The Sun.
London, England, 1832-04-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT of THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Some weeks ago, in one of those many arti-
cles wherein our sentiments have been delivered
undisguisedly with regard to the creation of
Peers, we took an opportunity of adverting—
not, as usual, to the proper time for making this
increase to the Upper House of Parliament, but
—to the classes of persons who might be pre-
sumed to furnish the fittest objects of the Royal
selection. It was then stated as our opinion,
that there existed no source whence a certain
portion of members could be obtained for the
House of Lords, in all respects less open to ex-
ception than the inert, or non-legislating, Peerage
of Ireland and North Britain. if one leading
difficulty in the way of such a measure has-been
the aristocratical objection both of the House
within doors, and of the Peerage generally, with-
in doors and without, that such an influx from
the body of the community would cheapen and
degrade their " order,"—here, in the expedient
which we then proposed, and which as yet
no adequate reason appears to us for aban-
doning,—here, we say, is a refuge for
the Minister in his embarrassment, which
may be well termed " a Godsend." Many
among the non-voting Peers of Ireland and
Scotland are heads of ancient and distinguished
families in the empire. The Representative
Peers for both these countries have, with but
few exceptions, been chosen for the sake of their
political subserviency to the Tory Governments
under whose auspices they were recommended,
and their pretensions encouraged. As a coun-
terpoise to such individuals, it would be but fair
to bring into Parliament a draught of more
liberal Noblemen from the existing, but now
excluded, Peerage,—being at the same time men,
where such can be found, of unblemished cha-
racter and independent fortune. That some of
the Peers, by whose introduction the legislative
body is to be augmented, ought to consist of
those who are already members of the order, we
deem but reasonable,-Ist, on a ground which
is forcibly stated in the letter signed " Aristo-
crat," in this day's Times, namely, that however
the respective Unions of Ireland and Scotland
may have irritated the feelings of other classes
of the community, upon the collective Peer-
age of both countries those events must have
fallen with the severest pressure, in their
dearest interests and constitutional rights.
The Irish and Scotch Peers who happened
not to be favourites with the Minister, were
at once deprived of the privilege of legislation—
the most precious inheritance of a nobleman of
this empire ; and while they were degraded as
Peers from their rank, they were, as ordinary
subjects of the realm, disfranchised, no Irish or
Scottish nobleman being permitted, by the acts
of union, to sit among the gentlemen of his
native country as a Member of the House of
Commons. This undoubtedly forms a case of
hardship, which was first, and not long ago,
brought under public notice by Lord Ross-
more, and is now again referred to by
Aristocrat," in a •letter which entitles its
intelligent author to respect. But if there be
a motive of justice, so is there one in policy,
for resorting to such an expedient. There can
then, quoad the mere introduction of pre-existing
noblemen into the House of Lords (we speak
strictly of affluent and reputable persons), —them e
can, we say, be no pretence for the favourite,
and at best but foolish, murmur about " swamp.
ing the Lords by a deluge of plebeians." The
" order"—the sacred " order," is still untouched,
though all the outlying Peers of Ireland and
Scotland were made Lords of Parliament within
tour-and-twenty hours. We say little of the
intrinsic wisdom of this argument, with regard to
" swamping ;" but, such as it is, we have fur-
nished an answer, which admits of no evasion.
Suppose two dozen of the new batch of Peers
be taken from those who have borne coronets since
or before their respective unions, will the stiffest
oligarch, either Whig or Tory, venture to com-
plain of being thereby " swamped ?" I3ut what
effect must their actual exclusion from privi-
leges which may be called time birthright of each
Peer produce upon the minds of Irish non-re-
presentative Members of the Peerage, under cir-
cumstances in the general state of Ireland which
are daily becoming more awful ? Is it in human
nature for these Noble Lords to forget that it
was the Union which ousted them from their
own House of Parliament, and that a repeal or
any more irregular dissolution of the Union
would at once restore them to the high station
of their ancestors ? And is this a time to our-
Lie feelings silted to such regrets ? By draught-
ting some Members of the Irish excluded Peer-
age into the House of Lords, England would
strengthen, through a natural and easy prOessal
her bold over Irish sentiment. Of course the

