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London, England, 1866-11-03 00:00:00

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LONDON, SATURDAY, NOV. 3, 1866

Mr. BRIGHT has again appeared before an Irish
assembly, and last night he appeared before a meet-
ing of the working men of Dublin. It is curious to
notice that the Irish members do not seem to sym-
pathise with the great political agitator, and that
they leave him nearly alone in Lis glory. Only one,
THE O'DortocincE, was there last night. It is the

more extraordinary that this should be the case,
since Mr. BRIGHT loses no opportunity of descanting
upon the subject of Irish representation and its great
He even went so far as to declare that

significance.
the Irish had more interest in the matter than

the Scotch or the English. The reason is that

hey are so few in number to meet the members

they find on the other side of the Channel, and
these are also very unfairly distributed in " small
boroughs and different parts of the country, and in
counties under the thumb and finger of their land-
lords." After entering upon an analysis of the pre-
sent representative system in Ireland, Mr. BRIGHT
seemed to think it most faulty, as, indeed, what
representative system is not in his mind and ac-
cording to his mode of thinking? The boroughs are
too small, and the counties large, and, under the
peculiar circumstances and relations existing between
the landowner and the voter, there is scarcely anything
of freedom to be found. Mr. BRIGHT thinks that
the best proof that all is done in an unsuitable man-
ner may be lound in the fact that the representa-
tives returned axe not all Liberals. Like many
others who go to great extremes he confuses him-
self, and ends by admiring the very thing that in
accordance with his principles he should despise and
condemn. Thus, after some observations on the
ballot, which contained a good deal of truth, he
went on to illustrate his meaning more fully, and
cited "that new Parliament of North Germany,
which is about to be assembled, where every male
person of twenty-five years of age is to be
allowed to vote, and to vote by ballot." If all
the changes and alterations so much vaunted are
to lead us in the same direction as the Prussians
have taken we had better stop as we are until we
understand a little more clearly what we are about,
and what it is we are (hiving at. After describing
his plans a little while in a comparatively calm
manner, Mr. BRIGHT launched out into his usual
style of violence. " You have your wrongs to com-
plain of," exclaimed he—" wrongs centuries old."
How unsuitable it is thus to persist in making out
everything to be so hopelessly bad in the regulation
of Irish affairs, and how unwise it is to keep on
exciting people in this manner, and perverting facts
to answer a purpose instead of quietly and cautiously
dwelling upon matters of such vital interest and vast
importance to the community to whom they were
addressed. We should think by this time that every
one must be pretty well aware of the sentiments
which Mr. BRIGHT entertains about the character
and condition of our present Parliament, but he
seems to consider that he cannot reiterate the opi-
nion too often. Then we meet with this passage,
which might be called a stereotyped phrase in his
speeches at monster meetings—" Now I hold,
without any fear of contradiction, that the
intelligence and the virtues of the people
of Breat Britain and the people of Ireland are not
represented in the Imperial ParliaMent." This very
prejudicial notion of Mr. BRIGHT'S accounts, we
think, in a great measure for the loss of his prestige,
and if his influence has greatly diminished among
those who are themselves influential, it is because
he is so bitter and one sided in all• the estimates he
takes of public matters. He is in such a hurry to
say what is wrong that he sometimes forgets to tell
us what is the right course to pursue. The chief
object of his appearing in public, so far as we can
judge, seems to be to rail at the views of the upper
classes. States arc not remodelled by this means,
nor are laws amended and reforms readily carried
out.

