The Sun.
London, England, 1832-10-19 00:00:00

formal acts ot Austria, Prussia, and the Russian

Autocrat. We say, then, that the actual " Belgic
question" is one which involves the direct and pe-
culiar interest of the British and French nations,
both which are deeply injured by the commercial
paralysis of the whole coast of western Europe,
from Hamburg to Ostend ; one which at-
taints the honour, not of England and France
alone, but of the other three great monarchies,
co-partners with them in the pledged enforcement
of all the decrees of the London Congress ; the
first of which is the security of Belgium from
Dutch aggression, and that it is one which, by
every hour's delay of its adjustment, goes at
once to plunge all Europe into a war of party
The divine right of Kings, and the right of na-
tions to cashier them for misconduct, being the
opposite war-cries, how such a conflict would be
sure to end, despotic statesmen had best bethink
themselves. But it is a calamity which no human
wisdom can avert, save only by a check to rising
passions, and dispersion of accumulating hosts,
such as an immediate execution of the decrees of
Congress, which may to,this intent be called the
law of Europe, would accomplish. All means
of peaceful, kindly, and persuasive solicitation to
the King of Holland, that he would be pleased
to consider the rights of other countries, the
well-being of his own, and the imminent risk of
exasperating against himself the Governments and
people of two great neighbouring States, besides
compelling the rest, through the mere sense of
insulted honour, to chastise him, have proved to
be lamentably vain. He answers by referring to his
valiant fleets and disciplined armies, and, hinting
at the secret sympathy of certain Courts, he
maintains his outrageous attack upon the Belgic
territory. Then, we ask, is this relative position of
_ _

the several Powers to continue ? If it continue
but a little longer, must it not terminateinzvar?
inevitable war 2 And whose fault is that ?
The fault of that stubborn and wilful Prince who
sets alike at defiance the plainest interests of his
own people, overwhelmed with the cost of un-
employed armaments such as never before were
heard of, the friendly counsels, declared wishes,
and solemn decisicns (which he himself called
for) of every important state in Europe. If
such a war, for the scourge of unoffending na-
tions, should be provoked, the King of Hol-
land, and the secret abettors of the King of
Holland, if such there be, are fairly chargeable
with it. There is no doubt that the two princi-
ples,—that miscalled " legitimacy," and popular
power,—are ready for the battle. There is but
one only expedient by which their clash may be
retarded, and some safe barrier be for a time in-
terposed. Coerce the refractory party into sub-
mission to the general will and welfare of Eu-
rope. He has rejected all pacific overtures,
therefore protect the rights of the injured, and
vindicate the faith of treaties by the only
means which are left. An armament for
such a virtuous purpose is distinctly and
truly a peace measure. It is the single
escape we have from the certainty of
a war which must embrace the entire civilized

world, and may lead to results of endless and
unfathomable evil. We speak of this as of a
policy imposed upon the two Governments by
the most rigid necessity, to be deplored we admit;
but impossible to have been avoided, except by
the undertaking of a similar enterprise above 12
months ago. There is, therefore, no alternative.
But as it is ohnious that no mere naval attack
would be effectual against a fortress situated and
strengthened like Antwerp, a powerful land army
becomes an essential instrument of its restoration

