The Sun.
London, England, 1866-07-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—On Thursday Windsor was all holyday-
making, and at the Castle there were gorgeous pro-
cessions, heralds, triumphal marches, courtiers,
diplomatists, pillars of State, and the cheif celebri-
ties of the realm. All was bright and glorious and
peaceful for the day. Yesterday the mirage had
melted away, and in its place there were two pro-
gresses to Windsor, one to resign the government
of this great empire, the other to assume it. No
doubt, both were serious enough, for if in the for-
mer case there is a sense of diminution, there is also
a relief from labour and anxiety, and if in the lat-
ter case there is victory, there is also instant care
and future solicitude. If we are to judge by ex-
perience, it is only common kindnesss to political
men to relieve them periodically from their burdens,
and give them intervals in which they may either
do nothing at all or amuse themselves with the
lighter office of speculation and criticism. Unless a
man has, like Lord Palmerston, a special power of
taking his troubles lightly and disengaging himself
from them altogether, a statesman wears fast in
harness, and ought to repose now and then. It is
the master faculty of judgment more than any other
that suffers by a long strain, and the result of over-
work is not that a great man cannot remember,
calculate, declaim, and reason after a fashion, but
that he sinks to the level of ordinary men possessed
of these accomplishments. The men who went to
Windsor yesterday to hand over the insignia of of-
fice to their opponents were fortunate in this, that
they are the survivors of a long war in which many
have been, one may say, killed or rendered incapa-
ble of action. However, such is the spirit of Eng-
lishmen, and so slow are they to give in, that no
doubt all these high functionaries felt rather crest-
fallen when they returned to Paddington in the
capacity of private gentlemen. No doubt, too,
their successors, particularly those who were
new to office, felt elated. That feeling will
soon give way to more serious occupations, and
in process of time the incomers will find them-
selves outgoers, and will have the opportunity of
comparing the two sensations, The British public
is respectful to political misfortune, but not very
sympathetic. It sees too many changes for that,
and it can give its own reasons for them, generally
quite as good as those fancied by the sufferers.
Just now there is something else to compare with a
Ministerial resignation and the defeat of a party.
Just now our ousted Government may favourably
compare its case with that of the Austrian Emperor,
Archduke, or Commander-in-Chief, or any one of
the crowd of potentates suddenly submerged by the
rising tide of German unity. But what means this
movement to and fro, and why has our Government
passed from a dozen old and tried hands to a dozen
others, certainly with less stamp of popularity, ex-
perience, and actual achievement? Never was
there so little occasion for so great a change. The
party which has just performed this sad pilgrimage
to Windsor has cut out its own destiny as tho-
roughly as the poor creatures who used to travel
not, quite so far in the same direction, and there
end their journey. Lord Russell and Mr. Glad-
stone, if, indeed, they are equally responsible in
this matter, took a course that was scarcely possible
not to end in failure. They were well aware.that
Parliamentary Reform was the most delicate, the
most difficult, and, the most dangerous affair they
could undertake ; and they had before them warn-
ing of several recent attempts. Indeed, they be-
trayed their own sense of the perils before them at
the very time that they refused warning, rejected
advice, disdained assistance, and took the very
course that was most hazardous. They combined
two great errors of an opposite character. Instead
of being cautious in design and bold in execution,
their design was rash and precipitate, their excution
weak, timid, and suspicious. There is something
almost feminine in the temerityof the project,and the
feebleness and inconsistency with which it has been
prosecuted. No Reform is possible but a mode-
rate and fair measure, which shall not greatly dis-
turb thebalance of classes and of parties. Parliament
may pass such a measure ; it will not pass more ; and
there is no power or spirit in the land to make it
pass a larger measure. Nor is there any reason
for a larger measure, since the strongest advocates
for Reform—nay, the most violent partisans of the
late Government—do not allege that the country is
misgoverned, that its rulers fail of their duty, and
good laws cannot be passed. A moderate measure,
then, was a necessity of the case. But that measure
ought to have been carefully elaborated, produced
in a complete form, openly exhibited, and boldly
pressed on the Legislature, with a clear understand-
ing as to the details left open for discussion. Such
a measure, so conducted, might have succeeded;
and, at all events, its rejection would have thrown a
serious responsibility on the Conservative Opposi-
tion, a still more serious responsibility on dissenting
Liberals. What has been actually done is the pre-
cise contrary of all this. Lord Russell could not be
plain, open, and bold, because his design did not
admit of it, and could only be prosecuted by a dif-
ferent policy. The measure was aggressive. It
aimed at the invasion and annexation of seats from
the one side of the political world to the other.
The propriety of such an attempt we cannot gain-
say, if a justification can be made out, and if the
circumstances are favourable. This was the case 30
years ago; it is not the case now. However, Lord
Russell conceived the design, and found he could
not effect it by an open, straightforward policy. He
took ill advice. He had an understanding where he
ought not. He attempted strategy, by which to
win a position which would place Parliament at his
mercy. Of course he failed, and his yesterday's
journey to Windsor is the inevitable consequence of
the attempt. The consolation which the late Go-
vernment takes to itself, and which no doubt greatly
consoled the dreariness of yesterday's ceremonial, is
that their successors have now to run for the same
stakes. That, of course, is the probability, as far
we can see. Not only is it the probability,
but certain heads are doubtless already at work
to devise the Resolution which shall compel
the new Government to bring in a Reform Bill,
should it ask time or betray hesitation. The annals
of Parliament, however, are not perfectly uniform,
or capable of exact anticipation, for many things
may occur between this and next February which
would make any mode of dealing with this subject
inopportune. They who insist upon a repetiton of a
highly dangerous and, unsuccessful experiment have
not all the reasons on their side, for their example
is itself a warning against their advice, which can-
not, moreover, be supposed altogether disinterested.
We will hope that the peaceful and prosperous state
of the country, and the more settled condition of
continental affairs, will present an opportunity for a
moderate and well-considered measure of Reform
that shall be fair to all classes, interests, and parties.
For such a measure Lord Derby may reckon on a
very considerable and decisive support beyond the
ranks of his partisans. His predecessor managed
to dissipate a majority which was once estimated at
seventy, and was certainly not less than fifty ; and
it is quite comfortable to well-known precedents
that he should reverse the operation by converting
a minority into a majority. In fact, what is Con.
servatism, and what has been Lord Derby's own
career? The test of political creeds is their results,
and so-called Conservative Statesman have gene-
rally shown themselves ready for any Liberal mea-
sure, except when it was purposely made an engine
of political warfare. The Conservatives are now
on their trial. On the other hand, Lord Russell
and his friends are not quite clear of the ordeal. If
they oppose a good measure factiously, as they did
in 1859, posterity, possibly Parliament, will appre-
ciate their motives, and condemn them as Reformers
when it answered their purpose, and then only.

TIIE " ANGLO-AMERICAN TIMES."—The Rev.
Henry Ward Beecher lately preached a ser-
mon, taking for his text the Divine precept,
" Overcome evil with good." His sermon was poli-
tical, and therefore a subject which we have a right
to follow in the steps of this great orator. Mr.
Beecher preached peace and goodwill, and his text
was brought forcibly to bear on the action of the
United States against the Fenianinvasion of Canada,
and more forcibly still on the manner a Christian
nation should act towards conquered brethren.
We feel the greatest diffidence in approaching a
subject of such vital importance as this latter
but we feel also the keenest interest in what re.