The Sun.
London, England, 1835-01-26 00:00:00

most important, though it does not affect this country—l mean
the Poor Law Amendment Bill. It required great boldness,
as well as skill and perseverance, on the part of the Govern-
ment, to introduce a measure of this description. The system
of the Poor Laws, as formerly administered, had produced fatal
effects on the people of England ; but, as now reformed, it re-
tains its valuable qualities while it is free from the most
noxious. It ceases to be the pander to the vices of the people,
but it preserves in full vigour the great principle of national
benevolence in cases of age, illness, or infirmity. I need not
dwell on the Law Reforms ; they are sufficiently known. In
adverting to this topic I am reminded of that distinguished
man, the late Lord Chancellor Brougham. I know that
many remarks have been made on some peculiarities of
Lord Brougham. It is an easy task to take advantage of
the frailties or eccentricities of eminent persons. Easy lit
is the natural revenge of little minds.—( Loud cheering. )
These foibles gratify their nibbling propensities.—( Laughter. )
Whatever is trivial they seize upon ; whatever is great mocks
their comprehension and excites their ridicule. This is the
easiest part of a Conservative statesman.—( Continued laugh-
ter.) My friend Ballindalloch has adverted to another mea-
sure, sufficient to have immortalised any Administration of
treble the duration marked out for the late Government. I
mean the emancipation of Slaves. For a long time the prayers
of Christian Europe had desired this act of justice. Year
after year plans were proposed ; and year after year the baffled
statesman and philanthropist retired from the vain endeavour;
but at length the time arrived, and the task was performed
with safety and success, and even with advantage to the West
India interest. It is indeed sometimes said—" True, this was
an act of justice, but we have paid twenty millions for it."
So far from si-.rinkin,, from the statement, I avow it—l glory
in it, I think it anourable to the country. With what
shadow of justice could we have done the contrary ? " The
crime was common; common be the pain." The British
nation was involved in the delinquency. It was not the
planter or the proprietor that was guilty ; it was the Legis-
lature. How could we have turned round on them and said,
" we have shared in the crime, but you alone shall suffer the
consequences ?" The Government did not reason in this
manner, and the country responded nobly to the call made
upon their justice and patriotism.—( Cheers.) Need I dwell
on the important measure of Parliamentary Reform ? You
are well acquainted with its nature and merits, more particu-
larly with that portion of it which relates to Scotland. But
I cannot mention this subject without recalling that great man
to whom the nation owes Parliamentary Reform, I mean
Lord Grey.—( Cheers.) On his devotion to the public ser-
vice I need not enlarge. How often have we seen him
Just alike to freedom and the throne,
The master of our passions and his own—

Guarding, on the one hand, the prerogative of the Crown and
the interests of the aristocracy, and on the other, protecting
the privileges of the people, and communicating to them
larger measures of constitutional freedom.—( Continued cheer-
ing.) Happy the nation which possesses in its bosom such a
statesman ! Happy the monarch who can appreciate the value
of such a servant I anticipate for him still higher honours,
or rather continued honours (for a higher honour than that of
passing the Reform Bill it is not in the power of fortune to
confer)—l anticipate that the time is not far distant when the
eyes of the nation will again be turned to him, and the Sove-
reign shall recall him to his councils.--( Great cheering.) I
come next to the consideration of the interests of agriculture.
The late Government has been charged with not paying suffi-
cient attention to those interests, or taking steps to remedy the
depression under which they labour. No Government can be
indifferent to agriculture, which affects all classes, however
exalted or low • and least of all could the late Government be
supposed indifferent to it, many, if not all, of whose members
possessed a large stake in the prosperity of the soil, and
some of whom were not only scientific bat practical agri-
culturists. There are two points here for consideration—ls
. it meant that the late government was disposed to reduce the
existing protection, or that it ought to have introduced some
new measure to remedy the evil ? As to the existing law I
recollect that two years ago, in reference to Lord Althorp's
statement at an election in Northampton, that the government
would resist an) change of the corn laws, my hon. opponent,
Macleod, questioned the statement, because he said, Lord Al-
thorp would not be master of his own motions. Since that
period the question has been proposed, and it was resisted by
the late government. It is a singular fact, too, that the only
protection which the corn interest now enjoys is given by a law,
which it fell to my lot, as President of the Board of Trade, to
introduce into parliament—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) If it is
meant that any new measure ought to have been introduced to
relieve the distress of the agriculturist, I submit to your candour
and justice the difficulty of finding any such measure. No one
has ))teen proposed on which there has been any unanimity. In-
deed the only relief that has been suggested is the repeal of the
Malt tax, and on that we know the greatest possible diversity
of opinion prevails. The present government, as will be ob-
served by Sir Robert Peel's letter to the electors of Tamworth,
will resist its repeal, on the same grounds adduced by the
former Administration, the difficulty of finding a proper
substitute. I met lately in this county, on the same day, two
eminent agriculturists, who differed completely on that point.
