The Sun.
London, England, 1832-01-03 00:00:00

COURT OF ALDERMEN.-(THIS DAY.

A Court of Aldermen met to-day at Guildhall, for the
purpose of swearing in an Alderman for the Ward of Port-
soken. Only fifteen Aldermen were in attendance, and
the Court setting with closed doors, renders it impossible
for us to give any details of what passed. It is generally
thought that the Court will elect Mr. H. Hughes, rejecting
Mr. Scales, (who has been elected by a large majority of
inhabitants of the Ward,) and Mr. D. W. Harvey. The
Court had not come to any determination, when our re-
porter left at half-past two o'clock.

THE MARKETS-(THIS DAY.)
HAY MARKETS.—(At per Load of 36 frusses.)
CUMBERLAND (LATE ST. JAMES'S.)
Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow Hay X. sto £2 10
►dew Meadow Hay 2 15 3 It
Useful Old Ditto '2 15 3 10
Fine Upland Meadow and Rye-grass Hay 3 15 4 0
Clover Hay 4 10 5 15
Oat Straw £1 Bto£l 10 I Wheat straw... 112 114
Best Meadow Hay 56. per load higher than last quoted ; prices
otherwise stationary. Supply moderate, and trade steady.

SMITHFIELD.
Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow Hay £2 10 to £2 15
New Meadow Hay 2 15 3 10
Useful Old Ditto 3 0 3 10
Fine Upland Meadow and Rye-grass Hay 3 15 4 0
Clover Hay (extra fine).....C5 15... Generally 4 0 3 5
Ist Straw Z 1 10 to £1 121 Wheat Straw 114 1 14
Straw 2s. per load higher than last quoted ; prices otherwise
stationary. Supply short, and trade dull..

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

TATTLRSALL'S.

More business was done yesterday than for many weeks past;
Margrave was backed freely at 10 to 1, and at the close evidently
had the call of Beiram; Folly also sprung two or three points,
an influential speculator, who has for some time been backing
him, having offered to take 16 to 1. The afternoon's betting was
of some importance, considering the flatness of speculation at
this part of the year. We subjoin the closing odds :
THE DERBY, 18.
10 to 1 agst Mr. Dilly's Margrave (taken)
10 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Beiram
11 to I agst Lord Exeter's Dulcinea colt (taken)
11 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Non Compos (taken)
15 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Folly colt
The others as before.
500 even between Margrave and Dulcinea
RIDDLESWORTII.

5 to 2 agst Duke of Grafton•s Pastille colt (taken).
The Oatlands has closed with 18 acceptances, and is divided
Into two classes.

MADRID, DEC. 23.

(From the Herald Private Correspondent.)
An unusual bustle has been observed for some
time among the members of the diplomatic body.
The representatives of the Great Powers were in
almost daily consultation. The Ambassador from
Don Miguel was always present, whilst " Lord
Grey's England" (so the Apostolicals call the
present Government of England), and the ,"mode-
ration people" of Paris are not represented there.
Hardly a day passes without the arrival of couriers
from St. Petersburgh, Vienna, and London, giving
rise to reports that some project is contemplated by
the Cabinet of Madrid with respect to Don Mi-
guel's Government, in the event of the expedition
of Don Pedro taking place.
The following is the diplomatic document which,
it is affirmed, has been addressed to the different
Courts of Europe, containing a frank declaration of
the intended policy of Spain upon this subject.
This piece of diplomacy presents a striking speci•
men of Spanish arrogance, and would have thrown
into the shade the petulance of the Emperor Alex-
ander in 1815 :

" Spain, with the hope of preserving the tran-
quillity of Europe, cannot remain a silent spectator
of the struggle now preparing in Portugal to de-
throne the King whom she had recognised as legiti-
mate; knowing that the representatives of the
people, legally assembled, declared him King, ac-
cording to the ancient fundamental laws by which
the succession of the house of Bragauza has been
always decided, and legitimate heir to the Crown,
vacant by the decease of John VI., and as the eldest
branch had accepted another throne, and resided
voluntarily in a foreign country—if the Brazils may
be thus denominated—after an illegal separation
from the metropolis, and which has no other sanc-
tion than that at present derived from revolutionary
systems. In consequence of this a notification was
sent by the Minister of Foreign Affairs to all Cabi-
nets, informing them that an army would be imme-
diately sent to the frontiers of Portugal, which was
to act according to the events, and to aid the Govern-
ment of Don Miguel, in virtue of a treaty entered
into with his most Faithful Majesty, and without be-
ing influenced by any other consideration in an af-
fair which concerned their individual interests, and,
as by the treaties of 1814 and 1815, no one but
his Catholic Majesty has the right of interfering ; for
upon the result of the struggle will depend his
' future destiny, inasmuch as the unsettled neighbour-
ing State may effect the tranquillity of his own
kingdom."
It is, therefore, reasonable to expect some result
from this diplomatic note, transmitted to the Courts
of Russia and Vienna, particularly as his Catholic
Majesty has declared that, " he hopes that the step
he has taken will be approved of by his allies, who
will second his efforts in case of emergency, and in
order to ensure the continuance of peace and tran-
quillity, which, in spite of the march of revolution,
has not been interrupted in the Peninsula. As
France has held rather a determined language to
Spain for some time, our Liberals have strong hopes
that a different system will be adopted here to that
pursued by the Austrians in Italy. But should
Russia, Prussia, and Austria side with Don Miguel,
the question will become extremely complicated, and
serious difficulties may arise.