It was strongly rumoured yesterday about the
Government offices that an immediate creation
of Peers was to take place. The statement of a
Morning Contemporary on the same day gave
countenance to this report, if it did not create it
originally ; but we understand, from an authority
on which we place evert reliance, that the report
itself is destitute of foundation. In the present
agitated state of the public mind—for it is in
vain to deny that considerable agitation exists on
the subject of Reform Bill—surmises will break
forth which are to be ascribed rather to the de-
sire than to the possession of information. On
looking at the evidence of circumstances, we
should he disposed to argue, even had we no in-
telligence to give our minds that bias, against the
probability of any creation taking place before the
second reading. The evidence to which we al-
lude particularly is the delay ; for we take the tact
that no creation has yet taken place to furnish a
strong presumption that none is intended to take
place before time Bill shall have accomplished its
next important stage. If it were intended to
make Peers for the purpose of carrying the second
reading, surely they would have been made be-
fore now. It is impossible to suppose that a
man of Earl Grey's capacity and attainments
could take a pleasure in sporting with the pub-
lic anxiety up to the last moment, or that he
could expect to derive any advantage from sur-
prising both friends and foes by departing all
at once from that course which his conduct had
hitherto led them to expect. The delay, there-
fore, which has already taken place corrobo-
rates, so far as probable circumstances extend,
the opinion that Ministers will go to the dis-
cussion on Monday next, relying upon the
great principle of their measure, without playing
any theatrical or pantomimic trick, for the pur-
pose of producing astonishment. We have so
often expressed our opinion on the policy
or rather the impolicy, of swamping the House
of Lords, that we need scarcely repeat
here our satisfaction at finding that it is
not likely to be resorted to. Nor do we
join with those of our contemporaries who
augur the most fatal consequences to the Bill
from the reluctance of Ministers to exercise an
extreme power on the occasion. If the Minis-
ters be sincere, arid who is it that doubts their
sincerity ? it is but reasonable to suppose that
they know more of the facts connected with the
prospects of the Bill in that House than we, or
any of our contemporaries. With the advantage
of that knowledge, have they not a right to de-
mand confidence, in the exercise of their dis-
cretion, even from those who are least scrupu-
lous of appealing to the prerogative ? It is con-
fessed upon all hands that Ministers have a
most difficult card to play ; but whet her they are
more in danger from the plots of their enemies,
or the exertions of their friends, is a question by
no means so clear as one would wish it to be at
this critical moment of their fate. All rumours
and speculations, however, will soon be brought
to the great test of experience, when we hope
the result will prove creditable to Parliament,
and favourable to the security and happiness of
the United Kingdom.—Morning Herald.
If a Government is to be judged of by the
condition of the people, as a tree by its fruits,
the present Government of France must be
deemed to be extremely deficient in those quali-
ties of statesmanship which are calculated to
inspire
e s peusof
bc confidence and make a people
happy—for public discontent, misery, commotionand
bloodshed
t
havebeelii
f titelem niineilsattriyclotoilLy
ract sway.its
Philippe were positively devoted to the interests
of the ex-Royal Family, they could not take
more effective steps than they have hitherto done
to make the vices of that family be forgotten,
and to reinforce the ranks of the party which
labours incessantly for their recall. With short
intervals of repose, Paris has been a scene of
emeutes and disturbances which would disgrace
a semi-civilized country, and to this sort of in-
termittent turbulence it has been doomed ever
since Louis-Philippe ascended the throne, bu
more especially since Casimer Perier was intrusted
with the reins of responsible government. It is
a melancholy fact that, under the revolution-
ized Government of France, more blood has
been shed in conflicts between the people and
the military, than during the fifteen years of
the restoration, if we except the three- days of
rTeesilsitthan. ce to the ordinances in Paris which
ended in the dethronement of Charles time
Yceatrssn'aeged knowoofntohtosethree if w
daeys, furt w t
recollect having seen a communicati,n from
Lyons, sown
except the
soon
af.er
the con-motions in that cit,
i" which it was stated that a greater number (A
persons, both citizens and soldiers, fell in the
conflict between the workmen and the military
than were slain during the memorable three

