The Sun.
London, England, 1835-10-20 00:00:00

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LOIcDON,
TUESDAY EVENING. OCTOBER 20, 1335.

In another part pf The Sun will be found some ac-
count of her MAJESTY'S visit to Oxford, which is
chiefly remarkable for the very enlightened' and liberal
proceedings, on the part of the young Oxonians, to
which it gave rise. These promising sprigs of Ultra-
Toryism, when some one among them shouted out in
the public theatre of the University, " Lord RADNOR
and his Foxhounds," replied to the shout with the most
uproarious acclamations ; but when his Lordship's
name was immediately afterwards coupled with that of
the " Dissenters," a new light - seemed suddenly to
have, broken in upon them, and they became just
as violent in their disapprobation, as they were
before in their applause. Lord RADNOR, as the
breeder of fox-hounds, was a great man in their
estimation ; they could not imagine it possible that a
Peer of the Realm could be engaged in any occupation
more worthy of his Order ; but Lord RADNOR, as the
friend of the oppressed ; the assertor of the rights of
humanity ; the uncompromising opponent of all invi-
dious religious distinctions, was quite a different being ;
and accordingly they received him, in the latter capa-
city, just as if he had wontonly degraded the charac-
ter of the Aristocracy I Such is the notion entertained
at Oxford, of the legitimate duties of an hereditary
legislator ! He is to breed " fox-hounds," at the
peril of being hissed, as was Lord BROUGHAM, by
these enlightened Tory students I This is a trifling
incident perhaps ; still it is not without its value, as
showing what we may henceforth expect from those
noblemen, who are now qualifying for their onerous
duties as legislators at Oxford.

The CITIZEN-KING, though neither supported by
the legitimacy of the BOURBONS, nor the military
glory of NAPOLEON, seems resolved to sway a sceptre
which his more illustrious predecessors only dared to
grasp whet; intoxicated with conquest, or infatuated
with the dazzling splendour of the phantoms of divine
right and regal irresponsibility. The Press—that pal-
ladium of constitutional liberty, the subjecting of which
to the arbitrary control of hiq police formed one of the
principal charges preferred by the Senate against NA-
POLEON in 1814—is henceforth to owe its existence
to the indulgence of the Monarch of July. In April,
TALLEYRAND, BERNOUVILLE, MONTESQUIEU,
the Duke d'AUBERG, and Count de JACOUR voted
the liberty of the Press a 'national right—a right so
sacred, too, as to derive from its infringement a justifi-
cation for dethroning a Monarch, and declaring his sub-
jects absolved from their oaths of allegiance. In Septem-
ber 1835, the fledgelings of a Republican revolution—
THIERS, GUIZOT, BROGLIE, HUMANN, and PER-
sit.---pronounce the liberty of the Press to be a poli-
tical e.ccident, only co-existent with a spirit of passive
obedience, and a profound veneration for all authority
among the people. Here is a change indeed, the more
miraculous if the circumstances accompanying these
conflicting declarations be considered.
The Provisional Government of Vrance in 1814 was

menaced by the presence of the armies of Austria, Rus-
sia, Prussia, and England—the members were chosen
more for their leaning towards absolutism than for their
political influence—and the object of the conquerors was
to establish, without appearing to enforce, a system • so
essentially Conservative as to contain within itself the
seeds of a future despotism, which would appear to*
the people to grow out of an inevitable necessity. On
the other hand the Ministers of Louis PHILLIPPE
were surrounded by all that could ensure the joyful
recognition of the iilost liberal principles, and The
adoption of the most enlightened political institutions.
England, Belgium,. Portugal, and Spain were pre-
pared. to hail the announcement of a cordial determi-
nation on the part of the French Government to
embody in its public acts the Charter of 1830 ;
while the ether European Powers were either
indifferent to its internal policy, or too timid
to attempt its direction. Louis PHILLIPPE was,
' however, more intent upon being recognized a
member of the family of Kings, than upon the fulfil-
na?nt of those pledges which procured a crown for him
at the ??ands of a brave and noble nation. He had
begun to grow ashamed of that part of his title which.
sought to transmit to posterity a history of the tenure
by which the House of Orleans claims the rightful
possession of the throne of France.
Having succeeded, by means of the Fieschi laws, in
aging the Press of France, LOUIS PHILLIPPE now

