The Sun.
London, England, 1832-05-28 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Amidst otner edifying matter, in certain
speeches ascribed to Lord Wynford on Friday
last, we find his Lordship " convinced of the
necessity of putting an end to illegal and uncon-
stitutional assemblages" like that Reform meeting
which had taken place at Newcastle, and at which
one of the speakers was reported to have used
some highly outrageous and offensive expressions
towards illustrious personages, all which having
been brought under the notice of the House by •
that enlightened statesman the Marquess of Lon-
donderry, gave rise to the commentaries of the
learned and temperate Lord Wynford. The
Learned Baron went on to say, as reported,
that " if such meetings (reform meetings) were
in future permitted, Government could no longer
on, but must give way to the different poli-
tical unions which at present disgraced the
country." Further,' that " these I olitical
unions must be suppressed,"—that " the
laws of the country must be respected, and
its Government supported." There is nothing
to the world easier than to holt out a com-
monplace, or a string of them, touching respect
for the laws, and support of the Government,
and so forth. Upon the application of these
maxims, nevertheless, doctors will differ, as do
Lord Wynfiprd and ourselves. His Lordship
thinks that certain kinds of meetings ought to
be put an end to, the laws respected, and the
Government supported. So do most reflecting
men. We agree with Lord Wynford that the
business of the State can never for any length of
time be carried on by means of reform meetings,
or political unions, but that, on the contrary, their
existence for a long period must gravely embar-
rass, if not wholly supersede, any government
in the exercise of its most important functions.
Our concurrence of opinion with Lord Wynford,
however, terminates with that admission. So
far from acknowledging that reform meetings
and political unions, as established by the people,
have disgraced the country, it is our firm belief
that they have saved it, and our feeling that
they have raised and done honour to its character
in the eyes of the whole civilized world. We
can think of but one political " meeting," or
" union," which has recently clone no honour
to the British name; and that we beg to be ex-
(used for declining to specify, further than that
Lord Wynford is suspected of being himself
among its most active members. If the learned
Lord be at a loss for information as to the nature
and objects of the unions which he denounces,
we can assure him that they have been instituted
to speak the sentiments of the people of Eng-
land, which were not fairly or freely expressed
by the so-called House ofCommons, making laws
and spending money in their name,—that these
unions do represent most truly and emphatically
the opinions of the people, being their own opi-
nions,—that any attempt to put them down by
Attorney-General or State prosecutions, would
serve but to render them more numerous and
powerful, unless, indeed, some means could be
found for indicting, fining, and imprisoning an
entire people,—and that if Lord Wynford wishes
to put an end to them, it must be by redressing
the grievance in which they originated, and
passing expeditiously the Bill for Parliamentary
Reform. . The day after that on which the
Royal assent shall have been given to the Re-
form Bill, the prayer of Lord Wynford may not,
in its letter, have been heard, yet will its end and
meaning have been substantially accomplished.
The Attorney-General may have done little, but
the Legislature will have done all. The Reform
meetings—the Political Unions—will have died
a natural death—the Newcastle agitator will
have becomefitncius officio, and Lords Wyn-
ford and Londonderry with him. Lord Rad-
nor's speeches on all questions which involve
the causes, operation, and cure of popular dis-
content, exhibit, in a light most honourable to
that nobleman, the true rationale of a constitu-
tional and representative Government.— Times.
