The Sun.
London, England, 1859-11-12 00:00:00

LATEST NEWS.

The following telegrams have been received a
Mr. Reuter's office :

PARIS, SATURDAY.

The 21Ioniteur of this morning says—

The different Assemblies of the Central Italian
States have agreed to offer the Regency to Prince

Carignan.
This resolution is to be regretted, especially under
the present circumstances of the approaching as-
sembling of an European Congress—called to de-
liberate on the affairs of Italy—because it tends to
prejudge questions which must there be settled.
PARIS, FRIDAY,

The Patrie of this evening says—We are assurcd
that the King of Sardinia has replied to the letter
of the Emperor of the French, and that King Victor
Emmanuel, in his reply, expresses confidence in the
sympathies of the Emperor Napoleon in favour of
the Italian cause, and declares that he (the King)
will leave to the decision of the Congress all that
which relates to the reorganisation of Italy.

MADRID, Nov. 10.

Yesterday the Moors, with a force of 1,000 men,
continued their attack upon Ceuta. The besieged
were preparing to make a sortie to repulse them.
The Cortes had been prorogued for one week.

VIENNA, Nov. 12.

An Imperial autograph letter has been addressed
to the Minister of Finance, Baron von Bruck, ex-
pressing the desire of the Emperor to make good
the deficit in the budget of the years 1860 to 1861.
In order to carry out the desire of the Emperor,
a committee will be appointed, whose work is to be
terminated at the end of March, and the result
submitted to the Council of the Empire.

In accordance with the Articles 13 and 16 of the
decree dated April 13,1851, the number of members
of the Council of the Empire will temporarily be
increased for the discussion of this subject.

FRANCE.

PARIS, FRIDAY.

THE BOURSE, Nov. ll.—The market continues
heavy Threes, after having been done at 70f. 20c.,
receded to 70f. 10c. Mobilier varied from 790 f.
to 786 f. 25c. ; Lyons, 896 f. 25c. to 892 f. 50c. ;
Orleans, 1,372 f. 50c. to 1,370 f. ; Southern, 522 f.
50c. to 518 ff. 75c. ; Northern, 950 f. to 947 f. 50c.
The following were the last quotations :-
41 per Cents. .... 95 50 Credit Foncier....

Do: end month
3 per Cents 7O 15
Do. end month 7O 15
Bank Shares. 2825

Belgian 4} 99
Piedmontese (5)
Roman B7
Austrian —

Credit Mobilier 787 50
Do. Account ..... 786 2.5

Spanish Threes —
Home Debt 42 25

RAILWAYS.

Cash. Account.
Orleans
Northern 951 25 .. 952 50
New ditto 832 50 .. 830

Lyons and Mediterranean
892 50 .. 892 50
Geneva 531 25 .. 530
Southern
Western — .. 572 50
Eastern
Sardinian 412 .. --
Austrian
Lombard .

Exchange on London, at sight, paper, 25f. 121 c. ; money,
25f. 10c. ; three months, paper, 24f. 971 c. ; money, 24f. 95c

ITALY.

The Opinion* of Turin publishes a statement
from which it appears that there are 6,083 Vene-
tians enrolled in the army under the command of
Gen. Mezzacapo.
A letter from Naples says :—" Great interest is
felt in official regions here as to the political regime
with which Italy will be endowed by the Congress,
and uneasiness prevails as to the anomalous position
in which the Two Sicilies would be placed in the
midst of constitutional Governments. It is not
thought that the Neapolitan Government would
refuse to join the Italian Confederation, but its
adhesion would not be without some reserves ; it
has, indeed, already come to an understanding with
the Pontifical Government. It may also be regarded
as certain that both Governments are preparing the
reforms which the new state of things will render
necessary. It is supposed that the dissensions
which have arisen between the Government and
Prince Filangieri were relative to those projected
changes. The attitude of Prince Filangieri is con-
sidered a strange one, as though he avoids exercising
the functions of President of the Council, still he
does not resign that high office. The Prince is
perhaps endeavouring by that mode of proceeding
to reserve to himself the means of accomplishing
the reforms which he has in view, and, by thus
standing aloof, to compel the Neapolitan Govern-
ment to acknowledge that his services cannot be
dispensed with. This plan of conduct, which
seemed likely to be thwarted by the refusal of M.
Carascosa, charged with the signature of the Pre-
sident of the Council, to continue that office, meets
with no obstacle now that M. Carascosa has with-
drawn his refusal."

