The Sun.
London, England, 1835-06-18 00:00:00

HULL MARKET.—June

Wheat, Old 365. 375. 4's.
Foreign —s. s. —s. ln bond... —s. —s. —s.
Oats, Poland 22i. 245. 25s Old 2ls. 221. 25i.
-- Small or Feed.... —s. 18s. 20s —B. —B. 20s.
-- Foreign —s. —s. S .--s. —s. —.4.
Barley, Norf. & Suf ... 28s 30s. 325. Line. & Wold —s. 31s 325.
-- Foreign
Beans 345. 365, 40s. Foreign

Pease, White 3's. 38s. 403. Grey —s. 30s. 345.
Tares —s. —s. —s. Foreign —s. —s. -F.
Rapeseed. in bond none • Free, per last 301. 351. Os.

MEETINGS OF CREDITOR.S AT THE COURT
BASINGHALL-STREET, TO-MORROW.

(From the London Gazette.) H H.
J. P Bannister, hacknevman, Harley-mews, Marylebone 2 at 12
W. Thomson, wine-merchant, Cross.lane, Tower street
J. Evans, grocer, Bridge-road, Lambeth
J. Bewley, sen., baker Whitney-street, Commercia -road .. 2 11
It. Elliott, victualler, Princes-street, Coventry-street 2 1
J. Bishton, ironmaster, Langley.field, Shropshire 1 1
J. Dorman, china-dealer, Frederick's-place , Old Kent-road 1 12
J. and E. Payne, coach-lace-manufacturers, Great Queen-street..., 1 12

THUNDER STORMS.—Within the last week, the
whole kingdom appears to have been visited with most terrific
storms of thunder, lightning, and hail. Several persons have
killed by the lightning, and a large number of cattle ; and the
injury done by the hail is incalculable. In some places it lay in
frozen masses a considerable depth :—upwards of 2,000 panes
of glass were on Monday broken in the green-house of Mr.
Beale, nurseryman, of Caine. Those of Mr. Angell, of
Deare, Esq., near Caine,. and of the late Mr. Bendry, were
also considerably damaged. Three sheep were killed by the
lightning on Sunday, on Bowood Lodge farm ; and on Mon-
day, one sheep belonging to Mr. Pinneger, of Caine, was
killed; a barn and stables on the farm of Mr. Willis, on Que-
merford Common, ignited and were consumed ; two cows
were killed near Cricklade ; and two horses at Marston : and
large trees, which have stood for ages, were shivered to atoms.
—Bath Herald.

This city and neighbourhood have been visited with
heavy storms of hail, rain, lightning and thunder, for several
days during the past week. That which took place on Tues-
day, a little after two o'clock in the afternoon, was particularly
severe and destructive in its effects. In the city such torrents
of rain fell as were scarcely ever paralleled ; but the mischie-
vous brunt of the storm was felt at Batheaston, where the hail
descended with such force as to do extensive damage to the
crops of the market gardeners, as well as to the numerous hot-
houses, conservatories, &c. The storm of Wednesday after-
noon was still more violent and destructive, particularly on the
grounds, gardens, and premises of Colonel Houlton at Farley
Castle, where the hail-stones were from 5 to 8 inches in cir-
cumference, and completely demolished no less than seven thou-
sand squares of glass in the mansion, hothouses, conservato-
ries, &c., besides destroying nearly all the fruit in the exten-
sive gardens.—Bath Herald,

in his recent personal oration at Merchant Tailors'
Hall, is at direct variance with Lord Stanley.
We should, indeed, regret if the Tories re-
linquished their clubbism tactics. They have
greatly advanced the cause of Reform, and are
thus the most active disseminators of liberal prin-
ciples in their efforts to extinguish them. We
do, however, deeply regret the consequences of
the Tory mania as regards the King. The Tories, in
their respective speeches and journals, scruple not to
represent the Sovereign as diametrically opposed to the
majority of the Commons, and as the bitter enemy of
the Reformers. A more disloyal or selfish manoeuvre
cannot be played by a desperate party. The effect of
it on the monarchical principle of the Constitution.
must be obvious, and ought to be apparent to the
Court. Our modern Tories, in their chamelion
changes, would turn Republicans, if they could but
attain the sweets of office which they so long monopo-
lized. Lord Stanley, it may be observed, indicates no
great partiality for public life ; and before the " Con-
servative Clubs" have done with Sir Robert Peel, and
the subtle Baronet with them, the ex-Premier may-
also, ere long, desire to take refuge in private life. No
one man, by any artifices or party chicanery, can arrest
the quick march of a whole nation on the high road to
political liberty.—Morning Chronicle.

