The Sun.
London, England, 1832-06-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The .English Reform Bill, after a national
struggle of unparalleled ardour and difficulty, re-
ceived the Royal Assent, by Commission, yes-
terday afternoon. To the people it mattered
little in what form the King gave his consent ;
but it deeply concerned his Majesty that his
Royal will should have been communicated to
his subjects in person. We shall, however,
make no further allusion to the prosy character
of the assent, than to repeat that the King must
be under the influence and control of courtiers
and domestic connexions, which' have most un-
happily overpowered his own better feelings and
judgment. Of his Majesty's sincere and con-
tinued determination in favour of the Reform
Bills, we do not doubt ; indeed the integrity of
the King, we have reason to believe, by recently
insisting on the adoption of their essential parts
by any new Cabinet, occasioned the desperate
and unprincipled conduct of the Duke of Wel-
lington in his Grace's attempt to form a pre-
tended Reform Administration. The Royal
Family will best consider how they can maintain
Monarchical Government and the affections of
the people ; if they are to succeed, the evil in-
fluences alluded to must be removed further from
his Majesty's ears. '1 here are great allowances
to be made for a Monarch secluded from the
public, and all the ordinary channels of political
truth ; but his Majesty is under obligations of
no ordinary kind to the people, who have not
only freed him by the fall of the Borough-
mongers, but in times of extraordinary excite-
ment have maintained a moral grandeur of ex-
ertion and position unexampled in the history of
nations. 'We should he at this moment loth to
draw any invidious parallel between the two
countries of Great Britain and France ; but the
superiority of the movement of minds over that
of bodies, is too apparent and gratifying to
escape observation.—Morning Chronicle.

We call the attention of our readers to a reso-
lution of the Council of the Birmingham Poli-
tical Union, passed on Tuesday last, to be found
in our advertising columns, the recommenda-
tions in which are worthy of that enlightened
body. Without presuming to dictate to their
townsmen the course to be adopted on the pass-
ing of the English Bill of Reform, they think
that, " in accordance with the profession of act-
ing upon generous and magnanimous principles,
it would be inconsistent in them to take the lead
in any demonstration of public rejoicing, until
the Royal Assent be given to the three Bills of
Reform for England, Scotland, and Ireland,
upon which occasion they are of opinion that a
grand and magnificent display of national joy
and triumph should take place in this town."
It It is by union alone that we have defeated the
conspiracies of the Tories, and reestablished the
Whig Ministry in power. It is by union alone
that we have produced that iwpression on the
Lords that led to the majorities in favour of the
Reform Bill, which, as far as England is con-
cerned, is now, thank God, the law of the land.
Let us be united to the end, and, when we have
fought the good fight fairly out, the people of
the three kingdoms, who have one common in-
terest in the success of each other, may then
meet in expressions of joy, for the consummation
of the glorious work.—Morning C'hronicle.
The Boundary Bill last night supplied Mr.
Crofter with a text for that sort of small wit in
which he delights. The Right Hon. Gentle-
man was quite in ecstasy that Old Sarum had
been preserved, though merged in the bounda-
ries of the borough of Wilton. " By the Boun-
dary Bill now before the House, it was found
necessary to add certain parishes to Wilton, in
order to give it a sufficient constituency, and
among them he found that very Old Saram, with
its burgage tenures, of which he had heard so
much from the Noble Lord opposite. It was
true, Old Sarum was preserved under another
name ; but Old Sarum had just as good a title,
from the number of its houses and its population,
to have had Wilton added to it, as Wilton had
to swallow up Old Sarum." -What a noble sub-
ject of triumph ! There is a great deal of this
misplaced ingenuity in the speech of the Right
Hon. Gentleman. Of what consequence is it
whether Old Sarum is or is not in the limits
of a borough, if the borough be free from the
qualities which made Old Sarum such a re-
proach to our representation ? The ground
and houses of Old Sarum are as good as ground
and houses of the same description any where
else, when divested of the noxious quality of ex-
clusive franchise. But the great forte of the
Right Hon. Gentleman consists in the display of a
sort of petty ingenuity in distorting and misre-
presenting facts, by which he obtains a triumph
of a moment, and only a moment, because a
plain statement soon puts him down. Thus, for
instance, by taking a certain number of towns
in Schedule B, and a certain number allowed
to return two members,—by leaving out certain
parts comprehended within the boundaries of the
latter, he makes it appear that the former possess
more population and assessed taxes. We had
already more than enough of this in the Com-
mittee on the Reform Bill. But the Right
Hon. Gentleman has been led by the recent in-
surrection of Paris, and the anomalies in the
Boundary Bill, to abandon the hope he once
had, that the Reform Bill would in time be
assimilated with our habits, and assimilated with
our pre-existing institutions. How will ever
the people submit to such monstrous anomalies !
They will, of course, languish for the days of
Gatton and Old Sarum, as the Jews in the
Wilderness sighed for the flesh-pots of Egypt.
It is much easier to criticise a measure like the
Reform Bill than to show in what manner more
good could have been done without utterly dis-
regarding existing institutions.—Morn. Chron.