The Maniteur de la Platte says:—" The corps
d'armee which is to act in China will, it is believed,
be composed as follows :—The English will send
6,000 Europeans and 6,000 native troops. France
will send a complete division, consisting of the
101st and 102 d regiments, the 2d battalion of rifle-
men, 16 companies of marines, 4 batteries of horse
artillery, 2 companies of engineers, 1 company of
the baggage train, and 500 sailors. The division,
including sailors and marines, will be altogether
about 20,000 strong.

The Piedmontese Gazette publishes several Royal
decrees : one ordering the promulgation of the new
military Penal Cede ; another organizing the new
Court of Accounts; a third for the organization of
the Council of State, and others for matters of
minor importance, including one which confers the
Cross of Commander of the Order of St. Maurice
and Lazarus on Chevalier Miglietti, late Mi-
nister of Justice.

The Agram Gazette states that Osman Pacha
has just received, as a present from the Pope, his
Holiness's portrait engraved on onyx and richly
mounted. Services rendered by Osman when in
office at Tripoli, with respect to the erection of a
Roman Catholic convent, have procured him this
favour.

The Striatsanzeiyer says that the health of the
King of Prussia has impros ed lately, and he is now
able to make short excursions in a carriage.

The New Prussian Gazette says :—" Letters from
Vienna mention as positive, the intention of the
Austrian Government to contract a large loan. The
amount spoken of is 500 millions of florins, of which
250 millions will be raised under the form of a
forced loan, and the other 250 by a lottery. The
whole will bear interest at 5 per cent. No further
details are known."

The King of the Belgians has conferred the grand
cordon of the Order of Leopold on Baron de Tuyll
Serooskerken, attached to the household of the
Queen of Holland ; also on Baron de Palland, grand
chamberlain at the Dutch Court; and Baron Omphal,
intendant of the Royal Palace.

The Belgian Chamber of Representatives at its
sitting of the day before yesterday completed its
bureau by the election of M. Vervoort as second Vice
President, and MM. Deboe, Vermeire de Moor and
de Plorisonno as Secretaries. The Assembly after-
wards named the standing committees.

The Madrid journals of the 7th contain no poli-
tical news. They state that the fleet of Morocco,
which in 1794 consisted of 10 frigates and 37
smaller vessels, is now only of 2 corvettes, 1 brig,
and 14 gunboats. Attempts made to cultivate the
sugar-cane in the neighbourhood of Mataro had been
attended with a fair degree of success.

FRANCE AND ENGLAND.

•Rolf A FRENCH POINT OF VIEW.

Englishmen have been discussing for severe:

weeks now the probabilities of a war with France,
what are the preparations on either side of the
Channel, and what is likely to be the issue of the
conflict. One day we see a panic ; then the panic
is laughed at ; next we seem to be taking matters

coolly ; then again we argue the point seriously,but
without fear ; we go to work with vigour, we sAy

