The Sun.
London, England, 1866-06-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAr 'EVENING, JUNE 12, 1866.

not to be discussed now that war was overhanging Europe,
when, in God's name, was it to be discussed? It was rea-
sonable to be supposed that in the present state of Europe
questions would often be put on the momentous subject
whether peace would be maintained by the ministrations
and advice of her Majesty's Government. The right hon.
gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had not an-
swered the question of the hon. member for Bridgewater,
whether her Majesty's Government had given any expres-
sion of opinion, official or un-official, to Austria, to induce
her to cede Venetia to Italy. He quite concurred with the
hon. member for Bridgewater that the cession of the
Quadrilateral to Italy, and consequently to France, would
be of the utmost importance as regarded the future inde-
pendence of Austria and of a great portion of Germany.
He should like to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer what
traditions of tho past could possibly give the Venetian States
to Italy ? Ho had risen merely to express the wish that her
Majesty's Government would not, for the future, decline to
give information to the house on a subject of infinitely
greater importance than any Reform Bill. (Conservative
cheers.) Ho did not wish the house to suppose that ho was
in any way opposed to the Reform Rill; but he be-

lieved it was of infinitely greater importance that the
power of England as represented by the Government of
the day should place itself before Europe in a manner
to conciliate the sympathies and feelings of Europe. He
hoped that no opportunity would be lost by the Govern-
ment in endeavouring to divert the terrible calamity
which appeared to be impending over Europe. (Hear,
hear.) He concurred with the statement that the sym-
pathies of this country were strongly marked as against
Prussia—(hear, hear)—because every one knew that it was
the overweening ambition of Prussia, under the influence,
he might almost say under the hoof, of a most unscrupulous
Minister, that had brought the present state of things
about.

Lord B. MONTAGU next addressed the house, and ex-
pressed his gratification that at all events there was to be
no conference, for in conferences this country, whatever
her successes in the field might have been, was generally
worsted.

Mr. LAING deprecated the continuance of the discus-
sion, and urged the Government to adhere to the resolu-
tion at which every sensible man must arrive that if war
unfortunately broke out ,this country would not be a party
to it.

Major WALKER called attention to the telegram pub-
lished in tho evening papers, that General Garibaldi had
left Caprera, landed at Genoa, and was about to proceed to
Como, the scene of his successes in 1859, the headquarters
of one of the divisions of the Garibaldian Volunteers, and
in immediate proximity to the Austrian frontier, and in-
quired whether this information was authentic.

