The Sun.
London, England, 1832-07-27 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

A more tiresome task has never been imposed
upon us, than that of following the slow and un-
certain footsteps of the London Conference ie
its measures for the settlement of the question
between the Flemings and the Dutch. The re-
flection forced upon every straightforward mind
by the perusal of those two marvellous volumes,
wherein the written compositions of the aforesaid
Conference, or quintuple Cabinet, have been re-
corded, is the melancholy one, that no faith
whatever can be reposed in the engagements of
modern diplomacy. If a distinction were to be
drawn, prima facie, between the moral charac-
ters of England, and of certain among her co-
signing Powers in this instance, we might be
disposed to say that her Ministers had behaved
like children, in prescribing and promising what
they felt themselves not enabled to enforce, and
that the representatives of at least three other
Governments had acted like full-grown cheats.
in affecting that they ever meant to fulfil what
they signed without any seeming reluctance. It is
impossible to look over the map of Europe with-
out perceiving that the elements of war are every
tchere. It is not at Frankfort, or at Paris, or
Vienna, or Berlin, at Brussels, at Peters-
burgh, or the Hague—but in all these places at
one and the same moment—and for one single
cause—that the rush of armies appears to be
imuending. France and Prussia—France and
Holland—France and Austria (speaking of Aus-
tria apart from the house of Austria), have no
such adverse interests ; nor have Holland and
Belgium (leaving out the King of Holland)
any such, as would induce any reasonable man
in either country to make an appeal to arms. On
the contrary, we believe there never was a period
at which, so far as nations are concerned, there
was less disposition to settle with any neighbour,
by mere violence, a question of territorial, com-
mercial, or political controversy. Not so be-
tween nations and courts. The real, and in
deed only solid, grcurd of danger to the peace
of Europe at this hour, is a tremendous one.
It is the array of two principles, drawn up in
each other's presence, between which on either
side no middle term will be accepted, and which
nothing short of transcendent wisdom and virtue
in some third quarter will enable to retire without
a fierce collision—the divine right of Kings to
govern as badly as they please—and the social
right of citizens to be governed beneficially and
justly : these two rights are maintained and con-
tested throughout every corner of Europe—not
always perhaps loudly—not formally—but in sub-
stance, and with incessant, if dexterous and
even silent, activity. The French revolution of
July,—the Belgic revolution of the following
autumn,—the effort for a Polish revolution ;
more glorious than all, because unstained by
bloodshed,—the overthrow of the English bo-
rough system, were, each of them, it would be
absurd to deny, declarations of war against the
divine right doctrine of the Potentates of St.
Petersburgh, Hanover, and Berlin. The coun-
ter manifesto of the Emperor of Russia against
Poland was written with a flaming sword. That
noble country is to all present purposes annihi-
lated. Against the Reform Bill, proposed, re-
commended, and finally passed into a law by
the King of England, the King of Hanover
issues letters of marcpie and reprisal by a State
paper, signed in his name at Frankfort, wherein
he stigmatizes the first principle of all free go-
vernment as revolutionary, puts down, as rank
treason, the liberty of the press, and trans-
fers universally from representatives of the
people to the Crown and its Ministers, the
privilege of imposing taxes, and all con-
trol over the public money. In the same docu-
ment the Austrian and Prussian Monarchs con-
demn and threaten at once the spirit of the Bri-
tish Reform Bill—thefact of that revolution,
which expelled the Bourbon dynasty—the con-
stitutions of Germany, which their own com-
pacts, seventeen years ago, had established,—
and the separation of Belgium from the Dutch
sceptre, in favour of which they have been pro-
tocolling, and against which they have been in-
triguing, since December, 1830. We do not
hesitate to say, that matters have every where
come to a crisis,—that Polish liberty, German
liberty, Belgic liberty, French liberty, and Bri-
tish liberty, are regarded by the enemies of all
dominion but that of force, as part and parcel
of the same gigantic grievance—the grievance of
a representative constitution, and of a Govern:,
ment by law instead of by ,‘ will and pleasure.'
When, therefore, we are asked, " To what end
advise England to interpose in one sole direction
for the professed purpose of averting a war which
menaces us from so many points of the horizon ?"
the answer is, you have no other prospect of
tranquillity even for a twelvemonth. If England
with France interfere at once, and call upon
the other Powers to execute their treaties,
in behalf of Belgium, there is one of two
results on which we may with safety calcu-
late :-Ist. Belgium will, with the solemn con-
sent of Europe, have been created, in fact as
well as right, an independent and sovereign
power, thereby crushing all secret hopes and
consequent machinations of the King of Hol-
land to bring about her relapse under his yoke,
and recognizing a complete authority and duty
on the part both of France and England to
protect the kingdom of Leopold in every emer-
gency. To this end the first step must be the
evacuation of Antwerp, the continuance of
which city in the hands of the Dutch King
leaves the desired « independence" of Belgium
at his mercy. The immediate business of France,
therefore, and Great Britain, is to insist on the
surrender of Antwerp forthwith, that the acknow-
ledged master of Belgium may have the key of
his own door in his own keeping ; or that, 2d,
The three other protocolling parties, unable
to stand the test of such an upright, how-
ever tardy, fulfilment of their own sworn
obligations, and to submit their ulcered policy
to so severe a probe, may be compelled to throw
off the mask under which they have been per-
sonating the allies of England, France, and Bel-
-gium. The time for ripening their false pro-
jects' will thus, at least, be shortened. One
effect, which. cannot fail to follow a refusal by
Russia,.&c., to exercise the stipulated restraint
upon Holland,. will be an immediate demonstra-
tion to the whole world of the nature and ex-
tent of their schemes against the French revolu-
tion. If the three Courts withhold their con-
currence when required to execute the protocols,
theie remains -not the shadow of doubt that
Prance is to be the next victim in the destined
series,; and if the Moloch of despotism de-
Man& more I:amid-worship from his ido-
laters, let„.England at least 'be warned of what
is to came, and.. France have opportunity
to buckle . on her armour. If Lord
Grey then wishes to ascertain who are honest
men and who knaves on this occasion, and to
provide .a clue for his own egress from the
labyrinth, let him apply the test. Command
Antwerp to be evae6ated. If he desires to