It will be seen in another column, that we
have received by an extraordinary express the
Paris Morning Papers of Wednesday, and a
private letter from our correspondent, giving an
account of the state of things in that capital to
four o'clock on \S ednesday afternoon. By our
private letter we regret to see that the insurrection
had been renewed, and that it appeared to be
even more formidable than it had been on the
preceding night. The very circumstance of its
renewal in broad day, and under the eyes of the
authorities, is a lamentable proof of its dange-
rous character. It is possible, however, that the
nature of the commotion, formidable as it is,
may have been exaggerated by those who describe
it ; and in so saying, we are far from intending
to cast a reflection on them : for who possesses a
mind that will not be excited beyond just con-
trul in the centre of tumults such as those
which now agitate Paris ? Poverty and mi-
sery, we are convinced, have had a power-
ful influence in creating these disturbances, by
which the poverty and misery (if human suffer-
ing can be so far extended) will only be aggra-
vated tenfold. Want has supplied intriguers
and agitators with ready agents prepared for all
violence• The cry of « Vive la Republique"
\vas first and most frequently heard ; as if the

Republic conferred happiness on France while
it was established there. The wretched emi-
grant family has_ also its partisans, though more
fearful, and acting with more caution, than the
others; as if such a creature as Charles X.
could repair the mischiefs which his haughty-
imbecility had created. The present King is
not popular, and the advantages of a settled con-
stitutional monarchy do not obtain consideration
enough on occasions of popular commotion to
repair the absence of affectionate loyalty. Thank
Heaven that our Reform Bill is safe ! Let us rest
quiet. We have nothing to do with the internal
troubles of Paris or France. We see that some of th e
accounts speak of foreign influence as exciting the
mischief. The charge is absurd. The National
Guard are said in some, not all the accounts, to
have united themselves generally, and with zeal,
to the troops of the line, in the work of putting
down the revolt. 'I he only ludicrous part of the
proceeding, was the running away of the omni-
buses as fast as they could run, lest they should
be converted into barricades. From this new
and extraordinary tumult in Paris at the funeral
of a republican General, where his friends en-
deavoured to gain the political ascendency ; and
from the rising in the west, where the Carlists
have revolted against the new dynasty, on
the score of oppression, one would almost
suppose that a regular Government in France
was impossible. At least it must be admitted,
that the secret has not yet been found out, or
carried into effect, of satisfying the extreme fac-
tions into which that country is divided. The
infamous conduct of the partisans of the fallen
dynasty, in originating resistance or fomenting
disturbances for the last eighteen months, has,
no doubt, been one of the great causes of the
present continued fermentation. They had been
in possession of power for sixteen years. They
had filled all the public offices with their agents.
The Church and the Court were devoted to their
interests. They alone were known to foreign
Governments, and they looked to the employ-
ments and the honours of the State as their ex-
clusive patrimony or legitimate monopoly. The
terrible blow which their authority received from
the paving stones of July, benumbed and con-
founded their senses for a time, but did not an-
nihilate their pretensions or extinguish their hopes
of future ascendency. Hence the whole host of
disbanded placemen,—from the prefets of depart-
ments down to the most abject sous-prefets,---
from generals of division down to the private
soldiers of the Guard,—from rectors of the
University down to parish teachers, and all the
tribe of Crown lawyers who had served the
Bourbons with zeal in their prosecutions,—
turned against the new dynasty. Deputies re-
signed their commissions, and Peers their ho-
nours, because they were required to take an
oath in favour of the new order of things.
Emissaries were sent to all the despotic Courts