to the Belgic Government; and since there may
be politicians in some quarters who would
raise a hue and cry at the bare notion of a
French army of considerable force occupying
the soil of Belgium, and approaching that of
Holland, though but for strictly defensive ob-
jects, why not take advantage of the favourable
disposition evinced by Prussia towards executing
the intentions of the Conference ? Why
should not the British and French Cabinets re-
quest that of Berlin to unite its troops with those
of Louis Philippe, and fulfil as allies the
objects of their conjunct policy ? We can
imagine no reasonable ground of objection to
such a proposal on the part of his Prussian Ma-
jesty. If the designs of England and France
were suspected by any others of their allies
(though we believe they are not) of being diffe-
rent from those they profess, here is at once a
guarantee against the success of any measure.
Such a demonstration, on the other hand, would
satisfy the Dutch Monarch that he had nothing
further to expect, and would take away all pre-
tence for his treating it as an example of French
ambition. In that case the King of Holland
would probably give way at once ; or if not, and
the Confederates were compelled to act, there
could ensue no possible danger of a general war
in Europe. Prussia retiring after the end ac-
complished, France must of course do the same.
We confess that our hopes would be sanguine
of the success of this application to the foresight
and liberal spirit of the Prussian Government,
and the more so, because, with the declared
sense of that Cabinet upon the merits of the case
as between the King of Holland and his Belgic
neighbour, we see not how the proposition could
consistently or fairly be refused.—Times.
The remains of the late Thomas Hardy were
yesterday consigned to the earth, and an address
was delivered on the occasion by Mr. Thelwall,
now the only survivor of the twelve indicted for
High Treason, in 1794. It is due to the ge-
nerations to come, to mark the departure from
this life of men, who, like Thomas Hardy, have
devoted themselves, at the hazard of their lives,
to themost exalted of objects—the emancipating
of their country from a degenerating political
thraldom—by grateful honours to their memory,
that the motives to generous and patriotic ex-
ertion may be strengthened, and that virtue in
the trials to which it is so often exposed in this
world, may still he borne up by the cheering
hope, that it will live in the grateful recollection
of mankind. A long period has now elapsed
since the conspiracy against the liberties of Eng-
lishmen was defeated in the acquittal of Thomas
Hardy, and the number of those who were of
an age to take an interest in the proceedings of
1794, must now be small. The acquittal of
Hardy has, indeed, been celebrated every year
down to the present time; but to the existing
generation Thomas Hardy may be said to have
been nearly a stranger. By those to whom he
was personally known, he was indeed held in the
highest regard as a thoroughly honest, single-
minded, and kind-hearted individual, who
bore malice to no human being, and wished
well to all mankind, whom no earthly considera-
tion could seduce into any act of which his
conscience disapproved ;—but of the many
thousands who yesterday assembled to pay the
last respects to his memory, there were but few
to whom lie could have been personally known,
and the unequivocal demonstration of popular
feeling testified the sense which the present race
of Englishmen entertain of the foul conspiracy
against the liberties of the country, which was

