The Sun.
London, England, 1835-08-29 00:00:00

THE ORIGINAL PLATES OF HOGARTH.

On Tuesday, the Ist of September, will be Published, No. VI.,
price 55., to be Completed in Fifty-two Numbers, published every
alternate week,
THE WORKS OF HOGARTII:
The GENUINE PLATES,
Thoroughly repaired and carefully restored by eminent Engravers.
Printed on superfine Imperial Drawing Paper, with Explanations
of the Plates, and a Biographical Essay,
By JOHN NICHOLS, Esq., F. S.A.

CONTENTS.
The RAKE'S PROGRESS, Plate 1.
The MAN of TASTE, and RICH'S TRIUMPHANT
ENTRY.

MASQUERADES and OPERAS, and ALTAR PIECE at
ST. CLEMENTS.
No. VII. to be published on the lSth of September, will contain
BAMBRIDGE on TRIAL for MURDER by a COMMITTEE
of the HOUSE of COMMONS. Thirty-one Portraits; and Hu-
dibras, Plates 3 and •4.
London : Baldwin and Cradock, Paternoster-row,
Proprietors of Hogarth's Original Plates.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The friends of Ministers in the House of Commons
are to have a meeting on Monday, in order to . agree
upon such measures as may be deemed most expedient
with reference to the Corporation Bill. We believe
that some strong resolutions will be proposed at the
meeting, with a view to express the dissatisfaction which
the people everywhere feel with reference to the con-
duct ,of the House of Lords, .not only as to the Bill
in question, but also as to the other important measures
which their Lordships have defeated with so little cere-
mony. Some course must assuredly be taken, to mark.
the sense which our Representatives entertain of the
conduct of the Lords ; and this should be done, whether
their Lordships agree to restore the Bill to its primitive
form or not. The Commons, and the Ministers too, must
speak out—must vindicate the insulted feelings of the
people, unless they wish to see those feelings
exasperated to a degree such as never before has
been witnessed in this country. We advise the King's
Government to place themselves in the front of the
people, and to lead them in the contest now goir)g on ;
otherwise consequences may ensue which all reasonable
and good men may have deep cause to regret. The
Tories arc anxiously expecting another dissolution of
the Cabinet. So long as Lord Melbourne sustains his
present manly attitude, he may despise his enemies.
But one step backward, or even aside from the move-
ment which the people are making, or resolved to make,
against the Oligarchy, will inevitably lead to his down-
fall. We speak frankly, as the sincere friends of the
present Ministry ; and we entreat them, for the sake of
the peace, and freedom, and happiness of the country,
to deliberate seriously on their position, and to put
themselves bravely upon that country which is deter-
mined to support them, so long as they act with that
firmness which they have hitherto shown.—Morning
Chronicle.

The matter of Thursday's debate in the Lords on
the Municipal Reform Bill had, with the exception
of Lord Ellenborough's sensible speech, been so fully
anticipated by the many previous discussions of the
same measure, that there is no occasion to dwell upon
it. The manner of the debate was uninviting from
another cause—namely, that nothing like it had taken
place before. Had Lord Brougham in his own person
committed the spiteful absurdity of obtruding on the
House of Lords a garbled and unfounded version of the
political opinions imputed by him to Lord Lyndhurst
at the ‘c mature age of thirty," the Noble and Learned
Lord being at this time further ripened by the lapse of
thirty additional years, we should have passed it over as
a thing of course, which the reader might have inferred,
without having it brought formally under his notice.
But the painful, as well as remarkable, circumstance
was, that such a person as Lord Denman, to whom
sentiments of honour and manly dignity are not, we trust,
unknown, should have been pushed forward to do this
gratuitous and unclean work, which the Learned Lord's
instigator shrunk from. Nor had the excuse alleged
for the assault upon Lord Lyndhurst even the sem-
blance of decency to recommend it. The learned
proxy, for his unlearned principal, insinuated that it
was by way of retaliation for the assumed censures cast
by Lord Lyndhurst upon the politics of the Commis-
sioners of Corporation inquiry. Lord Lyndhurst
stated with perfect truth, that he had said nothing in
disparagement of those Learned Gentlemen or of
their political principles ; that, on the contrary, he had
a high respect for those of them with whom he hap-
pened to be acquainted, but that having a determined
leaning towards the Whig-Radical Ministry, that is
to say, being not partisans of those Ministers who
had staked their official existence on the introduction
into Parliament of a measure for the overthrow of
all the ancient Corporations, it was morally impos-
sible for gentlemen thus biassed to enter upon their
inquiries with that unprejudiced and impartial spirit
which alone could lead to a fair selection of evi-
dence, and to the preparation of Reports not unworthy
to serve for the basis of legislative action. The coun-
try has seen accordingly, and not without surprise,
what sort of Reports were laid by these Commissioners
before Parliament. The country has witnessed, but
not with much surprise, the flat refusal of the King's
Minister to let Parliament, or the public, or the. Cor-
porations about to be immolated, get the smalleSt in-
sight into the grounds of the Report which was to guide
1. the Parliamentary proceedings, and to supply inate-

