The Sun.
London, England, 1859-08-22 00:00:00

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE.

LI SKE ARD
The election of a representative for the borough
of Liskeard, in room of Mr. R. W. Grey, appointed
Commissioner of Customs, was held on Friday.
Mr. Ralph Bernal Osborne was the only candidate
in the field. Previous to the commencement of the
proceedings a large number of the electors of Bod-
min entered the town, in company with Mr. Wyld,
the newly-elected member for that borough. Every
man wore a wreath of laurel or bore some laurel
leaves on his breast. Mr. T. J. A. Robartes, M.P.
for East Cornwall, was also present, and the entire

assemblage numbered about ~000 persons.
The Mayor of' Liskeard presided as returning
officer.

Mr. B. ANSTIS proposed and Mr. A. HINGSTON
seconded the nomination of the Right Hon. Ralph
Bernal Osborne as a fit and proper person to repre-
sent the borough of Liskeard in Parliament, and no
other candidate having been proposed, the Mayor
announced Mr. Osborne to have been duly elected.
Mr. OSBORNE, on presenting himself to the elec-
tors, was received with the most enthusiastic cheer-
ing. He said—Mr. Mayor, electors, and non-elec-
tors of Liskeard, male and female—especially the
latter who honour and grace this large assemblage
with your presence—l thank you. If any man has
reason to exclaim, " Behold how ',clod a thing it is
to dwell together in brotherly unit°y," I am that man.
(Hear.) You have placed me in a peculiar position,
and one which hitherto I have been quite unaccus-
tomed to. (Laughter.) All my life I have been
constantly, up to the present occasion, fishing in
troubled waters ; but now I had a peaceful victory,
owing to the united kindly feeling of the Liberal
party here so happily reconciled, and to that sense
of courtesy and justice displayed by the Con-
servative party in Liskeard, who saw that it would
be a vain proceeding on their part to contest the
borough, and have refrained from disturbing the
peace of the town. To the Conservative party I also
tender my thsnks, for I am equally their represen-
tative as I am yours; and I am ready to attend
to any local business that they may think
requisite and proper, and, as far as consistent
with my own principles, advocate theirs. (Hear.)
You have no venality rife here. You have no mail-
packet contractor to muddy the clear and pellucid
stream of purity of election. But when I mention
those subjects allow me to say that although I have
stigmatised the nefarious practices of the borough
of Dover there are men, and a large body of men,
too, in that borough, just as independent and as
little liable to be bought as the voters whom I now
see around me. (Hear.) But there is a small mass
which unfortunately leavens the others, and it is
to that small portion my remarks apply, and not to
the honest, unpurchaseable, and really good elec-
tors of Dover. (Hear.) After what has been so
eloquently said by my proposer and seconder, it is
not necessary for me to declare so much where I
come from as it is to say where I am going to, and
what I am going to do there. It has been objected
on another occasion by two or three gentlemen, I
believe, that I am a thick and thin supporter of my
Lord Palmerston. (Hear.) I have no hesitation in
saying that, I entertain a great and sincere respect
for Lord Palmerston ; but when it was imputed to
me that I was a thick and thin supporter of that
noble lord, I think that the imputer should have
called to mind that, had I been such a supporter of his
I would scarcely have been in my present position,
because that noble lord is notorious for never for-
getting his thick and thin supporters. (Hear, hear.)
It is most probable that, had I been one of that
sort of supporters of Lord Palmerston, I would
not be on these hustings to-day, but should, in all
probability, have gone to another place from which
no commoner returns. (" Hear," and laughter.) I
might have been sent to the drawing-room when
not wanted in the Cabinet parlour. (Hear.) I am
not a nominee of Lord Palmerston here, and never
will be his thick and thin supporter in another
place. (Cheers.) I am here reminded of a passage
in an old play where a great philosopher is asked
what becomes of all the old moons. " Gentlemen,"
the reply was, " they are cut up into little stars."
