The Sun.
London, England, 1859-09-03 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, SEPTEW_EIt
.3, 1859.

AWYER'S FAMOUS LONDON DINNER
K., will be served on THURSDAY, Bth September, from 2 till
8 o'clock, for 2s. 6d.. including Grouse and a fine Haunch of
Venison.—F. Sawyer, 191, Fleet-street.

THE LONDON. NOTICE.—The attention
of Gentlemen is particularly drawn to the fine Haunch
of Venison that is dressed daily at THE LONDON, at Five
o'clock.—F. Sawyer, 191, Fleet-street. •

rrHE LONDON.—The attention of Gentlemen
1 Is especially drawn to the advantaaes offered in these
elegant and spacious Saloons, which fulfil all the require-
ments of a West-end club of the most aristocratic and exclu-
sive character.
l.'on tronve dans la Salle de Lecture non- seulement lea
meilleurs journeaux Anglais, mats aussi Allemand, Francais,
et Beige.

F. SAWYER, Proprietor, 191, Fleet-street.

THE LONDON.—S AW Y E R'S famous
LONDON DINNER, consisting of two soups, two
ash, two entrees,joints, two sweets, cheese, and salad, at a
fixed charge of 2s. 6d. (attendance, 3d.), is served from Two
till Eight in the spacious Saloon.
In the Coffee-room, Dinners from the joint, with vegetables,
cheese, and salad, Is. 6d. (attendance 3d.), and soup, fish, en-
trées, &c., a la carte, are served from One till Nine o'clock.
Ladies' Private Rooms and Dining Saloons. Spacious and
well-ventilated Wine, Coffee, and Smoking Saloon.
An extensive and carefully selected stock of Rhenish, Mo-
selle, and other Wines, imported expressly for the London
Dinner. Open on Sundays from Four till gine.
F. SAWYER, Proprietor, 191, Fleet-street

THE QUEEN'S HOTEL, Queenstown.—Mr.
ROBERT WILSON respectfully apprises tourists and
families visiting this delightful watering-place, the air of
which is famed throughout Europe,-that the splendid esta-
blishment so well known as the " Queen's Hotel " has come
under his management. This hotel is one of the finest in the
United Kingdom ; and besides being furnished with all the
luxuries and appliances of a First-class Hotel, it combines all
the advantages of a beautiful situation, commanding charm-
ing views, the best attendance, ample accommodation either
for families or single visitors, close contiguity to the steam-
boat pier, and the finest promenades of Queenstown, and a
scale of prices so moderate as to enable its visitors to enjoy
all the advantages of a first-class hotel on the same terms
they would have to pay in a minor one. From its open and
healthful situation the Queen's Hotel is also peculiarly suit-
able for invalids.

ROYAL ALHAMBRA PALACE.-
McCOLLUM'S GREAT ANGLO-SAXON CIRCUS,
The most extensive and finest Equestrian Troupe in the
World, comprising the first artistes of Europe and America.
Two Grand performances daily, commencing at 3 and 8 p.m.
Doors open at half-past 2 and half-past 7.

ARGYLL ROOMS, Great Windmill-street,
Piccadilly. —These elegant rooms are now open for the
Winter Season for Promenade Concerts, with the celebrated
Argyll Band, conducted by Mons. A. Lamotte ; prinepal
cornet-a-pt4ton, M. Boulcourt. Dancing at 10 o'clock. Doors
open at 8, commence at half-past. Admission, Is.

THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ROOMS,
High liolborn, RE-OPENED for the SEASON.—This
establishment, pre-eminently distinguished for the elegan :e
and matchless beauty of its decorations, •mbined with the
perfection of its management, is OPEN EVERY EVENING.
Great alterations and improvements have been made during
the recess, and nothing has been left undone that could en-
hance the beauty of the place, or increase the comfort of the
visitors. Doors open at half-past 8; overture at 9; closing
at 12 punctually. Admission is.

TVHE DETECTION OF ARSENICAL
POISONING, Sm., illustrated, and REICH'S,
MARSH'S, and other Tests, fully and experimentally ex-
plained, with remarks on the fallacies of the Faculty, at Dr.
KAHN'S „MUSEUM (top of the Haymarket), Daily at 2,4,
and 8 o'clock. Admission ls.
The HANDBOOK, including Dr. KAHN'S LECTU •1 ES
on the PHILOSOPHY of MARRIAGE, free by post for 12
stamps, direct from the Author, 17, Harley-street, Cavendish-
square, W.