that an invasion is not very probable, but it is best
to be prepared, and we watch narrowly all that our
neighbours are saying and doing. They, in turn,
have their eyes upon us, f,nd now sneer, now criti-
cise, now remonstrate, now threaten, In the midst
of so mnch that is, if not alarming, at least menacing,
it is pleasant to come upon a party of Frenchmen
who thoroughly sympathize with us, who regard
with horror the prospect of a war between the two
countries ; who agree with us in thinking that the
attitude of France is quite unjustifiable ; and who
are anxious that England should place herself in a
position of so much force as to prevent the possi-
bility of attack. It will at once be divined that
such sympathy cannot at the present moment find
full expression in France. We find it in the pages
of a French review published in London, and con-
ducted with no small ability. The Revue Indepen-
dante (issued by Jeffs) is a monthly magazine de-
voted to politics, philosophy, literature, science,
and art. It was started in July last; it is edited,
in part, at least, by M. Gustave Masson, the French
master at Harrow, and it represents the opinions of
the most sober Liberals. Of course, a French
review conducted in this country is exceedingly in-
terested in the question of peace or war, and the
antagonism of the party which it represents to the
Imperial policy gives a warmth to its denunciations
of what in any aspect must be regarded as a cala-
mity and a crime. There are few new facts to be
gleaned from these pages. The interest of the
articles to which we refer depends almost entirely
on this, that the views which they advance run
parallel with the views of Englishmen, and are ex-
pressed with all the vivacity for which the French
are distinguished. It may not be amiss to give
some of these opinions in detail.
The point which is most strongly enforced is that
a war with England is inevitable,--that in France
it is the universal topic of conversation, and that it
would be very popular If it were not popular,
means could easily be taken to make it so. Not-
withstanding 40 years of peace, the old national
jealousy has not been extinguished. Especially
on the whole of the coast from Dunkirk to
Bayonne this jealousy remains in full force, and
the people regard their implacable animosity as a
patriotic virtue. This is perfectly evident in the
diatribes of the journals which receive their inspi-
ration from the Government ; and from an intimate
acquaintance with the coasts of the Channel, of
Normandy, and of Brittany, one writer declares
that these envenomed effusions meet with a hearty
reception from the maritime population. It is the
same in Paris. The feeling against England is
gathering strength on every side, nobody can tell
through what inspiration, and Englishmen who
have to transact business in the metropolis find, we
are told, that they are not received as before. The
writer who publishes this unwelcome news would
be more entitled to credit, if in the next sentence ho
did not proceed to enter into details. "Un de mes
amis, Anglais, qui revient de la Touraine," he says,
"y a reconnu lee memes symptOmes ; et son domes-
tique lui a repete des conversations vraiment tres-
alarmantes qu'il a eu avec des domestiques Fran-
cais." The opinion of John Thomas had better be
kept in the background. It can only excite the
laughter of Englishmen, who at once perceive that
Nanette and Baptiste discovered the tender places
of his manly bosom and stixck pins into him with-
out mercy. The opinions of the other informants
of the Revue Independante are more respectable,
and there is reason to believe that the war feeling
is really growing. The project of a war with Eng-
land, we are told, is everywhere the order of the
day in France. In the high places of power, in
the public offices, in the army, in the navy, among
the working classes, and among men of business, it
is incessantly discussed, and the universal belief is
that if ever the design seems to be abandoned it is

only because the preparations are incomplete and
it is necessary to gain time. French co-operation
in China is only a makebelieve, and the more ardent
that co-operation is the more certainly is it a snare.
That the army should desire war we can well
understand. Apart from any particular feeling of
hostility to England, a great army of 600,000 or
700,000, well clad, well fed, intoxicated with flat-
teries, and greedy of advancement, must have work;
but, from the private to the general officer, the
entire force is especially bent on a war with this
country. As a singular exception, we are told of a
General officer who had the courage to declare that
if there was to be a war with England he would
break his sword and refuse to obey; bet the general
feeling is enthusiastic in favour of a descent upon
our shores which the first Empire failed to effect,
but which the second Empire is destined to achieve.
On the 20th of August last there was a dinner giTen
at Versailles to 6,500 of the Imperial Guard. The
tables were laid in the Orangery, and each soldier
was in his place under the command of his chief.
At the end of the banquet the public was allowed to
mingle with the soldiers and indulge their faculty
for staring and asking questions. One of these goes
up to a Zouave who had an enormous gash on his
face, and says, " My fine fellow, you have a wound
to be proud of, and it does not disfigure you, though
you have lost your eye. Where were you wounded ?"

" At Magenta," was the answer, and we have the
whole history of it. " Well, then, I suppose you have
now had enough of war ?" proceeds the admiring
civilian. " Moi, Monsieur ! Si dans quatre mois,
commo nous l'esperons bien, on nous mine en An-
gleterre, je demanderai encore a etre le premier."
We have the records of ntany such conversations.
Another Zouave astonishes the women in a railway
carriage by the announcement that the French army
will be at it again next spring. "We are going to
England," "To England !" cries an astonished
woman. " Yes, Madame, we go to England in the
spring, or a little later." " And why there ?"
" Dame, dame, pour nous revenger, pour nous re-
venger," cries the excited Zouave. "To revenge
what ? France and England are allies ; they can-
not make war." " Ah, oui, Madame; I know the
English well ; they are good soldiers ; they fight
well, they stand well ; we esteem them, but we
hate them, don't you see!' This can't last." " But
what is it all about ? I don't understand." "Look
here, Madame ; I will tell you. We licked Russia be-
cause she laid her paw upon Turkey; we licked
Austria because she was playing the deuce with

