The Sun.
London, England, 1832-04-25 00:00:00

EXCHANGES ON LONDON.

'LIMBURG, APRIL :A-13 ; two months, 13 10,-,
CHRISTIANIA. APRIL ft—Three months, 6 38.
BERLIN, APRIL 19.—Three months, 7.
Sr. PECERSRLIAGH. APRIL 10.—Three months, 10 13-32.
SrocKnoLNl, APRIL 13.—Seventy- five-days, 13. 40.
BREMEN, APRIL 7.—Two months, 620.

SWINTON POTTERY.—At this very exten-
Pive establishment a dessert service, value 3.000 guineas, is
being prepared for the KlNG.—Sheffiehl Courant.
Some of the inhabitants of the fashionable
streets and squares complain that the Paving Boards ne-
glect the watering of them ; hut they ought to remember
th,t the chief business of such Boards has always been to
throw dust in their eyes.
There are said to be in England and Wales
50,000 public-houses and 30,000 beer. shops.
The unexpected dissolution of Lady ANNE
WYNDHAM has cast a gloom not to he described over the
distinguished families to which her Ladyship was allied,
and will probably cause the absence of many of her noble
female relatives and friends from the approaching drawing.
room. In addition to Lord DURHAM, Lady ANNIE was
mother to the lady of the lion. Colonel HENRY CoMrroN
CAVENDISH, of the First Life Guards, and sister to the
Earl of JEnsEv, the Duchess of ARGYLL, and Lady PON-
SONDY (of Imokilly). Her Ladyship was also related to
the family of the Earl of ECHLEMONT, having formed an
alliance, in 1801, with the lion. CHARLES WILLIAM
\VYNDHAM, bn,ther to his Lordship, 31r. WYNDHAM
died in 1828, leavill no issue by his marriage with the
I amented Lady whose death we have recorded. Lady
ANNZ, for some years preceding her demise, had lived in
Comparative retirement at her house in May-fat:, with
the exceltio iof occasional visits-to the members of her
f amity.

MEETING OF THE NTiIERN POLL.
TICAL UNION.

(From the 711/fie Illo'criry of tuesda).)
On t.Vednesday evening last, is inee•ing the Council
and Associates olthe i‘icn•thern noritical Union, and other
f;.iends of Reforte., as as hell in the Music-hal!, Rackett.
street, to take into consideration the propriety of sending a
pcition to the House of Lords, praying that their Lord-
ship; would pass the Reform Pill riitnout impairing cr
mutilating it, and more etTen:ally as it regarded the clause
c.f the IN. francl`aise. The meeting was very numerously
attendee.; a large body arrived from the south of the
Tyne, preceded by two banners anti hand of music.—
About half past seven the Coltucil took their seats in the
gallery, and short...-; aiterwards C. Attwoo.l, Esq., 5v5
voted to the 'chair.

