The Sun.
London, England, 1835-03-23 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Mr. Ward, it is stated picks up the lost cudgels of
Mr. Hume, and is this evening to take his revenge for
failing to stop the supplies a few days ago, by now
persuading the House, if he can, to refuse the Army
Estimates. The hon. gentleman must know very little
about Ireland if he fancies that there is magic enough

in his abstract principle, touching the contingent con-
vertibility of Church revenue in some possible and spe-
culative cases to restore peace to the turbulent pea-
santry of Ireland, and so dispense with a standing arm)
for the protection of property and life. Will the pea-
sant find his landlord easier to deal with than the
clergyman ? Will he not pay more rent in proportion
as he pays less tithe? Will agitation be put down by
this measure, however politic ? Will the conspiracy
of the Popish priesthood, for the unsettlement Of all
property, and for a system of retaliatory confiscations ?
Believe it not, Mr. Ward, and put your motion in
your pocket. Should you, however, persis!, in it, we
call upon the House of Commons to consider calmly
what the proposition is which that motion substantially
in spirit, though not in letter, impli. It is this :
"No money shall be voted for these atmy : in other
words, the army is to be disbanded unless the King
will govern by Whig Ministers. True it is, that the
measure produced by Sir R. Peel is quite as good—
nay, in some respects better than that introduced by
the Whig Government last year ; but it must be re-
jected. No measure, however important—no business,
however essential to the welfare—even to the existence
of the State, shall he done, till the Whigs again are
seated on the Treasury bench." If we understand the
the character of English gentlemen, those are not mo-
tives with. which, either in or out of Parliament, they
sympathize.—Times.
It is understood that the motion of which Mr. Ward
gave notice on Friday night, for postponing the con-
sideration of the Army Estimates till after the discus-
sion on Lord John Russell's motion on the subject of
the Irish Church, will not be persisted in. It is also
understood that the Opposition do not mean to divide
on the bringing up the Report of the Resolutions on
Irish Tithes. As the time fixed for the main battle,
the 30th, is so near at hand, it has been thought by
persons, whose opinions are entitled to great respect,
that it would be better for the Reformers to avoid un-
necessary trials of strength, but to reserve themselves
for the great struggle on the Appropriation. In the
debate on Friday night, Sir Robert Peel stated that
the queStion with regard to appropriation ought
to the settled before proceeding with the Tithe
Bill. This may be said to furnish another rea-
son why the debate and division should take place
on the motion of Lord John Russell on the 30th,
rather than on the 'Report of the Resolutions. Mem-
bers, however, ought to be most assiduous in their
attendance the whole of this week. The Spectator
has published a list of no fewer than 121 Members
who voted in the Majority on the Address, absent on
Friday night ; and it is quite obVious that but for the
circumstance of the absentees being so very numerous,
and a few decided Reformers voting with Ministers,
instead of having a majority of fifteen, they would
have been in a considerable minority. Throughout,l
the whole week the business before the House will be.
of the most interesting character. This day the
Orange Societies form the subject of debate. To-
morrow the case of intimidation, brought before the
House by the Chatham petitioners, will form the
principal question. The conduct of Colonel Tremen-
heere is loudly reprobated in every quarter. We trust
the lesson to be react to this officer will not be thrown
away on other men in command.—Morning Chronicle.
The Sunday organ of the High Church party still
fights shy of the important subject of Church reform
a subject which might justly be called peculiarly its
own. This week its readers are again subjected to dis-
appointment, to another put-off, and that from a cir-
cumstance, as is alleged, over which the expectant
writer " has no control." Our contemporary. however,
ventures one suggestion on the composition of the
Church Commission, from which we must dissent. He
does not think the Commission half clerical enough,
and says that " the Church and the country would feel
infinitely more secure, and much better satisfied, if
some members were added to the Commission, to be
selected from the inferior grades of the sacred profes-
sion." We, on the other hand, are of opinion that
were there more laymen upon the Commission its la-
bours would, probably, be both more searching, and in
the end, perhaps, to the full as effectual and satisfac-
tory. The contrary opinion proceeds upon the mis-
taken idea that Churchmen alone are qualified to judge
of Church matters, and on this occasion on the subject
of Church Reform. Were the object one of Church
discipline merely, we could more readily fall into this
persuasion. As it is, the subject falls rather within
the axiom which defines men as bad judges in their
own cause. Besides, it is an evident mistake to sup-
pose that the great bulk of the Laity are not quite as
much interested in the welfare and integrity of the
Establishment as the Clergy can be; or are not, for the
most part, quite as well informed as to its true interests,
as well as the nature and extent of those Reforms by
which those interests are most likely to be upheld and
perpetuated.—Morning Herald.