(Laughter.) And it seems to me that there are
certain members of the old Whig party who are
in somewhat the same position as the old moons
here alluded to, and who have been cut up into
very little stars. (Renewed laughter.) I have
seen certain people reduced to that condition noble-
men now of whom I speak in their individual
capacity with the highest respect. No man can
equal the conciliating manner of Mr. Vernon
Smith now Lord Lyveden, or of Sir Benjamin Hall
now Baron Llanover, and no man could surpass in
uprightness, straightforwardness, and intelligence
Mr. Labouchere now Lord Taunton, and when
I speak of these noblemen I do so with the -utmost
respect ; but at the same time I dissent from the
principle of sending to another place certain
men, because I am one of those who have so
great a respect for the House of Lords that I
wish their number not to be increased by
lavish creations. I think he is no friend to the
three estates of the realm, the Queen, Lords, and
Commons, who seeks to derogate from one or the
other, and therefore I object to these creations. I
do not wish to see the House of Lords made a waste
pipe for the surplusage of the House of Commons,
and so far for the accusation of my being a thick-
and-thin supporter of Lord Palmerston's. If Lord
Palmerston had been 20 years younger he would
not have made these creations. I do not think he
would have made them 10 years ago ; but even
now his " failings lean to friendship's side." (Hear.)
Now, gentlemen, you may ask me for my opinion
of the past, and as I have wished to be very candid
with you I have told you at starting what is my
opinion regarding the present Administration. I
have already told you to some extent my opinion of
the last Ministry. I do not wish to be too hard
upon them. They say " of the dead nothing but
good," and if they were dead I would speak nothing
but good of them. But they are alive, and kicking
to get back to office. (Laughter.) Well, they have
some great men among them. I am not one of those
who deny that they have. Mr. Disraeli I look upon
as a great statesman. He was the iEneas who carried
the whole burden on his shoulders ; and we
Liberals have to thank Mr. Disraeli, who I believe
to be of my party, for the liberal measures which
he was mainly instrumental in carrying. We
have to thank Mr. Disraeli for the Jew Bill ; we
have to thank him for a proposal to deal with the
Church-rates, though not in the right way—(hear)
—and another thing we have to thank him for
is for having pulled that huge omnibus of his,
full of country gentlemen, to the consideration
of a Reform Bill, which, if they had passed it, was
so revolutionary in its tendency and identity that
it would have given a spur to American institutions
in this country. (Hear.) I feel very grateful to
Mr. Disraeli, and I have no doubt that one day or
other sew combinations will arise when, if he can-
not control these unwilling country gentlemen of
his, he will boldly come forward for the good of
his country and will join with those who will carry
fuller and more liberal measures. (Hear, hear, and
cheers.) But in forming his Ministry Lord Palmer-
ston, no doubt, had great difficulties to contend with.
In the first place, the litter of pigs was rather too
numerous for the maternal capabilities of the
Downing-street mother. (Laughter.) What was
he to do ? Nobody would have the old family party
back again ; that was out of the question. Weil,
some of them were kicked upstairs. -What was he
then to do ? I am not one of those who think that
he acted best under the circumstances. No doubt
there may be a little too much quince in the Cabi-
net pudding, but at the same time I must admit
that the body of gentlemen called Peelites, although
they are only a small party with no great following
in the country, are a set of the most able adminis-
trators, and are the right men in the right place ;
and so far from my feeling any jealousy of that body
of men, I say that if they cast in their lot with us
andt carry liberal measures, I, for one, will give
'era my entire support. (Cheers.) At the same
time I -do regret that when they had the great
meeting
tat Willis's Rooms, and had their ball
an, sa A
asked two
of what
to their supper, they only
is called the " advanced party,"
aansdideevtaenble. (Hear thwere asked to take a seat at
hear.) I think it would have
been better if Mr. -obden had been offered a Secre-
taryship of State. I think it would have been much
better if Mr. Bright— j lizhose views in all
whose things I do not agree, but egrmeairt ability and
earnestness of purpose I heartily
ad
asked to take a seat at the India Bearer, because
bcause:l3l
believe there is no man in the community who has
subject more completely, and that,
grasped the
whatever his views be, there is no man more en-
titled to take a high place in the Government of
the country. These things have not dobeenne.
