The Sun.
London, England, 1835-12-09 00:00:00

T~
~~4
_~~.
:.~

~ `'~.'k

than that they were enemies to the country.

A continu•

arcs of such like and other abuses had rendered it necessary

that they (the House) should be heard in the House of
Commons. They had.been heard in the House of Com-
mons, where their cause had been advocated by their worthy
and talented agent, Mr. Roebuck, and also by Messrs. Hume
and O'Connell. This, however, was not sufficient to make
the British Ministry sensible of the justice of their com-
plaints ; it became necessary for them to stop the supplies
in this province before promises could be obtained from his
Majesty's Ministers that their grievances would be settled,
and it was on the faith of the sincerity of these promises
that they had been induced to enter upon a session. These
promises had been but very 'partially fulfilled in recalling.
the late Governor-in-Chief. The people of England ought
to be well convinced that after the war which had been
waged between the Houses of the Legislature in this pro•
vince for so long a period, the mere recal of an odious
Governor would not be sufficient to re-establish peace and
harmony, with the Legislative Council still constituted
as at present. The wish of the people to have the Le-
gislative Council elective—which must eventually be
granted—was not alluded to in his Excellency's speech ;
and it was not possible for them to imagine whether the
scandalous fact that twenty corrupt men should still con-
tinue to say " nay," when the people said " yea"—whether
the country was still to be afflicted with such a monstrous
absurdity, could not be gathered from his Excellency's
speech. It was useless to say that the Act 31 Geo.
111. was that which conferred on the inhabitants of this
province the rights of British subjects, and could not be
altered. It was not the Act of 1721 which conferred on
tl:c people of this province their rights as British subjects
—they possessed those rights before the passing of that
Act, which if found to be defective, it was monstrous to
say could not be altered to suit the views of the people.
The inhabitants of this province possess their rights as Bri-
tsh subjects by being Englishmen on coming into the coun-
try, and bringing them as their -birthright, and they could
not be taken from them. It was a monstrous absurdity to
say the present order of things must continue, when the
people, whose wishes ought to be considered as law, de-
manded a change ; to say that the Legislative Council,
against which the people had been crying out for the last
twenty-five years, should still continue in its present form,
was a position which could not be maintained. If, there-
fore, they had reason to believe that their complaints had
been attended-to ;if they had reason to believe that the
discontent so prevalent in the province, and which would
be likely to awake the attention of our neighbours, who
were generally allowed to be pretty minute calculators ; if
these considerations had induced the British Government
to adopt measures for settling the difficulties of this pro-
vince, the House must, of course, suppose that a man
had been sent out who was sincere in his protestations,
and although much was not promised, yet that little gave
a hope that more would follow, and the House ought to
let it be known that more was required than promised in his
Excellency's speech. If the House believed the protesta-
tions contained in that speech to be sincere (and it was
only in that belief that it could have been induced to enter
upon a session), it was incumbent on it to be sincere also
in its answers. It was necessary to explain the views of
the House with openness and sincerity, without avoiding
the question ; and this find been done in the Address then
under consideration, with' a great deal of talent. Any per-
son reading this address must feel convinced that it was a
chef deruvre of style and politics. There was a firmness
in its tone, and, at the same time, an urbanity in its words,
which were most admirably combined ; the most severe and
unwelcome truths were so softened down by the mild terms
in which they were couched, that any._ one could but ad-
mire the talent which had produced such a composition.
The views of the House were so fully expressed in it, and
the determination of the representatives of the people to
persist in their demands for the redress of abuses so well
set forth, that he thought the House could not do better
than adopt it. By so doing the House would he acting
consistently with its former conduct, and insure respect
for its firmness. It was only by reiterating its complaints
that it could hope for success. "II font avoir trois fins
raison pour sine fois justice," was a maxim which could
well be applied to the House in its relation with the Bri-
tish Government. It was necessary that the House should
bear in mind that persons coming from England naturally
associated with the Aristocratic portion of the community
here, and in consequence imbibed the opinions of that class,
and unless the people made themselves continually beard,
" d grands erns," it was hardly to be expected those indivi-
duals, from a cold sense of justice, would attend to their
interests, which were entirely dissimilar to theirs. It would
be deplorable if the House allowed itself to he lulled to
sleep on the brink of a precipice by fine words, and thus