The ruin with which our sugar colonies are
threatened, and the extensive interests bound up
with them in this country, could hardly fail to
obtain for the meeting of yesterday a large and
respectable attet.dance. It is, however, much
easier to enlarge on the distress in our sugar
colonies than to point out how that distress is
to be remedied. The distress has a far deeper
source than the Order in Council so much ani-
madverted on at the meeting. We are ready to
admit that the Order in Council attempted what
never can be done without injury—an inter-
ference of a third party between the slave and his
master. We detest slavery ; but if it be suf-
fered to exist, uncontrolled power must be left
to the master. The knowledge that he is en-
tirely in the power of the master will lead the
slave to be anxious to possess his favour, and
he will he cautious of giving offence to one who
has in his hands the means of making him
miserable. But the moment the slave is taught
to look for protection elsewhere, he naturakv
feels less disposition to seek the favour of his
master ; while, on the other hand, the jealousy
of the master will render him sensitive to every-
thing like an approach to questioning his autho-
rity. The causes of quarrel are thus multi-
plied, and the interference of the third party
cannot supply the master with a succedaneum
for the power of coercion of which he has
been deprived. No man would think of re-
taining in his employment a servant with
whom he was so touch at variance, that the
interposition of a third party, as umpire between
them, was necessary. The servant must feel that
it is his interest to continue in his service, and
the master can only rely for obedience on that
interest. But the connexion between the toaster
and slave is indisputable, and, as far as the mo-
tive to exertion, whatever diminishes that mo-
tive is irreconcilable with slavery. But with-
out dwelling on this, or on the objections which
have been started to many of the regulations and
allowances, it is admitted on all hands that the
sugar colonies are threatened with ruin from
other causes. The quantity of sugar raised in
the old and ceded colonies exceeds greatly the
consumption of this country. The monopol)
of the home market can be of no use to the
West Indians so long as they are obliged to
look to a foreign market for the disposal of a
great part of their produce. The price of
sugar in the foreign market determines the price
in the home market; for no man would sell
sugar abroad at a lower price than that which he
could obtain at home. The question, then,
with the West Indians is simply this—can they
afford to cultivate sugar for the remuneration
obtained in the foreign market, in which they
have to compete with foreigners? They cannot.
The continuance of the slave trade enables the
planters of Cuba and Brazil to have a larger pro-
portion of working negroes than can be had
where the labour is carried on by a native popu-
lation. Mr. John Irving stated yesterday, at the
meeting, that
" One of the reasons why our colonies could not, since
1807, compete with foreign colonies was, that in those
co•onies the slave trade existed, and consequently the pro-
portion of their labouring slave population to the plane
and to the aged was much greater than in our own. Th,
calculations which he had made exhibited the following
results :—ln our colonies the labouring slave population
was only thirty-three in a hundred, whilst in those where
the slave trade was still carried on it amounted to sixty
in a hundred. It was, therefore, impossible, until thi.
odious and abominable traffic was in reality. and not nomi-
nally abolished, that the British eolonies could compete, in
point of cheapness, with those of other countries."
Canadians ;
But there is another reason why the British
Colonies cannot raise sugar at so low a rate as
foreigners, though it seemed, by a sort of under-
standing, to be kept back yesterday. We allude
to the monopoly given to the shipowners and
our North American colonies, for the supply of
lumber and various productions required in the
West Indies. All these can be obtained by the
planters of Cuba directly from the United States,
and consequently cheaper than they can be ols.:
tamed by the British planter. Yesterday, how-
ever, the mortgagee, the planter, the shipowner,
and the Canadian, all appeared blended in a har-
monious union, seemingly eager to repel the
idea, that there could he anything like a division
of interests among them. This is all very well
for the groundlings; but if the cost of pro
dt(l.3.)lhhiouoieebcuttlipfiiiioocirtiyriiseics,eih?wgaobisiluDlyl,lid.)rotoliot allow the planters to compete
with the planters of Cuba and Brazil, Sec., hoa
tyerlbex:otitleilettialrieniist;ittytop,hoaleaufatlrri:Bhdtsdeourerrmicrstahsiemset,,ohli:
is this evil to be remedied? It is all very well to
encourage the Shipowners, and to encourage the
but who
they
be
n)ould aeulbe(iiiisal,
etittitohoot to
left:eel Iltcierisa:a(ebl
anters
he
No less than this its proposed. Mr. A. Colvds
.tid—