Mr.
Mr. Cobden, greatly to his honour—for there are
few men in this world who refuse anything—
(laughter)—refused to take a place in the Govern-
ment. Mr. Bright I know to be unwilling to ac-
cept one ; but I regret the absence of both from the
Government, because I think their presence in the
Government would have given it a quality of
strength and lastingness. But, now that we havegot the Government, I say that there are excellent,
clever, and business-like men in it. Still, at the
same time I cannot conceal from myself that they
have got their spurs to win by legislative measures.
(Hear.) They are at present on their trial, and I
heartily hope they may by their united wisdom be
able to bring forth such measures as shall satisfy
the great body of the people in this country, who
want nothing wild or convulsing, but, on the con-
trary, desire sober, steady, and, above all, earnest
reforms. (Cheers.) We all know that in our pri-
vate families the great secret upon which every-
thing hangs is the keeping of the financial account.
It is the same with nations as with families. Be-

pend on it that finances are first andlast—at the bot-
tom and the top of every national movement. What
is the state of our finances at the present moment P
I am happy to congratulate the country on having
probably the most able man of the day at the head
of the Exchequer, and if one could only emancipate
Mr. Gladstone from the embraces of that Delilah
the University of Oxford, we should have in him
one of the best and most workmanlike Ministers of
the day. But we must take him as he is, and I be-
lieve that he has the power and the ability to work
a great change in our financial system. No doubt it
is a matter of enormous labour. We raise in this
country £70,000,000 of taxes. Could .that be done
in any other country in the world ? (No, no.) But
what is the state of Parliament ? I do not hesitate
to say—and I will quote my authority, a high one,
if you wish it—that Parliament, by which I mean
the House of Commons, has abdicated its functions
as the guardian of the public purse, and, instead of
checking the Minister of the day, members of Par-
liament are only too ready to urge forward expen-
diture. (Hear.) What do you suppose has been the
increase in the army and navy these last 24 years?
In order that there could be no mistake I have
made extracts from official documents. In the year
1835 the army and Ordnance, now amalgamated,
but then administered by separate boards, cost
,E7,500,000—a pretty sum for keeping up a slnall
army—and the same yearthe navy cost £4,000,000,
making, let us say, £12,000,000 for both services.
At the present day the united estimates for army
and navy amount to the sum of £26,ooo,ooo—double
what it was 24 years ciao. (Hear.) There may be
an excuse for this, andbl think there is as far as the
navy is concerned, for we have had a new steam
power developed through the screw ; but I wish the
screw to be put on those who pass these large votes
without inquiry. It is still more singular with re-
gard to the civil service. It cost £2,000,000 in 1835,
and in 1859 it cost the country £7,825,000. The
army and navy, including the militia, have doubled
since 1835, but the civil service has increased to three
times the amount of cost. Then, whose fault is
that? Not the fault of the Government of the day,
be it Whig or Tory ; the Government always wishes
to control the expenditure ; but it is the fault of
those individual members of the House of Commons
who, instead of controlling expenditure, have each
their little business—l will not say job, for that is
an ugly word, and I do not want to use ugly words
—and who urge on the Minister of the day votes
now for this and again for that; and I assert that
my experience has taught me that the members of
Parliament are the worst body of men that can be
found to control the expenditure of the nation.
(Hear.) What is everybody's business is nobody's.
Look at the wasteful votes that have been given
for the new House of Commons, or the Palace at
Westminster, to use fashionable language. The
first vote was £785,000, but what has it run up to
by not controlling the expenditure and letting an
architect have his own way ? From first to last the
building has cost the country about three millions.
(Hear, hear.) And now they have put up a clock
there with hands so heavy that they will neither
go nor stand. (Laughter.) That is one sample of
the Parliamentary control over our expenditure.
These hands on that clock are what members of
Parliament are as indicators of the national purse,
and, as they will not go nor stand, they must be
taken down and put into the melting pot. Well,
that is reform, and I would put those members of
Parliament also into the electoral melting pot, for
sure am I, to use the remarkable observation of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer when introducing his
budget, that if this state of things continue for an-
other five years longer the finances of the country
will be reduced to inextricable confusion. (Hear.)
