The Sun.
London, England, 1866-04-20 00:00:00

FRIISAV EVENING, APRIL 20, 1866.

occupied in reference to the amendment which he had put
on the paper and withdrawn subsequently was not in any
way hostile. The measure was, in his opinion, a salutary

and Conservative one, and as such he should give it his

cordial support.

Mr. B. HOPE felt much opposed to the modern system
of petting and patronising working men, and patting them
on the back ; and he felt sure that they themselves equally
disliked it. The Government had not been exempt from
this cardinal fault. They had treated the working man
something after the fashion of a converted African chief at
a pious tea party. The proper course would have been to
have introduced a measure to give the suffrage to the elite
of the artisan body, instead of the present measure, which
was a blundering, mechanical, hasty, and tinkering at-
tempt at legislation.
Mr. T. HUGHES rose to give his hearty support to the

Government on the Franchise Bill, and, before proceeding
to explain his reasons for giving them that support, he was
sure he should not say an unpleasant thing to the house
when he stated that it was not his intention to quote the

()Pinions of any hon. member and to show that they had
changed. (Hear, hear.) He thought that in the present
times, when the faith of men, whether religious, political,
or social, was being winnowed in a manner which was evi-
dence of a very remarkable crisis, it was often not a proof
_ _

of strength, but of weakness, for a man to hold on to the
same opinions, or, as they might be called, prejudices. It
was desirable that a man in early life should have fixed

principles and should adhere to them, but a strong man
knew that he needed not to care about preserving one opi-

nion, because he was aware that he had a principle in his
mind to go to from which he could derive another opinion;
but the weak man, if he lost one set of opinions, did not

know, having no principle in his mind, where to go for

another set. He gave his support to the bill exactly for the
reason on account of which the noble lord the member for

Haddingtonshire opposed it. The noble lord opposed the
bill because it was merely a Franchise Bill, and the right
hon. member for Warwickshire asked what was the mean-

ing of the Government in bringing in that measure. He
apprehended the meaning of it was precisely this—that
the advanced or extreme Liberal party, as it was called,
of whom he was a humble member, had at last found a
Government who said, " The really important question,
the one important question for the country at the present
time, is Reform—and the important part of that question,

the part without which all the other parts have no mean-
ing for us at this moment, is the question of the suffrage."
Olean hear.) That was exaetly the reason why he ten-
dered his humble support to the Government on that oc-
casion. The Liberals should be glad at having at length
discovered a Government determined to look the ques-
tion of Reform in the face, and with the wisdom to see
what was the vital portion of Reform at the presen
time.

He had been inclined to think that even a
Power borough franchise than that now proposed would
have been better, and that the Liberal members might
perhaps be wise in still agitating for and endeavouring to
obtain a yet lower borough franchise. An evening or two
after the introduction of that measure he met an influen-

tial man among the trades' union men and the artisans o
London—an inhabitant of his borough, but not a voter

and on asking him what he thought of the Government
bill, the man replied, " Well, sir, it will bring in a good bit
of the best of us." Nothing stronger than that could be
said in favour of the measure. It would bring in " a good
bit of the best" of the artisans and mechanics of that city
and the northern cities; and on that very ground it ought

to be looked upon with favour by hon. gentlemen opposite
if they really desired a moderate measure. Why, even in
the estimates of hon. gentlemen opposite the utmost number
whom it would enfranchise could net exceed some2oo,ooo
of the best mechanics and artisans of the kingdom. It really
seemed to him to be extremely insincere talk to say, as the
hon. member for Stoke had done, that such a limited mea-
sure as that would open the floodgates to democracy, or
indeed open them to anything except a great improvement
in our representative system. (Hear.) When he heard, he
would not say the howls, but the noise with which certain
sentiments that he could not deem revolutionary were re-
ceived on the other side of the house, he confessed that he
had asked himself whether he was one of those who desired
to upset that British Constitution which had lasted 700
years according to some gentlemen, 600 years according to
others, and only since 1832 according to one hon. member
on the Ministerial side. (Hear, and a laugh.) Did he, because
he warmly supported that bill, wish to marry two wives, or
to partition the property of the noble mover and seconder
of the amendment? (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The noble
lord the member for Haddingtonshire was perpetually say-
ing that he conscientiously did this and conscientiously did
that. Well, he could conscientiously say for himself that
his earnest desife was to preserve that common England of
theirs, in which the rich man had no greater stake than the
poor man, and to hand it down to their children as good a
country as they had themselves found it. (Hear, hear.)
That bill, if passed, would have a considerable effect in
bringing about that result. The resistance to the measure
came fom gentlemen the uprightness of whose intentions
he had no reason to doubt ; but when they spoke of opposing