lose the fruits of its dear-bought experience. For the last.
25 years the people bad been crying out against the Legis-
lative Council, and the House lately had been forced to
adopt extreme measures to make those complaints heard,
and it was incumbent for the House to support its proceed-
ings, by declaring that it. had " adopted constitutional
Means for obtaining the redress of grievances and abuses."
The people had demanded a change in the Constitution,
and he (Mr. P.) knew of no legitimate authority which
could oppose the wishes of the people ; the will of the
people ought to be the law. The people had demanded an
EleutiVe-Council, and every day that passed without this
demand being attended to, was a day of injustice. When
Messrs. Vigor and Morin conununicated with the British
Ministers on this subject tour-a-tour, Messrs. Stanley and
Rice, without exactly repelling the demand for an Elective
Council, without making known their sentiments on the sub-
jeet, stated that they knew of no means by which the wishes of
the Canadians in this respect could be granted. It was ex-
tremely prebliniatical, said they, that such a bill would pass
the House of Commons ; and even if it did pass that body, the
House of Lords would most assuredly reject it ; that even
if all the weight of Ministerial influence was brought to bear
on the question it could net be carried. His Excellency's
epeech said that there were some of the demands of the peo-
ple of this province which could only be decided upon by
the Imperial Parliament, which was as much as to say, that
they would not be granted, from the opinion of Messrs.
Stanley and Rice above alluded to. He could not compre-
hend this reasoning. When a law was passed in the province
it ought to be sufficient ; there was no necessity for any inter-
ference with the Legislature of the country from without ; the
province ought to be left alone in the management of its own
affairs, and not troubled with interference from without.
This, of course, could not apply to the question of an elec-
tive council, but it surely ought to be sufficient for the Im-
perial Parliament to know that one of its Acts affecting this
province was obnoxious to the people, to amend it. It was
much to be deplored that the Ministry had not armed the
Governor with power to decidC this measure. Ile thought
that of two things one ought to have been done ; either
empower the Legislature of this province to amend the
Act of 1791, which, however, could not be done agree-
ably to the wishes of the people with the present Legis-
lative Council, or let the Imperial Parliament pass a law
to that effect. He (Mr. Papineau) would ask who gave
authority to that question ? Whom, could it compel to
appear before it unless it was a certain class of officials
to whom any one with the appearance of grandeur and
. authority could say, " Craignez, et venez ?et ils vien-
nent ; allez ? et ils vont ; humiliez-vouz ; et ils s'humilient."
By acknowledging that Commission, the House would be
degrading itself ; it would thereby say that the grand in-
quest of the country was paralyzed by the presence of three
Commissioners, with no legal authority ; it would be saying
that the House had not the right (not conferred by the
King, but by higher authority—the people), to compel
public officers and individuals to
,appear before it. The
House of Assembly had indcriiiere extensive powers than
the Commission, and consequently was the most proper to
institute inquiries into the state of the province. The in-
tentions in appointing the Commission were, however, no
doubt good ; but the House could not acknowledge such a
body without degrading itself. It had the best right to
examine the affairs of the province, representing, as it did,
half a million of freemen. The Commissioners, therefore,
might go on with their inquiries alone ; they might learn
what they could, and say what they liked—the House of
Assembly would have the same right too, if the result of
their (the Commissioners') decisions should be found to be
• unfavourable to the country ; the House of Assembly
• would have their agents in the House of Commons, to ac-
• cuse them if they did wrong. He did not suppose that
anything of the kind would happen, hoping as he. did that
the results of the inquiries of the Commissioners would be
the means of obtaining justice for the country ; but as they
were sent out here without the authority of the law, the
House could not safely acknowledge them. He considered
that the Committee, in drawing up the Address, had
evinced great prudence in not mentioning the Commission.
There was no part of his Excellency's speech which asked
the House to acknowledge the Commission. The House,
of course, wished their inquiries every success, and would
be willing to assist them, but it could not recognise them
officially, as that would be surrendering its own rights. By
recognizing the Commission, the House would be involving
itself in those dark courses alluded to in the conclusion of
his Excellency's speech. He therefore thought the amend-
ment ought to be rejected without hesitation ; and the
paragraph, as reported, adopted, with thanks to the Com-
mittee for the able manner in which it had executed its task.
[The above is but an outline of the arguments made use
of by Mr. Papineau, who spoke for upwards of an hour and
a half.]

