The Sun.
London, England, 1859-03-17 00:00:00

GRAVESEND.

Last evening a crowded and highly influential
public meeting of the inhabitants of the borough of
Gravesend was held at the Literary Institution,
Harmer-street, for the purpose of expressing an
opinion on the merits of the Government Reform
Bill. On the platform, in addition to three of the
borough magistrates and several members of the

corporation, were Messrs. C. W. Martin and

Wliatman, the-members for West Kent, who were
received with loud applause. It. Oakes, Esq., was
unanimously called to the chair, and commenced
the proceedings by observing that a meeting had
recently been held to petition Parliament to confer
the Parliamentary franchise upon the borough of
Gravesend, and this boon was yielded by the
Government bill. As a sincere refbrmer, much as
he desired to see Gravesend enfranchised, lie would
not accept the bill, because it contained this provi-
sion, as he believed that it was a sham, and
unworthy of the support of the reform party. Dr.
Hyde Clark moved the following resolution :
" That the bill introduced by the Government into
the House of Commons disappoints the just expec-
tations of the country that a large portion of the
working classes should be admitted to the enjoy-
ment of the franchise, and while recognising the
claims of Gravesen d to be constituted a Parliamentary
borough it disfi ancbises more than 400 freehold
county voters resident within the borough, admits
as voters for the borough any number of non-
resident freeholders withoutrequiring their presence
even at the polling-booth, and by not extinguish-
ing any of the existing small boroughs it confers
on Gravesend, with its 16,000 inhabitants, only the
same privilege as that which is retained for thir-
teen English towns having each less than 5,000
inhabitants. For these reasons, this meeting is of
opinion that the bill should be rejected at its second
reading." After entering into detail upon the
various items of the bill, the speaker observed it
was perfectly evident that it was framed with a
view to add to the conservative interest, and whilst
it pretended to give the franchise to large numbers,
it practically curtailed the operation of the suffrage,
and entirely ignored the political rights of the
working classes. The Rev. E. Pryce seconded the
motion, and remarked that only one thing could be
done with the bill. It was too bad to be considered
in detail, and should be rejected on its second read.
ing. He believed the county members present
were prepared to adopt this course ; and if it re-
sulted in a change of ministry the country might
obtain a comprehensive measure of reform.
Whether Lord John • Russell would accept the
reins of Government, or Lord Palmerston, would
soon be seen. In his opinion Lord Johnßussell
was the man for the coming crisis. (Cries of " No,
no," and cheers.) He believed that Lord John was
earnest on the subject of reform, and if he was well
watched—(iaugliter)—would present a reform bill
acceptable to the nation. -At all events, let the next
ministry have the same chance as the present, and
if they deceived the country they must go out of
office too. Mr. C. W. Martin, M.P., and Mr
Whatman, 111,P., both addressed the meeting, and

declared their intention to give the bill their deter-
mined opposition.

NOTTINGHAM.

A public meeting, which had been convened bf
the Mayor, in compliance with a numerously-signed
requisition, 11 a i held in the Exchange-hall, Notting-
ham, on Tuesday evening, " for the purpose of tak-
ing into consideration the Reform Bill introduced
into the House of Commons by the present Govern-
ment."

The chair was occupied by Mr. Alderman Knight,
on the platform were the leading Radicals and
and Chartists in the town. The body of the hall
was tilled chiefly by the working classes.
The requisition and notice convening the meeting
having been read,
The following letters from the members for the
borough, Mr. Walter and Mr. C. Paget, were read
by the secretary :

" 40, Upper Grosvenor-street, March 14.
" Sir,—l have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of
a copy of the resolutions which it is intended to propose at
the meeting of the electors and inhabitants of Nottingham,
which is convened for to-morrow.

" I regret that I shall be prevented by Parliamentary
engagements both of a public and private character from
attending the meeting in question ; but I will thank you
to convey to the meeting the following brief expression
of my opinions on the important subject to which their
attention is being directed. Ist. lam of opinion that the
question of Parliamentary Reform Ought to be settled
without any further delay, and in such a manner as
will prevent the renewal of any agitation on the subject
for many years to come. 2d. lam of opinion that the Go-
vernment Bill, in the present shape, will not satisfy the
last of these requirements; and, that, both as regards the
distribution of seats and the question of the franchise, it
falls very short of the just expectations of the public. I
am not disposed, however, to regard it, as some do, as 'all
absolute sham.' On the contrary, I believe it may be made
the foundation of a useful and permanent. measure ; and I
approve of the principle which it contains, that the occupa-
tion franchise in counties should be assimilated to that
boroughs. 3d. I have always maintained the opinion that
those who claim to be admitted to the privilege of the fran-
ohise should be prepared to accept the responsibilities which
the possession of such a privilege imposes on them ; and
that open voting is the best guarantee for the right exercise
of such a privilege. lam therefore wholly opposed to the
ballot.—l remain, Sir, your obedient servant,
" J. WALTER."

