The Sun.
London, England, 1859-08-15 00:00:00

NO MORE MEDICINE

DU BA .IRY'S D ELTCIOUS HEALTH- RFSTOPTNC
It EVALE NTA ARABICA FOOD Cures effectually Indliges'-
btiiolino(udsynsepsesp, s
liverial ,constipation,
complaints,flatulency,hysteria,
neuralgia, sleepless-
ness, acidity, palpitation, heartburn, eruptions, impurities,
irritability, low spirits, diarrhoea, ' dysentery, hemorrhoids,
headache, noises in the head and'
ears, debility, diabetes,
pains between the shoulders, despondency, cramps, l3
nausea, and sickness (during pregnancy or,
at seal, sinking
fits, cough, asthma, bronchitis, consumption, also Children's
complaints.
We extract a few out of 50,000 expressions of gratitude*° fn
ce Invalids thus cured : Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de D le of
many years' dyspepsia. Cure No. 40,832. " Fifty years'i n
describable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma,
cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness at the
stomach and vomiting, have been removed by Du Barry's
excellent Food," Maria Joly. Cure No. 53,810. Field Mar-
shall the Duke of Pluskow, of dyspepsia, constipation, ner-
vousness and liver complaints which had resisted all baths
and medical treatment. Cure No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth
,Ifecobs, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low
spirits, and nervous fancies. Cure No. 18,210. Dr. Andrew
ITre, of constipation, dyspepsia, andnervous irritability.' Cure
No. 31,210. Dr. Shorland, of drop:), and debility. Cure No.
30,21'. Captain Allan, of epileptic fits. Cure No. 30,418. Rev.
Dr. Minster, of cramps, spasms and daily vomitings. Cure No.
20,418. Dr.llervey, of diarrluen and debility. Cure No. 29,628. Dr.
Wurtzerof consumption. Cure N 0.46,270. Mr. Tames Roberts,
merchant, Fernley, Surrey, of 20 years' diseased 'mtgs. spitting
of blood, liver derangement, partial deafness. Cure No. 4,208.
" Eight years' dyspepsia, nervousness, debility, with cramps,
spasms, and nausea, have been effectually cnred by Pu Barry's
health-restorinEr, Food. Rev. John W. Flavell, Ridlington
Rectory, Norfolk."—Cure No. 3,900, of thirteen years cough,
indigestion, and general debility. James Porter, Athol-street,
Perth. Sold in canisters, 11b. 2s. 9d. ; 21b. 4s. 6d. ; 121 b. 225;
Super refined quality, 51b. 225. ; 101 b. 335. The 101 b. and 121 b.
canisters are forwarded carriage free, on receipt of Post-office
order. Barry Du Barry and Co., 77, Re.gant-street, London ;
Fortnum, Mason, and Co., purveyors to her ajest 182,
Piccadilly ; also at 60, Gracechurch-street ; 33M0, Stray,nd ; 4,
Cheapside ; 49 and (j Bishosgate-street ; 105 and 63, Oxford-
street ; 85, Tottenham-court-road' also in Liverpool, at
;
N ixons, 1, Castle-street • 1 ,te s d E. intrtrdt and Co. ; Dublin,
)r. Butler, Medi. , e ,
cal nail; lMsuchestm
Sharp and Scott;
ddinburgh, Rai
Ines and Co. • .

LISKEARD.
In consequence of Mr. R. W. Grey, the late mem-
ber for liskeard, having vacated his seat by his ac-
ceptance of the Commissionership of her Majesty's
Customs, it has become necessary to fill his place.
Immediately on the vacancy becoming known Mr.
W. IL Pole Carew, a Conservative, offered to con-
test the borough if the electors would invite him,
but his offer was not appreciated ; therefore his see-
Vi6'es-ltero-S-Ot required. A-notheiqieniteman in
the field was Mr., J. H. Murchison, of London, a
Liberal Conservative, largely connected with min-
ing, but he prudently refrained from issuing his ad-
dress until Mr. Bernal Osborne, who had been
selected by the Liberal committee, had addressed
the constituency.
Mr. Osborne arrived at Liskeard by the express
train on Friday night, and addressed a crowded
meeting of the electors in the Temperance Hall at
8 o'clock—Mr. B. Anstis in the chair.