MADRID, DEC. 2.—When the account of the
capture of the unfortunate Torrijos and his com-
panions were received in this capital, the Duke of
5 F—, backed by one of the Ministers, im-
mediately proceeded to the King to intercede for
them. He mentioned, among other arguments, the
bad effects which would be produced in Europe by
the public clamour that would be raised against the
Government that had prepared the snare into which

those unhappy men had fallen. The King having re-
plied that " if Torrijos and his followers had captured
him by a similar stratagem they would not scruple
taking hie life," the Duke, in answer, said that the
Liberals had proved, during the Constitutional
epoch, how much they respected the Ere of his Ma-
jesty. Then Ferdinand spoke these remarkable
words, which revealed his secret thoughts since
1823 :—" I know that my life cannot be safe so long
as a single Liberal shall exist. They all must be
exterminated, no matter by what means!" Imme-
diately afterwards the order for the instantaneous
execution of Torrijos and his friends was expedited
to Malaga. Among the victims was a British
Officer. It is clear that the decree in virtue of
which Torrijos and his companions were executed,
being directed solely against Spanish emiurants,
could not apply to him, and that, consequently, he
ought not to have suffered. without trial ;—lair not
only was this overlooked, but we are inclined to be-
' lieve that• he was sacrificed purposely. This pre-
sumption rests upon the improbability that the
Governor of Malaga, in his report, did omit the names
of the most distinguished persons made prisoners
with Torrijos. We see, nevertheless, that the Go-
vernment suppressed that circumstance, to avoid, no
doubt, the application on behalf of the Englishman
in question, which the British Ambassador would not
have failed to make.

ST. PETERSBURGH, DEC. 19.

(From the Morning Herald.)

The internal politics of Russia, at this moment;
are worthy the attention of all those who appreciate
the importance of that State in Europe. The Em-
peror, it is certain, is aware of the danger which has
long threatened his throne, from the hostility of the
old and powerful Nobility, who were disgusted with
the system which placed all power in the hands of
foreigners, to the exclusion of the Russian Nobi-
lity. The principal posts in the navy (Admirals
Greig and Crown being Englishmen), the army,
and in the administration of civil affairs, being filled
by Germans, &c. By displacing these men and giv-
ing power to the old Nobility, " the Emperor may,"
say the politicians, " appease the discontent for a
time; hut an unwieldy empire like Russia, with so
many turbulent spirits always ripe for any change,
cannot long remain at rest ; unless she should have
foreign wars to employ her troops, they will soon
make war at home, and teach the Emperor that
Russia cannot be kept in bondage whilst liberty is
making such rapid strides in nearly all other countries
of Europe." It is proposed to make material alte-
rations ►n all the higher departments of the adminis-
tration, of which the plans are already arranged, and
only wait the Emperor's sanction to be put into
practice. The campaign in Poland has proved that
the number of bayonets alone does not always in-
sure victory. The plans of Yermaloff, who
was disgraced on account of his political opinions,
would have a good effect on the army. It pos-
sesses in him a most distinguished General, and
an excellent organisateur, who with incredible ex-
pedition, brought into a serviceable state the
army of the Caucasus, which had become perfectly
worthless, and communicated to the provinces in-
trusted to him a taste for European civilization.—
People, therefore, look upon the eleva!ion of Ge.
neral Yermaloff as an important political event, since
his political sentiments are not, as was imagined,
ultra-Liberal, but purely love of Russia. He is
ever anxious to see Russia freed from all foreign in-
tiue►►ce, and governed by the power of the high
Aristocracy, according to her true national inte-
rests. The increase of the Emperor's power in the
interior formed no part of the plans of the Opposi-
tion. To make the power of Russia formidable
abroad, and to make him dictator in European
affairs, was their aim. The establishment of mili-
tary colonies was always hated by the high Aris-
tocracy, because, if properly employed, it must
neutralize their great influence; and through it a
new kind of middle class was formed in Russia,
although in uniform. Now, after the sad scenes in
Poland, while the Russian Eagle thinks itself en-
titled to claim some recompense for its great exer-
tions, have the Opposition with great tact seized
the opportunity to point out the necessity of abo-
lishing the military colonies, ar►d relieve the country
from the expense of their support. They have re-
presented to the Emperor the danger of an armed
population, and painted the military colonies as an
institution which might be easily used in execution
of plans the most treasonable by ambitious persons.
These representations have not been maid in vain.
The Opposition will certainly carry their aim; and,
encouraged by success, they will follow up the other
plans of reorganization and extension.