lessen the probability of a combined attack upon
the French nation by the despots, let him un-
mask the latter before they choose to unmask
themselves. If he feels it to be of importance
that the people of England should emerge from
the suspense which has so long overhung them,
and should be enabled to measure and direct
with any accuracy their commercial enterprises,
we pray him once again to have done with pro-
tocols, to act, and not vacillate or drivel, but to
appear in his own character of a Statesman
who will not suffer his fellow-subjects to be any
longer trifled with, and force the adverse party to
meet England on level ground.—Tinzes.
We received last night the Paris Papers of
Tuesday, and the Illessager des Chambres,
dated Wednesday. The feelings of the French
are too much alive to what is going on in Ger-
many to allow the reasonings of the Court
to make much impression on them. The
Government of the July Revolution would wil-
lingly be more monarchical than the mast mo-
narchical of the old Governments. Listen only
to the Journal des Debuts :—" The opposi-
tion (says that Journal) demands what will be
the independence of a German State in which
Prussia shall, by force of arms, gag the Press,
or cause a Budget to be voted / We shall an-
swer without reserve, whatever clamour we may
give rise to—we know only Princes in Germany
—we know nothing of the people. The States
are represented externally by Princes ; it is with
hem only that we ought to concern ourselves. If
a Prince lose his dominions, it is a case of war be-
tween France and the Diet ; if the Diet oppress
the Press and the Tribune, this is a case of
insurrection between the Germans and the Diet."
The King of the French knows nothing of the
people of Germany ! He knows only 39 indi-
viduals, resident and absentee Princes connected
with that country. Let us listen further to this
Journalist :—" The treaties of 1814 and 1315,
which M. Odillon Barrot himself accepted at the
Tribune, gave us a Germany with 38 Princes
and a Diet, without any right of surveillance or
intervention in the interior administration of the
countries of the Confederation. We can only,
then, know German Princes ; we can only know
the independence of their States, because that
alone regards us. As to the independence of
their subjects, we cannot occupy ourselves with
them, for the independence of subjects is
li)erty ; and liberty is an internal dispute
b Aweeti Princes and their subjects, with
which foreigners have no concern." So far so
good. The King of the French, then, is not
bound to know that there are people in Ger-
many. But it is of immense importance
that he should know that there are thirty-eight
Princes, and see that this blessed number be
kept up. Why ? The balance of power, we
shall be told. If one Prince should oust ano-
ther, the balance would be disturbed, and
France might then interfere. But if Prussia
and Austria, through the instrumentality of the
Diet, destroy the Constitutions of the several
States, and reduce the Princes to such a depen-
dence on them as the dependence of the native
Princes in India on the English Government,
France must not •interfere. This is being the
slave of words with a vengeance. Austria and
Prussia, by compelling the different rulers to
destroy the Constitutions of their respective
States, throw these rulers into a state of depen-
dence on them, as the only protection against
their respective subjects, which is exactly the
same thing as obtaining the command of the
resources of protected Sovereigns. It is the
most contemptible pedantry, therefore, to pre-
tend to know only Princes, when the only rea-
son for knowing anything of Princes, is, that
the security of a State may be affected
by one Prince usurping the possessions of
another. The Monarchies, however, we know,
observe a very different rule. Austria invaded
Naples, to put down the Constitution. The
late Bourbon Government of France in-
vaded Spain to put down the Cortes. And
notwithstanding the French continue to enjoy
the felicity of a King, the internal affairs of
France have occupied much of the thoughts of
the great Monarchies. The French people will
not be turned aside by this compound of sophis-
try and pedantry. They know that both Princes
and people exist in Germany ; and they will ask
themselves the simple question. In what
manner is our security likely to be affected by
what is doing there ? If they know that the same
cause which leads the Monarchs to des'rov
the Constitutions of Germany, must inspire
them with a desire to destroy the freedom of
the Press in every other country—and if they
see large armies moving towards their frontiers,
are they not justified in apprehending that the
opportunity may be seized, in addition to the
German Constitutions, to destroy the great cause
of all the liberal movements in Europe—the French
Constitution ? Nothing is so contemptible as
this affectation of substituting the technical
twaddle of diplomatists for the reality. Every
one knows, that ever since the French Revolu-
tion, two principles have been struggling for
ascendancy in Europe, the Democratic and the
Monarchical. Every extension of Representa-
tive Governments, in which those who govern
are responsible to the governed, adds to the
power and consequently the security of those
which before existed. If France is surrounded
with Constitutional Governments, her security
must be mueh greater than if' surrounded with
Governments in which the Monarchical prin-
ciple has the ascendancy. If the freedom of
the Press exists in one country, the neighbour-
ing country partakes more or less in the benefit,
and strives also to obtain a free Press. Hence
the Monarchs conceive that their great enemy is
Constitutional Government and the freedom of
the Press. For the same reason that Constitu-
tional Governments must wish the extension of
their principle, the Monarchs must be anxious
to put down Constitutions and the freedom of
the Press. One or the other of these prin-
ciples must have the ascendancy, and till
this is determined, Europe will, even in peace,
be in constant apprehension of war. The
Poem of Beranger, in the Times of yesterday,
sufficiently expresses the feeling of the French
that Louis Philippe altogether mistakes his po-
sition. If he is not the King of July, why is
he on the throne of France ? Beranger shows
that it was not for him that the revolution was
made, but the revolution, when made, adopted
him. " When, in July (exclaims the Poet),
the popular Lion broke a blood-stained scep-
tre in the Louvre, the heavens opened, and
from the bosom of the eath, the cry of Liberty
thrice ascended. Drunk with hope, I saw, at
the noise of arms, the Kings turn pale—their
thrones overturned. Silence, earth ; Kings,
calm your alarms; poor Lion, thou wilt be muz-
zled. Dost thou not see, Lion of the Bastille,
a Royal Beggar crawling towards thee, who, to
obtain the Throne, denying his family, licks thy
claw, and calls himself thy Vassal ? "0 Banish
your fears, Castilian and Tartar ; the human
race is here out of the question, you have but

