The Sun.
London, England, 1866-07-21 00:00:00

THE WAR IN GERMANY.

(REUTER'S TELEGRAMS)
FRANKFORT; July 20.
The' Kummer brigade has crossed the Maine, and
is marching southwards. It will occupy Darmstadt
to-day. The Prussians are already in possession of
Wiesbaden and Hochst. The Wrangel brigade and
the brigade composed of Oldenburg and Hanseatic
troops remain here to garrison Frankfort, and will
be reinforced by reserve battalions from the con-
tingents furnished by Prussia's North German
allies.

General Falkenstein left last night for Bohemia.

LONDON GAZE T TE.--L ast Evening,

WAR OFFICE, PALL-MALL, JULY 20.
14th Regiment of Hussars—Cornet and Adjutant Joseph
Harpur to have the rank of Lieutenant ; Cornet Thomas
Allan Henry to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice James
George Glyn Shaw, who retires ; George Bryan Cooke
Yarborough, Gent., to be Cornet, by purchase, vice
Henry.
Royal Regiment of Artillery—Lieut.-Col. William David
Aitken, on the Supernumerary List, to be Colonel ;
Lieut.-Col. Charles Bondler Fuller to be Colonel, vice
Charles Lucas, promoted to the rank of Major-General ;
Capt. Joseph Shekleton to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice
Fuller; Second Capt. Arthur Reginald Hoskins to be
Captain, vice Shekleton ; Lieut. Edmund George Battis-
combe to be Seconi Captain, vice Hoskins ; Lieut. Percy
Bury Raikes to be Second Captain, vice H. M. Cadell,
retired upon half-pay.
Royal Engineers—Captain John Augustus Fuller to be
Lieutenant-Colonel, vice J. B. G. Close, who retires
upon half-pay ; Second Captain Irwin Montgomery
Greig to be Captain, vice Fuller; Lieutenant Walter
Manson to be Second Captain, vice Greig; Lieutenant
Henry Cecil Moore to be placed on the Retired List on
account of ill health.
Military Train—Lieut. George Faulkner Wilkinson to be
Captain, by purchase, vice S. Lavalliere Curgenven,
who retires ; Ensign Franklin Ludovic Berthou to be
Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Wilkinson;Ensign G.
Phibbs to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice *illiam Ed-
ward Frere Vibait, who retires ; Gentleman Cadet Fre-
derick Francis Wilder Taylor, from the Royal Military
College, to be Ensign, without purchase, vice Berthon ;
Gentleman Cadet Edwin Newdigate Newbury, from the
Royal Military College, to be Ensign, without purchase,
vice Phibbs.
Coldstream Guards—Lieutenant and Captain Henry C.
Jervoise to be Captain and Lieutenant-Colonel, by pur-
chase, vice William Henry Reeve, who retires ; Ensign
and Lieutenant Henry Robert Eyre to be Lieutenant
and Captain, by purchase, vice C. Walter Lee-Main-
waring, who retires ;_ Ensign and Lieutenant John
Barton Sterling to be Lieutenant and Captain, by pur-
chase, vice Jervoise; Ensign and Lieutenant George
Gordon Macpherson to be Lieutenant and Captain,
by purchase, vice the Hon. Frederick Charles Howare,
who retires ; the lion. Henry William Lowry Corry
to be Ensign and Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Eyre ;
Robert William Webb Follett, Gent., to be Ensign and
Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Sterling ; the Hon. Evelyn
Edward Thomas Boscawen to be Ensign and Lieutenant,
by purchase, vice Macpherson.
Ist Regiment of Foot—Captain Henry Francis Bythesea
to be Major without purchase, vice Major and Brevet-
Colonel Francis Gregor Urquhart, C. 8., who retires
upon full pay ; Lieutenant William Freeborn to be Cap-
tain, without purchase, vice Bythesea ; Ensign Charles
Henry Sanford to he Lieutenant, without purchase, vice
Freeborn ; Gentleman Cadet Richard Henry Dorman,
from the Royal Military College, to be Ensign, without
purchase, vice Sanford.
2d Foot—Lieut. Thomas Kelly to be Captain, by pur-
chase, vice John Charles Tyrwhitt Drake, who retires;
Ensign Arthur T. Mudge to be Lieutenant, by purchase,
vice Kelly; William Hutchinson Marsh, Gent., to be
Ensign, by purchase, vice Mudge.
4th Foot—Lieut. John W. G. Teller to be Instructor of
Musketry, vice Lieut. James Henry M'Ewen, appointed
Adjutant; Lieut. James Henry M'Ewen to be Adju-
tant, vice Lieut. Oswald R. Middleton, promoted.
Bth Foot—John Mount Batten to be Instructor of Mus-
ketry, vice Lieut. Jeremy Peyton Jones, appointed Ad-
jutant.
17th Foot—Ensign Robert Loring has been permitted to
retire from the service by the sale of his commission.
37th Foot—Lieut. George Hall, from half-pay, late Ist
Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice F. 0. Sargeant, appointed
Paymaster, 59th Foot; Ensign William Boyle Moore to
be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice George Hall, who re-
tires; Gentleman Cadet Francis Richard Begbie, from
the oyal Military College, to be Ensign, by purchase,
vice Moore.
43d Foot—Captain Thomas Horan to be Major, without
purchase, vice Thomas E. Holmes, promoted to a Half .
pay Lieutenant-Oolonelcy, without purchase.
53d Foot—Captain Brownlow North Gamier to be Major,
by purchase, vice Sidney Godolphin Quicke, who retires ;
Lieutenant William Loraine Geddes to be Captain, by
purchase, vice Gamier ; Ensign George Reed Carr to
be Lieutenant by purchase, vice Geddes.
59th Foot—Lieutenant Francis Opeushaw Sargeant, from
the 37th Foot to be Paymaster, with the honorary rank
of Major, Francis Levett Bennett, who retires upon
half-pay.
64th Foot—Lieutenant Edward Joseph Jekyll to be In-
structor of Musketry, vice Lieut William James Voules,
who has resigned the appointment.
65th Foot— Staff Surgeon William Alexander Davidson,
M.D., to be Surgeon, vice Surgeon-Major Thomas Es-
monde White, MAX, who exchanges.
80th Foot—Captain and Brevet-Major Frederick Miller to
be Major, without purchase, vice Edward Harding°,
deceased.
'96th Foot—The third Christian name of Ensign Wil-
loughby appointed on the 15th June, 1866, is Percival.
Ist West India Regiment—Lieutenant Francis Archibald
Stewart, from the 3d West India Regiment, to be Lieu-
tenant, vice Thomas England, who retires.
2d West India Regiment—Ensign Malcolm MacGregor to
be Lieutenant, without purchase ; Patrick Molle Lawe,
Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Henry Mitchell,
who retires.
3d West India Regiment—Ensign Arthur Coombs, to be
Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Archibald Stewart, trans-
ferred to the Ist West India Regiment; William Forster
Camplin Grey, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice
Coombs.
II ALF-PAY. —Major Thomas E. Holmes, from the 43d Foot,
to be Lieutenant-Colonel, without purchase ; Captain
and Brevet-Major Edward Thomas Wickham, from the
61st Foot, to be Major, without purchase.
MEDICAL DEPARTMENT.—Surgeon-Major Thomas Esmondo
White, M.D., from the 65th Foot, to be Stuff Surgeon-
Major, vice Staff Surgeon William Alexander Davidson,
M.D., who exchanges.
BREVET.
C. 8.,
Majorret
retired
full-pay,
ulßrevet-Colonell-puy, late
Ist
'Ito)" haveFr Francis
hi the
rank of Major-General. Francisot, to hoveG regle Urquhart,
honorary
MoCuanpsttlivneand
retired fu- - and late
toef Major-Ge l. en"
nera
Brevet-Colonellf-puy WialliamstaffThooffimettesr Boflepwett
sioners, to have the honorary ran
Paymaster, with the
Fooiot,
elonel.
hLuenvoeit.atryßernaunketot,f
Lieutenant-Colonel.
honk
nulota_rtcae: y 5
r9at

