The Sun.
London, England, 1832-10-25 00:00:00

SENTENCES UPON THE PRISONERS.

At 4 o'clock the RECORDER, accompanied by Mr. Al-
derman KELLY, and the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex,
entered the New Court, when such prisoners as had not
received judgment instanter were brought up to receive
sentence.

The awful sentence of death was passed upon the fol-
lowing 17 prisoners, viz.:—
Thomas Atterell, William Sanders, alias Jones, John
Whittey, and Sarah Whittey, alias Rosanna Mary Ann
Eliza, for committing robberies upon persons in the public
streets. Archibald Warden, for un unn 'tura! offence.
Henrietta Maria Hull, Edward Smithers, Daniel Martin,
Nicholas Wood, Thomas Jephson, Henry White, and George
Hates, for house- breaking, and c ornmitting I rreen ies therein.
Robert Wall, for maliciously stabbing and cutting a person
with intent to do him some grievous bodily harm ; Jame,
Sutton, Henry Kemp, and Thomas Jones, for maliciously
striking and wounding a person with intent to kill and
murder him ; Henry Gray, for striking and cutting a per-
son with intent to maim him.

12 were sentenced to be transported for life, 10 for 14
years, 64 for 7 years, and several to various short terms of
imprisonment.

HIGH COURT OF JUSTICIARY,
GLASGOW, OcT. 18.

George Doffy was indicted for the wilful murder of
Helen Broadly, or Dolly, his wife, having violently seized
her person, and by force carried her to and threw her upon
the fire, and held her thereon, or close thereto, whereby
she was so severely burnt on the back, belly, legs, and other
parts of the body, as to linger from the 14th of May till
the 9th of June, when she died, he having for many
months previously used her with great cruelty.
He pleaded Not Guilty.
Alexander Gothan, weaver, and his wife lodged, for
eight months previous to May last, in the same house with
prisoner and his wife, who occupied the kitchen, while
deponent occupied the room which entered through the
kitchen ; had full opportunity of knowing on what terms
Duffy and his wife lived. He was very violent in his
temper, especially to her. Has seen him thrash her,
and was twice obliged to interfere to save her. She
was seldom without marks of violence upon her body.
Doffy was seldom sober. Recollects him being once sober
for three days together. Mis. Doffy took a drain some
times. Saw her only once tipsy. Her temper was easy ;
she did not provoke her husband. She was industrious,
and wrought for herself, and did every thing for her hus-
band beside. She was a little neat woman, about five
feet high.

Do you recollect any thing particular happening on the
14th of May ?—Another woman came to ask for some
money from Doffy ; his wife and this woman went to seek
him. Witness came home about nine o'clock; as be
came through the kitchen Mrs. D. was in bed; beard her
husband say to her 4. you come out of that, or I'll
harll you to —." Thought his presence might stop
him from worse, as it had done before, and went into the
kitchen to light his pipe and draw prisoner into conversa-
tion. Deceased moaned much, as if in distress, and said in
all probability she would not see another day. Daffy said,
I wish to God I had you to bury to-morrow. She conti-
nued to moan the whole night. Perceived an uncommon
smell through the night, for which he could not account.
It was a burnt-like smell. Went to work next morning at
five ; gave deceased a drink of water, at her request, as he
passed out. Saw her in bed when he returned at nine for
breakfast ; and at two saw her on a seat by the fire with
her shift on, and petticoat loose on her shoulders. She
called me, and said, Saunders, will you be so good as to go
and make application to get me into the infirmary. I asked
her, what's wrong now ? She said, my pain is so sore ; and
she showed me her body, which was in a shocking state.
I asked her how it had happened? She said George had
given her a beating and put her on the fire. George
was in bed. Went and pushed him to wake him, and
said, " What's this you've done? You have settled her
now—she's terribly burnt—she's roasted." He said,
swearing, " She's not half roasted ; she has taken a half-
crown from my pocket, and this is the rent-day." Sbe
said, " Now God will reward you, George." I asked
him to get a doctor, and have her wounds dressed. He
said he had no money. Asked him to get some ointment,
and dress it himself, but he did not. He never denied
roasting her.

The trial-lasted till past 1, a.m., when the Jury una-
nimously found the prisoner Guilty.
The LORD JUSTICE CLERK pronounced sentence—
" That the prisoner be hanged on the 7th day of Novem-
ber, and his body buried within the precincts of the gaol."
The prisoner received the sentence with the same un-
bending insensibility which had characterized his deport-
ment throughout the painful proceedings ; and, on leaving
the dock, said, " I am sakeless of the crime, and I have
to thank God for it."
The Court then adjourned.

MEETINGS OF CREDITORS,
AT THE COURT, BASINGIIALL-STREET.

(From the London Gazette.)
TO-MORROW, OCT. 2'6. M. 11.
J. Daines, High Holborn, trunk-maker 2at 11
J. Messman, Maulden, Bedfordshire, sheep-dealer 1 10
J. W. West and Co., Turner's-square, Hoxton, brewers I 1
B. Powis, St. Helen's-place, merchant 1 2
W. Geldard, Denmark-street, Soho, currier
DIVIDENDS.
J. Ditchman, Goldsmith-street, Hackney-road, builder at 11
W. Elphick, West Ham, farmer l2
W. Barnfield, jun., Mark-lane, wine-merchant 2

-----
The Memoir of Sir DAVID BAIRD, an-
nounced for immediate publication, will, we understand,
cdmprise the correspondence of the gallant General with
the Duke of WELLINGTON, the Marquis of WELLESLEY,
Lords AIELYILLE and CASTLEREAGH, Sir JOHN MOORE,
&c. It is said also, that this work will develop the secret
history of many of the transactions of the East India
Company with the native princes ; and on every account
is likely to prove one of the most important aarratives
connected with our possessions in the East that has ap-
peared for many years.

