The Sun.
London, England, 1866-12-05 00:00:00

question. I have taken the number of votes given ' famine in Ireland—a famine whieh destroyed as
at the last election held for every borough and county many lives in that country as would have been de-
in the United Kingdom which was contested—the stroyed by a great war, and which drove into exile
last of all those elections which have been held since as many of the people of that island as would have
the passing of the Reform Bill, and I find that there been driven into exile by the most cruel and relent-
having been as far as I know, or nearly so, at least less conquest—it required all that before the Parlia-
one contest in every place since that time—though I ment of England, the men among whom I sat,among
am not sure that lam absolutely correct in that—l whom I sit now, whose faces are as familiar to me
find that the whole number of votes given at a con- as those of any persons whom I have known in life,
tested election in every borough and county is short
—I say it required all that before they would consent
t
of the number of 900,000, which is really about one to give up that intolerable wrong, and cease to tax
which was brought into
in eight of the men in this country ; and if you de-
the bread of an industrious community. (Cheers.)
Now, suppose that the bill
duct from that number the double votes—that is,
the house last session as a franchise bill only—a
course taken, as was admitted by Lord Russell, in
men who may vote for more than one county, or may
accordance with advice which I had publicly given
vote for a county and borough—in all probability
to the Government, and which advice I believe was
there would not be recorded more thanBoo,ooo votes
eminently sound and ought Lobe followed whenever
at a general election iu the United Kingdom were
this question is dealt with again by a Liberal and
there a contest in every county and every borough.
honest Government—l say
Well, I take the election of 1859, which is the last
of which information is given in the "Imperial Poll- suppose that that bill,
book," and 1 find there that the whole number of instead of being met with every kind of unfair and
votes recorded, so far as I could make them out at ungenerous opposition, had been accepted by the
the general election of 1859, was under 370,000. House of Commons, and had become law. What
Now, deducting double votes from these, in all pro- would have been the state of the country during the
bability there would not at that general election, or present autumn and winter ? It would have been
300,000 one of rejoicing and congratulation everywhere—
at the general election last year, be more than
not because the bill included everybody or 320,000 men who would record their votes. Some or satisfied
other allowances must be made, because there are everybody ; but all working men would have
boroughs and there may be counties in which opinion felt that the barrier created by the last Reform Bitl,
flows so much on one side that there could be no if not absolutely broken down, was at least so much
chance of a contest; as, for example, in the borough lowered that the exclusion was much less general,
I am permitted to represent, there would be no and less offensive. (Hear, hear.) You would have
contest, and that borough would not supply any had this result—that we as a people in these islands
w
figures to those lam quoting ; but there are many would have been no longer two nations ; we should
boroughs, as we all know, in which there is no con- have felt more that henceforth we were one people.
Every element of strength in the country would
test—small boroughs because there is no freedom of
election there—(cheers)—and there are many coun- have been immeasurably strengthened, and even to
the humblest of the unenfranchised would have been
ties also in which there is no contest, because there
is no freedom of election in thosecounties. (Cheers.) given a feeling of hope which would lead him to
) quote those numbers to show to you that when the believe in and to strive after something higher and
Queen orders through her Minieterswhat isgenerally better than that to which hitherto he had been able
to
called an appeal to the country—(cheers)—it is at attain. (Cheers.) Now, who prevented this?
the very utmost an appeal to 800,000 electors, and Surely we did not prevent it. We, who thought we
and in all probability that appeal is answered by
were speaking the general opinion of the people, ac-
the registered voters to the number of from 300,000 cepted the measure with an honourablesincerity and
to 400,000. (Cheers.) Well, after this, then, I fidelity. We said, "It is good to the point to which
undertake to say that the people are not, in the it steps forward. It is perfectly honest, it has no
sense of our constitution, a party to the laws, and
trick or subterfuge about it ; it will give satisfac-
that the Government of the United Kingdom, inthe Lion to some hundreds of thousands ; it will give
sense indicated in the quotation I have made from what is as great a boon—hope and confidence to
William Penn's preface to his Constitution, is not millions whom it does not include." And, there-
free to this people. (Cheers.) And let me tell fore, if not without some difficulty, yet with a per-
you, what doubtless many men have not thought of, feet honourableness, we accepted that measure.
that there is no form of government much worse Well, who opposed it ? Surely none other than
than the government of a sham representation. Lord Derby and the partyof which he is the acknow-
(Cheers.) A Parliament like our Parliament has 'edged and trusted leader. They and he opposed
number enough, and just enough of the semblance and rejected it, and they and he are responsible for
of representation, to make it safe for it to do almost all that has since been done in the country as a
anything it likes against the true interests of the
necessary and inevitable consequence of that rejec-
nation. There is nothing so safe in a Parliament hon. (Cheers.) Lord Derby now stands nearest to
like this as the commission of what is evil ; but there the Throne ; I venture to say not as a strength, but
is not representation enough to make it truly re-
as a weakness to the Throne—(cheers)—for in his
sponsible to the intelligence, and the virtue, and the
conduct last session—the conduct of his party which
opinions of the nation. (Cheers.) Take the case
he adopts—he thwarted at once the benevolent inten-
tons of the Crown and the just expectations of the
who believes that any monarch who ever sat on the people. (Cheers.) I confess
which is in the recollection of all of us—is there one
that I am rather sur-
British throne would dared in 1815 to have passed prised at the conduct of the Tory party in this
the Corn Law—to have brought into force and into
matter. When the bill was introduced i
House of Commons it into the
action in this city of London horse, foot, and artillery,
appeared to me to be the very
to have surrounded his own palace, to have beaten off least that any Ministers with
• •
a spark of sense or
the people who were protestingagaiust the enactment
honesty could offer on this question ,
believe that on and I did not
of that law? But the Parliament of England did that,
there was, the other side of the House
and a Parliament of landowners, for the express and I will say, if you like, bitter parti-
only purpose of increasing their own rents by the sanship enough, or stupidity enough, to induce
sacrifice of comfort, and plenty, and health, and life them to fight a combined battle with all who would
among the great body of the people. I won't go join them for the purpose of rejecting that bill. And
back to the time before the Reform Act, but only now one would suppose that the present Govern-
ment had troubles enough on hand in what is called