COURSE OF EXCHANGE-List Evenini

Amsterdam Short. 11 15
Ditto 3 Months. 11 18
Rotterdam - 11 18
5
AlltlVOrp — 25 4
Brussels
25 45
Hamburg
Paris
••••• Short 25 10
Ditto ........................ 3 Months. 25 37i
Marseilles .................. 25 40
Frankfort on the Maine 114
Vienna ........................ 14 0
Trieste ...................... 14 0
Petersburgh
-- 251
Berlin
Madrid.,.~
Cadiz
Leghorn
28 0
___ Milan
Genoa
28 0
Naples

11 16
11 18}
11 18*
25 50
25 50
13 9
25 20
25 45
25 47*
118}
15 0
15 0

26}
6 28
45
45
2 0
2 0
2 50
'2 50

In the Foreign and Colonial Produce Markets
during the last few days there has been rather more
activity. A large business has been done in sugar
at enhanced prices. Coffee also has been in in-
creased dem and,good qualities having brought higher
prices. la rice, fruit, tea, and spices, there has
been no m=iterial change, while tallow has been dull
and generally a shade cheaper.
A lady in Concordia, Illinois, was very sick a
few days ago, and her physician decided that squirrel soup
was necessary for her. A request was at once sent to all
the men in town to shoot a squirrel for her, but there was
not a man to be found in the town willing to do this simple
act for an invalid. A country girl, who happened to be in
the neighbourhood, heard of it, shouldered a rifle, and re-
turned in about half an hour with four squirrels—enci
shot through•the head.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT 1 present state of affairs in Ireland, and that if an efficient
system of railway management for Ireland was adopted by
the Government the best results would follow.
Mr. DUTTON hoped that next session the Govern-
ment would be prepared with some measure which would
tend to relieve the railways in Ireland from the difficulties
with which they were surrounded. What was wanted
was not the extension of any of the Irish railways,
but a full development of the traffic, which
was, if properly managed, of a remunerative
nature. The circumstances that had brought about
the present state of railway affairs in Ireland was a loss of
credit. When that was re-established prosperity would re-
turn, and all the railways which were now in a very ques-
tionable situation would become amply remunerative.
Without State interference, in a very short time the rail-
way system in Ireland would come to a close.
Lord NAAS promised that the matter should have the
serious consideration of the Government.
Mr. GLADSTONE remarked that if the Government, in
considering the report of the commissioners, should see
their way to deal with the subject in such a manner as to
confer benefit upon Ireland, any proposal with that end
should receive the fair and candid consideration of the
Opposition.

