The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-09 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

M. N. o.—The best and safest route is by Turin—and the
chief difficulty is about—the passports. A state of war
overrides everything.

THE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, JUNE 9.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
74—highest since noon yesterday.
62—lowest this morning and during the night.
71—this day at noon.
BAROMETER-29.77.
WIND, North-Easterly ; rather fresh, with fine weather.

The acccounts from the seat of war confirm our
previous advices. It is now clear that the conse-
quences of the battle of Magenta are entirely in
favour of the allied armies, and that the cunning
lies of the Austrians about the renewed battle of
Sunday were all a feint to cover the shame
of their defeat. For see how the matter
now stands. The Emperor of the FRENCH
and the King of SARDINIA entered Milan,
the capital of Lombardy, yesterday morn-
ing, amidst the rapturous enthusiasm of the popu-
lation, numbering about 180,000 citizens ! If this
be not the fruits of victory, we shall look for better
in vain. And not only this, but the (victorious ! )
Austrians not only gave up the capital, but left Pavia
also, we presume, as another token of their triumph !
But, in order to make the best of a bad job, they
have now taken up a strong flanking position
between Abbiate-Grasso and Binasco. Well, if
they remain there twenty .four hours or more we
shall be rather surprised, for now that their des-
tiny is being sealed and the terror is working on
their apprehensive nerves, we may expect to hear
of another run for it in the direction of
Mantua and so on to Verona, whither the
Austrian authorities have wisely preceded them, to
prepare quarters for a night or two for the wonder-
fully boasting brave army that was to pillage
Turin, and perform such prodigies of valour as
would astonish even themselves. No, their doom
is sealed, and Italy will yet be free, though it may
take a little time.

The Austrian journals in London are endeavour-
ing to undervalue the results of the Allied progress
following in the wake of the telegrams from Vienna.
But it won't do. Fate is too strong for them.

Their mendacity may be very natural in the'shaky
state of their nerves, for when people are frightened
they hardly know what to do ; and it is with nations
as with individuals—to endeavour to make the best
of it. Now, in proof of this, just see the Austrian
official account of the battle of Magenta. Why
they state their loss at only 4,000 or 5,000 men !
Why put "or"in if they knew their loss ? The
thing is ridiculous. They think that by deceiving
themselves they can impose upon others ;
and the best of the joke is (if joke it be)
that they make the loss of the Allies half
as much again. After this, let them say
their prayers and hope for a safe deliverance.
We firmly believe that when Prince NAPOLEON sets
out with his army from Florence in the direction
Venice, and the French flotilla ascends the Po,
there will not remain an Austrian soldier in arms
in Lombardy.

Anything more petty, more paltry, or in its way I
more preposterous, could hardly be conceived than
the line of argument pursued on Tuesday evening
—during the debate upon the Amendment (to the
Address) moved on behalf of the Opposition—by the
hon, member for Devonport. The question before
the house for discussion was one of confidence or of
no confidence in her MAJESTY'S Government.
That momentous question, moreover, was but just
then submitted to the consideration of Parliament
in the midst of the distant cannonade of the great
European war now raging in Lombardy, and
threatening to spread far and wide among the
irritated and agitated nations of Christendom. ,
Yet actually at such a moment, Mr. JAMES
WILSON, late of the Treasury, and probably hoping
soon to be again of the Treasury, Could tax the
patience of the Commons with a dry may
of
figure's affecting' in no serious way whatever the
imperial interest s of Great Britain, but droned out
by him with inexorable precision, as though the
Legislature were crowded by schoolboys bound to
do so many ennui, in a given OW) and ec pstrained

by v. sense of academic obedience to listen respect-
fully to the oracular teachings of this
eminent Professor of Arithmetic. The exhi-
bition altogether would have been simply
ridiculous, had it not also been peculiarly
I melancholy, of its kind. It weighed at last upon
the spirits of the House like the remorse of a con-
science ill at ease. It was like a waking night-

mare bestridden by a pedagogue. It grew at last
to be absolutely unendurable. The House roared in
sheer indignation "Question, Question"—and there
was an end at last once more to those perpetually
recurrent tasks in addition, and subtraction, and
division, and reduction performed again and again
to his own entire satisfaction, and to nobody else's,
by the great pragmatical, cheese-paring, flint-
skinning Economist, late of Westbury, now of

Devonport.
Rising to address the house immediately after
this infliction, Mr. DIGBY SEYMOUR, the indepen-

dent Liberal M.P. for Southampton, took the
liberty of reminding the hon. gentleman that the
question then sit issue was " not the duty on Irish
spirits, the merits of the west coast of Ireland, the
distance between Cork or Galway and Liverpool,

or the subsidies of rival lines of steamers—(cheers)"