Mr. H. SEYMOUR approved of the policy adopted by
the Government, and reminded the house that Austria had
been in possession of Venetia for only 70 years.
Lord CRANBORNE remarked that when Lord Russell
quitted the Foreign-office and Lord Clarendon took his
place he thought they had heard the last of despatches
calculated to stir up war. But the noble lord was irrepres-
sible, and when he could no longer kindle war bymeans of
despatches he tried to do it by private letters. The house
would observe that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had
not denied that Lord Russell, with his incurable habit of
meddling for evil in every foreign dispute, had given advice
which encouraged Italy in the dangerous course she was
now pursuing.
Mr. LAYARD said the advice which her Majesty's Go-
vernment had uniformly tendered to Italy was that she
should consolidate herself, develop her relources, establish
good government, and not turn her attention to territorial
aggrandisement. Until Austria sent a large force into
Venetia not a step was taken by the Italian Government
to increase their armaments. With regard to the move-
ments of Garibaldi, no official information had reached the
Foreign Office upon the subject.
The debate was continued by Colonel P. Herbert, Mr.
C. Bentinck, Mr. Powell, Lord C. Hamilton, Mr. White-
side, Sir J. Hanmer, Lord J.Manners, Sir H. Verney, SirJ.
Walsh, Mr. Hibbert (who protested against the course pur-
sued by the Opposition as intended to obstruct the debate
on Reform), Major Knox, and Mr. Earle. At five minutes
to ten o'clock the motion was withdrawn; and the Princess
Mary of Cambridge's Annuity Bill was read a second time.
THE REFORM BILL.
The house went into committee on this bill a few
minutes before ten o'clock.
On clause 4,
Mr. HUNT moved as an amendment that the following
words be added to paragraph 2, which was under discus-
sion : " Such clear yearly value to be the value of the pre-
mises as ascertained for the purpose of the poor-rate."
His right hon. friend the member for the University of
Cambridge had intended to follow up his amendment for a
,Z2O occupation franchise by a similar proposal, but the
rejection of his amendment rendered such a course im-
possible. In point of fact, therefore, the question whether
the county franchise should depend upon rental or rating
had never been brought under the notice of the house.
Supposing this amendment carried, its effect would be to
put the county franchise at a higher figure. [An Hos.
MEMBER—How much higher?] 17 or 20 per cent. higher
than was set down in the interpretation clause of the bill.
And beyond that there remained the question whether
every person exorcising the county franchise might not be
required to discharge the duties which fell upon the rate
payers. Under this bill he believed it would be perfectly
possible for a person to possess the county franchise, and
not to be on the rate book at all. A man might enter into
an agreement with his sub-tenant to pay the rates, while
he himself might exercise the franchise. He was at a loss
to conceive why the principle of rental instead of rating
had boon adopted. If they wished to have followed the
Irish plan, why not adopt a rating franchise? Tho hon.
member then contended at considerable length that the
plan of a rating franchise afforded great facilities for regis-
tration, and concluded by moving his amendment.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The hon.
gentleman has without notice brought forward an amend-
ment of very great importance. (Cries of " Oh, oh," from
the Opposition, and cheers from the Ministerial side.) I am
merely stating a matter of fact. (Renewed cries of "Oh,
oh.") The hon. gentleman is too well informed to contra-
dict what 1 am saying.
Mr. HUNT—I sent private notice to the right hon. gen-
tleman. (Cries of " Chair, chair," and " Order," and cheers
from the Opposition.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The hon.
gentleman sent me this afternoon—(loud cheers from the
Opposition and counter cheers from the Ministerial side.)
Mr. HUNT rose amid loud cries of "Explain," "Order,"
and " Chair," and endeavoured to obtain a hearing, but the
noise was so great that his remarks were inaudible. He
continued standing for some time, during which the various
cries increased to an uproar. Several times he essayed to
speak, but the noise prevented his being heard, and he ulti-
mately resumed his seat.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The hon.
gentleman, I have no doubt, so far as ho was concerned,
did everything ho could to—.
Mr. HUNT again rose to explain, and the uproar was
renewed with greater violence than before. After lasting
for some time, and showing no prospect of abatement, Mr.
Gladstone sat down amid triumphant cheers from the
Opposition.
Mr. HUNT—I rise to order. (Cries of " order," and
"chair.") When it is stated as a fact that which within
my own knowledge is not a fact—(loud cheers from the
Opposition)—am I not in order to correct that fact before
any argument is founded upon it ? (Renewed cheers from
the Opposition.)
Mr. DODSON—The rule is that when an bon. member
is speaking, if another hon. member rises to explain some-
thing, he is not at liberty to pursue his explanation unless
the member who is in possession of the house voluntarily
gives way. (Loud cheers from the Ministerial side.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The reason
why I did not give way to the hon. member was simply
this : When I said he had brought forward his amendment
without notice, I did not mean that I had suffered any in-
convenience. (Derisive cheers from the Opposition.) I
merely wished to state a matter of fact, that his amendment
embodied an important and complex proposition, and had
been brought forward without notice being given to the
house.

Mr. HUNT again rose, but ho was received with such a
storm of " chair" and " order" that he immediately returned

his seat.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I think
would be really desirable to allow me to finish my sentence.
I say the hon. member has brought forward his amend-
ment without giving notice to the house in the regular way
by placing it upon the votes. I have not the least doubt
that he gave me the earliest notice that—
Mr. HUNT—I sent it this morning. (Opposition cheers
and cries of "order.")
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I refer to
the matter merely as exhibiting the difficulty we are placed
in by having tilhdeiscuss a complex proposition without due
preparation. proposition of my hon. friend involves
three questions of great importance. First, whether the
occupation is to be one by
which the voter is rated ; second,
whether he is to be rated upon rateable value ; and third,
whether the £l4 qualification is to be raised £l5 or £l6.
With regard to the first, it appears to us that wherever the
occupation is bona fide, there no object in requiring that
the occupier himself should is
These are so en-
tirely foreign to our constitutional history, that it is impos-
sible to know where to lay hold of ethrye, (Oh,G oh, and
hoar, hear.) The greatest charge against the
has been that in order to keep up the amount of property
voters, we enfranchised the leaseholders in boroughs,ilisbut
so far from that being considered an advantage,
con-
sidered a most outrageous proposition. (Hoar, hear.) f
this is So, it appears to me that when you talk about occu2
piers and proprietary voters, you use the words iu a sense
of your own, being in view a distinction not known to the
old Constitution, and which cannot be recognised in the
same manner. Has the hon. gentleman forgotten that in
1859 he supported a bill—
Mr. HUNT—No, no.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—His Go-
vernment brought in a bill which on the one hand cut off
100,000 proprietary votes, because the owners of them lived
in boroughs, and on the other hand brought the occupation
down to £lO. (Cheers.) Ido not see myself anything to
be afraid of. As well as I make out the matter, there are