By accounts from New Grenada we learn that a de-
cree had been published, prohibiting the exportation of gold.
The late Sir James Mackintosh, in one of his letters
from Bombay, mentions the arrival of a Persian Ambassa-
dor, who, " among other remarkable piece's of state, was
attended by four hangmen, with their axes on their shoul-
ders, on his visit of ceremony to the Governor, and on his
receiving the latter at his house."

a

v

PRICES OF :':FOCIiS TII Ig DA Y AT JNI O'CLOC
Sank 5t0ck....... ........... ....... 2111 Incra Stock shut
3 per Cent Red 9(M 90 1,•fl Ditto Bonds 3 pm.
i per Cent Cons shut i South :,ea Stock —
1,:, per Cent .. --1 Old Annuities
Dim) Red
New 134 per Cent
N'ets 3 per Cent —' Exch. Bills, £l,++ts. IS 18 pin
Pank Long A nnuitit sto expire Ditto 500 l3 IS pm.
Jan 5, :StiO
Oct., 111, 1650 - Ditto Commercial..„...... pm:
Jan 5, ISlin - pm.
Jan 5, IW.II — Batik Stock for Account —
April 5, 18S0 — India Stock for Account.-- 25114 4
Jan 5. 1870 — Consols for Acconnt '„ 911 A%
Omnium — pm.

PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK.
Austrian Bonds Poruvian Bonds
Belgian Bonds 99%31 Ditto Account
Ditto Account'.
3razilianßondsl B:3 Ditto Account —
Ditto Account — Ditto New 80nd5...R.3% 2% 3!,4 3
Buenos Ayres Bonds — Ditto Account 6.11,4 9.14 34 3
Ditto Account — Ditto, 3 per cent., 5.1 i. 3Y23,4 4 ,
Chilli.,n Bonds
Ditto Account ;Russian Bonds, 1821 —
Colurnb an--Bonds 27 Ye 1 Ditto Account —
Ditto Account
Colombian Bonds, Mt 3114 Spanish Bonds —
Ditto Account 34 lii Ditto Account —
Danish Bonds — Ditto Bongs, 163-1......44%%14 V: N.
Ditto Account
Greek Bonds !French, 5 per cent. —E. —c
Ditto Bonds, 15•25 — -- .1 per cent. —f. —c.
Ditto Account - 3 per cent. —f. —c.
Mexican Bonds, 5 per cent .‘2954 -- Exchange —f. -C.
Ditto Account Dutch, :-.% per cent.
Ditto, 6 per cent.
Ditto Account: — Ditto, 5 ppr cent 1034%%5a
Neapolitan Ditto Account -
PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK

Great Western Railway Company
London and Blackwall Railway
liandon and Greenwich Railway Con

COURSE OF EXC}L
Amsterdam C.F. 12 7V2
Ditto, at sight
Rotterdam `3 U 12 74

Antwerp l2 7
Homburg
Altana l3 I.ok

Ipanf

Paid.

Per Share.
11% 12% 12
410 A
2.6!4

NGE YESTERDAY.
Leghorn l7'
Genoa 26
Milan ll
Venice _47
.....

Naples 4ot6
Palermo per oz. 1211,4
Lisbon
Oporto le;"
Rio Janeiro
Bahia ... 26
Buenos Ayres
Dublin, 21 days' sight I
Cork l%

Paris, 3 days' sight 25 70
Ditto ... .............. 2 Us 26

—.-- ... .... .............. _ _ _
Bordeaux .
F-ankfort on Maine, Ex. M 15314
Peter:dun gli, ruble 3 Us. 10 0
Berlin
Vienna, effective 0......2 M lO 10
Trieste ditto lO 10
Madrid 37
Cadiz ... ..........
Bilboa
Barcelona
Seville 36%
Gibraltar ...

PRICE OF BULLION, PER OZ.
Portugal Gold, coin £0 0 0
Foreign Gold, in bars 3 17 9
New Doubloons ' 0 0 0
New Dollars
_

Silver, bars, standard 0 0 0

MAILS.
Arrived. Du-. Arrived. Due. Arrived. Dui
0 America 0 1 France 0 0 Lisbon 0
0 Brazil
0 Buenos Ayres... 0 0 Hamburg 0 0 Mexico 0
0 Cartliagena 0 0 Holland
I Dublin ... 0 0 Jamaica 0 0 Sweden U
0 Flanders 0 0 Leeward Islands 0 1 Waterford 0

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW. .
Morning 23 minutes after 5. I Erening..—..2B minutes after 5