The Sun.
London, England, 1859-09-03 00:00:00

LA PRZS'SE AND 31. DE iIIORNY.

The following is a full translation of M. A. Per
rat's article in La Presse

" Let us examine the reproaches which M. de
Morny addresses to the orators, Ministers, and jour-
nals of England. France and England, he says, are
in a state of reciprocal susceptibility ; the two coun-
tries are incited against each other, vague mistrust
is excited, and this is so cleverly managed that on
a given day an incident of no consequence, or mis-
understanding which might easily be remedied when
on friendly terms, may become a serious complica-
tion. M. de Morny exaggerates. That there may
be or may have been a strong acrimonious feeling
rencmhay and
English Governments ;
have been at least once,
within the last two years, seriously compromised,
is not to be questioned.
"Is it equally true that the irritation of the two
thatbetw theee alliance n the
F
Governments has spread to the two nations, and
that sensible men have been pained to see revived
either at Paris or London the prejulices of a past
age, the passions of Trafalgar and Waterloo ? Cer-
tainly not, and hereupon we appeal to the feelings
of our readers. But it matters not. Let us admit
that the nations are as much disposed to find fault
with each other as M. de Morny states. Whose
fault is it ?
" The fault. of the English, says M. de Morny, who
excite national susceptibilities, who flatter some
popular instincts to increase their reputation as a
journal, their popularity as political speakers.'
" We do not mean to say M. de Morny is deficient
in justice, but he assuredly is wanting in memory.
To convince him of it we merely oppose to his asser-
tions an authority which he•will not reject. Here
are the terms in which the Emperor of the French
expressed himself on opening the session of the
Legislative Corps on the 7th of February last
As to the alliance of France and England, I have
used all my perseverance in consolidating it; and I
have found on the other side of the Channel ahappy
reciprocity of sentiments on the part of the Queen
of Great Britain as on that of statesmen of all
-opinions.'
"It is true the feeling now is not the same, The
English Government, stirred up by the newspapers
and the House of Commons, mans the fleet, fortifies
the ports, and calls out the militia.
"This, says M. de Morny, is the result of chimeri-
cal fears, and he lays it at the door of the speakers
who frighten the nation to increase their popularity'
"M. de Morny forgets that these orators are, I
general, the most important members of Parliamen
by their position, their character, and their influ
euce. He forgets that at their head stands Lord
Lyndhurst, the Nestor of the House of Lords, the
great jurisconsult, the great orator, and re-
nowned above all, even at the periOd when he
was most actively engaged in political strife, for'
his good sense, his impartiality, and the imperturb-
able calmness of his reason. When such a man,
more than octogenaire, comes forth froth the retreat
where he has been encircled by the respect of all
parties for the last 15 years in order to conjure his
country to be upon her guard, to be watchful of her
security, her independence, and her honour, will
any one say that he does so to increase his popu-
larity ?
"M. de Morny cannot explain to himself the
emotion of England, and the explosion of suscepti-
bility produced by the articles of the newspapers
and the speeches in Parliament! M. de Morny for-
gets the insulting violence of that portion of the
French press which, 19 months ago, accused the
English people of complicity in the attentat of the
14th January ! Let him take up the Moniteur of
that date, and with his own speech (which perhaps

he also forgets) he will find the addresses in which
the colonels solicited for their regiments the honour
of marching as the advanced guard of the army
charged with ' demanding an account of that land
of impunity which is the den of the monsters that
seek shelter beneath her laws.' The Government
did its duty, it disavowed those imprudent menaces;
but the impression was produced, and it is not yet
effaced. Strictly speaking, those deplorable provo-
cations could be then explained by the first and
irresistible burst of indignation, and would thus
lose mach of their importance; but only 15 days
back a member of the Legislative Corps (Granier
de Cassagnac), with calculated solemnity, announced
in the Journal de l'Ernpire ( Pays) and in the Con-
stitutionnel that France could henceforth, at her
own pleasure, and choosing her own time, ' sud-
denly throw' from 50,030 to 60,000 men on any
point it pleased of an enemy's territory. Now, why
was this menace so coolly uttered, and without ap-
parent motive ? England thought that the
warning was directed to her, and we have no-
where seen that means hav'e• been taken to' unde-
ceive her. Will it, then, be said that she is wrong
to be moved by it ?

"M. de Moiny is of opinion that the ' straight-
forwardness and pacific intentions of the. Emperor'
ought to reassure England. Here, again, we are
sorry not to share his opinion, and we submit our
reason to his judgment. In his speech of the 7th
February to the Legislative body, the Emperor of
the French, after having said that he did every-
thing in his power to consolidate the alliance be-
tween France and England, added—' Therefore, to
attain this end, so important to the peace of the
world, 1 have on every occasion passed over the
irritating remembrances of the past, the attacks of
calumny, even the national prejudices of my coun-
try.' And the Constitutionnel of• raterday, natu-
rally more explicit, says—' If, instead of putting a
curb upon the national animosityf he had excited

it, thinking only upon an ephemeral popularity,
who can say that France, at his voice, would not
have risen like one man ?'