that "political cataract," he could not help feeling that
they were just the persons on whom that cataract would not
fall. Those who would have to meet the first burst of its fury,
when the floodgates of democracy were opened, were men
like the hon. baronet the member for the West Riding (Sir
F. Crossley) and his hon. friend the member for Bradford
(Mr. Forster), than whom no better friends of the artisans
and mechanics of this country, and no men who knew them
better or were more trusted by them, though they were both
masters, existed in England. Surely, therefore, hon. gen-
tlemen opposite might think twice before they indulged such
idle fears, when they saw Iwo such men, who ought to dread
these mischiefs if they had any reality in them, coming for-
ward, not only to support that bill, but to say they would
member of
Northumberland had contended that the mechanic and arti-
san naitlhwe
snore
Vac ai
oanc. on(sniLeleLti,bhleyarl it; g eTr
hnei ehaosnu.r emoef Reform
class were already well represented in that house, but
the hon. gentleman would never have made that assertion if
he had been as immediately acquainted with that class as he
and many other members were. He entirely agreed with the
statement of his hon. friend the Under-Secretary for Foreign
Affairs, that neither his hon. friend, nor himself, ncr any other
member of that house could really and efficiently represent
the working men of our great towns. No man could over do
so except one who had lived and was living with them,
who was sharing their ideas and also their privations. If
the house would allow so young a member as himself to cri-
ticise it in one point, he would say its fault, as far as re-
presenting any class of the community went, was its exces-
sive solvency. (A laugh.) The House of Commons was
sometimes spoken of as a body whose members owned he
knew not how many thousands a year each. Whether that
was the fact or not he could not tell ; but it was impossible
that those who lived in the affluence and luxury which
the majority of that house enjoyed could really represent
that great class in the country who had no accumulated
property except a fund which belonged not only to them
but to all their fellow subscribers in common, such as the
funds of the trades-unions and the friendly societies, or
some other joint funds, and who, unless they had some
share in such a fund, had nothing beyond the small quan-
tity of furniture in their humble dwellings which they
could really call their own, and had to rely exclusivelyupon
the labour of their hands from day to day for the support
of themselv( s and their families. That, to anybody at all
familiar with those classes, made a chasm which was utterly
impassible to bridge over, however much they might wish
to do it. The condition of their lives, the way in which
they endeavoured to meet those conditions, and also the
principles of their lives, were all entirely different from
those of hon. gentleman in that house. Let him for a mo-
ment say the plain truth on these subjects. Those who
took an interest in social and political subjects had im-
bibed what were called sound notionsef political economy.
They had read the regular text-books ; they had a certain
number of faiths which they held to almost religiously.
Thly believed entirely and'absolutely in the law of supply
and demand as a law of nature which nothing could really
and permanently interfere with. They believed that to
buy cheap and sell dear was the rule by which all trade
must be conducted ; and they believed that the commodity
of labour was just as much an object of barter as a bale of
cotton or a. bar of iron. They had also read "Darwin," and
books of that kind. They knew that the big fish must
always eat the little one, and that small persons must dis-
appear before the larger. These beliefs were almost all ac-
cepted by the persons who sent representatives to that house,
but the beliefs of those men whose admission to that house
was now questioned were far less sound. They would be
called by the noble lord the member for Stamford senti-
mental rant, and he was afraid many of them would throw
a shade of sadness on the face of the hon. member for
Westminster, because those beliefs were, first and foremost,
that such a thing was attainable as a fair price for labour.
They did not believe in what was called the " Niggling" of
the market. They believed that labour—the work of living
men—could not be subject to the same laws.as a mere bale
of goods or a bar of iron. They believed, further, that it
was the duty of the strong man in their trades to support
the weak to a great extent, and that was the foundation of
the unions of which he would speak presently. They be-
lieved, again, in the organisation of labour. ,These faiths
might frighten some hon. members, but they were not
visionary. He was not saying they
were right or wrong,
but they were held by far the largest portion of society.
And were they to say they would not admit them there and
let their ideas come into fair collision with their own ?
Would it not much more conduce to the good of the coun-
try and make them wiser men, if they could have their re-
presentatives—mon who really and heartily accepted those
beliefs—to state them to that house ? Twenty years ago
these ideas would have been called chimeras; but what had
these men done within the last few years ? First as to the
organisation of labour : what was the state of the trades'
unions ? Up to this very Time these trades' unions were:ac-
tually outside the law. They could not be fully registered
as friendly societies, and therefore were not assisted as
other combinations were by the law of the country. Yet, in
the face of this fact, what had they done ? He would men-
tion one with which he had been familiar for many years—
which had become one of the most extraordinary organisa-
tions that had ever been brought together by men in their
position in the world. The Amalgamated Society of Engi-
neers consisted of 32,000 members— all skilled mechanics.
It had a reserve fund of X 115,000, £30,000 of which was in-
vested in Post-office savings banks. It paid £l,OOO a week
in its different benefits. It had branches not only in every

