The Sun.
London, England, 1866-03-13 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF COMMONS_LAST EVENING.
THE NEW REFORM BILL.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said—Mr
Deputy Speaker—Sir, if in order to estimate the difficulties
of the question which I have now to bring before you it
be right, as I suppose, to take into view not only its own
extent and complexity, and not only the strange fluctua-
tions of circumstances which have attended and marked
its history, but also the weakness of the hands into which
the treatment of it has fallen, then perhaps I may well
say that few Ministers have risen iu .recent years to ad-
dress the house under greater difficulties than at this
moment attend my position and task. Sir, these difficul-
ties are difficulties which affect, in the first instance, her
Majesty's Government, and they are perfectly sensible of
the weight of responsibility which attaches to them. But
although they be concentrated in their greatest weight
upon us, yet they are not ours alone. The interest in the
solution of this question is an interest common to the
whole House of Commons, and to every party and section
of a party that sits within this house. (Hear, hear.) For
let me remind you, sir, that those :paragraphs which you
have heard read are not the only paragraphs in which,
under the most solemn forms known to the Constitution,
the subject of the representation of the people has been
brought under tho notice of Parliament. By no less than
five Administrations, in no less than six Queen's speeches.
before that of the present year, the House of Commons
has been acquainted by the Sovereign, advised by her
constitutional Ministers, that, in their judgment,
the time had come when the representation of
the people ought to undergo revision. It is need-
less to refer to the terms of those speeches, but
it will be recollected they have not been delivered exclu-
sively at periods when one side of the house was in power.
(Hear, hoar.) In 1860 and 1859, by both parties those so-
lemn pledges were given in the face of the country. And
having much to state to the house, I shall not Unnecessarily
occupy their time on this occasion by discussing the gene-
ral grounds of the question, whether there ought to be a
revision of our electoral system, and whether the franchises
of the people ought to be extended. With such an accu-
mulation of authority from every quarter in my favour, I
hold it would be superfluous for one moment to debate that
general question. (Hear, hear.) I will assume that by
these declarations, so repeatedly and earnestly made, the
general ground of justification is established under which
her Majesty's present government are warranted in laying
before you a proposal relating to this important question
I venture to request from the house, not only for myself,
the patience and indulgence which I have received at its
hands time innumerable, but likewise for the question I
have to introduce, that grave and earnest attention which
belongs to a matter of such a serious order. (Hear, hear.)
It may be said with respect to the origin of this question,
that it is emphatically the work of the House of Commons
Let me remind the house, as the timo has now long gone
by, and as many have taken their seats on these benches
for the first time—let me remind the house of what hap-
pened in the beginning of the year 1851. And I must say
that the event which then occurred was of a nature to
saddle the responsibility connected with the introduction
of thisquestion, in a high and peculiar sense, not on one or
another government, but upon the body of the House of
Commons. (Hear, hear.) It was an independent member,
the hon. member for Surrey (Mr. L. King), who; on Feb
20, 1851, moved for leave to bring in a bill to grant a £lO
occupation franchise in counties. The sole opponent of
that motion was my noble friend at tho head of the Govern-
ment. Every other speaker, either approved or was silent
on the occasion. (Laughter.) Every other usual speaker
every other authority of this house—either approved or
was silent on the occasion. Tho Government wore beaten
by a majority. The minority consisted of 52 members,
and among these 52 there were not, I think, more than 12
or 15 who sat on the benches of the party opposite ; so that
it cannot be denied that the first initiation of the subject,
in the form in which it now comes before us—having begun
as to extending the county franchise only, it was perfectly
well known that a change in the county must cause a
change in the boroughs also—the initiation of the subject
was in a peculiar sense the work of the House of Commons
—and therefore, in inviting yeu to co-operate with us, the
advisers of the Crown, in endeavouring to bring it to a
solution, I am inviting you not merely to relieve us from a
difficulty, but ho)v to work 4 pubject that is of common ill-

terest to yourselves. The election of a new Parliament
naturally made the Government feel that the time has
arrived when it was right the sense of the representatives
of the people should be again taken with regard to the
laws which regulate our electoral system. The duty of
the Government was a very plain one. No doubt they

had before them the record of former failures ; no doubt

they had to deal, as was obvious, with the state of the pub-
lic mind—not clear, definite, and resolute, but rather bewil-
dered and indecisive. But their duty was plain. It was to

examine the materials of the case, to cast aside every consi-

deration narrower than those that belong to a great public
and national interest—not to inquire what would be for the
benefit or convenience of this party or that—(hear, hear)—to
be more studious of the substance than of the shadow or the
_ _

