The Sun.
London, England, 1866-04-27 00:00:00

rite magnificent majority of seventy-eight with
0 USES.—Messrs.
furs and unfurnished TOWN,
TOPLIS and ROBERTS
which they met Parliament, has, under that blun-
.' uhur b have
an• a and *tit:T:l7l nEn ID E' t 3 Er ciSe for to LLtVor stamps,SELi
Far.iculara upon applicitsti2d
tbrenAL Offices, 2, Conduit- dering of theirs, dwindled and dwindled down until
upon stating
requiretueund South Kensington, facing the the prospect for them of any
street, Regent
a
The prevailing
Museum. almost come to be problematical.
majority at all has
KENSOGTON, HYDE-PARK,
expectation is, in fact, that the oppowing parties will
QOll ,
Queen s. and Rutland Gates, Queen's
-gate and Peters-
ham Terrtrievs;scttounefpn b• ate, Cornwell, I daces and Beaufort
g, Cromwell-ro Al, On slow and T urloe the other must be small
Gardena. Bolt. ns, Messrs TOPLI-i and Rd bE it TS have of
be so very nearly balanced that the preponderance
numbers oa one side or
eil.”l:icohzEs to SELL and LET in these and surrounding
localities. Offices, 2, Conduit-street, Regent-street, and
South Kensington, facing the Museum.
they win at all, it is thought, can only win by a ma-
indeed, must be all but intesimal. Ministers, if
THEASTIe jority so small as to be almost nominal. Even in
ItiesseeltanOdYMansZer, ABYuckistAonite 11.—
that case, their existence must be seriously
THIS EVENING, A ROMANTIC ATTACHMENT : jeopardised.
Mr. Compton, Mr. W. Farren ; Miss Ada Cavendish. A Cabinet only able to clear itself
Atter which, T LIE FAVOURITE OF FOR 1 UNE Messrs. from the risk of being put in a minority by some
So, hem, Buckstone, Chippendale, Rogers, ' h lf a-dozen votes oil,- of a House of over six
Chippendale, Saville, Moore, Fitzwilliam, Hill, Lindley, a, _ u
Ac. ; Mesdames
Coucluding with A DAU HTE ft 10 MARRY : W
* hundred members, could not, with any sense
warren Ana Kiss Arlen Huwari.
Commence at Seven. of self-respect, carry on—precisely as they are
—the QUEEN'S Government. Defeating the Amend-
ment thus by merely half-a-dozen votes or there-
abouts in so large a House, they must (more than
ever in spite of themselves) follow up, in a different
sense from what was intended, the recent proposal
in regard to the Franchise by—A Redistribution of
Seats—among themselves !
To put the matter very simply in reference to this
now fast-approaching division—the division must,
it is expected, show a result, in the shape of a clear
majority, very small, indeed—so small that some go
so far as to think that the total of the clear majo-
rity thus arrived at, may almost be numbered up
on the fingers of one hand! Supposing, for the sake
of argument, and as the upshot will very probably
show, that this small majority is against the Amend-
ment and for the Bill—even, then, Ministers could
not possibly stand as they are. Earl RUSSELL and
some few others would be compelled in that
case, if only out of self-respect, to tender their
resignation. The present Cabinet would have
to be remodelled—if its remodelling, that is to say,
proved, in that event, to be in any way
practicable. Supposing that the small majority
now looked for to, should however, turn out to
have gone the other way, the Government would,
in that case, of course, go out bodily—the QUEEN,
according to constitutional usage, sending, in that
event, for the Leader of the Opposition. That
the Bill itself, under any circumstances, can
ever pass into a law, nobody believes. Its in-
evitable fate, as a measure, is to die out. And
equally it has become a matter of conviction that
the Government, as at present constituted, cannot
hold together. It must—either, if unsuccessful on
this now fast-approaching division, be successful by
so small a majority that it must be modified or
rather thoroughly rearranged—or, if unsuccessful,
it must go out entirely, and give way to the Chiefs of
the Opposition. Our impression is that the former of
these two contingencies may be pretty confidently
anticipated. But, even supposing such to
prove the upshot of this evening's debate,
we very much question whether under those
circumstances the realisation of the compromise
hinted at—in other words, the construction of a
patchwork or Coalition Cabinet—would be in any
way practicable, even for the time being. It would in
very truth be like the visible stroke of a tardy
Nemesis if, upon the question of Reform, Earl
RUSSELL were, now, to be driven from office to
make way for the return to power—upon
the express stipulation that, in returning
thus to power that very question of Reform
should be dealt with boldly, resolutely, promptly,
and comprehensively—the return to power again
(upon that distinct proviso) of the very Statesmen
of the very party who were prevented seven years
ago from dealing with Reform, precisely in that
very way, by Lord RUSSELL'S dog-in-the-manger
" dodge" of the Abstract Resolutions !
After Mr. LowE's magnificent Speech of last
evening—a speech, the delivery of which occupied
exactly two hours and twenty minutes, being
listened to with unflagging, and even at moments
enthralled, attention, throughout—as it eminently

