The Sun.
London, England, 1866-11-06 00:00:00

TEE SuN, LO.NLON, TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 6 1&66.

hereafter, in case of the presentation of large
quantities near the period of the full maturity of
the notes, much delay will ensue before the bonds
in conversion can possibly be furnished by the de-
partment.

The ship Baena Vista, thirty-three days from
Kanagawa, Japan, to San Francisco, Oct. 9th, re-
ports teas firm at last quotations, silks high and
scarce. There were in port the United States ships
Hartford, Wyoming, and Wachusett. The Buena
Vista brings 50,000 pounds of tea for transhipment
to New York. A later account states that the
United States steamers Hartford, Wyoming, and
Wachusett sailed on the sth of September.
The steamer Golden Age sailed for Panama, from
San Francisco, Oct. 11th, carrying $942,000 in
treasure, of which $729,000 is for New York.
Not much news has brought by the City of
Boston, from New York. Mr. Secretary Stanton
was reported to have asked to be relAred of his
present post, and to be appointed United States
Minister at Madrid. Mr. Stanton, it is added, will
be succeeded in the Secretaryship of War, by Gene-
ral Sherman. The telegram says that " influential
persons" are pressing the Administration to make
a formal demand upon the British Government for
a settlement of the Alabama claims. The state-
ment is confirmed by the Washington correspondent
of the Times, who thinks that the Alabama business
will yet give some trouble, though nobody but
Fenians of the more violent sort, would dream of
going to war about it.

The President of the United States has appointed
Wickman Hoffman, of Louisiana to be Assistant
Secretary of Legation at Paris, and George F.
Kettell, of New York, to be Consul at Rhenish
Bavaria.

The President has recognised Charles Fauconnet
as Vice-Consul of France at Galveston, Texas ;
Alfred 0. C. Garcia, Consul for Costa Rica at
Boston, Mass. ; and Guido Fusho, Consul for the
Principalit3 of-Reup at Baltimore.
The Commonwealth gives a sketch, together with
a portrait, of Lieutenant-Colonel Lothian Dickson,
as one of the leaders of the people. Colonel Dick-
son has taken a prominent part in the recent Reform
movement, and is a vice-president of the League.
He entered the army in 1825, served in the field in
the Deccan and Southern Mahratta country, but is
better known for the part he took iu the Carlist
war. He raised and commanded the 7th Regiment
of the British Auxiliary Legion. At the head of
this regiment, and under the command of General
Sir de Lacy Evans, he gained considerable distinc-
tion in the Spanish expedition, was honourably
mentioned, and decorated with an order of knight-
hood. Colonel Dickson is still better known for the
uncompromising manner in which he fought to the
bitter end a Minister of War, who, acting on the
suggestion of an Earl, had unjustly removed
him from the command of the Tower Hamlets
Militia. The tenacity with which the Colonel ad-
hered to his grievance showed a very determined
disposition. No partial success could satisfy him.
He went in for a complete victory, and only failed
because he pushed his claims too far,. which was
scarcely prudent when opposed by such powerful
antagonists.

number one." Here is an office to which he has
been elected. If he resigns it, out of deference to
the wants of the community; he may never get
another, and he holds on with desperate tenacity,
and, perhaps, with a hope that at some future day
he may get a pardon and then slide into the official
easy chair. But the people are getting very tired
of this, and are requesting him to resign. He re-
fuses to do so, it being, he says, a point of honour
(and of profit) with him never to resign a place to
which the free and independent suffrages, &c., &c.,
of the people of Mobile have called him. This has
been borne with long enough, and the discontent is
increasing, because widows, orphans, creditors, and
others, are suffering by the obstinacy of this man.
A writer in the Mobile Tribune, of October 7th,
thus argues the matter, of course with a logic
which is peculiar to the good Union men of the South,
but which still has its strong positions. He says :
" But if Admiral Semmes thinks it humiliating to
resign a position, which brute power inhibits his
holding, in order that the public interests may no
longer be sacrificed, and that individual suffering
and distress may be assuaged, does he not regard it
equally—aye, more humiliating in him to crave par-
don of the man who unlawfully restrains him from
performing the duties of his office ?" This seems
to be an admirable hit at the " Admira If State
rights, State honour, and all that, are utraged by
refusing him permission to hold office, is he not
sacrificing rights, honour, and all that, by craving
pardon of the man, who by brute force restrains
him from enjoying "all those movables ?" It is in
this view of the case that the correspondent whom
we quote hits him again thus :—" Can Admiral
Semmes ask for a pardon without feeling himself
inwardly rebuked for a want of that manly State
pride, which above all else should characterise the
true citizen.' And has he fallen so low that he is
willing to sacrifice the constitutional rights and the
honour of his State for any temporary advantage
whatever'—to be Judge of Probate, for instance ?"
We do not think that the troubles of theseMobilians
will elicit much sympathy in the North. They
elected Semmes, a most obnoxious man, in a spirit
of bravado against the United States. They in-
tended to show the Government of the United
States that the man who, if justice had her way,
would have been hung, was their favourite. They
have done so, and what have they made out of it ?
Nothing but trouble and distress to themselves and
their own interests. We think that the lesson which
the President has administered was very much
needed, and ought to have its influence in other
cases—for.instance, as a warning against the folly of
electing men to Congress who cannot take the test
oath.—Philadelphia Inquirer.

