The Sun.
London, England, 1866-07-12 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY, JULY 12, 1866

The addresses delivered yesterday by the several
Ministers who have been re-elected will be read
with interest. The speech of Lord DERBY on Mon-
day evening had indeed previously indicated the
tone and temper of the new Administration, and
sketched out the line of policy which they intended
to pursue ; and the leader of the House of Commons
has not had the opportunity of explaining his views
on public affairs. Still considerable curiosity was
naturally felt to hear what Lord STANLEY had to
say on foreign affairs, what Sir J. P AKINGTON and
Gen. PEEL thought of the condition of their respective
departments, and what were Mr. BovlLL's senti-
ments on his accession to his new legal dignity.
Of the several speeches Lord STANLEY'S was natu-
rally the most important and the most interesting.
Foreign affairs just now are the theme of every
one's thoughts. They are, in fact, the one en-
grossing subject of attention, insomuch that even
the excitement attending a change of Ministry
is tame compared with the eagerness with which
men watch for the telegrams from the Continent.
The assumption of the duties of Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs at such a crisis is therefore no
light matter, and although at the present moment
England is happily apart from the conflict, the
complications are so various and extensive that it
is impossible to say how far we may become
involved. Under these circumstances the
course which our Foreign Minister may pur-
sue becomes a matter of moment. Lord
STANLEY'S speech will be read with general
approval. He repeats Lord DERBY'S distinct denial
of any inclination for war on the part of the
Conservatives. The policy of non-intervention
carried in our own days to a length which
not unfrequently defeats itself, as in the Schleswig-
Holstein question, has seldom had a more able advo-
cate. Lord STANLEY'S idea of our foreign policy is
that we should make the peace of England our first
object, and the peace of Europe our second. The
great principles which we wish to further, the na-
tionalities we are anxious to befriend, we can better
aid, he thinks, by moral than by material influence.
He holds that this pacific policy is not merely selfish.
" The substance of non-interference in continental
disputes lies deeper. It lies partly in our vast Indian
and colonial interests making up the British empire,
and throwing upon us duties and responsibilities
with which continental states have nothing to do,
and which are in themselves a burden heavy
enough for our nation to discharge. It lies partly
in the duty we owe to our poorer classes at home,
for whom we are trustees, upon whom an increase
of debt, and consequently of taxation, must f all with
crushing weight. It lies partly in the conviction
we entertain that example is worth more than pre-
cept, and that by simply existing as we do as a free,
self-governed nation we are &in,. " -
- wouNand despatches of any com-
bination we might put in practice against
both the policy of despotism and the policy of
revolution. It lies also in our experience and recol-
lection of past mistakes, in the lessons which our
own history teaches, how often in former days we
have fought for objects which, after all, we did not
secure, or if we did secure them were not worth the
price we paid for them." If Lord STANLEY'S diplomacy
is guided by these principles he will not be likely
to entangle the country in continental disputes or
to embroil us needlessly with our neighbours, while
we trust he will remember that a firm and decided
policy will at once secure the respect of
other powers, and help to keep us out of war.
Of the German struggle Lord STANLEY says no-
thing—a reticence which is not surprising, consider-
ing the importance of the crisis, and the weight
which his position would give to casual words.
The two Powers to which he especially refers are
France and America, which, from their power, their
intelligence, and the ties of neighbourhood and
kindred, are, he considers, by far our most im

portant allies. France, he says, has been for the
last sixteen years our faithful ally; America is
closely connected with us, and has risen with mar-

venous rapidity to the ranks of the foremos

Powers. The speech of General PEEL was singu-
larly enough the most occupied with domestic affairs,
but he promised to do his best towards maintaining
the efficiency of the service, and gave evidence that
this was something more than a mere verbal form
by mentioning that he had already increased the
order for the conversion of Enfieldrifles into breech-
.

loaders from 40,000 to 100,000. This is as much
as can be can done in our Enfield establishment in
the year, but he has invited the co-operation of
the trade, so that we shall probably have a much
larger number ready for use by the end of 1866.
It is fair to General PEEL to observe that he did not
appropriate the credit of this order, seeing that it
had been partly given by his predecessors and would
no doubt have been increased by them after the
battle of Sadowa. How is it, by the way, that our
Birmingham manufacturers have not seized the op-
portunity of making 100,000 breech-loaders for
Austria ? She would be glad to pay handsomely for
their opportune assistance. It is not a little re-
markable that the experiments already made prove
that the Enfield rifles fire much better after the al-
teration than they did before, a fact which in a
measure confirms the superiority of the breech-
loader.

The First Lord of the Admiralty made a highly
interesting speech, and referred at some length to the
weighty problems which still remain
ships.emai "Ournunso unsolved
with regard to our guns and our
Navy," he said, "is more than ever in a state of
transition. It is still uncertain what ought to be
the strength and amount of the armour with which
they are covered. It is still uncertain (and this is
the most anxious question of all) whether the arma-
tlso of
arma-
ment of such ships should be placed in turrets in
Abtheeosed: f
middle
As
regards the guns,
the vessels, or whether they should
old, in the broadside of the ship."
When
Sir
joux
pAicthiexpoeTropNlelxeiftty is
officeevenin
the most
Powerful gun for ships was the 68-
pounder. We have now many
0
is believed that with the turret3soys system °1
uNi iv
de
emay have
ad vi
600 pounders. As regards this system wo hope,
from Sir JOHN PAKINGION'S speeches in the house, j
he will give it a fair trial, and not share the dia.-
grace incurred by hie predecessors of wilfully