426,000 proprietary voters against 287,000 occupation voters.
If you can find more proprietary voters by all means get
them. We will withdraw the proposal in order, if pos-
sible, to conciliate you. (Oh, oh, and laughter.) If that
does not conciliate you we will persevere with the propo-
sal. Hon. gentlemen have drawn distinctions between
" rural and urban" interests. The Constitution knows
nothing of urban interests. The old constitutional fran-
chise is a proprietary franchise, whether it be in towns or
outside, and the Constitution knows nothing of" urban
and ruraL" I come now to the question which, I suppose,
after all, the hon. gentleman looks upon as the main part
of the amendment, that is to say, the object of establishing
a rating franchise. No doubt he looks upon occupation as
rather an incident of his motion than the object. (" Hear,
hear," from Mr. Hunt). Therefore let us consider whether
the franchise ought to be a rating franchise. The hon-
gentleman says that from the form of the Government sta-
tistics it is perfectly obvious that the Government origi-
nally contemplated a rating franchise. There is some truth
in that. (Hear, hear.) Before we were fully informed we
did not think of a rating franchise. It was on careful exa-
mination of the whole case that we found the advantage
of the rating franchise was outweighed by the great dis-
advantages. In the Irish system to which the hon. gentle-
man referred the case is entirely different from ours. Here,
if there is an error in the rental, does the rating correct it?
No, there is not a single error in the rental that is not car-
ried forward to the rating. We go further, and say the
rating is full of errors which are not in the rental ; and so
long as local government prevails in this country—and I
hope it will continue—you cannot divest the assessment
committee of power to fix its rateable conditions.
Mr. HUNT—Do as you do in Ireland.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEUQER—In Ire-

land there are no union assessment committees. The
work there is done by a Government officer, and even

the Irish system is a little unequal. The English sys-
tem is full of inequalities. Taking the counties, you
might have two men paying the same rental, and one of
them would be enfranchised, and the other not. In

towns you would have the franchise asolutely different
in ono to what it was in another. (" Hear, hear," by Mr.
Hunt.) Take Greenwich, for instance. In one parish the
reduction is 20 per cent., in another 25 per cent., and in a
third 30 per cent. Recollect, these are in parishes, and not
in classes of houses. Then, again, in Bury St. Ed-
mund's, though there is no very different class, yet in St.
James's the reduction is one-tenth, while in St. Mark's the
reduction is one-sixth. Take Exeter again. In every parish
in Exeter there would be a different franchise ; for in three
parishes there is a deduction of 33i per cent., in two a de-
duction of 35 per cent., in one a deduction from 20 to 50
per cent., in another a deduction of from 15 to 50 per cent.
The hon. member thinks that ho makes a sufficient answer

by saying that different classes of houses require a differen'

class of deductions. That is perfectly true as a matter of
fact, but it does not help this proposition in the least. The
meaning of the law, when it says that a man at £7, or any
other number of pounds, shall be enfranchised is to take
the rent, subject to deductions of rates and taxes, as a test
of his capacity to pay. It may be that one man lives in a
house which is only kept habitable by an outlay of 25 per
cent., while on another man's an outlay of 5 per cent. only
is required, and the hon. gentleman thinks that justifies
his motion. I say it does not. The rateable value indicates
the value of the building to the landlord, with which we
have nothing to do. The true test which we have to do
with is the capability of a man to pay, and that we get
from the column of gross estimated rental. The rateable
value is a false test in principle, and it is further most un-
equal in its effect, because it would give a different fran-
chise according to the variations of those deductions,
which depend upon local opinion and local authority,
which we have no means of reducing to uniformity. Such

