The Sun.
London, England, 1835-02-24 00:00:00

THE KING'S SPEECH.

Notices of motions having been disposed of at five o'clock,
the SPEAKER read his Majesty's Speech, at the conclusion of
which

Lord SAND 0 N rose and said—even if this were not so
portant an occasion, I feel much difficulty in addressing
this House, for I must say I never ventured to trespass
on its attention without the deepest feeling of my own
inadequacy of such an undertaking. The object which I
have in view is to state to the House my reasons for
so doing.—( Hear.) I have felt the great difficulty of
this in my own mind in endeavouring to explain the grounds
upon which I rise on the present occasion, to endeavour
to persuade the House to agree to an addres
in accordance with the speech delivered from the
throne. I feel tiii3 to be no ordinary occasion, either
in importance to the country or to the House. It is this feelisig
which induces me to ask more than the usual share of your at_

ention at this moment. However painful, however onerous,
however alien and uncongenial to my parliamentary habits,
which have never led me to trespass on your attention for
any great length of time, yet, Sir, when the ques-
tion was put to me whether I would undertake this
task, I did not hesitate one instant. I felt that. it was my duty,
that having at all times supported religious liberty to every class
of my felisass-countrymen, I was, at the same time, not prepared
to identify myself with those who were its avowed enemies. I
was not inclined to put that construction which has been done
by many others, that it was not so much intended to
give to public opinion a useful controul over the members of the
administration, as it was to decide who those ministers were
to be.—( Loud cheering from the opposition.) I felt that
this opinion was congenial to a certain party—(Hear, hear)—
but I was anxious to show that there was one who did not
join in that opinion. I was desirous to support that claim
which the Right Hon. Baronet, now at the head of his Ma-
jesty's Government, has on his country, that he should have a
fair trial, and a candid hearing.--( Hear.) I felt that the
prerogative of the Crown was involved in this exercise of
opinion, and I felt that it would be indeed absolutely extin-
guished if, without further cause, a fair trial were not granted.
Having never myself entertained any confidence in Lord
Melbourne's administration, I was not anxious to enquire
what were the reasons on which that administration was dis-
missed, and the present were established in its place.—
(Cheers from the opposition.) But Sir, that enquiry was made
by another party--( Continued cheers from the Opposition)—
and it is quite right that such an enquiry should be made,
since the exercise of so important a prerogative cannot '
be a matter of indifference to any representative.—
If on these general grounds I felt disposed to take a
part on the present occasion, which I now do, the
speech which we have just received from the throne con-
firms me in the propriety of the course which I have
deemed right to pursue. I ask them who were connect-
ed with Lord Grey's Administration, and confident t'sat
they will not desert the principles of that junction.," I ask,
arc these principles endangered by the p.restnt Administra-
tion? The principles which were embiszoned on the standard
of that Administration were :-ease, Economy, and Re-
form." With regard to peace, there cannot be the least
apprehension that while the present Administration is ie
power, that ne;nciple will be endangered—for I find
..,at with
some c'S'untries we are on terms of a friendly
‘`.l.ier countries we are on more
errrie—(-tang,Cheers while with
from the Ministerial side, -
and loud lather from the
Oppositie freeo states n. At same time, bur connection with
th.
oir noteepte continue uninterrupted, and
those stater, which tie hot enjoy the great blessings of free
Gmrernment feel such confidence in the maintenance
of the peace of Europe that they are disposed to rely
upon the prefessions of the present, and to live in peace and
harmony with neighbouring states.—( Ironical cheers from the
Opposition.) I suppose, from the cheers with which Hon.
Gentlemen receive this statement, that they consider it disad-
vantageous to maintain the peace of Europe. This is a new
doctrine of the Whigs—it is not the doctrine of the old
Whigs--it is not the doctrine of Mr. Fox, when it was
merely considered, not whether the measures of the British
Government tended to promote the interests of other coun-
tries, provided that the interests of Britain alone were con-
sulted. (Great cheering.) It was a strange doctrine
of those who professed the principles of non-interference,
professions very highly made in language, but not in fact.