RYAL LYCEU'AI T H.EATE,E.—
O Under the Sole Manag,ement ut Fechter.
TilIS EVENING. A DAY At TER. THE WEDDING.
ase.^a. Borman, Fit zpatrick, Clifford; Mrs. Horsman, ctc.
To conclude with ShaksPere's Tragedy of 'LAMLE Mr.
Pechter; Alessrs. Emery, Addison, Winnicomh, Vezin, Jor-
dan, Fitzpatetos.Horseman, Moreland, Westland, Gwynette,
Morton, Clifford ; Mesdames Eleworthy, Henrade, and C.
Leclereq.
Boa (Moe open daily from Eleven till Five.

NEW THEATRE-ROYAL ADELPHI.
Soie Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster.
THIS EVI4.INING, THROUGH FIRE AND WATER
Messrs. J. L. Toole, 11 Phillips, Billington ; Mss Woolgar
and Miss H. Simms.
Alter which, I th time. a new Opera Bouire, entitled
CRYING JENNY AND LAUGHING JOHNNY. Mows.
J. L. Toole, Eburne, Miss Furtado, Mrs. A. Mellon.
L
To conclude with THE WRECK ASHO RE : Messrs J. L.
Vole, P. Bedford. Stuart, Billingtcn, Ashley Bliss Woolgar
ni.l Miss H. Simms.

OYAL PRINCESS'S TH.EATRE.
RSole Lessee and Manager, Mr, Geo. Vining.
THIS EVENING, A GHOST IN SPITE OF HIMSELF.
After whh, at a quarter to Eight, THE S
M •31iore
EETS OF
LO DON.ic Messrs. Vining, T. Mead, U. Murray. ,
Villiers; Mrs. IL 3larson. DitS3 E. Barnett. and Miss IL
Rodgers.

ROYAL STRAND THEATRE.
Sole Lessee and Manageress, Mrs. awanborough.
THIS EVENING, at Seven o'clock, PERM E TION.
After which will be produced a grand Eas:er Burlesque,
PARIS ; or, Vive Le oapiere : Mes • rs. Stoyle, horne, Jame. :
Mesdames A. Swanbovough, Itaynham, Simpson. Johnstone,
Ranoe, and dolt
To conclude with DEAF AS A POST : Mr. Belford.

QADLER'S WELLS THEATRE.-
Brilliant euccess of Mr. W. H. C. Nation's Management.
T Eris EVENING, FRIDAY, April 27, and To-morrow,
April 28, Dion Boucicsult's beautiful Drama of DOT.
Messrs. T. Swinbourne and Belmore ; Misses Ada Dyae.
liudspeth, Ada Harland, and Itosine Power. New scenery.
dresses, and extraordinary effects.
Concluding with 23d and 24th nights of J. C. Burnand's
Evergreen burl, sone of IXIO.N. misses L. Willmore,
Iludspelh, HarlanJ„ F. Gwynne, H. Tracey.

eommenCe nt 'Seven.
Acting Manager, Mr. NYE CHART.

11 -H E "SUN" NEWSPAPER.-
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Lening,
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• -
nit -z•
"well U 1;

LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 27, 1866.

