The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-18 00:00:00

TILE NATIONAL DEFENCES.

On Saturday evening a public meeting was held
n St. Martin's-hall, Long-acre, to take into consi-
deration the state of the national defences, and to
urge upon her Majesty's Government the pressing
necessity of maintaining a Channel fleet commen-
surate with the dignity and safety of the nation,
having especial regard to the present critical posi-
tion of affairs on the continent, and to the suspicion
and distrust which the habitual reserve of the
Emperor of the French, as the speakers alleged,
inspires in the minds of Englishmen. The hall is
capable of containing 2,500 persons, but not a third
of that number was present. The comparatively
sparse attendance may have been partly due to the
weather, which was cold, wet, and cheerless. Sir
Charles Napier, M.P., was announced to take the
chair. The meeting was called for half-past seven,
but the veteran admiral did not make his appear-
ance until upwards of an hour afterwards. He was
cheered on his arrival. Sir Allan M'Nab, now on
a visit to this country from Canada, was present,
but the hon. baronet assumed so unobtrusive a po-
sition on the platform that it was not until nearly
the close of the proceedings, and then only by
chance, that his presence became known to the meet-
ing, by whom he was cheered. A letter from Gen.
Sir De Lacy Evans, excusing his non-attendance,
but concurring in the object of the meeting, was
read. There were a few naval and military officers
on the platform, who took part in the proceedings.
Sir C. NAPIER, on being called to the chair, said
—The meeting had been convened to take into con-
sideration the defenceless state of the country at the
present moment. Everybody must be well aware
that enormous armies were now collected and col-
lecting in Europe—French, Piedmontese, and Aus-
trian—to decide some question which they in
England really did not know much about. For
himself, he could not see what cause there was for
a war between Austria and Piedmont, unless it was
that Austria naturally wished to keep possession of
her territory, and Piedmont wanted to drive the Aus-
trians out of Italy. It was true that according to
the treaty of 1815 the northern part of Italy was
ceded to the Austrian Government, and if they had
maintained their rule there with kindness and
moderation he had no doubt the Italians long before
this would have been reconciled to the sway of
Austria. (Cheers.) But it was well known that
Austria had never done that, and it was natural
that the Italians wished to shake off the yoke. If
the Italians could emancipate themselves without
the assistance of France they would be perfectly
right in doing so, and if he was at liberty himself,
he was not at all sure that he would not go and
help them. (Laughter and cheers.) He trusted,
however, that the wisdom of our rulers would
prompt them to remain quiet, or at least to do
nothing that might possibly involve this country
in a war with which we had nothing to do. (Cheers.)
Austria oppressed Italy, it was true, but we had no
right to meddle with the matter; it was an affair
of the Italians themselves, who ought to rise en
ntasse and chase the Austrians out of Italy alto-
gether. (" No, no.") He said " Yes, yes." He
knew at least that the English people would be the
first to drive out any foreign race who dared to
intrude within their territory, and he did not think
the Italians were at all bound to continue under
the domination of Austria unless they were treated
with kindness and moderation, and enjoyed some-
thing like liberty. By the by, if the Italians did
rise, they would see that generous people from many
countries would hasten to assist them in throwing
off the Austrian yoke. (Cheers.) He regretted,
however, that France should meddle at all in this
affair, and he did not see why she should so inter-
fere, unless with a view to her own aggrandisement.
A few days ago he had a conversation with some of
the Neapolitan refugees now in this country, who
assured him that the Italians were equally averse
from living under French as under Austrian rule,
and that their motto was, " Italy for the Italians."
(Cheers.) The question for the meeting was,
whether this country in its present state was
sufficiently defended in the event of any compli-
cation with continental nations that might lead
us into war ? He contended it was not. They
saw French, Austrian, and Italian armies on
the move ; and it was a long head, indeed, that
could say how far such a combination might in-
volve this country. Cruelties might be inflicted in
the struggle, or something might take place of which
the people of this country might highly disapprove,
and they might thereupon rise and side with the
Italians. We did not know what might happen, and
we ought to be in a state to preclude our being em-
broiled in a war. To preserve peace, in other words,
7e should be ready for war. This country had not
or a long time been in the position in which it
ought to have been. (Hear, hear.) He had laboured
in the House of Commons to prove to the Govern-
ment of the day the defenceless state we were in,
and for same time at first he was sneered at and
called an alarmist. If he was an alarmist, so, too,
was
the Duke of Wellington, for that great man
over and over again sought to awaken the country
o a sense of its danger in regard. to its means of
_ defence against an invasion. He (Sir C. Napier)
knew well of what the English navy was capable,
when properly managed, but no country in the world
could be fit to resist an enemy unless its soldiers and
sailors were properly disciplined and
attack. He contended that for a long
kept
pwrhepilaereEng-
land had not had a navy equal to the dignity and
safety of the kingdom. (Hear.) He had said long
!ItoilseofCommons—Only let the navy bo
ut
alllt we
ort.
art'ueutuxrp in such a condition that in the event
laugh extrneY our force could easily be increased
had not
to
pleased, and we could afford to
donethte. world. The Government of the day
they done with ; and then, he asked, what had
estimates anisunt4e
that purpos"el4 all the money
Since that they had t° which was voted for
or six years ago the naval
£4,000,000 or £5,000,000.
increase, it was trueritrn
gent, but we were still. nere
to £8,000,000 ; with that
had been some improve-
to be after spending silt in the condition we ought
w. e had a Channel
(Hear, hear.) At one
fleet of eight or ten sail
the
line, but that was
impotieerrni:vrtilms sums of money.
only for a short time,
e men were paid off