, ''rials for the forthcoming law. Lord Melbourne, when
he was urged to produce the evidence whereon the
Report professed to be founded, gave, as we have said,
a flat refusal ! 'ls it then to be wondered at if the
House of Lords, dealt with in a way so directly cal-
culated to rouse the .watchfulness of the most unsus-
pecting minds, should seek for itself the information
withheld from it by Ministers, and should bring evi-
dence to its bar when none would be laid upon the
table ? But we have been insensibly sliding into an
argument for which the proper time is passed. Let
us look a little onwards. The braggart nonsense about
stopping, or rather diverting the supplieS, has been given
up within the last four-and-twenty hours. We believe
that Ministers have had the prudence, perhaps some still
more creditable feeling, to muzzle upon that point the
curs who were daily barking away their reputation. Had
such a villanous or insane proposal been concurred in by
the advisers of the Crown, the kingdom would have
been convulsed from its centre to the remotest extre-
mities—and the Whigs, with the eager approbation of
all independent men in England, would have been at
once expelled from office—and for ever. But there
are symptoms, apparent to otherS besides ourselves,
of a tendency in some official quarters to do that which
would undoubtedly relieve the King's Government
front a load of anticipated stigma, already heaped upon
it by those who affect to be its friends. Much has
been said—much threatened—as to the resolution en-
tertained by Ministers to throw out the Municipal
Reform Bill, on its return to the House of Commons,
, by_reason of the alterations whiCh the Lords have
thought fitting to effect in it. Upon this subject of
one Chamber of the Legislature choosing to volunteer
a quarrel with the other, and to reject a measure in toto
because it has there undergone considerable changes,
one is almost ashamed to treat it with ordinary gravity.
An individual who speaks, and still more, who acts,
from mere passion, seldom fails to repent it. A public
assembly acting in a passion abandons its most sacred
duties, and especially violates that solemn trust for the
fulfilment of which it was invested with the office of a
lawgiver: The first question for an honest Member of
the House of Commons to ask himself, when the Cor-
poration Bill shall come again before him, is this :
" Shall I take this Bill as it stands, without making
an effort to get it re-considered by the other House of
Parliament ?" It is not true that we have offered one
word of objection to a conference between the Houses,
entered upon in a calm and statesman-like spirit, and
with a bona fide and patriotic wish to go as far to-
wards a mutual accommodation of differences as a con-
scientious regard to the public welfare will on both
sides permit.. Lord Melbourne must, as a man of
common sense, be most anxious that the Bill should
not be rejected by the House of Commons, or any ad-
ditional evidence afforded of the utter nullity of his
Administration. The House of Lords, on the other
hand, must, for the sake of the public_peace, be no less
desirous that the measure, with the greatest practicable
amount of those corrections which their Lordships
have bestowed upon it, should become the law of
England. With this reciprocal feeling, we are of opi-
nion that a compromise may be easily brought about.
An improvement, or what is -generally regarded as
such, has been already made on the motion of Lord
Devon, upon Lord Lyndhurst's qualification for com-
tnon-councilmen. In our judgment (and we have from
the first so stated) an improvement still more decided,
and of a nature most conciliatory, might be effected in
the plan proposed also by Lord Lyndhurst for creating
aldermen during life. Seven years, or even five, or
the service of the mayoralty would, we think, be a
more eligible termination of the aldermanie office.
Whatever the factious incendiaries might attempt,
sure we are that all men of sober judgment and up-
right principles would gladly- receive such an earnest
of conciliation from the Peers ; nor are we without
hopes that Lord John Russell and his colleagues
would see the great advantage to themselves and to the
country of meeting the Lords half way. When we threw
out apprehensions as to the result of an interview be-
tween Lords and Commons, bearing the name of a "free
conference," a thing for many years disused, our re-
marks were qualified by the assumption that such a
meeting would be nothing more than a field for the
noisy and schoolboy turbulence of Lord Brougham,
whose fate and whose business is to embroil whatever
question he approaches. A conference for the sake of
inducing concord, not -of widening quarrels, every true
man must desire. The conference ended, even on the
terms of both parties adhering to their own views, or
in other words the Commons not approving the amend-
ments substituted by the other House of Parliament,
the next question for an upright member of the. House
of Commons is—Does or does not the Bill, in its pre-
sent state, even with the Lords' amendments, present
a better prospect of municipal good government than
the old corporations in their actual condition would do ?
If this be answered in the affirmative, if the Bill as
altered by the Lords be in any degree better than the
old system of corporations, if it establishes (as in fact
it does establish) the admission of the great bulk of the
inhabitants to the municipal franchise, and instead of
a capricious power of electing even paupers, or tureen.
tificated bankrupts, to the Common Council, as at pre-
sent, it enacts a decent, equal, and impartial qualifica-
tion of property—entitling every man who possesses
that qualification to the honour or privilege, such as it is
—we say that any dispassionate man, any man in his
right senses—any man of sound principles—any lover
of popular rights—and who feels that he has a duty to
perform, not merely passions to indulge—will vote for
the Bill, rather than for no Bill : nor can the bright
Phoebus of arithmetic, the luminous Joseph himself,
on his own sage system of calculation, refuse to take
an instalment of one sort of political change as well as
of another, seeing that 3s. 4d. worth of municipal re-
form cannot be a great deal less valuable to a Jew
pedlar in revolutionary wares than the same amount of
church spoliation, which he has pledged himself to ac-
ceptfor the present at the hands of the Whig Ad-
ministration. Upon the whole we are not without
materials for conjecturing that the Ministers may open
their eyes in time to the precipice before them. The
country is already convinced that the Bill is improved
in the two great points of perpetuating the rights of
freemen, and protecting the property of municipal
charters. The duty, however, of the Conservative
Members is clear. They ought to attend next Mon-
day in full force, and give a frank and hearty en-
couragement to every indication in the King's Minis-
ters of a desire to act rationally on this occasion, and
to separate themselves, though it be but by a single
vote, from the reckless partisans of violence and revo-
lution.—Tirnes.