‘TINEGAR. Patronised by her Majesty's
V Government.—CONDY'S PATENT PURE CONCEN-
TRATED MALT VlNEGAR.—Families, by using this de-
icious Vinegar, insure purity, and effect a saving of 50 per
ent. See Report of Dr. Letheb', City Officer of Health ;Dr
Hassell, of the "Lancet" Commission, and others. Sold by
the Trade, in bottles labelled and capsuled. Wholesale, 63,
King William-street, London-bridge, E.C.—Six Quart Sample
ent free to any Railway for 3s. 6d.

(3cLENFIELD PATENT STARCH,
USED IN THE ROYAL LAUNDRY,
kND i•RONOUNCED BY HER MAJESTY'S LAUNDRESS to be
THE FINEST STARCH SHE EVER USED.
WHEN YOU ASH FOR
GLENFIELD P &TENT STARCH,
SEE THAT YOU GET IT,
As inferior kinds are often substituted.
Sold by all Chandlers, Grocers, &c., &a.
WOTHERSPOON & CO.. GLASGOW AND LONDON

people of the other States, and have the same feel-
ings; but, unlike the people of the other States,
the yoke of the Pilgrim Fathers has descended on
them, and nothing short of a revolutionary move-
ment—a protected ballot•box—will ever break it
down. The material interests of Massachusetts are
in fact quite antagonistic to the doctrines of the
party which has ever been in power; and so long
as that is the case the experience of Mr. Dana and
his friends may as well be kept at home.
The system of ballot voting comes scatheless,
therefore, out of its present seeming trouble. It is
an inevitable and easy sacrifice that the rich must
make to the poor and the strollg to the weak. Nor
could England with the ballot be less contented
and prosperous than England at the present time.
Where upon the American continent has the com-
patibility of civil freedom with prosperity and con-
tentment been more clearly demonstrated than in
the western States, where men outside the admini-
stration of the law labour sedulously, not only to
create a stock of useful products, but to preserve
the stock to those to whom it properly belongs and
to their heirs for ever ?

PAT BARRY,
Ex-Member of the New York and

Chicago Press.

Sir,—With the permission of the writer I send
the enclosed letter from Mr. Wilkinson, formerly
member for Lambeth, for publication in your paper.
In considering the remedies to be applied to the
defects in our present electoral system, the first
point to aim at is a perfect knowledge of the extent
of the evils to be dealt with, and to this end the
testimony of the late member for Lambeth, and the
candidate for Reigate, is importat4.
Whilst with 'my pen in hand, M me add a word
on the subject of the recent rejoicings of our op-
ponents over the letters addressed by Mr. Dana to
Lord Radstock on the ballot in America. They
would have us belie've that the people of the United
States do not care for the protection of the secret
vote. My answer to this is—Find me a dozen sane
men in the tree States of America who would ex-
change their mode of voting for ours.
It is true that, owing to the great independence
and general equality of the population of the agri-
cultural states, absolute secrecy is not much cared
for. In Massachusetts, however, where there is a
large proportion of the people employed in trade
and manufactures, a demand has been made for an
improved system of taking the ballot, which shall
afford perfect protection to the voter, and it has
already been partially successful.
My answer, once for all, to those who triumph
over the inefficiency of the system elsewhere is,
give me a trial of the ballot in one election for any
lirge borough in this country, and 1 will undertake
to devise a plan which shall afford complete pro-
tection to the voter. Will this really commend it
to the favour of those who are now parading the
want of secrecy in the United States ?
But I will go further. If after one such trial a
constituency voluntarily resolves to abandon the
orderly, peaceful, moral ballot, and return to our
present mode of taking the poll, I will engage to
accept their decision, and say no more'upon the
subject during the rest of my political life.
I am, y our obedient servant, 11. COBDEN.
August 31, 1859.

