The Sun.
London, England, 1832-04-27 00:00:00

oratorical tilts between them which ofte►► lead to
no result. Under a reformed Parliament, these
exhibitions will be less frequent, or will be con-
ducted by a different set of actors, and the ad-
ministration of our colonial government will be
left in the hands of those who are responsible
to a vigilant public for the acts which they per-
form or the measures which they recommend.—
Times.

Our Anti-Reformers, who desire with all their
heart a war against
.France, that they may have
an opportunity, amid the general turmoil, to
crush triumphant Reform in England, will be
quite delighted with an article which we have
extracted from the Consli!.'utionnel of Tuesday,
and which will be found under the head of
French Papers. They will there see that Met-
ternich is again in the field with his cunning and
his legions,—that he is to be joined by the num-
berless hosts and legitimate principles of the
Russian autocrat,—that Prussia has acceded to
the armed alliance, and that Holland is to lead
the van in a crusade which is about to envelop
the French territory with glittering bayonets, and
to bury tho. hydra of revolution under the
usurped throne of Louis-Philippe. These three
or four Powers have at their disposal, and will
introduce into France, on their baggage-wag-
gons, two or three exiled Princes, that the
Parisians may have their choice between two
minors and an abdicated Dauphin. It is sup-
posed, however, that Louis XIX. (alias the
Duke of Angouleme) will ultimately unite all
suffravet;, as we are solemnly assured that •
he has retracted the deed by which he
renounced his claim to the French throne,
at Rambouillet and Holyrood. We are con-
cerned for this arrangement, because we are
afraid that that dear infant Henry V. must
postpone his reign for some years longer, and
must abdicate in favour of his uncle, as his

uncle formerly did in his. The dear child, "the
infant of miracles," will then be obliged to de-
scend into the less dignified station of the Duke
de Bordeaux. His interesting mother, too,
whose " widow's mite" to the choleric patients
in Paris has lately been so unfeelingly rejected,
is by the same stroke of fate to be deprived of
the French Regency, ard may unhappily see her
son come of age before he comes to the throne.
There must, ,ve suspect, be some intrigue in
this unjust exclusion ; and though it may be
difficult to discover the views of such a wily po-
litician as Metternich, we think it more than
probable that he means, as occasion may arise,
to place the French crown on a milt ale cocagne,
to be scrambled for by young Bordeaux and
young Napoleon, at the death of Louis XIX.
This intelligence must have come upon the
French people as it has come upon us—quite
unexpectedly : it must have created what they
call a " sensation," and really appears as sur-
prising as it is ',important. Indeed, we are in-
formed by the credible correspondent by whom
it was communicated to the French journal, that
Marshal Maison and the French embassy at
Vienna knew nothing of the matter, and, there-
fore, very naturally, kept their own Govern-
ment in the dark. It is surprising, how-
ever, that there should have been such con-
centration of armies, and such movement of
troops, without attracting observation or exciting
inquiry. This appears to us nearly as puzzling
as the question put to Voltaire's ignorant astro-
nomer, and we fancy that we must explain it in
the same way. When asked; how the sun got
back to the east in the morning, if' the earth
was really a plane and he could not get under it,
the simple-minded man sagaciously replied,
" that he stole back in the night, when nobody
saw him." And we are persuaded that these
troops of Metternich must likewise have marched
in the night, when Marshal Maison and his mi-
litary spies were asleep. With what the article
says of England our patriots and political eco-
nomists must be highly satisfied, though it is not
very flattering to our feeling of national import-
ance. We are, it would appear, to be left out
of the arrangement altogether, and shall, God
be praised, have no subsidies to pay ; but, alas!
we shall have no opportunity of adding to our
laurels, or procuring for the Prince of Waterloo
the title of Prince of Paris. Really we are
ashamed to prolong irony on such a subject, or
gravely to expose such absurdities. The poor
editor of the Constitutioniiel, who really is too
credulous for the 19th century, must have bee❑
hoaxed by some Carlist, or some humorous
clerk in the office of Prince Metternich.—Times.
We refer our readers to a Letter in another
column, from Mr. Parkes, of Birmingham, on
the subject of Mr. Cobbett's circular address
to the people of Birmingham, which we in-
serted in the Chronicle of Tuesday last. We
expected from Mr. Parkes such a clear
straightforward statement as that which he
has made. We were sure that he never
could have represented the people as in-
different as to the extent of Reform ; and we
were too well aware of his zeal for the good
cause, to suppose that he would ever be a party
to any attempt to defeat the Bill, by furnishing
its enemies with motives for increasing their ex-
ertions. No man has laboured harder than Mr.
Parkes to promote the success of Reform ; and
at the very time the author of the " Prerogative
of creating Peers" is accused of misrepresenting
the sentiments of the people, in order to pave
the way to a compromise with the Tories, he is,
it seems, engaged on another pamphlet, urging