inequality would not only prevail-in different parts of
the country, but in a multitude of instances, as I have
shown, it would be found to prevail in different
parts of the same town. These are strong and
practical reasons against the adoption of rateable
value, irrespective of any question of the amount of the
franchise. I object to altering the vote to which the house
has arrived on the subject of the franchise ; but, indepen-
dently of that, the rateable value basis is wrong and inac-
curate, while the net annual value which is adopted by the
Reform Act is the true and sound basis for the Parliamen-
tary franchise. (Hear, hear.)
After some observations in explanation from Mr. HUNT,
Mr. HENLEY gave reasons why ho thought the rateable
value the best basis to be adopted. There was one thing
of which he was quite sure, that if there were inequalities
in the rating, the Court of Appeal would soon set them at

The SOLICITOR-GENERAL wished to set the right
hon. gentleman right with regard to the right of appeal, for
there was a provision in the bill granting an appeal on the
gross estimated rental to the revising barrister at quarter
sessions. He wished further to point out that the right
hon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire objected
to a similar proposition of rating in 1859, upon the ground
that he saw insurmountable difficulties in the way of its
adoption. (Cheers.)
Mr. DISRAELI admitted that ho felt the difficulties to
be insurmountable, but it was in the year 1859. (Laughter.)
Since that time two Union Assessment Acts had been
passed, and the whole tendency of recent legislation was
towards equality of rating, and therefore the remarks of
the hon. and learned gentleman did not apply to the pre-
sent case. (Laughter.)
Mr. BRIGHT wished to know whether the hon. member
for Northamptonshire wished to apply the rating principle
to the £5O voters, or whether he wished that two princi-
ples should be is force.
Mr. HUNT did not propose to disfranchise anybody by
his amendment, and therefore those who were new upon
the register would not be affected by it.
Mr. NEWDEGATE denied that the gross estimated
rental was in accordance with the ancient principle of the
franchise.
Sir W. JOLLIFFE supported the principle of a rateable
value in preference to a gross rental value.
Mr. BEAUMONT opposed the amendment.
Colonel GILPIN moved that the chairman report pro-
gress.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said tha
bearing in mind how five and a half hours in the earlier
part of the evening had been spent, it would be the duty of
the Government to resist such a proposal to the utmost.
(Loud cheers.)
Tho committee divided. The numbers were—
For the m0ti0n.........254
Against • ... 303
Majority „,. —49
Tho announcement was received with loud cheers from
the Ministerial side.
Major KNOX moved that the chairman do now leave
the chair.
Sir L. PALK wished to know how many agricultural
labourers would be enfranchised by this clause ? Ho did
not believe ono would be enfranchised. When Lord Derby
was in office they sacrificed themselves to his views.
(Laughter.) He meant they sank their individual opinions
for the good of the country. (Laughter.) They were now
prepared to contest this bill night after night—(hear, hear)
—but they would not be hurried.
Mr. NEWDEGATE said he had had no opportunity of
examining the statistics, and it was not unreasonable to
ask at least another day for that purpose.
Col. EDWARDES backed this appeal, and announced
his readiness to throw every obstacle in his power in the
way of a measure which was opposed by every gentleman
on the Conservative side of the house, and by nine tenths
of hon. gentlemen on the other side. (Laughter.) The
object of this bill was to destroy the Conservative party
and raise the Radicals ; but if the latter succeeded in their
object the time would come when they would have to go
down on their knees to the small remnants of the Conser-
vatives to save them from the consequences of their own
acts. (Laughter.)
Sir J. TROLLOPE thought the discussion was about
prematurely to close. He had had no means of expressing
his opinions. The hon. baronet proceeded to do so by show-
ing reasons why a rateable value for the county franchise
would in many respects be superior to a rental value. He
then appealed to the Chancellor of the Exchequer for an
adjournment.
Tho CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the
committee wore quite prepared to hear anything which
hon. gentlemen opposite might have to say on the subject.
He pointed out the necessity of making some progress with
the measure, and dwelt on the loss of time which had taken
place in the early part of the evening by the irregular dis-
cussion on foreign affairs.
Mr. DISRAELI appealed to the right hon. gentleman to
accord more time for the consideration of a matter of so
much interest to county members. He admitted that it was
vexatious toMinisters to have a question like this stopped,
yet when he considered that in an assembly like the House
of Commons business could not be carried on with the re-
gularity that one's clerk would conduct it, he thought that
more would bo gained by reporting progress.
After some further discussion, in which Sir Geo. Grey,
Col. Gilpin, Mr. Bouverie, and others took part,
The committee divided on the motion that the Chair-
man leave the chair. The numbers were—
For the motion
Against it
Majority --42
Mr. BAGGE then moved that the Chairman report
progress.
Tho CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said ho did
not intend to resist the motion. (Opposition cheers.)
Government had taken the two divisions in order to mark
their sense of the character of the cpposition which they
had to encounter. He consented to the motion, but under
protest.
Mr. DISRAELI said the Chancellor of the Exchequer
had commenced the evening by protesting against the de-
bate on foreign affairs, and ended by protesting against the
debate on the Reform Bill. (Laughter.)
The Chairman was ordered to report progress, and the
house resumed.
The Scotch and Irish Reform Bills wore fixed for Thurs-
day Week.