defeated by the acquittal of Thomas Hardy, and
of the cause for which he devoted himself at the
hazard of his life. Within the precincts of St.
Luke's there was not a shoo open, and the
deepest sympathy was everywhere manifested.
Another actor in the transactions of that day
still survives—John, Earl of Eldon. Thomas
Hardy died in his 81st year, and John Scott,
Earl of Eldon, is now in his 82d year ; so that
in the course of nature the grave must soon also
close over his remains. But, gracious God !
what a difference between this man, covered
with honours, as they are called, and saturated
with wealth, and the single-minded and disin-
terested man whose blood he endeavoured to
shed ! John Scott, Earl of Eldon, must soon
appear before a Tribunal, in which all the arts
and skill which raised him to wealth and ho-
nours here will avail him little. But it is not
for mortals to anticipate the decision of that Tri-
bunal. He boasts of his conscience, and he
knows best what burthens he has laid on it.
There are men whose consciences can support
any hurdle!), however heavy. John Scott, Earl
of Eldon, notwithstanding all the circumstances
stated yesterday by Mr. Thelwall, may yield up
his latest breath unperturbed. So far from con-
sidering the departure of his intended victim as
a !nene tekel, the hand-writing on the wall, he
may view his survival as a sort of triumph. Be
this as it may, it is for the people to mark the
different sense they entertain of a man like
Hardy, who devoted himself to a cause to which
he narrowly escaped being a victim, and at the
expense of great sacrifices of domestic happiness
and prosperity, and of a man like John Earl of
Eldon. Mr. Thelwall stated a fact which is of
great importance in estimating the character of
Lord Eldon:
" He could not," he said, " suppress the observation
that any man who found it necessary 24 times in 24 hours
to talk of his conscience, seldom turned out to have any
conscience at all. It must be worn to rags by so much
mouthing—(Hear, hear)—and when the word was thus
mouthed, they would find it interpreted to mean nothing
but interest or ambition. Now mark an anecdote ! The
proper returning officer at that time—the Deputy Sheriff
or Secondary—was named Burchell. He was about to
tell them a story which was told by Burchell's own
mouth to his brother-in-law, the late John Holt, of the
Chancery Bar. Burchell told him, that not being found
sufficiently pliant in the selection of the Jury, ' Old
Conscience,' as he was now called, took the Jury-hook out
of the hand of the proper officer—(' Mark, mark this !')
—whose duty it was, according to the constitution of the
law, and e trricd it'to his own chamber, and there, in dark
and secret divan, picked out such men as he thought might
be depended on for hanging the prisoners, guilty or not
guilty..—(Shame, shame !) Fortunately his stupidity
equalled his roguery. He certainly placed on the panel
many men on whom be might have depended, but they
were dead—others had left that part of the country ; he
could not prevent rn my honest men from getting on, the
country became alarmed, and the result was, that three
successive Juries returned verdicts of acquittal."
Truly, if John Scott, Earl of Eldon can look
back with satisfaction at his last hour on a pro-
ceeding like the above, he must have a singularly
constituted conscience. But it would be de-
stroying all the incentives to virtuous conduct,
and destroying the securities for moral order,
were worldly prosperity to screen a man capable
of seeking the life of a fellow-creature by means
such as are here imputed to Lord Eldon, from
the strongly-marked disapprobation of the peo-
ple. The fact should be carefully treasured up
by the people, in every quarter of the country,
that by marking at the proper time their due
sense of such a transaction, a lesson may be read,
as powerful in the way of dissuasion, as that of
the funeral of Thomas Hardy was in the way of
encouragement. Success in life ought not to
render men callous to recitals like those of Mr.
Thelwall, carrying with it, as it does, in its cir-
cumstantial details, every appearance of truth
and accuracy. There is in this country but too
great a disposition to worship wealth, and to
forget, in the regard for it, the means by which
it was acquired. It is the duty of all those who
have the power to seek occasions like that pre-
sented by the funeral of Thomas Hardy, to cor-
rect the national failing. The occasion is certainly
a striking one ; Thomas Hardy dies not only a poor
man, but having been indebted for his means ofsub-
sistence for several years to the subscriptions of
a few friends, and yet his remains are deposited
in the grave in the presence of a countless mul-
titude, who show the strongest sense of his ser-
vices to the great cause of his country. At
that funeral the inscription is furnished for a mo-
nument to another man, who will die as rich as
Crcesus, but whom his wealth will not screen
from the expression by the people of their strong
disapprobation of his public conduct. As there
are few men indifferent, whatever they may pre-
tend, to the opinion of the community, a lesson
like this will not be thrown away on otherrich men.
John Earl of Eldon has been consistent through-
out hi 3 long life. He sought not the good of
the people, but his own ; and for his own he was
ready to embrace mea►►s respecting which there
cannot well be two opinions with people who
think as they ought to think. He has fought
to the last against the cause of the people—
against every improvement in our institutions.
He has already had the mortification of witness-
ing the triumph of a ma❑ (Earl Grey) who,
we believe, was one of the number who would
have felt the condemnation of Hardy and Tooke.
He will yet live to witness other mortifications ;
and the funeral of Hardy will supply a contrast
which will not soon escape from the memory of
the people.—Morning Chronicle.
We do not believe that a close and effective
blockade of the coast of Holland is practicable,
especially during winter, even although the whole
naval force of England and France were to be
engaged in this expensive and unprofitable pro-
ject. But, although the blockade be partial and
imperfect, it cannot fail to inflict serious injury
upon Dutch commerce. This must be admitted.
The question in this as in all other wars, how-
ever, will be, not whether the war inflicts injury,
for this is the constant and necessary effect of
war upon both parties, but whether the compa-
rative injury to the several belligerents is likely
to be such as to make Holland or her enemies
first tired of the contest, and ready to make sat ri-
flees in order to bring it to a conclusion. When
the subject is regarded in this point of view
there is, as it seems to us, no reason why the
King of the Netherlands should succumb to the
iniquitous dictation of France and England from
apprehension of the threatened blockade. He
cannot, it is true, beat off their blockading
squadrons. He cannot repay them in kind by
a blockade of any of their ports. He cannot,
against such powerful antagonists, keep the sea
with a fleet, nor will he attempt it. But in spite
of their blockade, however vigilant, Dutch pri-
vateers, armed with his letters of marque, will
find it easy to get out of the ports of Holland
and back again, or into other of the northern ports,
with the rich spoils cf British commerce ; and
although in this kind of warfare England may
retaliate, it is not difficult to foresee that, from
the more abundant harvest afforded by the Bri-
tish than by the Dutch foreign trade, Holland
will be enabled to carry it on with a very decided
advantage over Great Britain. Ths partisans of
the Administration pretend it is for the interest