I do hope that in 1860 now coming on, when,
meek you, the income-tax expires, and the
Long Annuities fall in, that Mr. Glad-
stone will not be satisfied with merely re-enacting
that tax, but that he will revise the whole system
of taxation of the country, and if it be found ne-
cessary to lay on the income tax again that he will
repair the great injustice of that tax by which the
income of the man who is earning his livelihood by
exertions of his brain is not placed on a diffe-
rent footing from the income of him who derives
it from a fee simple estate. (Hear, hear.) I think
I need not go further to prove the necessity there
is for electoral reform, and I think that we have
got one man in the Cabinet who is an experienced
and tried Reformer, and who, I am sure, will not
be content with bringing in a little peddling mea-
sure, or anything short of what shall be, as far as
we can say of any human measure, a permanent
settlement of the question. (Cheers.) I refer to
Lord John Russell. (Cheers.) And we may so
far congratulate ourselves that the leaders of all
parties seem suddenly to have agreed on the neces-
sity that the Government should give some pledge
that they would lower the franchise. I believe
the leaders had no objection to the proposal, be-
cause Mr. Disraeli seemed willing that we should
only suffer him to go on. " When the Devil was
sick"—you know the rest. (Laughter.) Mr. Dis-
raeli would bring in measures by which he would
lower the franchise. That was highly consolatory.
And I do not believe that the difficulty lies with the
heads of parties. It lies with the tails, which act on
the political world as the tail of the crocodile does
on that animal in the physical world. The body is
swayed by the tail. (Laughter.) I believe if Lord
Der by and Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Gladstone and Lord
John Russell were to meet in a room together, and
consult without regard to party, they would come
to the conclusion of introducing a very satisfactory
Reform Bill. They say, " We must go with our
party." The consequence of that sometimes is that
the people of this country are crucified between
two thieves, and they get nothing, except when
these gentlemen fall out. (Roars of laughter.)
What, let me ask, is the great vice of the present
day with regard to Parliamentary election ? I
believe it is corruption and intimidation. (Hear.)
Corruption of voters has progressed to a frightful
extent. There are many individuals who ought to
know better, exalted end rich, who tempt the poor
man, and when he has fallen from his station as an
Englishman, a man, and a Christian, leave him to
his fate, and escape themselves the deserts they
have brought on him. (Hear, hear.) But there
is not only individual corruption ; there is also the
corruption of constituencies, and we have lately
seen an alarming instance in which the public
money of the country has been made use of to
influence political elections. You have heard of
such a thing as a mail packet contract being made
and extended not for the public interest, not for
the public convenience, but for the service of the
interests of a political party. (Hear.) Not for the
safe delivery of foreign letters, but for the safe re-
turn of Members of Parliament. The House of
Commons says, " Thisthing must be inquired into,"
and what does it do ? The House of Commons is
very severe against corruption, and imprisons a
poor man who has taken £5, and lays him up in
ordinary ; and the House of Commons, with that
delightful deliberation which it always pays to
accusations against members of its own body, ap-
pointed to inquire into the postal contract, and
what sort of a committee did they appoint ? Would
you not think it a very sad thing if in your county
town a man had been accused of perjury and mal-
versation of his neighbour's money that the man
accused should be put on the jury who were
to pronounce the verdict. (Hear, hear.) Tho
House of Commons do not think this a sad or
a one-sided thing at all. They appointed a
committee, of which four of the members of
the Government that were accused of having
executed this contract for their own purposes sat in
judgment upon themselves. One-fifth of the whole
triblinal consisted of members of the late Govern-
ment, and I was not at all surprised that with that
clearness of judgment and impartiality and fairness
which characterise men on juries, particularly when
they are being tried themselves, they voted against
the very mild and milk-and-water report made by
the committee. One word on that report. It has
opened the eyes of the public to the corruption that
is being practised. It has caught the little fish, the
private secretaries, but it has allowed the big ones
to get through. (Laughter.) However, that report
will not end there. (Hear.) I have been much
amused to see the way in which the First Lord of
the Admiralty, Sir John Pakington, has dealt with
the question. Sir John Pakington is a most excel-
lent man, but he is one of those gentlemen who look
larger than he is by his having got on the top
of a big question—namely, the formation of a screw
fleet. Well, Sir John Pakington comes down to
the house with exalted indignation, and, after the
committee had reported, he challenged the consti-
tution of the committee. Why had he not done so
when the committee was formed ? No, lie was con-
tent when he saw four of his own Government put
upon it. He thought, no doubt, good easy man,
that it was all right, and I must say that I thought
so too. (Hear, and laughter.) But when Sir John
Pakington finds that it is all wrong, down he comes
to the house and challenges the constitution of the
committee, and threatens to brine.j' the whole matter
before Parliament next session. Electors and non-
electors, I return you h
my personal thanks for send-
ing me there(the hearco.ntrim bringing that question
thefot . wiTiairadi
Ch
packet (Cheers,) saec:nAlunehd
tfloiii.stlheeadesxtneinestioonaloi!
