The Sun.
London, England, 1866-11-08 00:00:00

" TO THE MEMBERS OF THE JAMAICA COMMITTEE.

" Gentlemen,—You have done me the honour
of sending me certain papers relating to the
atrocities of the authorities in Jamaica,' during
the suppression of the late ' alleged rebellion.'
I am far from being insensible to the opinion
which your courtesy in sending me these
papers implies : namely, that I am incapable of de-
fending any line of conduct to which the term
' atrocious' could with fairness be applied. Amid the
many distracting lights which fall upon this question,
the notions which I have been able to form regarding
Jamaica, and the interpretation which I have been
able to put upon occurrences you so earnestly de-
nounce, are these: That through the absence of
necessary guidance and governance, the negroes of
the colony had fallen into a very chaotic ,antnad
condition, presentinga deplorable contrast with their
brethren in other colonies, who, favoured with less
leisure; have become far better men.. The Jamaica
negroes are, I am informed, as a general rule, lazy
and profligate, while many of the •authorities I have
consulted, and who have lived among these people,
add a third and weightier adjective, which I refrain
from writing down. It is not, I believe, contended,
even by their friends, that the Jamaica negroes are
not lazy ; it is only urged in extenuation that white
men under the same circumstances would be lazy
too. Be he black or white, the man who illustrates
this doctrine, and who lives as the negroesofJamaica
are reported to lire, soon ceases to be a civilised
being. But he may be harmless and docile notwith-
standing. Though absolutely useless he may not be
dangerous. Is this the character of the West Indian
negro, or is it not ? History, written without re-
ference to the Jamaica insurrection—written long
years before the committalof the deeds you denounce
—gives the following answer to this question :
" This vast conspiracy (that of the negroes in St.
Domingo), productive in the end of calamities in the
island unparalleled even in the long catalogue of
European atrocity, had for its object the total extir-
pation of the whites, and the establishment of an
independent black government over the whole
colony. So inviolable was the secresy, so general
the dissimulation of the slaves, that the awful catas-
trophe was in no way apprehended by the Euro-
pean proprietors, and a conspiracy which embraced
nearly the whole negro population of the island was
revealed only by the obscure hints of a few faithful
domestics, who, without betraying their comrades,
warned their masters of the approach of an unknown
and terrible danger. The explosion was sudden and
dreadful, beyond anything ever before seen among
mankind. At once the beautiful plains of the north
of the island were covered with fires, the labours of
a century were devoured in a night, while the ne-
groes, like unchained tigers, precipitated themselves
on their masters, seized their arms, massacred them
without pity, and threw them into the flames.. .
The cruelties exercised on the unhappy captives on
both sides in this disastrous contest exceeded any-
thing recorded in history. The negroes marched
with spiked infants on their spears instead of colours,
they sawed asunder the male prisoners, and violated
the females on the dead bodies of their husbands.'—
Alison's History of Europe,' vol. 6, p. 104.
"It was people of this race and temper who, called
together by the sound of horns and shells, assembled
i❑ hundreds round the Courthouse of :Morita Bay
on Oct. 11, 1865. It was such people who then and
there fell upon our countrymen, and after driving
them by fire from the courthouse, slew, hacked, and
mutilated them ; and who, after having done this,
proceeded to spread the flame of insurrection else-
where. At the time here referred to discontent and
disaffection prevailed throughout the whole island
of Jamaica. This I gather from your own docu-
ments. The colony then resembled the dry grass of
a prairie, ready to be set on fire from beginning to
end by a spark of successful insurrection. But, lest
what I gather from your documents should be tinc-
tured by any bias of mine, I offer to your notice the
first of a series of letters bearing upon this subject
which comes to my hand. On July 20, 1865, Mr.
Hudson, of Jamaica, writes thus to Mr. Salmon, of
the same island :

" ' Spring Vale, July 20, 18G5.