" With all his diff.rent opp, rton:ries of tot tiling
,p,nion, his conviction war, that iodependent ut al, 1L.,,
ger and distress- arising from the political situation of the
colonies, the pressure from inadequacy of price for their
staple commodities had for the last three years been so
great that many estateaeould not practice sufficient to do-

. .
• . -. -e
-----------/QR,,, 4 q 4.1
eft4l
-.:f. (-,,v.,77-, ?!...
- . tlie expenses that were necessarily incurred bv - f-,7>
••ivatiun. It would 11.00:ne necembsiry e'en far t ....- dosses,
~.,V.
,utry to eitoose one 4 two thing,. T. ~,Annits minty - 4c4i
•th.r he driven out of cultivation, or the pohlie ma! - •''s 9' '
~,h relief as would produce that derrs. of impro at/(-
the price, as would en Ns the planters to asset 11., ,„,,,„ ''''
~ses;sry ownses of ealtirlieti."
This, then, is the. 'secret or the ',,.. And 'rid
'llion of all these dtfferent bodies. Why, says
he shipowner to the planter. should VV! qtrirrel
,hout increased cost of products ,n, tivb..ni John
3ull will make all good ? And Mr. Colville's
irgurnent for John Bull taxing himself to enable
he British planter to sell che.:per sneer ahroad
ban can be afforded by the Foreign planter,
eliereby the price will also he rei•sel at home,
s, that, without some remedy of the kind he
elouted the colonies will he abandoned, aryl the
.)rice of !war will ultimately become ,r) high
that the British public will he unable to purchase
it. Things are confounded in the
resolutions,
vhich are by no means identical. It doiN not
ior certain reasons follow, that. because a revenue
of seven millions sterling is raised on the pro-
Ince of the colonies, that that revenue is paid
')y the colonies. The truth is, that that revenue
is raised from the people of Great Britain. If
Cuba or Brazil, or any other country, supplied
us with produce, that produce would be taxed
it the same rate. With respect to the exoec-
.ations of manufacturers the case is different.
We are ready to admit that, with a population
uiperabundant, as ours is, denied the means of
exchanging the produce of its industry fur food,
ind, consequently, impeded in its foreign trade,
lay sudden destruction of our West Indian mar-
ket might be injuriously felt at home. We
could not or course buy sugar without selling
iremufactures; and in proportion as we extended
or purchases of colonial produce elsewhere, we
should extend also the sale of our manufac-
tures; but, in the mean time, we admit
that any sudden derangement woull he inju-
riously felt. Besides, the 5 widen impoverish-
.nent of numbers of rich individuals i:i this .
•ountry would be felt most severely in the corn- .
,oercial world. We are certain, however, that
the British people, however unwilliog to prod-
, oitate the ruin of the West Indian interesta, will
never consent to bolster up by a system of boun- .
ties, ,ahich we see is the object aimed at, a mode
of cultivation rendered unnecessarily expensive
by absurd monopolies and restrictions. The
Government may have cone too far in interfering
with the slaves, and well-meaning men may have
erred in believing that sugar could he cultivated
by free labour in the West Indies at. a rate af-
fording an adequate return to the capitalist; but
it is one thing to avoid interfering too much
with the Colonies, and another to subject the
people of Great Britain to a ruinous taxation to
enable the colonists, and shipowners, and Ca-
nadians, to continue an unnecessarily expensive
'node of cultivation. 'We 1 with je ilousy
on this unholy alliance.---Morrie g Chronicle.
We know not what is the precise nature of
the power iistrusted to Earl Grey. Of this,
however, there can he no doubt, that if he have

the power of creating Peers, and go to the second
reading of the Reform Bill without availing
himself of it, he most unnecessarily hazirds the
Jeace of the country. No wife man, where such
mighty interests are at stake, would leave any
hing to chance. Where the safety of a fit eat
nation is concerned, the confidence which in a
private case might be magnanimous may be
criminally rash. Alexander been extolled
fir his confidence in his physician, after the
information of his intention to poison him ; but
a Minister, though he may expose himself to
peril, has no right to exotse the nation to any
that can be avoided. Believing that Ministers
would not fight the enemy with inadequate
means, if adequate means were at their com-
mand, we were led to attach confidence to the
information, which we received from more than
one source, that they intended to create one
batch of Peers before the second reading. It
will soon be seen whether or not we have been