We do not wish to anticipate the fruits of the
Reform Bill, but we feel it to be our duty, from
representations which have reached us, of the
character and conduct of the Tory Staff attached
to our Diplomatic establishment, to require
from Lord Palmerston some explanation of his
inveterate and suspicious attachment to the ad-
herents of former Governments, who have not
been equally wise in their generation with him-
self, and have not been converted with him to
a " new and more orthodox faith." Has he not
bad sufficient experience, since the commence-
ment of the Belgian negotiations, of the disad-
vantages of working with the tools of his former
friends? Is it not notorious in the society of
every capital in Europe, that our negotiations
are imprudent, but never promoted by our
own agents ; that constant communications are
maintained either directly or indirectly between
them and the Anti-Reformers in England—
that there is the most perfect sympathy in
spirit and feeling between these parties, and
the Metternich and Lieven school—the zeal
of all being equally directed to uphold the
principles of the Holy Alliance—to render
unavailing any effort on the part of its vic-
tims, whether Pole, German, Italian, or Por-
tuguese, to break their chains—to the suppres-
sion of all liberal institutions, and to the firmer
establishment of the rule of aggression and
tyranny ? We might be disposed to wait for a
Reform Parliament—for a radical cure for this
grievance—were we not daily becoming more
and more the laughing-stock of all Europe, as
the dupes of our own agents in this miserable
system. Lord Palmerston must either be • an
imbecile or something worse. But although we
will not accuse him of betraying his colleagues,
we must say that " it is full time that they should
overhaul his establishments and his appointments
—and if they are weak enough to suppose that
the Reformers will continue to endure. this state
of things, we must recommend it to the especial
care of Lord Ebrington and the other friends of
our cause in the House of Commons." The
evil is not confined to the first; second, or
even third class of our • diplomatic corps—to
Ambassadors or Envoys. The lowest un-
derling vies with his next in rank, and he
with his immediate superior, in heaping re-
proach and contumely in all society, and in
every Caste and Salon, not only upon the Go-
vernment, but upon all their measures. Every
t.;ourt in Europe still rings with their exuberant
joy at the momentary prospects which the Duke
of Wellington's miserable a:tempt gave them of
being relieved from their reforming Masters, and
they must and shall share in the penalties of his
failure. Lord Granville, we understand, returns
in the course of a few days to Paris. We have
full confidence in him, but has he provided him-
self with a new Secretary and an amended squad
of attaches ? Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Ashburn-
ham, we take it for granted, are now engaged in
Packing up " their all." The only merit the
latter can boast at the Foreign-office is, that his
brother Was a stanch opponent to the Reform
Lill in the House of Lords. But connexions

of this description will be found the chief quali-
fication of most of'the corps. And why-a corps
diplomatique at all ? What advantages do the
public derive, under present circumstances, fron
persevering in the maintenance of this absurd
establishment ? Sucking diplomatists lead even,
to more expensive and injurious results than tin
sticking Statesmen of the Boards of Treasury
and Admiralty of other times. The situation
of unpaid attache leads to that of paid attache,
when the claims on the public purse begin
The young diplomate with Tory connexions
soon raises himself to the posts of Secretary,
1 Diplomatic Agent, Envoy, and Ambassador ;
and we should have no objection to the system,
—if these schoolboys engaged in it at their
own expense and risk, and aspired only to the
higher branches of the profession, when their
talents and merits entitled them to the honours
and emoluments of it. But, according to the
present practice; we must retain, to the exclusion
of abler men, who have qualified themselves by
other means, all the dolts and blockheads who
have fastened themselves by an apprenticeship on
the service, till they are got rid of by retiring
pensions of from 5001. to 2,0001. a year. And
then the advantage of confiding delicate and dif-
ficult transactions to the management of such
people, till they are of sufficient standing to jus-
tify their patrons in apportioning their share of
the public plunder to them ! That we should
be ridiculed and despised for our want of skill
and success in diplomacy, under such a system,
can be no matter of astonishment. The Ameri-
cans, who somehow or other contrive to work out
their ends, anti never to fail in negotiations, when
either the honour or interests of their countryare at
stake, have no diplomatic schca They draw
upon the general fund of talent; skill, tact, ex-
perience, and prudence in their country, and are
at no loss in selecting the most efficient agents to
be found in the diplomatic circles of Europe.
They are moderately, we believe inadequately
paid ; and they neither require an education or
a retiring pension at the public cost. Have we
no gentlemen amongst the higher ranks of society
in Parliament, or in the professions, equally
qualified with the American diplomatists, who
might be selected for missions to foreign Courts,
and would consider themselves amply repaid by
the salary during the time of their actual service
and the honour of the employment, without
seeking to quarter themselves on the public for
pensions for life ? We did not intend to go so
fully into the subject when we commenced this
article, relying on the sweeping away of these
abuses by a reformed House of Commons ; but
we have been led on by the pressing nature of
the grievance, and the sooner the attention of
Parliament is directed to the subject the
better. We believe, indeed, that the arrange.
ment for providing permanently for the ex-
pense of this establishment, which has been
separated from the Civil List, has not yet been
submitted to the House of Commons. The
Reforming party should require a pledge from
Lord Palmerston, that every Anti-Reformer in
the service should be recalled, before they vote
either their salaries or his own for the present
year. 'There are only two or three men in the
corps with a reputation for ordinary acquire.