PALLIATION.—A man being upbraided for
contracting a number of debts, coolly replied that he did
nothing of the kind ; " on the contrary," said he, " I
have invariably done every thing in my power to enlarge
them."—Dublin Comet.

It seems there is more than one actor who is
in the habit of coming before the public charged with
certain good things, to the exclusion of those set down
for him by the author. To such length was this carried
the other evening, that the actor barely escaped a self-
defensive appeal from the author (in the piece) to the
following effect:—" Ladies and Gentlemen, I beg leave to
say that not ene word of what Mr. has just uttered
is to be found in my manuscript !"

HORRIBLE CRUELTY.—A very savage and
brutal act was committed in the county Waterford, a short
distance from Glen Abbey, on Christmas morning :—A
poor man, it would seem, had provoked the enmity of
some of his neighbours; and what was the measure of re-
venge ? They, before day on that morning, seized his
horse, and, hating made holes in the earth, placed the legs
of the animal in them, after which they closed them up,
the horse having been secured as if in a vice. The work
of brutality then began—they succeeded in skinning it
alive! and in this state the poor brute was found next
morning, not quite dead.—Dublin Evening Mail.

SToURBRIDGE.---More than a century since,
some Hungarians visited the parish of Stourbridge, and
finding the clay from which the celebrated fire bricks are
made, as well as an abundance of coal, they erected the
first glass-house in that town, at a place now called, in
examplecomroem our,aatn
siosoonof the
foil followed by
t‘h'ellnga
inhabitants
tanitsli."
;d.nd heir
thus
Stourbridge became indebted to foreigners fcr the origin
of its present importance and prosperity; and for
tthhee
ienzdteunstsrivye
oeof manufactures atntiubftaecrtrueraenseapnrodturecaed sureb4):
which have contributed more to the real wealth and com-
fort of the human race than the most productive mines of
Mexico and Peru.—ltlidland Representative.
CANTERBURY, JAN. I.—Oti Friday after-
noon, at the unusual hour of one o'clock, a fire broke out
in a barn belonging to Mr. THOMAS STAIN, of Throwley,
in the neighbourhood of Lees Court, which was discovered
by a boy, who saw smoke issuing from the centre of the
barn. Notwithstanding the most prompt measures were
pursued to obtain assistance on the spot, as well as to se-
cure the quick arrival of the engines from Faversham, the
whole of the barn, containing forty quarters of wheat, and
a quantity of oats, beans, and straw, was entirely con-
sumed, as well as a cow-house, waggon ledge, and various
agricultural implements, such as ploughs, harrots, &c.
There can be little doubt but this fire was occasioned by an
incendiary.

INC ENDIA RI SM.—The investigation into the
circumstances of the fire which consumed the buildings,
stacks, &c. of Cocum Farm, at Barton Stacey, Hants, has
led to the detection of a determined set of incendiaries. It
appears that these men bad entered into a confederacy for
the purpose of burning all the farming buildings, stacks,
&c. upon the estate of Sir HENRY WRIGHT WILSON) of
which Cocum Farm, belonging to Mr. SMITH, formed a
part. The principal motive seems to have been hatred to
Sir HENRY in the first instance, and they bad succeeded
twelve months. They took SMITH'S farm
in firing his own property twice before this within the last
next, in the
order of priority, for there are many others on the same
estate marked for destruction—be being an overseer of
the poor, and himself, perhaps, no great favourite amongst
them in that capacity. Upon investigation into the cir-
cumstances of the fire, these men were thrown off their
guard by a few questions put to them separately, and
suspicion having been excited as to seven et them, they
were locked up separately, and in less than three days the
whale of them became so frightened, that they all ex-
pressed their desire to turn King's evidence. The result
is, that the whole of theta have Pow contem4 their guilt-