great town in nniland, but also in our. colonies and in the would increase every existing anomaly and augment es'ery
United States. Now, when they considered that this orga- existing evil.
nisation had been worked out by men not only unenfran- Mr. M. GIBSON stated that he was surprised that after
chised, but many of them illiterate, under every difficulty , having voted for the £6 franchise bill of Mr. Baines, the
with which men could have to contend, ho asked could such l.hon.member for Lambeth,who had just addressed the house,
an organisation have been carried out by men of any other should have ranged himself in the ranks of the opponents
class in the country more successfully or brought to a more lof this measure. If any measure were entitled to cam-
brilliant conclusion? Again, the Amalgamated Society of mand the support of the great Liberal party, it was a mo-
derate extension of the franchise such as that contained in
Carpenters and Joiners, which had only been founded a
few years, had already 150 branches, and during last year
the present bill, accompanied by the repeal of the ratepay-
spent £ll,OOO or £12,000 in benefits to its members. That ing clauses in the old Reform Act. All they were asked
was the society which had frightened exceedingly the to do by the second reading was to sanction the principle
leading journal in this country. It was said they wanted of the measure. They would then be as free as ever they
nine hours' wages for eight hours' work, and they wanted were in committee to amend it. Let them decide first
many other nefarious projects of that kind. But, looking who the eleCtors were to be, and then what number of
at the average of their earnings, who did not feel that it members particular places should return to Parliament.
was not unnatural they should have made such efforts to The question they were called on to vote was broadly,
obtain a small advance on their wages ? The average should there or should there not be any reduction of the
franchise ? If the House of Commons decided in the
weekly earnings of the men belonging to the building
ne-
trades in London were from 275. to 28s. a week, and when gative it would not be the fault of the Government, and
it was considered that within a few years they had doubled the people out of doors would at once say that Parlia-
and trebled the property of this great town—when it was want desired no reform at all. The country were tired
considered they had doubled the property of the noble lord of mere theoretical statements in favour of Reform, and
w
who moved the present amendment, he thought they need would mark closely the men who made plenty of liberal
not, grudge them their success in having been able to ob-
rofessions to their constituents, and now that the time
came for action drew back and attempted to get rid of the
tarn some little advance, perhaps ls. 6d. a week, in eonsi-
question in this indirect and unsatisfactory manner. In
deration of what they bad done and the intelligence they
conclusion, Mr. Gibson said that the present measure,
had shown. The building trades were a highly paid class
of workmen, yet their wages throughout the country did
which was founded on the spirit of the times, was des-
not reach 275. a week. They were told by those who op-
tined to become law, and that its provisions, in the words
posed the Government bill that these men could, with ave-
of the Royal Speech, would strengthen our free institu-
rage prudence, gain for themselves the suffrage under the tions and conduce to the general welfare of the nation.
present £lO qualification. Supposing a workman had em- Mr. G. HARDY remarked that Mr. Gibson must be a
man of a very sanguine temperament to venture a confi-
ployment for 48 or 49 weeks in the year (for allowance
must be made for sickness, travelling to find work, and dent prophecy that the measure would pass the second
other things), taking his average earnings at 275. a week, reading. He condemned the present proposition as one
offering to the House the miserable fraction of a bill, and
to come in under the present franchise he would be spend-
ing an amount on his house which, proportionately, they stated that he should give it his most strenuous opposi-
tion. He maintained that this topic should be dealt with,
themselves would not be justified in spending on house rent.
Unless, therefore, Parliament lowered the present suffrage, if at all, in a statesmanlike manner. The hon. gentle-
theym were calling on the greater portion of the mechanics man then proceeded at great length to analyse the statis-
to spend more on their mere housing than they had a right, tics on which the case of the Government rested, and
as honest men and with a due regard to the claims of their stated finally that he considered the resolution gave a
wives and families, to expend. (Hear.) The mechanics and tangible subject on which to vote. He objected to the
artisans of England had endeavoured to work out their measure because it would override the counties by an
