The Sun.
London, England, 1866-05-23 00:00:00

TEE SON, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVEN

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

5 TlMES.—Though the eagerness of nations to arm
and to fight when excited by rivalry or ambition
• may discourage the humane, yet it is a hopeful sign
' that the question of peace or war is now to a greater
degree than formerly in the hands of those who
will have to suffer by the strife. War is, indeed, no
longer the last argument of Kings, but of the people
themselves. A powerful Prince, the chosen of the
multitude, and representing in his own person the
national will, may send out expeditions to distant
countries and embark in enterprises with which the
people have little sympathy. But not even the
French Emperor could conduct a great war without
the goodwill of his people, and much more are the
other Princes of Europe likely to fail in mili-
tary designs to which their subjects are opposed.
We have now before us the spectacle of two
Powers, one in the North and the other in the
South of Europe, arming for the attack of Austria,
and concluding for that purpose a strange and
almost unnatural alliance. So far as their rulers
are concerned, each is equally ready for the strife.
If the accounts of the Convention concluded between
them be correct, either is to strike as soon as the
other has been assailed or challenged. A shot fired
either on the Venetian or the Bohemian frontier is
to be the signal for the two armies to open their re-
spective campaigns. But what a difference is there
between the allies ! Turn from Cabinets and mili-
tary coteries and inspired- journals to the body of
the nation, and then the contrast between the Prus-
sian and the Italian is not to be mistaken. South of
the Alps all is enthusiasm. Bloodshed, bankruptcy,
the chance of political convulsion, the certainty of
foreign interference and dictation are disregarded
when the prospect of gaining Venetia looms how-
ever hazily, on the sight. The Italian has 'during
seven years been taught to regard the conquest of
this corner of his country as the one inestimable
object of patriotic endeavour. Nothing that he has
gained has been of any value in his eyes as long as
Venetia continues subject to Austria. All that might
be done by improving and consolidating the present
possessions of the Crown, all the political influence
that might accrue to a wisely and economically ma-
naged State, has been postponed to the enterprise
of completing the national territory. Garibaldi re-
ceives a command with the rank of a General, and
in a single week 26,000 men are enrolled in the
ranks of his followers. Here we have the spectacle
of a nation eager for war, and only to be restrained ,
'from it by the overpowering strength of a neigh-
bour, or the positive conviction that defeat will be
the consequence of its attack. Far different is the
attitude of the German people, whether Prussians
or citizens of the minor States. It would seem
that the considerations which present themselves
to the mind of every thinking Englishman have
begun to have their weight with that slowly
moving people. We have more than once observed
that the purpose of Count Bismark, so far as it
can be gathered from his acts, is radically opposed
to the interests of the Fatherland. He is, no
doubt, a patriotic Prussian, but he is a Prussian
only. His purpose is to enlarge the bounds of
the Prussian State, and if this design had any
analogy with the statesmanship by which Cavour
turned the Kingdom of Sardinia into the Kingdom
of Italy it would be excusable. There are few
Englishmen, at any rate, who have much sympathy
with the German Courts, or would care if their
inevitable mediatisation were accomplished by the
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exploits of the Prussian monarchy, and whatever the
hankering of a part of the German people after
unity under the shadow of the Prussian throne may
- be, they fear that the aggrandisement of Prussia, if
effected by domestic war, will have to be purchased
by the alienation of German territory to a foreign
dominion. Thus the same national spirit which
impels Italy to war in the hope of gaining a pro-
vince impels the Prussians and their kindred neigh-
bours to peace through the fear of losing one. We
cannot wonder, then, that from Prussia and the
minor States we hear of nothing but peace meetings
and protests against the designs of the Government.
The Prussians, we doubt not, would gladly see the
Duchies annexed, if this could be accomplished safely
and peacefully by a Liberal Government. But they
are not inclined to pay too dearly even for a port in
the Baltic and a commanding position on the ocean.
All through the kingdom a voice has been raised
against the impolicy and the guilt of dividing
the Confederation, and joining in what are looked
upon as the revolutionary designs of Italy. This
feeling is not confined to civilians, to Liberals in
politics, or to those who live by industry and trade.
In spite of the threatening attitude of Austria, who
is massing her half-civilised levies on the frontier--
in spite of ancient rivalries and the military spirit
which generally possesses the young and enterprising
part of the people at the prospect of war, there is
even in the army and the militia an unwillingness
to serve, which is said to amount almost to resist-
ance. The Prussian army, which is popular in its
constitution and contains a large proportion of edu-
cated men, has no spirit for a war condemned by
the nation, a war which can give no real glory, and
thB ultimate consequences of which are likely to be
a great national misfortune. The feeling of the
German people at large may be judged from the
meeting which took place on Sunday at Frankfort.
The Congress of German Deputies assembled to the
number of 200, and adopted, on the recommenda-
tion of its committee, a resolution condemning a
war. It declared those who might cause one guilty
of grave crimes towards the nation, and threatened
with the national execration those who might at-
tempt to dispose of any portion of German territory
to foreigners. The meeting also passed a resolution
in favour of the neutrality of the States not actually
engaged in the dispute, and declared that it is their
duty to retain their forces intact, so that if occasion
shall arise they may be in a position to maintain
the territorial integrity of Germany. It will be seen
by the tenour of the resolutions how much the fear
of the eventual loss of the Rhine impels the German
people to oppose the war, and to condemn the policy
of Count Bismark. From these opposite tendencies
of the two States now leagued against Austria, it
is fair to conclude that there still remains a possi-
bility that war may be stayed, and a probability
that if it begin it may before long be checked by
some political movement in Germany. We assume
that Austria will have sufficient self-command not
to repeat the mistake of 1859, and destroy the in-
fluences that are working in her favour by an attack
on either of her adversaries. If she cannot consent
to take the advice of Europe and part with Venetia,
her best policy is to remain on the defensive. If
Prussia be restrained by the protests of her own
people, and by the warnings of the Czar, who is
said to have pronounced against the aggrandize-
ment of the kingdom at the expense of the
minor Princes, it may be that the Italians will
reflect before they begin a conflict in which, if
unaided, they are sure to be defeated. It is
almost needless, however, to repeat that the
course of events will be in the main directed by the
French Emperor. If he declares indubitably in
favour of peace, then it is probable that Europe
will not be disturbed. But it is in vain to expect
tranquillity unless the Powers meet at the approach-
ing Conference in a spirit of concession. The root of
the whole difficulty is the possession of Venetia by '
Austria • and if this Power could be prevailed upon
to yield to the wishes of Europe and relinquish its
disaffected province, it would establish a claim on
their goodwill which could not be ignored. If Italy
were satisfied, it would not be difficult to bring
Count Bismarck to reason.

