The Sun.
London, England, 1866-05-25 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—Some time since, when the foremost
Prince of the Imperial House of Austria abandoned
his high station in the Empire, his right of su.:ces-
sion, his splendid home, and all the comforts and
tranquillity of European life to reign in another
hemisphere over an almost uncivilized people by the
protection of foreign bayonets, the world was startled
to find that the passion for a Crown was so strong
in princely breasts. If the Archduke Maximilian
could be tempted by Mexico, no wonder that Prince
Charles of Hohenzolleren has not been able to resist
the offer of the Principalities. The Archduke was
one of the greatest personages in Europe ; Prince
Charles is of much less exalted rank. The Arch-
duke is the brother of the Emperor ; the Prince,
though connected with Royalty, is but a captain of
Prussian Dragoons. On the other hand, a more
pleasant and comfortable Throne may be found in
the Principalities than in Mexico. The title of Em-
peror assumed by the emigrant Archduke may be
grander, the territory he hopes to rule is far more
vast, and the elements of untold wealth abound.
But to realize this greatness and these riches in se-
curity may be beyond the power of a foreign Sove-
reign, confronted with a turbulent people and op-
posed with strong antipathy by the great Republic
which is his neighbour. The Danubian Principali-
ties, though they have their drawbacks, might fur-
nish a more easy and more permanent Throne.
They have nearly four millions of people, who are
for the most part quiet and industrious, easily
governed, and having a high notion of the greatness
and capacity of real European Princes. The soil
is fertile, the production abundant, the finances
may be made satisfactory, and there is
no reason why a ruler who understood
his subjects might not take a most respectable
rank among the minor Potentates of Europe.
Prince Charles has appreciated these advantages,
and has not waited for repeated solicitations. Old-
fashioned Royalty may see something undignified in
his conduct, but the practical and positive character
of the age must have' its effect even ou Princes. A
delicate and fastidious refusal of a good thing until
it is actually forced upon one is not after the fashion
of the 19th century. Prince Charles probably be-
lieves that the will of the people will give both the
right and the power to govern, and after making
sure that they are really in earnest he has entered
Bucharest. His reception has been enthusiastic.
When he arrived, on the afternoon of the 23d, the
church bells rang, the authorities presented him
with bread and salt, he visited the Chamber of
Deputies and the Metropolitan Church, and in the
evening the town was illuminated. The National
Assembly, called by the Provisional Government
after it had dismissed the Legislature that existed in
Couza's time, joined its acclamations to those of
the people, and, if the demonstrations of the capital
are to be trusted, Prince Charles of Hohenzollern is
now the most popular man in Roumania, and will be
maintained by the nation as its future ruler. There
are, however, great difficulties in the way of a set-
tlement. The Prince may be a very deserving young
man, and the Moldo-lVallachians may be enthusi-
astic in his favour. But in the existing constitution
of Europe there is no country which has so little
command over its own destinies as the Danubian
Principalities. They have long been fertile in
" questions ;" they are conversant with interven-
tions and occupations ; their seizure as " a material
guarantee" brought on the war of 1854, and since
its conclusion the present is the second Conference
which has been held on their affairs. The problem
diplomatists of Europe have set themselves to solve
is how to combine the complete forbearance of the
Porte from all interference in the concerns of the
Principalities with the full recognition of its Sove-
reign rights. One would suppose that when Europe
had come to the conclusion that the Principalities
should govern themselves, and not be governed by
the Sultan, the most reasonable course would have
been to dissolve the connection between them alto-
gether. This exclusively Christian community could
not be subjected to the direct government of Con-
stantinople, and the old administration by Hospo-
dars holding power for a few years at the pleasure
of the Porte would renew intolerable abuses. If the
country was to be independent in fact, it might have
been made independent in name. But the fears of
the statesmen who represented Europe prevailed to
maintain the Ottoman suzerainty. It was thought
that the Principalities would have a surer guarantee
of independence if they remained, even nominally,
a part of the Sultan's empire. The Western Powers
had interfered, and might be expected to interfere
again, to protect the Turkish possessions ; but if the
Principalities were made theoretically independent,
there might be a danger that Russia would gain
possession of them some time or another by force or
intrigue. We are not prepared to say that the diplo-
matists were wrong, or that the suzerainty of the
Sultan may not give the nations interested in the
fate of the Principalities more ready means of de-
fending them. But it ought not to be ignored that
in the last ten years the Principalities have made
considerable progress in self-government, and have
shown a strollg inclination for more complete inde-
pendence. Their first effort was to obtain political