HOUSE OF LORDS.—LAST EVENING.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at five o'clock.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.

Tile following bills were read a third time and passed

South London Market, Buckley and Wrexham, Mold and
Connah's Quay Railway Companies, Midland Railway
(Branches, &c.), Bute Docks (Cardiff), Carmarthen and
Cardigan Railway, and Wendale and Speldon District
Water.
THE DANUBIAN PRINCIPALITIES.
Lord STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE moved for
papers relating to the Danubian Principalities. He said
he had a few observations to make on this motion, which
stood so long on their lordships' paper, and which he
was compelled to postpone on public grounds, and from
circumstances over which he had no control. Having ad-
verted to the geographical position of the Principalities as
a barrier between Russia and Turkey, he expressed his ap-
prehension that the boundaries of the Principalities would
be affected by the disturbances on the Continent. He was
understood to say that a union between the Principalities
would be highly desirable in a political point of view. The
noble lord entered into historical details in connection with
the constitution of the Principalities, but spoke in so low a
tone as to be audible only at intervals in the reporters' gallery.
He was understood to say that the circumstances con-

nected with the Principalities assumed additional import-
ance from the position of other powers of the Continent.
He referred to Denmark and strongly condemned the
violation of principles upon which Prussia had proceeded
of late years. The time was most critical, for an
attempt was made to strike an important State
out of the position it had so long occupied.
He believed the policy of Prussia had been concocted for
some time, and he contended that its pleas for aggression
on Austria were not founded on justice or good faith. He
said he believed- that they would have to look back with
regret to what had taken place in reference to the Duchies,
when a timely word of interposition might have taught
Prussia not to transgress a certain boundary of action, and
repressed the attempts at aggression into which it had been
betrayed, to the danger of the peace of all Europe.
The Earl of DERBY, though declining to follow the
noble lord over the wide field of controversey he had
traversed, could not refrain from remarking that the noble
lord had laid down principles which seemed to call upon
this country to interfere by force in the events which were
now taking place on the Continent. He did not hold the
opinion that it would be wise on the part of England in
all cases to pursue a policy of neutrality and non-interfer-
ence, but we should certainly be stepping out of our pro-
per province if we interfered in the present war or re-
sorted to the use of threats or menace. As to the Princi-
palities, it was rather for the late than the present Go-
vernment to vindicate the policy acted upon by this coun-
try ; but his own opinion was that the union of the two
Principalities, instead of being a source of weakness, was
likely to prove one of strength to Turkey, by enabling her
to hold her own on that frontier. Referring to the election
of Prince Charles to the Hospodariate. the noble earl ex-
pressed his disbelief in the sentiment that it had been
effected at the instigation of Prussia, which had disclaimed
all interference, and there was no proof whatever of her
connivance at the proceeding. The Powers which were
parties to the Conference had succeeded in persuading
Turkey to abstain from having recourse to arms to enforce
her claims, and ho hoped that in a short time the questions
between the Ottoman empire and the Principalities would
be brought to a satisfactory conclusion. Under these cir-
cumstances he asked Lord Stratford de Redcliffe not to
press his motion for papers which could not be produced
without great inconvenience to the public interest.
Earl RUSSELL argued that it would be unwise in the
present state of the negotiations to produce the papers.
His opinion was that the clauses in the treaties of 1856
and 1858, which provided that the Hospodar should not be
a foreigner, were not advantageous either to Turkey or to
the Principalities. So far from that, he believed that a
foreign prince was much more likely than a native to main-
tain his authority over the people and preserve tranquillity
in the provinces. It had for a long time been the cherished
wish of the Moldavians and Wallachians to have a foreign
ruler, and he trusted the Porte would recognise Prince
Charles on his promising to pay tribute and fulfil the
duties which had been discharged by his predecessors.
The motion was withdrawn.

STATE OF THE NAVY.
Mr. SAMUDA directed attention to the present state of
the navy, and to the very small progress that has been
made, especially of late years, in its reconstruction with
ironclad vessels, and compared these results with the great
augmentation that has taken place, and is still taking place,
in the armour-clad navies of other States. He recommended
that 12 new armour-clad ships should be built with all ex-
pedition. Of these, two ought, in his opinion, to be of
2,500 tons each, and 1,000 horse-power, capable of steaming
15 knots an hour, and furnished with two cupola turrets
and the heaviest armament they could carry. The re-
maining 10 ought to be of 1,500 tons each, and 350 horse-
power, and all should be protected with iron plates six
inches thick.

Sir J. PAKINGTON recognised the great importance of
the question raised by Mr. Samuda, and felt that the time
had arrived when experiments should cease and action
be taken. Iron-plated ships and turret armaments ought
not to be neglected, and he hoped to utilise the recess by
making our naval defences as efficient as possible in those
respects.

Mr. T. G. BARING claimed for the late Board of Ad-
miralty the credit of having worked hard to increase the
number of armour-plated ships.
Sir J. HAY expressed his opinion that the cupola prin-
ciple had been triumphantly vindicated, and must be ac-
cepted as a complete success.
After a few words from Mr. LAIRD, Sir S. M. PETO
spoke as usual in condemnation of the reckless dockyard
expenditure which had characterised the Admiralty for
many years past.