;nisinforined. We are sure that Peers ought to be
made ; and if the Bill be read a second time with-
out them, we shall not the less be of that opinion.
A general who unnecessarily exposes himself to
the chance of defeat is not the less blamable no-
cause chance favours him.—Mornin-! Chronicle.
A Nlinisterial Paper of yestecduy gives a list
of fourteen persons whose advancement to the
l'eerage is to
-be announced in the Gazette of this
evening. For this statement we have reason to
nelieve there is not the slightest foundation.
Whatever Earl Grey's ultimate intentions may
be in this respect, we are welt assured that be
has not yet determined upon the odious meisure
of creating New Peers, for the accomplishment
of what he has himself unequivocally admitted
to be a grossly illegal and unt•onstitutional pur-
pose. The following paragraph from the Globe
gives a quietus to the statement of our Morning
Contemporary :
At a late h iur, and after writing what appears else-
where, we are enabled to say that our re.pec:ab e Contem-
porary, the Morning Chronicle, generally well inf firmed
and cautious, is certainly mistaken on the subject of a
erettion of Peer.. The Gazette of to-morrow is not likely
to contain the IIaMOM of any new Peers, nor have we the
sli4htest reason to believe that there will be any creation
before the second reading of the Reform Bill. Wsien such
an event does take place it will not be to the limited extent
which our Contemporary imagines. To create so few
would only be in fact to insure the destruction of the
fill, as we have reason to believe that a mirth
greater number of proxies has been given conditionally
—th,t is, to be used against the Bill, instead of for
ir, if Peers are created before the second re ding. One
or more of the names in the lust furnished by the
Chronicle are those of persons who are understood
o he untriendly to the Bill; and certainly many are
!milted who would, from their taleets asd public spirit,
as well as fortune, do honour to the brit of those whom
•is Majesty could not distingu'sh mnre satioactnrily than
by enabling them to assist in the completien of the great
and necessary work which cannot be much longer delayed
without danger to all the ituititiatio.ts ef the oauntry. It
for the existing House of Peers to determine whether to
t•-em in their present state shall belong the high and die.
inguis!ied honour of restoring peace sad harmony to the
country, by doing that freely and speedily which all re-
Electing persons know must b- done at no distant period.
So far as the second reading goes, there is, we hear from
he best authority, no reason to doubt a satisfactory result
of the debate and division. Beyond this we believe all is
t present uncertainty, except as the country can rely on
,he King and the Government, who can have bat one de-
,ire, as they have but one interest; and that is, to .dept
he most decisive and conclusive measures, if their just ex.
dectatious should in any respect meet with disappoint
tent "—Morning Post.

A most important meeting, of which our paper
>f this day contains a full report, took place yes-
,
erday in the city. All the most eminent mer-
chants and traders in the metropolis were as-
sembled to attest and subscribe to the truth o.
.he declarations publicly made, that the system o.
,lolicy now adopted towards the West India
Colonies has a direct tendency to ruin those Co.
and to dissever them from the empire ;
id, as a necessary conseq,if.;,c,, to entail au ir.
parable trijory on t-iis cimo 'ry ; sumee ly
we IL tlyprivesi re a I,mr
iC tured
.ouid be uutcr,aiiy 1 :limit osiv.ll
mower, upon which our greatness, pity itiriloit our
t),:iirseteditz,a adsegatesmatiwohttichtlepitivai:ld.!ziltd