other remark on
ce thesubjectunt of Reform. No doubt
ry
panics, is our navy, and with
in which I do not
the great force of this
reference to those invasion
believe, it is the very force of all others which ought
to be kept up effectively and well. I care not for keep-
ing up a large army. I look with great suspicion
upon a standing army. This was the old Whig
we
doctrine, let me tell you. But Ino t
and
-
look
it
• "on on the navy ; and I think this—that if .sus-
picion
p i et
keptot to u ppermit in an
the efficient areproper t o havestat e
youth the
ought navy
n
Admiralty
to be mixed up with political questions. (Hear,

hear.) Not but what you have all very respectable
men there, but they .have not been selected for
their long continued naval services, but rather be-
cause they had some little interest in the Cinque
Ports—say Dover, for instance, the electors of which
are wonderfully fond of the Government of the (1:-.•
quite loyal subjects, in fact. (Laughter.) But
members are sent to that Admiralty, having been
selected, not with reference to their ability for
managing the naval service, or of increasing the
number of ships, but with r,egard to their power of
swelling the votes for the Minister. (Hear, hear.)
In that way they may be useful enough, but how
can they be useful to the navy ? (Hear.) I say
that we should have a reform of that Board of Ad-
miralty, and I would separate it from any connec-
tion with the Ministry of the day. I fear that I
have wearied you with these protracted remarks.
(Cries of "Go on.") I have said a few words about
the invasion panics, and I remember that Sir Robt.
Walpole said in a part of his writings, "A good
war alarm is a great harvest to Ministers." But
why are we to have these periodical panics ? lam
one of those who believe the Emperor of the French
—and here I do not make any reference to his Go-
vernment, which is a question for the French peo-
ple not for me—is a man of great wisdom and clear-
mindedness. I believe him to be one of those who
from not having been born and not having lived in
the purple has had the advantage of knowing man-
kind. What is more, I believe he knows his own
interest, and assuredly his interest is not to quarrel
with this country. (Cheers.) But if we are to go
on with petty quarrelling and criticising, and say-
ing things repulsive to the self-love and pride of
the French people, it is not impossible that we may
precipitate this country into a war. Ido not be-
lieve in our invasion panics as I said before, but at
the sametime that is no reason why we should not
be able to a certain extent to cultivate a mode-
rate military feeling in this country. But when
we talk of congresses, I am reminded of a passage
which has met me in my reading of history—that
it was a French King who, in the middle ages,
promulgated the first idea of a great European con-
gress where all great national questions would be
decided to prevent war. Henry IV. of France in
1610 promulgated the same proposition that Mr.