In order to show the anxiety of the late Government on the
subject, and the difficulty of applying a practical remedy, I
may mention that a Committee of the House of Commons
was appointed to investigate and report on the state of agri-
culture. The Committee was composed of the ablest agri-
culturists of the House of Commons, and Sir Robert ?eel
was a member of it. The most ample evidence was taken ;
and yet, after all, the only practical remedy that resulted from
that Committee was the transfer of the county-rates in Eng-
gland from the counties to the national funds—a remedy, va-
luable as respects local interests, but unimictrtant as a general
measure. Ido not mean by this to check inquiry, or to pre-
vent any attempt which may be deemed advisable to remove the
deplorable distress under which the agriculturists suffer, but to
show the unfairness of charging it as a crime on the late Go-
vernment—or on any Government, that they have not dis-
covered a remedy.—( A person in the crowd cried out " Down
with the rents," which caused much cheering and laughter.)
This is so far as relates to the arable farmer ; but it is right to
notice that another branch of the agricultural interests,
that of sheep and cattle, is not in such a state as to call for
commisseration. Some years ago, when that branch also was
depressed, it was charged upon me that I was the cause of that
distress, by advocating what was called—but called incor-
rectly—free trade. I contended against that imputation,
maintaining that the tendency of those commercial relaxations
which I supported, was of a directly opposite character, and
that they only required fair play to vindicate themselves from
this aspersion. I think, as I was charged with being acces-
sory to that distress, I may claim for those principles some
share in the present prosperity. You may depend upon
it, that the greater the removal of restrictions, and the
freer the interchange between nations, the greater will
be the impulse given to demand, and the stimulus ap-
plied to the powers of production. There is another
measure of the late Government, alluded to by Ballindal-
loch, on which I shall not enlarge—the East India measure.
It was passed in the face of opposing interests, and of able
adversaries, yet without any change in its material parts,
and with general approbation. Though not very familiar
to England or Scotland, no act of the Government affected
so large a portion of our fellow-creatures. If carried into
full effect, I anticipate from it the highest advantages. It
is not merely that the China monopoly is dissolved, or that the
gates of India are opened to British capital and enterprise,
but that the natives of India are elevated in the scale of being,
and arc prepared for the capacity of enjoying higher privileges
and all the rights of civilized Cheers.) I trust, I may
hope that it will not be considered a dishonour to my consti-
tuents, that it fell to the lot of their representative to accom-
plish this great measure. As to the retirement into private
life which the Chisholm has been pleased to recommend to
me, and which it seems is to be my only refuge from shame
and obloquy, he will I hope extend his kindness a little fur-
ther, and grant me an asylum in some part of his vast domi-
nions—(laughter)—in the recesses of Strathglass or on the
borders of Loch Affrig. And perhaps, too, vi hen looking,
down from his palace on that obscure retreat, provided for de-
parted and condemned statesmen, he may condescend some-
times to pay a visit to that solitude, and favour me with more
of the advice which he has been pleased so gratuitously to
bestow upon me.—( Continued laughter.) The Hon. Gentle-
man also alluded to the circumstance of my having borne
office in different governments. This charge, which has also
'been made in other quarters, involves, and is, I presume, in
general meant to involve, an implication of the motives of my
conduct. Of any such intention I acquit the Chisholm. With
respect to those who impute to me unworthy motives, I shall
only say that no person would make the imputation unless he
felt that he himself could be swayed by such considerations.
To you, however, gentlemen, who are prepared to receive my
observations with candour, and to do me justice, I beg to re-
present that from my first entrance into public life, or at least
since I bore any prominent part in office, I have ever been the
advocate of liberal measures of improvement. Circumstances,
into which I need not here enter, early connected me with
Lord Liverpool's Administration. At that period, towards
the close of the war, it is well known there existed a diversity
of opinion between different Members of the Government.
There were the more liberal and the less liberal. Though
there were some distinguished Members in the former class,
the latter was the one to which the young aspirant for office,
if guided only by motives of worldly prudence, would have
attached himself. Yet I did not hesitate to act upon
those feelings and principles which I believed to be just,
and that openly and avowedly..--(Hear, hear.) I was
then only holding a subordinate office. When I became
Secretary for Ireland—an appointment highly creditable to the
liberality of Lord Liverpool, and deeply censured by some of
his colleagues—l ask, did I shrink from acting on those prin-
ciples ? I appeal to the history of my administration in that
country—l appeal to all those who have any knowledge of the
subject—l might appeal to the Irish people--( Cheers.)
that if it had not been for my adherence to liberal
principles, I should have longer retained that distinguished
obffieilncieeevi.Pele' Ats a subsequent period, I joined the administration
of which Mr. Canning was a leading member. The policy
of Mr. canning was a liberal policy, both in foreign and yand supported him with my vote. On the appointment of
do-
mestic affairs, with one exception, the question of Parliamentary
to the office of Prime Minister, came the stl'uggle
Reform. On that question I took no prominent part ; I never
liberal and illiberal principle of government. He
spoke on it, but I certainly followed the guidance of Mr. Can-
tahn betweeno cs
Canningnminr.g,
was renounged abandoned by his
lamented
colleaguesstatesman,
t.r:srne7ilpto.rtedi by those
tgwhoolathad hitherto opposed
AAclaratien that he would resist Parliamen-
If it' be elpfle against nie that SQ adhered to him, not-
let it be remembered that even those, who, prior
o that period had always advocated that measure, did also give
thim their cordial and efficient support. In truth, they felt as
I felt, that the period had arrived whiph was to decide, whether
a liberal or illiberal system of Oovetriment was to Prevail in
Great Britain, and they were willing to allow acme ittestietis,
twairtyhsataenfdorining,