to assist a miser to strip a Royal orphan. You
see that it is for this iniquitous work that our
blood has flowed in Paris. Let Poland die.
and Belgium languish, is not our Lion muzzled?
* " If, as we are told, France is monarchical,
among the lakes of Scotland therelt
comeaboy.
Call him to the Salk land ; let him
alone—he alone is innocent. On his cradle let
the fate of all be immediately regulated by ail
France ; and, at the age of twenty, let him guide
to the frontiers our Lion, free and unmuzzled."
That song will haunt Louis Philip in his
dreams.—Morning Chronicle.
It is impossible not to be struck with the ex-
ceedingly minute economy which enters into
every subject where the public taste or interests
happen to be concerned. We do not quarrel
with the present Government for this so much
as we should do were it not notorious that their
means are crippled by the shameless prodigality
which marked the conduct of their predecessors :
as a proof of which it is quite notorious that as
much was expended in that rottenest of all build.
ing jobs, the Parliamentary mews, behind Great
George-street, Westminster, and twenty times as
much in deforming the plum-pudding Palace
at Pimlico, as is now required for a National
Gallery to contain the public works of art, and
present a study for rising genius. The trum-
pery idea of uniting with this building a recep-
tacle for the public records will, we have no
doubt, be abandoned. It is only under the vul-
gar persuasion that " opposites sometimes meet"
that such a conception could enter the mind of
any man. Of all strange things none could be
more preposterous than that a crowd of attorneys'
clerks, seeking food for litigation, should be seen
thronging the same doorway which leads to the
peaceful pursuits of science and of taste. Yet some
wiseacre has been found to think such objects can
amalgamate. In common with some of our con-
temporaries, we doubt whether the sum destined
for these joint objects (50,0001.) will be found
sufficient.- At any rate the paltry littleness of
proposing to extend such an expenditure over
a period of three years is, in our view of the
matter, contemptible beyond our powers of ex-
pression. What ! when a club-house or a
bazaar, of equal dimensions with the building
now contemplated, can be raised in nearly as
many months, is it necessary for this nation to
take three years for building a picture-gallery ? Or
is it to be borne, even in imagination, that we can
crouch to the oppressor of Poland with our mil-
lions—not his due—and still not have where,
withal to meet the commonest wants of our tax-
paying population ? Nothing but its preposterous
folly prevents our indignation from finding suitable
vent upon such an occasion. This is being "penny
wise and pound foolish" with a vengeance ; and
we trust that for the honour of Lord Grey's
Government, lie will not suffer it to lie under
the joint charge of extravagance abroad and par-
simony at home. We have already suggested,
and we suggest again, that the money neces-
sary for such an object as this National Gallery
ought and might be readily found by the Com-
missioners of Crown Lands, if those personages
were but half as much alive to public objects as
to private patronage and convenience. Instead
of 50,0001. coming out of the public taxes, twice
as much might easily be found from the hereditary
revenues which the Crown has surrendered to the
people. There is one word, by way of advice,
which we would submit to those who have the
direction of this building—which is, that the
plan and site should be so arranged as to per-
mit of its extension, as wants may arise or means
increase. A centre, for instance, with wings to
be hereafter added, or a three-sided square with
one side only erected at first, would afford faci-
lities which cannot be obtained should the
ground be occupied, and the building com-
pleted, in the first instance upon too small a scale.
—Morning Herald.
Colonel Evans brought the subject of our
Military establishment before the House last
night, in a speech containing much valuable
information, and many useful hints. The field
is too extensive for our discussion. One
point alluded to by the Colonel is particularly
deserving of attention :
" In his opinion, the army was now unnecessarily
crowded with officers, by which the expense was Very
much increased. He had considered the subject, and he
believed that one Major would be enough for a battalion,
in which, too, might be reduced one Captain and four
Subaltern Officers. The present large number of superior
Officers was much connected, he was certain, with
another subject that had lately occupied a good deal
of att!ntion--he meant that of corporal punishment. It
was in consequence of that degrading species of punish-
meant that they could not get respectable young men to
enter as recruits ; and that again prevented them from
raising Subaltern Officers from the ranks, and afterwards
promoting subalterns to be superior Offiers. Napoleon had
remarked this among the four faults in our military system,
d had assigned it a chief place in the list of those faults."
This confirms the view we took when the ques-
tion of flogging was last introduced in the
House. The race of men in this counrry is
good, and the soldier must partake of the excel-
lence as far as mere physical qualities are con-
cerned. But, in a moral point of view, the
soldiers must necessarily be at the very bottom of
the scale. No one who has the spirit of a man
would enter a service in which he is liable to be
treated as a beast. The men who respect them-
selves seek more honourable pursuits. Hence
the difference of feeling between a French and an
English soldier. The French soldier respects
himself; is jealous of any invasion of his honour,
and studies to acquire the knowledge which may
obtain for him professional distinction. No man
who has the cat-'o-nine tails constantly present to
his imagination can respect himself. The Eng-
lish soldier never dreams of advancement, and lie
has no motive for acquiring the knowledge neces-
sary for it. Being without any noble aim, lie is
naturally prone to sensual indulgence ; and thus
the very subjection to flogging has a tendency to
drive men into the irregularities which form an
excuse for flogging. The English soldier is
brave and intrepid from his organization ;
but how superior would he be ter all the sol-
diers in the world, were the hopes of advance-
ment to give him, in addition to his fine physical
qualities, the high moral qualities that qualify men
for distinction. We see low Englishmen sur-
passing low foreigners in all the pursuits of life
by which wealth and distinction are obtained.
There is not, for instance, one civil engineer in
ten in the country who was not at one time a
common mechanic. Why should not the Bri-
tish soldier be equally capable of distinguishing
himself? But, as Colonel Napier happily ob-
served, he is doomed to languish in the cold
shade of Aristocracy. Sir John Hobhouse
met the observation of Colonel Evans on this
point by a sort of argumentum ad hominem.
The Colonel was himself an instance that pro-
motion was not always slow. In five months
he had risen from Lieutenant to Lieutenant-
Colonel, and his whole period of service had
been little more than eight years. So much
rhohuoldmahoalw'
the greater the Colonel's merit,' that in a ser-
viceehoobtained such
rapid
mo
in-
terest, in the English service, jumps in
without uotrisonh.e s

