The Sun.
London, England, 1866-07-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—The events of the last few days have been
so momentous and so wonderful that it is almost
impossible as yet to grasp their full import. A great
empire, one of the chief military Powers of the world,
has been crushed in a series of tremendous battles,
while the Sovereign and the people of the capital
believed that the war was only beginning. We do
not know as yet the story of the battle of Konig-
gratz. The number of the slain and wounded and
prisoners, of cannons taken, of arms thrown away,
of battalions dispersed never to return as an armed
and disciplined force to the standards of Austria,
has yet to be told, but it is not too much to say that
no such disaster has befallen an European Power
since Waterloo. Solferino was a great battle and a
great defeat, but there was no rout and no such con-
fession of irretrievable ruin. The Austrians were
beaten, they retreated, they abandoned the right
bank f the Mincio. The result of the campaign was
to convince them that they had no chance of con-
quering Lombardy, and, accordingly, when the
French Emperor proposed a pacification, they
assented to it, and abandoned to him what he had
won. Had he chosen to continue the war, they were
equally determined to fight in the Quadrilateral,
and to try the chances of a defensive campaign. The
battle of Koniggratz has been a far more fatal field.
There the Austrian Emperor had staked the leader-
ship of Germany on a great battle, and the result
has been utter ruin. Since the days when the First
Napoleon penned his wonderful bulletins there has
been no such news from a field of battle. Readers
of the French imperial campaigns might be inclined
to doubt the truth of those narratives which repre-
sented the enemy surrendering as prisoners by tens
of thousands, and passing by whole divisions into
the power of the conquerors. But the late battle
has renewed these extraordinary memories. The
number of Austrian prisoners is estimated at
20,000. The number of guns and material captured
is immense. The number of the Austrians disabled
is estimated at 25,000. We do not know the force
Field-Marshal Benedek had at his disposal in Bo-
hemia. but, however large it may have been, so
terrible an encounter coming after the battles on the
frontier must have made it unable to keep the field.
And this the Austrian Emperor has confessed. For
a day after the news of the calamity arrived at
Vienna all was confusion. The Emperor, the Court,
and the people had begun the campaign with that
unbounded confidence of which no reverses are able
to deprive the Austrians. The spirit which pushed
forward the minor States to their ruin last month
prevailed in every rank of society until the battles
of last week were fought. The anxiety began to
take the place of overweening confidence, and, after
the great defeat of Tuesday, it turned to conster-
nation. But the Austrian Emperor has quickly
made his decision. He resolves that he will no
longer protract a useless contest. Such defeats as
his chief army has suffered cannot be- retrieved.
They show that the enemy has an intrinsic superio-
rity which cannot be resisted, and forbid the belief
that another battle on another field might regain
what had been lost. Hence Francis Joseph has not
delayed in calling on the French Emperor for the
mediation he had proffered by anticipation. The
opinions which Napoleon had expressed respecting
the cession of Venetia are adopted and acted upon
by the Viennese Government. " Too late," many
a critic will say. "It Venetia had been ceded a
month ago there might have been no war ; the
secret of the Prussian strength might not have
been revealed ; or, if there had been war, the im-
mense superiority of the Austrian forces might
have counterbalanced the energy of the Prussian
soldiers, and the fatal effects of their formidable
weapon." " Late," we will admit, but yet not " too
late." Even now Austria may preserve a great
position by acting with justice and magnanimity in
misfortune, and giving up what, after the events of
seven years ago, she ought never to have retained.
The two most pressing political necessities of Europe
—the union of Italy and the union of Germany__
have been impeded by Austria, and it is well both
for those two great nations and for Austria itself
that the long antagonism is at an end. Li Italy it
was a vice of policy, in Germany it was a misfor-
tune of position ; but in both countries the decay of
Austrian influence will be an advantage, -and the
abandonment of pretensions which have been a
cause of weakness to the house of Hapsburg for fifty
years may give the dynasty a better chance of con-
ciliating the races which still acknowledge its sway.