Mr. ATTwoon said the object of I..tte beeting was to
propose a series of resolution!: oh which to ground a pe-
tition to the House of Paast-e, praying that the Bill might .
not be nitatilaTlA in any of its essential point-a. lie sew in
the cce4uct of the Ministers, aomething teahniated to
adamn him with regard to the sufticie.ney of their firmness,
and especially with regard t sate 101. clause—a clause far
the 5-11eCC94 of which )!s.'e ',vas remarkably anxious, because
if that clatiateasieed any mutilation, the people would be
tpetlatat 't,emoved from any control in the representation
than if the Bill had never retstseti at all. 'lli' p`eople of
England had made enonah sacrifeee, atiC roust not now
have the rate of franchise tiliSe-d one iota higher. If
the Bill should he ronti!ated, whatever other events might
arise, the bird of peace would be seen no more in tl.is
country. Mr. Attwood then remarked. on some 04-
aervations which had fallen from some of the opposition
Peers. It was repotted te.have been said by one Noble-
man (the Duke of roickingham), that the Ministers were
controlie I by Uoiens, who were lighting their
battiest under the flag of Attwood.—(Cheeets mid laugh-
too.) He (the Chairman) was net th.-.; object of the Noble
Duke's sneer ; he was tthly a. relative of that individual,
hut still he wan prod of the name of a family whose exer-
tions atencls teitor into the hearts of their country's one-
mien, If the flag of Buckingham and the flag of Attwood
should come into collision, be believe I the Peer would be
the first to strike his flag._(Cheers. )
T. DouBLEDAY, Esq., rose, and ptoeeeded to say, that
the Reform Bill having passed the second reading in the
Lords was a suhieet for exultation but not for over seen-
onght to act as an excitement, and not lull as a
soporific; the Reformers were bound to use every effort to
get the Bill in all its integrity through the Committee.—
This was not said in derogation of Earl Grey—he had con-
fidence in Earl Grey, because Earl Grey hail up to this
hour been a consistent, straight-forward politician. He
begged the meeting, and the worthy Chairman especially,
to remember that when, in 1819, the Whigs, as Indians,
worship the devil through fear, prostrated themselves at
Alnwiek before the Duke of Northumberland, from dread
of the radicale, Lord Grey and
,Mr. Larabton were the
honourable exceptions in this crew of recreants.—
Lord Grey's upright conduct too broke the hollow heart
of the flashy sophist Canning. He must repeat that
no stone should he left unturned to secure the Bill. Did
they not know that many even of those who voted for
it tried at the same moment to destroy its credit in the
eyes of the people ? Lord Wharucliffa said it would
do them no good ! Wellington out-heroded him, and said
it would do us even pecuniary harm—that after we got
it, we should he so unruly that we should have to pay a
thundering army to keep ourselves in order, and have our-
selves to pay taxes! Such bad boss should we be that
our pocket money would all go in buying birch rods for
our own backs.—(Laughter.) This stuff would hardly
do, even front the Prince of Waterloo. No, no ! gentle-
men ; no, no ! Let us get our Reformed Parliament, our
"house of delegates," (" he thanked the Duke for teach-
ing bins that word") and we shall soon manage our " dole-
7ation" so as to do good to ourselves. At another time
he would say more upon this important topic. What
were now the great evils of the country?—lst, the sine-
cure places and pensions; 2d, the overgrown church and
its tithes ; and 3d, the astounding debt—three Medusas
heads, full of snakes ! He would now begin with the
sinecures, they came out of the pockets of the people ;
would they do so under a Parliament "delegated "by the
people ? Not they—no more clerks of green wax and
p-Cs and tallies devouring thousands of pounds for no-
thing! Would this be no good—to uc ? Let us stick to
the delegate system, and we shall prosper.—(Cheers.) He
next came to the church—what was it? A sect calling
itself " national," but not cared for by one man in ten.
Its modest parsons took eight millions a year, (he said this
by guess, for they would give no account of what they got)
whilst other sects had to pay their ministers out of
their own pockets, and did do so, and will too.
This was England, but what was it in Ireland? Dr.
Johnson called somebody a " satisfactory coxcomb"
—the Irish church had not the merit of being a
satisfactory humbug; it was a set of pensions under the
impudent pretence of religion, where there plainly was
none. Some divines divided religion in two parts, the
visible and invisible church. There was neither in Ire-
land : the churches had all tumbled down and the con-
gregations turned Roman Catholics!—(Loud laughing and
cheers.) He next came to that pretty affair, the 800
millions of debt ! Upon that head he would speak with
sincerity and brave obloquy, which he knew he should
get in some quarters. He begged them, if they disap-
proved of his arguments, to put hint down; for in this
question there was no medium, and they must either be
very right or egregiously wrong. Who borrowed this
money?—(A voice, " I got none of it.") lie dared say
his friend told the truth, for the English boroughmongers
borrowed it ,—(Loud laughing.) And for what? To
put down Reform at home and freedom abroad, to
perpetuate their own profitable abuses. Had they
any right to saddle us and our children with this debt ?
He denied it flatly and in toto. He abjured the whole
loan system—a nation had de facto only a life interest in
the soil and property, they could not alienate it nor will
it away ! They could not sell the country in the lump
and spend the money. Now a man with a life interest only
cannot mortgage nor burden the heir ;—this is the law of
nature and civil zation also. But if this was as he said, could
they mortgage the blood and bones, the minds and bodies
of their descendants? Monstrous idea, and yet this has
been attempted liy them, for before a shilling of profit or
oviintenance could he obtained by farmer, merchant, or
manufacturer, he must first work out les share of the
taxes to pay the interest of the " debt" as it is called :
this could not continue. He was 'or no unmerciful dispen-
sation to the fundholders ; they were innocent, and ought
to be paid as far as all disposable public property could pay
them ; for the rest some sort of compromise must be
made—and by a Reformed Parliament, in time, it would
be made—the thing was inevitable, and time would prove
it so. Mr. Doubleday then moved the first resolution,
which was carried unanimously, with sheering and clap-
ping of hands.
Mr. WILLIAM ANDREW MITCHELL followed and said,
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, in seconding the motion of
Mr. Doubleday, I shall only trouble you with a very few
desultory remarks. The Earl of Eldon made use of an
argument, about which lie quibbled and quirked so long,
that one would almost imagine there was some sense in it.
--(Loud latighter)—but which, when its real meaning
was discovered, came to nothing more nor less than this,
that all former motions on Reform—that all former Re-
form Bills which had ever been introduced into the House
of Lords or House of Commons, had been thrown out,
and that, therefore, the present Bill ought to be thrown
out alsa.—(Laughter.) The same argument would show
that the Court ot Chancery ought to have been now what
it was in its first imperfect rudiments—the same argu-
ments would show that the Houses of Lords and Com-
mons should be as they were at the beginning—the same
• argument would show that we ought never to have
pissed the heptarcby, if, indeed, it allowed us the hep-
tarchy at all, and that we ought never to have been
under one sole and united monarchy—the same argu-
ment would prove that we ourselves ought to have been
at this moment naked savages, painted blue, and living
in mud huts by the sea shore.—(Applause and loud
I 'tighter.) Lord Lyndhurst says if their Lordships
pass the Bill—if they give the people a full and perfect
representation, they will abolish the other branches of the
Legislature. This is a very fine complimetittothe
people
of England, to say that as soon as they shall have acquired
their renovated Constitution—as soon as their Constitution
shall have cast off the injuries and the corruption which
cutwwerhei,citloth
ethhealdr
o tiwmne thhardo iti thsrft on doevsetrr oiyt t !title e yv
earrye'edail ediitfice
immortalized themselves in endeavouring to restore.—
(Loud applause.) Bat, gentlemen, history gives us in-
stances of sound representation without any such effects.
The Swedes have their Storthings, in which they are fairly
represented—there are no rotten boroughs amongst them
—(Laughter)—and yet we never heard of their attempt-
ing to abolish the King of their Constitution. The Duke
ot Wellington, gentlemen ! His arguments, that the pro-
perty of the country did not support the Reform Bill have
been well answered, as you will have seen, by Lord
Brougham, especially as relates to the pecuniary wealth
and the landed property of the country; but there is ano-
ther property which also supports the Bill—the property
of the human hind.—(l.oud applause)_that property,
without which, all other property is as nothing. We are
all more or less labourers, and labour must and will be
represented by the Hill.—(Applause.) Some hints have
been given of ao address restseeting the efeation of Peers.
Now I bold with my fricud Mr. Doubleday, that we must