Several Government steam-vessels are now
fitting out at Woolwich for the use of the Navy. They
are said to be destined for the Scheldt. The greatest
activity prevails at Woolwich Dock-yard, where SOO
shipwrights, and other artificers, have for some weeks
past been regularly employed. As much bustle prevails
in the arsenal as was ever known during the late war in
fitting out stores for the service of the British fleet. The
enlistment of sailors in the neighbourhoods of Tower-hill,
Wapping, Shadwell, Ratcliffe, and Blackwall, is proceed-
ing to a great extent. The Admiralty cutters are daily
carrying away hundreds of able-bodied seamen from the
Perseus guard-ship, off the Tower, the place of rendez-
vous for the tars. Large bounties are given to good sea-
men, and the Jew slopsellers are reaping a good harvest,
by the great demand for slops of all kinds.

. .
That the resolute determination evinced by the people of the
United Kingdom to obtain an effectual Reform of the Com-
mons House of Parliament, proceeded from a deep conviction
that the enormous burdens under which the country has long
been suffering are principally attributable to the faulty Consti-
tution of that House.
Mr. BALL then said, Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen—

The advocates of reform, Sir, have no wish to destroy the
gothic pillar of the Constitution—their object is to main-
tain the solidity of its base ; to preserve the beauty of its
capital; and to present it to admiring nations in all the purity
of its design, in all the harmony of its proportions. Fix
in your minds, gentlemen, that the right exercise of your
elective franchise is a sacred duty; that your country de
mands of you to bring all the powers of your understand-
ings, and the best feelings of your hearts, to aid you in its
performance. The effect of your :example will he felt
throughout the nation ; its consequences may stretch to
future generations; and your conduct, at this Juncture,
may tell materially on the future welfare and prosperity of
the country. I know well that all the influence which
authority can suggest, and wealth supply, will be brought
to bear upon you with all its accumulated preference; but
he firm, gentlemen, I intreat you, in the dignity of your
independence. Tell those who would influence your
votes, respectfully but firmly, that this is a question on
which you must think for yourselves; and that you cannot,
and that you will not, be tampered with in the exercise of
your elective rights. In reviewing the Parliamentary
conduct of your present Members. Messrs. Baillie and Pro-
theroe, you will find that they have both been the zealous,
constant, unflinching supporters of the reform bill ; and
you will, I am sure, spurn with indignation the idea of
such base ingratitude as to discard them for a gentleman
who has been one of the most distinguished and powerful
opponents of that measure.
MATTHEW BUYDGES, Esq., then came forward amidst
reiterated cheers, and cries of "hats off;" after the ap-
plause had subsided, he said,—ln rising to second and
support the resolution which has been so ably brought
before this crowded and respectable assembly, I would
take the liberty of congratulating our excellent chairman
and yourselves on the manifest and mighty change which
has taken place in the spirit of our elections, since the agi •
tation of the Reform question. Before that time, an elec-
tion was too generally, both in small boroughs and larger
towns and cities, a mere struggle between one person and
another person, or between one interest and another inte-
rest. Trade and commerce were pitched against agricul-
ture—sometimes a corporation was opposed to its own
town, or some pampered interest was set against the cor-
poration, or it was one Nobleman against another—the
Marquis of A. against the Earl of 8., when in stepped
the Duke of C. and disappointed bath—(Applause)—but
all this time the people, the middle and operative classes of
the country, were scarcely consulted, and their interests at
least were altogether forgotten. Yet now, how changed
is the whole affair ! Elections will be no longer mere con-
tests of commercial or landed leviathans—of opulent and
noble proprietors—of private and insulated interests ; but
they will be contests of principle—contests founded upon
conviction and resolute determination, as my motion has
it. And this is surely an improvement. It exalts and
ennobles the character of an election. An appeal is made
to the loftier faculties of men, rather than to their sensual
appetites. It is no longer a struggle between masses of
brute force or mere numbers ; it no longer remains a con-
flict between matter and matter ; but the question is agi-
tated between mind and mind—conscience and conscience

—principle and principle.—(Loud cheers.) Electors
must vote upon principle—the victory of truth over error
must be achieved upon principle, members returned to
Parliament must be representatives and personifications of
principles. The mind, the whole mind of the
united kingdom is now ranging itself under either the con-
servative principle, as it is called, upon the one hand, and
the reforming, or, as I would term it, the preservative
principle, on the other. I rise as an individual, in th.
spirit of this motion, to protest with voice and heart and
hand against the former, and to support the latter.—
(Cheers.) Ido so, first, because the conservative or Tory
principle is a principle in disguise. It comes hefore the

_ .
country under a mask, and with a lie in its right hand.
All the graces of language, all the charms of eloquence, all
the bright hues of poesy, may be lavished upon it—but
they are lavished in vain. This principle is not what it
professes to be ; and the charge made against it, though a
heavy one, may be proved and brought home at the bar of
public opinion. Try it by its own confessions and its own
professions—out of its own mouth and by its own con-
duct, and guilty will be the verdict. Try it, for example,
on the count of loyalty. The conservatives have taken

upon themselves to put in a claim to exclusive loyalty to-
wards our gracious sovereign and his government. Their
language, if we listen to it—their whole bearing, if we ob-
serve it, is just this towards every liberal man, however
conscientious :—" Stand by, for I am more loyal than
thou !" Yet compare alt this with their actions—with the

address which went up from certain aldermen and others of
this city on a late occasion, in which an insult was in fact

offered both to the Monarch and his Ministers. Compare
it with the whole language of the conservative press, from
the Standard to Felix Farley and The man-io-the-moon,
from the Polyphemus to the pigmy.—(Laughter.) See
how, upon their own showing, all their loyal professions
must be read backwards. But take them upon another
count—that of their lately-acquired liberality. Their pre-
tensions to this virtue have been about as loud as those of
their loyalty. Are you aware that the Conservatives are
the only true reformers, although they have opposed Re-