" ' Dear Sir,—l think it incumbent on me to in-
form you of certain reports of a serious nature
which are in cit culation in my neighbourhood. For
the past few weeks there have been rumours of a
rebellion among the peasantry, but I did not attach
any importance to them, but conceived they origi-
nated from want of understanding the causes of
the recent meetings held in this and the adjacent
parishes until lately. I have been led by sufficient
information to believe they are more than passing
reports, and which require some notice. It appears
that there is an organised plot among the people in
this vicinity for a rebellion about the early part of
August ensuing. My reasons for believing there is
truth in the matter are these house girl of mine
has stated several times in my family's hearing that
the black people have agreed upon rising in arms at
the above period for the purpose of murdering the
upper classes, and destroying and afterwards seizing
their properties. She does not deny that she ob-
tained this information from her friends. For the
present she will not say anything more on the sub-
ject, but only states "We must wait and see."
Other persons have likewise given us intelligence of
a similar nature. Dr. M'Catty mentioned some-
thing to me of a like import which tends greatly to
strengthen them. He stated he had already ac-
quainted you with the purport of his information.
I do not think it would be wise to treat these
rumours merely as " idle tales." My district is hot
to join with other parts of the island in a move of
the kind, if made. My delicate state of health pre-
vents me calling to see you, but I shall be glad to
give you whatever further information in my power,
and to receive any directions from you on the sub-
ject. It would not be prudent to allow these strong
reports to continue without preparing, as far as we
are able, against an attempt of disturbance should
it turn out to be correct.--I have, &c.,
(Signed) " JOHN HUDSON.
" g The Hon. John Salmon, Custos.'

" A house girl of mine ':—You, gentlemen, are far bet-
ter acquainted than 1 am with what an illustrious member
of your body calls 'the law of inseparable association;' and
no doubt you will recognise an illustration of this law in
the promptitude with which the warnings preceding the
troubles in St. Domingo suggest themselves on reading
this letter. On the 11th of October, as above stated, the
much-dreaded action began. The Governor of the island
had then thrown upon him the responsibility of preserving
the property, lives, and honour of 14,000 British men and
women, who were scattered in isolated and unprotected
positions among a negro population of 350,000. And it is
to be remarked that the leaders of these people were well
aware of the advantage of their position; that they were
not held back from revolt and rapine by the fear of subse-
quent retribution. In the neighbouring island of Hayti
they had the example of a people which had successfully
defied the power of France. • In reply to an intimation of
the swift vengeance of England in case of insurrection,
Mr. G. W. Gordon was able topoint out that 'all the power
of the great Napoleon could- not put down the rising in
Hayti, and that was successful, for the troops died of disease
before they could meet the people in the mountains.' In
when the power displayed by England in crushing th o -
dian mutiny was urged upon his attention, Mr. Gordon was
ablo to respond—' India is not at all a case in point for ,
India is a flat country, and.the English troops would over-
run and conquer it ; but here is a mountainous country,
and before the British troops could reach the mountains
they would die of disease here.' Taking all these things
into account I endeavoured to clearly realise the position
of the governor, who had this problem suddenly thrust