of Europe to intrigue against the new.dynasty,
and to preach a crusade against the doctrine of
popular sovereignty. Meantime, even the
mouvement administration of M. Lafitte, and
latterly, the more peremptory cabinet of M. C.
Perier, anxious to show to Europe that the re-
volution of 1830 could attain strength and
security without " being baptized in blood
on the field of battle," or supported at home by
suspensions of law, tried every thing to main-
tain internal order and to prevent foreign war.
But the active minds and sanguine tempers of
those who had prepared the people for defend-
ing their rights, or had led the revolt against
their oppressors in 1830, could not be satisfied
with this provisional or uncertain state of things.
They demanded more vigorous measures, and a
more decided course, both in foreign and do-
mestic policy. Their Carlist enemies had ap-
pealed to foreign Courts, and had, by their in-
fluence or intrigues with the Emperor of Russia,
postponed the recognition of the new dynasty for
three or four months. In the reasonable antici-
pation that the doctrine of popular sovereignty
could not be agreeable to absolute Monarchs,
and that their new franchises were threatened by
invasion, they had sought the alliance of nations
against their rulers, and had thus encouraged
revolutionary movements in Poland, in Belgium,
in Spain, and in Italy. Hence the Government
of Louis-Philippe, in renouncing the Crown
of the Belgians, and in refraining to declare
war against Austria when her troops passed
the Po, to put down the Bolognese patriots
in the spring of 1831, acquired the character
of timidity or of treachery—became suspected
of absolutism, or of being unfaithful to the
national honour,—and laid up a store of odium
which has increased by the discontent of all the
defeated friends of liberty in Europe. Hence
we had a continued tumult of four days in Paris
for the fall of Warsaw, and saw the Govern-
ment of France nearly overthrown, because the
noble cause of Poland had not been supported
by the French arms. But the domestic ques-
tions. in which the Government was involved
were still more embarrassing, and the conduct
of the Ministry appeared to the Movement party
still more equivocal. Those who considered
themselves as the exclusive friends of the revo-
lution proposed to pass over the whole interval
between 1830 and 1790, and to build the
work of political change on the basis laid by the
Constituent Assembly. The moderate or mo-
narchical party, on the other hand, wished only
to start from the charter of 1814, and to con-
sider every thing as fixed which was not changed
by the modifications which that document un-
derwent in the two sittings of the Deputies
preceding the present King's accession. Hence
almost on every subject a diversity of views
between the parties of movement and re-
sistance. The authoritative establishment of
the Catholic Church was destroyed to
please the former,—its existence and revenues
were maintained to satisfy the latter. The
former required the abolition of the right of the
Crown to nominate Peers, the latter only con-
sented to the abolition of their hereditary privi-
leges. The former, in erecting a throne " sur-
rounded with republican instituttironnnse w
,' professed
to understand that such a h
nearly as cheap as a President's Chair,—the
latter insisted on an exorbitant Civil
th
List.
short, the one meant a republic, and, the other
a Monarchy ; and, as the King naturally was
more inclined to the latter than the former, in
the same proportion his good faith was susyected,
and his popularity declined. In opposing the
policy of the Government, the press was eve.a
more powerful than the tribune, and the Mi-
nistry increased that power by injudicious and
tyrannical attempts to repress it. To such an
absurd extent have prosecutions been mul-
tiplied, that one of the most violent of the
Journals has now reached its fiftieth trial in
the course of two years, and has had the ho-
nour of being four times seized in one week.
Add to these causes of dissatisfaction the dis-
turbances at Lyon-, at Strasburg, at Grenoble,
and in other towns, the absurd Vendean plot,
and its foolish leader allowed to perplex and an-
noy the country, instead of being instantly and
vigorously checked—and we have a frightful