and administrative union. Each of them had for-
merly had its separate Hospodar, and under the
Constitution each was required to elect a
ruler for itself. The Moldo-lVallachians over-
came the difficulty by electing Couza in both
provinces. Whatever may have been the vices
of his Government, the fusion of the two
provinces and the union of their inhabitants
into one people have-been consistently observed
under it. The union of the Principalities under the
name of Roumania was proclaimed in December,
1861, at Bucharest and Jassy, a national flag was
devised, and a common administration for the whole
country established. The next step towards na-
tionality is, in the opinion of the popular leaders,
to obtain a foreign Prince as Hospodar. They de-
clare that there is no native who has a position so
commanding as to be above rivalry. Any one of
their own race who is set up is sure to be the mark
of furious animosities on the part of those who think
themselves equally entitled to rule. A native may
be too timid towards the Porte, or too subservient
to Russia, or without sufficient influence to disre-
gard the possible menaces of Austria. The scion
of a Royal European stock would have the good-
will of the great families, and be able more effici-
ciently to protect the interests of the country. lie
would also confer on Bucharest the dignity of a
Court, and, being entitled from his precedent rank
to wear a crown, he might be able to hasten the day
when Roumania will be received into the sisterhood
of kingdoms. Such are the feelings which animate
this lately inert and apathetic race, bearing witness
to that impulse in the direction of national inde-
pendence which is the most remarkable movement
of our time. The Roumans having successfully
united the two Principalities by an artful com-
pliance with the letter of the law while evading its
spirit, now try an experiment of the kind. It is
necessary that the Hospodar of Roumania should
be a native. In order to comply with this require-
ment the National Assembly has unanimously
adopted a resolution declaring the father of Prince
Charles of Hohenzollern to be a naturalised
Rouman. How far the Powers will be satisfied
by this ingenious expedient remains to be
seen. Prince Charles, however, has already
taken possession. He proclaims that he
has been elected to the Throne by the free act of the
Rouman people, that he has forsaken his country
and family, and is henceforth a Rouman. On the
other hand, the Conference is to meet to-morrow,
at the invitation of the Turkish Ambassador, to de-
liberate on what has taken place. It is proposed
that the Conference shall protest against the pro-
ceedings of the Prince as an act of usurpation. Thus,
at a time when more important interests are to be
discussed, the affairs of this little State are likely to
give some trouble to the Plenipotentiaries, if they
persist in upholding their old opinions. As far as
the English people are concerned, we believe there
will be little objection to let the Roumans take their
own course. So long as the Russian frontier is not
advanced, we can only desire that each race should
live under the ruler and the institutions of its choice.
It is not consistent with justice or policy that any
community should be permanently governed by
Conventions and Conferences, nor that there should
be every now and then a talk of bestowing its ter-
ritory on a powerful neighbour as " compensation"
for some concessions in another quarter. The
Moldo-AVallachians have as much natural right to
freedom and nationality as the 'Venetians, and, if
they do not endanger the general interest of Europe,
there is no reason that they should not please them-
selves.

POST.—The duty on fire insurance, though not
absolutely vexatious in its character, has invariably
attracted special attention on occasions like the
present, when the Chancellor of the Exchequer
is engaged in pressing the Customs and Inland
Revenue Bill on the acceptance of the House of
Commons. The tax can hardly be termed vexa-
tious, because, although in one sense a tax on pro-
perty, it assumes that indirect form which almost
leads the public to lose sight of the fact that they
are paying any duty at all. When an insurer is
called upon for his annual premium he does not
often take the trouble of ascertaining how much
passes into the coffers of the insurance company
and how much into the national Exchequer. Nor
is the impost a particularly heavy one. Previous
to 1864 the duty amounted to three shillings on the
insured value of £lOO on all personal property ; but
in that year Mr. Gladstone effected a reduction of
one-half in respect to insurances on stock in trade,
the duty in other respects remaining unmodified.
In the course of last session a further remission was
made, and a uniform duty was imposed of one

shilling and sixpence per £lOO on insurances effected
on all kinds of personal property. There are some,
who consider that even this impost is too high, ana,
about a month since Mr. Sheridan gave notice of
his intention to move a resolution to the effect that
it should be further reduced. The member for
Dudley was, however, at the last moment induced
to withdraw his intended motion, and leave the
question of further remission unconditionally in the
hands of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Speak-
ing generally, however, it is not suggested that the
tax is disproportionately great, and those who pal
it do not themselves complain that it is oppressive.