The Corporation Reform Bill, as had been pre-
viously arranged, was read a third time and passed in
the House of Lords last night, and immediately after
passing was carried down to the Commons, where its
introduction was expected with great anxiety. On
being announced, it was received with loud cheers,
but they were not cheers of welcome. The Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer, having moved that the Bill,
with its amendments, be printed, deprecated all dis-
cussion at that moment, and in assigning his reasons
for so doing, let fall some expressions, which, if they
meant any thing, would seem to render it more than
doubtful that the Bill will be accepted in its altered
form. But if any doubt still exist as to the course which
Ministers will adopt upon the occasion, there can be
none as to that of their Radical friends, after the obSer-
vations.of Messrs. Hume and O'Connell, both of whom
denounced the amendments of the Lords as destructive
of the measure, and protested against them. Indeed,
the Chancellor of the Exchequer' himself seemed
to bespeak a very resolute determination from the
House, whe►) the question should come properly before
it. The great- probability, arguing from present ap-
pearances, is; that the Bill will thrown- out ; for
though the Ministers, if the Conservatives should cone
to their aid, would be able to carry the Bill without the

Radicals, they scarcely dare to give the Radicals such
mortal offence as to disappoint them in the hope of a
collision. In the mean time, it will be for every inde-
pendent Member maturely to consider whether a colli-
Sion between two branches of the Legislature is, after
all, a very desirable thing under almost any circum-
stances, and whether a Bill which rests the principle of
representation upon so broad a basis ought not to be
received with favour, instead of being made a pretext
for alarming the passions, and, perhaps, disturbing the
peace of society. Monday next is the day on Which
they will have to decide upon this truly important ques-
tion. Let us ,hope that the House of Commons will
renounce all factious objects, and decide as justice and
principle direct.—Morning Herald. •
The solitary organ of the Rump raves and rants
with desperate but desponding fury. It feels, like its
doomed. faction, that the Popish taint has poisoned the
fame and influence of the Whig-Radicals in this Pro-
testant country for ever. In its despair and bewildered
cowardice it abjures its friends ; it utterly renounces
O'Connell and his crew ; it exclaims, with frantic eja-
culation, " Get thee behind me, Satan !" But those
who have sold themselves to the devil err if they sup-
pose when the dark day of reckoning arrives they can
extricate themselves from the awful " crisis," from the
terrible " collision," which they have provoked, by
taking refuge in this pious retort. The fiend points to
his bond, and forthwith pitchforks them into Hades.
The solitary organ asks for evidence of Lord
Melbourne 's+ sacrilegious and treasonable connec-
tion with O'Connell. We need not go far to find
it. Why have Lord Melbourne and his colleagues
recanted in the course of six short months all
their previous principles and pledges on the sacred
subject of the Church of England ? To conci-
liate O'Connell, and, by bribing him with the plunder
of the Establishment in Ireland, compensate them-
selves with the plunder of the Treasury in England.
Why, there is not a boy who runs the street on a six-
penny errand who cannot supply the Whigs with an
answer, quick on the tongue and engraven on the
heart of every Briton and every Protestant. But Lord
Melbourne denies the connection, and Lord Mel-
bourne, according to the solitary organ of the Rump,
is a " high-minded Nobleman.", We believe Lord
Viscount Melbourne to be as much a " high-minded"
Nobleman as Lord Viscount Althorp was an " honest"
one. Honest Lord Althorp and high-minded Lord
Melbourne are fit to run together in the national chariot,
and dash the car down the revolutionary precipice with
the greatest skill imaginable, while, all the time, the
deluded driver flatters himself that one of his steeds is