rearin every nerve, that we must Is' tve no stone unturned,
th it we must use every legal means in our power to con-
vince his Majesty and the House of Peers, that we are
resolved to have the Bill in all its integrity, uninjured and
uoimpaired.—(Great applause.)
Mr. Jon:4 Fag then reete,---Mr. Chairman, Friends,
Fellow-country:tic:l,—We know well that the decision of
the House of Lords has delayed, if not altogether averted,
cal imities which it is painful to cootemolate, and under
this impression I pinoose this second resolution.—(Mr.
Fife then reasi. the resolution.) The resolution mentions
gratitude, but it may be well not to inquire too curiously
into motives ; perhaps they reroeuilserA that aliout two
hundred years ages the: rSi*-iiiiroies declared the Upper
Huse be a nuisance—(Laughter)—some might have
wished for some dreaded general insurrection, and others
with more reason may have feared a peaceable bet resolute
evation of the payment of. taxes.—(Cheers.) Vie have,
I believe, a friend . io the Catiinet, Who will never com-
promise (sae iota of our rights ; in his youth he was borne
forward on the shoulders of the people triumphantly to
assert the independence of the county of Durham—
(Cheers)—in the very teeth of the most powerful union of
Priests and Tories that eves ecnspieed to Ce.iust a pensioner
into Parliament. be ritotrids he has received from eccle-
siastical nshimny, like the scars of the veteran, find honour
in the eyes Of the people, and the standard of his reputa-
tion, which he advances so boldly in their cause, remains
invincible, though rent, and draws more affection from their
hearts than the most unspotted lawn th it ever clothed the
arms of an hypocritical Prelate. If the prayers of mil-
lions may avail to restore the health and prolong the life of
such an advocate of liberty, we shall yet see him foremost
in the ranks of our champions. If I desired to raise the va-
lue of the Reform Bill in year estimation, I should merely
point out the aversion in which it is held by the corrupt
pOrtion of the aristocracy, those clauses which snake it
valuabl4 to you, render it hateful to them ! whatever it
takes from them, it gives to you. I know not whether
to occupy your time in re,narking on the conduct and pre-
tences of its opponents.—(Cries of " go on, go on.") Their
first let me congratulate the anti-reforming llshops on
having such a colleague as the Duke of Cumberland—
(Laughter)—a leader whom you would have elected for
them had you been asked to appoint one. Perhaps those
pious prelates think that under an amiable Prince the
rights of the people would lie safe enough without any par-
liament. Certain Lords hive good reason to complain of
the press, fur the reporters have made Lord Dlenborough
seem ridiculous; I could not conceive where they got such
stuff until my friend Mr. Doubleday pointed out some of it
in Blackwood's Magazine ; it admires the present House
of Commons for containing so many sons of Peers, proving
it, according to the sarcasm of Bentham, almost as go .d as
a second House of Lords ; it delights in the number of
military officers in that House, making it equal to a court•
martial, but it omits all mention of the original intention
of the House of Commons, VIZ. to act as a protection to
the people.—(Laughter). It laments that the Bill gives
no elective franchise to the labouring classes, and
then asserts as its greatest evil, that it must soon lead to
Universal Suffrage, Annual Parliaments, and Vote by Bal-
lot.—(Cheers.) The reporters ascribe most offensive lan-
guage to the Marquis of Buckingham, fur which the 10/.
householders may requite them—his objection to the Bill
is, that the House of Commons may become vulgar, but let
him be consoled with the assurance that if the least edu-
cated people, instead of their representatives, were there,
no speech would be ever heard within the wails of the
House below the lovel of his own.—(Great laughter.)
There never was in this world a position at once more
ludicrous and degrading than that which is now the plan
of the Tory faction. flaying plunged this country into
unjust wars, and brought it to the verge of national bank-
ruptcy, they declared that nothing could be better, and
that no Reform should be granted ! Hurled from power,
disowned by the Inure virtuous part of the aristocracy,
ejected from Parliament by the middle orders, derided
and scorned by the labouring classes of the people, they
began to stammer out that a little bit of Reform might
do.—(Laughter.) Thus " meanly shuffling to sneak out
of the scrape they bad so pompously strutted into."
Their day is past, but if, as a last effort, they spoil the
Bill, let us reject it with disdain.—(Cheers.) No longer
will I pay taxes in money.—(Cheers.) Let them con-
fiscate my land.—(Cheers.) Let them seize my goods.
—(Cheers.) I am prepared to endure the last extremity
—(Cheers)—eternal banishment—(Cheers)—death itself
—(Cheers)—rather than be the willing slave of a tyranni-
cal, unprincipled, Tory Administration.—(Cheers.) Mr.
F. concluded by moving the second resolution, which was
seconded by Mr. Abbott, and carried unanimously.