The motion of which Mr. Ward gave notice on
Friday last, to the effect, " that on Monday (this day)
he would move the consideration of the Army Esti-
mates be postponed until after the decision of the House
on Lord John Russell's motion relative to the Irish
Church," will, we have every reason to think, be either
withdrawn or not pressed to a division ; the Hon.
Member, upon more mature reflection, being aware
that it would be not only unfair to the liberal side of
the House, to bring forward a motion of such grave im-
portance in the absence of so many of its Members,
but that a small majority upon it might prejudice that
of Lord John Russell, which stands for the.3oth, and
which will form the final test of confidence, or no confi-
dence, in his Majesty's present advisers. That the
Tories will sincerely, whatever they may profess, rejoice
at heart at this withdrawal, we do not believe. They
know their position too well, whatever they may affect,
to have any cause for just triumph—they are aware that
in the space of eight not very long days, they will re-
ceive that for which they have professed themselves
to be so eager, their just reward—they know that on
the 30th the battle of freedom, of consistency, of ho-
nour, and not only of English but of European freedom,
is to be fought, and that an army is mustering, and
will be mustered against them, upon which they can-
not bring any force of equal numbers, courage, or ho-
nour to bear—they feel that even on Friday night—
when they had a whip of their party, and a majority
of fifteen, in consequence of no fewer than 121 of the
Liberal Members being absent, and of Mr. Spring.
Rice haying taken his supporters by surprise by mov-
ing an unexpected amendment—they were virtually
beaten, and that there does riot exist the slightest
,
chance of a victory for them ; they know that the
day of their dissolution is at hand, and can neither
be evaded or postponed; and, therefore, however their
organs may be directed to assume the semblance of
joy, our readers may rest assured that no beam of
light brightens the hearts of their leaders, and that
whether their minds be made up or not for a re-
signation of the offices which they so shamefully
usurped, and for the retention of which they have re-
sorted to such inconsistent, and, consequently, disho-
nourable expedients,—their defeat—certain defeat, if
but two-thirds only of the Liberal Members do their
duty—will be celebrated as a national triumph. In the
meantime let us impress on these Liberal Members
the absolute necessity of not only being present in
their places on the 30th instant, when the great battle
is to be fought, but of being present every day during
the present week. Although no great motion may be
brought forward, nor any important division take place
in the course of the week, yet it is most important that
the Liberal Members should be in their places, not
only in case of any sudden division, but as a proof that
they are not betraying the interests of their consti-
tuents. The absence of 121 Liberal Members is a
- rather disagreeable pill to swallow. The 121 had
better take care that the carelessness of the public
interest which they have exhibited do not recoil upon
themselves.—Morning Advertiser.
In the last Political Register of the Honourable
Member for Oldham, we find the following passage

relative to the Marquis of Londonderry's resigna-

Lion :
" The Marquis of Londonderry must have been very cer-
tain that if he did not offer to decline they would have re-
quested him to decline, they well knowing that the House
would not suffer him to go to Russia. And the lofty Wel-
lington and the lofty Peel, authors of the sublime Bourbon
police, have thus crept out, not walked out, but crept out of
the difficulty."
We believe there are few better writers, and few
abler men, in or out of Parliament, than the Honour-
able Member for Oldham. Had his moral been equal
to his intellectual pre-eminence, he would have been a
blessing instead of a bane—an honour instead of a shame
—to his country. The vulgarity and the virulence of
the above passage we shall pass by. They constitute
the " essential difference" of the able and Honokrable
Member, and mindful of the maxim naturam expellas,
&c. &c., chassex la nature, elle revient an galop, or,
in the vernacular of which the Honourable. Member
is so admirable a master, " There is no making a silk
purse," &c. &c., we shall take them as matters of
course, and merely notice the malignant and unquali-
fied falsehood of which they are the appropriate vehicle.