form with all their might and main ? Are you aware that
they are the real enemies of all sinecures and monopolies,
although nearly bursting with both ? Like Quin, the comic
actor, they monopolize the pudding, and declaim all the
while against the dreadful unwholesomeness of its ingre-
dients.— (Cheers and laughter.) But try them upon ano-
ther count : can you believe that they are the true friends
of the diffusion of knowledge amongst the middle and ope-
ratise ehisse,, for such is their profession?—(No, no.)
Weigh it, however, with their conduct. What was the
case when three years ago some gentlemen in this city
started a college, to afford you a cheaper education in the
higher, as well as the lower, departments of useful know-
ledge ? Did not the whole hierarchy—the whole conserva-
tive party in Bristol rise up in arms ? Might it not have
been supposed that we were going to overturn church and
state, or at least set fire to the cathedral, so solemn was the
convocation of the prelate, the prebendaries, the clergy,
and all fearful laymen, on that remarkable occasion ? To
go further back, what was the conduct of the Conserva•
tives, then called Tories, on the Education Bill of the pre-
sent Chancellor? Comparing, therefore, their professions
with their practice, it is clear that they do not mean what
they say; that conservation is externally of one colour,
and internally
of another; that it is a principle in disguise;
a bad one in the garb of a good one ; cowardice under the
profession of courage; an ass in the lion's skin, according
to the Greek proverb, of which, though the aspect be me-
nacing and terrible, the first roar, or rather the first bray,
betrays the character of the whole, and dispels even the
shadow of apprehension.—(Loud cheers.) But, in the
second place, I protest against the so.called conservative
principle, because it is one of mere partial adaptation.

ranslated into honest language, it means, " letevery one
take care of himself." Is the city on fire, " take care of
my timber yards," cries some worthy conservative, as was
the fact in our late riots. And this affords an opportunity
of examining the signification of that title, to which 'he
Tories so fondly adhere. To conserve, from conservo,
means " to corn, to pickle, to preserve, or embalm that
which is dead ;" so that all conservative operations have
a sort of post-mortem character ; they are a kind of poli-
tical undertaking on a large scale—what the trades call
black work. The worthy individual, thereto:ire, whose
lowels yearned over his timber yards, while Queen .square
was burning, was one of the true conservatives ; he
wished to conserve the city, but to preserve his own pro-
perty.—(Cheering.) Against this principle I protest, be-
cause it begins, goes on, and ends with number one ; it
hinges and centres on selfishness ; its whole circumference is
only one vast enlargement of self; it revo tres upon its own axis
alone ; it describes no shining orbit in the moral and poli-
tical firmament; there is an incapacity about it of any-
thing like centrifugal motion. Interest, self-interest, is its
life and soul; and hence conservative candidates always
come forward upon some single insulated interest, either
corporate, agricultural, manufacturing, or commercial.
Conservation we find to be the essential principle of all
self-elected corporations, all antiquated abuses, all over-
grown monopolies. And between these conservatives, our
country has fared like Sancho Panza, when he was tossed
in a blanket; for just so has England been saved. The
Bank charter has held one corner, the East India mono-
poly another, the West India interest a third, and the corn
laws a fourth; so that while lords and commons have
stood laughing around, up into the air has gone honest
John Bull, all legs and arms, until, bruised in every
muscle and bone, his friends console him in his sorrows,
with the most solemn assurances that it is all in the way
of business, all in the way of conservation ; in other
words, they only mean to make him as blue as the true
blue conservative club can make him ; and then, when all
lite has been bumped out of him, he may be conserved,
corned, pickled, or embalmed, as a very extraordinary cu-
riosity.—(Cheers.) But in the third place, I protest
against the conservative principle, because it has been tried
and found wanting. To follow up this assertion would
indeed lead us into a most extended field ; and let me
therefore only glance at it. However, I maintain that
even at Bristol, it has been tried and has failed. What
was the state of this port, I would ask, fo: years before
the Reform Bill was thought of, snug and warm as we
lay under the wings of a close municipal government ?
Was the tide of prosperity at the flow or the ebb ? Was
Liverpool, were Gloucester and Newport and Chepstow
culminating then, as they are now ? Undoubtedly they
were; and a conservative writer, under the signature of
" Cosmo," demonstrated years ago that the places just al-
luded to were all profiting at the expense of Bristol, over-
whelmed as it was and has been by the operations of the
conservative system.—(Cheers.) But I will go further,
and must maintain that the conservative principle has
been tried on the scale of the three kingdoms, and has
failed. Look at the state in which we were just before
the conservatives abandoned office. Was the land then at
ease, like the mighty man in the restfulness of his strength,
laid out in the wholesome lap of labour, serene and tran-
quil ? or, rather, was it not like a patient in a fever,
haunted under the incubus of conservation, with furrowed
and pallid brow, in fitful starts of agony, and vainly strug-
gling for extrication ? Were not the Tories, like the
witches round their cauldron, seething into it one foolish
Act of Parliament after another—.
Eye of a newt—toe of a frog,
Tongue of a jew—tooth of a dog;
until their own enchantments scared them—the hills
'lanced round them—the ground rocked under their feet
—the heavens frowned over their heads—and out of their
horrid kettle up rose Riot with his gory hair—uo rose
Ineendiarism with his flaming torch—up rose Famine
all pale and livid—up rose a ghastly band of spectres,
of which the least would have looked Sir Robert Peel to
stone, had be and his conservatives not taken to their heels,
and left Earl Grey to lay the ghosts as he could !—(lrri-
inense cheers.) Conservative principles, then, have been
tried and have failed ; let the loss of America bear testi•
mony to this fact—the enormous amount of our national
burthens—our public distress and private ruin—all, all go
to demonstrate the truth of this assertion. But I will go
one step further yet, and will venture to assert that toryism
or conservatism has been tried more or less throughout
the whole civilized world, and has every where lamentably
failed. Turn fur an instant to Spain, who would fain
hive been free a few years ago, when an army of conser-
vatives crossed the Pyrenees, and crushed her rising libel,
ties; and now she lies a vast moral waste, in all the de•
solation of ruin—like her own Grenada—her fallen
columns—her grass-grown pavements—her mouldering
mosques—her marbled, but now silent and untenanteit
halls—Spain, the picturesque and once glorious Spain,
may now be awfully described as the vast Alhambra of
all civilized nations !—(Applause.) See the same in Por-
tugalz-the same in Italy—the same in Austria, and