of our commerce that they engage in this per-
nicious and absurd proceeding. We should like
to see the men who frequent Lloyd's and the
Royal Exchange come to a vote upon the sub-
ject.—Morning Post.
Lord Henley's address to the electors of the
county of' Middlesex will be found in another
part of this day's paper, and we commend its pe-
rusal to all who take an interest in the election
for that important county, as one of the most
purely conservative character which we have ever
met with. It says nothing, in fact, except that
Lord Henley is connected with " no party"—that
" he is bound by no pledges"—that he is deter-.
mined to support our ancient and valued insti-
tutions (what institutions ?) ; but, nevertheless,
" to promote reformation in them where reason
tells him that reformation is necessary"—that is,
he is determined to protect all existing abuses ;
and yet he is determined to reform them ! With
regard to the public expenditure, he is to have
" a watchful regard over all its branches," as the
Tories have invariably had, to their own profit
and the great cost of the country ; and with re-
spect to " those intricate and conflicting interests
which will shortly come under the consideration
of the Legislature," he will endeavour to protnote
a just " and equitable adjustment of them."
There is no Tory, however conservative in his
principles, who would not pledge himself in the
same general and unsatisfactory manner ; and
let us hope that there are no electors in Middle-
sex but Tory electors who would give a vote to
such a candidate. Formerly we were afraid that
Lord Henley might prove a serious opponent to
Mr. Hume and Mr. Byng—but now we are per-
suaded that they are in no danger from such a
rival. Let them be true to themselves, and Lord
Henley's " extensive promises" will find him
but third best on the poll.—Morning Advertiser.

OLD BAILEY, OCT. 18.

OLD COURT.

William Chord, a schoolmaster, who had been
acquitted in the New Court, OR a charge of stealing
a silver milk-pot from Mr. Mott, was indicted for
having stolen a silver milk-pot, the property of Mr.
Deputy Brooke, silversmith.
The prisoner asked to look at the article, and