remarkably steady and the other marvellously well
broken. ." Honest" Lord Althorp was no doubt a re-
markably honest fellow, for all his friends • I •
said so ; yet
his Lordship contrived sometimes to act like a
marvellously indifferent knave ; and " high-minded"
Lord Melbourne is no doubt a very noble-spirited
gentleman, for all his friends say so ; yet his Lord-
ship, throughout the whole of his trimming and tor-
tuous career, has generally managed to leave the im-
pression behind him that he was but a pitiful
jobber. " High-minded" Lord Melbourne, indeed !
What ! William Lamb " high-minded ?" William
Lamb, the pis-aller of Castlereagh--whose best
speeches have been in defence of what the Radicals
call " the Manchester massacre," and in favour of the
repeal of the Habeas Corpus ! William Lamb, who
was always brought foward by the old Tories to oppose
Parliamentary, Reform, and who was the champion of
the Indemnity Bill ! The arch apostate I Never mind ;
he has been used by Castlereagh, abused by Canning,
drilled by Wellington ; he has intrigued with Huskis-
son against Lord Ripon, and with Palmerston against
Wellington; he has betrayed Lord Grey, and- he has
deserted Lord Brougham ; and now he is at his old
tricks with O'Connell, and we mistake the Popish
rebel much if he be circumvented by this old hack-aa
this most unpincipled of public men, even of Whigs.
" And then, he looks so modest all the while
Morning Post.
On the introduction of the mangled remains of what
once was the Municipal Reform Bill, into the House
of Commons last night, the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, in the absence of Lord John Russell, begged
that the House would refrain from then entering upon
the discussion of the question, as it could not be at-
tended with any satisfactory result, and might excite
some angry feelings, which would interfere with that
calm deliberation which the importance of the subject
required. He stated that on Monday next the matter
would be duly brought under the attention of the
House ; and he would merely observe, that he hoped
While giving it the most cool and dispassionate consi-
deration, the representatives of the people would act
with that unflinching and determined resolution
which the people expected, and which was so impe-
ratively necessary to the tranquillity of the country.
The expression of this hope was received with loud
cheers, and will be hailed with the utmost satisfaction
by the country. It is the confidence which the
people feel in Ministers, that operates as the great
check to any violent demonstration of the just indig-
nation which is everywhere experienced at the despotic
and disgraceful conduct of the par excellence " Mob."
It is needless further to discuss the injuries perpetrated
on the Bill by the Lords. All reasonable and honest
men are convinced that the measure as originally
passed by the'Commons is essential to the fair working
of corporate institutions. The people are resolved to
have their own Bill, and not the Charter for fraud, cor-
ruption, plunder, and despotism, which arbitrary au-
thority attempts to substitute for it.. The people, we
say, are resolved to have the original Bill ; and all that
remains to be done by their representatives is, by prompt,
decisive, and energetic action, to save the country from
hereditary wrongs on the one hand, and a violent revolu-
tion on the other. It is not by conviction, but coercion,
that the patrons of public plunderers must be com-
pelled to yield up the spoils wrung from the general
industry ; and should the Lords not yield to argument,
recourse must be had to other means, which arc amply
provided by the constitution. It is gall and wormwood
to the Tories to find Ministers determined to persevere
in their righteous course. The Corruptionists foolishly
imagined that their cause would triumph through the
agency of the Peers ; but in a few days the filth will
be removed from their eyes, and they will find that not
alone the existing Bills will be secured from their as-
saults, but that other measures will be brought into
action to guarantee the better and more facile working
of our political system.—Morning Advertiser.