But, nevertheless, the fire insurance duty numb
perhaps more opponents than any other spot'
source of the national revenue, not omitting the
malt duty and the income tax. The ground of ob-
jection is a peculiar one; it has already frequently,
been brought under the notice of the House 01
Commons, and last evening was, pursuant to
notice, again strenuously advanced, warmly cP-
vassed, and temporarily overruled. On the
motion
~
for the second reading of the Customs and Inlelf
Revenue Bill Mr. Hubbard moved, as an amen"'
ment, that the imposition of a duty on fire insur-
ance was inexpedient on account of the inequality
of its operation and its general prejudicial ten-
dency. Although, under existing circumstances, the
house acted wisely in negativing the amendment!
the issue raised was one which it would be incorrect
to suppose has been finally decided. The objections
which Mr. Hubbard and those who support hisvievla
take to the imposition of any duty whatever on in-
surances against the accidental destruction of pro'
perty have been advanced on so many previous
occasions that it will be necessary very briefly to
review them. The tax is one, it is said, which ope-
rates inequitably, because it is paid, for the
part, by men of limitel means, who are compel-I. e't
to insure the little property they possess again
loss ; whilst the rich, or those who are comparatively
so, may regard with indifference the possible eel'
tingency of the destruction of property which they
can easily replace. Again, it is a tax which virtu-
ally offers a premium not only to the wealthy but
to the improvident, since it is only the poor and
the prudent who pay it. It is also objected, with
much plausibility, that its tendency is directly Pre'
judicial to the best interests of the State, because/
as the wealth of the community is made up of the
wealth of the individuals who compose it, it is for
the interest of the state to hold out every possible
inducement to those whose means are limited. to
secure themselves against contingencies which ring?
otherwise so completely paralyse them as to nate
theth a source of weakness and not of strength
their fellow-citizens. It must be admitted that this
constitutes a long catalogue of objections, and
must also be acknowledged that they are objections
to which it is not easy to give satisfactory replies*
We are by no means certain that the wealthier
classes do not insure largely, and that a large Pet:
ton of the revenue annually paid into the Exche
quer from this source is not contributed by theta.
and therefore we cannot go so far as to say that
fire insurance duty is one from the payment ee
which the richer members of the community sr,.
practically exempted. But it is undeniable that the
existence of the tax, however moderate it may be,
must operate in deterring the poorer classes from;
effecting the insurance of the little property they
possess. An insurance is in the nature of a wage",
in which a company lays very large odds that Ceti
tain property will not be destroyed. The practiero3
effect, however, of imposing a duty on such wagers
is to make the company diminish the odds tbee ,
would otherwise lay, and thus render it less probab
that the bet they offer will be taken. It is, hold'
ever, so manifestly the interest of the State to ell,
it
courage prudence on the part of its members that
may safely be asserted as an abstract propositie"
that any tax the operation of which has a contra);
effect is impolitic. Thus far, then, Mr. Hubbar,
and those who supported his motion secured the 3d
'
hesion of the majority of the House of Commons'
But, when passing from the abstract to the concretetv
it was urged that the provisions for levying cleJ
on fire insurance should forthwith be rescindc"j
other considerations arose which it would have bee
puerile to lose sight of. From some source ert
another the vast revenues needed by the Governort
of this country must be supplied, and it necessamo
follows that some of the taxes by which they are
.5
supplied must be more objectionable than otheil
Direct taxation, for example, does not recomine„eut
itself to the public so well as indirect taxation ; i%O
nevertheless it has been found necessary to iniPe,
an income tax, and nearly every one is agreed as
the expediency of its imposition. And in like nit
ner the duty on fire insurance has its drawbae't;
but notwithstanding it has been found necessary t
continue it, for the simple reason that the amount
which it returns annually cannot, for the present
at least, be dispensed with;-. and no other less Ob-
jectionable tax can be devised to take its place'
For the ensuing year the Chancellor of the
-r-Alcl"
chequer has but a small surplus to dispose of, any
it has consequently been out of his power to effect
any substantial remission of taxation. However
desirous, therefore, he might have been of extin;
guishing the tax on fire insurance, it has been ell
of his power to do so consistently with his sale'?e
for reducing the national debt. With all its in-
conveniences, and they are perhaps more theoretical
than practical, it must last for at least another Year'',
But that Mr. Gladstone regards this tax with asinec.,
disfavour probably as Mr. Hubbard and Mr. Sheri
dau, is apparent from the fact of his having, in c.ell;
conformity with the tenour of certain resolutioit
passed by the. House of Commons, effected a clic,
derable remission on the duty in the course a t t
past two years. Insurers only pay half the areeelit
o f duty now which they paid in 1864, and it is 11
improbable,o
hence they will
if everything goes well, that two years
hence pay no duty at all.