The Sun.
London, England, 1866-04-14 00:00:00

prestige, and the maintenance of our naval power,
and with such strong religious differences that it
would be impossible to precede democracy by an
universal system of education, the experiment would
be a ruinous one. Even in the States of New Eng-
land, education did not follow but preceded the esta-
blishment of democracy. Further, Sir BULWER
LYTTON showed that in - America as in France,
where universal suffrage was adopted, the in-
fluence of the Representative Assembly was
something very different from what it was in
England. " The more you lower the standard
of the constituency," he remarked, " below the
average education of the country, the more you
will transfer the intellectual power of this house
to some Upper Chamber, whether it be
an English House of Lords or an American
Senate." This axiom is sound enough, no doubt,
but first we must ascertain what that level would
be. Certainly not a£7 franchise. However much
the opinions or expressions of other honourable
members may have been misapplied or misunderstood,
the member for Hertfordshire left no room for
the most sensitive Democrat to take umbrage at his
words. In the true spirit of an English gentleman
he expressed what many politicians on both sides
must have felt—a regret that the nature of the dis-
cussion necessitated the separation of the working
class from the rest of the community, and thus
rendered it difficult to argue against Democracy
without wounding the honourable pride of labour.
" What man of letters," exclaimed the Author, the
Dramatist, and the Poet, " does not revere those
lofty aspirations of the educated artisan towards a
more perfect form of human society, which
may, indeed, be Utopian, but mhich form
an eternal link between the aims of edu-
cated labour and the dreams of philosophy
and genius?" But the objection which he raised
against the preponderance of the working classes
would be declared to be equally strong against
any other influence. " I should have the same
objection," he insisted, "to the prepon-
derating influence of scholars and men of
science, or of great merchants, or of a territorial
aristocracy." The want of unity in political senti-
ments among the working classes would not, in his
opinion, counteract the evil, and he humorously
defended his position by an illustration of the effect
which a majority of members returned by clergy-
men of different politics would have on a
church-rate division, or a majority of farmers,
representatives on the question of the malt
tax ! The questions at issue between labour
and capital are not, however, so numerous
as to have mush weight in the scale, while the in-
fluence of capital among the Legislative classes
would always be strong enough to take care of it-
self. The best answer to this constantly recurring
threat of a democratic Parliament is to be found in
the Constitutional safeguard. The Constitution
contemplated the representation of all classes, and
took care that numbers alone should not preponde-
rate by withholding the payment of members. No
man can afford to surrender his time to public busi-
ness unless he is in a position which insures some
degree of education and independence, some know-
ledge of the world, and some mingling among the
educated ranks and classes whatever his natural
origin. So long as this security is preserved, we
can never have that assembly of demagogues and
mob orators which some timorous spirits seem to

It must have been a satisfaction to the ad-
vocates of the measure, after the formidable
attacks of Sir BULWER LYTTON, to see so able a
representative of their side of the question
as the new member for Westminster rise in his
place. Mr. ST UAItT MILL'S speech was remarkable
for its temperance, its moderation, and its close
and accurate reasoning. Referring to the possible
measures to be introduced in a reformed Parliament
he very happily asked if the framers of the Bill of
1832 had been told that in consequence of that
measure the corn-laws would be repealed, free
trade established, penny postage introduced, the
colonies self-governed, and other kindred measures
carried, would the Bill have been passed ? The
progress of events and of knowledge gradually
educated the public mind, and no doubt we should
yet pass the measure which at present all
classes were quite unprepared for. The sufficient
representation of the working classes Mr. MILL
declared to be, in his opinion, the greatest improve-
ment they could make, and though he would have
been happy to have accepted others with it, he was
still willing to accept it alone. This was spoken in
the true spirit of a genuine Reformer, and in this
spirit we hope the great body of the Liberal party
will think and act.

President JouNsorr may certainly be congratu.
lated upon the success he has met with since he sue•

ceeded to the Presidency under such adverse circum-
stances. By determination, skill, and foresight, he
has accomplished great things, and effected marvels,
considering the difficulties in which he was placed.
The best proof of the strength which lie has gained

may be seen in the Proclamation which he has just
issued concerning the Southern States. This may
be considered a master-stroke of policy, and we
may well rejoice that he has been able to carry out
his benevolent intentions and advocate his states-
manlike views. The prosperity of the Republic
depends in a great measure upon the manner in
which the Confederate States are dealt with at this
juncture, and we may fairly state that had there
unfortunately chanced to be a President who had
followed out the plans cf the Republican party a
most disastrous effect would have been produced,
and at some time near or distant the war would
have been renewed with increased bitterness of
spirit and acrimony of feeling. The language of
this Proclamation is temperate but firm, and leaves
no reason to doubt the intentions or mistrust the
purpose of him who sends it forth. It states that
whereas at different times in 1861 and 1862 the
PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES declared certain
States to be in insurrection, and Congress adopted
resolutions declaring that war was waged entirely
o maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and

that as now these objects were accomplished, the
war ought to cease ; and as no armed resistance now
exists in those States lately insurrectionary, and the
people therein have indeed conformed to the " con-
dition of affairs growing out of the Constitutional
Amendment prohibiting slavery, the PRESIDENT
therefore proclaims the insurrection in Georgia,
North and South Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee,
Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Mississippi, and
Florida to be ended, and henceforth to be so re-
garded," Such bold words have not been heard
for some time in the councils of the United States
the rights concerning ' and privileges of the Southern
States, an,'
theirweimatymheasilare aat hand,
appearance
and
thtaasan
omen that better a
really liberal
policy may succeed the rule of terror
and the season of misrule that have so long pre-
vailed. Very truly isi
it said
,a have been con-
quered,
in this Proclamation
, that people who have rev o
quered, must either be treated
friends, or else be held by absolute military
so as to become
power, and that this "last-named policy isab-
horrent to humanity and freedom ; also it is
averred that "standing armies, military
occupa-
raPatial law, military tribunals, and
tion, suspension