The name of the Duke of Wellington-and his colleagues
were sufficient—(Hear, hear)—their character for econo-
mical Reform, which had received the eulogy of their
successors, ought to be a guarantee of the good faith with
which they intend to act in this respect : but the estimates
which, according to his Majesty's Speech, are to be laid
before us, afford us something more than an hypothetical
conclusion, and sufficient, in my opinion, to satisfy even
the Honourable Member for INliadlesex (Mr. Hume).
Sir, I hope in that state of the public revenue—l hope we
may see after the charges necessarily incurred by that great
act of humanity, the act for the abolition of Negro Slavery—
when I say these charges shall have been defrayed, I hope to
sec considerable relief, and that we shall find large
burdens taken off the shoulders of the people. And
although I am more intimately connected with the
commercial than with the agricultural interest, yet I do hope
that the interest of the latter shall never he lost sight of by
the Government or by this House. —( Hear, hear.) The
third great question, and by far the greatest one, no doubt,
was that of Reform.—( Cheers.) Sir, Lord Grey, in the
question of Parliamentary Reform, wade lsrger concessions to
the public feeling than lie had originally intended.—( No, nos
from the opposition.) He went so far avowedly for the pur-
pose of avoiding further advances on the road of reform which
some gentlemen were inclined to travel, and accordingly he
resisted, and those who were his colleagues in office
resisted the motions made from time to time by honourable
Gentlemen for further changes in our parliamentary system.
These changes were moved for by men who now sit at the '
same side of the House with the Members of the late Govern-
ment.—( Hear.) Therefore, with regard to Reform, I think it
is quite apparent that Lord Grey had gone the full length of
his measures, and to the extent of the prire;ples propounded
by his Administration. If they had not done more in carrying
forward reform, do any Hon. Gentlemen mean to stand up
and say that they expect further concession from that party.
—( Hear and cheers from the Opposition.) Am Ito under-
stand that cheer as acquiescing in my assertion ?—( No.) I say
I must do so in any assembly where common sense preponderates.
I thought Hon. Gentlemen would 'leave that manner of de-
bating in their taverns and their hustings. I know it will be
said that the present Government, if they follow up the principle
of reform will be open to a charge of inconsistency. I
know it may be said that they are untrue to their pro-
fessions, if they do not repeal that which, while it
was in progress, they described as fatal to the into-
ts
of this country; but I do not think that this
agree in this opinion, or believe that they le P.ouse will
;nper- with their
principles, or sacrifice their feelings in
*l-le least degree. I think
that that doctrine will be n. o
Ic)".er held, it would be dangerous
to the House's dignity, as
of society.
.T.he question would be injurious to the interests
'Catholic Emancipation was
ion of
considered one of great importance and difficulty,
at the same time, I never heard it asserted of any
who took office since, and who had voted for
thelßill after opposing it, that he had teen a traitor to his prin-
ciples.—( Hear.) But, Sir, if in the way of Parliamentary
Reform there was any difficulty of an association between
the present and the late Administration, under the manage-
ment of Lord Grey—( Hear, and laughter from the Opposi-
tion)—l say Lord Grey has given no more than the present
Administration could have given, and the present Administra-
tion will not therefore take away anything. You will say the Re-
form Bill was not an ideal measure, but that it it was to
be one of effect, and perhaps no subject is so important as
that of the reform of the municipal corporations.—( Hear,
hear.) There is no doubt that in those corporations consi-
derable abuses exist, but it is a question of great compli-
cation and 'difficulty.—( Cries of " Hesr, hear.") Upon
this his Majesty's Commissioners, who were appointed
under the Ministry of Lord Grey haye not yet made their re-
port, and it cannot be expected that this or any other Mi-
nistry can bring forward any definitive measure, until the re-
sult of that enquiry be known.—( Hear,]hear, hear.) I have
at the same time a confidence in that report, and wL.,011
it is once made, the present Government
a toss oe
slow, not only in giving full consid
now, but elrect
to the recommendations fount.' tartoii._l( Hear, htiam
Sir, with regard to
Ono pievanNS) itha practical
grievances of dissenters, it is perhar the second question in
importance.
ear, I do hot t oneeive that much difference
exists.be;sreen the printiiples of the two parties ; but I find
that, 'there is an agreement upon three great points—marriages,
registration tot births, and exemption from Church rates.—
With regard to Church Reform, he entertained not the
slightest doubt but the Right Hon. Baronet would introduce
such Constitutional measures as would meet any objection ;
and the only difficulty then would be in the detail. Now, as
to the Church-rate, lt was true that it was a burthen ; but it
fell upon the land, and from the measures which were
under! consideration would relieve them from the burthen,
and the course which the Right Hon. Baronet was detdrmined
to pursue would overcome all difficulties.—( Cheers from the
Opposition.) The admission of Dissenters to the University
was another question which absorbed public attention. He
would not discuss the point then in detail as to what the Dis-
senters were entitled to. They had already obtained many pri-
vileges to which he would not question their right. However,
no material difference of opinion existed upon that ground.