POST.—The correspondence which passed interme-
diately through Mr. Adams between Earl Russell
and Mr. Bancroft, in reference to certain statements
made "by the last-named gentleman in a speech de-
livered some months since in Washington, though it
possesses now but little importance, is for many
reasons deserving of a passing comment. Possibly,
owing to the fact that the gift of second sight is
bestowed on but few, persons are proportionately
gratified when the predictions which they venture
to make are subsequently verified. " I always told
you so" is an expression which gives so much delight
to those who are in a position to employ it, that
even the certain conviction that it will cause pain to
the hearer seldom avails to prevent the prophet
boasting of his success. And, on the other hand,
nothing is more mortifying than, when one's pre-
dictions have been falsified by events, to be re-
minded of that fact by those against whose judgment
we pitted our own. Now, it is needless to remind
the public that the late war between the two sections
of the American Republic necessarily give rise to a
variety of surmises respecting the result ; and
even Ministers of State, though officially closing
their eyes to the fact that there was more than
one de facto Government in the United States,
did not hesitate to express opinions which were
intelligible alone on the assumption that there
were two Governments, and that those Govern-
ments would be firmly established. The wish is so
frequently father to the thought, that it is not sur-
prising that the members and supporters of the
Federal Government should have regarded with no
friendly. feeling those who endorsed the unnatural
belief that two independent Confederations could
ever exist within the limits of the American Union;
and this feeling of animosity was not unnaturally
with extraordinary
intensified. towards those whose icositions invested
they gave expression. In the month of February
last Mr. Bancroft took occasion in the House of
weight the sentiments to which
in the nature of a paean .Representatives atWasiington to deliver an address
on the success of the Fede-
ral arms and
the re-establishment of 'the Republic
inits pristine integrity, and in doing so made some'
very severe strictures on the conduct of the Znglish