aspires to direct the tone of public opinion, and to guide
the expression of political feeling in this country. To
effect this he has already given orders, through the Mi-
nister of Justice, for the seizure of such English
journals as shall assume the privilege of censuring either
his at7.'s, or the general policyof his administration. Ever
since April 1532) no Parisian journalist dared to copy
our articles without
mutilating them, as hardly to
.19
preserve' a shadow of the originals. Two solitary•in-
stances occurred in which articles from this paper,
condemnatory of the policy of the French. Govern-
ment, were copied literally ; and on both occasions
the Paris journal which copied them was prosecuted
at the instance of M. PERSIL, and the responsible
Editor found guilty of libelling the Government. Of
the originals, however, no notice was then taken, as
few of the SOVEREIGN of the FRENCH'S subjects were
supposed to consult the opinions of the British Press.
But even libels in a foreign language are grown un-
endurable. English newspapers are henceforth to be
submitted to a censorship, and not suffered to appear
in France, unless they breathe the profoundest admi-
ration of the wisdom and virtue of the King of the
Barricades. That we may not mistake the course
which it is proposed we shall follow, the Journal du
Commerce, Journal des Debats, and the Journal de
Paris—all three the hired tools and accredited organs
of the Doctrinaires--devote long articlts to our in-
struction, by precept and example, in the art of com-
menting upon the acts of Government, and reciting
the achievements of Kings. The Editors of these, jour-
nals remind us of the phraseology in which they have
been accustomed to speak of political rulers ; and they
even hint that the establishment of a censorship in
England is a debt which our Government owes to its
Royal and Imperial Allies on the Continent of Europe.
In answer to these Journals, we beg to observe that
the British Press will express itself in the courtly
phraseology recommended to it, when it wears the li-
very of an apostate King, and receives the pay of a
corrupt and profligate Administration—but not before.
When we shall have become the tools of a' Friiice who,
just two years after his coronation, shall be pronounced
in a solemn declaration, signed by forty Members of
the House of Commons, to have departed from the
principles upon which he was raised to the Throne—
when we shall have lent ourselves to dishonour the
ashes of an illustrious General, whose last act was to
record the fact that his country had fallen a victim to
regal hypocrisy—when we shall have assisted in
hatching and promulgating reports of conspiracies,
which we knew were intended as instruments for the
legal assassination of men of unblemished lives and
unchanging political sentiments—when we shall have
assisted to abrogate the Trial by Jury—to convert the
House of Lords into a political tribunal—to impose
shackles upon ourselves so as to prevent the expression
of any sentiment, or the publicity of any fact which
our task-masters may deem either dangerous or inde-
corous—when we shall have done all these things, then
shall we take counsel of the Journal des Debats and
the Journal de Paris, as to the language in which it
behoves us to record the acts of Foreign Governments.
Our Paris Contemporaries cannot have forgotten the
leading occurrences in that capital since the last days of
July 1830. We dare say they remember the
funeral of LAMARQUE, the meeting of the forty
Deputies at L4FITTE'S, and the Royal Or-
dinances of the 7th of June, exceeding in atrocity the
celebrated ordinances of the 25th of July—which may
literally be said to have been proclaimed over the grave
of the buried patriot. The seizure of the Na!ionnel,
Courrier Francais, Corsaire, and Journal de Com-
merce=—the sealing of the presses of the Quotidienne,
Tribune, ,;nd the Courrier l'Europe—the declaration
that Paris was jr2 a state of siege—the dissolution of
the artillery corps of National Guards—and the dis-
banding of the pupils of thO .Polytechnic school ; are
all among those events of 1832, 1.:21jell we presume
yet live in the recollection of the accoml;lished and
courtly Editors of that portion of the French i",:ess,
which claims for itself the privilege of instructing us
in the etiquette of newspaper censure. We pass over
the atrocious conduct of LOUIS PHILLIPPE towards
the unfortunate prisoners of April ; though' their long
incarceration without trial, and the mock-investigation
before the Court of Peers, would furnish an abundance
of matter for grave reproof, and severe censure.
The subsequent acts of the French Government are
too recent to require detailed mention. Enough that they
include the abolition of the Trial by Jury—the esta-
blishment of a political Star-chamber—and the aboli-
lition of the liberty of the Press. It would be an in-
sult to the common sense of any rational being, who has
marked the course of public events in France during the
last six years, to pretend that CHARLES X. was guilty
of half the enormities committed by Lours PHIL-
LIPPE. Wise men, of every country, would laugh at
us, were we so simple as to tell them that M.M.
GurzoT, TRIERS, DE BROGLIE, HUMANN, and
PERSIL, are more entitled to the gratitude of France
than M.M. POLIGNAC and PEYRONNET. These
last mentioned persons, they would remind us, had
never sworn to devote their lives and talents to the
upholding of liberal principles and the establishment
of free institutions ; and even unplighted as they were,
had never attacked them with such fury, and perse-
cuted them with such rancour, as do the Members of
the present Government of France.
The retributive arm of justice is not shortened.
There is now more than vague grounds for believing
that the throne of Louts PHILLIPPE totters to its
foundation. Conspiracies are breaking out in the
army ; nor will all the efforts of a corrupt Press be
able to' keep the contagion from spreading. The
citizen SOVEREIGN will shortly find, that in the in-
violability of the charter consisted the real strength of
a King of France. The army is now his right arm ;
and the paralysis of such an arm—treason—is fast
unnerving it. To the people he cannot look for sup-
port ; the National Guards are disaffected ; and th e
Carlists are only waiting a state of public com-
motion to attempt the restoration of the Duke