The reading of the latter portion of Mr. Walter's
letter elicited evidences of disapprobation, voices
from the body of the hall demanding " manhood
suffrage" and " vote by ballot."
-Mr. Paget's letter, which was warmly applauded,
stated :

" The inadequate, representation of the working classes is
the great defect in our present system. The provisions of
the bill to remedy this defect are trifling in the extreme.
No reform will be satisfactory which does not provide for
the skilful and industrious workmen such a fair share in
the representation as is due to their growing intelligence
and to the increasing proofs which they give of their ability
to discharge the duties of a citizen.
"The protection of the ballot is due to every voter, in
order that he may fearlessly and conscientiously fulfil the
duty imposed upon him by the possession of the franchise.
I have always voted for it, and I shall continue to give it
my hearty support."
Mr. Alderman CULLEN moved the first resolu-
tion, to the effect that the meeting was of opinion
that the provisions of the Government measure
were entirely inadequate to meet the just require-
ments and advanced intelligence of the nation.
Mr. GEE seconded the motion, which was carried
nem. con.

Mr. Alderman JUDD proposed the next resolu-
tion, to the effect that any measure of reform, to
give satisfaction to the people and promote the
security of the country at large, should at least
provide for the enfranchisement of every person
who is wholly or in part a ratepayer, for vote by
ballot, triennial parliaments, an equitable appor-
tionment of representation to the wealth and
population of the kingdom.
Mr. Councillor HART seconded the resolution,
and commented in very strong terms on the new
Reform Bill, which was a farce, a delusion, and 0,
snare.

This resolution was also carried.
A petition, embodying the views expressed in
proceeding resolutions, was then adopted.

THE
_" VIENNA GAZETTE" AND THE
" 1110NITEUR."