Cobden announced in 1849. Mr. Cobden I believe
to be an illustrious statesman, and he repeated the
doctrines of Henry IV. id 1610, and I put it to you
what would have been the consequences if Henry
IV. could have carried out those principles. Look
at the taxation imposed upon both countries by war
since that period. It had been well remarked that
" War is a faro-table of Governments, and nations
are the dupes." I agree thoroughly with Lord
Aberdeen, " that when war ceases to be o necessity
it becomes a crime." And I hope that we shall not
always be frightened year by year by these threats,
proceeding from those panic fears of invasion. Of
course all wars end in one thing—the increase of
taxation. The poor man pays for it ; the rich man
pays for it ; and, as you all may have seen, for the
few men buried in Westminster Abbey the nation
has to pay a terrible amount. (Hear.) But, gen-
tlemen, the Cornish men are not to be frightened
and not to be thrown off their guard by those panic
fears. Now, the House of Commons as at present
constituted is much given to these hot and cold fits.
It is liable to a sort of tertian ague, counted by
years. (Laughter.) At one time over confident
and at another time trembling for existence. The
consequence is an unsteady feeling and occasional
disturbance of the public mind. (Hear.) Now,
gentlemen, to come to another subject, I am not
prepared to say how far I am disposed to go in a
matter of prospective reform. lam prepared to go
against intimidation, and I do not think there is
any use in affording an extension of the suffrage
without givingthe voter protection. Well,now what
is that protection to be ? Can any one be of opinion
that the ballot will-not be a sufficient protection ?
I am not one of those who believe the ballot would
be a panacea for all electoral evils, and here I
am reminded of a passage which I have read in
Mr. Chadwick's life of De Foe—
"A true born Englishman—a contradiction,
In fact a fallacy—in truth a fiction ;
A character invented to express
A man akin to all the universe."
This same Mr. Chadwick at the end of his work
has a treatise headed " Thoughts Progressive and
Digressive," and he offers this in lieu of the Ballot,
he would make intimidation and bribery a felony
punishable with 12 months' imprisonment, and in
extraordinary eases he would go further, but I do
know that he would get the House of Commons to
go with him. He would have men in high places
convicted of these offences stripped naked, tied to
the cart's tail, and flogged from Westminster down
to the Strand. (Laughter.) Mr. Osborne then
proceeded to say that they could hardly get the
House of Commons to pass such a measure, or if it
were passed, that they could find members so fond
of going there as they were at present. He com-
batted the objection to the ballot that it was un-
English, saying that that was the ultimo ratio of a
man who had nothing to say. If the ballot were
un-English, intimidation was more un-English.
He then referred to the new power that had sprung
up to override Parliament, and held its seances in
the lobby, deciding on election petitions and bar-
gaining with each other, "If you will withdraw
that I will withdraw this." Lately the public had
got behind the scenes, and in the case of the Pon-
tefract election they had witnessed an occurrence
unequalled since the days of Richard 11., in the
murder of poor Mr. Childers. (Laughter.) It was
the duty of the public to insist not only that the
House of Commons should be swept, but that
the besom should be extended into the lobby
abuses. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Osborne then applied
himself to the consideration of local questions,
and expressed his approval of the ratepayers
having a voice in the levying and expenditure of
the county rates. He congratulated the electors on
the independent spirit they had evinced in electing
him, and concluded by saying he thought the pre-
sent Government inclined to carry out great liberal
measures, and while he thought so without being a
servile supporter or a thick and thin adherent he
would give that Government an independent sup-
port. He would not endeavour to pick holes in
their coats or be very critical on their failings, be-
cause they weite at present in a difficult position, but
if he saw the Government swerving from the true
principle he would have no hesitation in voting
their condemnation, and so far from being a thick
and thin supporter of the Government, he would
be a thick and thin supporter of principles, and
would endeavour to diminish taxation, and he hoped
on some future occasion to return to his constituency
with some blazon on his escocheon that would not
disgrace Liskeard.
Sir Arthur Buller, the newly elected member for
Devonport, Mr. Robartes, M.P., and Mr. Wyld,
M.P., then addressed the electors, and were received
with the warmest applause of the assemblage.
Each congratulated the electors on the admirable
choice they had made of a representative, and ex-
pressed their concurrence in the political sentiments
of Mr. Osborne.
The proceedings terminated amid loud cheering.