The Sun.
London, England, 1832-10-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNAL:-:.

Those who take an interest i❑ foreign politics
are generally aware, that for three or four days
last week, and for two or three sittings in the
present, the Conference of the five Powers,
which meets in Downing-street, has been occu-
pied with Belgic and Dutch affairs. The set-
tlement of this question would appear to be easy
if the parties were all sincere. The English
and French Governments had not only autho-
rized the signature of the treaty of October last,
hut had ratified in November every one of its
articles. The remaining three Powers, which
delayed the ratification, ultimately ratified with
specific reserves. The difficulty was now to get
the parties themselves to treat on the specific
reserves, and to consider the Allies as mere
consenting friends. Belgium said, "As I am
now an independent power, let me treat inde-
pendently, and let my territory be evacuated
before I begin to negotiate on minor points with
my former director the King of Holland."
Holland resisted this apparently reasonable pro-
position, and resolved to retain all her influence
over the Belgic territory till a final arrangement.
There appeared thus no chance of a meeting
between the parties, each standing aloof on a
principle which the other did not recog-
nize. Belgium at last allowed certain pro-
positions to be transmitted to the Hague,
through Lord Palmerston, which it was an-
ticipated would have given general satisfaction.
The answer of the King of Holland took no
notice of these propositions, and of course showed
an indisposition to form a treaty of peace on any
known or conceivable terms of impartiality. On
this non-answer, or evasive reply, manifesting a
desire not to agree on any general principle of
separation, the Conference has been sitting for
the several days to which we have alluded. All
the Five Powers admit that the propositions of
Belgium are perfectly reasonable,—that they go
as far as the Dutch ought to desire, and yield as
much as Europe would allow. The Prussian
Government has sent despatches from Berlin to
that effect ; the Austrian Government, from
Vienna, gives its concurrence; and Russia makes
no objection. They all say the navigation of the
Scheldt must be free, not only as a Belgic and
Dutch, but as a❑ European interest. They all
admit, at the same time, that Holland may de-
mand a toll, which, as in other cases, must not,
either in its amount or mode of levy, interrupt or
prevent trade. So far they all declare against
the King of Holland, and in favour o.
the Sovereign of Belgium. This, then, be-
ing the whole affair, what prevents the im-
mediate adoption of the treaty of November,
1831, with the modifications now declared to be
reasonable ? Why, the reluctance of the King
of Holland to come to any definite arrangement
so long as he can see any chance of disturbance
or embroilment in Europe, which may turn to
the advantage of his ambition. Should one of
the parties hold out against an award agreed
upon as reasonable by the Conference, which is
friendly to both parties, are there no means of
coercion or compulsion to force the adoption of
that award, without an appeal to that physical
or military superiority which it was the ori-
ginal object of the Conference to prevent ? Such
was the subject of the deliberations in Downing-
street for the last five or six days. The three
absolute Powers expressed their disinclination
to employ fleets and armies to overcome Dutch
obstinacy. Another means of coercion or influ-
ence was then proposed, which might have great
weight, particularly with a Dutch Government,
and that proposal seemed at first to meet with
general acquiescence. It consisted in cancel-
ing the arrears due by Belgium to Holland on
account of the joint debt, and striking off a
million of florins from the capital for every
week that Holland should continue to re-
sist the modified treaty. Nothing could be
more unobjectionable than such a proposal. It
would punish Holland for delaying a settlement,
and could do nothing more than indemnify Bel-
gium for the ruinous expenses of her present
military establishments, rendered necessary by
Dutch procrastination. To this the Conference
on Friday had universally consented, though they
delayed the signature of a protocol to that effect.
The younger Russian envoy, however, came to
town on Monday, and overturned the whole
pecuniary fabric of peace which had been built
on the previous Friday. What has been done
yesterday we neither know nor care. Should
England and France remain united, the Belgic
question must be settled without a war. The
three great absolute Governments of Europe
would never think of forming an alliance against
two such powerful constitutional nations. The
King of Holland, then, if he were convinced
that we are sincere, must yield ; and that we are
sincere no Belgian can doubt. For God's sake
let us end with this foolish squabble, which is now
without an object; and if we are to have war with
the barbarians of the North or the South, let ik
be on some intelligible ground. We have so
often discussed this Battavo-Belgic question, that
we are now almost ashamed to recur to it,--Times.