mass of discontent, which it only required an un.
fortunate accident or a tempting opportunity likt
that of Lamarque's funeral to launch against the
throne. The declaration of the forty-one Depu
ties who lately met at the House of Laffitte,
supported by the adhesions of a considerable
number of members in the provinces—recapitu-
lating as it does the whole history of the la't
session—and embodying all the objections which
had been made to the Government in the speeches
of eight or nine months—has no doubt tended
to give a decided political direction to any popu-
lar movement. It is a kind of banner, round
which the dissatisfactions of the people may rally.
Judging from this among other circumstances,
but not pretending to predict with any
certainty on our imperfect information, we should
be inclined to suppose, that though the King
may not be forced to abdicate, he must at least
enter into terms with the Movement party, and
take a Ministry from their body. 'This will
render necessary another appeal to the country,
and an appeal to the electoral colleges at the
present crisis, may be merely another name for
revolution. All the papers which have reached
us condemn, though on different grounds, the
actors in the tumult. The statements of several
of them we have given in another column. The
Temps, though an opposition journal, deplores
the disasters of the riot, and invites the assis-
tance of the National Guard to restore order.
It ascribes the first disturbances to the reluctance
shown by the troops to pay funeral honours to
the favourite General of the people; but adds,
absurdly enough, that the tumult was aggra-
vated by the bribes of the English aristocracy.
To the gold of Pitt, some friends of the first
revolution ascribed all the atrocities with which
it was stained. The National speaks out with
its accustomed energy and boldness, and states
that nothing but a change of system, foreign and
domestic, can avert civil war.—Times.
Those fears, which, down to the last moment
at which any chance existed that they might
prove ultimately groundless, we had but half dis
closed, have since been realized. The King did
not give the Royal assent in person to the Charter
of 1832, which had been framed and brought
forward under his own immediate auspices, and

which he had thrice recommended to Parliament
in solemn speeches from the throne. The sub-
stitution of Commissioners for the King in per-
son has been considered by great numbers of his
Majesty's subjects as a demonstration, there-
fore, that the Prixce, in whom we all implicitly
trusted,.is of an opposite creed in constitutional
politics from his people. We do not believe
this to be the case. As for the substantial wel-
fare of the country, it matters little what errors

may find entrance into the understanding of a
limited IVlonarch—limited not in name, but in
truth and strictness, by the responsibility of his
Ministers,—when that responsibility shall no
longer be " a farce," but a solid power in the
hands of the nation and its representatives- The
maxim of the Constitution, that " the King can
do no wrong," must receive an inestimable im-
provement from the Reform Bill, inasmuch as
the King's Ministers will henceforth be incapable
of " doing any wrong" in which the people shall
not be sharers with them. It is, then, of little con-
sequence, save to himself only, what may, from
this time forward, be the private opinions of
an English king, upon questions which concern
the general welfare of the community. No war
fur Hanoverian interests can, under a Reformed
Parliament, be forced upon us, as in the days of
George 11. No war on behalf of Divine right
and Bourbonism, as in those of George 111. No
millions for palaces, nor civil-list enormities, nor
profligate pensions, as under the voluptuary and
squandering reign of George IV. If a king,
indeed, should, by long and consistent adherence
to the paths of virtue and political wisdom, sway
at will the affections of the people of this coun-
try, he might ask and obtain innumerable marks
of indulgence from his subjects, and of deference
to his desires, even at no small sacrifice of com-
fort to themselves. Questions upon the civil
list, for example, will, in a reformed Parliament,
be seized upon manfully—not blinked or sneake d
away from—as fair and well-chosen opportuni-
ties for expressing the public sentiments with re-
gard to the conduct of the Sovereign, in those
respects wherein no childish use can be made of
the maxim that "the King can do no wrong." This
brings us to the consideration of a point which,
though in itself unworthy ofall notice, has derived a
fictitious and accidental significancy from the
prominence of trifling actors upon a mighty
stage. Certain members of the Fitzclarence fa-
mily have been accused of the perversion of that
influence which the kindness of their surviving