Mr. B. O§BORNE, on rising, was received with
loud and prolonged cheering. After a few opening
remarks he said he might without vanity observe,
and, probably, with just pride, that he was the son
of an old Reformer—(hear, hear)—who for 40 years-
supported:with his vote and presence in the House
of Commons the cause of Reform. in those days
when to be a Reformer was marked with oppro-
brium, and he could remember that in his schooldays
he was thumped acrd badly treated—(hear, hear)—
because he the son of the member for Rochester
who voted for radical reforms. Those days were
happily gone by, and now it was rather who
should be the first Reformer; and all they dif-
fered about was, " What is the pace, and who's
to drive the coach." (Cheers and laughter.)
We had now various kinds of Reformers, and a
Reformer had risen in the land who knew not
Joseph. There was suddenly a class of people who
called themselves Liberal Conservatives, who were
Liberal on the hustings, but Conservative in the
House of Commons—(hear)—Liberal in their profes-
sions, but apt to.be Conservative in abuse. These were
the mermaids, or rather the mermen, of political life.
(Loud cheers.) He, however, was not one of these
—he was not a Liberal Conservative. If he were
called upon to define what he was he should point
to the Spanish proverb, " Tell me who you live
With and I will tell you what you are." He would
point to the votes which he had given in the Com-
mons during a Parliamentary career of 14 years,
and he would challenge any man in that Assembly,
or in any other, to put his hand upon a vote of his
that was ever given against the interests of the
people or the advance of the country. He entered
Parliament and sat at the feet of a man now gone
to his last account, to whom Liskeard stood god-
father in his political career—he meant the late
Mr. Charles Buller. He was the political guide of
his extreme youth, and whenever he had any doubt
as to which way he should vote he followed the
.example of Mr. 'Buller, by going into the same
lobby with him. He felt it an honour to address
a Liskeard constituency. That was not mere lip
worship, for he need not tell them that he had
had invitations from several constituencies, who
had done him the honour to call upon him to
represent Them ; but he had made up his mind,
when by what he called the fortuitous circumstances
of Dover, by which he was thrown out of Parlia-
ment, that he would never address, or canvass a
constituency again were there the least suspicion of
thew arts being required which, unfortunately, had
been too much exposed by the investigation of the
various election committees. He was called upon
to stand for the large and important borough of
Marylebone, but the expense of a contest was some-
thing so large that, notwithstanding how great he
thought the honour of possessing a seat in Parlia-
ment, he still thought it a matter of duty to him-
self not to expend money to that extent, even for a
seat in Parliament. There was another reason why
he declined the borough, and that was that who-
ever was the member must be the slave of the ves-
try. (Hear.) Now, although he was on all proper
occasions ready to bow to the behests of his con-
stituents, still, as he never would be the minion
of a Government, still less would he be the
delegate of a constituency. He thought it
right at starting to say that h 3 was eager
ooet
wHe was, in fact, a Whig and something
and willing to represent , their borough, but
he was not inclined to give pledges on every
re The
efoie t h
• division
e mbltitstt
eo
mightf the
tell HouseHouse
themo f
minorcm
sound."
Commons
detail. e
that he was what in a general way would be called
~
more. (Laughter.) He had voted with the Whigs,
and he would do them the justice to say that they
had been the pioneers of progress in this country,
and. their exertions ought never to be forgotten—
(hear, hear) ; but when he had fOund them slipping
from their traces and not coming up to the collar,
he had not been slow to apply the whip of probably
what had been called a pertinacious tongue ; nei-
ther had he been slow to follow with his vote what
he had whipped with his tongue: He was proud
that he had been selected by the committee to
stand before them on the present occasion, because
he was well aware that if there was an independent
borough in the kingdom—and he grieved to say
they waxed few and far between—it was the
borough of Liskeard—(hear, hear, and cheers)—for
it had the character of not being dictated to by a
territorial landlord or by a secretary of the Trea-
sury. (Hear.) He was now ready to give any ex-
planation, and ready, if it so pleased the Liberal
party, to fight a contest or walk over the course.
(Cheers.) But he should prefer the latter alterna-
tive, because from some mischances he had been a
fighting man all his life, and having received cer-
tain wounds—(laughter)—
" He jests at scars who never felt a wound"
—(i.aughter)—but this Parliamentary fighting was
member of Parliament. He had suffered on a late
not very agreeable to the banker's' account of a
the first from incurring anything beyond the legal
P He stood on
occasion, but not severely, because he dissented from
purity of principle, and was sent about his business.
(Laughter.) He advocated G
theprinciples and copied
expenses. What was the consequence
en at Dover in
trenchment, and reform, ' and wh.
a ority of 350.