and (sent to the right about. That was not the
way to defend the country. A fleet could
not be got into proper order unless it was disciplined;
but if they raised a fleet to-day and paid off to-mor-
row, all the cost of fitting it out was utterly thrown
away. He was not an alarmist ' • but he remem-
bered the great war in the time of Napoleon I. He
was then old enough to judge of the efforts Bona-
parte was making and of his prospects of success.
At that time steam was not known, and Napoleon
collected a vast number of small sailing vessels at
various ports with the view of invading this country
—but he never intended to invade the country in
that way—his object in disposing of those sailing
vessels was to distract our fleets, and ho did it, and
except for a mistake on the part of Admiral Ville-
neuve he would have landed an army of 200,000 or
300,000 men on our shores. If it was possible then,
was it not much more possible now for the French
to invade this country when they had got a steam
navy ? We had nothing to depend on but our steam.
The French had on the north-west coast of France
180 commercial steamvessels of all sorts, and in the
Mediterranean 150 steamvessels, all in a state of
preparation. If all those seaport towns were gar-
risoned, what in the name of God, was to hinder
the French troops in 48 hours from marching on
board of those steam vessels, having a rendezvous in
Portland roads, and be ready to land in this country
at a convenient moment, unless we had a navy to
keep them off? We had it on the authority of a
late First Lord of the. Admiralty that France had
the means of manning every ship she had by her
system of naval conscription whenever she thought
proper, and we had the declaration of the first
Lord of the Admiralty that we could not man our
fleet when we liked. Suppose France wanted to do
ns an immense deal of mischief it was not necessary
for her fleet to touch our shores at all. All that she
would have to do would be to send her fleet to sea
and place it in such a position as to intercept the
whole of our East and West India trade, and also
our Mediterranean trade. That France could do,
unless we protected ourselves ; and in such an event
there was not a banking or mercantile house in the
city that would not be ruined. There was nothing
to prevent France doing that unless the people of
England came forward and demanded that our fleet
should be on a proper footing. (Cheers.) At Cher-
bourg the French had got basins far superior to any
that we had, and which would accommodate a great
number of ships ; and we could not suppose for a
moment that Louis Napoleon finished these docks
in order that they might remain idle. Perhaps he
was now waiting until a suitable time arrived when
a blow could be struck against this country, for the
French had a saying that Cherbourg was an eye to
see and an arm to strike. The gallant admiral con-
tinued the subject in some further detail, and con-
cluded by saying that all he wanted was, that the
Government, to whatever party it might belong,
would do all it possibly could to keep up at a dan-
gerous time a respectable Channel fleet and to ame-
liorate the condition of the seamen, adding, that he
was fully alive to the dangers to which the country
was exposed, and that he would never rest until he
saw it put in a proper state of defence. (Cheers.)
Col. Sir D. MACDOUGAL moved the first resolu-
tion—