"What! there is, we are told, so strong an ani-
mosity, such national prejudices among us that if
the head of the State excited them instead of hold-
ing them in, France would rise like one man, and
then people are astonished that England should
take a serious view of the matter ? The Emperor
of the French is master of his own sentiments, but
,is he equally master of the future ? Who can
affirm that events may not on a future day lead him
to excite and exalt the pretended animosity and
'these prejudices which he now takes no notice of ?*
He himself has anticipated this formidable extre-
mity, and in his letter addressed on the Ist March
last to Sir F. Head, he says—' It -would then be-
'come impossible for me to calm the passions which
should have let loose.'

" And, moreover, these considerations are not
necessary, however serious enough they may be, to
explain the armaments of England. Europe, only
three months ago, was on the eve of a general war,
and it is this fact which explains the sudden and
unexpected peace of Villafrancaa. Will it be alleged
that in a war of the kind England had no part
to perform ? And to perform that part had
she no preparation to make? The people
who were the soul of the four greatest coali-
tions which the world has witnessed since the close
of the 15th century—who struggled victoriously
against Louis the Fourteenth who arrested
Gustavus Adolphus in his enterprise against Den-
mark, and Catherine, against Turkey—who main-
tained against the French Republic and against the
French empire a struggle without example in his-
tory—who have peopled the United States, British
America, India, and Austrttlia, and who have
planted on every point of the globe colonies of which
some are great and powerful States—such a people
cannot remain simple spectators of events capable of
changing the face of Europe. Above all, such a
people cannot expose themselves to again behold
Tromps and Ruyters ascendthe Thames to London-
bridge. It is alleged, it is true, that such things
may be repeated, since steam has changed all the
conditions of maritime warfare. We are incompe-
tent to judge the value of this assertion, repeated
so often for some time past, and which wants the
sanction of experience. It seems to us, however,
that England is still situated so as to render dif-
ficult, if not impossible, the only thing which could
seriously menace her—namely, the combination of
all the fleets of Europe. She cuts off the commu-
nication of the north with the south ; and we do not
see how the Baltic fleets could join those of the At-
lantic, and still less those of the Mediterranean.
These notions of maritime coalitions are no longer
of our time, and, besides, history, teaches us that
they are almost powerless. In the American war
the French and Spanish fleets could not come to-
gether afterat ethe d
abattle
they of thein
tl 2atthFonfrArnpl nrail,
d 1782
a
Tra-
faigar.
" What is certain in every case is that, to attack
and vanquish on so many points so proud and
strong a Power, France would be condemned to
' immense efforts, which would produce catastrophes
without compensation. Louis XIV. was convinced
that any attempt at a landing would only increase
the defensive power of England ; and Napoleon,
at the very moment he was preparing the most
E formidable attack that ever threatened England,
• said that the going there was less embarrass-
ing than the coming back in face of a nation
that would rise to a man. What was true then

holds good to-day, and this is what renders so
politic the passions of those who rave about an in-
vasion of England. What do they want ? To de-
stroy her manufactories, to burn down her capital ?
Assuredly not ; such acts of barbarity would be an
anachronism—they are no longer possible. But
then why invade England? France also has been
invaded, not by a single army, but by the whole of
Europe. Is she now less strong, less great, less
feared ?
" England, a great maritime Power, is not, and
never will be, a great military Power. But in
place of an army of soldiers she has her legions of
working men, who constitute her glory and her
fortune, and who secure to her the only preponder-
ance to which she can, ought, and desires to pre-
tend. It is against this army that we ought to
combat ; and c‘n this point we are perfectly agreed
with M. de Morny, and we borrow, unhesitatingly,
his own words
'This is the sort of war which we must wage
with England ; let us complete resolutely all our
means of transport and locomotion ; let us place
them in communication with our coal mines ; let us
reduce the dues on raw material and on manufac-
tured goods ; let us imitate the English people in
everything in which we are wanting ; let us seek
our strength in the spirit of joint companies with-
out always appealing to the Government for aid;
let us learn how to turn credit to account; let us
endeavour to acquire and preserve, by a prudent
use of it, that liberty which makes a man the abso-
lute master of his own property, and which is only
limited by wrongfully acting towards others. Yes,
let us wage against England a commercial and in•
dustrial war, a fight of progress and civilisation,
frank, straightforward, tending to the benefit of all
parties.'
" This is the true language of a politician. If
certain journals and certain personages in France
had never held any other language and never ex-
pressed other sentiments, M. de Morny would not
kwe to complain of articles in English newspapers,
nor of speeches in Parliament. Those speeches and
those articles would have been without motive,
without excuse, and, at any rate, without echo.
France and England have nothing to gain ; on the
contrary, they have to lose immensely by weaken-
ing each other. Their security,, their grandeur,
and their influence command reciprocal protection
and mutual aid in their liberty and the promotion
• of their welfare. They will thus substitute an en-
larged, humane, and glorious policy for that narrow
anti-social policy which has so long inflicted evil
• on Europe. Routine and prejudice may murmur
and protest, but reason and good sense will applaud,
and that is sufficient."