Political consequences, however, will develope them-
selves in their own time. A deeper interest at the
present moment belongs to the extraordinary mili-
tary events which have produced this sudden change
in the fortunes of empires. The old proud spirit of
Prussia has a right to rejoice. If these Northern
Germans desire to exult over their fallen brethren
of the South, they have sufficient cause. No cam-
paign in modern history has been more brilliant and
astonishing ; no victory more complete, and more
speedily won. It makes us doubt the surpassing
genius of the world's most famous Generals when
we see ssush mighty triumphs gained by almost un-
practised commanders, and tlmt superiority in men
and in weapons will carry an army to almost certain
victory. On the 12th of June the unsuspecting
Princes of the Confederation decreed the mobilisation
of their contingents and the coercion of the Prussian
Monarchy. Within 24 hours the challenge was ac-
cepted, and the Prussian troops were on their march
against Saxony and Hanover. A week was sufficient
for the subjugation of all Northern Germany. From
the ocean and the Baltic to the Main and the Bohe-
mian mountains every Power went down before
the rapid march of the Prussian armies and the
imperious commands of the Prussian Government.
Then began a still more formidable contest. The
Austrian army, which had failed to protect its
allies, was assailed in its own territory, and while
resting on its own strongholds. We know not why
it did not push forward to save Dresden, but it is
even more inconceivable that it should have allowed
the Prussians to make their way through the passes
and descend into the open plain. This operation
was performed with consummate skill and daring by
the Prussian commanders. 'Whoever conceived the
plan and directed the execution must be numbered
among the most able strategists that the present
century has produced. The true history of the
campaign has yet to be learnt, and we are not dis-
posed to criticise where information is still defec-
tive. But certainly Austria and Europe in general
expected a bolder system of warfare from the Aus-
trian commander. He had au army which carried
discipline to its highest point, which had been
drilled and exercised and reviewed until it had ar-
rived at all the precision of a machine. lts whole
organisation had been amended and made more
effective after the experience of the Italian war; its
officers were active, skilful, and zealous ; its
cavalry was praised as perhaps the best in Europe
its artillery was the admiration of every foreiguer.
Yet this splendid army, said to number with the
Saxons a quarter of a million strong, allowed the
converging forces of the enemy to make their way
through passes where every hundred yards might
have been contested, and then to form a junction
On Bohemian soil. Even then the Austrians, whose
whole purpose in the war was to carry on offensive
operations, and who did nothing if they did not
advance to the liberation of the North German
Governments, contented themselves with defend-
ing their positions. They took their stand, ac-
cording to their commander's official despatch,
in " a partly intrenched position before Konig-
gratz." They, no doubt, fought well, but if
even they had been able to hold their ground they
could only have delayed the inevitable result. As
it was, the Prussians, according to Benedek's ac-
count, established themselves on the Austrian flank
and rear, and by a spirited attack forced their oppo-
nents to retreat, at first slowly, and then more ra-
pidlr—in fact, drove them from the field. As the
whole Austrian army was engaged, the ruin was
irreparable. Vienna was open to the conquerors,
and a continuance of rapid marches would have
brought the Prussian army to the Imperial city.
Now, however, the mediation of France has been
invited by the vanquished ; and France, as might
be expected, has readily accepted a position which
gives her the right to interfere. We cannot but
think that if the Austrian Emperor has addressed
himself directly to his adversary, as German to
German, it would have been more dignified and
more consistent with the national interests. It is
at least an additional humiliation to Austria that
she should be saved by the intervention of a foreign
potentate.

POST.—At the Council to be held this morning
the Russell-Gladstone Administration will pass into
the province of history, or, to use the words of
Sidney Smith, be dissolved into sparks of Liberality
and splinters of Reform. Ten months ago Lord
Russell came into a great political inheritance, and
to-day he leaves an encumbered estate to his suc-
cessor. It is an exceptional instance of Ministerial
improvidence. A Government reconstructed under
the shadow of an illustrious name is broken up ; a
party that was formidable is in a state of disinteg-
ration. The collapse is complete. Nor can Lord
Russell 'attribute his failure to misfortune. There is
no ground for commiseration. The Russell-Glad-
stone Cabinet was headstrong, self-willed, dogma-
tical, impatient, intolerant, and overbearing. It
never consulted the opinion of the country, and it
alienated the confidence of the House of Commons.