Mr. LARKIN then rose and said—Mr. Chairman an 1
Gentlemen,-1 am glad that the House of Lords have not
been rash and daring enough to arouse the slumbering
passions of a mighty people, for if they had been mad
enough not to heed the thunder of the people's voice, as-
suredly they would have perished in the lightning of the
people's rage.—(Loud cheering.) The hour, then, of our
triumph approaches ; of the triumph of wisdom over folly,
of reason over obstinacy and error, of justice over injustice,
of humanity over oppression, of freedom over tyranny, of
the people over a boroughmongeriog oligarchy.—(Cheers.)
I rejoice at the prospect which England now has of being
rescued from the thraldom of the basest domination to
which proud men have ever submitted ; the domination
of Jews, and jobeers, and money-lenders. I rejoice at the
prospect which England has now of being delivered
from the tyranny of an oligarchy the most insolent
which the world ever beheld, and from the pressure of
an oppression the most huge under which a nation ever
groaned. I rejoice at the prospect which England now
has of emerging from wretchedness to happiness, from im-
pending turbulence, insurrection and civil war, to
trmquillity, contentment, and peace.—(Loud cheers.)
When last we approached the House of Lords, we were
rudely pushed from the doors, our demands rejected, our
petitions spurned. We resented that rejection, we were
indignant at that denial; and the Lords were taught the
lesson that the demands and petitions of the people of Eng-
land could not be rejected with impunity. Did the peo-
ple retire from the House of Lords with dejected hearts
and fallen countenances? No, the universal population of
these realms sprung from their knees upon their feet, aban-
doned the posture of supplication, and assumed that of
haughty determination and firm resolve.—(Cheers.) And
what has been the consequence ? The Lords, the proud
Peels of England, have quailed in the presence of a re-
solved and united people. Even Wellington has been
constrained to the admission that some reform is necessary,
end the Duke of Buckingham, God save the mark !
(laughter)—is ready prepared with a plan of Reform. The
Bishops, too, have begun to feel something of that whole-
some fear which is the beginning of wisdom, and to trem-
ble for their mitres. Such, Sir, is the mighty force and
resistless energy of public opinion. Concession has suc-
ceeded to rude insult, respect and deference to scorn and
repulsion.—(Cheers.) I have now, Sir, to beg your in-
dulgence and that of this auditory, while I make a few
comments on the speeches of the Bishop of Exeter and
the Duke of Wellington. And first let me pay my re-
spects to that servile sycophant in lawn, the notorious
Phillpotts. In the debate he followed the Bishop of Lon-
don, who has recommended himself to the esteem of the
people by his solemn and emphatic declaration that Reform
is necessary for the peace arid safety of the country. The
Bishop of Exeter commenced his harangue by sarcasti-
cally complimenting the Bishop of London on the diain-
terestedness of the vote he was about to give. Certainly,
Sir, it is very edifying to hear the mutual criminations and
recriminations of these Right Rev. Prelates. As to me,
who am well known to possess the most profound respect
and reverence for the Bench of Bishops—(l.aughter,)
and who in my simplicity had always thought that the
snow-like purity and whiteness of their sleeves was but a
feeble emblem of the still greater purity of their characters
—(Laughter),—l was astonished at hearing it insinuated
that any portion of that sacred bench could be influenced
by motives and passions so base, so sordid, so grovelling
and earthly as those of avarice and ambition.—(Loud
laughter.) Yet Dr. Phillpotts says so, and be is an ho-
nourable man.—(Great laughter and cheering). They
know one another's characters much better than I do, and
the Bishop of Exeter cm portray with a much more
correct and faithful pencil than I possess the character of a
spiritual peer.—(Laughter). But, Sir, permit me to ask,
it the character of those prelates who voted in favour of
the Reform Bill be in the estimation of Dr. Phillpotts
venal and corrupt, in what estimation does he think the
people bold the character of those prelates who are the
()eh
apo
tpl
o,oias eaonjds
the offrot
frontless
tel
eßs shameful
apologists
ptohieo
partsaid v
oc
ofa
ft advocates
drunkenness,
constitution,niln.jeunsnt iecse,,,t
gluttony,
leaunvt
dti
on
nt
thelyi s,
bribery,r:n corruption,douvt the
m aan ho chargesi
n penury.—(Loud r u ry.
(tteutildi s
he ho
p o
e e rsi ) Ob
with the crimes of avarice and ambition, is himself
London
Sir,
com-
pletely purified from the dross of all earthly and selfish
feel ng—a sublimated essence of sanctity—(Laughter)—a
_.(Great
ernofpiscopal purity and Christian meekness !
laughter').
Who, I ask, is this man that spurns
gold as dross ?—whose character is the very reverse of that
of Mammon,—whose looks commerce only with the skies?
Who, from the elevated region of sanctity in which he
superiority and contempt
edral, dr the lofty towers
nw.wi
ni with
easnt
eer yeeaot
hf
s
of Durham abbey? Who, I ask, is the man that reads
odnwett lsopoikresdoonf.
lectures on avarice and homilies on ambition to the Bishop
of London? Why, Sir, it is the disaffected, the defeated,
the discomfited Rector of Stanhope._(Loud cheering).
Now, Sir, I sl.ould like to know if this pure, meek, and
disinterested character had no vengeful recollection of the