The luminous and eloquent speech of Lord Brougham
on education, is now before the public in the form of
a. pamphlet, and, within the limits of two sheets,
contains more interesting facts—irrefutable argument
—intimate knowledge of the human mind, its capa-
bilities and propensities—and profound philosophical
speculation, than we have ever met comprised within
a similar space, or even when volumes were devoted to
the subject. His Lordship's leading objections to the
present system of education are, in the first place,
that the schools for public instruction are too few in
number ; secondly, that children are not admitted at
an age sufficiently early ; and, thirdly, that the in-
struction given is exceedingly scanty and imperfect.
These three propositions are demonstrated by well-
selected facts and close calculations, whereby it ap-
pears, that, taking the number of children between
seven and twelve years of age to form one-ninth part of
the population of England and Wales, there are more
than 300,000 left without instruction, besides those
under the age of seven, not included in the calculation,
nor generally admitted to the schools. It is not pro-
posed to remedy these evils by the establishment of
public schools by the Government, but merely to
assist those persons who are anxious for the spread
of education by making up the deficiencies of volun-
tary contributions, and, instead of repelling, to invite
individuals to come forward in the cause. His Lord-
ship dwells with peculiar energy and effect on the
advantage of establishing infant schools in suffi-
cient numbers for the education of that class of the
people from whence the great majority of criminals
have origin, showing the force of habit in the forma-
tion of morals—the great susceptibility of instruction
in children at, or even before, the age of two years—
and the vast improvement which early education would
effect in the habits and disposition of the people.
" If," says the Noble Author, " there were infant
schools instead of Newgate schools, for receiving the
children of the needy, a very different fate would attend
those unhappy youths. Vice would' then be pre.

vented—nipped in the bud, instead of being fostered '1
and trained up o maturity—and more would be done
to eradicate -crimes than the gallows, the convict ship,
the penit_entiary, the treadmill, can accomplish, even if
the present discipline were so amended as no longer to
the., nursery of vice." Speaking of ordinary day schools
generally, it is certainly an abuse of terms which tries
one's patience to hear them called seminaries of edu-
cation—the master, oft, being little less ignorant
than the children themselves. We therefore fully con-
cur in the propriety of establishing Normal Schools, or
places for instructing teachers, and the present system of
Francel in its success, confirms our opinion of the ad-
vantages likely to be derived from such institutions.
Some striking,—astonishing instances are given of
the proficiency of the children at the Borough-road
School of the British and Foreign Society, such as
their telling in less than a minute " the interest ofl
5371. 7s. 4d. for fifteen seconds ;" and " how many
men could stand on three-quarters of an acre, allowing
two feet and a half to a man," &c. The pamphlet
concludes with exposing the mal-appropriation o
certain endowments, and the necessity of regulating to
present exigencies the application of moneys granted
to similar objects under different circumstances of the
social body. In fine this splendid essay cannot be too
attentively, and scarcely too frequently perused by
every one anxious for the full and general developement
of the might of mind—the fertile source of the highest
enjoyments and of the greatest blessings of which man
is capable in his sublunary existence.—Morning
Advertiser.

On Friday last a motion was made by Lord Aber-
deen for a copy of the commission by which the Earl

of Gosford had been appointed Captain-General and
Governor-in-Chief of the provinces of Upper and
Lower Canada, &c. The terms of the motion were

really nothing more than a proper and becoming text
on which to found a partial discussion of that ques-
tion, involving some at least of the points at issue be-
tween this country and a certain party in Lower Ca-
nada, which bids fair, if not promptly settled, to press
upon us one day or other, and that not a distant one,
with more than inconvenient force. The temper in
which his remarks and inquiries were put by the late
noble Secretary for the Colonies was extremely cre-
ditable to his Lordship, whose conduct drew from
Lord Glenelg the handsome compliment, that—
his Noble Friend, while in office, as he had him-
self the means of ascertaining, had undertaken the
Canadian question, in reference to the good of the
country and of the colony, 'and not with a view to
party considerations." It is of importance to observe,
for the further enlightenment of those wise and candid
persons who are slow to believe in the possibility that
the Conservative Government of Sir Robert Peel and