" The lofty Wellington" in the House of Lords, " the
lofty Peel" in the House of Commons, neither " crept
nor walked out of the difficulty," but firmly and mo-
destly declared their determination to maintain the ap-
pointment. Lord Londonderry, with a feeling of chi-
valrous delicacy which we are not unreasonable enough
to expect the Honourable Member for Oldham either
to understand or appreciate, resigned. If by the phrase
" the House would not suffer him to go to Russia,"
the Honourable Member for Oldham means to insi-
nuate that the House could have prevented him, we
should recommend the Honourable Member in future
to eschew politics, and stick to , agriculture.—Morn-
ing Post.

SECOND EDITIO

SUN OFFI CE, Seven o'clock.

THE PARLIAMENT.

(THIS EVENING.)

HOUSE OF LORDS.
The Earl of SHAFTESBURY presided in the absence of the
Lord Chancellor.
The NOBLE EARL presented a petition from a parish in
Stirling, praying for protection to the Established Church.
Petitions to the same effect were presented by Lord Wham-
cliffe ; the Earl of Roseberry, from Dumfries; and the Duke
of Richmond, from Dundonald.
The Duke of WELLINGTON moved that there be laid
upon the table a copy of Correspondence between Sir Henry
Hardinge and the Board of Education in Ireland.—Ordered.
NEWSPAPER STAMPS.
Lord BROUGHAM said he had a petition to present,
which being of a different nature from that he presented on a
former evening, as it contained no charge against any person,
but merely attacked a system—as it merely stated opinions,
in all of which he most cordially concurred—he would
resume his old practice, and open the matter of the
petition to their Lordships. The petition was signed
by hundreds of the most respectable inhabitants of Lon-
don. In looking over it he found the names of Pro-
fessor Seuthwell and Birkbeck, Mr. Grote the Banker and
Member for the city, and many others of that class, and it
called their attention to the Stamp Laws as affected Newspa.
pers. The Stamp upon such property was the largest of
any now in existence—the Salt tax was the only one
which could in former times be compared to it. The paper,
however, was virtually sold for twopence, and upon that
a si amp duty of 4d. ; certainly there was upon that a small
drawback allowed, but that was counterbalanced by the
difficulty often found in getting in that money which
had been laid out in one sum for the stamps. Taking
that into consideration, he was justified in taking that
tax as one of 200 per cent. Papers were very useful things—
they did not contain mere gossip. Dr. Payley had stated them
to be both agreeable and advantageous to the public; but
the poor man had no chance of deriving any of the ad-
vantages, and was therefore deprived of the gratification
by the heavy price of 7d. being charged for a daily paper that
put it entirely out of the power of the poor man
to purchase it. By a calculation which he had made,
he found that the number of papers stamped and sold
throughout the whole country amounted to only 30 millions,
including papers of all sorts, daily and weekly, town and
country. That was a proportion amounting to not so much as
1-25th part of those sold in America, where the people had
the same taste for reading, for knowing what was going for-
ward amongst their representatives in the courts of justice, &c.
The proportion of the readers of newspapers in America was
1-25 or 1-80 more than those in England. If they took
the Northern Islands, Alderney and Jersey, the proportion was
between 16 and 20 times more newspapers sold there than in all
England besides. That was a proof the heavy burden of the
tax, and of its effect in curtailing the consumption of news-
papers. Another proof, and the only one he would mention
in addition to those already named, was, that during the last
15 years of the history of France, where a very small stamp
only existed, the increase was from 27,000 or 28,000
of the numbers of the newspapers sold, to 57,000 or
58,000, consequently the sale of newspapers was increased
there to more than double, and that during the comparatively
short period of fifteen years, although the habits of the people
of that country were more averse to reading newspapers than
those of England. Not only was this the cause of great loss to
those engaged in preparing newspapers, but particularly to
those who had a right to enjoy the privilege of knowing the
political features of the day ; and he would add that it was a great
loss to the country in reference to its best interests ; it was aloss
also to the Government, and to the cause of good, lawful, and
constitutional Government. That was his free and candid
opinion. He did not think there was one thing better calcu-
lated to -promote the interests of the people and truly
Conservative principles, he used the word Conservative in
its best sense, and not in its offensive snnse, but in its
strict sense, and in that sense there was nothing more conser-
vative than a constant, regular, and accurate knowledge of what
was done by the Government and Legislature of the country.
