The Sun.
London, England, 1835-07-17 00:00:00

ing to the :provisions hereinafter contained." Thus it ap-
peared Wiat the first edition of the Reform Bill reserved the
rights of every freeman, and them only • but afterwards
that reservation was extended, in the secondedition, to evert
inchoate right. The provision was afterwards again altered
in Committee, but not for the purpose of restricting the
rights of freemen, but, on the contrary, for the purpose of
further extending them, for, in the third edition, the reser-
vation was gallantly extended to the fair sex, as it was pro-
vided that " every person who shall hereafter marry the wi-
dow or daughter of a freeman in any city or borough where
the right of becoming a burgess or freeman, and of voting in
the election for such city or borough is acquired by marriage,
such widows or daughters having been born previously to the
passing of this Act, shall thereby acquire a right of franchise."
That Bill was sent to the House of Lords on the 22d of Sep-
tember, 1831, and rejected by their Lordships ; but the Noble
Lord, in December of that year, introduced a new Bill, in
which there was a clause which, in introducing it, the Noble
Lord himself said he thought would give general satisfaction.
The clause reserved all the rights of freemen in perpetuity,
but excepted from the exercise of the franchise all honorary
and non-resident freemen, and all those who obtained their
freedom subsequent to 1831. Now, did not the whole of these
proceedings give a finality to this provision cf the Act that
could not now be separated from it ?—( Cheers)—for if the
provision was merely meant to be temporary, why except ho-
norary and non-resident freemen, and those freemen who were
not admitted to the freedom until after a certain day in 1831 ?
Did the Noble Lord not intend, when this provision was in-
troduced, that the right should be perpetual? and were not
those exceptions meant as a security against bribery and cor-
ruption ?—(Hear.) He (Sir R. Peel) could not help saying
that it did tend to destroy the confidence which the country
entertained, that a final settlement of the elective franchise
had been made, when it was found that the Noble Lord was
a party to doing away with rights which had for a long time
belonged to the class of freemen by prescription, and which
had so recently been confirmed to them by a measure intro-
duced by the Noble Lord himself.—( Hear, hear.) As far as
the argument rested upon the final settlement of the elective
franchise by the Reform Bill it was conclusive—(Hear, hear)
--and he would add, that it did shake the confidence which
the country should feel in the settlement made by the second
charter of the liberties of the nation—(Cheers)—when it was
found that it was about to be altered in so essential a particular.
The Noble Lord had spoken of the Hon. and Learned Member
who introduced the amendment making a show of feeling and
great sympathy for the poor in wishing to preserve the rights
of the freemen. He (Sir R. Peel) did not pretend to any
such sympathy ; and he had no hesitation in telling his Hon.
Friend, that if he persisted in bringing forward the amendment
of which be gave notice, to allow every man who should be on
the burgess-roll for the time being to have a right to vote at
the election of Members of Parliament, he (Sir R. Peel)
would decidedly
had said oppose it.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord
that the freemen had been guilty of great and extensive
bribery. If that was the ground upon which they were to be de-
prived of their rights, the matter ought to be plainly and openly
investigated, and it should be proved that they were guilty;
but it was not fair that, upon a general declaration made by
the Noble Lord, or any other Member, and without the sha-
dow of proof, that their rights should be destroyed, and that
without any express declaration to show the reason for their
being so destroyed.—( Hear, hear.) It had been proved that
corruption was not confined to the freemen.—( Hear.) In the
case of Stafford, it was proved that the 101. householders had
been as guilty of bribery and corruption as the freemen had
en. His Hon. and Learned Friend had said, Stafford was
the only borough in which bribery among the householders
bad been proved, but that was not the case. It had been
Proved before a Committee of the House, that at the elec-
ti
the
10on for Liverpool in 1830, extensive bribery took place among
/. householders. It might indeed be said that the free-
men had been also bribed, but was the bribery confined to the
irieerneo; and who bribed them ?--(Cheers.) The Right
Hon. Baronet then read an extract from the evidence of
. r' W. Myers, who stated that he was a merchant in Liver-
!)o3ol, and had been employed at the election. He was deno-
minated a treasurer, and was employed by Mr. Ewart's Com-
.eatudtee•--(A laugh.) His business was to disperse money
r°II the electors. He had paid money to persons in re-
able ranks of society. .50/. was the highest price paid
aeriL'ot,e: It was paid to a retired brewer. A person who de-
satisfied himself as a captain of militia got 351., but not being
it 'Led, he came back and got 101. more.—( A laugh.) Three
see,ll of the name of Howard, who were very respectable, got
pi each, A ship-carpenter, who was very respectable, got
,12.1., but then he came very early to the poll. He
kept "gat the middling classes got most money because they
ti °ff. He could give no idea of the total expense of
_t.! election, because there were several other treasurers;
ilat he
knew that the sum which passed through his own
ends was about 34,000/.—(Cheers and laughterr) Thus it
4.l.P..Reared that more than the freemen received bribes. He
ofitting Peel) thought it very probable that the lower classes freemen did participate in this system of bribery, but ad-
that to be the case, it was quite clear that the higher
Classes participated also, and their crime was more aggravated
""eY had not the same temptations.—( Hear, bear.) This
showed that it was not fair to disfranchise the freemen for a
crime of which they were not the only persons guilty, and that
e TAtild say without any pretended topsmathy with the poor.
13- Besides which, if the freemen were be deprived of their
rights as a penalty for their corruption, the penalty ought not
to.. attach to them till there was direct proof of their guilt.—
.r.e wished to say one word on the general subject of the exten-
sion of the franchise. He was averse to extending the fran-
chise,,i, because he thought it tended to unsettle men's minds.
with respect to the general principle, he did not intend to
°PPose the
-new franchise, nor would he have been prepared
to propose the franchise of freemen if it were not already in
.)._cistence, but finding that it was so he was for maintaining it.