principles—whether true or false—first by trades unions, urban population ; because he did not know what was to
and secondly, by their different co-operative societies. The come afterwards ; and because ho did not understand who
those leaseholders were in the- counties, except that they
amount of intelligence and self-sacrifice which they had
brought to the solution of the problem of co-operative so-
were to be brought into the boroughs to vote. In the
cieties was sufficient to put to shame all other classes of boroughs, too, the tendency would be to re-establish the
society. These societies were constituted and carried out corrupt constituencies which were now going away. Be-
upon sounder principles than trade was now usually con-
lieving, therefore, that they had not before them the
ducted in this country. They absolutely prohibited credit; means of settling this question, it was duo to their own
they restored the system of ready money, and they gave a honour and that of Parliament not to accept this partial,
healthy tone to trade, which it had too much lost of late this dangerous, and this most insidious bill.
years. These societieshadat all events proved the sincerity The further debate was then postponed till to-morrow
and the honest belief of those who promoted them. They (this day).
had proved that the working men were ready to make sa-
The Orders of the day were disposed of, and the House
crifices for their principles, and that the strong were ready adjourned.
to coma to the help of the weak. The best men among
them had said that they would not leave Their class but
lift it, and this was the remarkable feature of their organi-
sation. Many hon. members had read books like that writ-
ten by Mr. Smiles, entitled " Self-Help," in which self-
made men were held up to reverence and respect. Many of
these were artisans who had risen to wealth and eminence
from the humblest walks of life. They were deserving of
all possible credit, but they were not representative men of
their class. The really representative men of that class
were animated by quite other ideas. Their principle was to
refuse to come out of their class, and to stay and live in it
with the view, so fares they could, of lifting the whole bulk
of their brethren. (Hear.) The more hon. members exa-
mined what was going on throughout the country, the
more reason they would have to wonder at the extraordi-
nary success that had attended their efforts. And now,
having touched upon the methods by which the working
classes had sought to carry out their views and ideas, and
the success that had attended their:efforts,the house would,
he hoped, permit him to inquire what it had done for the
working men while they had been workingouttheir salva-
tion in the different ways he had described. (Hear, hear.)
He had heard it said since he had been a member of that
house that the working classes had no grievances of which
to complain. It seemed to him, on the contrary, that they
had many grievances of which they had good right to com-
plain. (Hear, hear.) While they were labouring for them-
selves, and working out their great ideas, how had the Le-
gislature housed, fed, and educated them ? The house bad
done nothing to improve the houses of working men, and
the artisans of this great town were at the present time worse
housed' than at any period within his memory. (Hear.)
Great public bodies and companies came to that house with
projects to pull down their houses, and no stress was put
upon those bodies to restore them. Then came the question
of food. (An Hon. Member —" Question.") It was the ques-
tion, and he would assert that the adulteration of the food
of the labouring classes had been a great grievance with
them. (Hear.) Then with regard to education, the people
of this country were the worst educated of any free people
on the face of the earth. As it was a test question upon this
bill whether they would admit the working man to a share
in the making of laws, did the house suppose that if they
had had any direct action upon the making of those laws or
any means of making their opinions felt, these questions
would have remained in their present condition? Then there
was the question of arbitration courts, as connected with
the labour question, which had been bandied backwards
and forwards, sometimes in one house and sometimes in
another. Nothing, however, had been done, and the ques-
tion remained just as it Nyas 20 years ago, although the
opinion of the mechanics and artisans had come round to de-
siro these courts and to believe in them. (Ilear.) He very
much feared that, notwithstanding the Dill of Lord St.
Leonards, this question was likely to remain unsettled.
Then, again, there was the question of the Master and
Workmen's Acts. (Hear, hear.) If, in a case of contract
between master and man, the workman was charged with
breaking the agreement, the first step was personal, and the
workman was put in prison, while if the master broke his
part of the contract the first process against the master was