1855 he was returned by a majority the address first issued by Earl rep, " cop
r
two years he took some pains
on the ques-
tions, speaking as well as voting for them,
felt sure that when he went back to his constituency
he should increase his majority; but instead he
and he
was left in
_a minority of 150. He asked his con-
stituents if they objected to his votes, and the reply
was in the negative, accompanied with a sort of
buttoning up of the pocket. (" Hear," and laugh-
ter.) It was a serious blow to his career. From
the foolish chivalry of fighting his seat at Dover be
lost two certain seats—one 'in his county and one
at Wolverhampton—and when he awoke one fine
morning he found himself left in the political mud,
defeated, but, as he thought, not disgracefully.
Well, there was a petition to upset the Dover elec-
tion, but he declined to have anything to do with
it, because he said that if they were to return him
for Dover on the morrow he would not take his
seat or sit for them. He considered the labourer
worthy of his hire. If he gave his mental exertions,
time, patience, and energies he thought they were
bound to support him, having once done so, if he
had proved true, and not recreant to his cause; but
when a set of men turned without reason one day
and sold themselves for filthy lucre, they might
get any man to represent them, for he would not,
nots bei
viere
ws
ovwe
raeasrdtaeedo
repeated
eztcbs
prized
dans
htseehtodi tswbru
oteohrhnuooicl
unndy
honour
wuisoi
.r. s
irthoLtei
oosl
highly
ioegtnauhhrobeldwtyy.
as he prized his honour too highly, or else he should
thato
stathtsneieynn present
renetesdhsepeenrdnti
had got rid of the greatest imposition which had
ever been foisted on the public in modern times—
he meant the Government of Lord Derby, which
he thought was a Government formed not only on
false, but on most deceptive principles—(hear, hear)
—pretending to be Liberal Conservatives ; guaran-

teeing just as much as they could not avoid, and,
I at the same time, fooling the people with a pro-
mise of Reform which was never intended to be given.
(Hear.) Well, what had they got in its place? (Hear.)
Now, he thought that, with some exceptions, it was
a great improvement on the last. (Hear.) He held
that, with the arlarming state of things on the
continent of Europe the country could not have
a better man to deal with foreign polities than Lorn
Palmerston ; and he went furthe- by saying thtt
if we were to have a Reform Bill to deal effi-
ciently with the domestic and social interests of this
country, the proper man to do that was Lord John
Russell. (Cheers.) Although he was not one of
those who pinned his faith to everything or-to any
body of men, yet he had confidence in Lord John
Russell. (Cheers.) He thought that during his long
life he had done more for the great body of his fel-
low-countrymen than any other statesman, and it
was an earnest of what he would do. He would
give expression to his opinion with respect to the
working classes of this country without flattery.
(Hear.) He believed he was then standing in a tem-
perance hall, and if the working men,carried out
temperance principles they might do the country a
large amount of good. (Hear.) But they put an
enemy in their mouths to steal away their brains--
(hear, hear)—and what was the consequence ? Why,
that they had not a fair share in the government of
the country. In alluding to the high tone held by
mechanics, he observed that he had remarked in
conversations he had held with them that they
would put to the blush many of the members of the
aristocracy, and he thought it would be for the
security of the country that the portals of the con-
stitution should be opened, and a large infusion of
these men—especially if they were sober men—ad-
mitted. He wished Mere could be some such test
applied. (Hear, hey But he would not go into
details as to how far he would go, or how much he
would give, but when the bill came they must trust to
him. He would not split little straws, but he would
take a general view of the question. What he
could do for farmers and for the general welfare of
the country he would; but all these things in a coun-
try constituted like England, must necessarily be a
compromise between parties. Speaking of retrench-
ment, he referred to the immense sum of money now
raised by taxation, amounting in the aggregate to
£75,000,000, and said he couldnot help asking him-
self whether the
.house of Com Mons as at present
constituted had managed its affairs so well that the
country-could allow it to remain as it is; and he had
no hesitation in saying that if things went on as at
present, with so lavish an expenditure, representa-
tive government would be at a discount, because. as
managed at present, it seemed to him that the
House of Commons was nothing more than a great
machine for raising the largest amount of money
in the shortest possible space of time, therefore it
was that an infusion of new blood was wanted into
the House of Commons. (Hear.) Ministers them-
selves complained that all that members did now
was to urge them to spend money. (Hear.) Then
came the vote for the army and navy, which
amounted to £25,000,000 of money. Now, he occu-
pied neutral ground, for he was not a peace-at-any-
price man, neither was he a war man, but he wished
particularly to see the navy of this country in that
state that we should be able to hold our own. Na-
turally, from our important commercial associations
and our enormous colonies we were entitled to have