then ran away with it and escaped. Two days
afterwards he was apprehended for stealing a similar
article from Mr. Mott's shop; he was then found in
possession of Mr. Brooke's property.
The prisoner,a respectable-looking man, addressed
the Court, and stated that his object in having thus
obtained the milk-pot was by no means a felonious
one, but expressly for the purpose of introducing a
pamphlet be had written on the " State of the Cri-
minal Law," a subject he had at heart. Unable to
bring this pamphlet into notice, he struck upon this
mode of introducing it (a dangerous, and, as against
the laws, a wrong one, he could not but admit) ;
still he thought it might succeed, and under this
impression, supposing he would be followed and
taken before the Lord Mayor, he obtained the milk-
pot, and, after quitting the shop, stood at some
distance from it, but was not followed. Not suc-
ceeding in his object, he tried the same experiment
at the shop of Mr. Mott, a silversmith, and was
apprehended. He then gave the first milk-pot he
had obtained up to the officer, to whom he stated
the object he had in having run away with it, and
also the name of the party to whom it belonged ;
and added that, during the two days which elapsed
after he had taken it, he had watched the newspapers,
thinking the circumstance would be advertised, but
it was not, which made him very uneasy, and dis-
appointed him much.
The Learned JUDGE said this was as extraordi-
nary a case as he had ever heard. Had it appeared
to him that the prisoner had taken the milk•pot and
walked away with it slowly, and with the appear-
ance of stealing it, he would have stopped the case
on the instant. He hoped the Jury, if they were
of opinion that he had committed himself by the
erroneous view he had taken of the case, would give
him the benefit of it.

The Jury consulted together, and the general im-
pression was that the prisoner would have been ac-
quitted, but they pronounced him Guilty, with a
recommendation in his favour to the Court.
No man could have received a better character
for integrity and humane intentions than the pri-
soner had the benefit of from numerous very respec-
table persons.

NEW COURT.
William Clifford, a schoolmaster, was indicted for
stealing a silver milk-pot, laid in the indictment as
the property of William Mott.
The first witness stated that the prosecutor's
name was William Greenhill Mott ; and, on account
of the variance in the name, the prisoner was at once
acquitted.
The prisoner addressed the Court, observing
upon the hardship he had suffered in being thus ac-
cused, and in having the case thus disposed of; and
alleging that he was entitled to a full and honoura-
ble acquittal, which he hoped the Court would
pronounce in his favour.
He was removed from the bar.
It was stated in conversation in Court, that the
prisoner had written and published a pamphlet upon
the severity of capital punishments; that he had
dedicated it to Lord Grey, and had done his utmost
to draw to it the attention of that Noble Lord; but
that failing in doing so—at least to the extent he
wished—he had gone into the silversmith's shop,
and taken the milk-pot, in order to effect, through
the means of the Press, and of the inquiry which
such an act would give rise to, the object he desired.

SHERIFFS' COURT.-CHELMSFORD, OCT. 17.

BREACH OF MARRIAGE PROMISE.---WALFORD V. STONE

This was an inquiry before the Under Sheriff of
Essex, held at the Saracen's Head Inn, Chelms-
ford, to assess damages in an action for breach of
promise of marriage, brought by the plaintiff against
the defendant, in which the latter had suffered
judgment to go by default.
Mr. A. S. DOWLING appeared on the part of the
plaintiff, and stated the circumstances of the case.
The parties, at the time of their becoming acquaint-
ed with each other, were living in the family of Mr.
Byles, a miller, at Kelvedon—the plaintiff in the si-
tuation of housekeeper, and the defendant as a jour-
neyman miller, boarding in the house, with compe-
tent wages. The plaintiff had maintained an un-
blemished character, and was highly respected by
her master; the defendant also, he believed, was
considered a good and faithful servant. The inti-
macy which subsisted between them, in consequence
of the constant intercourse which took place, led to a
mutual affection, and the most solemn promise on the
part of the defendant that they should be married. In
the reliance which those promises produced, the plain-
tiff unfortunately, by placing unlimited confidence in
the pledges of the defendant, admitted that close con-
nexion which ended in her pregnancy; and, on the
discovery of that circumstance, in September, 1831,
she was necessarily obliged to quit her service.—
Had it not been for that untoward event, Mr. Byles
would have had great pleasure in continuing her
under his roof. After she left Mr. Byles's house,
the defendant manifested great anxiety that it should
appear to the world they had been married, and
under renewed promises that their union should take
place, he prevailed on the plaintiff to represent her-
self as his wife. After her accouchement, the
plaintiff returned to Kelvedon, and the defendant
renewed his promise of marriage; but declining to
have it performed, the plaintiff returned to London,
and having affiliated the child on the defendant, he
was ordered .to pay 2s. 6d. a week towards its
support.
Witnesses having been called to prove the facts
above stated, and no Counsel appearing for the de-
fendant, the 'Under Sheriff summed up, and the

Jury, after a short consultation, 'returned a verdict
ror the plaintiff—Damages, 601

MIDDLESEX SESSIONS, OCT. 18.