parent allows them, to serve their own purposes.
But can this charge be true ? Can their sudden
elevation have so infatuated them as to make
them fancy that they can have any hold or sta-
tion among the people of England which is not
yielded to them in pure tenderness towards an
illustrious person with whom they are connected
no otherwise than as specks upon his memory ?
Do they dream such nonsense as that by adopt-
ing the follies of the " high Tory aristocracy,"
they will ever be recognized among it members ?
Do they not see that they can, under no cir-
cumstances, touch a shilling's worth of place or
pension in this country at the public charge,
except by virtue and through the medium of
such a degree of popularity, to be enjoyed by
the King and annexed to his person, as .
might induce the Parliament and nation ge-
nerally to wave all strict admeasurement of
rewards to merits, and to serve the child for
the father's sake ? If the persons alluded to have .
such lofty notions of their own pretensions or de-
serts, that they flatter themselves with the hope
of " making way " through the humiliating ob-
stacles which beset them, without King Wil-
liam's aid or countenance, they may have some
excuse for their diligence in urging him to dis-
regard that popularity which is the strength of
monarchy, and to lean upon them, instead of
being their natural, as he is their only, prop. In
the mean time, if our readers want amusement,
they may find it in a sort of explanation which
has been given in Court circles for the King's
non• appearance yesterday. It is said that lie
could not give the Royal assent in person, be-
cause it is not usual for the Sovereign to assist
at such a ceremony, except at the close of a
session of Parliament, or when the Bill to be
passed is one which relates directly and person-
ally to members of the Royal family ! As if
this occasion had been one, in which precedent
was of more avail than sound policy, or as if
should no precedent exist, the case did not more
than command that one should be established.
However, let them make the best of it. We
inled,very
anxious to pursue
theare snuohti,
eucnt.lss
The three—eaTcctioo:ressin the last scene of opposi-
tion to the Reform Bill in the House of Lords
on Monday, were, to be sure, selected with sin-
gular propriety. Lords Winchilsea Harrowbv ! !
Wharncliffe ! ! ! With the first, his short-lived,
much-repented support of Lord Grey, his