He was for having one general system of voting through-
out the country, but there was no necessity °for pursu-
ing the course proposed. He admitted, however, that he
should be sorry to see this right of voting extended to every
town. Not content with the 101. franchise, the Noble Lord
proposed a much more extensive class of voters. The Noble
Lord, therefore, must be perfectly assured that the holders of
the 101. qualification were perfectly capable of exercising their
right. He, however, was by no means satisfied that the hold-
ers of such qualification were a better class of persons to be
intrusted with the franchise than those who had faithfully
served a seven years' apprenticeship. The Noble Lord,
however, now proposed a much more extensive right of
suffrage than that which be gave by the Reform Bill, namely,
that a man not directly connected with the borough, provided
he had paid rates for three years—and those rates might even
be paid by the landlord—could vote for the Council of the
town. The Noble Lord, however, said that a man neither by
birth nor servitude should be entitled to the right of voting,
He thought that a man who had served seven years gave as
. good a test of upright conduct and capability of properly ex-
ercising the elective franchise as paying three years' rates for a
small tenement.—(Hear,) He was satisfied that the for-
mer was a much better test than the latter. Therefore seeing
the right established, and not objecting, under the circum-
llancesr to having a different right from the common electoral
right, he saw no objection to the proposition. He repeated,
he was quite ready to punish freemen if it were brought home
to them that they had abused the franchise ; but he thought
that otherwise, under the present circumstances, it would be
unfair to deprive them of their privileges • and above all, be
should do so because it would lead to the belief that the Reform
Bill was not a final settlement of the franchise.—(Cheers.)
On these grounds, therefore, he should vote for preserving the
rights of the freemen.—( Loud cheers.)
Captain BERKELEY had no doubt that he should be
taunted with voting for the amendment for some electioneering
purpose, but he could assure the House that the only reason
that would induce him to pursue the course he intended was,
at he thought the claims of the freemen were founded in
ju3tice.----( Loud cries of " Question.")
A. TREVOR observed that the speech of the Right
um. Baronet would go forth to the country as a certain proof
hofe..t?e flagrant ignoran-ce of the Noble Lord.—( Cries of Hear,
fre'r.) He was returned to that House by a large body of
year:
to Lerei eRn7-(" Hear, hear," and cheers)—and he would appeal
heig(list
iHr on and Gallant Friend whether, durine the ten
Durll Henry Hardinge) had represented the city of
i• am, he had not found the freemen of it a most intel-
btenft and. upright body of men, and who were utterly incap.a-
sO being bribed.—( Loud cries of Oh, oh.") [The noise
and confusion became so great that we were incapable of hear-
s'neg a single sentence that fell from the Hon. Gentleman for
.overal minutes. Mr Fector and Mr. Hughes Hughes rose I order, and stated if. silence were not procured they would Irt.o_ve.the adjournment of the House. At length partial silence
tenobtained.] We understood the Hon. Gentleman to con-
leur that the Noble Lord in this measure proposed to ride
onthitnhe rights of industrious and upright men against whom
t a had been proved, in a manner which was disgraceful
Ile Minister. The Government pretended to be friends of
presrti, and had brought forward a measure of the most op-
ti:lre and uncalled for character—indeed not to be equalled
dent (:
:annals of Parliament. If they would establish a prece-
-their Ybbing poor men of their rights, which would justify
whetslnking away those of rich men next year, who could tell
bus, user the precedent might not affect the noble house of Wo-
Vir'.---,..(Lud cries of Oh !")
the nu
_u• P. THOMSON had heard no new argument, since
dOl4l F'tion had been last discussed, against the principle laid
13a,.0 the Bill, notwithstanding the speech the Right Hon.
net had addressed to the House.( Cries of " Oh !" and
Rigltarr hear.") There was nothing in the speech of the
benchesll°n Gentleman—( Loud cheers from the Opposition
the, responded to by cheering from the Ministerial side of
trend. enso)—which had made the slightest impression on his
caged
his
The Right Hon. Baronet bad ac-
try ; 011118 Noble Friend of indulging in ingenious sophis
a mastere Right lion. Baronet, however, had proved himself
Cully ao e—(Loud cheers)—for he had care-
}louse, stained from touching on the rights before the
tremarks Right Hon. Baronet had indulged largely
one!
Baronet
otouching our existing rights. The Right
Men were to be
Ile allowed in ad dwelt on the fact, that the rights of free-
eirn to enter tehtreserved under the Reform but not to
Bill. On that point it was unnecessary for
(Loud
cheers
into
„ contest with the Right Hon. Baronet.—
teueusstatsiirefo •s from the Opposition benches.) It was unne-
r him to do o, because he conceded to the full ex-
tent
osergument ; but he contended that the point did not
Right
the case before the House.--( Hear, hear.) The
Whether °n• Baronet had dwelt at great length on the fact,
andvvit2iTe not the freemen had exercised their rights well,
vt°ii.'O
rr they were or were not exposed to corruption.--
pr_ea ) If he were inclined to argue with the, Right
Moss arenet, he thought that there would be no difficulty in
erith'",:lg that he was in the wrong.—(Hear.) He differed
tSat Right Hon. Gentleman on another point, and thought
tili.they' were to remedy any defeas in the Reform
rim„:--(e_heers.) They were at liberty also to apply pc-
...)4o"wes,_,,here punishment was required ; but he denied that
s"lllo,lt4lsgs under this Bill, the suffrage to freemen,