need of their own constituencies-7tOWil;TheWinincl; and
the best powers at their commands to the framing of a
prudent and an effectual measure, and then to await the
issue at the hands of Parliament ; but so far as depended
on them, having framed that measure, to sustain and sup-
port it with all the energy and decision in their power.
(Cheers.) The first question we had to consider was a most
important ono ; it was whether we were to attempt legis-
lation in the present :session, or whether we should be
content with mere inquiry. It was beyond all dispute that
a careful examination of the facts of the case lay at the
very threshold. It was want of information, definite and
authentic information, which formed the greatest matter
of contention during the debates in the year 1860. It was
scarcely possible in that year to get clearly at the points in
issue. Such wore the doubts, such the misgivings, such
the scepticism, with regard to the figures on one side and
the other, we felt that if we were to come to an issue upon
the merits of the case we must endeavour to make both
ourselves and Parliament masters of the facts of the case.
(Hear, hear.) Well, we did not delay. I believe at the
first Cabinet meeting after the funeral of our lamented
head, but certainly before approaching any other domestic
question of a public character, we applied ourselves to
i con-
sider and to frame heads under which the necessary nfer-

mation may be obtained. As soon as these could be framed,
the necessary measures were taken for obtaining that in-
formation, and I am bound to say that the assistance re-
ceived from the Poor-law Department, and in particular
the labours of Mr. Lambert, who has been the person prin-
cipally concerned, were, in point of ability and assiduity,
everything that we could desire. (Hear, hear.) And I think
that if members, whether they sit on this side of the house or
that, will institute an examination of the volume which has
been laid on the table, they will admit that in the collec-
tion of that volume tho time has not been misspent, and
they will likewise admit that they have found the advan-
tage of approaching the consideration of this important
question with such a knowledge and such a mass of facts
as was never before collected. (Hoar.) We, therefore, can
truly say that no time has been lost. Had we found that
it was not possible by the means at the command of the
Government to obtain information which should. be full in
its scope and range, and authentic and trustworthy in its
character, we should have no hesitation in seeking the aid
of Parliament, and postponing legislation until such infor-

mation had been obtained. But when we saw what could
be done, and when, as materials had begun to grow in our
hands, we perceived what could be done, we had no doubt
of satisfying both branches of the Legislature with regard
to the sufficiency of our knowledge, and therefore we had
not the least hesitation in pledging ourselves so early as
the commencement of the session to the introduction of a
measure on the subject. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, I have
been anxious to explain how it is that the time has been
spent not merely for the reason—comparatively of secon-
dary importance—that there had been, here and there, not
unnaturally, some indications of a disposition to murmur
at the delay in the production of these papers, or to ascribe
it to hesitation, or want of purpose on the part of the Go-
vernment. Sir, undoubtedly that has not been the case ;
and so anxious have we been to give the House of Com-
mons, so far as we could, the same means of judging
with ourselves, that 1 can truly state that on Friday
evening, I for one could not obtain for my own use
a complete and finished copy of these . papers ex-
cept the copy which was laid upon the table of the
House of Commons, and which of course passed out
of my hands. But the question of time has an importance
very different from that which it derives from its connec-
tion with vague rumours or vague imputations. It has
this importance, that it is now the 12th of March when I
make to yon the first proposal, and that, adverting to the
approach of the Easter recess, it would not be possible for
us to ask you to read the bill a second time until the
second week of April. Therefore, sir, we have felt, as
prudent and as practical men, we had to measure what our
powers might be with regard to the legislation in the pre-
, sent session, and of course the question arose for conside-
ration, Are we to have what is called a complete measure,
or aro we to have one that is incomplete ? Now, sir, I
would ask members of the house to consider what is meant
by a complete revision of our representative system ; and
I must omit from the idea of a definition of a complete re-
vision, or from the explanation of it, some branches of
legislation which are favourites, or which have been
favourites, with some members of the house, but which we
as a Government do not admit it to be necessary or de-
sirable to take into consideration. Ido not refer to such
questions as secret voting or the question of the shorten-
ing of Parliament, but I allude to what would strictly be
admitted to belong to a complete revision of our represen-
tative system ; for we, like every one else, aro sensible of
the immense advantage which would attend an operation
by which you are enabled to deal with the whole range
of the question at a single stroke. (Hear, hear.) But,
in the first place, there must be a consideration of the
franchise in England and Wales, and there must
be—and perhaps it is still more urgently required—a con-
sideration of the franchise in Scotland. The subject of
the Irish franchise, too, must be considered, although that
is in a simple state, because the nature of the present
electoral arrangements is much more perfect as far as
the machinery is concerned. Then comes not one
question, but the whole group of questions, which aro
included in the common phrase of "redistribution of
seats." The question between the three kingdoms—the
question between town and country—the question between
total extinction of the capital punishment such as was
inflicted in schedule A, between the milder method of
amputation administered in schedule B, or that mildest
method of all, which was that adopted by my noble