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The few last days have brought with them
increased suspicion of the good faith of Russia
with regard to certain questions between Belgium
and Holland, long since ostensibly settled, not
only with the full concurrence of the Emperor
Nicholas, but through his active, direct, and
official interference, attested by the formal sig-
natures of his Ambassadors to a series of solemn
documents, all professing to record the unani-
mous engagement of five principal Powers of
Europe that the said documents should hence-
forth constitute a portion of the public law in
Europe. The Emperor Nicholas, while he was
embarrassed by a war, thought by some persons
to be of doubtful issue, with unhappy Poland,
made a conspicuous demonstration of friendly
and tractable sentiments towards the spirit pre-
vailing in the councils of other Courts, by
appointing here a (listing iished diplomatist to
express his Imperial alacrity of consent to the
decisions of England, Austria, France, and
Prussia, whereby, first, Holland and Belgium
were separated ; and secondly, their respective
rights, territories, and relations, as States inde-
pendent of each other, were defined. These seve-
ral interests were discussed, and progressively ar-
rayed in protocols to which Russia was a party ;
they were finally incorporated in a treaty, which
was gravely and deliberately signed by two
especial Russian Ministers. Yet scarcely is the
ink on the parchment dry, when the Autocrat
refuses his ratification ! Do we say that M.
Casimir Perier and Lord Palmerston had per-
feet confidence in the integrity of Russia, or that
they were quite secure of her performing, when
released from the Polish war, the promises made
by her, with whatever solemnity, whilst that war
was raging ? We should disparage the penetra-
tion both of the French Government and the
British, by pronouncing any such belief. Russia
when weak, was too implicitly trusted. Now
that she fancies herself strong, she betrays no fear
of being effectually resisted. If Nicholas means
actually to withhold his ratification from the re-
cent treaty, and as is much more than probable,
denounces at the same time any attempt by third
parties to oppose Holland in her avowed design
of superseding that treaty by force of arms, he
openly defies the whole west of Europe to the
field. We pray it may not be so. But strong
rumours are afloat ; and for our parts, such
pains have been taken by neighbouring States
to pamper up the arrogance of Russia, and to
swell her notions of her own supremacy over
Christendom, we can really scarce condemn an
inflated and but half-civilised (since 50 years ago
it was a downright barbarian) Court for running
boldly the course on which she has been permitted
to enter, and when all have bowed to her as a
mistress, treating them like worthless slaves. If
France, England, or Prussia suffer this game to
be played by the Russian Cabinet with im-
punity, it will grieve even those whom it fails
to astonish. We add the name of Prussia to
the other two, because it is the manifest policy
of that Government to keep Belgium an inde-
pendent State ; and we believe that the Court of
Berlin has long ceased to be enamoured of the
mode in which Russia employs or displays her
power. In the mean time a new vexation
has shown itself in an opposite point—France
makes pretensions of which we had not until
this moment conceived the full extravagance.
The four Powers which, to the exclusion of
France, had determined on the demolition of a
certain number of Flemish fortresses, had also,
as we forgot to state yesterday, reserved to them-
selves by the protocol of April 17, 1831, the
right of deciding, after the recognition of the
Belgian Government, what specific fortresses
should in consequence be demolished. If France,
therefore assumes that the right of such selection
appertains to her and Belgium, she sets up a
claim not authorized by any of the confederated
Powers. She is in fact, as she ought to be, ex-
cluded from all share in such a discussion,
which the four parties to the original resolutions
and Belgium, hut not France, may now proceed
to carry on. We trust that the French Govern-
ment will attach importance (where alone it
exists) to the question raised by Holland, and
countenanced, it is feared, by Russia ; and not
embroil herself with England and Prussia, by
going off on this false scent of walls and ditches
within the Belgic territory.—Times.
Whatever comes, it is clear as sunshine that
the Reform Bill must be carried. We do not
mean that Lord Grey's Administration is pressed
upon by any " physical" necessity of hunger,
thirst, or nakedness, or bodily torment, because,
until the hour of anarchy shall have arrived,—
until fierce despair shall, in its paroxysms of
hatred, vengeance, and scorn of all reckoning,
fling round its firebrands, and spread ruin every
where,—noble Lords and rich gentlemen may
drive about in carriages, and wrap themselves in
furs, and feast on venison, and sleep on down,
and blind themselves to the terrible passions
which they may be provoking, as too many of
the higher classes have long disbelieved the re-
presentations made to them of the miseries by
which they are surrounded, and which aggravate
every political danger in a State : therefore
alone it is, that the immediate pressure on the
Government to satisfy the just demands of
the whole reasoning body of the British na-
tion does not quite amount to a physical
necessity. But short of that, was there ever,
in any age, or under any circumstances, a
moral necessity so potent and inevitable as
that which now forces on Reform ? It is,
we fear, given up on all sides, that, con-
stituted as is the House of Peers at this mo-
ment, there would be another majority against
Ministers on the introduction, the second read-
ing, or some important principle of the Bill.
We say nothing of the marvellous and astound-
ing ignorance of the feeling of the country on
the part of noble Lords, which such an antici-
pation supposes ; but it is obvious to every man
but the Peers themselves, that there exists no
constitutional remedy for such an evil, except the
infusion of some fresh light and capacity for
legislation into the assembly by an exercise of
one branch of the King's prerogative, which has
often been employed for the disgrace of Eng-
land, as in the treaty of Utrecht, or for her im-
poverishment and oppression, as throughout
much of the reign of George 111. If it be said
that the King cannot add to the subsisting
Peerage, without violating the Constitution,
then it follows that a majority of the Housel
of Lords may at any time erect a
power in this country which no union
of King, Commons, and people, will have
means to resist ! Is that the Constitution of
England ? Was not, on the other hand, the
creation of Peers bestowed upon the Crown as
the natural and only conceivable remedy for the
extreme case which has at this moment arisen—
,,„ thitase of
Ino a refractory league of Lords, having
sympathy with the nation ? The matter
may be thus briefly, stated :—The Anti-Reform
Poore asBert thiaiiicHr. privileges are absolute,
(1/4._