The doctrine of truth being a libel is so out-
rageous a violation of common sense, so obvious
an invention in aid of the vices of bad govern-
ment and the licentious abuses of power, that
when we observe any man of liberal professions,
who aspires to the situation of a representative
of the people, hesitate to declare his unquaLtied
hostility to that doctrine, when the question has
been put to him, and shrink from an avowal of
his willingness to assist in blotting the unjust
and immoral maxim from the law ofEnglandgAe
ever, we are compelled to doubt either tho
ness of that man's intellect, or the sincerity of
his professions. Now, it is
of
that at a
meeting of certain electors ot the flaw borough
of Lambeth, which was one of a series of meet-
ings held for the purpose. of making Mr. Ten-
nyson better known to the constituency of that
borough, a Mr. Lackings put certain questions
to Mr. Tennyson with a view to obtaining his
specific opinions upon particular points of po-
licy—on which it is right that the electors should
have precise information of the sentiments of
those who claim to become their representatives.
One of those questions related to the
law of libel,—and Mr. Tennyson, in re-
plying to it, made a general declaration of
his " ardent devotion" for the "
palla-
dium of British liberty." He even went
so far as to say that all the liberty which this
country possessed was an emanation from the
liberty of the Press. This is flattery which the
Press disclaims ; the foundations of British li-
berty were laid before the Press was in exist-
ence. Magna Charta was obtained when
here was no Press in England, and the Revo-
lution of 1688 was achieved at a time when the
Press was enslaved by the censorship. But
though the Press did not create British liberty,
it has been a most powerful and effective means
of preserving it. If it did not kindle the sacred .
flame on the altar, it has been tlult watc!iful
spirit in the temple of liberty which has kept

the holy fire, " like Vesta's, ever burning ;" and,
therefore, deserves well of the people, who know
that, without the possession of freedom, all other
possessions would be of little worth. But
touching the question whether " truth should be
a libel," Mr. Tennyson said, "It was a point
on which he had arrived at his conclusion
with great difficulty, but he thought it
should not." Thus we find that, as to the
general question of the merits of the Press,
nothing could exceed this gentleman's warm
praises, or his " ardent devotion " it its cause;
but we also find that ardent devotion very con-
siderably cooled down when a practical measure
for the better securing of its liberty is propound-
ed. Many a Tory, without injury to his creed
or his conscience, would, sooner than lose a
borough, go as far as the liberal candidate for
Lambeth did in thinking that truth ought not
to be a libel. He would, no doubt, have great
difficulty in arriving at that conclusion ; and so,
upon his own admission, had Mr. Tennyson.
What constituted the difficulty to a just and
clear mind, or one of liberal notions, we cannot
conceive ; but we can easily conceive why those
politicians who dread the truth would fear the
reform of the law of libel, which endeavours to
extinguish the light of the Press, by making an
adherence to truth one of its greatest crimes.
The present Lord Chancellor once promised a
bill to reform the law of libel ; but he seems to
have forgotten it since he came into power, as
have all the other Whigs who used to attack the
doctrine of truth being a libel when out of
place. The fact is, both Tory and Whig, when
in power, find this doctrine a very convenient
one : but it must perish, like other things rotten
in the State, when the people choose really ho-
nest and efficient representat'ves. We would
rather see Mr. Tennyson the Member for Lam-
beth than the imbecile Lord Palmerston—though
one who is less a party man might be more a pa-
triot.—Morning Herald.
The present high price of bread in the metro-
polis, and indeed, as far as we can learn, all
over the kingdom, compared with the reduced
price of corn, after the late abundant harvest, is
a subject in which every one is interested, and
calls for prompt remonstrance and correction.—
The fault, as far as we have been able to ascer-
tain it, appears to lie with the middle-men ; the
price of the manufactured material, the flour,
bearing no just proportion to that of the raw
material, the corn. The very fact mentioned in
this paper a few days since, of a large public
Board having contracted for a year's consump-
tion of the best wheaten bread at a price amount-
ing to less than two-thhds of what the general
consumer in the metropolis is now paying, con-
firms this. There is no secret that in such
cases the contract is taken by the mealman, of
whom the baker is only put forward as the agent.
It is impossible to look back at the history of
popular discontent, both at home and abroad,
without perceiving in how many instances the
very worst fruits of commotion have been
brought upon countries, amounting, in some
instances, to the very subversion of Govern -
ments, by the too inflammatory modes of treating
the subject to vt hich we are now referring. With
such instances before our eyes, nothing can be
further from our view than to treat the subject
in a way which may excite feelings which it
might be difficult to control or restrain. At the
same time a great public evil is not to be glossed
over, or passed by, merely because its exposure
admits of being abused. For the evil in ques-
tion, great and general as it is, there appears to
us a very easy and effectual remedy—viz., that
persons should be induced to embark in the
trade, who are willing to be contented with
reasonable profits, and that the public should
patronise those who are ready to extricate them
from the imposition which it is evident is now
practised upon them. In the case of the con-
tract alluded to, there appears to be a profit of
upwards of 30 per cent. between it and the ge-
neral price of bread. Now, one-third, or nearly
so, put upon the first necessary of life, cannot
be considered otherwise than as a very grievous
impost, depriving the people as it does of par-
taking of those blessings which Providence has,
in its goodness, just showered, upon them in
such copious abundance. At the same time the
remedy happily presents itself hand-in-hand with
the evil, so inordinate a profit presenting, as it
does, an ample field for enterprise, provided such
enterprise be duly encouraged. Strange to say,
that has not, hitherto, been the case. The high-
priced baker has hitherto been the person who
has obtained the greatest share of public pa-
tronage. If people will be cheated with their
eyes open, who can help it ? But still the rich
owe something to their poorer neighbours upon
this subject ; and that duty they may perform,
by not too readily acquiescing in a state of
things for which a little union would soon pro-
vide a remedy.—Morning Herald.