Prussia, and Russia. Yea, Poland has been blotted out
of the map of Europe upon the true principles of conser-
vatism. Her virgins have been violated, her matrons mur-
dered, her warriors slain, her children exiled, in the true
spirit of that system against which we are now protesting.
All hail, Nicholas Emperor of all the Russias, grand conser-
vator of degraded Europe ! I say it more in sorrow than
in anger; but it is lamentable to observe the strange
throb of sympathy between our conservatives at home, and
their imperial and royal brethren abroad. But the sum
and substance of all is, that the conservative principle has
failed in securing the welfare of mankind, and it has failed
because it is the abstract essence of unsound policy and
injustice. It was born and brought forth in mystification
and darkness ; in darkness it lives and moves and has its
being—in darkness it reigns and revels—in darkness it is
operating its own destruction—in darkness it shall die—
and in darkness shall it be buried—laid lower than the
prince of darkness himself can lie—in the gulph of ever-
lasting oblivion ! Therefore it is, that upon all these
grounds, and upon others which will doubtless occur to
you, I solemnly protest against the conservative principle.
—(Hear, hear, and long-continued cheering.) And nor,

for a moment let us turn the tables. I venture to claim
your support for another and a nobler principle than what
is called the conservative—for one which wears no disguise
—which is not of mere private and selfish adaptation--
and which has been tried with universal success. The
liberal, or rather, as I would term it, the preser-
vative principle, in contradistinction to the conserva-
tive one, wears no disguise. It asked for a reform in
Parliament ; it meant a reform ; and it has obtained
it. And such is its conduct, such its profession, and
such shall be its success, with regard to the ballot, the
repeal of the septennial act, modifications of the establish.
ment, our colonial and commercial policy, our corn laws
and currency, our game and poor laws, a better adjust-
ment of taxation, the abolition of monopolies, sinecures,

and till useless or oppressive legislation. 'the liberal prin-
ciple would keep open the safety valve of the State, and,
so preserve it; but conservatives wish to shut down that
valve, and, for the sake of keeping things as they are, blow
our whole social machinery to atoms. Neither is the
preservative principal one of mere selfishness; but, on
the contrary,
The centre moved, a circle straight succeeds,
Another still, and still another spreads ;
Friends, parents, neighbours, first it will embrace,
Its country next, and next all human race :
Wide and more wide the o'erflowings of the mind
Take every creature in of every kind :
Earth smiles around, wi h boundless bounty blest,
And heaven beholds her image in its breast.
Here is a true description of the preservative or liberal

principle.—(Loud cheers.) But the same has also been
tried and with universal success. It succeeded in our

own revolution of William and Mary; it succeeded in
Holland when Louis XIV. was foiled ; it succeeded in

Flanders when Philip, the son of Charles V., was baffled ;
it succeeded in Switzerland when the legions of Austria
and the bold Duke of Burgundy failed to make their con-
servative impression ; it succeeded in America, over a
greater territorial surface than the whole Roman empire
at its largest extent ; and it will now succeed in England,
under the divine blessing, except we are untrue to our-

selves. And here let me add one friendly word of caution.
The road to all we wish is an upward and an onward

course ; it lies along an ascending: a narrow, and---ape-
rilous pathway ; danger is on either hand, if once the
path of rectitude, in politics as well as in morals, is de•
parted from. On the one side yawns the abyss of anarchy
and popular licentiousness, with all its disorder and never-
ending uproar; on the other frown the precipices of des-
potism, with the thunderbolt of power on their brow,
poised and pointed, and ready to descend, if even the most
momentary occasion should occur. Walk then warily,
with purity of motive, singleness of eye, and steadiness of
purpose. Remember the beights above—the bell below !
The one may crush; the other absorb and overwhelm

