The Sun.
London, England, 1835-05-01 00:00:00

ad all having seats in the House of Lords, with a chance
of preferment, from the lowest to the highest—it was a
temptation to sacrifice the interests of religion to the
worldly advantages that were thus held out by this un-
equal distribution of income—( Hear, hear)—therefore I am
glad to see that there is a proposal in the late report of the
Commission that the income should average from 4,5001. to
5,c;00/. a-year.—( Hear, hear.) lam not now discussing
whether that is a proper sum, or whether it is too large or
to small, but that it is a princklezwhich I am glad to see
adopted, and that so far from:;?Auring the Church of
England, I am persuaded it will promote its efficiency,
and increase the spirit of religion in this country—
(Hear, hear, hear)—and that you do in fag give it
ten times more effect ; that by so doing you give it ten
times more efficiency than by declarinm that you will
support all its abuses, untouched by a single re-
foi M.—(Hear, hear, hear, and great cheering.) Gen-
tlemen, I will speak next as to that other subject on which
I have been exposed to still more violent attacks—(Hear,
hear)—and to misrepresentations which I must say partake
little of the character of Christian charity—(Hear, hear)—
I mean upon the Church of Ireland.—(Great cheering.)
Now, Gentlemen, there are many persons who state that
mv opinions on the Church of Ireland are injurious to
Church property ; that they are injuritarto the Protestant
religion in Ireland ; and that they will affect the Established
Church in this country.—(No, no.) Gentlemen, lam dis-
posed to think that these opinions are propagated by those
who derive benefits from the Church—that they are propa-
gt.ted by those who derive incomes from the Church—that
ti ey are propagated by thosevho derive power from the
C lurch, but not by those who employ that power and
income from the Church in diffusing its religious instruc-
ti,n, for spreading its benefits throughout the country.—
(('ontinued cheering.) Gentlemen, I have had my notices
of facts from clergymen employed in the Church of Ireland,
au d who had stated to various persons, from whom I had it,
that as the Church of Ireland at present stands, while the
income of those who attend to the spiritual care of the
Vrotestant members belonging to that Church is often in-
sufficient, there is, notwithstanding, a large income that
might be applied to purposes conducive to tho general bene-
fit of religion, and to the harmony and union of the people
of Ireland at large.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, if you
'will permit me, I will read a letter from a person, a curate
of the Established Church, written to Mr. Serjeant Perrin,
who made a most able speech on the Church of Ireland in
Parliament. Gentlemen, I consider that testimony from a
Curate of the Established Church as of far more value than
the speeches made by persons of very high dignity in the
Church perhaps, but who have not had the opportunity of
knowing the feelings or consulting the wants of the poorer
classes of the people in Ireland :

" April 12, 1835.
" Dear Sir,—There is one point the Tories harp on which
has not been replied to, viz., the whole Church property would
not be sufficient, on an equalization of income, to place a cler-
gyman with 2501. a-year in every parish ; for 1,500 parishes,
at 250/. each, would amount to 375,0001.
" The answer is, that Irish parishes are so various in extent,
and so dovetailed into one another, there is no occasion for a
e:ergyman in every parish, as at present defined, but in every
district."

Here follows a map of four parishes, taken in the neigh-
lourhood of the writer, which, for distinction's sake, I will
call A, B. C. D. The income which is compounded for, is
cs follows :