and immunities of citizens in the several States, but
that clause has been expounded as only meaning
that a citizen of Maine moving into another State
is entitled only to the privileges and immunities which
the laws of that other State accords to the citizens
of Maine of his class. The result is that as we have
thirty-six States, and that a citizen of the United
States may find himself so situated that while a
citizen of the entire Republic he is not a citizen of
any of its thirty-six parts. Each State defines its
own citizenship; it may exclude from that citizen-
ship every person not born within its limits, thus
making nineteen-twentieths of the people of the
country aliens the moment they pass within the
boundaries of.that State. It is a fact, that at this
very time, under this practice of State citizenship, in
several of the States, a large majority of the popula-
tion born and residing in those States are not citi-
zens of said States. Let us not be misunderstood as
meaning that they are not voters ; we mean citizens
entitled to civil rights. Some of these people thus
denied civil rights in the State of their birth may
acquire them in other States ; while citizens enjoy-
ing such rights in one State lose them and cease to
be citizens upon moving into another State. This
anomalous condition of civil rights exists in no
other civilised Government. A British citizen is a
British citizen on any part of the earth covered by
the British flag. A Russian, or a Prussian, or a
Frenchman, or a Spaniard may assert his nationality
wherever he treads the soil owned by his native
land. An American is the only person whose citi-
zenship is limited by lines less than the national
boundaries, and while he may lay claim honestly to
be a citizen of the United States, in fact he is only
entitled to the rights of citizenship within the con-
tracted limits of the State ia which he happens to
reside, and often he cannot even do that. The
amendment to the Constitution now pending,
and whose ratification the people are called
upon this fall to vote, proposes to correct
this extraordinary anomaly. It proposes to
define in the Constitution itself what consti-
tutes a citizen, and then declares that a citizen of
the whole Republic shall no longer be deprived of
his civil rights by the local regulations of any of its
parts, but that a citizen, native born or naturalised,
of the United States shall also be a citizen of the
State wherein he resides. This provision, so emi-
nently just, has long been needed in this country.
A Russian is a Russian in all parts of Russia, but
an American born in Illinois, while unquestionably
a citizen of the United States, can only assert his
right to citizenship in the State of Illinois, while
persons whose ancestors for several generations have
been born in. other States, and though born there
himself, cannot even claim citizenship therein. The
proposed provision making citizenship uniform car-
ries with it no political rights. It does not deprive
the State of the right to regulate suffrage and the
qualification for office ; it merely places beyond all
question the legal or civil status of the whole people
upon a common equality, and takes from local pre-
judice and passion the power to oppress or harass
any citizen, by denying to him his rights as such.
This provision, which must commend itself to the
approval of all honest-thinking men, and which will
remove from our politics and our courts questions
of the most vexatious character, is bitterly opposed
in the rebel States. It knocks down the barrier
with which aristocracy had encircled itself, and
admits to the ranks of citizenship the naturalised
Irishman, the naturalised German, the Yankee, and
last, but not less liorrible, the coloured man. It
gives either of these classes of persons the right to
enter any court of justice, and there, on terms of
equality, to be plaintiff in any action against any of
the first families. It gives to either of these classes,
in defiance of State laws to the contrary, the right
to purchase and hold real estate, to sell and lease
the same, and, when dying, to devise it ; it even
permits them to inherit as heirs, or receive as de-
visees real and personal property on an equality
with the old first-class people. ''The rebels regard it
as a levelling measure, to make the whole people
citizens and entitled to civil rights on equal terms,
and, therefore, they oppose it. It is, however, but
one of the several long-needed steps towards the
grand measure of civil and political freedom to every
being breathing under the national flag, and a civil
political equality as universal as the title of Ameri-
can citizen. To this the rebels will have to submit,
as they will have to submit to equally unpalatable
measures, willingly or unwillingly, in obedience to
the. will of the free people of the American Union.
—Chicago Tribune.