speech in favour of Reform at Maidstone,
his bellowing declamations .against it in the
House of Lords, we do not think it worth our
while to trouble ourselves ; but as we have now
heard all the explanation of their views and con-
duct which the two latter Lords are likely to
give, we shall take the liberty, for the last time,
of making an observation or two upon them.
Lord Harrowby, with a simplicity which one
might pardon in a child, but which is ridiculous
in a grey-haired Statesman, talked again of Lord
Lyndhurst's motion being what Lord Carnarvon
called it, a mere alphabetical arrangement, and
of no real importance. Can the Noble Lord
hope to impose upon any one by such ab•
solute twaddle ? He then accused Lord Grey
of being guilty of " a.manceuvre and party trick,"
in tendering the honest advice to his Sovereign
which was followed by his resignation. To Lord
Grey's defence of conduct, which in the eyes of
the universal people of England needed no de-
fence, we can add nothing ; but it is strange and
monstrous that such a charge should be made by
those who were themselves guilty of that very
conduct which now, with blushing effrontery,
they impute to Lord Grey. It is no secret, it
was openly avowed by Lords Harrowby and
Wharncliffe early in April, that they were
anxious to see schedule A passed before Easter ;
nay, so much importance did the former Noble-
man attach to this, that he disapproved of the
postponement of the second reading of the Re-
form Bill, which was conceded to his colleague
Lord Wharncliffe. How, then, could these
Noble Lords view the postponement of the sche-
dules A and B. as immaterial? But if they were
so duped as to be persuaded by their new allies,
Lords Lyndhurst and Carnarvon, that disfran-
chisement ought not to be an object in the Bill
for its own sake, but only a means towards the
enfranchisement of large towns—persuaded of this,
mark, by men whose sincerity in even this spe-
cies of Reform may be best known from the
fact, that, two short years ago, they resisted the
enfranchisement of a large town when the bo-
rough of Retford lay under sentence of disfran-
chisement—if they were so duped as this, did
nothing, we ask, take place to enlighten them ?
Did not Lord Grey, as he told the public, in his
speech on Monday night, warn them—did he
not tell Lord Wharncliffe in person, that he
should consider the success of such a motion as
Lord Lyndhurst's fatal to the Bill? Could the
Noble Lords after that warning consider the
question as trifling ? Did not Lord Grey again,
in his speech in the House of Lords on the
night of the motion itself, tell not only them, but
the House, that he should so consider it ? Yet,
after the first warning, these Noble Lordsjoined
in plotting ; after the second they voted for
Lord Lyndhurst's scheme. And these are the
Lords who impute to others " manoeuvres and
party tricks." But Lord Wharncliffe, who can-
not but feel the dirty part he has acted—who
sees that he cannot but appear to the.world as hav-
ing played false to those who trusted him, who
thought hire an honourable man, at least—tries
to lighten his load of infamy, by telling us on
Monday night that he would have communi-
cated the plot in which Lord H. and himself
were such prominent actors to Lord Grey, if he
alone had been in the secret. What then ?
Why enter into the plot at all ? Why meet in
council with the avowed enemies of all Reform,
Lords Lyndhurst, Ellenborough, Carnarvon—
the tools of the Commander-in-Chief himself,
in his deep-laid scheme for defeating Reform (no
—such was not his Grace's object,) for re-in-
stating himself in power ? The crime was
the plot, not the secresy. The treachery was
consummated by entering into the scheme ; and
the keeping it secret could add nothing to its
baseness. We may, perhaps, on some future
occasion develope the whole intrigue, which we
know ; for the present we leave to the common
sense and honesty of all men to decide where
the charge of " manoeuvre and party trick" rests.
But men who have grown grey in the practice of
these, are so little used to plain honesty and

fair dealing, that they can fiiid no other name
for them than that which is fitting for their
own petty conduct alone.—Morning Chronicle.

The Reform Bill was on Wednesday night re.

turned to the House of Lords by Lord John
Russell Lord Althorp, and between thirty and
forty other members of the House of Commons,
with the usual notification that their Lordships'
amendments had been agreed to. It was received
by the Lord Chancellor, with the usual forms
and ceremonies, and now only waits the Royal
Assent. In what manner this assent is to be
given—whether in person by the King, or by
means of a Royal Commission—remains to be
seen. We have reason to believe that nothing
has been actually settled upon the subject,—
although advice has been tendered, and we trust
we may therefore still entertain the hope that
the King, true to his first pledges—true to the
expectations of his people, and true to his fame
as an honest hearted and straightforward En-
glishman—as the first King of his race who ever
sympathized with the cause of his people, and
trusted to the benefits which he had conferred
on them, as the best guardians of his throne,
and its prerogative,—will ratify, in per-
son, %hat he has done so much to promote.—
Situated as our Sovereign now is, there is no
one, should he come down in person to give his
assent to the Bill, who might not envy him ;and
we will not for a moment suppose that he will
be so blinded by the sinister counsel of malignant
and envious individuals, as to suppose what
might be the case, should he fail to do himself
this great act of justice. Under his auspices
was the Bill introduced—through his support,
allowing for one false step, it has successfully
weathered the storm in both Houses of Parlia-
ment—and by him in person ought the only re-
maining touch be given to it. The measure
and. its benefits would be complete without this
important ceremonial ; but the glory of the tri-
umph would be in some measure obscured, and
the undoubted sincerity of the King be suspected
of indifference or opposition. And now that
we are on the very threshold of the temple which
two years ago was only visible in the distance,
and into which our enemies, even at this moment,
would prevent us from entering if they could,
it may not be altogether useless to look
back on the means by which the great
triumph has been achieved, and endea-
vour to gather from it a lesson for our
future guidance, should the change of times ren-
der it necessary to have recourse to it. And what
have been the means? We answer, unhesitat-
ingly, the united power of the people, and their
determination, come well, come woe, to retain
their rights, and put down forever the faction
which had first robbed them of them, and then
converted them into engines for their oppression.
Had the people been disunited—had each man
stickled for the adoption of his own particular
views of Reform, and withheld the right hand of
fellowship from his brother, because he would
go farther, or would not go so far as himself,
the cause of Reform would have been lost for

