The Sun.
London, England, 1859-07-22 00:00:00

ewe,—
expenditure and increased' retiponeibility ? (Hear, limit)
If you had thought proper to join in freeing Italy, if you
had been involved in the war,. you could not, as men of
honour, as a community possessing self-respect, refuse to
attend a Congress which was to wind up the results of
your own energy and your own interference. But when,
by good fortune, as some say, or by sound policy, as I
maintain, your councils have saved you from that reopen-
sibility, are you at the last moment, from some vain senti-
ment, from some ebullition of disappointed feeling, to be
entrapped into attending this Congress or Conference ;
and are you to enter into arrangements and engage-
ments which must lead to increased expenditure and in-
creased peril to those finances which already required
the severest criticism and the most careful administration ?
There is one point which influences our expenditure which it
appears to me is deserving of the best attention of the house.
Let us see if there be not one of possibly still greater import-
ance connected with these public transactions and the expen-
diture of our finances, and which, in my opinion, this house
would be wanting in its duty if it were to neglect. We have
this peace, such as we know of it ; but I maintain that inas-
much as it gives us peace,and a peace based upon the exist-
ing equilibrium of power, it is one that ought to be satisfac-
tory to Englishmen and to statesmen. I know there are per-
sons who are dissatisfied with it even in this country, and
cmiainly there are in other countries—honest and honourable
men undoubtedly, but who upon political affairs take an exag-
gerated view, and cannot agree that in transactions of this
kind men can be influenced by considerations of common
sense. I know some people are disa ..inted. They expected
that the Emperor of the French, a • . man Catholic Prince,
the first child of the Church, and exercising, though by the
consent and election of the French, nevertheless a despotic
sway, was about to establish in Italy the Protestant reli-
gion and the British Constitution. (Laughter.) You can-
not argue with such persons ; but there are other persons
also, in other countries, who are disappointed. Neverthe-
less, in respect to this ace, E regards Englishmen, Eng-
land, and English interests; .1 maintain that the arrange-
ment, as a whole, is entitled to our respect. The arrange-
ment which gives us peace without the disturbance of the
political balance of power is one we ought to welcome, if
not with enthusiasm, at least with respect. I am told, in-
deed, that this peace is to be disapproved, and I have heard
that it is disapproved by English statesmen, because—
ti•..ular reason—the Emperor of the French has not real-
IBM the programme with which he commenced the war. I
should like to know whoever realised on a peace the pro-
e with which he commenced war ? (Hear, hear.)
tr=re the manifesto of any State or coon (HMI
care not
under what form of government—(you may throw the
United States of America into the bargain)—compare the
original manifesto on which war was declared, and the
avowed purpose for which it was waged, with the final paci-
fication, and I defy you to bring an instance in which the
objects were fully or in a great degree realised. Take the
late Russian war. (Hear, hear.) I heard the noble lord,
the present Prime Minister, announce that he was most dis-
appointed at the way in which it had terminated ; and did
he not send a special Minister to oppose the arrangements
which were proposed by some of his allies, but which he
stated to be in direct violation of the objects of the war ?
You heard from the very moment that peace was entered
into, not only in England but almost in every other country,
lamentations that it was a war waged for a great purpose,
which was only partially accomplished. I do not blame the
peace made with Russia. I supported that peace, and I think
that it was wise to make peace with Russia. Certain ob.
jects of public benefit were attained ; and, that any rational
man or Minister of State would now impugns
which
conduct
of our ally because he has entered into a peace which does
not agree with his programme, is an unaccountable and
inconceivable weakness. (Hear, hear.) Between the mani-
festo which declares war and the signing of the articles of
a great many important events occur, and a great
reaaleehappened between the manifesto of Milan and the
articles of the peace of Villafranca, which, no doubt, might
have modified the views of a successful conqueror or the
most determined invader; and when taking a wise and mo-
derate view of affairs he enters into a peace, which I think
has the elements of being a permanent one, is he, therefore,
to be held up as a prince whom no one can trust, since he
has not done that which no potentate or State had done,—
realised the programme which he published before the war ?
(Hear.) On our conduct in this respect entirely depends
the financial position of this country. (Hear, hear.) I give
credit to the Prince who signed the peace for the motives
which induced him to sign it; and with respect to the
peace itself, I ground on it a hope and belief that it may be
permanent. (Hear, hear.) But let us do our best to make
it permanent. It is a peace favourable to the traditionary
policy of England, and it is our duty and interest to
cherish and maintain it. (Hear, hear.) We ought
not to encourage the maligners, who have not Eng-
lish interests or English traditionary policy to
maintain, to act against our interests, and destroy that
which the interests of humanity also require. (Hear, hear.)
Giving every prince and potentate credit for sincerity,what
should be the course of the English Government ? What ii
the second point of policy which I pointed out to the House,
and which it is our duty at this moment earnestly to im-
press on the Government to follow ? If we are to have
peace--if peace hasbeen signed by one of the greatest actors
in the war, on the ground that he shrank from the respon-
sibility of a general war—if these articles of Villafranca are
animated by a sincere spirit, as I believe they are, what is
the course for England to take ? Not to go to Conferences
and Congresses in fine dresses, with ribands and diamonds
and snuff-boxes (laughter), to enjoy the empty vanity of
settling the fate of petty princes (hear), but to go to your
great ally the Emperor of the French, give him credit for
the motives which animated and influenced him, and say to
him, " As you have terminated this war, and if you are in
favour of peace, now join with us in securing that peace by
the only mode by which peace can be secured—restore and
even increase the good feeling which once existed, and I
hope still exists, between the two countries of England and
France, by a diminution of your armaments." (Cheers.)