late. Isis) we should imagine, quite impossible
that such momentous facts set forth on such
authority should fail, in producing an impression
on the Government, and leading to a change of
system--a change which justice and interest com-
bine iriesistibly to demand. Morning Post.
It is with great satisfaction that we publish
to-day the account of the Itevenue for the quar-
ter •ending yesterday (sth of April). Its
amount exceeds the anticipations of the most
sanguine friend of Government,' and furnishes a
most gratifying refutation of the sinister predic-
tions of its enemies. On every branch of our
national income we find an increase, as compared
with the corresponding quarter of last year, ex-
cept on the Customs, and the deficiency in the
latter is more than counterbalanced by the ex-
cess of the former. The Excise, the trite test
of consumption and of the growing comforts.
among the poorer classes, has increased 271,6131.
the assessed taxes 124,0701., and the stamps
66,7851., which large items, together . with a
small improvement on our Post-office and mis-
cellaneous revenue, amount to 475,8681., or
nearly half a million. Against this excess we
have to place a falling off in the Customs to the
amount of 2.52,5081., which, deducted from the
above sum, leaves an improvement on the general
income of the quarter of 223,3601. On the whole
year, there is a great deficiency—a fact with
which we were made rather alarmingly acquainted
at the publication of the statement for the quar-
ter ending the sth of January ; but it is most
:satisfactory to observe, that our resources are
now again improving, and that the decay which
had been going on for a twelvemonth has been
arrested it' not compensated. The decrease on
the whole year is 3,059,4731., nearly a quarter
of a million less than it was at the commence-
ment of 1832. The falling off in the Customs,
as contradistinguished from the improving state
of the other branches of our revenue, need ex-
cite no surprise, when we recollect the interrup-
tion to which trade has been exposed from the
appearance of cholera in London, and the con-
sequent establishment of quarantine against our
commercial intercourse with our neighbours and
customers. Let us hope, that such foreign in-
terruption will soon case, and that by the passing
of the Reform Bill our internal trade will be
immediately freed from that spell of uncertainty
and distrust by which its operations are now pa-
ralysed or impeded. We may then anticipate a
new spring to industry, and a new indica-
tion of the undiminished vigour of our national
resourcs, by an increased receipt into the national
treasury. To those very few persons who are
ignorant or stupid enough to believe in the state-
ments, or to rely on the prophecies, of a raffish
evening paper, the facts which we have above an-
nounced, and the hopes which we have held out,
must come with all the force of surpriSe. Such
weak brothers were told, and perhaps have been
ever since alarmed at the intelligence, that the
deficiency on the quarter could not fall short of
half a million, though attempts were making to
represent it as under that sum, and that the Cus-
toms had not only fallen off, but « that the Ex-
cise and every other branch of public revenue,
had suffered." We need scarcely say how these
predictions have been falsified within a few
hours, or how much the whole has had the
appearance of a hoax. Instead of a deficiency of
half a million, we have an increase of a quarter
of a million ; and instead of a decreased Ex-
cise revenue, that branch of the public income
exceeds that of the corresponding quarter of last
year by a sum of more than 270,000/.—Times.

WARWICK ASSIZES, APRIL 4.

Mr. Justice J. PARKE went into Court this morn-
ing at eight o'clock, and having disposed of the one
or two cases that had remained untried, his Lord-
ship ordered those prisoners on whom sentence had
not yet been pronounced to be called up for judg-
ment.

Amongst these were Henry Parker, aged 19, and
Robert Tivigger, aged '2O, convicted on Saturday
last of shooting at Simeon Clay, Colonel Newdi•
gate's gamekeeper, with intent to do him some
grievous bodily harm.
His LORDSHIP pronounced sentence of death
upon Picker, his being the..hand that had fired the
shot which had so nearly proved fatal to the keep. r.
Sentence of death was recorded against Twigger,
with an intimation from the Learned Judge that he
must riot expect his punishmeut to be commuted on
any other condition than that of his being trans-
ported for life.

John Ealy, aged 22, Henry Ashley, aged 22, Jo.
seph Squelch, agid 22, and Thomas Squelch, aged
26, who had been tried with Parker and Twigger,
and acquitted of the capital offence, but subse-
quently convicted of being in the prosecutor's wood
on the night in question, armed with guns for the
destruction of gmn:, were severally 'ordered to be
transported fur the term of seven years.
Several her prisoners convicted of poaching
were sentenced to different measures of punishment,
some to transportation for seven years, and acme to
imprisonment for periods varying from six to twelve
months, according to whet her or not they had
ev need any disposition to use violence towards the
keepers.

The business of the Assizes, I►hich were unusually
protracted, having thus terminated, Mr. Jnstice
Parke soon aftr-twards left the town on his return
to London. Mr. Baron Bayley took his departure
from here yesterday, his Lordship having, in the
early part of the day, assisted in trying prisoners.