to make him pay a fine. The working men believed that
this state of things was very unjust—(hear, hear)—and that
if they were properly represented the employers and em-
ployed would be put upon a more equitable footing. (Hear,
hear.) Then came the question of the workhouse in-
firmaries. Would the members of the house be content
with them in their present state—a crying disgrace to the
metropolis—if their own flesh and blood had any chance
of going to-them ? (Hear, hear.) Then came the question
of dangerous and unwholesome trades. Twenty years ago
a terrible disease called necrosis of the jaws was discovered
in Vienna, which had since spread to this country, and
was found chiefly among the makers of lucifer matches,
that has now grown to be a very large trade, and not less
than 1,800 children were employed in the manufacture.
Necrosis of the jaws was one of the most awful diseases
that ever afflicted humanity, and there were not one or two
but a dozen other trades in which the condition of the
labourer was such as would not be suffered in any civilised
country. Would any one who looked at the subject fairly
and dispassionately say that if the class upon whom these
evils pressed—who worked in these workshops ancllived
in these houses—had been fairly represented, their condi-
tion would not have been improved? (Hear.) As an instance
of the want cf sympathy on the part of the house with the
working classes he would instance the existing laws regu-
lating the sale of alcoholic drinks, for though a very large
majority of the working classes complained of them as
throwing temptations to insobriety in their way, the only
answer they got from Parliament was that they ought to
have resolution enough to resist those temptations. The
gallant member for Huntingdon had expressed distrust of
the leaders of the working-classes, meaning, probably, the
managers of the trades' unions,who were usually denounced
by the newspapersas noisy demagogues; but he could testify
from long acquaintance with them that no men were more
anxious to prevent strikes and to further the best interests
of their class and of the public generally. The, amalga-
mated engineers, indeed, had not had a strike for 15 years,
and for 12 or 14 had never claimed an advance in wages,
the younger and more impulsive members being held back
by their leaders. Again, it was feared that the working
men would combine on political questions, and thus se-
cure an ascendancy ; but, to remove any such apprehen-
sion, he might inform tho House that one section of the
London trade unions were strongly opposed to strikes,
that the other section were less averse to them, and that
both regarded the co-operative societies with some jea-
lousy. These highly-paid artisans, who could chiefly
get the suffrage by this Bill, were thus divided into three
parties as distinct as political parties in that house. (Hear.)
He desired the extension of the franchise, however, more
for the sake of the country generally than for working
men themselves, for we had allowed a new world, as it
were, to grow up without any contact with the rest of so-
ciety, and he agreed with the hon. member for Brighton
(Mr. Fawcett) that there was great danger of our losing
more skilled artisans by emigration than we could well
spare, and that unless they were admitted into full citizen-
ship their attachment to their native land would be weak-
ened, and their readiness to leave it as labour became mere
valuable elsewhere would increase, until we lost the best
of our artisans, who contributed so largely to the wealth
and prosperity of the country. (Hear.) He believed such
a loss would be most disastrous, and that the only way to
stop it would be to treat the working classes fairly, and
introduce to the franchise such a portion of them as they
fairly could. No one would say that a poor 200,000, scat-
tered over the whole country, would be too large a number
to admit, or would be likely to swamp the present con-
stituencies. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. DOULTON said that if he were asked blindly
to support the Government before they put ou the
table the bill for the redistribution of seats, he should like
to know what they had done to inspire him with confi-
dence. Certainly, only within the last few weeks, their
conduct on the Tests Abolition Bill and the question of
church rates did not have that effect. He did not, how-
ever, enter the house as the slavish adherent of
_the pre-
sent Ministry, but as an independent member; and he only
valued that position so long as its duties be performed
with a due regard to his own self-respect and honour. If
the Government would lay on the table the Redistribution
Bill, and it dealt with the question fairly, no one more
than himself would more warmly support tho Cabinet;
but as he believed that few greater calamities could befal
this country than the passing of a mere franchise bill, he
could not bring his conscience to support a measure which