upon his attention by the butchery at Morant Bay—How,
with the force at his disposal, to preserve the lives of 7,000
British men, and the honour of 7,000 British women from
the murder and the lust of black savages capable of the
deeds which history shows to be theirs at St. Domingo,
and a re-enactment of which had, to all appearance, begun
under the said governor's eyes. I will not dwell upon the
measures taken then and there by the governor to solve
this problem ; for his deeds in the first instance have won
for him the praise of his censors, and have challenged with-
out hostile response the judgment of yourselves. But you
denounce him for extending martial law beyond the neces-
sary period, and for inflicting the punishment due to rebel-
lion for days and weeks after all resistance had ceased.' 1
am not prepared to question the truth of these allegations ;
I am not prepared to deny that the period of punishment
was too long, or that its character was too severe. Now
that the smoke of battle has cleared away, you perhaps see
more truly the character of the field. But 1 would invite
you to transport yourselves to that field while the smoke
still hung upon it ; to remember that a former rebellion in
Jamaica, which everybody supposed to be quelled in May,
broke out with redoubled fury in June ;' to think of
Governor Eyre with the blood of-his slaughtered country-
men before his eyes—with the memories of St. Domingo
in his mind—with the consciousness that the whole island
round him was near its point of combustion, and with no
possible means of estimating how near. In what way,
gentlemen, some of your number would have acted under
these circumstances God only knows. In all probability
they would have acted kindly and calamitously, for phi-
lanthropists can unconsciously become shedders of blood.
How others of your number would have acted I believe I
do know. They might have acted wit,' more tact, and
thus given less offence ; but their measird'of mercy to the
murderers would not, I am persuaded, have exceeded that
of Governor Eyre. It appears to me that you practically
forget the circumstances which lam hero endeavouring
to bring before your minds. There seems a tendency on
your part to tone down the crimes of the nogro and to
bring his punishments into relief. You speak, for
example, of the massacre at Morant Bay as a 'local riot.'
But looking at the historic antecedents what right had
Governor Eyre to come to this conclusion ? Had he
come to it, and acted on it, ho might have earned for
himself the execration of the English people, if
not of mankind. To his knowledge the whole island was
disaffected, and history had informed him what a dis-
affected negro population can do. He knew how they could
plot in secret, and spring like tigers on their victims the
moment their plans were matured. Only think of his posi-
tion, knowing that such things had occurred, and with a
horrible practical intimation before him that they were
about to occur again. The height and span of a bridge,
gentlemen, must be regulated with reference to the larger
floods, and the action of Governor Eyre had to be deter-
mined, not by the hypothesis of a local riot, but by the
contemplation of the calamities which were certain to
overwhelm the whole island if the insurrection were per-
mitted to expand. No narrower assumption than this could,
under the circumstances, be entertained. Had the local riot
hypothesis been demonstrable at the time—could it have
been proved that the insurrection was confined to a single
parish, and that the culprits at large would not spread the
fire of rebelliou throughout the colony, 1 would join you in
condemning Governor Eyre. But no such thing was de-
monstrable. Had he had a force at his. command sufficient
to cope with insurrection, even though the whole island
were engaged in it, I would let him answer for himself.
But he had no such force. The power opposed to him, if
permitted to organise itself, was sufficient to swallow him
and those for whose lives lie was accountable. He was
therefore obliged to augment his relative strength, by
damping everywhere the spirit of rebellion, and this could
only be done by making the name, power, and determina-
tion of England terrible throughout the island. That
errors should be committed, that cruelties should be per-
petrated, that wrong should be done is, I fear, under such
circumstances, unavoidable; but the error, the cruelty,
and the wrong, so far as they were committed, were for
the most part beyond the control of Governor Eyre.
You have directed my attention to the case of Mr.
Gordon, and I have looked into it again. Ipass with-
out comment the evidence of Lieutenant Edenborough,
the extreme gravity of which cannot be overlooked,
because, through the miscarriage of a letter, his evidence,
though in the blue-book, was not taken before the commis-
sioners. From the speeches of Mr. G9rdon in the House
of Assembly ; front his relationship to Mr. Paul Bogle, ono
of the principal murderers of Morant Bay ; from his letters
to Mr. Lawrence, his manager; from his conversations
with Messrs. Harrison, Beckwith, Ford, and others ; from
his published address to the negroes, and from his other
addresses, the conclusion seems indubitable, that ho was the
taproot from which the insurrection drew its main susten-
ance, and that Governor Eyre w.ts justified in concluding
that no man concerned in the murder of our countrymen
was more guilty than lie. When, therefore,. the sentence
on (.I.:.rdon, after having been approved by his officers, was
Slibillitte,l to him, lie did not stay jitignient, but ratified
the decision that others had pronounced. IVhether, in the
details of this proceeding, ho committed or did nut commit
a legal blunder, I ant not able to say. If he did, ho has
surely paid dearly for it by the ruin of his career. I notice
throughout his entire conduct the clear conviction on his
part that ho was doing his duty, the undoubting trust in
the justice of his countrymen which caused him to neglect
the personal safeguards which a more adroit person would
have employed. To associate the term 'murder' with his
name is, in my opinion, without justification. There is no
propriety in the term unless it is backed by assumptions
which no man has a right to make. And if in the prose-
cution, which, to the detriment of this country, is now in-
voked against Governor Eyre, the execution of Gordon,
from a lawyer's point of view, be deemed indefensible, 1
trust the common sense of Englishmen will perceive that
it was caused by those whose own bloody atrocities had,
fur the time, stifled mercy, and abrogated law. Such,
gentlemen, aro the notions and interpretations which
your courtesy in writing to me induces me to
lay before you. And such being my notions, when
asked to join the Eyre Defence Committee, I felt that
cowardice, or a dislike to the worry involved in the act,
were the only reasons which opposed my doing so. Con-
cluding from what I had observed in society, that Governor
Eyre was more likely to suffer from timidity than convic-
tion—that the dread of you, gentlemen, and of those whom
you represent was very widely
spread—l
of
overcame
the
strong reluctance to mingle in any matter
pledge you my word of honour, 'gentlemen, that during
this inquiry I have laid before me the testimony of men of
approved valour, coolness of judgment, and capacity, who
have occupied positions of the most critical danger who
positions
in extracted themselves and others from such t'ositions
in a manner which has secured for them the unanimous
applause of the people of this country, and who, from data
gathered on the spot, conclude that in the month of Oct.
1865, Governor Eyre saved Lhe whole white population of
Jamaica from massacre. I have the solemn assurance of
such mom that England has few sons as noble, few men so
equal to a great emergency, few who have done the State
such service as Governor Eyre. And I now call upon you,
with the most solemn emphasis that man can address to
man, not to permit personal pride, the love of victory, or
the desire to substantiate that to which you have committed
yourselves, because you are so committed, to influence your
further action in the matter. I call upon you in the name
of all that is wise and dignified in human nature— in the
name of all that is just and manly in English character,
not to permit the folly of Governor Eyre's admirers, if such
folly should in your estimation exist, to colour your judg-
ment in this grave question. And whether you will bear,
or whether you will forbear, I call upon the men of Eng-
land who share the views here set forth, to throw them-
selves without delay between you and Governor Eyre, and
to prevent you from adding to the harm which he has
already experienced at your hands.— I have the honourf you, to
bedien
remain, gentlemen, with profound esteem for many o
and with brotherly affection for some, your
"Joirq TYNDA
servant,
" Athenfeum Club, Nov. 7, 1866."