persons who u rested Stanhope facial his grasp ? Dees he I
not recollect that it was Earl Grey and the present Mi-
nistry, who, in obedience to the public voice loudly ard
indiensntiv expressed, would not suffer him to hold that
rich rectory in conjunction with the see of Exeter ? I
should like to know whether in revenge for that act of
justice he would not like to trip rap the heels of the Mi-
nistry that &frail's:ell his ',seen avarice of its eager expec-
tations? Aye, Sir, I fear if my Lord of London has ambi-
tious expectations, his Lordship of Exeter bait vengeful re-
collections. I pass over hie &fence of rottenboroughs ;
I pass over tne obscenity of his allusions to the shameful
but necessary parts of the Constitution, merely remarking
that these shameful parts are of a most inordinate and
disproportionate magnitude, and make the Constitution a
sort of political .3riaprs, whose glory is in its shame ; and
1 ProCelo: to his representation of Reform as dangerous to
the existence of the establishment. This is a strange ad-
mission from a churchman—that the security of the Church
depends on the venality and corruption of the House of
Commons.—(Hear, hear.) If this representation be true,
then do I say that a Church whose existence 18 incompa-
tible with the Freed' ln of the people and the independence
of the Commons' House of Parliament, is a public and a
national evil, and should be abolished.—(Loud cheers.)
He asserts that this granting of Reform would be no
infraction of the Coronation Oath, inasmuch as Reform
would weaken awl ultimately destroy that establishment
which the King had sworn to maintain. If so, then by a
formal art of the Legislature, the King should be
absolved from the observance of an oath which prevents
bins from doing justice to his subjects.—(Cheers.) If
that estelilishasent be, as the Bishop of Exeter declares
that it is, odious and oppressive to the people, wherefore,
in the name of justice should it he mentioned ? If that
establishment be a public benefit, it can he in no danger
from Reform. If it be a public evil it is the height of op-
pression to maintain it.—(Loud cheers.) The mainte-
nance of any establishment, whether civil, religious, or
military, in opposition to the wishes and the interests of
the people, is tyranny, as they are tyrants of the moat
odious description who, in defiance of public. opinion, Fop-
port them—they are slaves who submit to them.—(Loud
chemmis.) The public happiness, the public good, should
be the greet object of all legislation, of all laws, of all
Constitutions, of all establishments ; perish every law,
perish every Constitution, perish every establishment in-
consistent with the happiness, with the freedom of the
people.—(Veliement cheering.) Dr. Paillootts concluded
his address with a solemn warning to the House to do its
duty, to despise consequences, and trust to God. He in.
yoked the God of Justice to give permanency to injustice.
He invoked the God of freedom to make tyranny eternal
and slavery immortal. Blasphemy and hypnericy were
mingled in that peroration in which the champion of op.
pression makes a solemn, delibera•e appeal to Haven, as if
God were the patron of the oppressor, and not the avenger
of the oppressed.—(Great cheering.) The hypocrite who
tittered that blasphemous peroration conceals under the
robes of a bishop the heart of an infidel and an atimieet—
(Cheers.) Mr. Larkin then proceeded to comment on the
Duke of Wellington's speech. The Duke objects that the
Bill is subversive of the present system of representation.
His Grace is neither a witty nor a hurno•ous man, though
this must be intended as a humble attempt at humour.
Present system of representation ! Why our support of
the Bill is founded on this eircutnsrance, that on the ruin
and destruction of a non-representative system, it erects a
system of popular representation. He represents the Bill
as a Bill of disfranchisement. Certainly it disfranchises
the corrupt and rotten burgh, hut it enfranchises the large
town : it is therefore more truly a Bill of enfranchisement
than one of the opposite charactt r. But what right has
the disfranchiser of the forty-shillitig freeholder of Ireland
to olmj• et that it is a Bill of dis'ranchisement ?—(Cheers.)
He talks of innovation. What right has the great innovator,
the Duke of Wellington, the man who exalted the catho-
lies from political degradation to civil squatty with their
protestant fellow-subjects to hold this language? He re-
fers to Charles, to royal grants, and to prescriptions, as if
they were the most sacred things in all the world. But I
tell this admirer of musty parchments and hoary headed
prescriptions, that there are rights which are anterior to all
charters, and, one of these rights is, the right of every people
to govern themselves.—(Load cheers.) There is a right
founded on no royal grant, bat had existence before kings
were—this is a right founded on no charter, but had its
found ration in the nature of man before written documents
bad existecce. From charters and prescriptions, then,
we appeal to the rights of man.—Cneering,.) But it ap-
pears that it is not the lust of dominion, it is not the am-
hitious views of his Grace that prompt opposition to the
Bill of Reform, but actually his love of the people and his
admiration of cheap government !--(Laughter.) Mr.
Larkin here read a passage illustrative of his Grace's
viers. Previous to eotnruenting on this passage, I ask
why did not the Duke illustrate his views by a reference to
the much more splendid example of a cheap government
which the United States present to the world, than to
the unsettled Government of France, torn as it is by injus-
tice, fiction, and discord, and with the evil of a disputed
succession impending over it. I deny that the Govern•
anent of France is, as his Grace asserts, a popular Govern-
ment. I deny it is based on the sovereignty of the people.
It is because the government of France is not popular ; it
is because it is not based on the sovereignty of the people
that the insurrectionary spirit, that the spirit of insubor-
dination prevails. Louis-Philippe was seated on the
throne of France by a faction of monied men, who were
more interested in the stability of the funds than in the
principles of free government, and not by the voice and
acclamation of the French people. He governs in accord-
ance with the views of that monied interest, and not ac-
cording to time views and interests of the nation. Would
Poland, I ask, be at this moment enslaved, if Louis-
Philippe was really King the French ?—Would that
gallant people be at the mercy of a despot, within the
hug of time great Russian bear, if the sympathies of the
French Monarch were in accordance with those of his
people? Poland, the land of the brave and the free, hes
been degraded, and Fence has been a silent, inactive
spectator of that degradation, into a Russian province.
Her heroes, whose blood has not flowed on the scaffold or
been spilt on the field, have been exiled into Siberia, and
Poland is annexed for ever—bear this absolute decree—
for ever annexed to the Russian empire. The despot of
the north decrees an eternity of bondage to the Pole.
Poland, then, has perished because France is not free ;
and Inver Government is not cheap, because Louis-Phillippe
reigns, as all despots reign, by force, and not by free elec-
tion. The Duke calculated on insurrection as being a
probable consequence of the rejection of the Reform Bill,
and endeavoured to reanimate time faltering courage of the
Peers, to screw their courage up to the rejecting point, by
observing that there could be no violence where there was
amt efficient Government. Ninety men, he observed, were
sufficient to put a atop to the disasters that occurred at
Bristol, as soon as an officer was found to do his duty.
Aye, Sir, the sabre, the bayonet, the cannon, are this
moan's recipe for government. But is it so easy to quell
an insurgent people as his military Dukeship supposes ?
Was the insurgent populace of Paris so easily quelled?—
(Cheers.) Were the revolting citizens of Brussels so easily
quelled ?—(Cheers.) Besides, are armies always faithful ?
Will officers always do their duty against their country ?
—(Cheers.) But I will no longer pursue this course of
reflection. Easy as his Grace supposes it to be to crush
an insurgent people—easy as he supposes it to be to dragoon
and bayonet them into submission, still, for the sake of
the people—for the sake of their Lordships—for the sake
of tranquillity—for the sake of the great cause of liberty
itself, which has often been lust amidst the tumult and car-
nage, the ferocious passions and unlicensed phrensy of civil
war, I rejoice that their Lordships have not goaded the
people into violent courses, nor exasperated the resent-
ment of the populace into fury and desperation, by a se-
cond rejection of the Reform Bill. In the meantime, it
behoves the people to be vigilant, and to guard from im-
pairment and mutilation this great charter of their liber-
ties.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. Laing concluded by moving
the third resolution, which was seconded by Mr. Walsh.
.Mr. J. WATSON moved that a petition, founded on the
resolutions, be signed by the Chairman on behalf of the
meeting, and transmitted to Lord Durham for represen-
tation.