ments ; but we shall hope, that even Lord
Heytesbury's services might be replaced by
those of an equally efficient, and more liberal
representative of a liberal Government at the
Court of St. Petersburgh. We would not vote
one shilling for the inert supererogatory services
of Lord Cowley's son—the last appointment of
Lord Palmerston—as Secretary at the Court of
Munich. The claims of this functionary, and
those of the Ambassador, rest nearly on the
same grounds. The father of the Secretary
opposed the Reform Bill in the House of Lords,
with equal zeal with the brother and the other
nominee of the Petersburgh Ambassador in the
House of Commons. It is high time that an
end should be put to a system under which
the highest foreign interests of this great country
were intrusted to the charge of such a lunatic as
Lord Londonderry.—Morning Chronicle.
The Peers have fallen very much in public
estimation, by their absurd denials of the preva-
lence of a desire for Reform throughout the
country. The people everywhere say, these men
speak as they do either in ignorance or bad
faith. If they speak in ignorance, what a cala-
mity for a nation to be ruled by men who know
not what has long been notorious to man, woman
and child, throughout the country ! To legis-
late for a people, some knowledge ought to be
possessed of their opinions and wishes ; but they
who are ignorant of the prevalence of a desire
for a measure of Reform as efficient and exten-
sive as that of the Bill, must know as little of
the opinions and feelings of the people of this
country, as of the opinions and feelings of the
people of Loo Choo. If they speak in bad
faith, how dreadful to think that there is a class
of men in the country so base and unprincipled
as to give, knowingly, utterance to vile false-
hood to promote their own selfish ends. From
this dilemma there is no escaping. "he
majority of the . Peers are either the mos
Contemptible of men, in point of information, or
the most worthless in point of principle. An-
other mischievous consequence, as regards them-
selves, of their attempt to depreciate the numbers
and the strength of the Reformers, is the pusil-
lanimous character in which, if sincere, they hold
themselves up to the country. If the far greater
part of the property and learning of the nation,
and a larger proportion of the population, are, as
the Antis pretend, hostile to the Reform Bill, is
it not cowardly in them to desert such powerful
interests ? If they sincerely believed what they
confidently maintained, they pay a very poor
compliment to their own nerves. The great al-
ways suffer from separating themselves from the
people. The people cannot be compelled to do
themselves justice without thinking meanly of
those who had the desire, but not the power to
resist them. In human affairs, the great point
is to know when to insist and when to yield.
If the Duke of Wellington had in the field
acted on the principles he has followed as a po-
litician, his career in the Peninsula would
have been both brief and inglorious. The oppo-
ition to the Reform Bill has taught the people
K hat it can never be the interest of the Peers to
teach them—that there is no community of feeling
between them. They ought to hate seen, from
the beginning, that they must yield sooner or
later ; and it was, therefore, madness in them to
encumber themselves, in addition to defeat, with
the hostile recollections of the people. Two
years ago the House of Peers stood in a very
different relation to the people from what it will
ever stand again. The people are deeply in-
censed that the anti-Reforming Peers exposed
them to the calamity of civil war, and it will re-
quire a long probation of disinterested and me-
ritorious conduct on the part of the Peers, to
drive out of the heads of the people the hostile
feelings in question. The language of tine people
hind the language of the organs of the people, is
bitter and contemptuous. " This is not a time

(says the Caledonian Mercury of Thursday I
last) to measure eipressions or mince opinions.l
Sales populi suprona lex ; and if the safety o:
he people require that the sentence of Delenda
est Carthago shall be pronounced against the
House of Incurables, their ruin will be their own
work." The same Journal observes," the people.
have found out the secret of their own strength,
and if they are trifled with much longer, they will
profit by the discovery."—Morning Chronicle.
It would be more satisfactory to the present
age, and of infinite importance to the truth of
history, were some authentic statement to be
given in Parliament of the real situation of Mi-
nisters with their Royal Master previous to the
recent important events. This is more especially
due to the highest personage in the State, whose
character for sincerity and consistency appears to
have suffered in the eyes of some, when. were
the real facts truly stated, there is probably not
the slightest ground for any such imputation.
To the character of Ministers themselves such
an explanation as we allude to is not less im-
portant, though from them it is obvious that it
cannot be extracted without a breach of that
high confidence with which they are intrusted.