—and having spoken thus sententiously and sarcas
tically, protested afterwards in set phrase against the
course adopted by the hon. member for Devonport in
" occupying the time of the House by such paltry
details." Whereupon some believers in Mr. JAMES
WILSON (for scarcely credible though it is to
believe—there actually are such) some astounding
believers in Mr. JAMES WILSON and his notions as
a profound Economist positively had the cool
effrontery to cry, "Oh ! oh !" Yet—remembering
what it was, actually stood there as a Problem placed
before the House and the country for its deliberate
solution—was it not, we ask, the most petty, the
most paltry, the most pitiable spectacle to
witness a rational man deliberately submitting
thereupon to the scrutiny of Parliament the
CUNARD contracts, the indirect taxation of tea
and sugar, the graduated reduction of the income
tax, and so forth—capping the climax of all by the
appalling intimation that he (Mr. JAMES WILSON)
could show that the expenditure of the country
last year was a million more than had been antici-
pated by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The
sum total of all which meant, that without the aid
of Mr. JAMES WILSON against the Treasury, the
national affairs were fast running down the groove
to inevitable destruction.
Voluble enough Mr. WILSON could be in rela-
tion to the Cunard contract, but not one whisper
did he volunteer on Tuesday in reference to that
miserable Australian mail contract, which Sir
EDWARD LYTTON has the merit of having cancelled
with a stroke of his pen almost upon the morrow of
his assuming the guidance of the Colonial Admini-
stration. Contrast the two contracts, however, and
say now which of them is really the more credit-
able. Among the most successful, reliable, prac-
ticable, and prosperous of the great shipowners in
either hemisphere stand unquestionably conspicuous
the members of the house of Cunard. The renewal
of any reasonable contract with such a house is—
judging from past experience certainly far
from being a discredit to any Admini-
stration. But—the dead and gone Australian
mail contract—the contract unheard-of on Tuesday
night from the lips of the censorious member for
Devonport—the contract bequeathed among other
remarkable boons to the newly-installed Ministry
of Lord DERBY, in 1838, by the far-seeing and
sagacious PALMERSTON Government—the contract,

plainest English), for the conveyance of that mail
that was almost invariably a week or so behind
time—how about that Mr. WiLsoN ? Not a
word ? What, quite " mumchance ?" The silence,
the complete and absolute silence of the mem-
ber for Devonport upon that head was cer-
tainly, to say the least of it, most commendable,
as affording evidence of his discretion. It had,
surely, been still more discreet, however, if Mr.
WILSON had refrained altogether from uttering the
word contract—a word suggestive, in regard to the
late Cabinet of such extremely painful reminiscences.
And, certainly, most discreet of all would it have
been if the member for Devonport had not paltered
with the great and momentous question actually
before the House, by attempting (after the old
fashion, as a model Economist) a pitiable little ex-
periment in the way of skinning flints, when the
matter at stake is the character, the policy, and
the efficiency of the imperial Government.

The meetings of the Society for the Liberation
of Religion from State Patronage and Control,
which were concluded last night at Freemason's Hall,
are worthy of some notice by the politician. For
fifteen years the society has now been quietly at
work, for this was a fifth triennial conference, at
which it appears the -whole staff of the society in
town and country has to be re-elected, and even
the constitution of the society reconsidered, and, if
needful, revised. It was properly, therefore, a
meeting 'of delegates; but the society courts
publicity : we were indeed requested to attend,
and complied with the request. The con-
eluding meeting last night was a soiree
of quite a public character, and was certainly
an effective meeting. Several members of Par-
liament of a class not to be overlooked were
present, such as Mr: FRANK CROSSLEY, Sir
MORTON PETO, Mr. DILLWYN, Mr. ADAM BLACK,
Mr. LINDSAY, and others. Nor, we are bound to
say, was there anything of a sectarian character
whatever about the meeting—its purpose was, defi-
nitely, to obtain the ultimate object expressed by
the title of the society, but practically to avoid
mere theoretical resolutions, and to apply them-
selves to such workings of the Established Church'
as interfered with the equal religious liberty of
every sep and denomination. We must say
that we were gratified with the catholic
tone of the speaking generally. Dissenters must
forgive us if we acknowledge that we naturally
apprehend a little contractedness of vision where
they have (as they must have in a society like this)
so large a share in the administration. It:is due to
the society however to state, that we heard nothing
bitter or vindictive against the Church as a religi-
ous institution, nor anything demanded which was
not perfectly fair on the great principle to which
we have always given our fullest adhesion, that of
RELIGIOUS EQUALITY.

The society's account of its operations was not
uninteresting. The delegates present amounted, we
should say, to about 300. They
were from all parts
of the country, and appe &red to represent every creed,
froin the Churchman to the Quaker. To interest
such a large number of communities has been, of
course, a work of time and labour, but it has been
labour of a not very obtrusive kind. The Church-
rate controversy has been a great help to the society,
persons from all quarters having resorted to it for
legal advice. But, for the last few years they have
given their principal attention to enlightening mem-
bers of Parliament respecting their real views, and
seeking Parliamentary strength in this creditable
manner. The members of Parliament present bore
remarkably cordial testimony to the universal re-
spect in which their chairman, Dr. FOSTER, is
held in the House of Commons, and to

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THE SUN,
THURSDAY. JUNE 9. 1859.