The petition was then read by the Chairman, and its
adoption moved by Mr. Laing, and seconded by Mr. Dodd.
Previous to putting the resolutions and petition, the
Chairman inquired if there were any other resolutions,
when a person in the crowd proposed two, which he after-
wards withdrew, and the original resolutions and petition
were adopted.
Mr. DOUBLEDAY said, he ought to feel both chains and
contrition for trespassing again, at so late an hour, upon
their• patience.—(Cries of "No, no, go on, go on.") He felt
however, a matter of duty, and duty was imperative.
They had done well to pass the petition of to-night, but he
meant to move an address to Lord Grey, urging him to
create Peers, and secure the integrity of the Bill..—(Vebe•
event applause.) ' He was glad they coincided with him i❑
opinion. Rumours and whispers were abroad that Lord
Grey was disinclined to do this ; if it were so, be won-
dered why, for how could 30 or 40 more Peers injure the
order ? \Vint idea were they taught to have of a Peer?
Why, that he was descended from a line of great and noble
persons, and had the reputation of his house to support ;
.e was called on to he brave in soul, generous in disposi-
tion, patriotic in intention, to lead the people against fo •
reign foes, to stand between them and domestic oppression.
Now, if 40 men with such qualifications were added,
where was the injury? It was adding ornament to ma-