We refer our readers to two very important
papers among our advertisements—Mr. Wes.
tern's Address of September 27, to the Electors
of the Northern Division of the County of
Essex, and a Series of Resolutions agreed to at
the Associated Reform Committees of the said
Division, held at Braintree, September 26. Mr.
Western commences his Address by demanding
why Mr. Baring, who resides in Hampshire,
where he has a splendid mansion, an ample
domain, a princely estate, should not avail him-
self of the retirement of his brother from the re-
presentation of that county, to offer himself as a
candidate for it, instead of coming into Essex,l
where he is a perfect stranger, at the invitation
of those to whom he has been opposed his whole
Jife? 11r. Western justly observes that
" There are no two men, who, according to their re-
ppective opportunity and means, have more distinguished
theinge:ves in their bitter hostility than Sir John Tyrell
and Mr. Haring. Mr. Baring now accu,es his former
friends of thir.:y years' standing with faults, of which any
man, having any shade of candour, would, I should have
thought, have acquitted them, and pronounced to be
wholly unfounded. Me. Baring is governed by conscience
no doubt ; but unfortunately, from the nature of these
charges, as• well as from big eager embrace of the High
Tories, persons might be led into the suspicion that he
was rather under the influence cf those feelings which are
known often to prevail in the breast of a man who
abandons and makes war upon former friends, thin swayed
by the dictates of a calm, dispassionate judgment."
It is impossible for Mr. Western to express
in writing half the contempt which is universally
felt for Mr. Baring ; and the Tories and Pai-
sons of Essex must be hard pushed indeed,
when they are obliged to rally round a renegado,
who has all his life been their bitterest enemy.
Mr. Western is, by universal admission, one of
the most honourable men in Parliament. He
is, as the Associated Committees say, their
long-tried Representative. His principles are
well known. He avows himself a party man,
an admirer of 'Earl Grey, and declares that his
great wish to be re-elected is to support his ad-
ministration.