five months from Lieutenant to Lieutenant-
Colonel, is either surprisingly lucky or sur-
prisingly brave. We are now a nation, instead
of subjects of an Oligarchy, and it is high time
that the army should become national. All
the skimble skamble stuff' about the necessity
of officering the army with gentlemen of
property—that is, with the Aristocracy—in
order to prevent the army from being em-
ployed against our liberties, deceived no one.
The great object should be to combine effici-
ency and economy; and the opening a career to
talents and energy would add to the efficiency,
while it diminished the expense of the army.
Sir George Murray deprecated the holding up
France as an example, and spoke of the expense
of arms and accoutrements for 1,200,000 Na-
tional Guards. But is the spirit that such a
system maintains nothing? We deprecate war ;
but while we do so, we deem it of the first con-
sequence that the body of a people should
thoroughly enjoy life, by being at all times indif-
ferent to the loss of it. Sir George Murray
" confessed it did excite no small suprise in his
mind to hear a British officer quoting the autho-
rity of Bonaparte, who had no practical acquaint-
ance with the British army until he encountered
them at Waterloo ;" and this, we suppose, is to
be taken as a proof that Bonaparte knew nothing
of military matters—that everything in the
French system is bad, and everything in the
English good. Sir George dislikes the con-
scription, and so do we ; but " during the latter
part of the war, the army was recruited chiefly
from the Militia, whence excellent soldiers
came ;" and pray, Sir George, what is the
Militia but a conscription of the worst kind,
operating on the poor, and excepting the rich ?
Morning Chronicle.