Nothing could be more conservative than that the people
should from day to day see the reports of both Houses
of Parliament, and have access to the full intelligence
of what is said by their Representatives, and by their
Lordships. They ought to be fully, constantly, cheaply,
and instantly supplied, and that would be one of the most
certain recipes that could be devised for the purpose of
carrying on the Government with safety, and for the
purpose of enabling the Legislature of carrying along
with it the approbation of the people, because it would
secure their intelligence and knowledge of what was doing.
It was, in his humble opinion the duty of the Govern-
ment, and one of its highest and most imperative
duties, not only to let the people judge of their acts, but to let
them know the laws by which they were to be governeed,
especially when a Government thinks proper to legislate,
he might say by the gross, rather than by the score, although
the former laws exceed 500 thick volumes, a Government that
legislates from the highest subject, and taking in the most
general subjects, those affecting the Constitution of the coun-
try, making that punishable which was not before so, and that
criminal which was not so before, going down from these high
subjects to the most minute matters even to legislating upon
the dimensions o; a pan in which a man must per-
form certain operations—( Great laughter)—and providing
for making the sides equal as well as parallel
(he would produce an act to prove that) and for enforcing the
mathematical truth by a penalty of 5/.—( Cries of " Hear,
hear.") He mentioned these things only to shew the ne-
cessity of these details going forth to the people who were
to act upon them. He did think he had a right to ask the
Government to let the people know the dangers to which
they would be exposed by violating any law, which they
might easily do in ignorance.—( Hear, hear, hear.) A man
ought to know wherein ho wus likely to become an offender.
What means had they of teaching. the people law but by afford-
ing them an opportunity of following these laws from their em-
bryo state, and learning the details of their Lordships' debates
from day to day in the public papers ? Another important use
of these vehicles of publib information was this. The
Courts of Law were, next to the procedings of the
Legislature, the most important objects to which the
public attention should be directed, and happily, it was a
subject, which, so far from being averse to, the people were
almost universally and most warmly attached. Nothing fur-
nished more matter for their perusal than the proceedings of
Courts of Justice, and next to making the laws known,_ it was the
duty of the Legislature to make the examples, which their
violation occasioned, known to thel public. What use, he
would ask, was there in hanging a person in the court-
yard of Lancaster Castle, before five or six hundred
persons, and forty or fifty Westmorelsnd peasants,
which was the system observed throughout the county palatine of
Lancaster? What was the use of making such an exhibition in a
place where the public could not see it, and when the criminals
were mostly from Salford, Manchester, Liverpool, and Oldham?
What object could be attained by making the punish-
ment of these malefactors a spectacle for the West-
moreland shepherds? What could be a greater absurdity,
and what could be more effectual in putting a check to crime,
than by allowing the public to read the details of crime and
its punishment. These executions should take place in public,
and although the number of persons who would attend them
might be still comparatively small, yet the moment the details
were published in hundreds and hundreds of newspapers, they
would be in possession of all those particulars as well as if
they had been present. It was almost as necessary that the
public should be warned by the fact that punishment followed
conviction, as that they should be invited to attend Courts
of Justice, and advised to flock, throng and rcquent,
on all civil and criminal trials.—( Hear, hear.) It was
impossible that all his Majesty's subjects could
be accommodated in these Courts, but the publication
of the trials in the newspapers afforded the means of in-
troducing and making present all the King's subjects
whom these Courts could not accommodate, or whose
various avocations could not permit them to attend.
This was another and prodigious advantage, which would
civilize and bring into subjection those parts of the
population—humanize them, if he might make use of
thatl expression—by making them understand the princi-
ples on which the laws were administered, reconcile them
I to harsh, necessarily harsh, provisions of the law, and give them

hat sort of feeling and respect for the Government, for the
Legislature, and for the laws, which would result ffom a more
universal reading by the people, of those articles of intelligence
which referred to the proceedings in Courts of Justice. Of that
he believed no man who took the trouble for one moment of
drawing his mind to the subject would entertain the slightest
doubt. Last of all, he would beg leave to mention what he
took to be a very important argument in favour of
these publications. Many of the most zealous of those
who had been for the last twenty or thirty years exerting
themselves, in all parts of the country, in endeavouring to
improve the education of the people of England, that was, by
providing for them the means oflearning the elementary branches
of education, and afterwards of providing for them cheap
useful, innocent, and cheap publications for their several
instruction and entertainment. He had found in all their
proceedings, that up to a certain point they would
go, but that beyond that point they could not go. Wherever
men were gregarious, wherever they flocked together in large
towns, it became tolerably easy to obtain admittance for cheap
and useful publications, whether religious or moral ; but then
was one class of the community, and one which formed a great
part of the whole population, among whom he, for his part,
had given over in despair all attempts at attaining the great end
which he had sought, and this was neither more nor less
than the peasantry part of the population. They
laboured, they lived in cottages, they were farm
servants, and they did not associate themselves with
persons more civilized than themselves, but they laboured
among persons of their own situation in life, and there-
fore it was impossible to gain access among them.