friend at the head of the Government in 1852—1 mean
the method of grouping towns together. (Cheers.) All
these are matters that must go under careful considera-
tion. Then there comes another question that can never
be avoided when you review the electoral system, namely,
the consideration of whether in all cases the present
boundaries of boroughs are such as the exigencies of
those boroughs naturally require. To meddle with the
boundaries of boroughs for the sake of affecting the
question of town and country representation and the
balance of interests would, in my opinion, be a gross
abuse ; but, on the other hand, what aro called the natural
boundaries of each borough, as determined by the public
convenience from time to time, is not only natural and
useful, but it is an essential part of any complete review
of our electoral system. There is, I am sorry to say,
another matter belonging to that review which I do not
believe to be less urgent now than at any other period—
that is, to consider the state of the law with respect to
corrupt practices. (Cheers.) We do not intend to make any
promise upon this subject ; it is as difficult as it is im-
portant ; but I am afraid the urgency for it is in no degree
diminished, and undoubtedly it cannot be passed over by
any Government attempting io make a complete review of
the representative system. Then, clearly, there is the
important question of the provision—no doubt of a less
arduous nature, but still fairly a question—for the ad-
ministration of all machinery connected with the work-
ing of the proceedings at elections. Well, Sir, these sub-
jects, great in themselves, and complex in themselves,
have been further complicated by the speculations of
many men of great ability and great authority, who have
thought that the time has come when, taken on the one
side, the demand for the extension of the franchise, and
on the other side the difficulty which we have to
encounter with respect to an undue distribution of power
among the different classes of the community—the, time
has come when, introducing propositions in one form or
another which are of importance, one or other or several of
them may be supported by arguments most ingenious, and
by authorities most weighty—propositions of which it may
be emphatically said, that they are in the old English sense
innovations, and which as being innovations never came
under the review and criticism of this house without a
careful, searching, and jealous examination. (Cheers.)
Was it possible for us to suppose that as we now stand we
could expect that Parliament would give itself to the com-
plete review I have described in the present session ? It is
very good, it is very much conformable to the habits of
this country, and to our constitutional practices, to enter-
tain a high idea of what we call the omnipotence odfevon
Parlia-
ment. Time and space cannot yet be annihilatewhatevetro.
make lovers happy, or for any other purpose
command, and the position
in
wwhith these subjects. Nei-
therknowatourre-
gardsourcommand, of these queslions is
very
difficult
Io think,ans wseoriarAa as wefronr the house for the in-
propose the second reading
can reekon,ofiftihvies
ot rno
thedu tli2o
tnh April, and supposing the measure to live vn ol esahvael 1
be-
tween the 12th April and the middle of July, which I think
will be the latest period at which such a bill could be sent
up to the House of Lords, I find the Government nights
would amount to twenty-four, and one-half at least of those
must necessarily be occupied by the financial business of
the nation and of supply, and beyond that we shall have
nothing to depend upon but the charity of private mem-
bers and the crumbs, which may fall into our lap. (Oh !
oh !) What have we found in former years ? In 1860 we
spent months, I may say, in trying to do nothing, but there
is one example, the great example of the Reform Act,
which may give us some idea of the time occupied by a
complete review of our electoral system. One single bill of
the three out of which the Reform Act grew— one single ono
of those three bills—occupied in one of its three forms 50
nights of the House of Commons. I believe I should under-
state the case if I said that 100 nights at least were requi-
si_ h for the complete review of the electoral system which
was achieved in 1831 and 1832. It may be said, and said
. very truly, that at that time there was a political heat and
excitement and apprehension that does not 11Q1Y exist. I

do not suppose anysuch review as I have indicated would
require a less amount of time in the present day. Then let
me point out the time occupied in passing that act, which

was not loss than six or eight times the extent of that

which is now even the most sanguine estimate of our timo

You did then completely review the electoral system ; but
then, in order to do so, you turnedday into night and sum-
mer into winter, and you called upon man to sacrifice all
his domestic obligations, and you made every one give way
to your resistless and determined will ; and you sacrificed
unjustly sacrificed, but you were compelled to do it—all
other legislation which required debate and serious discus-
sion for two years. These are not tho circumstances in
which we now stand. We may now reckon, I have no
doubt, upon very fair and indulgent treatment with respect
to the progress of a measure of this kind. Do not let It be
supposed for a moment that I am apprehensive of what is
called obstruction. The other day my eye fell upon a pas-
sage uttered a few years ago by the right hon. gentleman
opposite (Mr. Disraeli). In 1860 he said we should
treat this subject without delay, but with that deep
and deliberate investigation of a great subject which