We should not ourselves have thought it ne•
cessary to say a single word about the miserable
attempt made by Sir E. Sugden to impute in-
consistency to the Lord Chancellor, for having
filled up a vacant appointment, which he had
described as one which ought to be abolished,
or rather conducted on different principles. But
as much is written about it in the morning and
evening papers, we may be permitted to make a
short remark. In point of fact, the Lord Chan-
cellor has sacrificed an immense proportion of
the patronage of his office, and a very large
part of his income. He contemplates, and has
repeatedly expressed his determination, to make
further alterations, tending still to diminish the
emoluments of his office ; but he has not yet,
owing to the overwhelming pressure of public
business before both Houses of Parliament, been
able to carry his determination into full effect.
iVleantime the holder of one or two of the of-
fices about to be regulated dies: but the office
exists, and cannot be abolished without an Act
of Parliament. Somebody must fill it, and who
so proper as the Lord Chancellor's brother, who,
knowing his sentiments and intentions, does that
willingly which another man might hesitate to do
—accepts the appointment subject to regulation,
nay, to abolition, should abolition be deemenie-
cessary. Thepublic will see in this conduct of the
Lord Chancellor an additional motive to admire
his consistency and disinterestedness, and will
feel contempt for the paltry insinuations of those
whose personal meanness makes them unable to
appreciate the motives of a superior mind. If'
we had in the first instance thought that no tes-
timony which we could offer was necessary to
the vindication of the Lord Chancellor, how
much is that opinion strengthened by the tri-
umphant statement made by the Lord Chancel-
lor himself last night. His castigation of the
author of the absurd insinuation against him is
calculated to cut through the thickest integu-
ments of infatuated conceit, and might almost
penetrate the mind of a " bug." But the Lord
Chancellor must not descend to notice such per-
sons ; the public confidence will defend him
against such miserable opponents. Let him per-
severe in the straight course of public service
which his own right mind has marked out for
him, and he need not turn aside for the buzzing
of gnats nor the croaking of crows. Such ene-
mies as he has are disowned by all the leading
men of their own party. The eagerness with
which the Duke of Wellington separated him-
self from the dirty accusers of the only public
man who has made any real private sacrifice,
shows that his Grace's political prejudices have
not blinded him to the merits of a great oppo-
nent. His Grace's testimony was cordially
given, and was such as one eminent man may
with pride and pleasure accept from another.

