The Sun.
London, England, 1835-11-28 00:00:00

influence to statesmen, they were happy enough to
leave a party of five hundred gentlemen in the House
of Commons, followed by a- select body of five or
six individuals, distinguished on all occasions for
their reluctant support of liberal principles. Sir
James had possibly been the most active agitator in
his party for Reform ; was an advocate for the Ballot,
and had a peculiar nostrum for defrauding the public
and private creditor, in which few of his friends
agreed with him, and certainly Lord Stanley has
taken great care to eschew this heresy. His Lord-
ship, we think, once made use of a phrase last Ses-
sion, when alluding to the majority supporting the
Government, that they were, a heterogenuous mass,
'agreeing together scarcely in any other point than
their support of Lord Melbourne. Certainly, .when
he takes his place in the next Government, he will
have to render some satisfactory explanation of the
miraculous agreement that must previously take place
between the Members of the Administration, and his
supporters in Parliament, if a majority be necessary
in .the opinion of that Cabinet, to enable them to con-
duct the Government. We refer him to the speeches
of the Duke of Wellington, and other Noble Lords,
who distinguished themselves in opposing the Bill for
removing restrictions on admission to the Universities.
And these Cabinet-makers will have the goodness to
recollect, that a much stricter account will be required
on these heads from a Government having Tory propen-
sities, than from one acting on Whig principles. If the
more eager and zealous classes of Reformers are not sa-
tisfied on all points with Lord Melbourne's Administra-
tion, they know the difficulties in his path, act on
the principle rather of overlooking errors than of cap-
tious criticism, and know they may repose an entire
confidence in his straightforward and manly conduct,
and undeviating frankness, sincerity, and honesty.
Where will these qualities be found in the Coalition
Ministry now bewildering the brains of the Lowthers,
the Ross's, the Twiss s, and the Rosslyns and Jerseys
of Carlton Terrace ? We have said it was unnecessary
—in the calculations of these worthies, to refer to the
trifling element of a new House of Commons. But
the people may take a different view of the case. What
hopes do these most absurd dabblers in election statis-
tics hold out to their leaders of any change in public
opinion in their favour ? We have not the slightest
doubt that the last registration was greatly to the ad-
vantage of the popular party. It is only necessary to
know, that numbers have been added to the consti-
tuency to decide this point. Supposing it, however,
for the sake of argument, to be otherwise. What
does Mr. Holmes—he is the only head in the party
with an ounce of brains in it—give as his result
of another election—putting out of view the effect to
be produced on the public feeling by an unnecessary
dissolution ? How many County Members in England
now give their support to the Government ? Do the
Tories wish to make it a contest between land and
manufactures, counties and towns, notwithstanding
some ancient recollections on this subject, which may
assist their judgment ? Give them all the Members
for the English counties. Are they besotted enough,
then, to think that they can maintain an Administra-
tion against Scotland, Ireland, and the great towns,
where public opinion and the press will act with a con-
centrated power against them, and where they do not
even pretend that the slightest alteration in feeling has
taken place ? The question for the King to decide
is—not whether he shall turn out his Ministers,
but how he is to replace them, and maintain the
state of peace, prosperity, and contentment, which
now characterises his dominions, beyond any other
country on the earth ? And where, when replaced,
he is to find a House of Commons to support
their successors ? Oh ye of little faith ! How
shall we convince you that Tory domination over
the English people ceased with the Reform Bill ? And
then it is said that Lord Melbourne's Government is
dependent upon Mr. O'Connell and the Catholics for
their support. Admitted. Must not the new Carlton
House Cabinet equally. depend upon the Orangemen ?