LETTER FROM W. A. WILKINSON, ESQ. TO
R. COBDEN, ESQ., MY.
August 20, 1859.
My dear Mr. Cobden,—l observe that in your
speech the other day to the non-electors of Rocly=
dale, you gave, as a reason for the absence of
bribery at elections in America, the largeness of
constituencies, and stated your opinion of the im-
possibility of carrying an election by bribery at
Manchester, or Leeds, or any other large town.
Now this was once my own opinion, but experience
has convinced me that this opinion was erroneous,
and as bribery is just as easy, or even more easy, in
a large constituency than in a small one—at all
events in the present state of our electoral law—
and for this reason :
In a small constituency bribery is chiefly practised
by the direct payment of money, which is against
the law, and easy of detection ; whereas, in a large
constituency, bribery is accomplished by the hiring
of an army of canvassers, and a hundred or two of
public-houses, which is not against the law, and
may, therefore, be perpetrated with impunity. All
that is necessary in the latter case is a larger ex-
penditure of money.
If two candidates were to come before such a con-
stituency as that of Marylebone, or Finsbury, or
Lambeth—no matter what the difference of their
respective qualifications (except in some extreme
case of the appearatee of a man of great notoriety,
like yourself)—and one of those candidates took the
course which I have described, and the other did
not, I believe you would find no two opinions in
the borough as to the result.
As I am not without experience of both sorts of
constituencies, I am sure you will excuse my ob.
truding my notions upon you, the more especially
as your eminent position has deprived you, in a
great measure, of this experience; and as you will,
no doubt, be called upon to take a considerable part
in the framing of any new reform bill, when it will
be important to determine whether the largeness of
a constituency has any influence, and what influ-
ence, on its capacity for bribery.
I am, my dear Mr. Cobden, yours truly,
W. A. WILKINSON.
Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P.

he also forgets) he will find the addresses in which
the colonels solicited for their regiments the honour
of marching as the advanced guard of the army
charged with demanding an account of that land
of impunity which is the den of the monsters that
seek shelter beneath her laws.' The Government
did its duty, it disavowed those imprudent menaces;
but the impression was produced, and it is not yet
effaced. Strictly speaking, those deplorahle -provo-
cations could be then explained brthe first and
irresistible burst of indignation, and would thus
lose much of their importance; but only 15 days
back a member of the Legislative Corps (Granier
de Cassagnac), with calculatd solemnity, announced
in the Journal de 'Enzioire ( Pays ) and in the Cbm-
stitutionnel that France could henceforth, at her
own pleasure, and choosing her own time, ' sud-
denly throw' from 50,030 to 60,000 men on any
point it pleased of an enemy's territory. Now, why
was this menace so coolly uttered, and without ap-
parent motive ? England thought that the
warning was directed to her, and we have no-
where seen that means have been taken to unde-
ceive her. Will it, then, be said that she is wrong
to be moved by it ?
"M. de Morny is of opinion that the straight-
forwardness and pacific intentions of the Emperor'
ought to reassure England. Here, again, we are
sorry not to share his opinion, and we submit our
reason to his judgment. In his speech of the 7th
February to the Legislative body, the Emperor of
the French, after having said that he did every-
thing in his power to consolidate the alliance be-
tween France and England, added—' Therefore, to,
attain this end, so important to the peace of the
world, I have on every occasion passed over the
irritating remembrances of the past, the attacks of
calumny, even the national prejudices of MY coun-
try.' And the Constitutionnel of yesterday, natu-
rally more explicit, says—' If, instead of putting a
curb upon the national animosityf he had excited
it, thinking only upon an ephemeral popularity,
who can say that France, at his voice, would not
have risen like one man ?'

" What! there is, we are told, so sbong an ani-
mosity, such national prejudices among us that if
the head of the State excited them instead of hold-
ing them in, France would rise like one man, and
then people are astonished that England should
take a serious view of the matter? The Emperor
of the French is master,of his own sentiments, but
is he equally =aster of the future ? Who can
affirm that events may not on a future day lead him
to excite and exalt the pretended animosity and
these prejudices which he now takes no notice of ?
He himself has anticipated this formidable extre-
mity, and in his letter addressed on the Ist March
last to Sir F. Head, he says—' It would then be-
come impossible for me to calm the passions which