urnt, holiour to honour} hoinliiy to nObilitr Was he to
b! told that an over-issue would depreciate the lordly cur-
rency—that they were only valuable when rare ? The
libel was riot his, but this was putting them on the shelf
with other rare Specimens of natural history, with our
ouraneoutangs, and kangaroo rata. Mr. D. then moved
the address, which sae seconded by Mr, WICATIIERSON,
and adopted.
The thanks of the meeting were given to the Chairman ;
the band played " Rule Britannia" and " God save the
King," and after some cheering, the meeting dispersed.

MANCHESTER, APRIL 23.

(FRoM belt CORRESPONDENT.)

The great meeting which is advertised to take place at
York on Tuesday, on the subject of the Factory Bill of
Mr. Sadler, which is now under the consideration of
Committee, has excited some interest in this town, espe-
cially amongst the operatives, who have received invita-
tions In the shape of pi:teat-di; plentifully posted upon the
walls to attend the meeting. A great concourse of the
manufacturing population of the four counties, Lanca-
shire, Cheshire, Yorkshire, and Derbyshire, it is antici-
pated will attend to lend their aid in petitionin; the Legis-
lature for a restriction of the hours of labour, which at
present are fixed by the employers. Many of the unem-
ployed of this town have proceeded to the place of meeting,
and the Committee of management of the proceeding,
have appointed several stations on the road for the relief
and refreshment of poar artisans from distant towns who
may feel disposed to attend the meeting. Richard Oastler,
Esq., of Fixhy 11 411, near Huddersfield, who has for a
length of time exerted himself in advocating the cause of the
poor workman, will meet the procession et operatives from
the various towns near Yolk, and lead them to the city.
The following are copies of placards which have be,•n
liberally posted and delivered in Manchester and the other
manufacturing districts :

TO THE OPERATIVES OF THE WEST RIDING OF

YORKSHIRE.

Fellow workmen,—The friends of the Factories Bill have
deemed it expedient to call a county meeting, that the voice of
Yorkshire might be raised and the enemies of her cause abashed!
To the operatives we need scarcely address any observations on
the importance of the measure, and the necessity of supporting
it through every stage. They have supported it as their own
cause! They have fought the fight manfully and true! One
effort—one good effort more, that the fle!d may be our own.
The operatives have long suffered! The children of the poor
have been oppressed—worked beyond their strength—while the
able-bodied adult has been starving in the streets. This tale
has been told—and has been treated as incredible. Now, fel-
low-workmen, for a demonstration—stand forth, and show to
the nation the benefits of this system—not by words, but by an
appeal which cannot be misunderstood. Shew the nation that
this beneficial system and the interest of the operative classes
are diametrically opposed. Let the thousands of the unemployed
in Yorkshire march in one body to York ! Let the poor, weak,
degraded, helpless factory child, working its twelve, thirteen,
fourteen, and fifteen hours a-day, be produced silently to plead for
itself ; and then let them tell us, in the face of such proof, of
the beneficial effects of this system. Stand forth, and respect.
fully request that such a system may no longer exist ! Stand
forth, and respectfully demand that the idle may be permitted
to labour for themselves, and that your wages for working 12,
13, 14, or 15 hours a day may no longer be taxed for their sup-
port. Stand forth, that the able and willing may work, and
the helpless and oppressed may be free. Stand forth, and who
shall gainsay ye ? Be united—one and all. To York! to York !
Some of you have probably been allowed to attend a County
Meeting when yours were your employers' opinions, and pro-
bably you have had pecuniary assistance offered on the occa-
sion. It may not be afforded now—but never mind—act like
men resolved to effect some good—snake some personal sacrifice,
and be determined to give an independent opinion on a question
which so deeply involves your welfare. Tell your employers
you wish to go, but you do not wish to sacrifice their interests ;
you wish to consult their convenience; and if they cannot
afford to sacrifice time, you are willing to make it up. This,
however, remember—you have a duty to perform—now is your
time—now or perhaps never! The unemployed must march to
York. Rations of cheese, bread, and ale will be provided at
stations for their support. The Halifax, Huddersfield, Brad.
ford, Keighley, Bingley, Dewsbury, Batley, Heckmondwike,
Holmfirth, and Gomersal lads will most likely join your ranks.
Stand forth then, one and all, to a duty which we owe to God,
our country, our children, and ourselves ! !
RALPH TAYLOR,
Secretary to the West-Riding Central Committee.
Leeds, April 18, 1832.
SLAVERY IN YORKSHIRE!