We might prefer a state of thin,:s less dependent upon
either ; but if the circumstances of the times leave us
no choice, can any man of reason, feeling, or discretion,
look at the state of Ireland while under the present
Administration, and aided by Mr. O'Connell, without
giving the Government and that Gentleman credit at

least for a suspension of the horrors which have for a
long series of years marked the oppressive rule of
an Orange Government ? And is there any states-
man or philanthropist who will incur the respon-
sibility of a change ? Lord Melbourne's principle has
hitherto been, strict justice and equal protection to all
the King's Irish subjects. So far it has succeeded ;
and his mind is not so confined within the narrow com-
pass of Conservative liberality, as to refuse the assist-
ance of Mr. O'Connell in so good
,a work ;. and Mr.
O'Connell has entitled himself, from the faith with
which he has,, performed his engagements in this
respect, to confidence for the future. If Ireland
can be maintained in its present state, we may regret
for his own sake ; but we shall not be disposed to join
with the enemies of that gentleman in the attacks
which, we must at the same time admit, his own pas-
sions and indiscretions, and his ignorance of the taste
and feelings of the English public, bring upon him.
But although we think we have clearly proved the
utter hopelessness and reckless desperation of another
coup (Petal, we entreat Reformers to be still prepared
for it. We cannot expose the sources of our informa-
tion ; but there is an evident stir amongst Tory can-
didates and election agents, and their leaders are busy
everywhere in spreading confidential reports, that op-
portunity and time are the only questions with respect
to the overthrow of the Administration. Sir Robert
Peel may be of another opinion ; but even in his
speech at Tamworth, he told his audience their time
was vet not distant ; and his confidential friends are the
most confident prophets of an approaching change.
In the meantime, the Government have to act
their part as well as the public, and, we have
every confidence, are preparing for it. The Irish
Tithe Bill, without abatement—the Irish Municipal
Reform, and the other Bills sent up late in the ses-
sion, an rejected by the House of Lords, and, above
all, real and substantial Bills of relief to the Dissen-
ters, placing every man in the King's dominions, with
respect to the enjoyment of civil rights and privileges,
upon an equal footing, without reference to his reli-
gious opinions. The Lords and the Bishops may
defeat these measures if they please. The present
Government, at least, will not think it necessary to
consult their pleasure or prejudices in preparing them
for the House of Commons. No clipping or paring,
in the vain hope of reconciling irreconcilable oppo-
nents. Whole measures will not be more unpalata-
table to the Solomons in lawn sleeves than half ones,
which ought not to satisfy, and will not satisfy, the
Dissenters. The Lords will grow wiser, or must sub-
mit to the consequences of a continual resistance to
the wants and wishes of a powerful and intelligent
people. Lord Melbourne's position is one of the
proudest and most gratifying that ever fell to
the lot of a British statesman. He undertook
the Administration at a moment of the greatest
difficulty, and much more on the pressure of his
party than from any disposition to resume a post
which had been so - unceremoniously and heedlessly
wrested from him. He had only a majority of be-
tween 30 and 40 Members of the House of Com-
mons ; but still he has hitherto conducted his Go-
vernment so much to the satisfaction of the country and
of his friends, that we doubt whether any preceding
Cabinet, .with a much larger numerical list of follow-
ers, ever had a more effectual support, or experienced
greater facility in the administration of public affairs.
His success, as we have said before, has been in a
great degree owing to his personal character, and the
reidurees he has continually brought forward to meet
any emergency ; and the people have willingly sup-
plied any deficienCy in his numerical power in Parlia-
ment, by a steady and zealous manifestation of their
Administration. He has only to act on the same
principles, and pursue the same course of well-con-
sidered and judicious reforms, and the Tories may in-
dulge in dreams of their restoration to power, and of
the approach of the Millenium, with a fair chance of
these eventsASHiti&Othe same period.—Morn-
ing Chri .
.1-6;TITU),:,<• ~,4,
The :fiit,,_ :. ti::,re, here in motion, but if
we may :IT i.•• 0.4: I.*. ft,e. •; - .. • s of opinion amongst
itthem u' P 4. ' -0.-: 0 in: of. ill/ ,! ~.., bed depression of the
great lane Le ~141 • ' .r 7 Ore for it, we fear their
movement- —1 %, ;. , -- - o any satisfactory end.
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