" I am convinced," he says, " there is the best chance
under his Ministry of accomplishing every rational, prac-
ticable Reform, in every department of the State—Civil
and Ecclesiastical—and effecting every possible ameliora-
tion of the condition of human beings, tvliether white or
black, in this and every other country in the world ; I

think, too, from the confidence of the people in his inte•
gritv, that he will have the more power to conciliate the
mind of the too sanguine enthusiast, and control and coun-
teract the attempts of the more subtle and dangerous par-
ties of unprincipled ambition. The ancestors of the pre-
sent men in power obtained for us our Bill of Rights, and
placed the present family on the throne of these realms.
Could that have been done if they had not acted upon well-
understood, high-principled party attachments? I hesitate
not to assert that their succesgots have continued to fight
the good fight; have gained, by their persevering exertions,
every step we have advanced toward the establishment of
civil and religious liberty, upon a safe and firm basis, and
their last great work bas enabled the people to command
nearly all that is possible for human legislation and human
power to accomplish ; and it now remains for them to do
their duty."

Mr. Western observes, that " the lovers of
liberty will certainly maintain the triumph they
have gained, unless they fall under the too fre-
quent and fatal effects of divisions amongst them-
selves ; and history tells us, that such has been
too often the case in every country, in every age
of the world." Surely the lovers of liberty will
not disgrace themselves by acting in such a
manner as to allow two opponents of Reform to
be returned from the northern division of Essex.
But this leads us to the consideration of the re-
solutions of the Associated Reform Committees.
They say, that " having received the registration
returns throughout the county, they have the
means of knowing that the Reformers of this
division may now be certain of Western's return
—if they be true to themselves." But they add,
that the public feeling will be satisfied with
nothing less than the attempt to return two Re-
formers ; and they pledge themselves to act on
this principle. They say, that hitherto no man
has been proposed which could command the
support of the entire party, but that " a few
weeks must now suffice to clear up all doubts in
the minds of reasonable men—to make the
course clear as the day to all true Reformers;
and then will the Committees, as the organ of
public sentiment, earnestly and zealously take
the field against both Tyrell and Baring, under
the best leaders they can find, be they whom
they may." More is meant here than meets the
ear. The Essex Independent of Friday last
gives the following key to it :

" The great body of the constituency (says that paper)
is clearly composed of those now designated as Liberals ;
but as their political sentiments de in the main approxi-
mate to those of the Whigs, they will generally support
the return of one of those gentlemen, if they in their turn
are willing to concur with them in the election of an inde-
pendant man, as his colleague. Attempts have been made
it Harwich, in Mahlon, and in North Essex, to bring in
two Whigs—the attempt in every instance has signally
failed, and it must do so. Had Mr. Disney been willing
to coil, see with with Mr. Leader, then success must have
followed. If Mr. Lennard had been willing to stand with
a liberal at Maldon, Mr. Dick's resignation would have
been tendered ere this—and if Mr. Western and Mr. H4r-
vey can but come to terms in North E-sex, the chance of
Sir John Tyrell and Mr. Baring will not be worth a six-
pence. If, however, candidates are determined to stand
stone, neither is sure of his return. From the present as-
pect of the whole kingdom, it is quite clear the liberal or
independent party will be represented, and it consequently
becomes a very serious, question with the Whig Aristocracy
—whether, by throwing obstacles in the way, they will
not be hastening a crisis, the effects of which may be in
the extreme disastrous to their own interests."