The political situation at this moment admits,
weespelAnqrbutit.itgfilhall gebelifstirgt/Asiiirraefined
y en-
veloping it, and through a very hail-storm of flying
rumours. Upon the division which is to take place
to-night, or rather to-morrow morning, depends
not the Fate of Reform, but the Fate of the Go-
vernment. About the necessity there is of dealing
with Reform—all parties are agreed. The only con-
tention there has been all along in regard to that
part of the question, has had reference to the ad-
visibility of dealing with Reform partially or
completely, bit by bit or, as a whole piecemeal, or
according to one comprehensive scheme of recon-
struction. As to putting Reform on one side,
nobody dreams of it. It were idle, now to attempt
anything of the kind. The Conservative followers
of Lord DERBY are not less distinctly committed
to the cause of Reform than are the \Vhig
and Radical followers of Lord RUSSELL. It
is not, therefore—let this, at least, be understood
quite clearly before the division takes place—it is
not that Lord GROSVERNOR'S Amendment involves
within it the alternative of dealing with the problem
of Reform in some way at once, or of putting it
aside indefinitely for some future settlement ! The
alternative set before the,House by this Amendment
is, on the contrary, Whether, in dealing with the
question of Reform at all, the House of Commons is
prepared to do so with its eyes open or hoodwinked !
The Administration has acted with such astonishing
perversity in this matter throughout that it has itself
absolutely necessitated the interposiing by some -
body--no matter by whom, it may be as well by
Earl GROSVENOR as by any one else—the interpo-
sition between the House and the Second Reading
of precisely some such Amendment. The Minister
of the Crown having dealt with the Question and
with the House thus perversely and Urns haughtily
—the Commons of England ask themselves, or
rather are asked by Earl GROSVENOR, through his
Amendment—Whether they are prepared to walk
meekly under the Caudine forks at the wanton
dictation of a Government that (judging of
it by its acts) seems for some inex-
plicable reason known only to itself to have
been bent (suicidally, as we believe) from the
very &rat upon subjecting the popular branch of the
Legislature ito this utterly needless and wholly
uncalled for humiliation." Open your mouth
and shut your
eyes and see what we will give
you !" That is literally the childish programme
of Reform announced by
the Government. And—
in obedience to that 1.,r,
mouth and
House is
expected to open its
and shut its eyes ! As
an assemblage of rational
men lizever, it is afforded
the opportunity, through t
the noble lord the member Amendment of
"N o we will notf shut ouro for Chester,
of answering,
eyes at your dictation ; we will not even open
our mouths at your bidding—we will take what
offer us into our hands, and, after examining illtl
(with our eyes wide open) in Committee, ire will
then decide, but not earlier, as to whether or not we
will swallow it !" That is, in plain and simple
terms, the meaning of the Amendment. And upon
the division consequent upon the submission of that
Amendment to the House will depend, we repeat,
not the Fate of Reform (the fate of which, one way
or the other, is perfectly secure) but the Fate of the

11 L._ L . •

force, its radiant wit, and its sustained eloquence—
the remainder of last night's debate might have
been summed up, according to a famous phrase in
" Coningsby," by saying of it, that Wishy was up
and Washy followed.

As to this evening's—the eighth, and as it is under-
stood to be the last night of this great historical
discussion—one cannot but remember that among
the men of mark in the House who have not as yet
spoken, are such men as Mr. ROEBUCK and Mr.
HENLEY. They, at any rate let us hope, are
not going to content themselves and to disappoint
every one else by giving a silent vote, as though
they were mere nobodies whose opinions were not
worth listening to.

Before the Leader of the House rises to reply more-
over—prior to the division being taken—the Right
Hon. Gentleman, the Leader of Her MAJESTY'S Oppo-
sition,will have expressed his opinions! That, we take
it, so far as the speaking to-night is concerned, is:the
great sensational event now looked forward to. And
certainly Mr. DISRAELI throughout the whole of his
parliamentary career has never had a more superb
opportunity for the display of his rare and almost
matchless powers of irony and sarcasm than the
one now presented to him by the insensate course
pursued very recently by the foremost among his
confronting antagonists !

According to the last accounts there is a decided
chance of peace between the two great German
Powers. Austria has replied to the last Prussian
Note, and expressed satisfaction at the pacificatory
tendency of its contents. Of course the occasion is
taken to state that Austria did not arm, but only
effected certain movements of troops. It seems
pretty certain, however, that these movements
amounted to something very like arming, and had
the effect of convulsing the other States of the
Empire. A proof is furnished of the good in-
tentions of the Vienna Government, inas-
much as already they have made arrange-
ments for the retrograde movement of the
forces that were concentrated in Bohemia, and
the Prussian Government has been duly informed
of this charge. We were all along convinced that
if any pacific measures take place Austria would
have to take the initiative, and there seems fair
reason to 'suppose that now she has done so a happy
result may ensue. Another peaceful augury is seen
in the fact that the Italian Government has ()fa-
cially declared to the Western Powers that there
was no foundation for the rumours of "military
levies" in Italy, and in the concentration of Italian
I,tr'aenteetiaa.gainltsatly,thiet
itsroospasid,upowniuthe
soforonutierremoofns
Austrian armaments. The news from Berlin does
in some respects. It
seem altogether satisfactory
seems bad management on the
part of
the
ee
drill oautho-
ritiesf not to relinquish their intention 0
f
the Landwehr, or at all events to put it off for some
time. It appears that some while ago, and before
any rumour of military preparations got about, that
preparations were made for this ceremony, and,
accordingly, about forty thousand of the Landwehr
willbSuchh
e a3emwill
for military service in a brief
period.
ccehrtaraaincltyergiovne to
the Berlin
Government, com-
ments of an an bl
aefidair.
unfavourableil
and be certain to cause exaggerated
remarks to be made.

