The Sun.
London, England, 1835-02-23 00:00:00

Manners Sutton from personal feelings, who
would have been ashamed to appear in the Tory
ranks upon any other question—is not, it seems,
enough for them !--they want another trial—a trial
upon the Address—and they shall have it, and no
mistake. Peel, yesterday, in walking towards Charing-
cross, and no doubt to chapel, where he has much
need to say his prayers, and ought to say his prayers,
and ought to say them, after the alarm, agitation, and
excitement into which his acceptance of office has
thrown the country, exhibited an expression of coun-
tenance which H. B. might put into print, but which
it is impossible to describe. Pale—haggard—care-
worn—disappointed—sick at heart—ill at ease with
himself—and, in justice let us add—for we shall be
impartial—scornful of those who had defeated and
trampled upon him—and yet anxious to show courage
in the midst of defeat I but we leave him, re-
arettina that he has thrown not only his business
0 0
talents, but his principles, into the hands of a
faction, which uses him as one of its tools—does
not appreciate his merits, small as they are—and with
which, within less than a few weeks, he will die a po-
litical death. The question—the question of all ques-
tions—is to be tried to-morrow—the question of confi-
dence or non-confidence in his. Majesty's Ministers.
The vote on the Speakership would have rendered it a
matter of honour with any honourable Administration
to have resigned at once ; but a Tory Government,
though corrupt in almost every respect, is sound in one
particular—it will stick to office while office is profit-
able, and to the helm of the vessel while there is a
spar left on which the shipwrecked can make their way
on shore. There is now in consequence one simple
duty to be performed by all true representatives of the
people, and that is, to be present in their places to-
morrow to vote in favour of the amendment to the Ad-
dress, which the Duke of Welliogton, under the guise
—not the direction—of Sir R. Peel, will, through his
organs, move in both Houses of Parliament. We
learn, with regret, that many Reform Members
hrive left town, under the impression that, having voted
out Sir Charles Manners Sutton, they had nothing
more to do, and that the Ministry would resign as a
matter of course. They must return immediately and
be present to-marrow. We do not hoist our black
flag again ; but every Member absent may gratify him-
self by anticipation, in being numbered with those who
are traitors to themselves—their King, and country.
Every constituency ought to look after its Members on
this question—and we doubt not, from the number of
letters which we have received on the subject, that
there will be deputations from almost every part of the
United Kingdom, to make sure of the conduct of those
who have promised to guard them from the infliction
of a Tory Government. We have, however, no fears
on the subject. We gave the majority in favour of
A bercromby within one of the actual amount of votes
—we undertake with equal certainty, that the amend-
ment to the Address shall be carried.—Morning Ad-
vertiser.

Now that the question of the Speaketship is dis.
posed of, we wish to see the real business of the nation
commenced. But other struggles of faction are threat-