Lord .T. HAY defended his late colleagues from the con.
sure cast upon them by the last speaker.
The debate was continued by Mr.GRAvEs and Mr. Alder.
man Lusx.

OUR FOREIGN POLICY.

Mr. LAING inquired of the Foreign Secretary whether
he could give the house an assurance that no step would
be taken which might commit this country to any inter-
vention in the war now proceeding on the Continent with-
out giving Parliament a previous opportunity of express-
ing its opinion as to the policy of such intervention.
Mr. HORSMAN followed with a commentary upon the
general situation. He characterised the proceedings of
Prussia as a wanton and deliberate aggression, and ex-
pressed his opinion that the general feeling of Englishmen
in reference to the war was to see Venetia given up to
Italy and an Austrian army in Berlin. One of the contin-
gencies which might call for the intervention of this
country had already occurred, and that intervention had
been evoked by ono of the neutral Powers. Those Powers
were now standing in doubt and hesitation, and at such
a moment a timely declaration of the English Cabinet
might be valuable in the interests of peace. He
asked, therefore, whether her Majesty's Govern-
ment had received any invitation from that of
France to address any joint communication to the
belligerent Powers; and, if so, whether the English
Government had expressed their readiness to concur with
France in recommending Austria to accept the two con-
ditions proposed by Prussia as the basis of peace—the
surrender of Venetia, and ceasing to be no longer a mem-
ber of the Germanic Confederation.
Sir G. BOWYER said he admired the ability of the
speech to which he had just listened with great regret.
The right hon. gentleman stigmatised the policy of Prus-
sia in the present war with great truth as unjust and
aggressive, and said in the opening of his speech that he
would rejoice to see an Austrian army in possession of
Berlin. In that wish he heartily joined the right hon. gen-
tleman. (Laughter.) But the right hon. gentleman was so
influenced by the power of success, which often made all
the difference between a hero and a scoundrel—(laughter)
—that he actually concluded with a panegyric upon Prus-
sia and an invective against Austria. He (Sir G. Bowyer)
believed there was no Englishman, whatever his political
opinions might be, who did not look with reverence and
admiration on the heroic conduct of Austria. (Oh.) An
hon. member said " Oh," and he was ashamed of him.
(Laughter.) The man who could not admire military
prowess, and the endurance of defeat with undoubted pluck
and undiminished resistance, did not deserve any observa-
tion he could address to him. (Laughter) He believed that
the position of Austria was looked upon in this country
with respect. (Hear.) Austria presented a spectacle
worthy of the admiration of the gods—the spectacle of a
just man suffering the infliction of injustice. (Oh, oh.) In
what position was France placed? The Emperor held him-
self out as the arbiter of Europe_a political Jupiter, who
by his will could influence the course of human affairs ; but
what had happened ? Austria ceded Venetia to him and
accepted his mediation ; but the Emperor of the French
was told by Prussia to mind his own business, and the
Italians continued their operations as if nothing had occur-
red. In fact, the Emperor was snubbed by both Powers.
(A laugh.) All Europe waited in expectation, and they saw
the Emperor of the French completely defeated ; he suc-
ceeded admirably in making the famous step from the
sublime to the ridiculous. Some people said there was a
conspiracy between France, Prussia, and Italy. He could
not believe it, but there had been a conspiracy between
Prussia and Italy. What did they find about a week ago ?
A speech was made by Prince Napoleon in which he said
that the French empire was the triumph of modern demo-
cracy—the triumph of a revolution which had been retarded
for 15 years by the Restoration and by parliamentary libe-
ralism. He meant to say that the time was come when the
banner of the revolution must be unfurled ; that the pro-
gramme of the revolution was a struggle e.gainstCatholicity
—that it must be carried on till democracy founded on the
principle of universal suffrage was triumphant. The first
obstacle to this was Austria, the most powerful supporter
of the Roman Catholicreligion, the supporter of federalism
against unity, and of parliamentary institutions as against
democracy. Yet after giving utterance to these senti-
ments, Prince Napoleon was sent to Italy on an important
mission by the Emperor of the French. One object, there-
fore, of the French Emperor was a religious war against
one form of Christianity, and another revolutionary war
for the principle of democracy against parliamentary libe-
ralism. He felt sure England would not countenance any
policy which had such objects in view as a war against one
particular form of Christianity, and against parliamentary
liberalism. This brought him to the principle of non-
intervention put forward by the right hon. member for
Wick. Ho did not wish to see England plunged into a
war, but he could not shut his eyes to the fact that, as
Austria now was, England might at some future time be
called on by two great foreign powers to adopt the prin-
ciple of democracy, founded on universal suffrage. It was
all very well to talk of nationalities in connexion with the
principles professed by the right hon. gentleman, but it
was a different thing to talk of nationalities founded on the
principles put forward by Prince Napoleon, and now en-
forced against Austria. (Hear, hear.) He thought that
England was bound to raise her voice diplomatically
against principles which were opposed to the peace of
Europe and the constitution of . this country. He did not
believe this country would sanction the oppression of Aus-
tria, our ancient ally, and her exclusion from the Germanic
Confederation on such principles. The unprincipled and
outrageous conduct of Bismarck had been properly stigma-
tised, as well as tha reckless manner in which he conducted
the war, and in which he took advantage of his success. It
had been laid down by writers on international law that
war should cease when the object of the war had been at-
tained. Now, the object of the present war was the vin-
dication of the supposed rights of Prussia to the Elbe Prin-
cipalities ; but she was not satisfied with that. Owing to
the success which she had obtained in consequence of the
ingenuity of a gunmaker, she acted on the principle of a
mere buccaneer. Talk of fatherland. Why, she was de-
vastating fatherland; she was taking its princes.. and shut-
ting them up in prisons, and acting in the spirit of a coin

The business on tho paper was advanced a stage, and
their lordships adjourned shortly after seven o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—LAST EVENING.
The SPEAKER took the chair at twelve o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.