TIIE BURYING ALIVE OF THREE MEN.—The catas-
trophe in the well at Villomolle may now be said to have
terminated, and all hope of saving Augusto Poirier, the
third of the unfortunate men, has been abandoned. We
have already mentioned the finding of the bodies of the
father and the son Louis ; the former was got to the sur-
face, but the latter, being embedded in earth, stones, and
the shoring timber, could not be moved without the risk of
the whole sides of the pit falling in. A borer was then
run through the layer of sand, beyond which was found to
be a vacuum of about lb feet, and next a mass of earth,
which must rise many feet above the head of Augu 1
bytotlgieivaeutllh'O'yritiinesatlol
who was at the bottom. There consequently remained' e,
hope of recovering anything more than a corpse,
werewas beginningcoine tt and los
dthireccstidioenss,ofa trheseolwnteiloln
abandon the works. A funeral mass was
'then performed
at the mouth of the pit, which has become the give of the
-
tiro brothers.

[ADI-EurrArat-Evr.] —.Holloway's Ointment and Pins.
Nature's Monitor. Pain is the indicator of some disordur
or disease, and should never be neglected, for the pain of
to-day may prove the agony of to-morrow. Holloway's
medicaments stand pro-eminently forward, and are every-
where commended for quickly removing all maladies when
the least uneasiness has discovered their seat and kind.
These remedies so purify the blood and regulate its circu-
lation that every organ acts perfectly and every section is
natural, which is health, and may be secured by-every in-
valid at a trifling outlay. The purpose of Holloway's re-
medies is to mitigate suffering, abolish pain, and extinguish
disease, and they nobly effect this object. One trial will
convince the most sceptical.