LICENSES FOR PUBLIC DANCING AND MUSIC.

The Court proceeded to hear applications under
the Act of the 25th George 11. cap. 36, for the
renewal of licenses heretofore granted for public
dancing, music, and other public entertainments of
the like kind.

Renewal of the following licenses was refused:—
White Conduit House; the Eagle Tavern and
Grecian Saloon, Shoreditch ; the Orange Coffee-
house; the Crown Tavern; and the Garrick Theatre.
The following applications for new licenses were.
refused :—The Yorkshire S'ingo, as a public nuis-
ance; the Union Tavern, Bagnigge Wells-road; the
Northumberland Arms, ditto ; the Eagle, Camden
Town; the Royal Clarence Theatre; the Black Horse,
Boswell-court ; the White Hart ; the Three Com-
passes, Mile-End-road ; the Gun Tavern, Poplar ;
Rose and Crown, Charlotte-street ; the Rising Sun;
the Royal Portman Theatre, Portman-market, re-
fused, as being unfinished ; the Swan Tavern, HUD..
gerford-market ; the Duchess of Cumberland, Vaux-
hall-bridge-road; the Northumberland Arms, Clerk-
enwell green.

REFUSAL TO LICENSE THE NEW STRAND THEATRE.

Mr. ALLEY applied for this license, and stated
that he had a memorial in favour of the theatre,
signed by many respectable persons of the neigh-
bourhood. The memorial was re•+d.

Mr. ADOLPHUS opposed it.
Mr. Rayner contemplated an entire change in the
nature of his performances.
The application was refused; and Mr. Rayner
was told he had better apply when he should have
actually changed the nature of his entertainments.

SECOND EDITION.

SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock.

THE LONDON GAZETTE

THIS EVENING.

ST. JAMES'S-PALACE, OCTOBER 12, 1852.
The King was this day pleased to confer the honour of
Knighthood on Charles Eurwicke Douglas, Esq., King of Arms
of the most distinguished Order of St. Michael and St. George.

WAR-OFFICE, OCTOBER 19, 1832.
Ist Regiment of Life Guards—R. Brooke, Gent., to be Cornet
and Sub-Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Lord C. P. Clinton, who
retires, Oct. 18.
4th Regiment of Dragoon Guards—W. H. Harper, Gent., to
Cornet, by purchase, vice Holdsworth, promoted, Oct. 19.
3d Regiment of Light Dragoons—T. M. Cocksedge, Gent. to
be Cornet, by purchase, vice Downes, promoted, Oct. 19.
sth Regiment of Foot—Captain J. W. King, from the half-pay,
to be Captain, vice G. W. Butler, who exchanges, receiving the
difference, Oct. 19.
9th Foot—Lieutenant C. Dormer, from the 24th Regiment, to
be Lieutenant, vice W. Jackson, who retires on the half-pay of
the Royal Staff Corps, Oct. 19.
24th Foot—Lieut. W. G. Hughes, from the half-say of the
Royal Staff Corps, to be Lieutenant, vice Dormer, appointed to
the 9th Regiment, Oct 19.
57th Foot—J. Hennen, Gent. to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice
Cutler, whose appointment has not taken place, Oct. 19.
77th Foot, Assistant-Surgeon C. Dealey, from the 15th Light
Dragoons, to be Surgeon, vice O'Halloran, deceased, Oct. 19.