Its demeanour provoked opposition. Mr. Glad-
stone habitually addressed to the house language
which offended its sense of independence, and at
the same time confirmed the suspicion that Ministers
were themselves acting under an unpopular inspira-
tion. Everybody felt that, if Mr. Bright advised
the Government, he ought to share its responsibility.
But the first cause of the downfall of the Adminis-

tration may be traced to ^ the circumstance that it
was built upon a crotchet • it had no substantial
foundation. The broad national basis on which the
Government of Lord Palmerston stood was aban-
doned, and Lord Russell's appointments were made
to realise one idea, and to carry out the object on
which he had set his mind. How he succeeded in
re3onciling his colleagues to a course they must have
regarded with much misgiving remains to be re-
vealed. Mr. Gladstone himself displayed all the
earnestness of a convert, and Sir G. Grey became
positive and even passionate in debate. But it is a
matter of public concern that, in this course, poli-
tical reputations were temporarily compromised to
sustain a polyglot Ministry ; and, if there are only
five or six members of the retiring Administration
whose loss will be regretted, the nation may think
that their presence should have served to avert the
inconvenience which has been experienced. All
that can be placed to the credit of Lord Russell
belongs properly to the memory of Lord Palmerston.
Lord Clarendon's services have been honourably re-
cognised. The Government of Ireland leaves
nothing to be desired, and Lord Kimberly and Mr.
Chichester Fortescue will be missed. Generally,
too, the Ministers will no doubt find the offices they
are about to enter in working order. There was no
lack of administrative ability, but everything
was sacrificed to theory. Lord Russell and Mr.
Gladstone insisted upon shunting improvement
to make way for innovation. Hence the
change which takes place to-day. Lord Derby
has formed an Administration that possesses
all the elements of strength. Debating power
and aptitude for business are almost equally re-
presented, and if its policy approves itself to
the House of Commons there is no reason
why it should be regarded merely as an inter-
regnum. At. any rate it ought to be accepted and
tried upon its merits. The functions of govern-
ment seem to be somewhat misapprehended. Pro-
gress is one thing, and continual modification
another, and it is fair to presume that Lord Derby
has taken office on the understanding that the coun-
try is to be governed in accordance with public
opinion. No one can conceive that a statesman of
his experience purposes to stand upon a stationary
or reactionary platform. The House of Commons
must also be thought to know,its own mind, and it
has certainly received the resignation of the Russell-
Gladstone Cabinet with remarkable composure.
There may be party arrangements to be made in
Opposition ; that is a different matter. Still, it is
not quite easy at present to see a way to the forma-
tion of any Liberal Administration. The alliance
between Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright would
appear to be an insuperable obstacle ; and, practi-
cally, the moderate Liberals are masters of the
situation. It is clearly a wrong state of things, but
a Government that accedes to office on such condi-
tions cannot be said to exist by sufferance, or to be
the Ministry of a vacation. Lord Derby has com-
plied with her Majesty's commands, and the Go-
vernment he has constructed will bear a close in-
spection. For the moment that is as much as we
could reasonably expect. The conduct of Ministers
must to a great extent be determined by circum-
stances, by the proceedings of the Opposition, and
by the judgment of the country. Lord Derby will
be in his place in the House of Lords on Monday to
Ittate in general terms the policy of his Government.
Mr. Disraeli and the Ministers who sit with him in
the House of Commons must, of course, go to their
constitutents for re-election ; but on their return
they will also be in a position to enter into any
explanations that may seem to be required, and the
conditional confidence that was extended to Lord
Russell's Administration can scarcely be withheld
from the Ministers to whom her Majesty will this
morning transfer the seals of office.