And no doubt all real grievances would be readily and freely
redressed.—( Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet was not
unmindful of the necessity there was for the improvements
of the legal institutions of the country. In his address to his
constituents, he had pronounced that the improvement in
the civil and ecclesiastical institutions of the country
claimed and should have his attention.—( Cheers.) And such
improvements, while they gave tranittillity to the country,
would afford security to property. '1 here was another impor-
tant point which demanded their best attention, and that was
the question of Irish Tithes--( Hear)—and he was assured
that a measure would be announced which would prove a satis-
factory arrangement of that question, and no doubt would
entitle it to the co-operation of those on the other side of the
House who gave their support to Lord Grey's measure.
( Cheers.) And he regretted that the Bill which had been
introduced by his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary for Ire-
land had been thrown out, but he still felt confident that the
measure which his Majesty's Government are about to intro-
duce would meet with a support, and lead to a more success.
ful termination : it! would be unlike the measure introduced
by the Hon. Member for Dublin, which, while it disregarded
the rights of one party, gave an inordinate power to the other.
At the same time I cannot help saying that the feeling of this
House decidedly was that all the evils which arose from the
present system, and from the collection of the tithe in small
sums, were still in existence; and that these could only be
got rid of by abolishing the plan of composition.—( Hear.)
It is undeniable that these evils existed, and it must be, as I
am sure, the common object of every government to get rid of
these evils. We are told also, that another great evil
attendant upon the present system of the Established
Church in Ireland, is, that when the peasantry
have paid their dues to the Protestant Church
Establishment—a Church unconnected with the religious
instruction of the people—they have, in addition, to
pay for the support of a Church of their own. If it were
proposed to take away the revenues of the Protestant Church in
certain parts of Ireland, and transfer them to the Roman
Catholic population, thereby relieving them from the tax which
(by the evidence of persons of their own persuasion) they labour
under, thereby rendering the clergy independent of their own
flocks, whatever objections might arise (and they were nothing
material), at least a great good would be obtained. The
Members of the late Administration, one and all, dis-
claimed the intention, in their plan, of giving one shilling
to the Catholic Priesthood. Their scheme was that tithe
was still to be collected in all its odium, and then

that they she& get rid of a certain number of the Pro-
testant clerggmen, from the revenues of whose parishes
the Catholif clergy were to be paid. We cannot do
what that Geernment proposed to do, without inflicting
a great abodit upon the public feeling of the people
of this country, and without effecting a great change
in the public property, and occasioning great alarm in the
minds of the people of Ireland ; and by giving a feeling of
triumph to one party, and a feeling of discomfiture to the
other—( Hear)—and all this without attaining any advantage
such as we would wish, by relieving the peasantry of the West
and South of Ireland from the burdens under which they labour.
This measure did not meet, and did not attempt to meet the
wants and wishes of the people. His Majesty has announced
that he has in contemplation a measure of English Church
Reform. ( Cheers.) This is a question of vast import-
ance, perhaps more important than the reform in the
Church in Ireland, though much less encumbered with
difficulties. It is most important to establish feelings of
union and harmony between the ministers of the Church and
the people. This is on all hands admitted to be most desirable.
But the real question of Church reform which the Government
has propounded to the country, of the one which will be the
most important, is that which will be the most extensive, the
safest, the most beneficial, and at the time the dearest to the
hearts of the people, I mean the reform in the English Church.