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.--" It is, not very easy to make a good
speech on the Government side." This plaintive
confession of a Liberal member probably explains
the comparatively inferior quality which has hitherto
marked the speeches on the side of the Administra-
tion. The debate, which enters on its fifth night
this evening, has on the whole reflected the highest
credit on the new Parliament. Yet it will, we be-
lieve, be confessed by all that therehasheen through-
out a marked distinction in the spirit, the energy,
and the ability of the attack and the defence. The
course of the discussion yesterday was faithful to
the law observed on former nights. Mr. Graham
distinguished himself so highly in seconding the
Address at the commencement of the Session that
his speech on the Reform question was looked for-
ward to with some interest ; but it can scarcely be
considered equal to his first effort. Lord Elcho
properly reminded the house that the true question
before it was whether it should start on a career of
legislation without knowing the whole of the course
to be taken and the goal to be reached, and by a
felicitous quotation from some election statistics
showed that the precipitation of the Government
in issuing their scheme of Reform in parts was not
required by any pledges of the Liberal party. Out
of 367 members taking rank on the Liberal side,
160 had expressed themselves in favour of Reform
on the hustings, while the rest were either silent,
or contented themselves with declaring an intention
to support Lord Palmerston. A vigorous onslaught
at the close of his speech on those who had been
coerced by their constituents into a promise to sup-
port the Government called up Sir William Hutt,
but as Lord Elcho finished about the time of the
dinner hour, the new Knight of the Bath had to de-
fend his constituency before a beggarly array of empty
benches. Among the arguments in defence of the
Franchise Bill hitherto advaneed there has been none
more extraordinary, and certainly none more un-
fortunate, even that of Mr. Hughes. It was thought
that the advocacy of Mr. Layard had been some-
what damaging, but in the harm he can do his
friends the Under-Secretary must give way to "the
member for Lambeth. Mr. Hughes stated, on the
authority of an influential artisan among his con-
stituents, that the Franchise Bill would place a
large number of the best workmen in Lambeth on
the register ; but he forgot that the reduction of the
Franchise would not be confined to Lambeth and
constituencies of a si,nilar character. Mr. Doulton,
who followel his colleague, and developed an ability
hitherto unsuspected, reminded him that the Fran-