C. B. Feder, Esq., seconded the resolution.
The CHAIRMAN, in putting the resolution, said, Gen-
lemen, it is for you to declare which principle you will
adopt—the preservative or the conservative prior plc.—
(Cheers and laughter.) And in reference to Mr. Prothe-
roe, I would say, that you lave h. aril that he was carried,
probably at the risk of his life, into the House of Crime
mons to vote for you ; and it is now for you to say whether
lie shall he carried there once more by your votes,—
(Yes, and cheers.)
The resolution was then put and carried unanimously,
and with much cheering.
Mr. MANCHEI—Mr. Protheroe is in the city ; but
while you were deliberating on the choice of represent aives,
it was thought highly improper that he shoo' I attend—
(good, good—send for him)—but having mode your de-
cision, he will now attend and explain his sentiments.—
(Tumultuous cheering.) I therefore beg I eve to move,
That a deputation immediately wait upon him to communi-
cate the foregoing resolution, and to invite his attendance.
A deputation, consisting of Messrs. Manche., Fripp,
and Hare, here left the room, to wait upon 111 r.
Protheroe, and
Mr. VISGEIt rose and said, let the people do their duty,
and the close corporations will not stand a single Ses-
sion—(Cheers)---taxation will he re lured ; the game laws
will be repealed, the Rost Indio monopoly will he
abolished, the Bishops will no longer be allowed to re-
ceive such splendid salaries for their services ; there will
be reform in the law; the taxes on knowledge will be
abolished, and the poor man will be enabled to purchase a
cheap paper, and not be denied that privilege because he
cannot purchase a dear one.—(Carers.) I beg leave to
move—
That the Trades of this city, who distinguished themselves
at the last election, by their promptitude, union, and disin-
terestedness, be requested again to come forward and lend their
most efficient support to the objects of this meeting.
[Mr. Protheroe here tut. red the room, and was re-
ceived with the warmest expressions of approbation, which
were continued for some time.]
The resolution was then put and carried.
Mr. PROTHEROE then came forward amid loud eheetei
and addressed his constituents to the following effect ',es.,
Mr. Chairman, fel:ow-citizens, and constituents,—There
is a point of delicacy which might have been urged against
my attending—the unavoidable absence of Mr. Baillie ;
for it might base been said that I was taking advantage of
that absence.—(" No, no.") To this 1 would answer,
that if I had been prevented from attending, I would
have felt thankful to Mr. Baillie for appearing here in my
absence.—(Cheers.) We have both been sent to Parlia-
ment in the same cause; and, with the exception of one
or two votes, we have ever acted together. I therefore
should not have imputed blame to my honourable col-
league for appearing here in my absence; and I cannot
but think that my appearing here in his absence will act
as favourably for his cause as for my own —(Cheers.)
At the last election I was called on to give certain pledges,
and I did it willingly, because I could do so conscien-
tiously.—(Cheers.) I was called on to support the Re orm
Bill, and to carry the Select Vestiies Bill. I have
done both.--(Loud cheers.). With regard to the de-
fects of the Vestry Bill, I can only say that the Bill was
not mine, and that therefore I am not accountable for it.
In the next Parliament, however, I shall feel it my duty to
produce a Bill which shall abolish sele,t vestries altege-
theL—(Cheers.) To the question, of what have you got
by Reform ? it is sufficient for Reformers to answer, We
have got the Bill ; we did not send our Members to Par.
littmeat to legislate witk Boroughmonere, buy to procure
for us the opportunity of returning a free House of Com-
mons to represent us.—(Chei rs.) It is true, that for the
sake of the Bill we have foregone other valuable measures;
'rid daily experience teaches us that we have, in one point,
left ourselves undefended from our enemies—l am sure,
gentlemen, you will understand that I allude to the ballot.
—(Loud cheers.) As the ballot had not receivi-d that
universal approbation at the period of agitating the Bill
which it now receives, I thought it my duty to forego
Dressing that measure, in order that the safety of the Re-
form Bill might not be endangered. But now, the neces-
airy of secret voting has received a vast accession of
strength. One of the Members of the Government, Lord
John Russell, has declared that it will be necessary to
resort to it if the intimidation now practised be peisisted
in.—(Loud cheering.) Mr. Tennyson and Sir W. In-
gilhy have also declared their conviction of its necessity.—
(Hear.) I was one of those few who voted in the mino-
rity when that measure was fist proposed ; and in tell-
ing you that I shall support it whenever it may again be
introduced, I am only telling you that I shall continue to
preserve my consistency.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I
feel convinced, that whatever may be the exer-
tions of your opponents, that your spirit is suffi-
cient to resist them. Remember the time you placed me
higher on the poll than ever the unsuccessful candidate was
yet placed.—(Cheers) : was that done by riches or intimi-
dation?—(" No, no.") On that occasion one link in the
chain of slavery was broken.—(Cheers.) Again, in 1813,
were we better supported by what I term the broad cloth
of Bristol ? Had we a less formid :ble band to contend
with ? Yet we defeated them ; and let the same spirit
and virtue animate the bruslamakets, and the cordwaineie,
to whom I belong—(Laughter),—yes, gentlemen, I am a
shoemaker, and entitled to sixpence and a bed, in any city
in England—(Exc ssive laughter ;)—and if I hail been
rejected by you, I would have gone among them, and done
.11 I could to return the man of your choice—(Ciieers) ;
—let but them, I say, act with the same vigour, and the
same spirit, and success will be again ours.—(Cheere.)
Certain resolutions agreed to at a m-eting of the Trades,
and the two Unions, have been placed in my bands, and
upon thee, I would now express my sentiments.—(Hear,
hear) I will read them to you ; they are as follow

. . .
" To advocate short Parliaments, the vote by ballot, and a
further extension of the suffrage, and to vote for the repeal of
all laws that oppress the people.
" To vote for a thorough reform in the church.
" To vote for cheap government, to endeavour to obtain
every possible reduction in the salaries of public officers, a
complete abolition of all useless places, pensions, and sine-
cures, and an extensive reduction in our present enormous
standing army."

lii these I find nothing of which even a Tory could ho-
nestly disapprove, much less a liberal like Myself.__
(Cheers.) The man who would term them ton specific
must either have no political principles at t.ll or be must
be opposed to them. They are such as I freely accept—
such as I will rigidly adhere W.—(aters.) " To vote
for cheap government" is to pursue the same course I
adopted when I went out with my friend, Mr. Hume, in
such small divisions that we excited the laughter of the
Tories.—(Cheers.) Those divisions are now no longer
small, but of growing importance.—(Cheers.) " To vote
for the reduction of salaries and the abolishment of useless
offices." In giving my concurrence to this, I wish it to be
understood that I myself hold an office, an unsalaried one,
as Commissioner of Public Records; and that I was placed
in it by the Lord Chancellor in consequence of my ex-
posing some of the abuses of that establishment.—(Hear.)
" To rote for a reduction of the standing army." I have
long been of opinion that the reductions effected by an
abolishment of sinecures would be of ti ifling amount, and
that for substantial reductions we must look to the army
and navy.—(Hear.) I trust the state of Europe will soon
allow us to reduce it : and that part employed in the de-
grading duty of exacting tithes for the support of a church
rejected by the people will, I hope, soon IT removed from
learning a lessen of despotism in Ireland by a substantial
and satisfactory measure of reform—(Loud cheers); so
that that unfortunate and injured nation shall be lelt un-
shackled by the military and unprotected—such is the
term—by an armed police.—(lmmense cheers.) In the
colonies, I also trust that the necessity of protecting the
whites by the soldiery will be superseded by a measure
which shall make the Slave as happy as he is now said to
be.—(Cheers.) " To vote for a thorough reform iu the