the moment, or been only carried at the expe►,s.•
of a civil war ; but the people were too enlight
ened to play the game of their enemies—they
wisely sank all minor differences of opinion,
in order to insure what would be beneficial to all
—they laboured night and day in the cause—they
met—they resolved—they petitioned—nay, they
sent up petition after petition, and remonstrance
after remonstrance, until the King's closet,
and the tables of both Houses of Par-

liament, groaned under them ; they resisted all
attempts to seduce them into a breach of the
peace, although sorely tempted by the vexatious
conduct of their enemies, and kept on the even
tenour of their way in the certainty of final vic-
tory—and behold the triumph which they have
achieved ! a triumph bloodless in its origin and
course, and surpassing in moral grandeur every
similar triumph that has ever been achieved by
the people of this or of any other country.—
Next to the people, Lord Grey and his Ma-
jesty's Ministers and the House of Commons
must not be forgotten. To the wisdom of the
first we are indebted for a Bill which united the
suffrages of all classes—to the untired perseve-
rance of Lords Althorp and Russell does that
measure owe its successful passage through
the House of Commons—and, finally, to the
bold and uncompromising spirit of the latter
is the country mainly indebted for the restora-
tion of Lord Grey and his colleagues to office—
the ousting of the Duke of Wellington and his
crew from the Reform ship—and the final and
speedy passage of the Bill through the Lords.
Too much cannot be said in praise of any of
them. Each did his duty nobly, and their no-
ble -and enviable reward is their country's love,
esteem, and gratitude. Of the Political Unions,
and the influence which they have exercised indi-
vidually and collectively, little need be said.
They were emanations of the people's feelings,
and representatives of their wishes—they are
properly to be classed as part of the people, and
not as bodies which arose into being and conti-
nued to live and flourish without them. True
to their origin and vocation, they have nobly
done their duty—they have been inStantin season
and out of season—they have watched every
movement of the enemy, and parried every
blow with the greatest success that was aimed
at their rights or their defenders—and in the tri-
umph which has been achieved do they find a
noble and lasting reward of their labours. Finally,
in speaking of the aid afforded by the Press
to the great cause on which the minds of the
people were set—we trust we need not observe,
that we are not speaking of ourselves, but, of all
who have laboured with us in the vineyard—of
the nine-tenths of the Press of England which,
echoing as it did at the beginning of the contest,
the earnest wishes of the people of England,
never faltered or relaxed in its exertions until
they had been crowned with success. How
earnestly it advocated the people's interests,
through good and through evil reportin spite
of calumny and menace,—the public must.ere
now how have fully appreciated ; and in propor-
tion to their sense of its unwearied attachment to

,heir cause will, we trust, be their determination

to protect it against all who would abridge its
privileges. This is the only boon which we
crave in return for the good which we have done
—as for other gratification, we have it in the
success of our labours and the deadly hostility
and the rancorous animosity of those whom we
have overthrown !—Morning Advertiser.
It is evident, from what transpired in the