The main point to be ascertained is whether
they ever had the carte blanche which has been
so confidently spoken of, and, if so, why it was
withdrawn. It is highly important that the fu-
ture historian should be set right on a point of
such infinite importance in the annals of William
IV. For want of facts, conjecture will, of
course, be substituted, and mistatements con-
sequently made. The country in general, we
believe, is firmly persuaded that Ministers had
the power, but that it was withheld when the
hour of need arrived. The country too, we be-
lieve, is not less fully persuaded that this change
in the Royal mind was brought about by an in-
trigue behind the Throne, which, if it be true,
ought to be developed and laid hare. But we
are launching into that very field of conjecture
which we deprecate, but e.hich the want of facts
is ever sure to give rise to.— Morning Herald.
It appears, as we stated on Saturday, that the
King has consented to appoint Lieutenant-
Colonel Fox to be Aid-de Camp to his Ma-
jesty. We are sorry for it. We regret for the
sake of the Army, and even of this young offi-
cer himself, that his appointment should have
been persevered in contrary to the known
opinion of the respectable Officer at the head of
the army. The offices of Aid-de-Camp to the
King are merely honorary, as the King does not
take the field at the head of his army. His
Aids-de-Camp have, therefore, none of the
duties which are performed by those officers
called Aids-de-Camp of General officers. Some
of them attend his Majesty at reviews, some at
his Court ; but they perform no service at either,
and receive no pay. The advantage derived by
the Officer receiving the appointment of Aid-
de-Camp to the King, besides the honourable
distinction by his Sovereign, is that he
has conferred upon him the rank of Co-
lonel in the army, to which, according
to the usual course of promotion in the military
service, he could have attained only when it
should come to his turn to be promoted. The
Officers promoted to be Lieutenant-Colonels in
the army in 1814 are still Lieutenant-Colonels,
and are first to be promoted to be Colonels.
These follow those promoted in 1815,including
those promoted for their conduct on the field of
Waterloo. Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Fox is
a Lieutenant-Colonel of 1827. In considera-
tion of the nature of the appointment of Aid-de-
Camp, that it had no duties, and that it conveyed
frothing but distinction and rank, the predeces-
sors of his Majesty, his Royal Father and
Brother, had been very cautious in the selection
of the Officers upon whom the office should be
conferred. Those Sovereigns selected Officers
from the top of the list of Lieutenant-Colonels
most noted for theirservices, their talents, and their
qualifications.- There is no trace of favouritism
in their selections of the Officers to be their
Aids-de-Camp. Above all, the appointments
made by those Sovereigns occasioned no heart-
burnings or remonstrances in consequence of the
supercession of services. Since his Majesty's
accession to the throne, he has appointed to be
his Aids-de-Camp, first the Earl of Munster,
next Lord Frederick Fitzclarence, and now Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Fox. Each of these Officers has
been put over the heads of many deserving
seniors ; the last over the heads of not less than
450 Officers, many of them of the highest dis-
tinction for service, and other qualifications. The
Earl of Munster is an Officer highly distin-
guished, but Lord Frederick Fitzclarence and
Lieutenant-Colonel Fox, never saw a shot fired.
The Officers of'the army are proud of associating
with the Princes of the House of their Sove-
reign ; they rejoice when one can command them ;
but they do not consider the Nobleman and Gen-
tlemen above mentioned as superior to them-
selves, or as Princes of the Blood Royal. They
are not aware of their merit. They do not ac-
knowledge it as superior to their own ; and they
cannot but feel hurt at the supercession of them-
selves by these young gentlemen, for no cause
excepting one which they do not consider ade-
quate. They feel the utmost respect and at-
tachment for their Sovereign and Master; but
they feel that in these instances his good nature
has been taken by surprise, and that their claims,
services, and merits have been neglected and
forgotten. We shall soon see that they can do
no good to those thus unjustifiably preferred.
Colonel Fox, promoted to be a Colonel over the
heads of 450 meritorious Officers his seniors, will
he promoted to be a Major-General; and will
be liable to be employed in that rank, and to
receive the rewards and honours of the ser-
vice before them. The Royal or Minis-
terial favour which has given him this ad-
vantage will not endure for ever. He is
a young man, and he must expect to sur-
vive it. Can he expect to overcome the preju-
dice against him, professional as well as general,
which this promotion will occasion ?