£B5O
•
475
200

£2,025
He proposes that these four parishes should be united into
two districts, and says :
" These are not vicarious—all the rectors, four in number,
are absentees.—( Hear, hear.) The curate of A. and myself
did all the duties of the four parishes for these twenty years,
at 751. each. The two churches are about six miles asunder.
Now, if these four parishes are made into two districts, two
clergymen would do all the duty for 500 L, leaving (after 5001.,
kr 25 per cent. reduction) 1,000/. for education.—(Great
cheering.) All Munster and Connaught might be divided in
the same way.—(Go on and prosper.)" •
Now, Gentlemen, this is the opinion of a Protestant
curate, who proposed—what ?—that the sum levied for the
clsrgymen should be diminished ?—By no means—(Hear,
hear)—that it should be altogether taken away ? far less ;
but that it should be raised from 75/. to 2501.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers)—and he then says, that giving this 250/.
instead of 75/., there would be a large sum left for educa-
tion.—(Reiterated cheers.) Now, gentlemen, I ask
you, is not that a demonstration, that if we can give a
sufficient or a larger sum than they now have to those
Protestant clergymen who now perform the, duty—that
if we can at the same time give a sum for the ge-
neral education of the people—(Cheers)—an educa-
tion in which Roman Catholics and Protestant Dis-
senters and Churchmen can all agree—an education
of which they can all partake—that instead of endan-
gering the Church,.instead of weakening its power, instead
of subverting the Protestant religion, we are in fact doing
that which will strengthen the Church—that which will
promote harmony with all parties—that which will pro-
mote order and restore peace—(great cheering) that which
will conciliate the Roman Catholics to your Government
....that which will make your Protestant religion respected
by, instead of being odious to, those who know nothing of
its merits—who see it now in the shape of the tithe proc-
tor, and the captain of dragoons, and the corporal of in-
fantry—who will see in it in future the means by which
religion is promoted—the means by which the general in-
struction and comfort of the people is - encouraged, and
who will then look upon your established Government, and
your Established Church of England, with far other eyes,
and with more kindly inclinations, and will be disposed to
bless that religion, and the Legislature from which such
consequences shall flow.—(Enthusiastic cheering.) Well,
gentlemen, I say then, is it not better to do this—is it not
wiser to do this—is it not more politic to adopt this course,
than to continue in that system which makes it necessary
that we should employ the armed force of England in or-
der to maintain the Protestant religion of Ireland—( Hear,
hear !)—and which will make it necessary, if we continue
that system, that the people of this country should be
called upon to keep up the Protestant Church of Ire-
land, instead of its relying upon the hold which that Church
ought to have in Ireland.—(Cheers.) And I ask you if it is
not better that we should adopt a system of conciliation,
and that • the three countries of England, Scotland, and
Ireland, should in future be united in one bond of amity,
in one bond of friendship, under subjection to the same
Crown, and represented in the same Parliament—(Cheers)
than that those dreadful scenes which we have seen prevail
of late years in Ireland, should prevail.—(Great cheering.)
Gentlemen, that is the question which the people of Eng-
land now have to decide—( Hear, hear)—and a more im-
portant question, I say, never came before you.—(Hear,
hear.) If lam wrong in my pr:neiple—if the people of
England do not confirm my opinion in that, I am ready to
bow to their decision, whatever may be the calamitous con-
sequences—and calamitous I think they will be—which
will ensue from the adoption of the system of the late
Government.—(Hear, hear.) But, gentlemen, I say again
that it is a question of principle—the question upon the de-
cision of which I am disposed to abide.—(Cheers.) I can-
not recede from it ; even if nine-tenths of the people of
this country shall differ from me, I cannot depart from my
honest duty—(Cheers)—l shall be compelled to enforce it
in Parliament—l shall be obliged to maintain it in the
Councils of my King.—(Loud cheering.) Now, gentlemen,
with these opinions, therefore, I shall little care for all the
calumnies and inventions that may be dispersed against me.
—(Cheers.) I know that, with a Ministry constituted like
the present, that whenever there is any measure which ma
be supposed to have a Tory tendency, rather than other-
wise, there are persons who will say, " Now you want to
please the Tories." Whenever there is a measure which
may be supposed to have a radical bias, " Now you want
to please the Radicals."—(Hear, hear.) What I want to
do is, not to make any concessions but such as I think
right, and I will abide by that decision whether my coun-
try will support me or not.—(Cheers.) I care little for
names—an imputation may be cast upon us for having the
support of Mr. O'Connell—(Hear, hear)—and the per-
sons who may be disposed to support the present Admini-
stration.—(Hear, hear.) They are persons who supported
the Administration during the progress of the Reform Bill
—( Hear, hear)—who, during the progress of that Bill gave
the most efficient aid in carrying it.—(Cheers.) No man
thought of repudiating that assistance then, nor should we
do so now, in the progress of any great work. No one said,
you go further than me on other points, and I will not pro-
ceed with you on this till you abandon them.—(Hear,
hear.) That party did not disguise their difference from
the Ministry that carried the Reform Bill on such matters
as they disagreed on'; but, they said, those points we may
discuss in future ; but as far as this Reform Bill is con-
cerned, you have our able, honest, and zealous assistance,
and we use it on a proposal of our own, when we
think it conscientiously right.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, I
am disposed to accept the assistance of any person,
whatever opinions they may hold as to the present Mi-
nistry, in whatever they may conscientiously support.—
(Hear, hear.) lam not disposed, on the other hand, to go
farther than I can conscientiously go with regard to mea-
sures which they may think right, but in the justness
and fitness of which I cannot concur.—(Cheers.) I should
like to know who can say there is any dereliction of
principle in such conduct as that ? Gentlemen, I have
now explained to you at some length that which I felt
bond to:do at this important crisis of public affairs, be-
cause I may say, that the eyes of all England—that the
. eyes of all Europe— (Hear, hear)—are looking at the con-
(
-i, duct of the electoii of this county, with respect to this par-
.ls. - ticular election.—(Hear, hear.) I should not have felt
t.
.„-,,
..,;,...., satisfied if I had,,done less. With regard to mere local
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