House of Lords on Tuesday night, that Mi-
nisters have become ashamed of the Russo-

Dutch loan job. It was by means of this job
that Russia was enabled to march her vast
armies, one after the other, to the conquest of
Poland, whose independence we were bound by
treaty to protect. English gold—the produce
of the taxed industry of a people who pride
themselves upon their love of freedom—went to
assist Russian steel in extending the dominion
of tyrannical rule and barbarism over liberty
and civilization ! And it was not for voting
against his conscience in sanctioning this job,
which purchased for the British nation, at a
costly price, the honour of being tributary to
the imperious Calmuc of the North, that Sir
Henry Parnell was dismissed from the situation
of Secretary at War ! It is a hard case when
a liberal Cabinet finds its course of policy im-
poses upon it the necessity of ejecting one of
its members for being too careful of the public
money, and carrying into office the incumbrance
of a conscience. This Russian, Dutch loan
job is, of course, to be primarily considered
as one of the splendid achievements of Lord
Palmerston's foreign policy,—though the
whole Administration, with a solitary exception,
certainly earned the honour of giving it their un-
qualified support. To pay vast sumsvf English
money to Russia, after the event had happened
which determined the treaty by which the obli-
gation to pay had been incurred, and that too
without submitting the question to Parliament,
was a bold step, and showed that Lord Palmers-
ton, as the head of our foreign policy, was more
obsequious to the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh
than to the British House of Commons. But
the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown was
in favour of that construction of the treaty,
which cost the people so dear, no doubt, It
has rarely happened that the opinion of a Crown
Lawyer has been against the Minister of the
Crown. We showed at the time of the dis-
cussion of this question, what grounds there
were for relying, upon the validity of that
nion. Russia got the money, flowever, at a crisis
when it was of the utmost importance to her to
have something like a subsidy from England.
When his armies, aided by treachery, had done
their sanguinary work in Poland, the insolent
Czar expressed his grateful sense of our libera-
lity by contemptuously tearing in pieces the treaty
of Vienna, and throwing it in the face of our
gad_
of
Government, who, after they had received that
treaties—thus
the
was fact."
insult, declared that they had " no official infor-
mation
o ftheThuswas the
En faithln
honour of
England—
maintained. But Lord Palmerston has been
decorated with the insignia of an order of chi-
valry. The Minister, whose policy and diplo-
matic appointments served to work ruin to Po-
land and shame to England, well deserves the
blushing riband of the Bath. We observe that
when the Lord Chancellor was asked whether
the payments under this Russo-Dutch loan
treaty had been suspended, he answered that they
had not, properly speaking, been suspended, but
had been superseded by a new arrangement,
which had been agreed upon, but not yet rati-
fied, and which, when ratified, would be sub-
mitted to Parliament, with the view of obtain-
ing the necessary powers for carrying the arrange-
mentsinto effect, when the whole question could
be considered. If we rightly understand the
meaning of this declaration, it is that the pay-
ments under the treaty have been stopped, and
that new payments are contemplated under a new
arrangement, which has not yet been completed,
and which Parliament is to be asked to sanction.

When this arrangement does come to be laid be-
fore Parliament, we hope, as the Lord Chancel-
lor says, that the " whole question will be con-
sidered," and we do not think the whole question
can be considered unless it be taken into account
whether, instead of paying away more of the
people's money to the Russian autocrat, he ought
pot to refund the surplus sums which he has
already received. The treaty was, indeed, an
iniquitous one, which bound the people of Eng-
land to subsidise Russia to induce her to preserve
the forced and unnatural union between Belgium
and Holland. Iniquitous as it was, as long as
it was legally in existence we would have it faith-
fully observed. But from the moment that Bel-
gium and Holland were severed, the treaty was
at an end. The payments, by its clear and
express stipulation, were to cease and determine.
Can a reformed Parliament overlook this ?
Morning Herald.