eburch." Ile abuses of the ecclesiastical courts have
long engaged my attention ; and I have been for some time
employes in collecting evidence on the subject ; but my
labeners have been superseded by the appointment of a
commission ; and my friend, the Bishop of London, tells
me that the result will be a measure sufficient to satisfy
even such a radical as me. The reform of the church in
spiritual matters has been advancing with most ra-
pid strides; and whatever the event may be, I will say
that no reform shall have my concurrence which does
not include the removal of tithes, and the relief of Dissen-
ters from the payment of rates.—(Cheers.) As a true
churchman, whatever they may think of me, no one would
be more delighted than myself to be enabled to place her in
power and glory if it could he done consistently with the
good of the country.—(Hear.) I would wish to see every
parish with its priest—the bishops exercising their offices,
but not in the House of Lords—(Cheers)—and a more
liberal allowance in some instance granted, while in others
it should be curtailed.—(Hear.) But the nature of the
reform must, I feel, be regulated by the willingness of the
clergy to accept it; and I do not augur favourably for the
existence of the Church when I see none of her ministers
supporting Reform.—(Applause.) If, however, her funds
shall not be found sufficient for her support, I will not be
the one to recjmmend that the deficiency shall be made up
by taxing the people.—(Cheers.) " To advocate short
Parliaments, the vote by ballot, and a further extension
of the suffrage." I believe that we have already convinced
our opponents that annual Parliaments may exist without
evil ; the two last having existed about that time ; and I
therefore think we shall find little difficulty in now obtaining
triennial Parliaments. My opinion in favour of the vote by
ballot has received strength, from circumstances connect d
with the last election, and I think the necessity of the ballot
to protect the voter is clear, from the fact of an indi-
vidual having been compelled, for exercising his right
according to his franchise, to walk the streets of Bristol
ever since wanting employment. It is therefore my pur-
pose to introduce that measure to Parliament myself, if no
one else will.—(Cheers.) With regard to the extension
of the franchise, I think it is, in some respects, a mere mat-
ter of convenience; for if a greater number can exercise
their right conveniently, I cannot see the right of with-
holding that right. "To vote for a repeal of all laws
which oppress the people." First among these I include
the taxes on knowledee—(Cheers)—the laws which
make books dear, and prevent the poor man from purchas-
ing a newspaper. I fully anticipate a total repeal of them
all in the next Session.---(Cheers.) Again, there are the
corn laws—these too must be repealed ; the manner in
which this is to be effected must he left to the wisdom of
Parliament, but nothing short of their total repeal will be
satisfactory to me—(Applause)—thir, too, is a favourite
measure with my Hon. Colleague, Mr. Baillie.—(Cheers.)
I have now gone through them all, and I see there is not
one to which I already stand pledged—the reform of the
abuses of the close corporation of this city.—(Cheers.)
On the order book of the House of Commons, as far back
as December last, is the notice of a motion for a better
governirvent of this city. The particular details will be
for the citizens to decide on, but no proposition would re-
ce;.ve my support that did not embrace responsibility to
the city, popular election, the separation of the Recorder
from Parliament, and the annual publication of ac.
counts.—(Cheers.) It is not my habit to meet danger
half way ; aed if we are to have n contest, as I suppose
we are, let us meet the opposition resolutely. I wish to
deal lightly with the Host Baronet, Sir Richard Vyvyan,
because I know not whether he will come forward or no;
but I ask how it is, after talking of Mr. Harford, Mr.
Co' okson, and others, they are compelled to seek a man
who was rejected by his own county in 1831 ; and who,
now that county has four Members instead of two, find-
ing he cannot secure one of their seats, applies to the
little town of Truro, just emancipated, and is rejected by
that also?—(Cheers.) In thinking of Sir Richard, how-
ever, let me not be mistaken; he is an accomplished gen-
tleman—able to deliver his sentiments in Parliament, and
if he comes here he must be met as such, but with firm-
ness.—(Cheers.) I pledge myself to meet him before the
Trades, or at the Unions, and to contest principle with
principle with him in fair and open argument —(Cheers.)
Mr. Protheroe sat down amid enthusiastic cheering.
Mr. HER APATII--I beg leave to move—" That the
declaration of Mr. Protheroe's sentiments is prfectly
satisfactory to the meeting."
The resolution was then put and carried unanimously
amid loud cheering.
Mr. Devies—l beg leave to move—

That a Committee be appointed to promote the objects of this
Meeting; that such Committee consist of those Gentlemen
who have acted in the arrangement of the preliminary proceed_
ings, with power to add to their number; that a Subscription be
entered into to defray the necessary expenses ; and that Messrs.
Haythorne and Wright be requested to act as Bankers to the
Fund.

The motion, having been seconded, wax carried unani-
mously.

The CHAIRMAN then vacated the Chair, which was
taken by Mr. Addington ; and the following resolution
was moved by Mr. Bridges, and carried by acclamation :
That the Thanks of this Meeting be given to Richard Ash,
Esq., for the able manner in which he has conducted the busi-
ness of the meeting.

The meeting then gave three cheers, and dispersed.

DUTCH PAPERS.

THE HAGUE, OCT 21.—Nothing further is known re-
specting the entrance of a French army into Be'gium, or
the arrival of en English fleet off the Scheldt. On
Wednesday last M. Hoogen, a Cabinet Messenger, set
nut for London, with despatches from our Government.
To-day he has returned from London with new despatches.
Thus it seems that active negotiations are still on foot.
We learn that the Committee of the Second Chamber
appointed to draw up an Address to the King adopted a
report yesterday, which it will lay before the Chamber to-
morrow, and which will the❑ be examined in the sec-
tions. It is expected the Chamber will be able to vote
the address on Wednesday, so that it may be presented to
his Majesty before the end of the week. The sections
will afterwards beein to examine the projects of law lately
presented to the Chambers.

- TILBURG, OCT. 19.—Since the first division has been
moved further eastward the frontier posts to the north and
east of Breda are occupied by troops from this fortress and
from Bergen-op Zoom, and secured against any surprise
on the part of the Belgians.
Boxs to Due, OCT. 21.—We learn from Tilburg that
his Royal Highness the Prince Field Marshal is busily en-
gaged in inspecting the numerous means of defence from
that place to Bergen-op-Zoom. The necessary measures
for shutting the Oude-Maas are in a good state of defence.
The troops in the field are in the same positions, and re-
ceive daily reinforcements.
Among the financial measures just brought forward is a
project of law to place at the disposal of the Government
the surplus of the votes of credit for 1832, viz. 5,290,683
florins for the army ; 572 274 for the navy, in consequence
of the state of war during the last months of this year ; and
5,032,258 for the Finance Department, in order to provide
on the let of January for that part of the interest of the
debt which comes to the account of Belgium.
To meet the expenditure which may he required by a
continuance of the state of war in 1833, the Minister pro-
poses a voluntary loan of ninety-three millions, at five per
cent. interest, divided in 31,000 shares, of 3,000 florins
each. This loan is a sequel to that of last year, which was
generally approved.
DUTCH FUNDS.—AMSTERDAM, OCT. 22.
Actual Debt, 2% per cent 4l to 4134
Amort Syndic, 4% per cent 6934 to 70%
Ditto, ditto, 33 per cent 5434 to
Voluntary Loan, lti3l, fi per cent 99 to 99%
Ditto, ditto, 18132, 5 per cent 77% to 7E1%

