and a personwho
was present asked me this pertinent question, " If
you think the House of Commons represents the
feelings and pasSions of the people, why do you
want any reform in Parliament ?" My answer was,
" They represent the feelings and passions of the
people, but they don't represent the interests of the
people." (Cheers.) Mr. Roebuck proceeded to eulo
gise the gentry for their charity and kindly feeling
and said,—But I would not allow them to remain
in their present position, because it is one of temp.
tation. They ought not to have the power of
doing mischief, although good is in their hearts,
and they would do good. I think it is utterly
impossible to have squares or electoral districts.
I don't think it is possible to enter into
any human mind to form such a plan. I
would increase the representatives of the larger
towns.. Take Sheffield with her 160,000 inhabi-
tants, I would divide Sheffield into two, and I
would give to each division of the town two mem-
bers. But I would take away the members from
all boroughs under 10,000 inhabitants. In this way
you' would get about 120 members. Then you
would have to distribute them. I would giye them
to the large towns and to the West Riding of York-
shire, which ought to have an increase of represen-
tatives, and also to Lancashire. What chance, is
there that we shall obtain anything like this? First
and foremost, there is not such a feeling on the
part of the people about reform as to force on the
House of Commons such a change as I have stated.
I remember during; the last reform agitation people
said there would be a civil war. The whole coun-
try was aroused ; man, woman, an 4 child could talk
of nothing else. Now there is an apathy about re-
form, and till you can persuade tha House of Com-
mons that it would be dangerous to resist, you can-
not expect such a reform as I have propounded.
Well, then, we must wait. Depend upon it that
England at the present moment is better governed
than any other part of the, world. I don't care
where that other part is. (Cheers.) lam told to
look at America. Look at America, sir. Arc there
not 6,000,000'0f slaves in America, and does not
the: declaration of independence of the Republic
state that all men are born free ? It should have
said all white men. I say, away with the nonsense,