chise would be lowered in Totnes and Great far-
mouth as well as in Lambeth, and challenged any to affirm that the reduction of the qualifica-
tion in such places would not work more harm than
the good that would be gained elsewhere. It is but
justice, however, to remember that Mr. Hughes had
other reasons for defending the Franchise Bill be-
sides the effect it would have on his own constitu-
ency, though whether they would be likely to con-
ciliate opponents may well be doubted. The working
men, he said, have a political economy of their own.
They do not believe in the laws of demand and sup-
ply ; they do not believe that the rate of wages must
vary according.to the principles which regulatedo
nottlle
variation in the prices of commodities ; they
believe that work of different worth should be paid
the
with different wages ; and, on the other
do believe in an organisation of laboluvre;g,taasheyshhoawvyne
great powers of organisation themse
Engineers;
by such societies as the Amalgamatedb
advance r fi
them to
toY
and they outnumber other classes,
one, according to Mr.
Hughes Admnc, as we
in the House of Commons.
frankly do, that it is
desirable the errors of
operatives should be stated and met, we must demur
as far as it has any
to accepting on that account a bill which, going
on the mere rule of numbers
of England not
principle at all, would logically end in giving the
classes which so
outnumber
the rest
merely the power of expressing such views, but of
m them in Acts of Parliament. We must,
embodying them
that Mr. Hughes himself is an
abler expositor of the theories of the working men.
It is only a few weeks since he gallantly attempted
to embody their notions on the duty of providing
houses for labourers evicted by Railway Companies
in a new series of Standing Orders, and if the
attempt failed it was from no fault of his. The Per-
missive Bill is, according- to Mr. Hughes, another
measure looked upon with great favour by working,
men, and we get some light as to his notions of re-
presentation when we find this classed among the
beliefs of operatives which are unrepresented. We
had thought it had been discussed more than once
in Parliament, and a vote taken upon it ; so that we
are driven to suppose that working men are, in Mr.
Hughes's opinion, not represented at all unless their
representatives are in a majority. We have no wish,
however, to make capital out of Mr. Hughes's un-
guarded defence of the Franchise Bill. We do not
believe that a qualification in boroughs would so
change the nature of Parliament as to lead to the
adoption of all or any- of the heresies he described.
The change would be great--greater, as Lord Elc o
pointed out, than Mr. Gladstone seems to have_
imagined—but we may hope that neither it nor the
changes which would follow upon it would precipi-
tate us into Socialism. It is time, however, to have
done with this benevolent toying with the organi-
zation of labour. Mr. Hughes may remember that
in 1848 the theories of which he speaks did get the
mastery in France, and that nothing but an iron
will saved the amiable enthusiasts who patronised
thlem from sharing the fate of their predecessors df
the Gironde 60 years before. But the whole argument
of Mr. Hughes was fairly open to the remark of his
colleague that it was not easy to discover its con-
nexion with the question before the home. We allow
to him—as we allowed to Mr. Mill—that it is de-
sirable to have, workina-class representatives in the
House of Commons, but the Franchise Bill is not a
means to such an end. What a Franchise Bill would
effect, were it passed, is very simple. Large con-
stituencies would be enormously increased, and
small constituencies would be increased in a less pro-
portion, but still in a sensibledegree. The anomalies
of the distribution of representative power would be
aggravated, at the same time that the ratio of party
strength would be scarcely altered. The experience
of the boroughs where freemen exist shows us what
the effect of lowering the franchise would be on the
small boroughs •, and we should, therefore, have con-
stituencies which are unwieldy made more unwieldy,
constituencies which are corrupt made more corrupt,
party forces relatively the same, but party fights
embittered, and a long struggle initiated, the end
of which would depend upon chance; if not upon
violence. Mr. Doulton did good service last night
in directing the attention of the house to the point
really before it, and though Mr. Milner Gibson
pointed out that his opinion on a mere reduction Of
the borough franchise must have undergone some
change since the division on Mr. Baines's bill, we
can only rejoice over a conversion to sounder views.
Ur, Doulton gave unanswerable reasons for not ac-