Yorkshiremen I—The Requisitors have done their duty:—
The High Sheriff has done his I—On Tuesday next, in the
Castle-yard, at York, you will do yours !—Often have you on
that are a warmly supported the different party politics of the
day, but now no party feeling can interrupt your harmony—all
will be peace and joy ! The poor oppressed factory children
cannot be there to plead for themselves—their parents will,
their benefactors will, the friends of freedom, the haters of op-
pression will; all will be there who hate the tyrant's rod!—
Operatives, look at the requisition, and say it the clergy and
gentry of your county have not done their duty. They know
your children deserve not the keen oppressor's scourge, and
they will assist you in breaking, for ever breaking their chains I
Be true to yourselves: You have spoken in the different towns
of the West-riding, and spoken loudly too ; but the effect pro_
duced at " the Board of Trade" has not corresponded with the
greatness of your former effbrts. " Once snore then you must
make a sacrifice, and for yourselves, your wives, and children,
you must encounter the weariness and fatigue of a journey to
York:" Think it not hard, your children have often been
weary and fatigued for you! Then rouse yourselves—appear
at York—and in one loud, long, thundering voice, let York.
shire, and all England hear you swear " Our children shall be
free!" I am, my friends, yours sincerely,
RICHARD OASTLER.
Fixby-hall, near Huddersfield, April 17.
REFORM MEETING.

A requisition was in course of signature a few days ago
to the buroughreeve and constables, requesting them to
convene a meeting of the inhabitants to take into consider-
tion the propriety of petitioning the House of Lords not to
raise the franchise in Committee higher than specified i❑
the Bill now before the House. The requisition was pro-
posed by several vigilant radicals, who were led to suppose,
from the observations of Lord Grey on the second reading
of the Bill, as reported in the Times, that his Lordship
was indifferent as to the raising of the qualification. Lord
Radnor. who occasionally corresponds with some of the po-
liticians here, was written to on the subject, for the purpose
of ascertaining whether his Lordship had understood Lord
Grey in the same sense as implied by the report of
his Lordship's speech in the Times. In answer to
which his Lordship replied in the following terms :
" I did not look to the report in any of the papers,
nor can I speak positively to the words used ; but my
impies,ion is, that he said nothing which could imply the
possibility of his agreeing to the raising of the 101. fran-
chise. He argued, that in the Committee, alterations
might be made, and I think that lie admitted the possi-
bility of his not refusing altogether to accede to changes
in schedules A and B, both as to the names and numbers
of places, provided good ground for alteration be shown;
but I do not think he said so much with respect to the
10/. franchise." In consequence of the receipt of the letter
from Lord Radnor, the requisitionists have not yet pre-
sented the requisition, hut are taking time to consider of
its expediency in the present juncture of aiftirs.
A public meeting of the inhabitants of the populous
town of Bolton is also in agitation, for the purpose of
petitioning for the preservation of the 101. franchise.

KING'S THEATRE.—Rosilka's well-known
opera of Elisabetta was revived here laste night for the
purpose of introducing Madame Toss as its heroine. Ma
dame Tost has been, one way or the other, announced to
the public as an artiste of extraordinary pretensions,
and she has not failed in the good old practice of
bely ing such puff preliminary. She is a lady of rather a
person, and good expressive countenance. Her acting
was bold and confident, not over tinctured with nice
feeling, and fortunately adapted to the part of Eli-
zabeth. Her voice and style of singing are much of
the same character ; the former remarkably strong and of
good compass, and the latter more inclined to over-exertion
and display than to delicacy and pathos. The result of this
was that, throughout her entire performance, Mad. Toss"
tones seemed overstrained and rendered coarse in quality,
while the constant effort under which she laboured showed
itself in the painful expression which pervaded the rapid
changes in her countenance. In the last act, and particu-
larly the last scene, she, however, proved that she can ac
complish a judicious effect, as in the spirited air " Indigno
Feflon ! " and also execute passages of great musical dehcacy
as in " Bell'alme generose," in which she was encored,
Madame 'Fos' was well received, but we must see her in sonic
other parts before we can form any thing like a correct opi.
nion of her merits. WI f•crEn appeared inLeicester, and wasas
good a representative of such an inanity as one could wish for.
The other parts need not be noticed, except in connection
with a general remark that there seemed to be great need
of the prompter on all hands. In the Diverti,ement,
Mdle. HEBEItLE made her first appearance. She is an
exquisite dancer. She is said to have been the model of
,ess:vvieth pantomimic eloquence of Broca, d.
the most rapturous applause, which
Taglioni. It might well be so ; but, to the lightness
and elegance of her disciple, she unites all the gracetu!
She
wasmoste
r e
eexipr
vel
the well merited, and was encored in more than one of
her niovements. The house was a full, but not a crowded
one.