Italy. We shall give it to England next, because
we are not going to stand her treatment of the In-
dies and that unhappy Ireland." " It is not easy
going to England," observed the lady quietly.
" Ah, bah ! we shall go all the same, et moi qui
vous park, je demande a y allele premier.
PespAre Men qua je ne serai pas le seul !" Can
anything he conceived finer than that climax? How
sublime, and how thoroughly characteristic !
" J'espL►re bien que je ne serai pas le seul !" His
enthusiasm fired a sergeant of the Chasseurs, who
exclaimed, " Certainly not ; you shall not be alone;
all the world will go with you." This is a fair
specimen of military conversation. The army is
unanimous for a war with England, and so is the
navy, which, indeed, has a special stake in the ven-
ture. If we are to be invaded, it is on the French
fleets that the first dependence must be placed. It
is the French navy that in the last war suffered the
greatest reverses, and it owes us a much deeper
grudge than the army does. The thirst for ven-
geance, accordingly, is doubly strong in this arm of
the service. In the navy the desire for war amounts
to a frenzy. The sailors cannot name England
without going off into fits, and we can infer what
is their ardour when they speak of crossing the
Channel. The more sober among them, however,
think that a war cannot be hazarded between the
two countries till 1861, as 18 months will at least
be required to complete the accumulation of coals.
Brest, which ordinarily requires between 4,000 and
5,000 tons of coal a-year, has already in store at
least 50,000 tons, and Cherbourg is supposed to be

equally well provided, but these quantities are not
considered sufficient.

The Church is as eager for war as either army or

navy. Everybody will be convinced of this who
looks at the Univers, which is possessed with the
idea of Fngland, and works up its readers into great
excitement by the mere mention of our name. The
most insulting statements appear daily in its
columns, and, spite of the inexhaustible eloquence
of the editor, it is evident that words fail to do jus-
tice to the force of his emotions. The Univers may
be regarded as the genuine organ of clerical opinion.
It has led the clergy in important junctures, and
given them the tone. On one romarkable occasion,
when the majority of the clergy revolted in a
manner against the journal, then less powerful
than it is now, the Pope himself took its part,
and under the pontifical shield there is almost
nothing which is too outrageous for the jour•
nal to commit. A crusade against Protestant
England would delight the clergy ; and as they
chanted Hosannahs for the grand Turk in the
Crimean war, we can well believe that they are
prepared to fulminate most vigorously against here-
tical and perfidious Albion. At the present moment
especially this temper ought to be watched. It so
happens that the Imperial Government is, through
its revolutionary designs with reference to the Holy
Father, in very bad odour with the French clergy,
and the goodwill of the clergy has hitherto been
deemed essential to the safety of the empire. How
is that goodwill to be recovered ? Nothing would
so effectually reinstate the Imperial Government in
theaffection of the church as a war waged with the
most conspicuous opponent of Roman Catholicism.
Missionaries would fight side by side with Zouaves,
and when the bayonet had done its work we should
have the sweet consolations of the priesthood.
Public opinion was at first strongly opposed to the
war in Italy, and even when this sentiment had
completely changed there were large numbers of
pious Frenchmen who regarded the Imperial policy
with extreme jealousy. There would be no such
hesitation as to a war with England. When the
clergy and the army go hand in hand the combina-
tion is irresistible.
It is maintained, also, that even those classes
which we might suppose committed to a ceaseless
contest with the Imperial policy would look on
the war with favour,—we mean the Legitimists.
That the Legitimists hate us we have long been
aware, but it might be imagined that they must
hate the French Emperor still more. If, however,
we might form a judgment from the sort of articles
that appear in the organ of the party, it would
seem that nothing does it so much desire as the
humiliation of England. Why, it may be asked ?
The Legitimists owe more to England than to any
other nation in the world, and they are more in-
debted to us than any other party in France. They
ought to be our best friends. Those who argue to
such a conclusion, however, forget that no burden
is so galling to a rival as the obligation of gratitude,
and that if between man and man the duty is diffi-
cult and the burden oppressive, between nation and
nation the duty is impossible and the obligation in-
tolerable. Parties are not actuated by gratitude as
individuals are. The necessities of party survive
when the benefits that have been conferred on pre-
vious members of the party have long been for-
gotten, or are remembered but as a hateful proof of
superiority. The Legitimists hate us for the ser-
vice we have done them, even more than for the
original rivalry—the old French feeling towards
England, which in right of their historical pre-
cedents they are supposed to represent. Nor must
it be imagined that this Legitimist party is without
power. It has little direct, but a great deal of in.
direct power. If it is weak in politics, it is strong
in society. It is very wealthy, enlightened, and re-
ligious ; it has possession of the soil to a large ex-
tent ; it has great influence in the agricultural dis-
tricts, and in reckoning the forces which are opposed
to us in the event ofa war we must not overlook an
element so potent. In such an event it is maintained
in the Revue Independante that, more from passion
than from policy, the Legitimist party will give
their hand to the Imperial Government. It will be
a national opportunity of reconciliation, and they
will only be too glad to seize it.
Thus, in a war with England, the French Em-
peror has the power of satisfying army and navy,
of gratifying the clergy, of winning over the Legiti-
mists, and of securing the suffrages of a united
people. The object is so tempting that naturally
one catches at every little indication of the Imperial
purpose, beginning, of course, with the words ut-
tered long ago,—" I represent a cause, a principle,
and a defeat,"— the defeat being Waterloo, which
remains to be avenged. When President of the
Republic, Louis Napoleon is reported to have said
to more than one person that the restoration of the

