The Sun.
London, England, 1835-04-16 00:00:00

PARKES'S CHEMICAL CA TECHISM—New Edition.
- - Just published, in Bvo. 13th editicn,bds.
THE CHEMICAL CATECHISM. By the
late SAMUEL PA RKES, F. L. G. and W. S. , &c. &c.,
Author of " Chemical Essays," " Rudiments of Chemistry," &c.
Revised and adapted to the present state of Chemical Science, by
E.W.Brayley, jun., A. L. S., of the London Institution.
"'From a careful review of its contents, we are induced to
believe that the new edition of the Chemical Catechism will be-
come as useful a medium of imparting the leading truths of
Chemical Science, in its actual state of comparative advancement,
as the earlier editions were found to be, in former stages of its
progress."—L. and E. Philosophical Magazine, March 1835.
London : Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, Green, and Longman.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Ist of May, ss. in cloth,

riIHE SECOND VOLUME
a OF THE CONTINUATION OF THE HISTORY OF
ENGLAND, from Smollett to the present time. To be com-
pleted in 6 volumes.
By the Rev. T. S. HUGHES, 8.D.,
Prebendary of Peterboro'.
Hume's History may be had separately in 8 volumes, Smollett in
5, and the Continuation in 6, all illustrated in a similar manner.

" Mr. Hughes's undertaking was one of no mean difficulty ; he
has, however, executed his task in a way equally honourable to his
derstanding and his industry, and the result is an impartial and
uncritical history of one of the most important epochs of ancient or
modern times. We have been much pleased with the Preliminary
Essay. The characters of the distinguished individuals who have
played their parts' during the last half century, are, as far as we
can judge from the volume before us, impartially and vigorously
drawn ; freed, in many instances, from that party-spirit which has
hitherto hidden their true lineaments. The remarks on the science
of government, and on the state of parties, are judicious and lucid ;
and, on the whole, we may congratulate ourselves on having a his-
tory of the times to which it relates, and worthy also of the works
of which it is a continuation."—Monthly Magazine.
Of this Continuation we are bound to speak in terms of high
approbation."—John Bull.
" The first volume, as a specimen of typography, is excellent: it
is in size portable, without being too small, and of a price which
will render it attainable by all classes of readers. The Preliminary
Essay is most useful as an introduction to a perfect comprehension
of what is to follow ; it is written in a tone of impartiality and fair-
ness as to statements and deductions, and with elegance and conden-
sation as to style. The work, to those who have neither time,
taste, nor opportunity, for consulting more bulky historians, will
prove a source of entertainment and instruction."—The Times.
" In the higher attributes of fidelity and sound constitutional
principles Mr. Hughes stands so eminently high, that hardly any
degree of eulogium that designated them would be misplaced. "
Metropolitan Mag.
Printed and published by A. J. Valpy, and sold by all Book-
sellers.

THE COMMITTEE of the CITY of LON-
DON CONSERVATIVE ASSOCIATION think it right
to make known the principles on which the Society is formed.
They are, in the first place, desirous distinctly to state, that it
does not originate in any party views. Composed of members of
the middle class of society, all whose interests are bound up in the
general welfare of the State, it has no exclusive feelings to gratify,
or party objects to promote.
Neither has it in view any purpose unfriendly to the progress of
useful reform in the institutions of the country. No such reform
can be effected, in the advantages of which its members will not,
in their respective stations, fully participate.
But, consistently with the most earnest desire for real reform,
they feel the importance and the duty of upholding, in their full
force and integrity, the fundamental principles of the British Con-
stitution, from a deep conviction that to them, under Providence,
is the nation indebted, no less for the elements of its power and
prosperity, than for the civil and religious liberty it has so long
enjoyed.
And it is because these principles appear to them to be at this
moment seriously endangered that the members of this Association
feel themselves called upon to come forward in their defence.
The essence of the British Constitution has hitherto been un-
derstood to consist in upholding in their separate attributes, and in
their due proportions, the three estates of the realm. The tendency
of late events has been seriously to disturb and derange them.
The King having a few months since, in the exercise of his pre-
rogative, thought fit to change his constitutional advisers, in what
manner was this act of the Royal authority received by a portion
of the community ? Did they wait to examine the measures which
the King's Ministers might bring forward, and then, if the -occa-
sion should require, constitutionally express their judgment there-
upon ? Or did they exact on the hustings pledges from their re-
presentatives to an uncompromising opposition to the measures of
those Ministers before any one of them was brought forward for
consideration ?
If this fact be unhappily too notorious, may not the question be
asked, in what more direct manner the British Constitution could
be attacked ? If the Royal Prerogative be thus virtually annulled
—not on any constitutional ground of incompetency or corruption
in those towards whom the Royal choice was directed, but simply
because they were not selected from a particular party of public
men—what does it amount to but an abrogation of the powers of
the monarchy in its most vital organ ?
Of the proceedings of the House of Commons it becomes the
King's subjects to speak in no other than terms of respect. But
the people have a right to inquire, whether the late votes of
that branch of the Legislature have been in accordance with
the spirit of the Constitution, or 'nether they have pre-
sented to the view of the British nation the character
of mere party struggles, in which the true welfare of the
people has had no concern ? If a Minister, confessedly of all
other men the most competent to all the business of Government
—of vast knowledge and experience—of indefatigable industry
—of commanding powers of mind and unsullied honour
has been driven from his station, without the opportunity of bring-
ing forward his measures--for no other cause than that he was not.
a member of a particular party—and if this has been accomplished
by a union of parties in the House of Commons, who, but a few
months since, seemed to exhaust the powers of language in their
denouncement of each other's political principles—can it be said that
the weifire of the State has been sustained in such a conflict, or
that it is a gainer by the issue ?