am

and that their discretion in the mode of applying
those privileges is not to be questioned, but they
insist that the King's lawful prerogative shall he
restrained by their will and pleasure, and that his
Majesty, in its exercise, shall not enjoy the
same discretion for which they contend in the
use of their legislative power. This is a pretty
pattern, to be sure, of single-sided justice. The
King and Lord Grey understand the Constitu-
tion too well to submit to this interpretation of
its character
and spirit, and have too much spirit,
and have too much courage and firmness, to
allow the Crown and people to be defied by a
small fraction of the Aristocracy.-7 imes.
We regret to say that the accounts relative to
the state of trade from the macturing dis-
tricts continue to be of a very gleroiny character.
Low wages, decreasing employment, and conse-
quently augmenting distress, continue to result
from the ill-omened system which has exposed
our manufacturers and artizans to an unequal
and ruinous competition ; a competition which
the peculiar circumstances of the country render
it impossible they can withstand. Yet do the
obstinate and self-sufficient theorists of the day
refuse to look at the practical effects of their sys-
tem ; and intent only upon maintaining, ac-
cording to the most approved principles of po-
litical economy, the soundness of their doctrines,
appear to view with indifference the sufferings
of their countrymen. With respect particularly
to the silk trade, they boldly and perpetually as-

. .
sert that the liberal system has not been injurious,
because the transactions of that particular
branch of manufacturing industry have been
somewhat more extended, and that more looms

have been at work since the free trade system
came into operation than there were pre-
viously. Now a maxim more preposterous

than that which is laid down relative to
trade in this reasoning was never before ha-
zarded—that its apparent extension is a con-
clusive proof of its popularity. Every tyro in
commercial affairs knows that the prosperity of
any department of manufactures consists in the
due proportion that is maintained between the
commodities produced and the consequent profit
acquired ; so that the manufacturer obtains an
adequate price for his goods, and can afford to
give to the operative adequate remuneration for
his labour. In such a case as this there is ge-
nuine and healthy prosperity. But if there be
no such proportion between production and pro-
fit—if there be no such adequate remuneration
—let a trade be extended to the utmost possible
limit, and let the whole country be covered with
its manufactories, its expansion will be nothing
but the symptom of its decay and ruin. It is like
the unnatural extension of an edifice which has
no foundation proportionate to the superincum-
bent weight ; every stone that is added increases