It was not either without reason or without a
just apprehension of the real character of the
movers and main springs of the Germanic Diet,
that the meeting in favour of the people of
Germany took place on Wednesday ;'for the
despots have already begun to act upon the atro-
cious edict which was lately promulgated, as if
it were the received and undisputed law of all
Germany, and commenced their proceedings, as
all despots and haters of truth and freedom in-
variably do, by launching the first thunderbolt at
the Press. Two journals, published in the Grand
Duchy of Baden, entitled the Liberal and the
Journal of the Rhine, have not only been sup-
pressed, and their circulation prohibited in all
the German States, and all continuation of them
forbidden by the Diet, but it is decreed that the
declared editors 9fthent shall not be allowed to
edit any sinzilarjournals in any State ofthe Con-
federation for five years ! Nor is this all ; for lastly,
says the news from Frankfort, "The Government
of Baden, with reference to the resolution of the
10th May this year, is called upon to communi-
cate the information promised in the 18th sitting
this year on the 24th of May, respecting the
real authors of the now suppressed Journal, the
Sentinel, within 14 days ; and also to give simi-
lar information with respect to the real Editor
of the Liberal." Such is the spirit of the Ger-
manic Diet—such its conduct at the commence-
ment of the campaign—such a fair sample of
what it will do, if it can, before it closes.
Never was there exhibited such a gross breach
of faith—never was so much insolence and ty-
ranny betrayed—never was the cause of the law
and justice set at such open defiance. The ce-
lebrated ordinance of Charles X. and his Minis-
ters was a trifle—a mere brutum fidtnen
compared to this sweeping decision of the Ger-
man despots—a decision which, if unresisted,
puts an end at once to all free discussion—to all
security of person and property--to all in-
dependence on the part of hitherto inde-
pendent states—to all law—to all justice—to
all hitherto-acknowledged right. Literature
and learning will become unknown to the land
in which they are cultivated with so much disin-
terested zeal and ardent enthusiasm ; and Ger-
many, instead of being the seat of arts and
sciences—the great storehouse of European lite-
rature—the region, par excellence, of poets,
philosophers, and historians, become another
-Siberia—a land of darkness, and oppression,
and undeserved punishment, and ignominious
land unjust death. But will the people of Ger-

many submit tamely to the will of their would-
he oppressors ? Will they, with the example of
France and England before them to guide them,
and their ardent sympathy to cheer them,
make no effort to redeem themselves from the
foul degradation which is in store for them ?
We really cannot answer the question, nor do
there exist any data for forming a correct judg-
ment upon the subject. The Germans arc a
calculating people, and, as we observed, the
other day, the odds are greatly against them in
any struggle with the Sovereign despots ;
they are also a brave people, but their bravery
has been principally shown in the defence of
the independence of their country, and of
their legitimate Princes; and from neither
of these facts, therefore, can we positively infer
what their conduct will be in the present juncture.
If the accounts, however, which have reached
us from Germany may be relied on, the people
of that country are not likely to submit so
tamely to the decrees of the Diet as its main
movers would no doubt wish. The Govern-
ments of Baden and Bavaria have already shown
a disposition to question the legality of the
power attempted to be exercised over them ; and
even in Berlin, as is averred in the following
letter, the decree of the Diet has produced an
unusual sensation. Success to their Three
Days, if they have the courage to imitate an
example near home—and, if not, may the time
speedily come when men will be found of suffi-
cient mettle to unsheath the sword against the
enemies of their species, and to teach the des-
pots that Kings and Emperors were made for
the people, and not the people for them.—
Morning Advertiser.