a great navy, and he would say that if we could
not have an army andnavy for less than 25 millions
of money it was preposterous. They ought to be
had for at least eight millions less. He did not
hesitate to say that there must be some mismanage-
ment at head-quarters and no private firm could
carry on business in the way that the business of
the country was carried on in respect to these de-
partments. England could never pretend to be a
military power, for the wages of labour were too
well paid in this country for any one to be a soldier
who could be anything else. He had been a soldier
himself ; he had paid for his commission, but he
saw it was a bad business, and got out of it. (Hear, ,
and laughter.) Although the French and Austrian
standing armies amounted to something like 400,000
men each, yet the Government of those countries
did.not.spend so much money on their armies as we
did on ours. The whole system must be revised and
corrected ; hut he felt certain that such a thing
would never be while the Government went on in
the same dog-trot manner. In speaking of the
present House of Commons he said it was the worst
assembly of the kind that ever sat. He did not say
this because the grapes were sour, but because lie
believed there never was a House of Commons
elected so much by the power of the purse and the
power of corruption. They might depend upon it
that meu who bought constituencies would
sell them. That, of course, was the principle
of free trade. Buy in the cheapest and sell in
the dearest market. (Laughter.) There never were
so many petitions presented in any Parliament as
in the present one ; but when he said this he did
not mean it as an attack against the Conservative
party, because he believed one was as bad as the
other. Something must be done to stem this sys-
tem of corruption, or depend upon it the day was
not far distant when the British lion, of which they
were all proud, would cease to wag his tail, and
the sun of England would soon set. No matter
where the system of corruption was pursued, it was
so bad that it was gradually eating its way into
the vitals of the British constitution ; it was a cor-
roding sore, and when Englishmen descended so
low that, instead of looking upon their franchises
as a privilege, they regarded them as perquisites,
then there was something rotten in the state of
Denmark to every true Reformer. Every man
who had the interest and wellbeing of his country
at heart should set his mind to work to cut out this
cancer from the constituency-, and devise means by
which it might be improved and purified. He had
stood four ccntested elections, and he had found as
a great evil the intimidation on the part of masters
and landed proprietors, and the most effective
remedy would be an extension of the suffrage, and
to give the voter the protection of the ballot. But
he did not wish it to be understood that he was an
enthusiastic supporter of the ballot, but lie was
ready to exhaust any means and try any remedy to
give the poor man protection in the exercise of his
franchise. He next passed on to church-rates, and
stated that he was for the total and immediate abo-
lition of church-rates, and "no mistake ;" after
which he proceeded to remark on the policy of non-
interference. All knew how the great debt of this
country had been created—namely, by an indessant
desire to interfere with other people. Now, he did
not say that England was entirely to abdicate her
position, but there should be no threats or any one-
sidedness. He confessed that he sympathised with
the oppressed nationalities of Italy, but he could do
nothing more. He could not consent to tax his
fellow-countrymen for those who could not emanci-
pate themselves.
" Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not
Who would be free themselves must strike the blow ?"
(Cheers.) He was not one of those who believed
there was going to be any French invasion—(hear)
still less was he one of those who wished to run
into the other extreme, and who, throwing away
their locks and bolts, relied upon the disposition of
their neighbours. He took the middle course, and
believed the present Emperor of the French far too
wise a man ; nd too cognizant of his own interests
to pick a quarrel with this country. No man
knew this country better than he did, and he knew
that if once involved in a struggle with this coun-
try it would:not end in a mere peace of Villafranca.
When the blood of the British lion was once got up
it would be a struggle for life or death. The Em-
peror knew this, and he did not therefore believe
he had any idea of attacking this country unless
there were some perpetual excitement got up
against him by canvassing every act he did. He
was the elected of the French people, and if they
liked his sort of government what business was it
to us if we were not pledged to live under it ? He
was adverse to the system now very generally
entertained, of forcing a constitution on every
nation, for constitutions grew and required time.
He believed he had now touched on his three lead-
ing points, " Peace, Retrenchment, and Reform ;"
and he proceeded to state that lie was willing to
answer any question that might be put to him, con-
cluding by expressing a wish that it might be his
good fortune to represent the borough of Liskeard.
The hon. gentleman resumed his seat amid pro-
longed cheering.
Mr. CHILDs proposed, and Mr. C. Isaacs se-
conded, a vote or confidence in Mr. Osborne; which
having been carried with the greatest enthusiasm,
the meeting separated.