Government.
Thanks to the egregious blundering of her MA-
JEsn's Ministers in this matter, the prospects hele
out by the division are, unhappily, only too dear.

A mbst arbitrary proceedin took place yestetclay

in Berl' in, when a meeting of the electors of the
third electoral district of the city was held in the
Cola sseum. During the opening speech made by
the Chairman, a member of the Chamber of De-
puties, the meeting was dispersed by the police.
ISo doubt Herr BISMARCK does not approve of the
various resolutions that have recently been come to
at these assemblies, and therefore he thinks it is
high time to take measures to put a stop to
thcm. Such a step is only in perfect accord-
ance with the policy pursued by Herr BIS-
MI kRCK for some time past, but the present is a most
unwise time to continue such arbitrary conduct.
The people of Prussia have shown of late that they
quite appreciate their position, and the designing
statesman may find he has carried his schemes too
far, and worked out his own ruin while seeking to
monopolise all power to himself. The Berlin
journals of yesterday evening do not seem to enter-
tain a very favourable of matters. The Borsen
Zeitung declares that the Austrian despatch
states that the fresh complications of Italy
will prevent her disarming just at present, but it is
not likely that this willprove to be the case, because
Austria has shown great willingness from the outset
to make the first advance in a peaceful direction.
No:hing has occurred in Italy that can give rise to
the necessity of increased armaments. Some people,
however, are never satisfied, and we find
in the semi-official .Nord-Deutsche Allgemeine
Zeitung that it is said Austria must reduce
her military establishments on the Italian as
well as the Prussian frontier or the present
armaments of Prussia will be increased. This
is going out of the way to make trouble and create
difficulties, and shows the style in which the Berlin
Cabinet have been carrying on their affairs for some
time past. There was no occasion for Italy to have
been mixed up in this last altercation between the
German Powers, and no good has come of it.

From Frankfort we learn that in yesterday's
sitting of the Federal Diet a committee on the
Reform of the Federal Constitution was elected,
and it consisted of the representatives of Austria,
Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, and numerous minor
States. Whatever be the result of this sitting
of the Federal Diet, it is evident that they
have set to work in good earnest, and
seem resolved to give Herr BISMARCK'S plan a fair
trial. The interest and excitement of the question
in debate will, no doubt, tend to check the ten-
dency to war, and thus some good end may be
answered after all. It is not at all likely that the
scheme of the Prussian Minister will succeed in its
entirety, because it is very one-sided, and seems to
have been framed for all intents and purposes to
suit the views of Prussia. Some salutary alteration
may take place, however, in the management of
affairs, and certainly a Reform of the Federal
Constitution is much needed, because far too
much power is now accorded to Austria and Prus-
sia. The full text of the reply of Count BISMARCK
to the Chamber of Commerce is given to-day, but
it does not contain more in its meaning than we
gathered from the summary of it, which appeared
some days ago. The Count lays great stress upon
the good feeling of the KING, and declares that his
wisdom affords the signitaries a sure earnest that
the country will not be hastily exposed to the
horrors and losses of war. He emphatically de-
clares that the KING expects the Chamber of Com-
merce to support him as in former times, whether
he decides on peace or war. This sounds very
well in a reply to an address, but the sense of it is
that all the sacrifices are to be on one side in Berlin.
We hear plenty of what the authorities expect the
people to do in the way of devotion and loyalty,
but we hear and see nothing of anything in return.
The breaking up of the meeting, by the police,
of yesterday, was a scandalous proceeding, and
clearly shows to tha _
expect from their rulers. The fact is that the
Government is just verging upon absolutism, with-
out hAvina thp proclaim
its purpose.

particular end than it is to carry out a really
statesmanlike policy. The Americans are far
too shrewd to be willing to support a policy
which shall virtually confiscate and degrade
eleven States. What was the use of fighting
for the restoration of the Union, unless the Southern
States are to be, as before, fertile sources:of wealth
and prosperity. If they are to require the main-
tenance of a large standing army to keep them down
they will be nothing but a source of weakness and
a focus of discontent, holding out a tempting
opportunity to any foreign Power, who will be
certain to find support in the interior of
America itself. Far more wise and statesmanlike
is the scheme of a gradual but complete restoration.
Aut Cxsar, ant nullus, the United States must
either be united or separate. It is not possible for
the one half to hold the other in military subjection,
and such a theory could only be seriously advocated
from interested motives or from unreasoning
fanaticism.