The amendments to the following bills were considered
and agreed to :—Glasgow Police, Swansea Vale Railway,
Wandsworth and Putney Gas, Wolverhampton and Wal-
sall Railway, Brighton West Pier, and Liverpool Sewage
Utilisation.

plete buccaneer. Ho throw much of the blame of what was

- _
now taking place in Europe on the Government of Lord

Palmerston and the Government of Earl Russell who eneou.

raged these violations of public law, These Governments

considered that perfidy, fraud, and violence were legitimate
if they were successful. Thus they encouraged Count
Cavour, and Count Bismarck had only followed in the steps

he was more powerful. The Government
of Count Cavour. He was indeed more sucsceos
overturn those
Europe, and they did all they could to
fsfLulorbdeclisuasle-
mers
ton and Earl Russell had demoralised the politics of
principles on whidi English statesmen used at leastd
had
the pretend to act—(laughter)—on which they
the decency to pretend to act, and on which if they di( not
act they were at least ashamed. He understood that in
another place an appeal had been made to Lord Derby with
regard to the state of affairs in Europe, and the noble lord
said he had just come into office, and these things which
had happened were caused by the policy of his predecessors,
and he was not responsible for them. He (Sir G. Bowyer)
trusted the Government now in office would be actuated by
moro generous sentiments than that which preceded it, and
he trusted it would not be attracted by that enthusiasm for
success which his right hon. friend the member for Stroud
had been influenced by. He trusted they would consider
the interests and the rights of our ancient ally Austria, and
would not entertain so preposterous a notion as her exclusion
from the Germanic Confederation. He trusted they would
not fall in with the views of France, which appeared to be