SUMMER ASSIZES.

HOME CIRCUIT-CHELMSFORD, JUL r 26.

John Hills, a labourer, of a most disgusting and
ferocious appearance, aged 21, was indicted for a
rape on the person of Mts. Leslie, the wife of a
highly respectable liquor• merchant, residing at
Chelmsford.

Sarah Leslie, the prosecutrix, a delicate looking
woman, was on her way to a friend's house at Galley-
wood-common, in the parish of Great Raddon, on
the 29th of March last. It was in the afternoon.—
She saw the prisoner walking at a rapid pace behind
her, and not liking his appearance, although he was
a stranger to her, she somewhat quickened her
pace. About two fields before she reached a cot-
tage, which stood near the place she was going to,
the prisoner overtook her, and using some disgusting
language, took hold of her. She begged loudly for
mercy, and offered to give him all the money she
had about her, if he would but let her go. Prisoner
replied, with an oath, that he did not want them.—
He then threw her into the ditch.—(Here the wit-
ness, with some hesitation, and evidently under the
most agonizing feelings, detailed the particulars at-
tending the full commission of the capital offence,
under circumstances of the greatest aggra►vation.)—
The whole Court were affected by the recital. When
the prisoner rose, be left her with an expression of
brutality. Witness lay in the ditch a short time,
being too weak and exhausted to get up, till her
groans brought the woman at the cottage to her
assistance. Witness could positively identify the
prisoner as the person who committed the owrage
upon her. _ _

Mr. Jeremiah Slade found the prosecutrix in a
shocking state of mind. Witness brought her home
in a cart, she being unable to walk.
Mr, Leslie spoke to the dreadfully exhausted
state, both of mind and body, in which his wife was
brought home. Witness went in pursuit of the
prisoner.

Charles Blanks, constable of Springfield, hearing
the prisoner had escaped, went to the public-house
where he lod!,ed, to take him. He had just packed
up his clothes and was going out at the back door.
Witness collared him, a struggle ensued, and he was
obliged to knock hini down three times before he
could secure him. When he was handcuffed wit-
ness asked him what he bad been doing—to which
he replied, " Oh, enough to hang me this time."
He added, "I shall catch it," putting his finger to
his ear. A short time after he said, "Ah ! never
mind, I'll give the Springfield chaps a cock-crowing
when I get on the gallows."
The prisoner attempted to deny the fact, but
made no substantial defence.

The Jury found the prisoner Guilty.
Lord TENTERDEN immediately passed sentence of
death upon him in the most impressive manner.
The prisoner did not seem much affected by his
situation.

N ORF OLF CIRCUIT-CAMBRIDGE, JULY, 25.

John Nunn, Simeon Nunn, and Ephraim Litch-
field, were capitally indicted for assaul,ing Henry
Thurnall, Esq., junior, on the highway, and stealing
various monies, a watch, &c.
The Jury found all the prisoners Guilty.
The Learned JUDGE immediately passed on
Litchfield and John Nunn the sentence of death,
giving them no hope of any extension of mercy on
this side the grave. The other prisoner, on account
of his youth (he is only 18), and other extenu fling
circumstances, was sentenced to transportation
for life.

WESTERN CIRCUIT.—SALISBURY, JULY 25.
Joseph Buxton was indicted for having set fire to
his dwelling-house, situated in the town of Bradford,
wit h the intent to defraud the Salamander Fire-office.

The prisoner was a very respectable-looking man,
about 45 years of age, and had carried on business
at Bradford, as a publican, for the last twenty years.
Latterly he had been very unfortunate, and had ex-
perienced several severe losses.
Thomas Shedder' was in the employ of the
prisoner in March last. Went to bed about eleven
o'clock on the night in question. Heard Buxton
come up stairs, and a few minutes afterwards he
heard him cry out that the house was on fire. He
went down with Mizen and Doddomy, and with
the assistance of the prisoner extinguished the
flames. They then went down to the parlour and
had some beer. When they went up stairs another
room was on fire, which they put out. About two
o'clock a fire was discovered on the second floor;
the bed-curtains were in flames, which they ex-
tinguished, and returned to the parlour. About
an hour or two afterwards, in consequence of some
smoke coming down stairs, they went up, and found
the floor and partition boards of the closet at the
top of the stairs to be on fire. There was also in
it a box, and other articles, which had likewise caught
fire. Before the fire was discovered, by the desire
of his master, he called a man of the name of Davis,
who subsequently assisted them in extinguishing the
fire.