I do not think that this question comes with an ill grace from
the present Administration. When I recollect that
the first move in the better distribution of the revenues
in the Church came from the same party—( Tremendous
cheering from the Ministerial side of the Houso,--wnen I
recollect that the measure which distribiltil about 300,0001.
among the working classes artd poorer part of the clergy
came from Mr. Perceval and a noble and rev. relative of mine,
I do not think that any charge of inconstency can be, or will
be, bri."4nt against them for bringing forward a measure of
‘.7aurch Reform.— (Loud Cheering.) It is not at all ne-
cessary to refer to this measure. It has been mentioned in his
Majesty's speech, and it has been mentioned in that
which has been long before us, a,,A *." that it is
• • .
in t
difficult to find a subject - inmisSion,
I w say
which has not t. ..-onnected with Church Reform
the ..,een alluded to more or less distinctly. in
of this Commission, in the object of Whieh I
heartily concur, as being one of those nearest to my own
feelings. I have looked for this measure with great anxiety ;
it h a Measure that has been long desiderated, and coming
from the quarter it does, it will not be looked to with the
same jealousy.—( Cheers from the Opposition.) I am
glad to see that his Majesty has so much at heart the
extension of religious education to the pdorer classes, as well
in this country as in Scotland. lam sincerely glad that the
poorer classes in Scotland have not been forgotten. I hope
that the principles laid down in that measure will be Commen-
surate to the religious wants of the community.—(Cheers.)
I know that these are reforms not touching the feelings of
many Gentlemen here, and not suitable to the Hon. Member
for Dublin ; but I know that they are reforms which affect
the feelings of the great majority of the people.—Great cheer-
ing.) We who mingle with every class of the people, know
the real feelings of the people ; and those who, like myself,
are representatives of the largest towns in the empire, know
that such reforms interest the feelings, and will secure the
approbation of the people.—( Hear.) I think that I have
now touched upon all the leading subjects alluded to in the
King's speech. I feel that having undertaken these Reforms,
His Majesty's Government will go on in a spirit of solind and
wholesome not speculative, reform. I feel that the Reforms they
have proposed, give them claim—not only to the support Of
their friends, but also of those who sit on the opposition
benches. Ido not know in what respect those who formed
part of Earl Grey's "Administration, or who supported
it—or were attached to it—l do not mean the Ad-
mistration of Lord Melbourne, for to that Ministry I
am not aware that httachment was ever shown I but I ash those
who supported Earl Grey's Ministry, Whether the
reforms now proposed are not such as Lord Grey himself
would have proposed?—( Hear.) I ask those Gentlemen
whether they feel very comfortable in the seats which they
now hold, and in the company in which they now are ! Ido
not allude to the personal, but to the politleal Character
of Hon. Members.—( Hear, hear.) But do they feel
comfortable in a union with those who advocate ani-
versal suffrage and all the other tenets of the Radical school ?
It is possible that those gentlemen who maintain to strongly,
and I believe sincerely, can long unite themselves with those
who hold that the Established Church is a curse, and publicly
avow they will never rest until that Church is destroyed?
Can they, who are so strongly attached to the Ike-.
grity of the empire, unite themsciveS With those who
only suspend the agitation—( Loud. cheers from the Minittv-
rial benches)—who only suspend agitation at this itiottielit, for
the dismemberment of the EstablishitiMit, because they think
that a temporary suspension" will ultimately advance their
cause.—( Loud cheers.) I sh'ould be curious to know what
is the common principle, that over-weening principle that
attaches them to that party. I t sure that it would at induce
them all to emerge into this one =moil Consideration of de-
struction. This is not a time for party spirit—(Hear)—this
I repeat, is not a time for party spirit. There are seasons in
which every man is bound to think for himself, to look around,
and to see the responsibility which rests upon him. I have,
I must confess, sanguine hopes that a great proportion of those
respectablelhe a v
described,
and i
nae
gentlemenwill z I might
ot u ite
ay
withs thatthosel d
persons
think
whom
they will find it consistent with their former character so to do,
if I have occasional
.y
I will not intrude further on, tile attention of the public, and
expressed myself too strongly; I dáti abstire
the House tn:zt nothing is farther from intention, and
that it is
trespassi_na: rather to be attributed to my want of habit
on their consideration. I have mixed largely with
"1111., every one in this House, but the sense of public duty would
not allow me to describe less strangly my opinions on the
subject of his speech from the throne. In conclusion I shall
beg- pardon for having trespassed so long upon your attention,
and by moving that an humble address of thanks be moved to
his Majesty for his Majesty's most gracious speech.
(LEFT SPEAKING.)