" If you are sincerely anxious, as we believe, for the peace
of Europe and the world, we will join you in a spirit of
reciprocal confidence, and by animating alike the industry
of both nations we will thus achieve conquests more valuable
than Lombardy or than those wild dreams of regeneration
promised but never realised." (Hear, hear.) At the pre-
sent moment this policy could be pursued with great advan-
tage, for the house will recollect that the late Government
were told that they could not boast of possessing the confi-
dence of the French Emperor. They were told that it was
entirely owing to the absence of some of those distin-
guished statesmen opposite from the Treasury bench that
Italy was involved in war. (Laughter.) If those
statesmen had been in office it was well known that the
Emperor of the French never could have taken a single
step without consulting them. (Laughter.) Now, then
there is a good opportunity for the noble lord opposite to
act a great part, and, instead of going to Conferences and
Congresses for petty objects, with respect to which England
has no interest, but which may involve England in great
disaster, let him prove to the world that England is a
Power that possesses and exercises great influence, espe-
cially with France, by accomplishing what is much more
important than mere formal articles of peace, by bringing
about that which will put an end for ever to doubts as to
the sincerity of princes, which will speak to every cabin
and cottage in both England and France, as well as to the
two Houses of Parliament and places of high resort, and
prove to the national conviction of the great countries of
Europe that peace is the tpolicy of their rulers. (Hear,
hear.) Let us terminate this disastrous system of warlike
expenditure. Let us mutually agree, with no hypocrisy
but in a manner which would admit of no doubt—by the
reduction of armaments—that peace is really our policy,
and then the Chancellor of the Exchequer may look for-
ward with no apprehensions to his next budget, and the
country may then actually expect the termination of the
income-tax. (Cheers.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he
should, in reply to the right hon. gentleman, first address
himself to the matters which were immediately connected
with finance. He should dismiss from his consideration that
portion of the right hon. gentleman's speech which had re-
ference to retrospective finance. No imputation had been
cast on any of the proposals of the present Government, or
on the right hon. gentleman in any of the remarks with
which they were set forth. He would not attempt to fol-
low the right hon. gentleman through his figures, but when
he spoke of a surplus revenue of a million and a half, it
was a surplus of a description altogether new to him.
The only surplus he was aware of worth discussion was a
surplus of income over expenditure ; but the surplus
spoken of by the right honourable gentleman dealt rather
with fancy finance, and was merely a surplus of actual
over estimated income. What ought to be considered
was, how the money was to be got, and what money
they would be obliged to spend. The right hon. gentleman
estimated his surplus at a million and a half ; it produced
only £BOO,OOO, or about half that. He had to thank the
right hon. gentleman for the spirit in which he had dis-
cussed his financial proposals; and he was rejoiced to hear
him declare in terms so strong his objection as a general
rule to the having recourse to a loan in circumstances like
the present. He trusted that view would receive the'gene-
ral concurrence of the house. (Hear.) If he understood
the right hon. gentleman right, he admitted they ought to
proceed by raising new taxes, and considered that the in-
come tax ought to be a main source of the supply, but yet
reserved to himself the right of objecting to it, and almost
annonnced his intention of proposing a modification in what
he called the mode of levying it, but what the right hon.
gentleman described as the mode of levying the tax in fact
involved the whole question whether they should borrow or
not. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman said it would be
unjust and impracticable to levy the whole of the tax in the
first half year. As to the impracticability, he asked the
house to have confidence in the able men at the head of the
revenue department, without whose assurance as to the
practicability of the measure he would never have proposed
itt• None of the difficulties attending the collection of the
ax
would be rendered insuperable by his proposal. As to
the injustice the House of Commons had as much right to
tax the country in respect of six months or seven,
twelve, but that as of
on to pay upon was not done ;. people were merely called
proposed tuoltonai
the first half year. The right bon gentle-
mant the last two lines of the first. resolu-
tion. The result
of the tax, and throw
that would be to postpone the receipt
that were done, of"' it over into the year 1860-61. If
gap, and to do 80 tteurse money must be raised to fill the
form or another. If, would be obliged to borrow in one
it was inconsistent the right hon. gentleman de-
clared,to go to the money lender for the honour, of the country
so to go for two. He objeef:rd five millions, it was equally
increase the financial burl to do anything which would
on the year 1860. No pru-
dent man would wish to be responsibleoa for doing so. He had
not as yet had an opportunity
the view he was disposed to take on itin.g. 111117 to the house
financial as to the
increasing difficulties of the fin
lightly
of this coun-
try ;it was too serious a matter to be E treated, or dis-
posed of in so summary a manner by the right gentle-
man, who declared he considered the progress of
penditure to be natural and legitimate, and ought tiLe con-
tinue.x-
He could not agree with the right hon. gentleman.(Hear.) It was true social wants and social demandewr
making new demands on the public purse. In the period
up to 1853, the commencement of the Russian war, these
demands had been increasing, but, thanks to the thrift and
enconomy of public men, not tc such an extent as much to
affect the expenditure, which was then about equal to what
it had been for ten or fifteen years before. The case was very
different since demands of every kind for, every purpose
were admitted to such an extent that if the same course
was pursued for the next fire or ten years, it would bring
the finances of the country into a state of absolute confu-
sion—(hear)—and reduce the house to the necessity of im-
posing the most severe taxes in their highest degree, or hav-
ing recourse to borrowing to meet expenditure. He did not
mean to say the civil service expenditure couldCbe reduced
to the limit of 183, but the house should recall the spirit of
wise economy which marked the first administration of the
Duke of Wellington and the first reformed Parliament. He
would not refer to naval and military estimates, but he
would call the attention of the house to sonie instances to
show what the civil service estimates would come to unless
the house laid strong hands on them. A question had been
tasked that evening about harbours of refuge. The report on