Certainly
not. He will find himself, at an earlyertainly
age,
•placed on the shelf, and distinguished only for
a favour unjustly conferred upon him. We have
used the term " Ministerial" because we happen
to know that at an early period of the King's
reign an expectation was entertained by Lieute-
nant-Colonel Fox's friends that he would be
,appointed Aid-de-Camp to the King, certainly
in ignorance of the nature of the appointment.
We do not believe that Ministers have lately
interfered in such matters. But if they have, we
recommend them to review the proceedings of
themselves and their friends, about twenty-five
years ago, upon the promotion of Lord Burg-
hersh, not to be Aid-de-Camp to the King,
but to be a Field Officer in the army, to which
rank he was clearly entitled according to the
rules and usages of the service.—.Moat. Post.
It would be worse than useless, now that the
Reform Bill is certain to reach in the course of
1 few days, the goal of_ the people's hopes, to
~ay one word more, either in defence of the ne-
cessity of the measure, as a whole, or of any one

Hof the particulars of which it is made up.
The spirit of the times required it—the
;people willed that it should become the
!aw of the land, and as it will as certainly
receive the royal sanction in the course 01
less than fourteen days, all that we have now t(
Flo with the matter is to consider the results
,which it is calculated to produce—the evil or
the good which it is to inflict upon the English
and European community. And here, whatever
'may have been the clouds and darkness with
which its passage through the two Houses of
Parliament has been enveloped, the prospect, after
it has fairly passed them, and become the law of
the land, is as bright as it is cheering and full of
hope. Already has even the certainty of its be-
coming the law of the land begun to exert a salutary
influence on the trade and manufactures of the
country—that confidence, which is the natural
result of internal peace, and the absence of ex-
ternal embarrassment, has begun to revive, and
to exert a salutary influence on the employment
of the poor, the expenditure of the wealthy,
and the enterprise of the merchant and manu-
facturer ; and what immense additions to all
these proofs of healthy energy may we not ex-
pect when the Bill has become the law of the
land—when mutual animosities and enmities have
ceased—mutual reconciliat ion taken place between
the various classes of the community, and each
can pursue the even tenour of its way without
any dread of being opposed, thwarted, or jostled
.by another ! The capital which has been with-
drawn from circulation—hoarded up through fear
or invested in foreign funds, in consequence of
domestic insecurity, will not only find its way
back into its usual channels, but discover new
and more profitable outlets—plenty, in every
sense of the word, will be again seen to reign
in the land, aid. " the voice of man made to re-
joice in its fulness" and blessings. Again, with
respect to the legislation of the country, criminal,
civil, and commercial, what immense benefits are
there not in prospect for ne, in the wisdom and
patriotism of a reformed Parliament ! The cri-
minal law will be purged of its absurdities
and inconsistencies—the process in civil courts
abridged of its unnecessary tediousness and
ruinous expense—and our commercial policy,
especially in its external regulations, regulated by
those principles of mutual dependency and ad
vantage on which alone commercial dealings can
be permanently and profitably conducted. In
other matters also there must be great and ad-
vantageous changes. The Bank Charter must be
abridged of its injurious and monopolizing
power—Bank-notes of' one pound, payable
on demand, again find their way into the
currency of the country—independent bank-
ing establishments, on the Scotch system, of
receiving deposits, and paying interest upon
them, be established on a sound basis—the East-
India Company's monopoly abolished—the Corn
Laws settled on the principle of a gradually de-
creasing scale of duty, alike beneficial to the
home and foreign grower—and, finally in lieu
of the tithe system, which has been so injurious
to the agriculture and peace of the country, a
provision be granted the church, commensurate
with the services of its Ministers, but neither
conducing to sloth by its enormity, nor expos-
ing to contempt by its poverty. Again, if our
foreign relations are considered, how much
more influential must the country be in all its
transactions with foreign Governments, when
power and peace have been secured at home,
than when both were absent—when the support
of the people can be depended upon, and the
attention of the Government is not distracted by
domestic business? During the reign of the
Duke of Wellington, the naval and military
power of the country was set at nought both by
France, Russia, and Austria ; by time first, in
the conquest of Algiers, and the retention of
its territory—by the second, in the subjugation
of the Turks, and the impositio❑ of a heavy tri-
bute for the expenses of the war, in addition
to the seizure of a large portion of terri-
tory—and by the third, in not only permit-
ting DJII Miguel to continue at the head of
the Portuguese Government, in defiance of
the most solemn promi'es, oaths, and contracts,
but in playing in the intercourse between him
and the rightful claimant such a shilly-shally
game as could not fail to expose the country to
the contempt and scorn of its neighbours. These
matters have been somewhat better managed
during the Premiership of Earl Grey; but still
it must be confessed that the country has not
regained the eminent station which it occupied
at the close of the war, and that to the eternal
dissensions of the country, and consequent
weakness of the Government, is fairly to be at-
tributed the greatest blot on the history of mo-
dern Europe—the subjugation of the gallant
and free people of Poland, in the teeth, not
only of the most sacred treaties between the
parties principally concerned, but in defiance of
engagements entered into with every Court of
Europe. When the Reform Bill has passed,
we confidently hope and trust that these things
will have an end—that the country, calmed and
tranquillized at home, will resume its proper sta-
tion in the balance of European power; and
that whatever other evils it may be subject to, it
will not, at all events, have to feel the burning
shame of foreign disgrace—foreign scorn and
foreign contempt.— Morning Advertiser.