was in accordance with the freedom of discussion for

which the Parliament of England was characterised. And

the right hou. gentleman was justified in that observation,
and we should be guilty of a breach of duty if we should
now follow any other course. We do not doubt for one
moment that the first point of importance is that which re-
lates to the enfranchisement of large masses of our fellow-
countrymen, who aro now excluded from the electoral suf-
frage. When I use the words large masses do not let me
be misunderstood. I mean large numbers. We have thought
it right to lay upon the table such a bill as that on which
WO could ask the judgment of Parliament, and not that

which would add to the discreditable failures that have

already occurred—one which would be still more disastrous

and discreditable. A question from an hon. baronet oppo-
sito has already given me an indication as far as the Scotch
franchise is concerned. We must not suppose that we can
support this question of England without being prepared to
deal with it in Scotland. We admit that the present plan
is incomplete, and perhaps it will be asked, will you com-
plete it 2 I have ever been averse—and I think it is an
aversion justified by general observation and experience—
I have ever been averse to deal in pledges for future periods.
Because such is the number and variety of circumstances
which must affect the position and duties of the Govern-
ment of an empire like this at future periods that, in my
opinion, we must leave it to the future to determine the
opportunities to deal with important questions. But lam
free to say—while I am convinced that the question, the
group of questions, included in the complex idea of Parlia-
mentary Reform is beyond the power of any one session,
and that which remains of the present—l think there can-
not be the smallest doubt, if the Government find it their
duty to take this subject in hand, we are convinced that
the present Parliament is perfectly competent to discuss
and decide it. (Laughter and cheers.) Having arrived at
the conclusion that we ought to deal with the question of
parliamentary representation, it was obvious to us that if we
did not revise the bill for which we were certainly respon-
sible as a Government, and one the greater part composed
of the same individuals of 1860, at least it formed for us
the natural starting point of inquiry. I will first of all
take the question of county representation. That question
is happily set, I will not say with intrinsic difficulties, but

with much less jealousy and much less apprehension than
the question of representation in the boroughs. In the bill
of 1860 a proposal was made that we should adopt the bill
of my hon. friend the member for Surrey, to reduce the
occupation in counties from ..£5O to £lO. What we now
propose is a modification of the plan of my hon. friend. My
statement is not precisely accurate in saying reduce ; but
it is sufficiently accurate for general purposes. We propose
to reduce the county franchise in counties from .C5O toXI4.
(Laughter, and cries of "Hear, hear.") This franchise will
not precisely correspond with the £5O franchise as it now
casts. We leave the £io franchise precisely as it now
stands. The occupation franchise which we propose be-
tween £5O of value and £l4 value will be an occupation
franchise, not cf land alone, but of house or of house and

land. (Hear, hear.) That is the nature of the plan. Ther©
is no great difficulty in estimating from the papers which
have been laid upon the table the amount of enfranchise-
ment which these changes will produce. It would corres-
pond as nearly as possible with the effect of a £l2 rating
franchise. If hon. gentlemen will refer to the volume of
statistics furnished with respect to the£l2 rating franchise,
they will find that its effect, after making a proper deduc-
tion from those who do not claim, and for those who do not
occupy a sufficient time, that it would add to the present
list—present number of county voters—about 171,000 per-
sons. Now, it maybe asked, why do we not go down to
the limit of £lO ? Ido not know. I certainly cannot say
that there is any danger as far as 1 am able to discern.
But, upon the whole, what we think is this, that by the
change which is now recommended we shall obtain not
only a very large but a very independent addition to the
county constituency. At least we think this, that by
going from £l4 to £lO we should probably render it not
more but less independent. We do not anticipate the
existence of jealousy or apprehension with regard to this
considerable enfranchisement, bcause I think that it
will be held on all hands—l certainly entertain the opi-
nion strongly—that it must be viewed as a middle-class
enfranchisement, in the same sense, or rather more
strongly than that in which the present franchise is a
middle-class franchise. We have looked further into this
matter to see whether, under the present law, there were
interests of a strictly proprietary character connected with
tenure belonging to the county which was not provided
for. And wo found this state of the law with regard to
the county franchise derived from property within the
limits of boroughs—l mean cities. We found that a man
possessed of a 40s. freehold within a borough drew for the
40s. a county vote, but if he had a copyhold or a lease-
hold—which is rather common, but which is just as true a
proprietary interest as the 40s. freehold—he was not en-
titled to vote for it in the county. We therefore propose,
by a clause in the bill, to place the possessor of copyholds
and leaseholds within the limits of the boroughs, and sub-
ject exactly to the same definitions which now govern the
right of voting beyond those limits. We propose to ex-
tend it to them, and so exactly, under the same conditions,
to come upon the county voting. 1 cannot estimate the
numerical effect of this. It would not be possible to ob-
tain materials for the purpose, but it cannot be large. I
think it must be good as far as it goes—(hear, hear)—be-
cause it is a kind of representation thoroughly germane to
the nature and purpose of the county constituency. I comp
now to another topic, and the only other I need, affecting
the county. I allude to the subject of those franchises
other than those of tenure and of occupation, which have
been called special franchises and bye franchises. [An Box.
MEMBER —What franchise ? J Special franchises and by©
franchises. A number of these franchises were proposed
by Lord Aberdeen in tho bill of 1854, and I think the last
was even extended in the bill of 1859. We have very care-
fully considered the motive of those franchises, and the