The associated committees defer their next,
probably decisive, meeting till Wednesday, the
24th of October, " in the joyful anticipation of
Western's appearance amongst them, to work
with them in their honest course,—w hich they
now declare to be their course." It was long
ago remarked by Burke, when he was a Whig,
in a confidential letter to Lord Fitzwilliam, that
the gentry of England were essentially Tory ;
that the Whigs were nothing when not favoured
by circumstances, and that their chief strength
lay among the Dissenters. The Dissenters, for-
tunately for the good cause, are in almost all the
influential towns, three or four to one, compared
to the Members of the Church of England, and,
upon the whole, form a considerable majority of
the population, even allowing to the Church the
benefit of infidels, indifferents, and all who have
never enrolled themselves under any denomina-
tion. With all deference to the Whigs, they
are but too apt to forget that they are a minority
of the landed gentry, and that, to be strong, they
must draw the people with them. We are as-
sured, on most respectable local authority, that,
properly speaking, in the northern division of Essex
there are no Whig aristocracy; that there are few
gentlemen of estate who are Mr. Western's per-
sonal friends. The great stumbling-block, we
are assured, is the pride of these squires, who
cannot brook the idea of any one representing a
county who is not a great land-owner, and who
cannot reconcile themselves to the idea of
tenants voting against their landlords. We learn
that the second division of the party consists of
a very numerous body of men of the middle
classes—decided, but by no means violent, Re-
formers—mostly farmers and tradesmen, with
here and there a clergyman and Magistrate, and
all the dissenting ministers. Among this class
there are no leaders of any distinguished ability ;
but they possess a great fund of sound principle,
and abundance of energy and activity. They
are devoted to Mr. Western, of whose past ser-
vices to the good cause they have a grateful re-
collection, though there is not the most perfect
sympathy between his sentiments and their own.
This division has given the tone to the party
since the election of 1831. Thirdly, then, the
division of radicals devoted to Mr. Harvey,
who will decide the battle. They are now
irritated and watchful, and would not sup-
port Mr. Western standing alone, and should
Mr. Western's friends split with Tories, they
would plump with any Radical Candidate who
might come forward. Hitherto this class have
acted cordially with the second class ; but their
numbers have been rapidly increased by the un-
satisfactory aspect of county politics, and they
are in some danger of breaking away from their
brother Reformers, and setting their brother Re
formers at defiance. We have said nothing of
the inert mass of voters, utterly dead to all po•
litical feeling—men who would not pay the
shilling or go to the poll unless urged by com-
mittees—a class, we are assured, more mime-
rous than would easily be..believed. We will
deal frankly with Mr. Western. We hold his
character in the very highest regard, and should
regret exceedingly his being thrown out fOr
Essex. But we have a stronger attachment to
tire cause of Reform than we have to Mr. Baring
or any other individual. Now we hold it to be
the duty of all Reformers to merge personal
considerations, and to consider merely how the
cause is to be best served. If it be attempted
to return only Mr, Western, we are assured
that he will assuredly be thrown out. Now, in
our • humble opinion, the true and proper course
is. to draw together. Let the Whigs find out
some Candidate of their body, of high and popu-
lar character, such as might be acceptable both
to Aristocrats and the rest of the Electors, and
try whether the Radicals will renounce their
favourite, Mr. Harvey, in his favour ; or let them
wake a virtue of necessity, and upon broad prin-
ciples support Mr. Harvey to put out the Tories.
The Associated Committees meet again on the
24th October, when, should the Whigs and
Radicals agree, the election for two is gained,
and should they disagree, the election for one

will not be carried. We have a great deal more
to say upon Essex. It is an important subject ;
and we fear that what is going on there is going
on in other counties. We trust the fable of the
bundle of sticks vv_ill_mat..be forgotten. The
election in Essex, in which Mr. Western joined
Tyrell against Mr. Wellesley, did great injury to
the cause of the Whigs, and we trust that a
similar stupid junction will not be repeated.—
Morning Chronicle.