I should have let loose.'
" And, moreover, these considerations are not
n"cessary, however serious enough they may be, to
explain the armaments of England. Europe, only
three months ago, was on the eve of a general war,
and it is this fact which explains the sudden and
unexpected peace of Villafranca. Will it be alleged
that in a war of the kind England had no part
to perform ? And to perform that part had
she no preparation to make ? The people
who were the soul of the four greatest coali-
tions which the world has witnessed since the close

of the 15th century—who struggled victoriously
against Louis the Fourteenth who arrested
Gustavus Adolphus in his enterprise against Den-
mark, and Catherine against Turkey—who main-
tained against the French Republic and against the
French empire a struggle without example in his-
tory—who have peopled the United States, British
America, India, rind Australia, and who have
planted on every point of the globe colonies of which
some are great and powerful States—such a people
cannot remain simple spectators of events capable of
changing the face of Europe. Above all, such a
people cannot expose themselves to again behold
Tromps and Ruyters ascend the Thames to London-
bridge. It is alleged, it is true, that such things
may be repeated, since steam has changed all th e
conditions of maritime warfare. We are incompe:

tent to judge the value of this assertion, repeated
so often for some time past, and which wants the
sanction of experience. It seems to us, however,
that England is still situated so as to render dif-
ficult, if not impossible, the only thing which could
seriously menace her—namely, the combination of
all the fleets of Europe. She cuts off the commu-
nication of the north with thesouth ; and we do not
see how the Baltic fleets could join those of the At-
lantic, and still less those of the Mediterranean.
These notions of maritime coalitions are no longer
of our time, and, besides, history teaches us that
they are almost powerless. In the American war
the French and Spanish fleets could not come to-
gether after the battle of the 12th of April, 1782 ;
and at a later date they met at Ferrol and Tra-
falgar.
" What is certain in every case is that, to attack
and vanquish on so many points so proud and
strong a Power, France would be condemned to
immense efforts, which would produce catastrophes
without compensation. Louis XIV. was convinced
that any attempt at a landing would only increase
the defensive power of England ; and Napoleon,
at the very moment he was preparing the most
formidable attack that ever threatened England,
said that the going there was less embarrass-
ing than the coming back in face of a nation
that would rise to a man. What was true then
holds good to-day, and this is what renders so
politic the passions of those who rave about an in-
vasion of England. What do they want ? To de-
stroy her manufactories, to burn down her capital P
Assuredly not ; such acts of barbarity would be an
anachronism—they are no longer possible. But
then why invade England? France also has been
invaded, not by a single army, but by the whole of
Europe. Is she now less strong, less great, less
feared ?
" England, a great maritime Power, is not, and
never will be, a great military Power. But in
place of an army of soldiers she has her legions of
working men, who constitute her glory and her
fortune, and who secure to her the only preponder-
ance to which she can, ought, and desires to pre-
tend. It is against this army that we ought to
combat ; and can this point we are perfectly agreed
with M. de Morny, and we borrow, unhesitatingly,
his own words :
" ' This is the sort of war which we must wage
with England ; let as complete resolutely all our
means of transport and locomotion ; let us place
them in communication with our coal mines ; let us
reduce the dues on raw material and on manufac-
tured goods ; let us imitate the English people in
everything in which we are wanting ; let us seek
eur strength in the spirit of joint companies with-
out always appealing to the Government for aid ;
let us learn how to turn credit to account; let us
endeavour to acquire and preserve, by a prudent
use of it, that liberty which makes a man the abso-
lute master of his own property, aul which is only
limited by wrongfully acting towards others. Yes,
let us wage against England a commercial and in•
dustrial war, a fight of progress and civilisation,
frank, straightforward,l tending to the benefit of all
parties.'
" This is the true language of a politician. If
certain journals and certain personages in France
had never held any other language and never ex-
pressed other sentiments, M. de Morny would not
iTa to complain of articles in English newspapers,
nor of speeches in Parliament. Those speeches and
those articles would have been without motive,
without excuse, and, at any rate, without echo.
France and England have nothing to gain ; on the
contrary, they have to lose immensely by weaken-
ing each other. Their security,, their grandeur,
and their influence command reciprocal protection
and mutual aid in their liberty and the promotion
of their welfare. They will thus substitute an en-
larged, humane, and glorious policy for that narrow
anti-social policy which has so long inflicted evil
on Europe. Routine and prejudice may murmur
and protest, but reason and good sense will applaud,
• and that is sufficient."

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