question that bears on their introduction. There is one of
these special or bye franchises which we shall recommend
to the favourable consideration of Parliament—the savings-
bank franchise. As far as it goes, this franchise meets a
feeling prevalent in the country, and one to which we are
disposed to give way—that it is desirable to include within
the constituent body, by a method of spontaneous selection,
men who could not be included by any kind of franchise
founded on the old principle of occupation or tenure. It
was true, without doubt, that provident habits enable many
persons in early youth and in humble circumstances, net
having any holdings, to amass little stores by the time
they came of age, and thereby to entitle themselves to take
part in the choice of those who are to govern the country.
A savings-bank franchise has this advantage—that it is not
attended with any complication of tenure or title. An in-
spection of his savings-bank book will tell you at auY
moment whether a man is qualified as a savings-bank de-
positor. We, therefore, propose that all adult males who
are depositors of £5O or upwards in a savings-bat?kie, and
place
have passed that deposit for two years, shall be entitled dt()
be registered for the place where they reside
would reside would commonly be outsliddehe
admitted by
where the voters who would come in untdhoor.
ttohTwisnos,labueset,
number of per
cause in towns the bulk of them .could be
other franchises. With regard to
this franchise, it il
sons who would bo admitted _
ion depositorss of £5O, and that
there are 91,000 true that tho recent saa
iv g %auk returns show that
adult
meld their deposits for two years.
of these 87,000
have
ecohllect that a large number of these
But then we
iu mind the deduction that is to be made
must also bear in
nt effect of any provision for the exten-
mbousatdiuitted by other franchises ; and we
franchisere when that franchise is accompanied
condition of making an annual claim, which is
fp;ornms oottnfhhsteehWea_iilpal
with
inevitable in this case. If this franchise adds 10,000 or
15,000 to the number of voters, I believe that it is the out-
side ; but it is good so far as it goes, and we believe it will
have a tendency gradually to extend itself. That completes
what I have to say as to the county franchise. The en-
franchisement of the counties will be a middle-class enfran-
chisement. It will not give the working classes an irlrderd....
share in the representation ;on the contrary, 1
dimi—
nish that share proportionally, because the repi
of the working classes, which in counties
is
grolortion of
ctroelsnvelfinnt totdt i otuo
come to the
the smaller freeholders, will form a smalnlcorif
the county voters than it did before.
btiotants of towns., for
borough franchise. It will conduce
call attention to the fact that the inhrao
to be dealt with in.
'clearness if 1 first-
the purpose of enfranchisement,
rented building,
in-
habit a separate house, or otherrseepthe
proper objects of the
:o.aftetihyose men who
four distinct classes. One consists
and pay their rates;
thosethose are
who inhabit their owa
householders. Nest
separatelycome those
rated, but who do not pay
house, or who are by their landlords, under
Reform Act of 1832, and
lose I shall call ratepaying
their own rates, which are paid
under local acts ; those I shall
the Small Tenants'
regard to whom it appears that they
class of persons withl
law claiin to enfranchisement, but whose
have now in
I mean those who inhabit a part of
designate- compound householders. Thirdly, there is a
rates, andwhose
house, but who do not pay their own
a not separately rated. Lastly, there are
habitations are
properly so called—that is, persons who hold and
lodhgahelts,
rooms of their own, but who are inmates of the
claim is rarely valid.
.house and family of another man. The two first classes:
we think, are properly householders ; the two latter, wer
think, must 10 regarded as lodgers, and dealt with as' Ruch