Really, if we were to take these observations au
pied de la kttre, we might fairly conclude that Mr.
BRIGHT advocates the scheme •of Chartism, and
would apportion estates and riches throughout the
world in an, equal manner. " I do not believe in
the neceesity of wide-spread and horrible misery ; I
do not believe that we were placed in this island,
and on this earth, that one man might be great,
and wealthy, and glorying in every profuse indulg-
ence, and 'five or six or nine or ten.men suffering
from the abject misery which we see too com-
mon in the world." We may well inquire
how a great deal of this can reasonably be avoided.
Except in a savage state perfect equality cannot be
maintained, and it is quite idle to speak to working
men in a civilised city after this fashion. It may
irritate the repining among them, it may excite the
passionate, but it can never impress the thoughtful
or convince the sensible. Above all, it can never
be the way to make them willing to do their duty
in the station where PROVIDENCE has placed them;
and thus it is a mischievous argument to employ.
Mr. BRIGHT, in illustrating some of his theories,
said that there were some questions which you may
settle in your own house, without having even the
country referred to. You may settle that that
which is just, is just everywhere, and so on. Why
does he not carry out this theory himself when he
is descanting upon the various classes of the com-
munity ? Why are all of high rank and wealth and
standing to be stigmatisd and denounced, and why
are the lower classes to be raised so high ? We
know that faults abound in all places, and we
know that there is
which the unlettered noan tyrannyuntrauntrained
d se ow n
greatexercise
whenthat
tisheytharis.e Another part worthy of notice
BRIGHT claims for himself the
merit of having all his political life long been
the devoted champion of Ireland and the defender
of Irish rights. When he entered the House of
Commons the most prominent figure he saw there
was DANIEL O'CONNELL. We do not know if he
wished his hearers to think that the mantle of the
great Liberator had fallen upon himself in preference
to others native to the soil, but they might occa-
sionally infer it if they liked. Now it seems strange
to look back to the time of the " famine" in Ire-
land, and to notices the very peculiar statements
then made by one who has always been so seriously
in favour of the Emerald Isle. In the time
of trouble he thus commented on the character of
the afflicted people :—" The Irish are idle, and
therefore starving; starving, and therefore rebel-
lious." It would be, however, surprising if a man
who speaks so hastily ands ni
tcohnismidseelrfa,tealnydatsheArler-.
BRIGHT, did not often
,co
fore it is a pity for him to arrogate too much
to
himself. What assurance can do he does, what
lan-
guage can do in the wayof vituperation he employs;
and we hear, without much surprise, that the:;3‘lpaltaionns
and theories of his opponents and their
have failed deplorably, disastrously, ignominiously."
He has, therefore, acquired a right to offer to the
p'ople of Ireland a new policy, which is to be wise
and just, reform all abuses, and prevent future in-
justice. It might have been expected that it would
take some time to effect this ; but, on the contrary,
we hear that Mr. BRIGHT'S "mission is o'er," and
that he has taken leave of his new friends, having,
to use his own words, " said his say." We wish
that in giving expression to his views he had been
more moderate, and then those he addressed might
have some better memories of his stay than the re-
collection of fine speeches,
in them, and an but no real solidity
excitement that sought to
condemn persons more than to keep to facts.
It has always been the error of those who professed
to serve Ireland that they went too much to ex-
tremes; and Mr. BRIGHT, instead of setting a wise
example in this particular, has apparently set cut
with the intention of being plus Ara e que 'Arae,

which object he has achieved with a success that
does not always wait on merit, and with a zeal
which, however well meaning, has certainly outrun

dicretion.

The English public is never appealed to in vain
for the assistance of sufferers by a great calamity.
No sooner do they hear of fire or inundation, pesti-
lence or famine, being busy, not only in their own
dominions but in almost any part of the globe,
than they are ready with their subscriptions and
their gifts. They feel strongly for any distress
which is vividly brought before them, and, being an
eminently practical people, their sympathies natu-
rally take a substantial form. It is a satisfation to
them to be able to do something tangible, and accord-
ingly there is almost a feeling of disappointment,
when, as in the case of the Indian famine, money
contributions are found to be unnecessary. There
is never a long interval, however, between the calls
for help, for what with the fluctuations of trade, the
variations of the public health, the violence of the
elements, and those great calamities which follow in
the track of war, we are almost constantly hearing of
some pressing distress. Just now the liberality of
the English public is invoked on behalf of sufferers
who have no especial claim upon their considera-
tion. They are fellow-subjects, and kindred in race
and feeling, and speaking the same language and
governed by the same laws. The disaster from
which they are suffering has been one of great mag-
nitude and extent. The fire at Quebec has com-
mitted terrible devastation, as might have been
expected in a city built chiefly of wood. No doubt
the ultimate effect will be a beneficial one : it will
raise and improve the character of the city, and
bring it more in accordance with the requirements
of the present day than with those of the age of
CHA3IPLAIN. The health and comfort of the people
may be improved, and the devastated portion of
the city may probably rise from its ashes greatly
improved and enlarged. But there can be no doubt
whatever that this future good is purchased at the
expense of very great present distress. According
to the rough reports that have reached us, the num-
ber of houses destroyed in this great fire was 2,500,
and the number of persons rendered homeless was
18,000. It is possible there may be some exagge-
ration
or mis-statement in these figures, but there
can be no doubt that the catastrophe was a very
serious one. The season at which it occurred, too,
was especially unfortunate—just before the early
Canadian winter, whose severity can hardly be ap-
preciated by English people accustomed to our com-
paratively mild specimens of the frost king's power.
For so many thousands of persons to be suddenly
burned out on the verge of such a season is a very
serious thing, and however anxious or willing their
fellow-colonists might be to assist them their means
are not likely to be equal to the occasion. Canada,
as we know, is anything but a rich country ; the
national resources have of late years been severely
taxed by the vagaries of the Fenians. It is cer-
tainly an occasion on which English help will be
most appropriate and most welcome, and we are
very glad to find that subscription lists have
been opened both in London and Manchester,
whose example will probably be followed by other
great towns. Messrs. COUTTS and Co. have very
liberally headed the subscription list which they
have opened at their bank with a donation
of £5OO, and wc. have no doubt that they
will meet with a prompt and liberal re-
sponse to their appeal. It is important that no
time should le lost in coming to the assistance of
the sufferers before the winter comes on, and Bis