the people to increased exertions to obtain their
just rights. We can see that Mr. Cobbett has
his apprehensions with regard to Earl Grey, and
the doubts which he has expressed will be useful
both to Lord Grey and the Reformers. It is pos-
sible that injustice is done to Earl Grey by these
doubts ; but there can be no harm in letting his
Lordship see that there is much more danger in
disappointing the people than in combating the
Tories ; and the Reformers must see that it is

incumbent on them to make such a demonstration
on t his subject as cannot be mistaken. We may
observe, however, that as Mr. Cobbett was agree-
ably disappointed in December by Lord Grey's
re-introducing " an efficient Bill," he may possi-
bly be equally gratified by his sticking to the
essentials of the Bill.—Morning Chronicle.
We refer our readers to a report of some cu-
rious tithe proceedings yesterday, at Guildhall.
It would appear from these proceedings that the
clergy are the especial favourites of the law—so
much so indeed, that it is difficult to see how a
clergyman should ever lose any part of his dues.
Whether he be diligent or lazy, harsh or indul-
gent, in the assertion of his claims, it is all one
—no sooner does he choose to appear upon the
scene than he succeeds to his heart's content.
No wonder that Mr. Alderman Lucas was stag-
gered at the recital of the extraordinary privileges
of the clergy There were three cases in all
before the Alderman, from St. Mary, Alderman-
bury, of which parish the Rev. Mr. Sainsbury
is Rector. A person named Fisher was sum-
' moned for :3/., who urged that he had just been
released under the Insolvent Act from gaol,
where he had been confined a considerable time

for debt ; that he had a w itc and family to main-
tain ; and that he had put the tithes, with his
other debts, in his schedule. The facts were
not disputed, but the collector contended that
tithes could not be wiped off by the operation
of the Insolvent Act, not being a personal as-
sessment, like poor-rate, or church-rate, but a
charge on the estate, which the tenant might de-
duct from this landlord when paving his rent.
The rector could not follow the landlord, but was
bound to levy on the premises. The clergyman,
according to this reading of the law, is much
better off than the landlord,' because the land-
lord's rent can be wiped off by the operation of
the Insolvent Act. The landlord has a priority
of claim for a certain amount of rent (not for
arrears) on the goods on the premises, but be-
yond this he has no advantage over other credi-
tors. The next case was that of a tenant sum-

moned for five quarters' tithe, he having occupied
the house only two quarters, and the previous
tenant having taken the benefit of the Insolvent
Debtors' Act, and put the three quarters in his
schedule. The tenant in possession tendered
the tithe for the two quarters, but the collector
refused to accept it. A third case was still more
striking. A landlord was summoned for tithes
for ten quarters, on premises for which he had
not received rent for two Nears past, in conse-
quence of their having been empty, &c. The
collector said, if the house had been burnt down,
and lying in ruins, the rector would have had
the same right to tithes as if it had been oc-
cupied. We certainly think the collector has been
amusing himself at the expense of the worthy
Alderman. If a citizen of London were to be
so unfortunate as to have his house burnt down,
under this reading of the law it would be im-
possible for him ever to rebuild it, if unable to
do it without delay. In a few years the arrears

of tithes would amount to the value of the house
before it was burnt down ; and it would be but
a poor speculation to pay first a sum equal to the
value of the house to the parson, and next for
the rebuilding, the arrears of tithes adding n 0...

thing to the value, which would consist only of
the ground and the expense of rebuilding. A
rule like this would be one of two things—it
would either transfer, in the course of time, all

the houses of the city to the clergy, or it would
prevent the occupation or rebuilding of a house
which has for any length of time been unoccupied
or in ruins. It would be better at once to give
to the clergy a power to bring houses, or the
ruins of houses, to sale for arrears of tithes.