Notwithstanding all statements to the contrary,
we understand that no day has yet been fixed for the
arrival of the Court at Brighton; but it is perfectly un-
derstood that this anxiously-expected event will take place
on ehe sth of November, by which time all the prepara-
tions are ordered to be completed. The birth-day of the
Princess AUGUSTA, on the Sth, will of course be kept
lere.—Brighton Gazelle.
DON PEDRO'S ARMAMENT.—A curious
circumstance occurred on Sunday morning at Graves-
end. As the Royal George steamer, which had t,ken
on board a large number of men for the service of Don
PEDRO, was about to get under weigh, a gentleman, in
the garb of a military officer, made his appearance on
deck, and read an address to the men, and offered them
immediate conveyance on shore if any of them were dis-
satisfied, and did not wish to leave England. The men
•;fied their consent to go by repeated cheers, and excla-
tea,—
Don PEDRO for ever !" but, strange to say,
mations of "
a few minutes afterwards, as the vessel was beginning to
move, four of them threw themselves overboard into the
river, and swam ashore, amidst the hisses and groans of
those on board ; but not the least violence was offered
them. A vessel sailed yesterday with arms, ammunition,
and 100 men, for Oporto.
About 11 o'clock on the forenoon of the 16th
inst., a small boat, belonging to the fishing village of
Boddom, near Peterhead, with 13 persons on board, while
sailing across the bay to the latter place, was upset by a
sudden gust of wind from the west, and we are sorry to
add that seven of them met a watery grave. The other six
were saved by a boat that was in company when the ac-
cident happened. Four of those lost were married men,
and three have left families to lament their untimely fate.

N,

FRENCH PAPERS.

(From the Journal des Debats of Oct. 22).
The States-General of Holland are opened ; the session
of the Belgic Chambers commenced on the 10th Nov. ;
the French Chambers are summoned for the 19th ; and
the general election in England will take place in Decent-
her. Thus, one half of Europe will find itself simulta-
neously restored to the regular but active movement of
constitutional government, and publicity and discussion will
at once seize upon all questions, both foreign and domestic.
There is a qt:eation with all, which seems for these two
years to have concentered all general interests, and absorbed,
so to speak, all the moral forces of Europe. The offspring
of onr Itevolut'ion,in the midst of the uncertainties and first
hazards of European policy, it at first appeared to threaten
the peace of the world, having been afterwards brought,
by able and laborious negotiations, within the limits
traced roc it by reason and experience, it only served
to draw forth, on the one band, disinterestedness and sin-
cerity of alliances, and, on the other, the most concilia-
tory and pacific dispositions, with a new view of the
question. The battle-field of Europe has, so to speak,
thus become the neutral ground of its pacific negotiations.
This question is that of Belgium.
Belgium having taken her place in the great family of
Europe, and her Sovereign having accredited his pleni-
potentiaries to his new allies, the time is now approach-
ing when, as regards Holland also, she must in reality
stand as such. All that is left to he done is the simple
execution of stipulations, which have all received the assent
and concurrence of the great Powers. Political inde-
pendence is granted to Belgium---the national sovereignty
has been recognized—the boundaries defined. All that
remains to he consummated is the reciprocal evacuation of
a few square leagues of territory. It is this last result
which is to be obtained ; it is that which all the Consti-
tutional States of Europe will legitimately and together
call for ; it is that which all wise men pray fur, and that
which, in case of need, they ought to hasten by their
efforts.

We have approved of the spirit of moderation and pa-
tience which has presided at the last negotiations ; we
conceive that all the means of friendly negotiation with
Holland were exhausted ; there was even in that conduct
pursued towards her a certain homage paid to the truly
national attitude of a people, struggling to the last extre-
mity against a hard sacrifice. This can last no longer :
in our opinion the text itself of the stipulations will tolerate
no longer delay. Great nations now press forward claims
not less real, not less sacred. England, in its elections,
France in its Legislative Chambers, require that the peace of
the world should be fixed upon a firm foundation. They
will nit leave open to bad passions the only vent which
the wisdom of the European powers has not bean able to
close; neither the one nor the other will allow themselves
to be called upon to defend their allies against the reflec-
tions of malevolence. All that is to be done is to keep
reciprocal promises, and turn written conditions into ex-
ecuted conditions.

That the hasty and premature employment of coer-
cive measures against Holland should. have alarmed timid
interests, awoke delicate susceptibilies and wounded natural
feelings, is easily imagined and excused, when it is not
desired to make European policy an arena of constantly-
armed passions, always ready to use might for right, and
the sword for an argument; but that, after two years of
good faith, of disinterestedness, and patience—now that
the powers of Government are confided to pure hands,
worthy of the succession they have received, we are to
have Europe represented as in a new and unexpected atti-
tude, and shuddering at the fall of a state of things like
the pre.ent, that the bond of alliances is loosened by re-
spect fur treaties, and dissolve.' by their execution, is what
we never will admit. Predictions such as these may be
ranked among those which the event has always belied.—
As much strangers as any one to the secret of the present
negotiations, and to the more rapid movement which the
very nature of things must have impressed upon them for
some weeks past, resting our judgment as to their result
only upon the press, and the documents it publishes, but
confi.ling in the loyalty of Europe, because we know France
to be loyal—in the disinterestedness of Europe, because we
know France to be disinterested, we cannot help seeing
that the decisive moment is arrived ; and for our own
parts, in thought overleaping the time which still separates
us from a result obtained almost as soon as aimed at, we
already see the peace of the world consolidated by the many
dangers with which it is threatened by partizans less
sincere than ourselves for its maintenance and duration.
If we have yielded to an undue confidence—if our loyal
anticipations should be betrayed by the event—if there
were in Europe a single Cabinet impudent enough all at
once to cast back into the domain of passion a policy so
painfully brought within the sphere of positive interests—
if England and France, united by the most identical and
solid interests which ever commenced and maintained an
alliance, should find enemies where they have only sought
for and found allies—our country ought still, in our opi-
nion, to be of good heart. We believe that the men who
direct its councils will be equal to all events. The ques-
tion is not whether France and Europe shall be lightly
exposed to new dangers, but whether we shall not dispose
of the only one which embarrasses the present, and would
infallibly compromise the future.
(From the Messager des Chambres of Oct. 24.)