An amusing narrative might be composed
(and, by the bye, it would not be a very brief
one) of the succession and variety of accidents
by which his Majesty's present Ministers, after
talking big, either in Parliament or through
their accredited organs of the Press, at Mr.
O'Connell, have been furnished with apologies
for doing nothing. To some of those occa-
sions, indeed, the term accident would seem to
be misapplied, unless it may be deemed an ac-
cident that the Law Officers of the Crown
should discover their own ignorance just in time
to save Mr. O'Connell, and to cover Govern-
ment with ridicule for its too hasty fulminations.
It will be recollected that the Lord Lieutenant
and Chief Secretary for Ireland did not merely
abuse and menace Mr. O'Connell for his defi-
ance of the Government proclamations against
tumultuous assemblies, but that they actually
prosecuted him, that they obtained judgment
against him by default, that Mr. Stanley
pledged himself in the House of Commons to
have him called up for judgment, and that at the
moment when all the lovers of peace and order
were waiting with anxiety to see what punish-
ment would be inflicted upon this enemy of both,
lo ! and behold ! it was discovered in the very nick
of time that the Acts upon which he had been
indicted having expired subsequently to his con-
viction, or confession rather, this notorious, con-
victed, confessing criminal was to escape punish-
ment altogether. This would have been quite
enough, no doubt, to redeem any man, although
of a temperament much less sanguine than Mr.
O'Connell, from any fear of the law for the rest
of his life. But this was not all. Instead of the
condign punishment which Mr. Stanley pledged
his Majesty's Government to cause to be inflicted
upon this audacious offender against the law,
the special grace and favour of the Crown were
showered upon him, as if the country had been
his debtor for the most important services, and
the cause of peace, order, public prosperity, and
social happiness in Ireland demanded his eleva-
tion as its most faithful, vigorous, and successful
champion. Since this escape and exaltation it
can occasion no surprise that Mr. O'Connell has
continued as before to set the laws at defiance, to
brave the authority of Government, to inflame the
passions of the people, to inculcate doctrines
the most disorganizing and pernicious, to sound
the trumpet of rebellion, to incite to the com-
mission of murder ; for it must have been
ob-
vious to him, as to all the rest of mankind, that
to his former success in those and similar achieve-
ments in the field of agitation he was exclusively
indebted for his advancement. But, once more,
the Government Press has been instructed to
speak the truth of this obedient pupil of Lord
Anglesey ; once more Mr. O'Connell has
been threatened with legal punishment ; once
more it is discovered that the Law Officers of
the Crown, when they affected to intend to
bring him to punishment, were ignorant of the
law as it applies to his case ; once more—but
we shudder to complete the parallel—he seems,
indeed, to be on the very path to preferment. Silk
was the emblem of his last triumph ; the
robe of triumph in which he is next to be
clothed can be no other than ermine.
The system of Government with respect to
this Gentleman seems to be to assume every now
and then the virtue of denouncing him, of con-
demning his lawless and atrocious conduct, of
threatening even to punish it ; and presently af-
terwards, upon some contemptible pretext or
other, to give him not only the assurance of full
impunity, but to load him with favours, in com-
pensation, we suppose, of any annoyance to
which he may have been exposed during the fit
of seeming virtue, and as an atonement for the
vituperation by which, so long as the fit lasts,
the well disciplined hacks of the Treasury are
sure, of course, to assail him. We would wil-
lingly, therefore, dissuade our Ministerial Con-
temporaries from speaking so much truth as
they now do of Mr. O'Connell ; we dread
the proportionate atonement. When they re-
vile this Gentleman as a public disturber we
already, in imagination, behold him Attorney-
General of Ireland. When he is described in
their columns as an incendiary and an instigator
of murder, he rises in our frighted fancy to the
dignity of a Judge. When they threaten him
with an ignominious termination to his career
we cannot suppress our alarm lest we should
hear to-morrow of his having the Great Seal. In
the full persuasion that Mr. O'Connell deserves
all that they say of him, and much more, and
certainly without any feeling of regard or affec-
tion towards that individual, actuated solely, in-
deed, by the apprehensions we have just de-
scribed, we beg to suggest to the Journals in the
service of Ministers one or two obvious con-
siderations, which ought to have the effect of
moderating their expressions of indignation to-
wards the agitator. It would be well, we think,
for them to recollect that, both in the eye of law
and of reason, Mr. O'Connell is now precisely
what he was when they fl atered and their patrons
promoted him—that then as now he was the law-
less enemy of tithe—then as now the agitating
repealer of the Union—then as now the incen-
diary writer and speaker—then as now the advo-
cate of resistance to law—then as now the con-
temner of all authority—then as now the trum-
peter of insurrection—then as now the syste-
matic promoter of violence and bloodshed. They
should reflect, also, that Mr. O'Connell, being
changed in nothing save in his relation to their
patrons, whom he then patronised as he now
spurns, for his own purposes, they are not likely
to gain much credit for sincerity, however vehe-
ment may be the manifestations of their present
anger, It behoves them to remember also that if,
in the particular instance which furnishes the
immediate occasion to their outpouring of wrath,
Mr. O'Connell be wrong, their patrons at any rate
cannot be right ; and, above all, that it is not for
them to keep public attention fixed upon the
facts that his Majesty's Ministers first incurred
the probable and indeed imminent risk of blood-
shed, in reliance upon a point of law now admitted
to be doubtful at best, and then threatened with
a prosecution for libel the lawyer who corrected
their legal error, merely for correcting it. They
cannot surely but see that this, anthis alone,
could have been the cause of the threatened
prosecution, if the discovery that Mr. O'Connell
was right in his law be, as is pretended, the rea-
son why the threatened prosecution is aban-
doned. The letter of Mr. O'Connell exposed
what he believed to be the ignorance of the
Government upon a question of law, and con-
tained, at the same time, a direct excitement to
bloodshed and rebellion. For this he is to be