An inquest was held on Saturday at the Bird
Cage, Silver-street, Fecon-square, on the body of Tiros.
JUDD, a fine infant, six months old, the only son of Mr.
JUDD, of Silver-street. It appeared that the grand-
mother of the child was standing at the door of her resi-
dence, 8, Vincent-court, with the infant in her arms,
when a Mrs. Joon, who lives in the second floor of the
same house, threw a heavy bullion box out of the window,
intending to chop it up in the yard, which alighted on
the child's head, and knocked it out of the old lady's arms
some distance. On the infant being picked up it was
found to be in a dying state, and expired in a few hours.
Mrs. JONES, at the time, expressed her sorrow at the
dreadful accident, but afterwards proposed to the parents
to allay their grief with potations of gin, which she sent
for. It also appeared she was addicted to drinking.—The
jury were of opinion that Mrs. MARGARET JONES had been
guilty of the most culpable careles-ness, and brought in a
verdict of Manslaughter against her, and she was com-
mitted to Newgate to take her trial.— Observer.
DREADFUL SUICIDE AT DUNSTABLE.—
On Saturday, between the home of ten and eleven o'clock,
the town of Dunstable was thrown into a dreadful state of
alarm and agitation, owing to the lady of FREDERICK
BROWN, Esq. (a gentleman of independent property and
large landed estates in the county), having made away with
herself under the following melancholy circumstances :
It appears, from the best information we could obtain, that
for some time past she had been in a very desponding
-tate. This day there was to have been a large party to
dinner, for which great preparations had been made, in
which the deceased lady assisted, and was busily employed
with the servants till within a few minutes of her losing
'ter life, when, under a pretence that she wanted something
from the lawn, she ran the direction of the well, and,
dreadful to say, was seen by one of her female servants to
open the top of the woodwork, and to plunge in head fore-
,nost—a depth of nearly 90 feet ! The poor girl, in the
most piercing screams, called out for help, when imme
diate assistance was afforded by means of letting's man
down with a rope to the bottom of the well, who. suc-
ceeded in raising her up, but too late to save her life, she
-ming bruised in a dreadful manner. Her husband was at
the time a short distance up the town, and when be heard
A the event, his feelings may be better imagined than de-
scribed.— Observer.

BANKRUPTCY COURT, MAY 26.

To-day being the first day of Term, the COW
recommenced its sittings.

EX-PARTE POOLY IN RE TURNER, A BANKRUPT.

Mr. CHANDLERS was about to make an applica-
tion to the Court under rather peculiar circum-
stances. Before the present Court was established,
the case of Pooly and Turner was before the Urd
Chancellor. In the course of the proceedings then-
be bankrupt made an affidavit, containing a great
quantity of scandalous and impertinent matter. nu
ffidavit was refetred to the Master, and on the 15th
of February, 1831, the Master certified that the
affidavit was impertinent. The Lord Chancellor
thereupon made an order, directing the impertinenc.
to be expunged, and the costs of doing so to be paid
by Mr. Noel, solicitor to the bankrupt, and also by
the bankrupt himself. The costs had since been
taxed, and payment demanded of Mr. Noel, but
without success. He now applied to the Court for
in order to Noel to pay the money ; or perhaps the
Court would first require that he should move to
have all the proceedings transferred into their Court.
After some consideration, it was arranged that
Mr. Chandlers should make a
.motion for the above
purpose, giving Mr. Noel notice of