President JOHNSON,
rained to the end under the extraordinary delusion
3 nation, as a whole, supported his policy.
He was only undeceived by the result of the elec-
tions, -which came on him like a thunderbolt. We
cannot wonder that the English should retain false
impressions touching the sentiments of Americans,
when the ruler of the nation and the person most
deeply interested should be convicted of this ignorance.
There is, in truth, no question now worth fighting
for between the contending factions. The war; has
proved that the Union is to be maintained ; and,
as all parties are agreed on this vital subject, the
manner of accomplishment alone remains to be de-
cided. If we could blow away all the smoke and
clouds raised by the bitter discord of parties, we
would see how narrow are the interests involved,
and how mad the idea that those interests require
the sacrifice of a single life. The question is
simply on what terms the ten unrepresented
States are to re-enter the Union. While the
parties remained apparently equally balanced, and
every spur was given by- the violent language of
politicians to rouse the people into action, there
was danger of the strong-minded on both sides car-
rying the game beyond the bounds of reason. On
this account we hoped above all things that the
people would speak out, and decide the matter either
one way or the other. Whether Mr. JoinisoNcarried
his policy or Congress enforced the Constitutional
amendment, was comparatively of little moment to
the frightful issue which might have arisen, and
would in truth have been, in the broadest sense of the
word, a civil war. An appeal to arms to settle the
differences between the PRESIDENT and Congress
would have been a reproduction of that between
CHARLES and his Parliament on a scale out
of all proportion larger than that which laid waste
and desolated for years the green fields_of England.
It would, indeed, be the most horrible catastrophe
that could occur in this world, stripped of the princi-
ples and motives which could in any way justify the
terrible ordeal. It was incumbent on the American
people, in the face of such an eventuality, strongly,
sternly, and with determined force, to speak. clad
they wavered, half supporting the PRESIDENT—haIf
supporting the Congress, each side might have
blustered till the horrible calamity overtook society.
The decided success, then, of the Republican party
is a blessing to the country. Not so much that it
enforces a rational and legitimate policy, arising
from the consequences of the late war, as that it settles a
cause of dispute which might have been carried to the
length of involving the nation in ruin. We always
thought that an appeal to arms was in the last
degree improbable, because we felt the nation
would take action, and that its leaders would bow
to its voice when heard. The nation has spoken, and
all that remains is for the leaders to shape
their course accordingly. The Republican party
is triumphant ; and it has now only to secure
its victory, and carry the people along with
it by listening to the counsel of moderate men, and
using its success with discretion. The PRESIDENT,
in spite of his faults, is an earnest, patriotic citi-
zen ; perhaps too determined to enforce his own
views, yet believing honestly that the policy lie had
propounded was the true solution to the difficulties
of the position. It is now more than probable that
he will abandon his policy, and adopt the amend-
ments which Congress desire to enforce. At the
same time that the North maintains the ascendancy
that wealth, numbers, and the result of the appeal
to arms have given it, it is clearly as much for its
interest as for that of the South that sectional dif-
ferences should cease, and the nation be again
united as one. It would be absurd for the great
States, whose will is now the law of the Union, to
profess jealousy or fear of the prostrate South. The
development of Southern resources is a vital element
of the Union's strength. The task now before the
statesmen of America is sufficiently difficult without
adding thereto an undying quarrel, and dragging
along in seeming union, but. in reality in discord,
an unwilling people. There are financial
difficul-
ties as well as those to repair the waste of war—
there are boundless tracts to be colonised as well as
those trodden into a desert by contending armies--
there are burnt and bombarded cities to be rebuilt
as well as their alienated inhabitants to be con-
ciliated—there are great staples which for-
merly gave America the command in the mar-
kets of the world to be fostered into more than
their old productiveness, as well as the chief agri-
cultural and mineral wealth of creation to be raised
and guided into the proper channels of commerce.
Surely such grand designs are sufficient, even for
the aspiring people of America, without having
their efforts neutralised by a senseless conten-
tion which now involves no vital principles,
the great issues of discord and the great
questions contended for having been finally
settled by the war. The North can afford to con-
cede liberally to the South, and the concessions
will strengthen, not weaken, the relative supe-
riority. We trust that every succeeding mail will
bring us news that the heat of the contest is
abating, and that parties will be found more and
more to assimilate to each other, working for the
real interests of the Union on a broader basis of
conciliation, which is the true essence of politics.
nglo-American Times.