Cross-examined—Buxton did as much as any of
them to extinguish the fire.
Mr. Saunders, a director of the Salamander In-
suranee-office, went on the second day after the fire
to the house of the prisoner, whom he told he was
come to examine the premises, and inquire into the
circumstances of the fire. Buxton showed him the
house; in their progress through which, he asked
him how the fire originated. The prisoner said it
began in the inner bed-room on the first floor. Wit-
ness said that was very strange, as there were mote
marks of fire in the outer room. Buxton said be
could not account for it. He went into a clew-,
where he found the partition boards and floor burnt,
laeeFn' not know
as if a
and wished to know how the fire had got there.
Prisoner said he could not. tell. They then went
into a two-bedded room. The bolster of one of
candlet e
that dehrsaed‘hvbaaesde
nb burntepeunt auitityd te:irvrioet
. ct
Pr
there tr his
troerieil
er did l P
next morning.
Witness wished to know how it was put out; pri-
soner said he supposed that it went out of itsel:.
They went into another bed room, where he sass
the bedding burnt in two or three places.. They
then went down into the cellar; all the casks were

empty, except six, which contained together 25 I
hog heads. He went into a yard, where he saw
the box tak,n out of the closet : it was a great deal
burnt in the inside, but not the least on the out.
The Learned JUDGE summed up, and the Jury
found the prisoner Guilty.
His Lordship then passed upon him sentence of
death. He is to be executed on Tuesday week.

MIDLAND CIRCE/ IT.LINCOLN, JULY 24•
Mary Taylor, a young woman of pleasing appear'
ance, aged 18, the wife of Benjamin Taylor, of Be'
lingbroke, in the West Fen, in the parts of Lindsey,
was indicted for the wilful murder of her infant child.

The prisoner and her husband came together to
reside in the above village, the prisonei being then
in the family way. There Ivas no imputation of any
kind upon her character. They lived next door to
a publican, named Harrison, whose wife the prisoner
engaged to attend her as midwife in her confinement.
She was prepared with her babplinen, and the
other things necessary for that occasion. One
morning in March last, the prisoner came into Hal'
rison's house, and said that her baby had been born,
but that a tramper (a travelling woman) had carried
it away. She afterwards said, that she (prisoner)
had laid the child across the fire, and destroyed ite
Her appearance and manner were such as strone
indicated insanity of mind at the time. There were
no remains of the child to be seen, although it wag
evident, from the exalainat ion of the prisoner's person
by a surgeon, that she had been recently delivered.
She spoke of what she had done as a thing of no
harm ; she was alternately either singing very loud, or
crying or praying, and continued to do so for 3 weeks
after hercommittal to prison ; she had had a quantity of
milk before her confinement, but not a dropafterwardgr
and from some expressions she used, it was inferred
that her delivery had taken place very suddenly.
The paler said, that whilst in the gaol she had
been subject to sudden transitions from loud mirth
to the deepest depression of spirits, exhibiting at the
same time an expression of wildness in her counts'
mince, which left no doubt on his mind that her
reason had heen temporal-Ay unseated. The sue'
geon was of the same opinion, and accounted for the
state of her mind on the supposition that, finding
herself alone and with,ut succour when she was
suddenly taken in labour, she became terror-stricken
as that critical moment, which caused a revulsion
of bl )od to the head.

Tile Jury immediately acquitted the prisoner'
aid she %vas ordered by his Loidship to be die'
charged.

Edward Croft, aged 35, was indicted for bur
glorious!y entering the house of a farmer, named
Shaw, at Frampton, in the parts of Holland.
The Jury found the prisoner guilty.
The Learned JUDGE sentenced the prisoner to 91%
months' imprisonment, and such hard labour 0,
should be found consistent with his state of health
after he was cured of his wound.

William Greenfield, aged 43, was indicted 01
stabbing and wounding Robert Chantry Balderso°l
a farmer, residing at Crofts, on the 16th of Apr'
las', with intent to do him grievous bodily harm. ,
The prisoner was found Guilty, and sentenced
of death recorded against him ; with an intimati°
from the Learned Judge, that, as he had aireadY
been convicted more than once, and been trans'
ported, he must expect to leave this country nod
fcr life.