dat qui cito duct should be the motto of the givers.
The ties of union between England and Canada

have latterly been much strengthened, and the
ready sympathy shown in their distress will tend to
cement the kindly feeling. Canada is a country of
which Great Britain may be justly proud, and there
can be no doubt she has a great and noble future be-
fore her. Her natural resources, her vast extent, her
capacities of soil and climate, and her free institu-
tions, all mark her out to fill a prominent place in
the history of future generations. We may say of
British America as the poet long ago said of those
fair southern colonies of England now rising so
rapidly in wealth, population, and importance:—
As in a cradled Hercules we trace
The line of empire in thine infant face,
What nations, in thy wide horizon's plan,
Shall teem on track untrodden yet by man,
Where aught but brute or reptile life is dumb.
Land of the free ! thy kingdom is to come.
It is not likely that " brute and reptile life" will
much longer be suffered to monopolise so much of
those fair possessions, and the proposed confedera-
tion, when fairly and equitably carried put, will give
an immense impetus to the progress of all the
colonies. Meanwhile England watches with anxiety
and interest the state of affairs in her American
dependencies, and the best and most practical aid
which she can render in developing the fortunes of
the colonies is to assist in restoring and rebuilding
Quebec.

CORRESPONDENCE FROM PARIS.

( FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

PARIS; Friday Evening.

. _
Yesterday, All Saints'-day,
.having been kept
with great strictnesss, none of the papers have been
published this morning, and Ido not hear of any
news in the usual sources of. information. The
throngs of persons at the cemeteries yesterday were
greater than was ever known.
The German papers make the future position
of the fortress of Ulm a point of earnest dis-
cussion. Ulm, as is well known, was one of
the strong places of the ancient German Con-
federation. It was guarded by a mixed garri-
son of the troops of Wurtembourg and Bavaria.
It appears that negotiations are now in progress
between the Governments of Wurtembourg and
Prussia, having for their object to arrange that in
future the garrison of the fortress of Ulm should be
composed, half of the troops of the South, and half
of Prussian troops.

The last races of the season yesterday at La
Marche terminated satisfactorily, the attendance
being good and the morning excellent. The follow-
ing is an account of the results:—A Handicap of
2,000 f. for all horses. Entry, 200 f. Pine Apple
(Page), 1 ; Betty, 2 ; Milton, 3. The Betting was
7 to 2 against Pine Apple.—The Prix de St. Hubert
of I,ooof. for hacks and hunters. Pompadour, 1 ;

_ . .
Victot Pontol, 2; Tim Meagles, 3.—The Closing
Prize, free handicap of I,ooof. Silly, 1 ; I'iccola,
2 ; Doge, 3.

A letter from Berlin states that Count de Bis-
marck is in a precarious if not dangerous condition.
Urgent business requires his presence at Berlin, and
he Is expected there ; but his visit will be a very
short one, IIS his medical attendants advise quiet
and abstinence from business and excitement.
Madame Potier, the widow of the excellent comic
actor Potier, has just died at the age of 78. Tahna
once said to Potier, "If I were not Talmo, I should
wish to be Potier." When Potier died it was, like
the death of Liston ; a genuine comedian was lost
whose place has never again been filled up. Potier
was the issue of the iustrious Parliamentary family
of that name, which furnished the Ducal branches
of Gcsvres and Tresmes, now extinct.
The demolitions in the Rue St. Victor are nearly
terminated. Some historical recollections of great
interest are attached to that street. It formerly
contained a great number of abbeys, churches, and
convents ; among others the college of Cardinal
Lemoine. During a long period there was cele-
brated in the church of that convent a religious
ceremony called the Fête du Cardinal. The come-
dians of the Hotel de Burgogne (a strange circum-