CONSPIRACY TODEFRAUD CREDITORS.—OnMon-
day last, bofore a bench of magistrates at Dewsbury, Mr.
Abraham Blackburn, described as a person of considerable
property, was chargod with conspiring, along with one
James Blackburn, a bankrupt, to defraud the creditors of
the said James Blackburn and Geo. Blackburn, his brother,
to the amount of £2,030. Mr. Bond, of Leeds, appeared for
the prosecution on behalf of the bankrupts' assignees, and
Mr. W. Carr appeared for the prisoner. Two years Ago
George and James Blackburn, the bankrupts, and who are
the nephews of the defendant, carried on an extensive
business as woollen manufacturers in Gomersal, end
were largely engaged in Government army contracts. In
the month of June, 1863, they suddenly
.d.isappeare.d,
ostensibly on a visit to the Dublin Exhibition., but in
reality they had absconded to America,
woollenney.
taking wlftilLthem
ount odf
aT lhaergdeay afquantityter thoe
their
departure goods ands
}lcionn sidesabllossralneil o
eatusatloly thheaddetfhaeuml-
pursued, and. a portion
fmbeoeutrinvcdheeaeenvt,et6yo,ftohLioioneegadeili
awvhi:ooopoleoviaeisaosnct
at r etoodvieof Julius
rr c
tot
oon
fat_uheseiiine,mr.salißerng
through the ingenuity
t en nrae,blheetmo
aobtain f informationosrant,iaslfascetioziuTre, a
eo ff declaredtthhegdee
etbedacent
detective
arcekmbauirenedreiteu rned
hidingf roeme
tilA7heis_
Povtffies.4:jualseNenniete:aYfwteerFthem. In about three
81VGahnliteeehrrwstAoajor'kdsapujladacmethesbeerBfeore the assignees were aware of
tdrmhiecitfhttaoh,ct of his having returned. Soon afte: his return Jas.
Blackburn sent the prisoner, who was his uncle to get a
£l,OOO Bank of England note changed, and the prisoner
got it changed at Messrs. Leathatn, Tew, and Co.'s bank,
Wakefield, after endorsing the note with
Choisurotnthneamre..
About the same time he got another £l,OOO note from his
einincithuoi inquiry
nephew James, and got it changed, apfptetacrrytadeur
been
Bankingnlade at theli
Company. ckm o nI
nd wa ink
examination
xbarma
inacaht ofio n themade Hudders-
fieldbei
or
et he
ne
er Registrarad m i
tadmitted
do f
that
te Leeeldvsasßannokt Bankruptcy
busi-
ness, and that he had received those notes from James
Blackburn, whom he knew to be a bankrupt at the
time, and that he gave him the change for bothh cancelled
notes, e
re-
ceiving£l,ooo
o notesonly ownoerseopyreordeiugeou
produced
oirah icsoturiot,ubalned.
it
was proved
rovedthat they were paid by Mr. Henry Longbottom, wool
mer-
chant, of Gomersal, to the Blachkburus a few days before
they anbisc2,oonodo, edbtuot America.
T
wasnot
obt:iepurisedoant the er w
risingcommittedof
the
for trial at the Leeds assize," The bench offered to take
bench.

THE LONDON SHIPBUILDING Tr
ofth iGvereoe
of our usually busy watersidei in thethnEeighrbohuerabsopoedets
rniwo erhntaolithils,laoci
kaWpalrtiiest,ilaatarld hasd breeen. for
hthe past
coon to the uncommercial observer. ?ClieepLondionngicronrsablerr
that trade is now at a dead lock, and the largo yardsi
skirt the banks of the Thames from Millwall to Bar
, show now vast desolate spaces, occupied only by
poles and scaffolding. In this long reieb, from whence for-
merly the din of ironworkers proceeded night and day, six
or eight iron vessels only are slowly rising into existence.
hepe outward an .(I visible signs indicate also a greatamonnt
of distress among the inhabitants of the adjacent parishes.
In Greenwich and Deptford alone about 10,000 men are out
of emploYMent, and this large body by no means represents
the total number of those whose wages entirely depend upon
the activity of the shipbuilding trade. Extensive strikes
among these men, the (lull state of the money-market, and
the important fact that London has, in shipbuilding, a very
formidable rival in Glasgow, are all causes tending to this
very unsatisfactory state of things, which, if it lasts long,
will bring a vast amount of misery upon the working
classes in the neighbourhoods above mentioned.

THEATRE ROYAL, ASTLEY'S.
Under the Sole Management of Mr. W. H. C. Nation.
"THE GOLDEN DUSTMAN " over the water a
Prodigious Success !
THIS EVENING, THURSDAY, November Bth, and
during the week (the 11th, 12th, and 13th times at
this illeatre', the Original Dramatic Adaptation of Charles
Dickens's latest Work, "Our Mutual Friend," as produced
at the Sadier's Wells Theatre, June 16, 1866, by Mr. W H. C.
Nation, entitled THE GOLDEN DUSTMAN. Messrs
Fernandez, Atkins, W. H. Stephens ; Misses F. Gwynne
and Nell), Nisbett.
Concluding, with Frank Talfourd's sparkling Burlesque of
AT A. LAN TA. Misses Nelly Nisbett, Polly Marshall, Louise
Laidlaw, and Fanny Howard.