its debiliiy and accelerates its final and irretriev-
able fall. How the free-trade system can have
benefitted the silk trade (allowing its extension),
when all is stagnation, when there is nothing but
despondency among the manufacturers, and
misery, starvation, and despair among the
weavers, it will require more than the acute pe-
netration and clear reasoning of the political eco-
nomists to explain. What is it but insulting
and cruel mockery to set about consoling a fa-
mishing workman by attempting to prove that he
ought to he surrounded with plenty ? It is fur-
ther argued that the liberal system has been ac-
tually beneficial to the shipping interest, since it
appears that the whole tonnage of British ship-
ping entering the British ports has considerably
increased under its operation. They who make
use of this argument must be perfectly aware
that, for the support of their dogmas, they might
with just as much propriety introduce a discus-
sion about the altitudes of the mountains of the
moon as refer to such a fact. The only appli-
cable inquiry is :—Has the tonnage of British
shipping entering from the ports of those nations
with which we " reciprocate" increased in the
same ratio with the tonnage of their shipping
entering our ports ? What is the answer to this
question ? It is, that while the tonnage
of Bri-
tish shipping thus employed has increased, the
tonnage of foreign shipping in the same way em-
ployed has increased in a far greater ratio ; so
that the effect of the liberal system has been to
give to the shipping of those foreign nations an
immense advantage over the shipping of this
country.—Morning Post.
The state of Ireland is extraordinary. Our
attention was drawn yesterday to the violence of
the Catholic party, with Mr. O'Connell at their
head ; to-day it is drawn to the violence of the
Protestant party, with Lord Mandeville for their
leader. We cannot pretend to that nice power
of discrimination which would enable us to de-
termine, between two factions so emulously con-
tending for the palm of extravagance, absurdity,
and mischief, which of them has established the
higher claim. Like those honest disputants in
the Beggar's Opera, Messrs. Peachum and
Lockit, it is not difficult to see that " they are
both in the wrong ;" but we hope it will not re-
quire an actual scuffle between the opponents
themselves to convince them of a truth which
every moderate man is already aware of. The
Armagh county meeting, of which we give an
abridged account in another column, was charac-
terised by a vehemence of tone which set all rea-
soning at defiance. -What must we think, what
can we hope, from a country in which Noble-
men, who have so great au interest in the
preservation of tranquillity, launch into the
most intemperate language, and, by charges and
menaces the most insulting, endeavpur to
incite the deluded population to acts of outrage
and destruction ? It may not be their wish to
drive matters to this extreme ; but such is the
practical result which their language seems to
contemplate, and which it is calculated to pro-
duce. The following is an extract from the
speech of Lord Mandeville, addressed to the
meeting ; it may be taken as a specimen of his
Lordship's style, at the same time that it shows
the violent spirit of his auditory :

" The next Point to which I would refer you (said his
Lordship) is the way in which Government hare behaved
with rrgard to the clergy of the Established Church. Dr.
Doyle told his people not to pay tithes—and the King's
Government, in the King's speech, echo the advice of the
Doctor ! ! ! We know the effects which this temporising
has produced—it ended in the slaughter of a number of
Protestants !—(Cries of ' Will you give us guns? ! ! !')"
Again, his Lordship says, " Why do I come forward ? I
care not for political things; but I come forward because
I know the state of the Protestant religion ;Lbecause I know
that the security of that religion depends on our unanimity,
and on our being determined to stand or fall together—
(Cheers)—should it come to that—shouting to the last
No surrender !'_(Loud cheering, waving of banners, and
the bands playing Protestant Boys', and ' Croppies lie
down.')! ! !"

His Lordship does not care for political things,
but he does care for the Protestant religion ;
and the way in which he shows his sense of re-
ligion is by exciting the passions of the multitude,
and trampling on the great Christian precept
which inculcates peace and good will. The
speech of the King is, no doubt, constitutionally
speaking, the speech of the Minister, and as
such, is fsirly subject tv cvmment and objection ;

but still there is some decorum to be observed in
alluding to any act or expression connected with
the King's name ; and besides the total want of
candour in describing it as an exhortation to the
people not to pay tithes, there is a want of
common courtesy in the charge, which persons
of high rank ought to be the last to countenance
by their example. It is a great misfortune that
the moderate party in Ireland, if there be such
a party there at all, is too weak to produce any
effect on public proceedings; but such a conside-
ration, instead of deterring the Government from
attempting to deal with the case, should warn
them of the absolute necessity of interfering,
while it is yet time, with some remedial mea-
sure. Every one admits that Ireland has been
long misgoverned—that she has up to this mo-
ment many causes of complaint. Let those
causes be removed, and then let us see whether
she is not capable of improving in temper and
moderation by the improvement of her political
condition. If the Irish people doubt the dispo-
sition of his Majesty's Government to benefit
that portion of the empire, the natural way to
convince them of their mistake is to confer the

benefit without delay. It is evident that the pre-
sent state of things cannot continue. Parliament
will soon assemble, and we hope that, without
regarding the violence of either party, Ministers
will he prepared with some plan which may have
the effect of mitigating their rancour, and re-
storing them to the condition of rational beings,
which they have almost forfeited by their con-
duct of late.—Morning Herald.