The political crisis in America is just now of a
very interesting and important character. The
rupture between the PRESIDENT and the Radicals
has assumed formidable proportions, and has now
come to an absolute trial of strength. The first
movement on the part of Mr. JOHNSON was so de-
cisive and unexpected that it took his adversaries
completely by surprise, followed up as it was by the
forcible speech on WAsniNaroN'sbirthday, in which
the object and manoeuvres of the SUMNER and
STEVENS party were completely exposed. The en-
thusiasm excited was universal, and for a time the
Radical party were paralysed. Their anxiety
for power, their determination to make poli-
tical capital and profit out of the misfortunes of
the South were, however, too strong to allow them
to remain long inactive. The struggle on the Civil
Rights Bill, as every one knows, has so far issued
in their favour, and they have spared no pains in
disseminating rumours of the PRESI DENT'S inclination
to favour the South at the expense of the North,
and have employed every means in their power to
mislead the public. Some persons, not belonging
strictly to their party, seem inclined to resent the
second veto, as an exercise of arbitrary power, and
an abandonment of the principles of emancipation
and equality. But, in fact, the second veto was a
natural sequence of the first, and the statesman
who saw the elements of danger and discord in
the one ;,could hardly fail to discover them in
the other. The Civil Rights Bill was, indeed,
less openly mischievous than its predecessor,
but Mr. JOHNSON has seen life both in the North
and the South ; he knows the rapacity and vindic-
tiveness too often displayed by the extreme
party of Abolitionists on the one hand, and
the prejudice and stubbornness perceptible
among the old slave-holding population on the
other. A civil war of almost unparalleled magni-
tude has just concluded, but he sees in the distance
indications of another conflict, more disastrous,
more terrible, more difficult to deal with. The
struggle between North and South might be
succeeded by a war of races, and the PRESIDENT
is not slow to warn his countrymen of the evils
they may bring upon the States by rash and reck-
less legislation. Unfortunately, the party who
have just now completely the upper hand
in Congress are not men to whom it is possible
to appeal for enlarged and enlightened views, for
calm consideration and prudent statesmanship. To
carry their own party purpose, to hurry this Bill
through Congress by an ingenious manceuvre, to
throw that one out by some hit of political sharp
practice, are the heights of their ambition, and the
idea of sacrificing any immediate party end for the
ultimate public good is quite beyond their calcula-
tions. At present, however, there is a pause in the
struggle. The Radicals, having carried the Civil
Rights Bill despite the Veto, are uncertain what to
do next. The PRESIDENT is allowing them full
scope, his friends and partizans are making
little exertion on his behalf, and it seems as if he
was resolved, very wisely, to let the Radicals have
their own way, and show themselves in their true
colours to the people, opposing to their further pro-
gress that vis inertia which is so difficult to deal
with. It is very much easier to declaim and to
theorise than to govern a c)mitry ; very much more
pleasant and facile to frame bilk, for this or that

The continuation of the great Reform debate
last evening showed no diminution of the interest
taken by the House of Commons in the discussion.
The House was crowded, and at the close of every
speech a dozen or two competitors started up in
their places, all vieing with each other for the chance
of giving the world at large the benefit of their
opinions. The world is not perhaps proportionately
grateful for this anxiety, and is beginning to find
the debate a little tedious. So many of the best
speakers have already spoken, and so many are re-
serving themselves for the last evening, that
the field is left very properly to men of
less note or ability who have the dis-
advantage of going over the same ground that
has been trodden so often. Mr. LOWE was last
evening the principal speaker, and his speech, which
was looked for with some curiosity, was received
with much attention. It constituted a formidable
attack on the position of the Government, as might
have been expected from a politician who declared
last year that the £lO franchise was the last plank
between our constitution and shipwreck. The gene-
ral tenour of the speakers who succeeded Mr. LOWE
was, however, decidedly opposed to the Ministry,
who seem unable to muster many advocates in any
part of the house. At the close of the debate,
which was as usual protracted into the small hours,
a somewhat animat©d discussion occurred, one gen-
tleman complaining that only five or six out of the
180 new members had been able to speak. This
omission it is not possible to remedy, and the silent
representatives must be contented to show their
opinions by their votes. It appears to be agreed
on all sides that the discussion shall finish to-night ;
and, indeed, since all sides of the case have been
fully and fairly argued, it is difficult to see what
wise or useful purpose could be attained by delay-
ing the discussion to another week.