" That at this alarming European crisis and in the pre-
sence of the immense warlike preparations of continental
States it is of imperative importance that the unarmed and
defenceless condition of the United Kingdom should be re-
spectfully submitted to her Majesty, and urgently impressed
on the attention of the people of this realm.
As an example to the mother country, he referred
to the exertions of Sir A. M'Nab, who, he said, was
chiefly instrumental in establishing in Canada a
military organisation by which the service of every
male inhabitant was rendered available for the de-
fence of the province. He stated than in 1852, and
subsequently, he had pointed out in communications
to the Government of the day the suspicions with
which the English people ought to regard the Em-
peror of the French, reminding them that success
frequently made men mad (in allusion to the suc-
cess which had attended the Emperor), and that,
from his antecedents, and possibly desiring to be
the avenger of Waterloo, the man who overthrew
by a coup d'etat the constitutional liberties of France
was quite as likely to direct a coup de main against
England. He also quoted the letter which the Duke
of Wellington wrote to Sir J. Burgoyne on the then
defenceless state of our coasts, and he urged the
meeting never to forget that memorable warning.
He added that he gave that advice as an old soldier,
and that, frcm illness, that was the first occasion he
had been out of his house during the last three
years.
Mr. LAWRENCE, a barrister, in seconding the re-
solution, said he presumed that none of them desired
to see a:base and cowardly French intervention in
the impending difficulty, and he called on them to
bear in mind that the despots of Europe thoroughly
hated the free institutions of England. They knew
that this metropolis had ever afforded shelter to the
expatriated refugees of foreign countries, that. it had
nobly protected every foreign patriot who had
sought an asylum here, and that we refused to alter
our laws at the beck or command of any foreign
tyrant. They knew all that, and they hated us for
it. He was sorry to see that of late we had had a
Ministry who had not sufficiently respected the
honour and character of England, as shown in the
Charles-et-Georges affair; but there were Govern-
ments who would not hesitate to peril the interests
and sacrifice the honour of England for the sake of
peace. To preserve the country in a state of pre-
paration was one of the first duties cast on every
British citizen. The people only wanted the means
of organisation and preparation ; let the Govern-
ment put arms into their hands, and there were
men who would fight to defend their country's
shores ; men who saw what a despot—he would not
name him—had done and could do, ought to see our
danger and be prepared to avert it. (Cheers.)
Mr. A. B. RICHARDS supported the resolution.
He deprecated the extent to which this important
question was merged and forgotten in the inferior
one of Parliamentary Reform, and he held that self-
preservation was the first law of nature. He par-
ticularly urged the necessity of establishing volun-
teer corps throughout the country, cited the exam-
ple of America in that respect, and added that the
Prince Consort was an honorary member of an
American Artillery corps.
The resolution was put and carried unanimously.
On the motion of Gen. Taylor, seconded by Capt.
Adderley Sleigh, a resolution was adopted, suggest-
ing a m emorial to the Queen and petitions to Par-
liament, when it reassembled, urging the mainte-
nance of a sufficient Channel fleet, the calling out
and increase of the militia, and the enrolment of
volunteer rifle and other corps throughout the
kingdom.

Sir ALLAN M.NAB, having been invited to ad-
dress the meeting, said he was present by chance,
and had not expected to be called on to take part
in the proceedings. It was little that he could
hope to add to what had been said and so well said
by the gentlemen who had preceded him. This
was not his home. He lived in Canada ; and,
although he could not boast of being an English-
man or a Scotchman, he could boast of being the
next best thing,—a Scotchman's son. (Laughter.)
He had had the assistance of able men in Canada
in organising the militia of that province, and the
way in which it had been done by those with whom
he had had the good fortune to act seemed to have
elicited the highly valuable commendation of his
gallant friend, Sir Duncan Macdougal. Every man
in that country was enrolled in the militia, with
the exception of the clergy and the judges. The
people there were regarded as one great army. The
country was parcelled out into military divisions.
They had two classes of militia, the active and the
sedentary. The active militia included every male
inhabitant of the province under 40 years of age,
of whom there were now about 170,000 or 180,000.
The sedentary militia included all the male inhabi-
tants from 40 to 60 years of age. In each of those
military divisions they had a full complement of
staff officers, and also depots of arms, by means of
which the men could be armed and equipped in
the local divisions to which they belonged. During
the war of 1812 and 1814 they had in Canada
what were called Frank companies, which were
armed, equipped, and drilled in a short time. At that
time, when war was declared by the United States
of Ameria, they had not in Canada 900 men of all
arms above the city of Montreal. At the com-
mencement of the war they were invaded on the
western side by the American army, under the
command of General Hull. The Canadian Militia
and Volunteers. under the command of Sir Isaac
Brock, marched up to the right of the Detroit
River, which they crossed. General Hull after-
wards retired, and in a short time the American
army surrendered, and the whole of Michigan was
in the possession of the Canadians. He did not
say that with the slightest intention to disparage
his friends and neighbours on the opposite side of
the river, because they had as good a militia as any
country in the world. He only stated those facts ,
to show what a little organisation could do. (Hear,
hear.) That was the end of the first campaign,
and it was principally fought under Sir Isaac
Brock with the militia of the province. When
peace was declared their opponents had not gained
one foot of the ground belonging to the English
Crown. They had now in Canada a great many
volunteer Dragoon companies and others. Those
men were drilled for 20 days in the year, for which
they were paid, and he believed, with the railroad
facilities they had now, they could in a few days
muster 10,000 or 20,000 at any point of the pro-
vince, should an emergency occur. (Hear, hear.)
The proceeds of the Ordnance lands of the province
were originally destined for the maintenance of a
military force. Those lands were valued at
£1,500,000 sterling, and he had seen with regret it
stated in the papers that it was intended to divert
the proceeds of the lands from that purpose. He