responsible for all injuries done by them. The bill to apply
to England, Ireland, and Scotland.
The motion was agreed to.

CHURCH RATES.

Mr. BOVILL obtained leave to introduce a bill to amend
the law relating to church rates.
The house adjourned at 20 minutes to two.

British and Foreign Bible Society.

Yesterday the interesting ceremony of laying the
foundation-stone of a new building, under the
auspices of this society, was performed by his Royal
Highness the Prince of Wales at Addlehill, Doctors'-
commons, in presence of a large assemblage of
persons, including the Lord Mayor, the Earl of
Shaftesbury, the Archbishop of York, the Bishop of
Winchester, the Bishop of Carlisle, the Dean of
Westminster, the Rev. Dr. Binney, the Sheriffs of
London and Middlesex, Mr. Charles Reed, &c.
his royal highness was received by the building
committee—a detachment of the Hon. Artillery
Company (of which the prince is colonel) forming a
guard of honour on the occasion.
A statement of the society's objects and opera-
tions was read to the prince by the Rev. S. B.
Bergue, one of the secretaries. It conveyed the
information that on this spot the British and Fo-
reign Bible Society proposed to rear an edifice
which should be consecrated to the sole and simple
purpose of promoting the widest practicable dis-
semination of the Holy Scriptures in our own and
all other lands. The society during the 62 years of
its existence had expended nearly £6,000,000 in the
furtherance of its object ; and the receipts last year
from all sources reached the munificent sum of
£171,375.
The foundation-stone bore an appropriate in-
scription, and underneath it were placed a bottle
containing a copy of the last annual report of the
society, a copy on parchment of the inscription,
a Times newspaper, and several of the current coins,
dated 1866.

The Prince of WALES, having gone through the
ceremony with the trowel in the usual form, made
the following reply to the address which had been
read by the secretary :—My Lord Archbishop, my
Lords and Gentlemen,—l have to thank you for
the very interesting address in which you so ably
set forth the objects of this noble institution. It is
now 63 years since Mr. Wilberforce, the father of
the eminent prelate who now occupies so prominent
a place in the Church of England, met with a few
friends by candlelight, in a small room in a dingy
counting-house, and resolved upon the establish-
ment of the Bible Society. Contrast with this ob-
scure beginning the scene of this day, and which,
not only in England and in our colonies, but in the
United States of America, and in every nation in
Europe, will awaken the keenest interest. Such a
reward of perseverance is always a gratifying spec-
tacle—much more so when the work which it com-
memorates is one in which all Christians can take
part, and when the object is that of enabling every
man in his own tongue to read the wonderful works
of God. I have a hereditary claim to be here upon
this occasion. My grandfather, the Duke of Kent,
as you have reminded me, warmly advocated the
claims of this society, and it is gratifying to me to
reflect that the two modern versions of the Scrip-
tures more widely circulated than any others—the
German and English—were both in their origin
connected with my family. The translation of
Martin Luther was executed under the protection
of the Elector of Saxony, the collateral ancestor
of my lamented father; whilst that of William
Tyndale, the present authorised English version,
was introduced with the sanction of the royal pre-
decessor of my mother the Queen, who first desired
that the Bible " should have free course through
all Christendom, but especially in his own realm."
It is my hope and trust that, under the Divine
guidance, the wider diffusion and the deeper
study of the Scriptures will in this, as in every age,
be at once the surest guarantee of the progress and
liberty of mankind, and the means of multiplying
in the purest form the consolations of our holy

religion.