A reply has been given by the official Vienna
Gazette to the first of the 21Ioniteur's two articles
on the European " situation." The Austrian jour-
nal says :
It is on the article of March 5, in the Moniteur, that the
liolitical world still grounds its hypotheses concerning the
juncture of affairs near at hand. Can the official organ of
the French government, casting a retrospective look at the
agitation it has so recently caused, confess that its object
is attained ? We think not.
It was not the intention of the Moniteur to create serious
hopes for the preservation of peace. This is proved by the
eagerness with which its confidential satellites deny the
pacific veering round of French policy revealed to broad
daylight in the speech from the throne, of February 7, and
in Count Moray's address to the Legislative Corps. we
ourselves, and we deliberately say it, have not believed in
this veering round. We have not found in the article in
question of the Moniteur a single word in which we could
detect the symptoms of a return to more equitable seno-
- to the principles of right and justice.
What did the Moniteur mean when it spoke out on the
sth of March on the political situation ? We think we are
not wide of the mark when we say that the writer wishes
to give to public opinion, in its estimates of the causes and
effects of the material and moral connection of affairs in this
situation, a direction different from that which public opinion
had been hitherto taking.
The efforts of the Moniteur, we admit, have been rendered
easier than they were a few weeks ago. It had cause to be
satisfied with the success procured for it, both in Germany
and England, by the diversion about the special treaties
between Austria and various states in Italy. It could
reckon on the facility with which men would allow their
minds to be impressed by the idea it was about to propa-
gate. This idea has a far more 'extensive range than the
Constitutionnel would have us suppose when it talks about
localising ,the war, and wants to persuade Germany that
her interests do not lead her in any way to support Austria
in the Italian question. The idea which inspired the
article in the Moniteur is the divide et impera in the
" German question," a question that would inevitably arise
if a certain hand could give to the situation of Italy an
equitable solution after the pattern of the treaty of peace
concluded at Paris in 1856.
We will not go to the bottom of this idea now •, we confine
ow selves to showing the way in which the .Moniteur had
endeavoured, for the sake of this very idea, to explain to the
world how and why the French Government is not respon-
sible for the anxieties felt by Europe. " Where are the
words," demands the Noniteut, "where are the diplomatic
notes, where are the acts that imply the desire to provoke
war ?" Had we not seen that this question is equivocal
enough, we might reply to the official organ of the French
Government by asking in our turn whether it has lost all
conscience and memory, or whether in its pride it fancies
the world must accept without reflection and in silence all
that is said to it. Such is not, in our opinion, the state
of things. The sense of truth and right, the will to let
them have free currency, is still spread far and wide
among mankind. In this conviction we remind the
world of the forbearance and patience with which Austria
has endured the long and incessant provocations and
offences of her small neighbour. Is there any other power
that, under the same circumstances, could say it had ex-
hibited similar forbearance and similar patience ? The
attitude of Austria towards Piedmont, from the battle of
Novara to this moment, has been one uninterrupted abnega-
tion, quite unique in political annals. Nay, more, it has
been even too much so ; for this self-restraint had reached
the stage where forgetfulness of duties—the most sacred
duties—begins. Such was the point that Austria had
reached in her relations with Sardinia. " Where are the
words, the acts implying the will to provoke war ?" No-
where, we shall reply to this equivocal question. But who can
have forgotten that imperial France, at the outbreak of the
war in the East, declared she would carry the tricolored flag
to the foot of the Appenines if Austria refused to join her on
the Lower Danube ? Who can have forgotten the encou-
ragements that, since this declaration, "the Italian cause"
has met with from the official and semi-official organs of
imperial France ? Who can have forgotten the support
which the efforts of the Sardinian plenipotentiaries found
for this cause at the Congress of Paris ? Who can have
forgotten the words with which the speech from the throne
flattered last year the hopes of the "oppressed nationali-
ties ?" Who can have forgotten the trial and case of
Orsini, the publication of that assassin's will and testa-
ment. Who does not still remember the war rumour raised
by the Governmental press at Paris last autumn, for the
Italian cause ? Who does not recollect the contradiction
given to those rumours at the very time the French people
were parading all their sympathies for the Italian cause ?
Who does not still speak about the language used to
the Austrian ambassador at the Tuileries on the first day of
this year ? Who does not sum up the injuries inflicted on
private and public wealth in every country P Does not the
Moniteur confirm the existence of an alliance between
France and Piedmont, an alliance long mentioned by
rumour? "The Emperor," says the Moniteur, "has pro-
mised the King of Sardinia to protect him against aggres-
sion from Austria." Now, every one knows what a wide
interpretation is given to the word " aggression" both
.at
Paris and Turin

have only to go back to the affair of Montenegro when
the Honiteur. applied the term " aggression" to the'defen-
sive operations of the Ottoman troops who drove back the
Czernagores to their mountains. Let us take up the first
newspaper come to hand from Turin, inspired by the govern-
ment and the revolulionary ideas ; let us listen to the debates
of the Piedmontese Parliament, and we shall hear it said
every day that Austria's possession of the Lombardo-Vene-
tian kingdom is a violation of right—an Austrian aggres-
sion against Italy. Did not the First Minister of Piedmont
close the debate on the war-loan with these words, " The
offensive and the defensive are relative notions."
But let us come back to the manifestations of French
policy respecting
Italy. All of them did not imply "the
will to provoke war," but they authorised King Victor-
Emmanuel to express the hope of seeing certain eventuali-
ties arise, by which the Italian cause might come off vic-
torious; they gave him the right to impose on his exhausted
country fresh burthens, fresh war-charges. These words,
these acts "do not imply the will to provoke war," but it
. .

is they which prepare the introduction of the peace-systera
that dates from Bordeaux, and which finds in the projects of
M. La Gueronnoiero the equitable solution of the Italian
question. They had resolved to submit the question
diplomatically' before they did so "politically."- They
did not wish to provoke war, for they. hoped, they said, that
peace would not be broken. It was imagined that Austria
was going to crown her forbearance and patience towards
Piedmont by benevolently accepting, the equitable solution.
. \lra were quite recently told. from Paris that the measures
of precaution taken by Austria in anticipation of a rupture
of the peace were a provocation addressed to France, and
that the latter could not but take it up. Now we read in a
German paper :—" Hitherto it has been France that has
been provoking and sustaining the apprehensions of war,
but now it is Austria's obstinacy that is feared." Let us
how this paper will acknowledge the wrong it does to
Austria.