his colleagues would have been capable of realizing
any one of those liberal professions with which they
undertook their official duties on the retirement of
Lord Melbourne in November last, that in the two
striking instances of Spain and Canada, which not

only involved grave and extensive interests, but whict
had each become the rallying point for a host of popu.
lar sympathies and passions, the course of polio)
adopted by those incorrigible partisans of tyranny, the
Duke of Wellington and Lord Aberdeen, has been
such as to draw from the Whig Prime Minister,
and from the successor of the Noble Earl as Colo-
nial Secretary, the most signal testimony to the
pure and upright principles on which those two Con-
servatives had acted. From Lord Aberdeen's state-
ment it is clear, that from the 2rd of July, 1834, the
day on which the Committee of the House of Com-
mons reported on the Canadian question, recommend-
ing that measures should be adopted with a view to
the restoration of harmony, not one step had been
taken in pursuance of such advice, down to the middle
of November (above four months), when the Whigs
went out of office, of at least that among the archives
of the Colonial department, not a trace or vestige of
any such proceedings could he found. Not wishing
to prejudge a question yet sub judice, and seeing that
the setics of facts stilt appears to be imperfect, we
shall abstain from I.,mlarking much upon the mis-
chiefs, prolla!,,le r):-; we consider them, which may have
arisen eitilv em the interruption of Lord Ainherst's
mission ((or tire narrorc-minded Lord Aberdeen
confided thi3 important trust to a Whig), and the
consequent delay of settlement, and growth of disap-
pointrnmt and exasperation among the colonists, or
upon the change of policy which Lord Aberdeen im-
putes to his successor, -and which the NOble Earl, a
statestnau of cautious and moderate language, plainly
asser:i to he less liberal than that which had been cm-
hcoliad in his own instructions to Lord Amherst. In
our minds, so long as England has made up her reso-
lution to retain a certain colony, she is bound by com-
mon sense and right feeling to govern that colony on
such principles as will render its inhabitants, if possi-
ble, more anxious to cling to the protection of the pa-
rent state than the latter to preserve them under her domi-
nion. Whoever, therefore, proceeds to Canada as a conci-
liator, ought to be.restrained within no bounds of conces-
sion but those beyond which lies at once the surrender of
the colony. Whether even such a scale of concession
will satisfy certain spirits with whom Lord Gosford
may have to deal is more than we can say. Perhaps
Canada may have her yet unripe O'Connelis. The
Noble Earl is, we dare believe, as zealous in the dis-
charge of an honourable duty as any man, but we
scarcely envy him his task.—Times.
There is a question before Parliament of far greater
consequence than the Reform of Municipal Corpora-
tions ; and yet, strange to say, it is nearly deserted by
the whole of the Wing-Radical press. It is, however,
of a nature so serious and pressing that it must be
fairly L;et and grappled with. We need hardly say
that we allude to the state of destitution and approach-
ing famine in Ireland. It is now thirteen years since
that fertile country was visited with a similar calamity ;
if famine may be proclaimed when the Irish ports were
crowded with ships employed in the exportation of all
the necessaries of life, and when the warehouses of
London, Bristol, and Liverpool were literally crammed
with Irish produce, which ought to have been
consumed at home. Such an anomaly, we will
venture to say, never existed in the world before.
Firstly, we find the English agriculturist labouring
under the greatest difficulties, arising from the
ruinously low price of the produce of the land. Se-
condly, we have English labourers of every denomina-
tion unable to obtain employment from the redundancy
of Irish labourers, who are driven from their homes by
sheer want. Thirdly, we have hundreds of persons in
Ireland, if the reports may he credited, who are really
perishing for want of food. And lastly, we witness a
Catholic population calling aloud for charity on a peo-
ple whom the demagogues and priests of their own
faith have always taught them to despise. In 1822
the insulted and outraged Protestants of England col-
lected and remitted to their Catholic brethren in Ire-
land upwards of half a million of money. What ought
this to have taught Mr. O'Connell and his priestly satel-
lites? Not certainly to abuse their benefactors; but as
honest men and real Christians, to take warning from sad
experience and instantly set about establishing a provision
for the poor in Ireland out of the land. What, how-
ever, was the fact ? Mr. O'Connell, instead of sup-
porting the question of Poor Laws in Ireland, was on
every occasion, until the present Session, the great op-
ponent of that only remedial measure. He opposed
Dr. Doyle on this subject ; and Mr. Sadler, when he
brought the question before Parliament in 1831, was
assailed by Mr. O'Connell with the greatest ribaldry.
True, it is, that when a provision for the poor of Ire-
land is carried, as carried it soon must be, the trade of
agitation will not be so profitable as at present ; while,
on the other hand, the price of labour will advance in
England as well as that of English produce, and the
Irishman will have a provision secured to him in the
land of his nativity. In the meantime, however,
another appeal is contemplated to the abused " Saxons,"
as it appears Parliament can no more interfere in the
matter than it could, with justice to the country, in-
terfere in the counties of Buckinghamshire or Sussex
in favour of the complaining agricultural labourers.
Surely, then, such an appeal ought to be made in a be-
coming split I Surely Mr. O'Connell and the Priests of
Ireland ought to take the lead in the work of voluntary
subscriptions. But, instead of an appeal to charity and
good will, the present dreadful state of the country is
only used as an occasion of attack upon the Protestant
Church—the Church of that people who in the end
to find 'lie: means of assuaging the inroads