( Hear, hear.) It was found that, make those publications
as cheap as you would, they got into the manufacturer's house
into the town labourer's cottage, but across the threshold of the
farm or the peasant's houses they did not enter. This applied
chiefly to the rural population, but it appiied also to persons
resident in small towns. But a newspaper might get into a
farm-house, a country paper, or a town paper, but particularly
the local paper, at all events the news would get there, for very
often the door of the farm-house was closed against the paper,
because the Chancellor of the Exchequer had his hand on the
latch, and would not take it off so long as a tax of 4d. remained
on the newspaper. Well, then, perhaps they get once a
month a magazine, or once in three weeks, which
they did not read much, but anything like a regular
supply of papers they could not get. Hear.) Now he
would say that if papers could be circulated among them,
they would not only read what went on there in Parliament,
but among other things, there would not be such
nonsense talked as was frequently the case among the peasants.
If the peasants could get those publications to read, they
would not only be improved, but by and bye you would
be able to send among them a reading of a still higher
kind, and very soon they would get such a taste for
literature, as that, if you were to reimpose the tax,
which you had previously abolished, they would not, reien
then, abandon their reading—that had been the result of
his observation and experience.—( Hear, hear.) These
were, generally speaking, the grounds on which the petition
was presented ; they were very shortly stated—very clearly
and very distinctly, though somewhat in different terms
to those which he had stated in a sort of abstract.
Now as to the objections raised to this proposition, he was
persuaded that the revenue, by the post-office, by the ex-
cise of paper, and above all by the increase in the number
of good publications which it would occasion, would
be greatly benefitted. The revenue would be no loser,
and according to the calculations which the late Chancellor of
the Exchequer had in his possession, that it would receive
a very great encrease in the article, if the whole stamp duty
was taken off—( Hear, hear, hear.) It was said that the
consequence would be an encrease of the number of the
irreligious, immoral, seditious, illegal, and obnoxieus pnblica-
tions. There could be no greater mistake than this, though
a very natural one, if adopted without proper examination. These
immoral, seditious, and contemptible publications were now pub-
lished without a stamp. The late Attorney-General brought
several such publications under his (Lord B.'s) attention, to
have his judicial opinion respecting them. He showed
him ( Lord Brougham) 163 such publications, and, hor-
rible fact 1 99 out of 1000 of them were unstampnd.
and this was easily accounted for ; when a man pub-
lishes a libellous newspaper, in which ho recommends
assassination, and as he ( Lord B.) saw one, actually
lecturing the best means of setting fire to a hay stack—
when a man can brace his nerves to preach murder and arson
he requires but little additional courage to brave the Stamp
Laws. The cheap articles are sold for a penny—the
cheap, the obscene, the immoral, and licentious pub-
lications are supplied at a moderate price, while the
continuance of the stamp duty makes the respectable
article dear. The blasphemous paper pays nothing
—the contraband deleterious article is made accessible
to the public, and the wholesome one is unattainable
by them._( Hear.) Suppose a Dutchman brought into
this country deleterious contraband spirits, would an increase of
the duty on the domestic spirits prevent its importation, would
Rot the removal of the duty, on the contrary, remove the temp-
tation for smuggling the deleterious and unwholesome article?
He ought to state that there were other cheap publications
which were perfectly innocent and useful. He had made
enquiries of two newsmen, and found that the propor-
tion of these cheap publications—he meant the bad ones—
were as 16, 18, 32, and the utmost 56, whilst that of the:Sa-
turday Magazine, a more excellent publication, in-
stead of 56, was 750, and that of the Penny Maga-
zine, during the first year was 18,00. The tendency
of these good publications was to drive the bad ones out of cir-
culation. This showed that if the Stamp Duty, which tied
their hands was taken off, the success of good publications would
be assured, and proportionally greater than it was at pre-
sant. These were the grounds upon which he had formed
his opinions. He had known many who differed from
him, but who, upon considering the matter amongst themselves,
came over to his opinions. He hoped the House would give
the subject further consideration—there was not one upon
which attention could be better bestowed, and which tended
more to the enjoyment, the character, and the improvement of
he people.