founded upon some agreement between Prussia, France,
and Italy for the purpose of making their profit out of the
rrAisfortunes and troubles of Europe, and he trusted they
would no forget what was dee to the south of Italy. The
Government of Florence had not gained Venetia by their
own prowess, for they had been defeated by the Austriins,
and if they received Venetia they would receive it through
a conspiracy with Prussia. He hoped the Government
would not take example from those who preceded them,
and would not sanction principles which might be turned
against ourselves, but would maintain things as much as
possible as they were, and not countenance the aggrandise-
ment of one power at the expense of another.
Mr. GLADSTONE—Sir, it appears to me that my hon.
friend has been somewhat severe and unsparing in his de-
nunciations towards those with whom I have the honour to
act. He has been so liberal of them that I hope I may not
be thought intrusive in venturing a comment or two on his
speech. My hon. friend delivered a tirade against the Emperor
of the French, of such a nature and character that I think
when the intelligent Frenchman rends it in the columns of
the British newspaper he will read it with much the same
feelings that we occasionally read the reports in the French
papers, of the speeches of a certain marquis—(laughter)—
that is to say with feelings of no resentment or displeasure,
but with feelings of considerable amusement, and yet more
considerable surprise, that members of legislative bodies
should be found to stray so far beyond the exercise of their
legitimate functions. (Hear, hear.) My hon. friend having
denounced the Emperor of the French, having denounced
Countßismarck and Count Cavour, says there is somebody
worse than all these. They are but secondary representa-
tives of the true principle of evil, and the true principle of
evil all this time and the true seat of responsibility has pre-
sided in the late Government of England. My hon. friend
has one faculty which is truly enviable, and that is the
power of delivering accusations in themselves the most
violent, and invectives the most extravagant, with a de-
gree of good humour which is always to bo admired, and I
only wish that my hon. friend who exhibits thisunbounded
good humour towards us would exhibit it towards that
country of which he never speaks with good will—l mean
Italy. (Hear, hear.) I own I was astonished when I came
to the passage of his speech wherein, appealing to the Go-
vernment, he said he hoped they would not forget what
was due to Italy. When I heard him say that I thought
for the moment that he was going to claim for Italy some
consideration and advantage. I did not think that after
having, in the earlier part of his speech, eulogised the en-
durance of defeat, he was going to praise the Italians for
the manner in which they had endured their defeat. But
my hon. friend has not a grain of admiration, or sympathy,
or pity for them. When he came to describe what was due
to Italy he at once destroyed all ground for a charge of in-
consistency against him, for that which, according to the
hon. member, is due to Italy, is that the influence of the
British Government shall be used to tear her in pieces, and
undo, so far as it is in our power to undo—and I thank God
it is neither in our power nor our will to undo it—one of
the noblest works. It has gathered together the fragments
of an ancient and distinguished race. (Hear, hear.) It has
made a country which was formerly the arena and battle-
field of the contending passions of European powers, and
assumed the form of a solid unity, and promises within
itself to be one of the great pillars of European liberty.
I am satisfied that the Government will remember what is
due to Italy, but that they will remember it in a sense pre-
cisely contrary to that given by my hon. friend. (Hear,
hear.) My hon. friend who has just sat down says that a
little while ago Prussia had in view an object in the war
which at any rate, if not just, was fair Now, that is a
distinction which I do not undo' stand, but he said that she
had a fair object in view, and that the war only became
abominable and execrable in his eyes when it assumed this
double character. First, it came to be associated with the
liberation of Venetia ; and secondly, it came to be a war
for the unity of Germany. (Hear, hear.)
Sir G. BOWYER—I did not say that.
Mr. GLADSTONE—That at any rate was the construc-
tion I put upon the words. If the hon. baronet wishes to
explain them I shall be happy to hear the explanation.
Sir G. BOWYER—What I said was, that the legitimate
object of the war, if not a just object, was at least a fair
subject for dispute, the question of the Elbe Duchies, but
that after Prussia had met with great successes, she went
on with what I call a system of buccaneering, overthrowing
sovereigns, making and maintaining conquests, in a manner
which was utterly inconsistent with international law and
alien to the war itself.
Mr. GLADSTONE—I am glad the hon. gentleman has
stated distinctly what he meant, but it does not alter the
case, because we do not know that up to this hour Prussia
has overthrown a single sovereign. I know it not.
Sir G. BOWYER—Saxony and Hanover.
Mr. GLADSTONE —I know it not. It may be that she
has coerced those states for the purposes of the war, and
there is no doubt about that ; but I say the condition of
the sovereigns of those states remains the subject for
future settlement, and no one can determine whether with
respect to those states Prussia deserves the charge of
buccaneering until we know much more than we do.
Let my hon. friend descend into the arena of argument and
consider what has been the condition of Germany. In my
opinion, as far as I can pass an opinion on the history of
the last half century, it has been a deplorable condition,
Germany, instead of being the strength has been the weak-
ness of Europe, the perpetual cause of difficulty and appre-
hension. The time has been when millions have been
added to the military estimates of this country for no other
cause than a fear of what would happen to Germany.
(Hear, hear.) Is Germany in such a condition that she
ought to be dependent for her security upon millions being
added to our estimates ? Why, the Germans are the most
numerous race in Europe— one of the most intelligent
perhaps the most highly intellectual—united by close jux-
taposition, famous in history, having old traditions inferior
to those of no other people—surely Germany ought to be
able to defend herself. And why has Germany been weak?
Because she has been subject to the constant struggles and
the constant rivalries of those two powers, to neither of
whom has its high station been beneficial, on account of
those struggles and rivalries, while the effect of those
struggles and rivalries has been that Germany has been
deprived of the influence and strength she ought to have
possessed in Europe, and prevented from rendering to
Europe the solid service we had a right to expect at her
hands. It was not for us to determine in what way the
great German problem should bo solved ; other influences
had to determine it ; but there was a great German pro-
blem. It was impossible for any intelligent Englishman to
regard the state of Germany, so weakened in her useful-
ness and neutralised by her internal dissensions, and by
the minute subdivision of her parts among smaller States,
for influence, in which Austria and Prussia were continu-
ally intriguing, without thinking it was to be determined
by other influences. I cannot but say that, instead of a
state of things in which Austria and Prussia were continu-
ally contending for supremacy in Germany, 1 believe
it would be better for both if one of those Powers
only should be in a position to wield the influence
of Germany. I can understand my hon. friend calling upon
us and the Government to use its influence in maintaining
the position of Austria as a portion of the Germanic Confe-
deration, if that old state of things had been a beneficial
one. But what has been the position of Austria for the
last forty or fifty years ? It has been most unhappy. In
her own dominions, formed of races difficult to combine
under one head, no doubt she has bad great difficulty in
combining them, and her chance of doing so would be far
greater if relieved from her false position in Germany and
Italy. I confess, as far as Austria is concerned, it appears
to me that she made a great step towards her transition
from the place she occupied 100 years ago, when she re-
nounced the ancient and venerable title of the Empire of
Germany. That wile an enormous change. It was a
change • which to the common eye appeared to consist
simply in a name, but it was a name full of the power of
ancient and venerable traditions. Since that she has had
nothing to sustain her against Prussia excepting her own
policy and strength ; and undoubtedly there has been a
tendency on the part of Prussia as a progressive power,
weighed down as Austria has been, to gain ground. But
supposing that Venetia ceases to be an Austrian province,
what will be the position of Austria ? What will be her
population ? She will still have, I imagine, a population
of some thirty-two or thirty-three millions. She will still
have a country of enormous fertility. She is not so fa-
voured as other countries with regard to the command of
sea-coast, but I take it for granted that she will retain her
great sea port upon the Adriatic. I will not say what
might be reasonable after a long protracted ware but if
these things are tobe settled by equity, or any other power
but the sword, it appears that no nationality or historical
geography would justify them in including Trieste in Italy.
(Hear, hear.) She will have vast space of undeveloped
territory, and vast amounts of undeveloped resources. She
will have all those millions agreeing together and combined
together under the influence of good institutions. She has
shown herself—and I give her the greatest honour for it—
under the influence of an enlightened ministry, in the last
12 months, superior to one of the most tenacious prejudices
that still fetter the human spirit in regard to freedom of
wmendea
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with this country. (Hear, hear.) Well, has she not be-
forebe-
fore her a hopeful and noble work ? (Hear.) Is there
anything to prevent her continuing to be what she
has 60 long been, and I hope always will remain, one of the
great Powers of Europe ? Is it not even possible that she
may find that this curtailment of territory, this loss, this
cession of certain parts and characters which she was un-
able adequately to fulfil, though apparently loss will prove
to ho a real gain. (Hear.) I know not whether this is
too hopeful a picture. In times of wholesale bloodshed
perhaps it may be an unnatural deduction to anticipate
favourable results to be wrought out through the miserable
process of a bloody war; but when these favourable re-
sults do appear to rise up before us it is not too much to
hope that the three parties to the war—namely, Germany
bbe in
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England would in the slightest degree be affected by it. I
have now answered as explicitly as I could the various
questions that have
been put to me, and I think I can as-
sure the hon. gentleman the member for Wick that there