TrIIE GREAT SENSATION LOCK SCENE,
THEATRE ROYAL ASTLEY'S. Every Evening*.

EXCITING PEDESTRIAN MATCH
Which Wine—N or M ?
Apply At THEATRE ROYAL ASTLEY'S,
Every Evening.

r ~SUN" NEWSPAPER.-
G. R. GLENIE, Sporting Library, 4, Connaught-
terrace, Ed4ware-road, is specially appointed AGE.N V to
deliver the LATE EDITION of " THE SUN " at the
earliest possible moment alter leaving the press. He is able
to deliver copies in Town, the Suburbs, and in many parts of
the Country at a comparatively early hour the same evening,
say 40 miles by 9 o'clock.
Orders by Post punctually attended to.

T" "SUN" NEWSPAPER.-
G. GLENIE delivers the LATE EDITION at
Cliclse 4, 7.40 ; 8; Starch-green, 8; Woolwich, 7.30
Uxbridge, 9.20 ; Wa'ford, 8.45.

11111 E LATEST EDITION of "THE SUN."
J. HOLM ES begs to inform his friends, and the pubic
generally, the; he supp►fes the LATEST Eurrik,N of
'` SUN " as soon as published —No. 16, ilampstead-

THE LAST EDITION of "TILE SUN"
supplied as soon as Published, containing* all the
LA VEST NEWS and SI'OIiTING INTELLIGENCE, by
11. W. 11.1.1111.15, Newspaper Agent, 4, lilaelariars-road,
Loudon. S.

QPORTING.—JOHN ROBERTS supplies the
K_-1 LAT it:ST EDITION of " TII BUN" as soon as pub-
Isited.-4, Bath-street, City-road, E.C.

THE LATEST EDITION of " THE SUN"
supplied, as soon as published every Evening, by
rALEXANDER. (late BitOOKS), Newspaper Agent, 24,
Old Cavendish-street, Oxford-street.

FOR THE -LATEST POLITICAL and
SPORTING INTELLIGENCE see the Late Edition
of " The Sun" at Mr. Blake's, Queen's Head, Windsor-
street, Uxbridge.

LATEST INTELLIGENCE.-
Mr. CHAPMAN, ot the White Hart, Acton, Middle-
sex, begs to inform Lis friends and neighbours that the
Latest edition ot "The Sun" can be seen at his house as
above.

M O SEs and s oNi
• Ready-made and Bespoke Tailors, Habit Make
Woollen Drapers, Hatters, Hosiers, Boot and Shoe ManrusL
inspection
allte
facturers, and General Outfitters for all Classes.
up seas.
E. MOSES and SON respectfully in
of their STOCK, which will be found to corn
most fashionable styles and an extensive assortment of the
newest fabrics.
A very large and well-assorted stock of OVERCOATS,
and Winter Clothing generally, at their usually moderate
prices.
The following are the London addresses of E. Moses
and Son:-
151, MINORIES.
155, MINORIES.
156, MINORIES.
1.57, .MINORIES.
83, AL. DGA TE.
81 ALDGATE.
85, ALDCiAT E.
88, ALDGATE.
87, ALDGATE.
88, ALDGATE.
89, ALDGATE.
506, NEW OXFORD-STREET.
507,.t
NEW OXFORD-
4-;TREET.
508, NEW OXFORD-ST T.
1, HART-ST.REET.
2, HART-STREET.
3, HART-STREET.
137,
137, TOTTENHAII-COURT- ii"/""
138, TOTTENHAM-COURT-ROAD.
283, EUSTON-ROAD.
Also
19, BRIDGE-STREET, BRADFORD, YORKS.
YOPKS.
i,
20, BRIDGE-STREET, BRADFORD,
MOSES and SON'S ESTABLISHMENTS
E. aro CLOSED EVERY FRIDAY EVENING at
sunset till SATURDAY EVENING at sunset, when
business is resumed till Eleven o'clock.
All articles are marked the lowest price in plain figure°,
from which no abatement can be made.
Any article not approved of will be exchanged, or the
money will be returned.
Lists of Prices with rules for Self-measurement and
Fashion Sheet, with Patterns and "History of London,"
gratis and post free. . !