The following note was addressed on the sth instant by
the Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs to the Minister for
Foreign Affairs of France :
" The undersigned Minister for Foreign Affairs of bis
Majesty the King of the Belgians having laid before his
Sovereign an account of the state of the negotiations
opened at London, and principally as to the new acts which
had intervened since the Belgian Plenipotentiary was fur-
nished with the necessary powers for entering directly into
communication with the Plenipotentiary of the Nether-
lands, has received orders to make the following declara-
tion to his Excellency the Minister of his Majesty the King
of the French for the Foreign Department.
" The Government of his _Majesty the King of the
Belgians having addressed, under the dates of the 12th
and 13th June, the Cabinets of the Tuileries and St.
James's, claiming the execution of the engagements con-
tracted by the treaty of November 15, received for answer
that the Conference would occupy itself with the means
for insuring this result without delay.
Relying upon this assurance, and the approbation sig-
nified by the note of the Conference of June 11th, of the
line of conduct which it had traced out for itself, the Bel-
gian Government was expecting an immediate termination
of the difficulties which had already too long existed, when
Holland suddenly gave a new and unexpected direction to
the negotiations.

" The Cabinet of the Hague, while appearing to offer to
negotiate an arrangement directly with that of Belgium,
had given rise to a belief that pacific means remained to be
used; and by thus arresting the proceedings of the Confe-
rence, at length succeeded in throwing upon Belgium the
responsibility of delay.
" This it was that induced the King of the Belgians to
depart for a moment from the resolution formed by his
Government, not to take part in any negotiation till after
the evacuation of the Belgian territory ; and consequently
measures were adopted by his Majesty to open a direct
negotiation, in order to ascertain, in a positive manner, if
it were possible to obtain an amicable arrangement with
Holland.

" The Belgian Minister Plenipotentiary at London was,
on Sept. 18th, furnished with full powers to negotiate,
conelude, and sign a treaty, direct with the Plenipoten-
tiary of his Majesty the King of the Netherlands. The
Belgian Plenipotentiary, on acquainting the Conference
with his new mission, declared by a note, dated Sept. 20,
that the King of the Belgians did not intend to suffer any
incroachment upon or prejudice to his rights, but reserved
to himself, in case this direct negotiation should remain
without result, to claim the execution of the engagements
contracted by each of the Five Powers.
" The Government of his Majesty the King of the Bel-
gians became ere long acquainted with the note addressed
to the Conference by the Dutch Plenipotentiary, under
the date of September 20, as well as with the result of the
labours of the Plenipotentiaries of the Five Courts, in their
meetings of the 24th, 25th, and 26th of the same month.
From these documents it obtained the conviction that the
Dutch Government could not be led by the ordinary course
of negotiation to a direct approximation to Belgium, and
that all hope of conciliation having become illusive, the
Belgian question could no longer be regarded under any
other point of view.
" In such a state of things, the French Government
will undoubtedly admit that it is the duty of the under-
signed to protest, in the name of his Sovereign, against
any measure which might leave an opening for negotiation,
the sterility of which has been demonstrated by long ex.
perience, whether it has been attempted by the simulta-
neous and combined action of the Five Courts represented
in the Conference, or by the separate action of some of
them. They can no longer deceive themselves upon their
influence with the Cabinet of the Hague, especially after
the check experienced by Count Orloff, in the pacific
mission with which he had been charged by the Court of
Russia. New efforts would remain ineffectual, as they
have hitherto done, and would evidently have no other
result than to create delays injurious, not only to Belgium,
but to all Europe, whom they keep in suspense, the general
disarmament being as it were connected with the solution
of the Belgian question.
" The time has therefore come to carry into execution a
treaty invested, five months ago, with the cemnitou sane-

tion of the Five Courts, the non-fulfilment of which ex-
poses the peace of Europe to increasing and continual
dangers. Since the last refusal of the Dutch Govern-
ment, there is no other means to accomplish this result
hut the employment of material force ; for it cannot be
supposed that the Powers will allow an indefinite post •
poneinent, which would be highly injurious to the public
order of Europe, and that, after laborious negotiations for
two years, a treaty, so!emnly ratified, should remain with-
out being executed. .

" In consequence, the undersigned has received the
positive commands of his Sovereign to cliim of the
Government of his Majesty the King of the French, the
execution of the guarantee stipulated liv the 25th article
of the treaty of November 15, IS3I, concluded with
Belgium. Circumstances require vigorous and efficacious
measures. The undersigned ventures to hope that the
French Government will not hesitate to take them, in
execution of the engagements contracted with Belgium.
" The undersigned begs his Excellency the Secretary of
State of his Majesty the King of the French for the
Foreign Department, to lay the present declaration before
the King, his august master, and embraces this opportu-
nity to offer to his Excellency the assurances of his highest
consideration. (Signed) " GOBLET."
The Memorial de la Scarpe of Douay cent tins the fol-
lowing :—" All the troops composing this garrison have
received orders to hold themselves in readiness to advance
at a moment's notice." A letter of the 20th from Cam•
bray says :—" The depot of the 22d Regiment of the
Line are ived here yesterday from Amiens, and continued
its march this morning for the frontier."
The Garde National of Marseilles gives the following
statement of the personnel and materiel of the French navy:

PERSONNEL.
Central Administration
Special Corps and Agents 6,564
Crews of of the Line 6,444
Marines
Inspectors of Hulks 949
Armed vessels 13,9.85
Dock-yards ll,BOO

Total

42,815
8,000