is no danger so far as human foresight goes of this conti-
nental complication involving this country in war. I think
in the next place that if we do not intend to take part we

ought to be exceedingly cautious how we either use our
influence or hold out any illusory hopes. (Conservative
cheers.) If our advice is asked, and if that advice seems
likely to be of practical use, I do not think we ought to re-
fuse to give it, but when we give it, as that which we
think best, under a deep sense of moral responsibility, as
being the best in our judgment, we ought, I think, carefully
to avoid involving this country in a war in which our in-
terests are not concerned. I think we ought not to place

ourselves in such a position that any other nation can say
to us, "We have done SD and so on your advice ; we have
suffered for it ; you have brought us into the difficulty, and
therefore you are bound to get us out of it." (Hear, hear.)
I have now stated all that I think it is possible for me to

state ; and knowing as I do how utterly impossible it is
for any member of the executive to carry on the business

of his department without the support of public opinion, it
only remains for me to say that as far as the nature of the
case allows, I shall always be anxious that the house shall
be conversant with everything that is done. (Cheers.)

power, we should do nothing to impede or prevent it.
(Cheers.)
Lord STANLEY—This debate has lasted for some time,
and, as was tp be expected, many and various opinions
have bees expressed. I hope it will not be supposed that

Mr. B. COCHRANE said he was sorry to hear some
of the opinions expressed by hon. gentlemen opposite.
They all of them said they were in favour of non-inter-
vention, and yet they were not actually in favour of it.
He trusted that the policy of the present Government
would be the exact opposite of the policy of the past,
for he believed that all the continental complications of the
last three years had been much aggravated by our official
meddling. He did not wish to detain the house, but he
congratulated the house and the country on the policy
which the noble lord had enunciated.

Mr. WATKIN, on beingsalledby the Speaker, post-
poned until Monday the motion of which he had given
=ace, for royal W44146E404 to inquire the__O causes