ened to prevent the necessary business of the country
being transacted, with the view of forcing back upon
the King that section of the Whigs whose misconduct
and treachery caused Earl Grey himself to throw up
the reins of power in disgust, and to abandon to its
folly and its fate the Cabinet of his own formation ;
not indeed the original Grey .Cabinet—that had lost
all its better and nobler element&—Stanley and
Graham, Richmond and Ripon had gone. They had
marched in the road of Reform with their colleagues,
but they would not accompany them on that which
they clearly saw was leading to destruction. After
the secession of the ablest and most respectable mem-
bers of his Cabinet, Earl Grey lingered in his place
a short time, fondly imagining that his authority
was sufficiently strong, and his band steady to keep the
machine of Reform in operation within safe and Con-
stitutional limits. He was grievously mistaken. He
had soon reason to repent of his too credulous confi-
dence in the good feeling and good faith of the col-
leagues that remained. His own familiar friends
plotted against him. They opened a confidential in-
tercourse with O'Connell behind his back. The reck-
less disturber of his country, whom the King's Speech
had denounced in the beginning of the Session, be-
came the adviser, or rather the dictator, of the King's
Cabinet before that SesSion terminated. Who can
forget the disgraceful scene arising out of that confi-
dential intercourse, in which Mr. Littleton and the re-
peal agitator figured in the House of Commons ? Who
can forget the scandalous tergiversation of Ministers
with.regard to the Coereion Act, and the expunging
the clauses against the political agitators. which they
had just before declared to be indispensable to the pro-
tection of the peasantry from the artifices of the dem-
goguos who excited them to agrarian outrage and
crime ? Who can forget the pretended resignation of
Loyd Althorp, the real resignation of Lord Grey,
and the return of the former to office when he found
that the door of the Cabinet was closed on the father
of Reform for ever ? Who can forget the bitter tears
shed by Lord Grey in the Senate, when, in his fall
from power, he felt, as the sterner Roman did, the stab
of more than one familiar hand ? But the Whig-
Radicals, who would throw the country into a commo-
tion to bring back those Ministers to power, seem to
act upon the presumption that the public have for-
gotten all those things. Presuming upon that obli-
vion of their misdeeds it was that Mr. Denison said
the Melbourne Ministry had not been tried before it
was condemned 1 The section of the Whigs in whose
behalf the struggle is now made we need hardly re-
mind the country, after what we have stated, are only
the baser part—the rump of the Grey Cabinet. Inde-
pendently of their other delinquencies, they were all
men who took an active part in forwarding, to the
neglect of the real business of the Session, the un-
christian, inhuman, and unconstitutional Poor Law
Amendment Bill, under the operation of which,
wherever it is really carried into execution, the cry of
the perishing poor goes up to Heaven from all
parts of the country. We are not surprised that
;iteli Reformers as Mr. Grote, or Mr. Hawes,
or Mr. Hume, who went all lengths—who went,
as the Americans say, " the whole hog" in sup-
port of the Malthusian Bill—we are not surprised that
such Reformers as these should strain every nerve to
force back again upon the King and country that class
of statesmen whom the labourers of England familiarly
call the " Workhouse Government." Those pseudo-
liberals, who wish to establish a- tyranny—the most
grinding to the working classes and the poor of all
tyrannies—act with consistency in endeavouring to re-
place the Malthusian Whigs in that position which will
enable them to incorporate still more of their un-English-
and anti-Christian doctrines with the law of the land.
It was not in their Poor Law Bill alone they showed their
contempt for those unprotected classes of their country-
men who, not having the elective franchise, are without
representatives in Parliament. They lent themselves to
the mill-masters in the struggle of humanity against the
infant-bondage, the white slavery of the factory-system.
They set aside Mr. Sadler's Bill, which Lord Ashley
conducted, after the services of its author were lost to
the suffering poor of his country. They adopted a Bill
suggested by the masters themselves—notwithstanding
all the provisions of Mr. Sadler's Bill were sustained
by unanswerable evidence, more especially by that of
a host of medical witnesses—and now, even the little
protection Which the present Factory Bill affords the
infant white slaves from the most sordid oppression
that ever sacrificed the health and morals of the pour
on the altars of Mammon—even that little protection
the mill-masters wish to have removed ; and as they
generally supported the Whigs at the elections, we
have little doubt they will succeed, should those
Malthusian politicians recover their loSt power. Can
that class of Reformers,- who are liberal not in name
only but in principle—who opposed the Poor Law
Amendment Bill—who lament its effects and apprehend
from a perseverance in the system some destructive con-
vulsion—can those Reformers, we ask, who really de-
sire an- amelioration of the condition of the poor, a
recognition of the rights, and a restoration of the com-
forts of the working classes—can they desire that their
oppressors should have the means of carrying into
practice those doctrines which raise inhumanity to the
dignity of a science ? We -- should think not.
That the Whig Radical Opposition care nothing for
the country .or its interests, but that all their energies