Empire could have but one object—the avenging of

Waterloo and of St. Helena. When the Empire
was restored it is true that he disclaimed all warlike
intentions, all revengeful motives, and announced
himself as a perfect lamb,—" The Empire is peace."
But the world had soon an opportunity of seeing

what he meant by peace. There was the war with
Russia, and no sooner was that war brought to a
close than an event occurred which was the first
overt sign of the Emperor's real intention towards
England. It is urged that the creation of the St.
Helena medal just at that moment was an unmis•

takeable proof of ulterior 'views on the part of Na-
poleon 111. Why select such a name to commemo-
rate the glories of the first Napoleon and the empire
which he created ? What does the name of St.
Helena recall ? Does it signify that which was
most ebaxacteristic in the history of Bonaparte ? On
the contrary, it signifies his defeat ; it signifies the
power of England; it signifies the humiliation of
the Empire. And why commemorate such an event
with a medal, if not for some ulterior object ? That

object, it is argued, must have been to rekindle the
feeling of antagonism to England, and gradually to
prepare for a war when the time should come ; and
Napoleon had the skill to effect his purpose while
remaining our ally :
" Pourquoi, en :856, fowler une croix de co genre ? Ou
en etait le besoin ?—a quoi bon?—qui la reclamait ? Per-
sonne• ni en France, ni surtout en Europe. Il n'y avait
qu'un seul homme qui y pat songer, et c'etait Napoleon
111. le seul qui pat en profiter. Reviser, sous apparence
de recompense patriotic, toutes les coleres nationales contre
Albion, rallumer les haines, sans paraitro fair* autre
chose qu'un acte de reconnaissance au nom de la famille
Bonaparte, c'etait un merveilleux stratageme ; et je vous
reponds qu'il a porte ses fruits. C'est depuis cette epoque
que la fireur contre l'Anglais a repris de plus belle."
Our conduct to Napoleon when, in the com-
mencement of last year, he demanded a Conspiracy
Bill, has added flame to fuel, and has given him the
motive of personal vengeance to strengthen the
motives of family pride and national hate. It is,
in fact, the crime of Orsini, we are informed, that
has decided him to make war on England, as if Eng-
land were an accomplice in the attempt of the
Rue Lepelletier any more than in the celebrated ex-
pedition to Boulogne. Accordingly we see prepare..
_ _

tions on foot, and it is noted that on the last occasion
on which Napoleon referred to the English alliance,
he dwelt bitterly on the sacrifices which he had made
in order to maintain it. The war is universally be-
lieved in by official men in France, who think of it

triumphantly as about to be the crowning proof of
the wisdom and the power of their Imperial chief.
M. Dupin, in his address to the department of
Clamecy, tried to conceal the aggressive nature of
the French preparations for war by turning the in-
dignation of his hearers upon this country. It is
we who are arming, we who are troubling the
stream. From these, and many such statements of
the public men of France, the conclusion is drawn
that an order has gone forth, and that it is doing
its wicked work most rapidly, raising all the bad
passions of our nature, so that when the auspicious
moment arrives the explosion will appear to be as
spontaneous as it must be terrible. All is prepared
for it, and one might not unreasonably argue even
that the amnesty which immediately after the

peace of Villaffilnea was offered to all political
offenders, and which many persons interpreted as
the inauguration of a change in the Imperial
policy, the pledge of peace, was essentially a step,
and a most important step, towards a war with
this country. It was necessary- to pardon the re-
fugees, in order that England might not have the
chance of saying that Napoleon makes war upon
the country which is the asylum of his liberty-
loving subjects, in order that no part of the French