Does it tend to uphold the Constitution to sec that, in disregard
of the pressing claims of public business—of the consideration of
matters of real urgency to the State—every object has been sacri-
ficed to the mere purpose of embarrassing his Majesty's Ministers,
and so compelling their retirement, without the slightest regard to
the question, whether others, more equal to the duties of Govern-
ment, could be found to replace them?
Of the particular vote which led to the retirement of the Minis-
try, it may be affirmed that it is awfully calculated to alarm the
dearest feelings of the British people. The right to appropriate
ecclesiastical property to purposes other than ecclesiastical has been
by that vote asserted. The majority by which that vote was car-
ried consisted of Roman Catholic Members of the House of Com-
mons. The oath by which those Members were understood to be
restrained from voting to the prejudice of the Protestant Church
has been found insufficient for its purpose, and the people of Eng-
land have now presented to them the spectacle of the Roman Ca-
tholic section of the lower House of Parliament disposing of the
revenues of the Protestant Church. Can this, again, be said to be
agreeable to the spirit of the Constitution ? If that constitu-
tion be essentially Protestant—if it has been hitherto its distin-
guishing glory, that, in all its parts, it upheld the Protestant
faith, as the nursery of pure religion (in which the conscientious
Dissenter and the member of the Church of England are equally
interested), as the truest guardians of the morals and the liber-
ties of the people of England—can it be maintained that the
interests of this Church were intended to be placed at the disposal
and under the control of Roman Catholic Members of Parliament?
And with respect to those Protestant Members of the House who
so voted, can it quiet the apprehensions of the people to perceive
that the same Members, who but lately determined that inquiry
should precede appropriation, now come forward to insist that ap-
propriation shall precede inquiry ; thus converting the sacred in-
terests of the Protestant religion into an engine of party conflict,
in which they owed their success to the votes of Roman Catholic
Members.

These proceedings appear to the members of this Association full
of peril to the highest interests of the nation. If Church property
in Ireland can be thus disposed of, what protection, they would
ask, remains for Church property in any other part of the United
Kingdom ?
The same course of action that has assumed the power to appro-
priate the one may appropriate the other, whenever another party
conflict shall demand another sacrifice to its views. And by what
tenure shall property of any kind be then held sacred?
It may be asked in what manner this Association will oppose itself
to these fearful inroads on the Constitution? The answer is, it will
take all such lawful and constitutional measures as circumstances
may from time to time render expedient for upholding the principles
of the British Constitution. It will take means to afford to candi-
dates on Conservative principles the opportunity of drawing forth on
any future election for the city of London the support of those who de-
sire to see conservative principles represented in Parliament. In
these objects its members can have nothing in view but the public
good; they have no purpose but that in which every constitutional
Englishman may cordially co-operate. They are convinced that the
cause they have in hand has suffered grievously
_from indolence, over-
confidence, and want of systematic exertion. As far as in them
lies, they will endeavour to prevent its suffering from these causes
any longer. The King will be faithful to his people if the people
are faithful to their King. No danger can be averted without ex-
ertion, nor can exertion be usefully applied without systematic ar-
rangement. The Committee earnestly invite the co-operation of
all who are determined to stand by the land-marks of the Constitu-
tion, and who are ready to sacrifice everything to preserve to the
nation the faith of their forefathers.

By order of the Committee,

THOMAS HOWELL, Joint
CHARLES ROWCROFT,f Secretaries.
City of London Tavern, April 16.

THE THAMES TUNNEL.—The most active exer-
tions are in progress at the Thames Tunnel to recommence
the work of carrying across the bed of the river this great
structure. Upwards of one hundred workmen are engaged in
a portion of the Tunnel in preparing for the reception of the
new shield, and other operations connected with the work.
The visitors arch, however, is still kept in the most clean and
dry state, and such is the increasing interest taken by the
public in the undertaking that upwards of one thousand persons
inspected the Tunnel last week.

The weather yesterday about noon changed ; it be-
came cold and cloudy ; about four we had rain and wind which
continued till eight in the evening, when a frost set in. To-
day it is a fine bracing frosty December day. Vegetation we
fear will suffer.

FIRST LOVE.—The foot-fall of Manby was music
to my ears. I was uncomfortably happy in his presence, and
unreasonably dejected during his absence. Again I sat in the
garden-house, but Manby was at my side, with one hand
clasped in his, and my head resting on his shoulder, twilight
enshrouded us, the stars came forth to gem the evening sky,
the moon rose in unclouded majesty, but I heeded them not,
for the glow of first love enwrapped all my faculties. The
murmured kiss, the half heaved sigh, the long, yet speaking
silence, made the hours fly like winged " moments ;" and the
one kiss at parting was an interchange of souls.—Old Maids.
Killed at Para, during the insurrection of the 7th
of januATFbra,party of the insurgents, when repairing to the
barraCks to join * constituted authorities of that place, Cap-
tain William Jit*talifiglis, a Captain in the navy of his Impe-
rial Majestrtho emperor of Brazil, and Commander of the
corvette Deencora.:This amiable young officer had served
with greaf distinctiptcon many occasions, and had acquired by
his honoutiblOind_Omfllent conduct the highest esteem and
respect:: . ifis iernalus.were interred in the British cemetery at
rT, attended by tli4rincipal British merchants of that place.
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