prosecuted until it is found out that upon the
question of law he is perhaps right, and then
the prosecution is at once given up. Can
there be a more distinct acknowledgment that
correcting the error of Government was the
crime deemed worthy of punishment, and that,
in the estimation of the Irish Government, an
incitement to murder and rebellion go for no-
thing ?-117orning Post.
Among the new candidates who have made
their appearance in the neighbourhood of the
metropolis, or rather who are announced as
about to make their appearance, is Lord Henley,
for the county of Middlesex. His Lordship is
a man of talent as well as of worth, and, consi-
dering that he is a Tory, of very liberal and rea-
sonable sentiments ; but what grounds have his
friends to suppose that he can possibly succeed,
by his coming forward, in effecting any other
object than that of entailing expense upon the
present representatives of the county ? Mr.
Byng has long represented it, and if he has not
shone as an orator, his votes have always been
on the popular side. Will the electors of Mid-
dlesex then discard their old and well tried
friend, for one of whom they know compara-
tively little, and who, though a liberal in many
respects, is not a Reformer? We say shame upon
the Reform Bill and its operation, if any
such consequence result from it. It would be a
stain upon the Bill—a disgrace to the county.
Mr. Byng has served it honourably and faith-
fully, and his grey hairs deserve a better fate
than that of being turned adrift in search of a
constituency, by those to whose private and pub-
lic interests he has proved himself so true. And
then again, as to Mr. Hume, who or what is
Lord Henley compared with him ? It is true
that an Evening Paper says of him, that " as no
man of Tory politics, gentlemanlike feelings, or
Christian principles can vote for Mr. Hume, and
as Lord Henly has a high claim on all who pos-
sess such attributes, we hope and trust that
Middlesex will purge off the base stain which it
has contracted by having chosen the quondam
Member for Montrose as its representative ;"
but the abuse of such a Paper is the highest
recommendation which. either Mr. Hume, or any
other candidate for the representation of the peo-
ple, can possibly receive. That persons of
" Tory politics" will not support him is no
doubt true—that men of " gentlemanlike feel-
ings" can have any objection to him, except on
public grounds, is incredible—and that " Chris-
tian principles" can bear against his election,
appears to us exceedingly absurd, unless it be a
principle of voting that men of " Christian
principles" will not support those who agree with
them in sentiment. But we have no fear of the
result. The county, if it does not mean to dis-
grace itself in the eyes of all England, will never
be guilty of such base ingratitude as to reject
its old representative Mr. Byng, or to refuse its
support to one who has deserved so well of the
whole country, and would readily find constitu-
ents in any borough or city of the kingdom.—
Morning Advertiser.