The petition was then laid on the table, and the House ad-
journed at a quarter to six o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
The SPEAKER took the chair at half past three o'clock.
Mr. WALTER presented a petition from an individual,
named Charles Jarman, against the Islington Market Bill.
Mr. HODGE S presented a petition from the graziers of
Sevenoaks, and another place in Kent, against the Islington
Market Bill.
Major BE AUCLERK presented some petitions from places
in Surrey to the same effect.
The following Members took the oaths and their seats :
The Hon. C. E. Law (Recorder of the city of London), for
the University of Cambridge, in the room of the late Speaker;
Dr. John Nicholl, for Cardiff; James Mangles, Esq., for
Guildford ; and another Hon. Member, who was unknown in
the gallery.

SPIRIT LICENSES.
Mr. H. HUGHES presented a petition from the spirit
retailers of Oxford, complaining of the extra duty of fifty per
cent. charged on spirit licenses. As the Right Hon. Baronet
the Chancellor of the Exchequer had promised to take the
grievance complained of into his consideration, he (Mr. H.)
would confine himself to a brief statement of the allegations of
the petition. It alleges that while the large importers pay only
101. a year, publicans pay 15 gs., and that what are called gin.
palaces are exempted from the h-nposition of the extra duty. The
petitioners complained that in addition to this grievance, they
were liable to have soldiers billited upon them. Such was the con-
sequence of this alteration, that out of 140 licenses in Oxford,
30 have been discontinued. So it appeared that the revenue
was not benefited by the change as respects Oxford. He
moved that the petition be brought up.
Mr. MAC LE AN supported the prayer of the petition.
Lord EBRINGTON presented petitions of a similar nature
from Chumley and Appledon.—Ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. TOOKE moved that the copy of the Charter of the
London University, the return of which was ordered on his
motion of the 17th March, be printed.--Agreed to.
SEIZURE FOR MINISTERS' MONEY.
Mr. O'D WYE R presented a petition from the Rev. T.
Burke, a friar of the order of St. Augustin, whb was ap.
pointed to officiate in the convent Chapel of Drogheda in the
year 1832. The only support the Rev. Gentleman had was
from the voluntary contributions of persons attending !lie cha-
pel, which seldom exceeded twenty shillings a week. Out of
that sum were to be paid the wages of the organist, the bell-
ringer, town taxes, and other expenses. The chapeli it ap-
peared, was too small for the people, who were obliged to
congregate for divine worship at the most inclement season of
the year in the open air. Many of these poor, half-clad people
were deprived of their last blanket, in order to defray the
expenses of erecting a stately edifice for the purposes of
a religion which they did not profess.—( Hear.) The peti-
tioner further complained that his dwelling-house had been
entered by order of the Rev. Mr. Magee, and a portion of his
scanty effects distrained, and were now under seizure for Mi-
nister's money. The petitioner thought it hard, that a clergy-
man of our religion should be compelled, out of the common
necessaries of life, to contribute to the comparative taxing of
the clergy of another religion, which had scarce any hearers.--
(A laugh.) He had read the petition, and was at a loss to
know what was in the petition to excite the laughter of the
Hon Member for Sligo. He (Mr. O'D.) thought it a case of
extreme hardship and oppression.
Colonel PERCEVAL was surprised at being taxed with
laughing at the details of this petition—he was incapable of
doing so—he merely laughed at the manner in which the
Hon. and Learned Member pronounced a word.
INTERFERENCE WITH ELECTIONS.
Dr. BOWRING gave notiee that on Wednesday next he
would call the attention of the House to the election for
Blackburn, and the very despotic interference with the
freedom of election in that Borough. The Hon. Member
presented a petition from the hand-loom weavers, complaining
of distress ; and a petition from Greenock praying for an
uniform system of Weights and Neasures.
Mr. NV. ROCHE gave notice that he would to-morrow
present a petition from the Chamber of Commerce of
Limerick, praying (as we understlod) that the restrictions in
the port of London upon the shipping, and sale, of corn
might be removed.
GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY.
Mr. WEYLAND presented a petition from some place in
Devonshire, against the Great Western Railway.