of hunger. The description of the severe distress in
Ireland we take from the pen of Mr. M'Hale, a titu-
lar Bishop of the Roman Catholic Church, who,
above all others, ought to have furnished an example
of meekness to his suffering countrymen, and care-
fully avoided the language of bitterness and insult.
Instead, however, of thus conducting himself, in so
trying an emergency, it is matter of very serious re-
gret that Dr. on a subject that must come
home to the " business and bosom of every man" of
common humanity, should manifest, and labour to ex-
cite in others, the feeling of sectarian and party ran-
cour. But it is even so. The Roman Catholic Di-
vine thus expresses himself :
" In Achill, those who had no cattle to sell, and of that
class there was a vast number, are bringing to market their
own wretched raiment, in order to pawn them for potatoes,
which rate in that remote district at 7d. a stone. And yet,
my Lord, it is in that island the demon of fanaticism and reli-
gious rancour has fixed, as if his last resting place, driven
from the interior of the country, through the wise forbearance
of its inhabitants, who are resolved at last to laugh at itine-
rant readers, and not lend themselves to schemes of delusion,
in order to protract the lingering dominion of a falling esta-
blishment that was so long the bane of the country, it takes
up its citadel in the island of Achill, ere it utterly diiappears
from the land. The people are crying out for bread ; and
money is sent from England, by the credulous dupes of impos-
ture, to enlighten their benighted souls," &c. &c. -
" The people," says Dr. M'Hale, " are crying out
for bread, and money is sent from England to en-
lighten their souls." And surely the people do want
" enlightening." But is not this an ungracious re-
turn for the bounty of the English people in the year
1822, as well as on former occasions of Irish distress?
Will Dr. M'Hale and his fellow Priests deny that
money to purchase bread for the starving Irish was
subscribed in England thirteen years ago ? Will he
deny that several cargoes of Irish flour, and bacon,
and oatmeal, were purchased in English ports, and in-
stantly sent back to " the land of famine ?" Surely,
after this, the Protestants of England ought not to be
upbraided for wishing to extend to Ireland that reli-
gion which diffuses the spirit of practical Christianity,
and which suffered not those who were perishing for
want, to appeal in vain. Were Mr. O'Connell and
Dr. M'Hale disposed to act as real friends to their
suffering countrymen, they would not lose a day in
securing Poor Laws for Ireland—in appealing to the
resident Irish gentry, and especially to the absentees,
and, above all, in setting the example of charity them-
selves. Dr. M'Hale's revenue is large, and so is Mr.
O'Connell's rent ; and a liberal subscription from both
would be far more becoming than abuse levelled at the
benevolent Protestants of Great Britain.—Morn.Post.