I necessarily agree with those opinions which I do not
expressly mention for the purpose of saying that I differ
from them, or, on the other hand that I differ with those
opinions in which I do not get out of my way to express
concurrence. I think that in the state of Europe the house
will hold me justified if I do not think it expedient to go
into a general and detailed discussion of the political
situation—(hear, hear)—and the more so as that situation
is changing not merely from week to week, but from day
to day, and I might almost say, as the telegraph informs
us, fronehour to hour. I shall confine myself therefore as
closely as I can to those questions which have been put to
me in the course of the discussion. First of all comes the
question of the member for Wick. lie wants some gua-
rantee that no intervention is contemplated on our part.
He wants some assurance that this country will not drift
into a war, as he says we did into the Crimean war. He
admits that the policy of the Government is intended to be
that of non-intervention, but he fears that it may be pos-
sible to drift into a quarrel without intending it. Now, I
suppose when the hon. member speaks of intervention, he
is speaking either of armed intervention or of intervention
of such a nature as though not immediately, yet in its
ultimate results, might lead to an appeal to physical force.
If that is what he refers to, all I can say is that if the
speech delivered by Lord Derby not long ago in another
place, if the opinions which I have invariably expressed
upon the subject, not merely when occupying the position
I now hold, but for many years past, when these questions
were under discussion—if, which is infinitely more im-
portant, the unanimous feeling—for I believe it amounts
to unanimity—both of Parliament and of the people out of
doors is that we ought not to be dragged into these Conti-
nental difficulties—if all these things taken together do
not constitute a guarantee that ours will be a pacific and
observant policy, then I am unable to understand in what
language a stronger guarantee can be provided. (Cheers.)
Is the intervention of a different character? Is it inter-
vention in the name of friendly advice tendered by a neu-
tral power? I think the question whether intervention
of that kind and under particular circumstances is de-
sirable or not, is a question which must necessarily
be left to the discretion of the executive Government.
(Hear, hear.) lam not personally very fond of the sys-
tem of giving advice to foreign Governments. (Hear.)
I entirely agree with what was said by the right hon.
gentleman opposite, that you are never more likely to
lessen the influence of England than when you are con-
stantly trying to exercise it by giving advice. I think the
right of giving advice has of late years been largely used—
(hear, hear)—and 1 venture to think that it has not only
been used, but abused. (Cheers.) There is truth in the pro-
verbial saying that lookers on see more of the game than
the players, and cases do occur when interference in the
sense of a friendly and neutral power, or a power which is
well known to have no interest of its own to serve, no de-
sire to gratify but the restoration of peace, and permanent
peace—there are times when advice so offered may tend to
shorten the duration and limit the extent of a war which
might otherwise spread to wider proportions. That, I ap-
prehend, is the practical question upon which the house
wishes to have an answer from me. I wish distinctly to
assure hon. gentlemen and the country that at this mo-
ment the British Government stand, as regards these Euro-
pean controversies, free, unpledged, and uncommitted to
any policy whatever. (Hear, hear.) The sole diplomatic
action which the present Government have taken, and it
was almost the first action which we had to perform, was
that of supporting in general terms, at Florence and Berlin
the Proposition made by the French Government for the
temporary cessation of hostilities. It seemed to us that to
support that proposition was on our part simply an act of
humanity and of common sense. (Hear, hear.) The house
must recollect what were the circumstances of case. Vene-
tia had been ceded—not indeed to Italy—but ceded by
Austria. A great battle had been fought. A decisive victory
had been gained. Austria had invoked the mediation of
France, and France had accepted the part of mediator.
She asked us to support, not terms of peace—that would
have been premature—but merely the general proposition
for an armistice, in order that the belligerent parties might
have time to consider whether in the totally altered state
of circumstances it might not be possible to substitute
negotiations for further bloodshed, and to obtain the re
sults of the war without continuing the war any further.
We do not think it was in our power to refuse assent to
that proposition. (Hear, hear.) But while in general
terms we have supported that proposition for an armistice,
we heve pledged ourselves to no terms or conditions of
peace whatever. Wo have pledged ourselves to nothing
beyond the general advice that an armistice should take
place. The circumstances under which that advice was
given have now passed away. Our mediation, our ad-
vice, has not been officially asked by any competent power,
and it has not been given or offered by us. The right
hon. gentleman the member for Stroud asks me whether
there is an expectation of an armed intervention or me-
diation on the part of the French Government. Well, it
is not my part to answer for other Governments than my
own. (Hear, hear.) All I can say is that I have not the
slightest reason to believe that any step of the kind is in
contemplation, and I have every reason to believe that no
such step is thought of.
Mr. HORSMAN—I did not ask that question.
Lord STANLEY—I beg the right hon. gentleman's
pardon. It was another hon. member. The right hon.
gentleman asks two questions. The first is whether the
British Government have been invited by France to unite
with her in a joint communication. Now to that my an-
swer is, that the French Government took the matter up,
and it now rests with that Government. The French Go-
vernment may or may not ask us to join in the work of
mediation. If so, Ido not think it would be well for the
British Government to join in any such mediation until we
know distinctly what the terms proposed by France are.
(Hear, hear.) The second question asked by the right
hon. gentleman is this—Whether the British Government
has expressed a disposition to confer with the Govern-
ment of France in recommending Austria to terminate
the war by accepting the terms proposed by Prussia and
Italy, the cession of Venetia, and ceasing to be a mem-
ber of the German Confederation ? Now as to that,
Whethe
absoluter or conditional, I do
Venetia has been, as I understand, ceded, so far as
any question will
nAriusestriasa
not know, still I apprehend that none of us can entertain a
toisthececneesse
doubt that the final result must be that Venetia must pass
from Austria. Venetia has been conquered in Germany,
cession
d.
being
and whatever may be the mode of transfer, I do not think
any reasonable man can doubt that Venetia at no very dis-
tant period will belong to Italy. Then, with regard to the
question whether we will recommend Austria to terminate
the war by accepting the proposal to cease to be a member
of the German Confederation, on that point I must remind
the right hon. gentleman that it has never, so far as I am
aware, been proposed as the sole condition of peace, that
Austria should be a member of the German Confederation.
No doubt various preliminaries of peace have been dis-
cussed, but if the question were narrowed to that narrow
issue whethcr Austria could obtain peace by ceding Vene-
tia and by ceasing to be a member of the German Confede-
ration that would be a question on which we should be in
a condition to give an opinion. But we have no reason to
know that the granting of these two conditions would be
sufficient to produce peace, and when we do not know ac-
tually and precisely what may bo the terms likely to be ac-
cepted by one or the other of the belligerents, it would be
clearly premature for us to express an opinion on an ab-
stract question as to what might or might not be accepted.
With regard to the general policy of this country, I have
only one remark to make. .1 think there never was a great
European war in which the direct national interests of
England were less concerned. (Hear, hear.) We have all
our sympathies in this question. The Italian question I
look upon as not being very distautfrom a final settlement.
With regard to the other possible results of the war, the
establishment of a strong North German Power, of a
strong compact empire extending over the north of Ger-
many, I cannot think that if the war ends, as it possibly
may, in the establishment of such a Power, the existence
of such a Power is to us any menace or any danger.
(Hear, hear.) It may be conceivable enough that
the growth of such a power might be viewed with some
jealousy, and possibly with some distrust by otherliuropean
powers, to which it may act as a rival and a check. But
the position is not ours, and if the North of Germany is to
become a groat power, I do not see that the interest o