The Sun of last night, in speaking of the in-
tention of the Scottish people to go into mourn-
ing, as a mark of national honour to the memory
of Sir Walter Scott, observes, that " this is cre-
ditable, so far as it goes, but it is not the right
sort of respect that is just now most needed. It
is the repurchase of Abbotsford that is the one
great requisite—of that Abbotsford which, for
years past, has been a place of pilgrimage for
all tourists from the Continent, and which they
would be not less astonished than disgusted
to hear, had passed away from the family of
its illustrious founder. To prove herself
truly grateful, Scotland must assist England
in the repurchase of this classic spot."—
True it is that it is the repurchase of Ab-
botsford that is wanted ; but shame, we say,
on Scotland—eternal disgrace upon her—if she
allow a farthing of English money to be ex-
pended in aid of the repurchase of what ought
to become a national property. Let England
raise her monument if she will, in honour of
him who has spread her name and her deeds, as
well as those of his own country, far and wide
—but shame, we again say, on those who would
seek for aid from the " foreigner," as Sir
Walter would have expressed himself, to re-
purchase the spot on which the first man
of the age, without any exception, penned
those beautiful and interesting tales which
have rendered her climate and soil, her moun-
tains and her rivers, her glens and her brakes
—her language, her literature, her religion, and
her manners—as extensively known, and as truly
classical in the mind of all Europe, as the plains
of Troy or the field of Marathon. " Sir WAL-
TER'S best monument," as is justly observed,
" is his own genius.," but there must be a mo-
nument also. When death came upon him, his
strongest wish was that he might breathe his last
breath in his native land, and rive his remains to
the country which he had rendered so illustrious;
and shall there be no monument to tell where he
was buried ?—no tablet to record where the re-
mains of the author of " Waverley" were laid ?
—Morning Advertiser.

A MODERN DON JUAN.--A love affair,
attended with romantic circumstances, is making some
noise at a bathing place in this county. Last season, a
lady of considerable personal charms, and who was said
besides to be heiress to a large property, delighted the
inhabitants of the place by taking up her abode there, and
;so mutual was the plea,,ure, that she made her appearance
again this season, attended by a female friend—a foreigner.
The ladies were extremely attached to each other, and
their affection was such as at last to excite some suspicion.
At length a discovery was made that the foreign lady was
neither more nor less than a young gentleman in disguise,
—a modern Don Juan locating with his lady love in the
fens of Lincolnshire. The happy pair were advised to
depart and seek some other bower of love. Verily, this
bathing place is (loomed to be distinguished this season for
affairs of gallantry.—Boston Gazette.

By the Conder, arrived at Falmouth, we
have accounts from Buenos Ayres, to the 15th of July, by
which we learn that a revolution has occurred in the re-
public of the Banda Oriental. The principal facts attend-
ing it are as follow:—The President of the republic, Don
FnucTuoso RIBEIRA, was at Durazzu, his head-quarters,
on the 29th of June, when his escort was attacked and
disarmed, and the President himself narrowly escaped,
having been fired at. It was reported that he had fled to
the Brazilian frontier. On the 3d of July, Colonel
EUGENIO GURZON put himself at the head of a battalion
of infantry, and beingjoined by a number of the inhabi-
tants, disavowed the Government of the late President,
whom he charged with
.having placed the country in dan-
ger of civil war, and issued a proclamation, appointing
General D. JUAN ANTONIO LAVALLEJA, Commander-
in-Chief of the army, until the House of Assembly should
otherwise determine. This appointment was afterwards
confirmed try the legislative body, which also intrusted to
the chiefs of the force which had taken up arms the pre-
servation ot the public peace. The Minister of State, D.
SANTIAGO VasQuEs, was removed from office, and it was
said would be
impeached. :;11e the
new Government,
House of Ass Assemblyof
had
DAAor,Tsanctionedludl the appointment,
DUEL VIDAL, as Minister of Finance, and D.
FR.ANCISCO JOAQUIN Murtoz, as Minister for the Home
Department.
Opinions were divided as to whether the
ex-President would endeavour to muster a force and give
battle to his opponents, or whether he would submit to
circumstances.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

G UILDHALL.

Mr. Munday, of the firm of Dean and Munday,
printers, Threadneedle-street, attended before Mr.
Alderman THORP yesterday, to ask permission to be
sworn to an affidavit, touching the aczusation that
they printed the inflammatory placard, stating that
Sir Peter Laurie was tricked out of his election in
1831 by a combination of radicals, &c., assisted by
the lowest blackguards of the city.
Mr. Alderman THORP allowed the affidavit to be
sworn.

Mr. Munday then swore that he did not print the
offensive bill, and that he does not know who did
print it.
The printer, as well as the author, of the placard
remains undiscovered, but it is perfectly clear that
neither Sir Peter Laurie nor his Committee had
anything to do with its publication.