FAMILY DECAY.—A manuscript diary of a resi-
dent of the metropolis, purchased the other day among some
waste paper, at a place where it is part of the craft of dealing
net to tell how they come by what they sell, contains the
following entry :—" 1772—Died in Emanuel Hospital, Mrs.
Wyndmore, cousin of Mary, Queen of William the Third, as
well as of Queen Ann." Strange revolution of fortune, that
the cousin of two Queens should for fifty years be supported
by charity ! Of this lady there does not appear to be any
printed account. A person of leisure might be interested by
inquiring into the real affinity which this female, who died in
an almshouse, bore to two Sovereigns on the Throne of
England.
SINGULAR OCCURRENCE.—Between five and six
o'clock on Wednesday evening, a man of genteel appearance
and very respectably dressed, ran into the hall of the North
London Hospital, in Upper Gower-street, Bedford-square,
with his face cut and mutilated in a most shocking manner,
and blood profusely streaming down the front of his person.
Ile seemed labouring under great excitement, and called out
loudly for help to save his life. He was immediately taken
into the surgery, and promptly received such assistance as
his situation required. Mr. Leslie, the house-surgeon of the
Hospital,'on examining the injuries he had sustained, found
that some deep incisions had been made across the upper
lip with a very sharp instrument, and that the greater pore
tion of the lower part of his nose, from the bridge down-
wards, had been cut off close to his face. On being ques-
tioned as to the manner in which he became wounded, he
at once adiniaed that he had done it himself, at his own
house, but refused to say where he lived, or give any fur-
ther account whatever of himself. It soon afterwards be-
came obvious that the man was labouring under mental de-
rangement, and when asked what had become of the part of
his nose he had cut off, he said he dropped it on the floor, and
that his dog snapped it up and ran away with it. On inquiry
being made in the neighbourhood, the individtial in, question
was found to be a Mn Watkins Dethridge, a very respectable
accountant, residing with his family at No. 44, Ernest-street,
Hampstead-road, and who, for some time past, has been. sub,
ject to occasional aberration of mind. It seems ho had p;,s-
s.ssed himself of a razor unknown to his family, and repair-
ing to Lis bed-room, mutilated himself in tho manner described,
and then ran off to the hospital without his family being aware
of what had transpired. The account he gave of the dog run-
ning away with the portion of Lis nose has ah7c, beetettder-
taineA to be correct; the animal brought it down staih, au
Jett it en the preen:eat in the street.