Prayer was then offered by the Archbishop o
York, and thanks to his royal highness was proposed
by the Bishop of Winchester. The proceedings
then terminated.
Shortly afterwards a select company assembled at
a luuchcon at the Mansion House to meet his royal
highness, who was attended by General Knollys and
Colonel Keppel. Amongst the company were :
The Archbishop of York and Mrs. Thomson, the
Bishop of Winchester and Mrs. George Sumner,
the Bishop of Carlisle, the Earl of Shaftesbury, the
Dean of Westminster and Lady Augusta Stanley,
Mr. Alderman Besley, the Sheriffs of London and
Middlesex, Mr. and Mrs. William Barnet, the Rev.
Dr. Binney, Colonel Macdonald, Mr. Gregory, Mr.
R. IL Roberts, Mr. Rockett, the treasurer of the
society, Mr. Charles Reed, &c.
The LORD MAYOR, having given " The Health
of her Majesty the Queen " (which was drunk with
the warmest acclamations), said he bad next the
honour of proposing " The Health of their Royal
guest his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales."
(Cheers.) His royal highness was always a welcome
guest, but as a citizen he (the Lord Mayor) hoped
he might be permitted to assure his royal highness
that upon this occasion the chief magistrate of this
great and important city greeted him with a loving
and a hearty welcome. (Cheers.) If in a society
like this there could be anything that would for a
moment mar the gratification and pleasure of the
company, it was the absence of that royal lady, his
royal princess, whose presence on all occasions lent a
charm and shed a lustre over all society. He begged
leave to offer to his royal highness his personal ac-
knowledgments, as well as the hearty congratula-
tions of the members of this society, for the unaf-
fected and very generous manner in which he had
been pleased to officiate on that most interesting oc-
casion. He was sure that the good work to which
his royal highness had that day lent his aid would
long live as a lastingrecord in the memories of those
who were permitted to witness it. He invited them
to drink with him to the" Health of his Royal High-
ness the Prince of Wales and of her Royal Highness
the Princess of Wales." He prayed that every
earthly happiness might bless the promise of
their dawning years—that that silent King—that
" silent father of Kings to be"—might watch over
them in spirit, and that the Great Giver of all good
—the King of Kings—might guard and protect
them through a long and honoured life. (Cheers.)
The Prince of WALES, in returning thanks, said
—I am indeed deeply touched and gratified by the
toast which has just been proposed by the Lord
Mayor, and by the very kind and feeling manner in
which you have drunk to the health of the princess
and to my own. It is to me a source of sincere gra-
tification to receive again the hospitality of the chief
magistrate of the City of London. I can never for-
get, nor can the princess ever forget, the manner in
which he was received on her first entry into Lon-
don; and although she is not here to-day—a fact
which I deeply regret—l can bear testimony that
she has never forgotten,and never will forget, the re-
ception given to her three years ago in this great city.
The occasion which has brought me here to-day has
afforded me sincere gratification. I shall be happy
on all occasions to do anything that may tend (as
the Lord Bishop of Winchester stated in the morn-
ing) to alleviate the sufferings of man. I feel sure
that the work that I have been able to perform to-
day—small though it may be—will bear testimony
to the great good done to the poorer classes by a
society which has existed for so many years. Once
more I thank you for the opportunity you have
given me of coming forward on this interesting
occasion ; and I beg again to assure you that 1 shall
always be happy to render every assistance in my
power to an institution which is calculated to ren-
der such important benefits to the world. I return
my best thanks for the greeting accorded to me at
the ceremony this morning, and also for the kind
manner in which I have been received at this enter-
tainment. (Cheers.) Before I sit down I beg to
propose " The Health of the Lord Mayor."
The toast having been cordially responded to,
The LORD MAYOR, in acknowledging the compli-
ment said that when he heard it said at the cere-
mony in the morning that the object of the society
was to make the Bible the common property of
mankind, he thought the Lord Mayor of London
could not do better than lend his countenance