The Times, as our readers are aware, has
lately put forth a series of articles against the
shipping interest, or, as the writer of those arti-
cles would, perhaps, say against the policy of
protecting British shipowners. In support of its
argument the Times, in the most positive and
dogmatical manner, made the following asser-
tions :—Firstly, " that, on the average, an Eng-
lish vessel will stand the wear and tear of two
Baltic ships, and of three Americans, and will be

seaworthy 20 years after the others are rotten."
Secondly, " that where 15 Baltic sailors are ne-
cessary to navigate one of their ships, eight or
ten English will suffice for a vessel of equal
burden." Thirdly, " that it is untrue that the
totally uunprotected competition of the ship-
owners is wholly unknown in any other depart-
ment of trade—cottons, woollens, and hard-
wares, are not more protected than the things
called ships." Several of the above propositions
we have, we think, on former occasions, shown
to be totally unfounded. There are some, how-
ever, which we have left untouched, and, as the
whole have been proved to be false, from official
documents, by a shiponner, whose letter has
been inserted in the Times, we will extract his
proofs, and then leave our readers to judge of
the degree of credit due to the facts and argu-
ments of our contemporary relative to commer-
cial questions. First, then, as to the wear and
tear of English ships, compared with foreign
ones. In Lloyd's register books the names and
ages of all ships frequenting British ports are re-
corded. By analysing the first 500 ships therein
the following result will appear :
Number of Ships Age Average age of those
registered. unrecorded, recorded.
British 409 8 15 years 1 month.
Baltic
American
Other Foreign

" It should be remarked also that where the age
is not stated the omission usually arises from all
record of the building lost, and that the propor-
tion of such aged ships in the British list, is 1 in
51 ; in the American, 1 in 13 ; and in the
Baltic, 1 in '7 nearly ; which plainly indicates the
still greater relative durability of the latter ; and
if the corroboration of individual cases be re-
quired, a slight glance (for they are alphabeti-
cally arranged) will exhibit the following antique
specimens : Where built. Years old.
The Anna Margaretha Holstein in 1781 50
Two Brothers Denmark in 1774 57

Vrow Catharina Holstein in 1771

Minerva America in 176.5
True Love America in 1764

The venerable Providentia Norway in 17.58 73
Themost venerable Nicholas and Ann Arendal in 1730 101

" We may now, perhaps, calculate on hearing
no more of British ships being seaworthy 20
years after the ships of foreign competitors are
rotten. Secondly—As to the relative number of
seamen employed in navigation. In a Parlia-
mentary return, exhibiting the number and ton-
nage of vessels entered inwards, in the year 1829,
with the number of their crews, &c.' we find the
following information :

BRITISH. FOREIGN.
Entered from Ships. Tons Men. Ships. Tons. Men.
--- - -
Sweden lO9 16,536 $l6 143 25,046 1,292
Norway' llO 9,965 691 553 86,205 4,625
Denmaik . 261 24,576 1,231 622 53,390 3,212
Prussia 744 125,918 5,816 628 127,861 5,444
--- - -
T0ta1......... 177,015 8,554 1,946 292,502 14,573

Being an average of five men to every 100 tons nearly.

" While the proportions of British and foreign
tonnage here exhibited may be somewhat start-
ling, what now becomes of the confident asser-
tion that where fifteen Baltic sailors are neces-
sary, eight or ten Englishmen suffice ?' Thirdly,
as to cottons, woollens, and hardwares being,
like ships, unprotected. In the table of Custom-
house duties we find the following items :
_

COTTONS, viz.—
X. s. d.
Manufactures of, for every 1001. of value lO 0 0
And further, if printed, for every square yard 0 0 3i
WOOLLENS, viz.—
Manufactures of, not otherwise charged with
duty, for every 1001. of value l5 0
BRASS :
Manufactures, for every 1001. of value
Buttons