In that case au arrear of tithe would not accu-
mulate on premises from which no profit was de-
rived. We were informed by a gentleman that
six houses were given to him some time ago in
payment of a debt, situated in one of the streets
behind the new Post-office ; but such was the
amount of burdens from tithes, &c., on them,

that he threw them up as an uprofitable concern.
He had, however, some difficulty in getting rid
of them, on the condition of a total loss, the
ground landlords (one of the City Companies)
being unwilling to relinquish him as a tenant.
Fortunately, however, the leases of the houses
had not been assigned to him, so that he could
not be held in law to be tenant. From this it
may be seen that a man should sometimes pause
before he consents to receive city property.—
Morning Chronicle.
The Common Council, as will appear from
the report of their proceedings in another column,
have come forward again in support of the Re-
form Bill. They have agreed to a petition to

the House of Lords, and have voted the freedom
of the City to Lords Grey and Althorp in a
manner which reflects credit on the city of Lon-
don, and will, no doubt, afford great satisfaction
and encouragement to the two Noble champions
of the measure, whose merits have been so

highly and so justly extolled. The battle, as
was observed by one of the speakers, is as yet
but half won ;" the advantage obtained by

the second reading did not amount to a com-
plete and final victory, but it gave the advocates
of Reform a new position, which, under skilful
management, cannot fail to decide the fate of
the struggle. At this crisis the city of London
have come forward again to strengthen the hands
of Ministers ; they have repeated their confi•
dence in Lord Grey and his colleagues, and, by
the unanimity of their proceedings, have given a
triumphant answer, in conjunction with other
popular bodies who have bestirred themselves on
the occasion, to those who would still represent
the people as being indifferent to Reform. This
imputed " indifference" is, if possible, more absurd
than the " reaction," which the boroughmongers
have become ashamed ofat last. It is more absurd,
because it is easier to suppose that men are in-
fluenced by passion to their own prejudice, than
that they arc absorbed in apathy when every
thing dear to them is at stake. Even upon the
supposition of the boroughmongers themselves,
that the measure is nothing short of revolution,
it is impossible to suppose that the people can be
indifferent to the issue. We should as soon
expect to meet indifference in the population of
a burning town. But if the measure be, as we
maintain it is, a boon of the greatest magnitude,
what dolts, what stocks and stones, must this
people of England be, if they can look upon the
struggle which is to decide its success or failure
with a feeling of besotted indifference ! No,
they are not such fools ; they know well enough
that it is one thing to be represented by men
chosen by themselves, and another thing to be
represented (as they are told they have been) by
men chosen by others. But let the Corporations
speak for them, let the public meetings held in
different quarters of the empire say what is the
feeling of the people at this moment. If they
are peaceable—as, thank God, they are peace-
able—it is not because they are indifferent, but
because they are full of hope and determination.
The cause of Reform, let its enemies say what
they will, has gained an important accession of
strength from late events ; and nothing can con-
duce more to its final accomplishment than an
imitation of the firm but temperate tone adopted
by the Common Council of London at the meet-
ing to which we have referred.—Morn. Herald.

We have lately dwelt much and tediously on
the catalogue of Whig blunders which Earl
Grey's Government so liberally supplies to us,
and we revert to them more frequently than our
inclinations alone would prompt, in order that
wavering Peers may never for an instant forget
that in tolerating one bad measure they sanction
twenty others, and pave the way for as many
more. Qui
.facit per alios, facit per se, and
those who spare a malefactor become accomplices
of crime. Lords Harrowby and Wharncliffe
are well aware of this. They know how great
have been the errors of Government, they have
marked its decline in public estimation, and they
have acknowledged in writing that its manifest
weakness has much strengthened the hands of the
Anti-Reformers since the rejection of the Bill last
veor. If other reasons prevented them from acting
upon this conviction on a late occasion, they have
no excuse whatever now for sparing in Com-
mittee the men whose measures they condemn.