The African Civilisation Society is an organisa-
tion of pious and educated coloured people (incor-
porated by the Legislature of the State ofNew York),
who believe, and always have believed, that the
black man of education can best instruct, direct, and
elevate his race. We have come together in an orga-
nised and incorporated body, commenced the work of
self-elevation, and are now successfully carrying on
the work of education among the freed people of
the South. The history of civilisation testifies that
the most homogeneous instrumentalities are the
most effectual in accelerating a people's elevation.
The parent is the best person to lead and teach his
own child, and fit it for the duties and responsibilities
of mature age ; and if the child is an orphan, it is gene-
rally conceded that the nearest relative is the fittest
guardian. This rule holds good when applied to
races. Hence we have concluded that the blackman is
the better leader and teacher among his own people
than the white man; that while we can do this
work just as well, we cau do it under fewer disad-
vantages, and at far less expense than he. We
already have several flourishing schools in the South
taught by efficient coloured teachers, and doing in-
calculable good. During the past year we have
partially and wholly sustained twenty-two (22) day
and night schools, and employed thirty-three (33)
teachers. About fifteen hundred (1,500) pupils
have attended these schools with blessed effect.
These schools are in Maryland, Washington, and
Georgetown, D.C., Alexandria, and Richmond, and
News Ferry, Virginia, and Georgia. The studies
have been such as are generally pursued in common
schools with such variations in particular cases as
seemed best to accelerate the scholar's fitness for
practical life.— The People's Journal.

The Foreign Carrying Trade.

---~--

TO THE EDITOR OF THE ANGLO-AMERICAN TIMES.

SIR, —1 have read with great interest and attention
your article on " American Merchants and the
Foreign Carrying Trade of America," and the letter
of Mr. T. Silver in your journal of the 27th inst.,
it ointing out the working of the American law as
it at present stands, in regard to the shipping in-
terest of that country.
It seems that at the present moment the high
prices of materials and labour in the United States
place a complete bar on the construction of ships,
and that in consequence the American shipowner
is losing his trade, and is placed at a great disad-
vantage in competing with other countries, whilst
he is at the same time debarred from purchasing
ships built in foreign countries, as such would not
be allowed to sail under the American flag.

In referring to the last page of your journal, I
find the advertisements of no less than eight lines
of steamers between England and the United States,
not one of which is American or worked by American
built ships, whilst American enterprise is repre-
sented by two boats, the Fulton and Arago, of the
United States mail line.

Surely this is not as it should be ; and bearing
in mind the splendid accommodation of the American
steamers and the great speciality there exists for this
sort of thing in that country, it cannot be as it ought
to be. Bearing in mind the plan of ship proposed by
Mr. T. Silver some time since for crossing the At-
lantic, and the system on which it was to be esta-
blished, it is to be lamented that some earnest and
practical endeavours are not made to bring them to
a successful issue, as it would not fail to increase
the facilities for travel between the two countries,
and therefore to make people go, which would tend
to increase that proper spirit which should exist be-
tween the two countries, and can only be increased
by frequent and extended intercourse.
. _

_
I perfectly agree with you that these navigation
laws must be repealed, and, depend upon it, a little
more free-trade policy in the existing laws will not
do any injury to either country. We Kaye Ameri-

cans to manage our large hotels, and no one seems
the worse for it ; and if the same plan were acted
on of getting the most suitable means, either in price
or principle, for the purpose for which it is required
irrespective of whence it is derived, these great diffi-
culties would be removed, and American enterprise
go ahead in its proper style to the benefit of both
sides of the Atlantic.

I can see no valid reason why ships should not be
built in this or any other country from American
designs for American citizens, especially when such
are to be employed in foreign trade, and can be used
without injury to native interests.
As an Englishman, I hope to see the good feel-
ing between the two countries extended by all pos-
sible means, and I fancy this would be a good be-
ginning.--Your obedient,

CHAS. F. T. YOUNG, C.E.,
Member of Society of Engineers'
Association, J.N.A.
7, Duke-street, Adelphi, W.C.,
October 31, 1866.