Copper manufactures... ditto 3O 0 0
Japanned ware ditto 2O 0 0
Lacquered ware ditto 3O 0 0
Pewter manufactures ditto 2O 0 0
Tin ditto
Nor has our recollection furnished us with a
single instance in which we do not find protec-
tion of some kind, and to some extent, to
British capital and industry, written in legible
characters in the Table of Duties on Importa-
rion. Silk, gloves, corn, books, glass, linen,
metals, every article, even to the school-boy's
marbles, is fenced round with protection,—why
are shipowners made the exception ?" Such is
the triumphant way in which the shipowner on-
swers the false statements of the Times. And
how does the reader think the writer in this
journal backs out of the thing ? Why, by stating
that " the controversy has been long settled, in
the minds of all reflecting and impartial judges,
by a successful appeal to fact (aye, to fact) and
principle"—and by admitting that his " state-
ments (read falsehoods) were mere surplusage,
and could hare no infk.ence on the general re-
sult." Why, the main object of the article in
question was to prove that, without protection,
British shipowners were upon an equal footing
with those of other nations ; and, when this is
shown to be totally untrue, the writer turns
round, and modestly declares that the truth or
falsehood of the facts upon which he builds his
argument have nothing to do with the question !
Really this is monstrous. But let us try our
contemporary's argument with regard to what he
calls " the general result." He states to-day
that " the introduction of reciprocal equality of
duties on the tonnage of vessels, or on articles
of import and export in British or foreign ships,
between this and foreign countries, did not de- j

teriorate our relative trading position with re-
spect to those countries, as it existed at that
time, or as it was threatened to be established,
should we continue our restrictive or prohibitive
system. The United States of North America
had answered our restrictions on American ship-
ping by imposing duties on Briti9h shipping in
American ports equally severe. Our good ally,
the King of the Netherlands, had followed the
trans-Atlantic example ; and the Northern States
bordering on the German Ocean and the Baltic
had informed us that they understood the opera-
tion of discriminating duties as well as ourselves.
In these circumstances we had scarcely a choice ;
we must either have altered our system, or have
abandoned, not only our trade, but even the in-
terests of our domestic shipping." It is inti-
mated in the above extract, that if Mr. Hus-
kisson's alteration of the Navigation Laws had
not been carried, the Northern Powers would
have exacted high duties on our shipping, and
that America had already done so Now as to
the course that America had adopted it signified
little, seeing that, under the reciprocity system,
the Americans have a monopoly of the trade
between the two countries, which was not the
case before. As to the Northern States of

Europe, we will answer our contemporary in the
words of a Correspondent, who observes " that
they dared not have exacted additional duties, as
they would have thereby lost their only and best
customers for wood, their chief article of export,
and that our imports of that article, in such a case,
would have been from our own colonies. The
shipowners of this country require to be the
carriers of articles which are alone consumed
here ; and the wood trade alone would furnish
employment for upwards of 2,000 sail of British
ships, thereby furnishing employ for more than
20,000 British sailors, the future defenders of
their Colllltry."3forning Herald.
The shipowners lately proclaimed their griev.
antes to the country in a tone of extreme anger
and resentment. They charged to the account
of Mr. Huskisson's reciprocity system the sub-
stitution of positive losses for their ancient pro-
fits, the decay of their capital, the impossibility
of their competing with the shipowners of fo-
reign nations, the consequent transfer of the
trade to those foreigners, and the progressive, and
at length total destruction of the marine of Eng-
land. We have ventured to tell the gentlemen-
-Ist, that they were mistaken, inasmuch as the
shipping trade of England had increased con-
siderably rather than diminished, since the change
in the navigation laws :-2d, that the people of
England never would consent to the revival of pro-
hibitory or protecting duties, for the sole advantage
of a single class of traders, to the detriment
of a whole nation of consumers. Shortly after
the appearance of an article of ours upon the
subject, a correspondent referred us to the ►memo-
rable report of Mr. Cambreleng on the com-
merce of the United States, for the indisputable
evidence that, as between Great Britain and that
great Republic, the marine of the former country
had been for some years past gaining rapidly
upon the American shipowner. Having
stated that, from the latest returns to which we
had access, a growing increase had for some
years been exhibited in the number of British
vessels which annually passed the Sound,
we have now the satisfaction of tendering to
the shipowners, in full confidence of the
consolation and encouragement which they must
derive from it, an official statement of the
amount of shipping which did actually pass the
Sound during fifteen years—viz., from 1816 to
1830, both inclusive (the returns for 1831 not
being yet at hand)—that is to say, for the eight
preceding and the seven years following the re-
laxation of the old exclusive system. Hence it
seems that (in the words of our correspondent)
during the eight years, boasted of by the ship-
owners as so " decidedly favourable" to British
navagation, the average number of merchantmen
passing the Sound was 3,413 ; whereas, during
the last seven years, described also as " pecu-
liarly disastrous" to our navigation, the average
number was 4,423 !—a " progress towards de-
struction" measured by a positive increase of up-
wards of 1,000 sail of ships per annum, or about
30 per cent. ! With this plain fact we humbly
take our leave of the shipowners.—Times.