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their object would not be effected until all the
other employers had been taken in detail, and
compelled to yield the desired concession. This
line of policy ,led to the natural result of
causing the employers to meet and take
measures, not of aggression against the men,
but of self-defence against the unjustifiable
dictation and tyranny of the United Trades' Con-
ference. Hence the origin of the much-denounced

" declaration" or " document." This document has

been abused and denounced as tyrannical and sub-

versive of the rights and liberties of the working
. .

man. But is such the case ? I fully admit that
no employer ought to take any unfair advantage of
the Necessities of the employed, or by reason of the
strength of his position to tyrannize over those in
his employ ; but I cannot for one moment see how
such can be the result of the adoption of a docu-
ment which most distinctly declares that it fully
"recognizes the right of employers and employed,
individually, to make any trad. engagement on
which they may choose to agree." Why this is
a distinctive and positive acknowledgment of the
freedom of labour or the right of every working
man to dispose of his labour to the best advan-
tage ; and a document which does so cannot be

termed. tyrannical, or be injurious to our interests
as a class. The only persons likely to be
affected by it are those belonging to trades' unions ;
but why should we be called on to defend or to sup-
port associations which have done more than every-
thing else to retard our progress, finperil our wel-
fare, and destroy our self-respect ? (Hear.) The
histery of trades' unions is one of strikes, quarrels,
disputes, confusion, ruin and misery. (Hear, hear.)
They have seldom, if ever, effected any good or
benefit whenever they departed from their legiti-
mate object of assisting their members in sickness,
distress, or old age; and the sooner we have done
with them when they depart from their proper
sphere the better it will be for ourselves. I lament
this, because the immense sums so foolishly and
thoughtlessly squandered by trades' unions in the
support of 'futile strikes might have otherwise
aided in the elevation of our condition. (Loud
cheers.) Every working man is fully aware
that no tyranny or despotism is more en-
acting or relentless than that as exercised by a
trades' union, and every working man who
desires to behold the enfranchisement of his
class will not hesitate in denouncing the evils
inflicted by the arbitrary exercise of power on the

part of these combinations. The present strike was
made to obtain the adoption of the nine hours'
system, and Mr. George Potter and his friends
defend their conduct on the ground that the adop-
tion of the nine hours will lead to the intellectual,

moral, and social improvement of the operatives.
But now they are dragging the question into an-
other position altogether, and begin to talk of
regulating the hours of labour, the rate of wages,

and the like. But all the while many of your
fellow-toilers' families are starving, they are send-
ing their things to the pawnbrokers, and involving
themselves in debt at the tally and other shops. Mr.
Potter talks of the evils of machinery in displac-
ing the labour of the working man ; but if machinery
be an evil, then the conference, persisting
in the strife, are doing their utmost to extend that
evil ; be6ause the tendency of every strike
is to encourage and develop the inventive faculties
of man, and the probable result of the extended
duration of the present strike will be a more ex-
tensive introduction of machinery into the build-
ing trades. Again, he talks of the numbers of the
unemployed. Now, is it not an established fact
that every strike tends to swell their numbers, and
thus to overstock the labour-market, and thereby
tend to reduce the rate of wages. Much credit is
given is the fact that wany of the men prefer to go
on the tramp rather than sign the document ; but
what amount of good will they do by such conduct? '
They will only tend to cause the country labour
markets to overflow, and they may rest assured
that they will not be welcome in the districts which
they may visit. Again, he speaks of the profits of
the employer, and declares that the working men
have too little of it. Such may sometimes be the
case ; but unless an employer can have sufficient re-
muneration for the capital he has embarked in a
trade, he will relinquish it for some other more
profitable, and thus leave the working man to pine
and starve. (Hear.) In fact, Mr. Potter wishes
you to be the experimental disciples of his scheme
for the new formation of society. Are you
willing, to sacrifice your interests for the sake of
furthering his ambitious dreams ? ("No, no !")
Why should you allow yourselves to become the
slaves of the conference? Why should you allow it
to step between you and your daily bread ? Why
should you allow it to ruin your employers and send
you to the workhouse ? Is it because you are in
fear of the intimidation of the conference? Is it
'because you object to sign or agree to the docu-
ment ? If so, will you allow me to say, as a work-
ing man, that if it be adopted as a shop rule by
the working men, as recommended by the Anti-
Strike Committee, I can see nothing in it which a
I honest, steady, and industrious man need object to.
But what have non-society men to do with the pro-
ceedings of Mr. Potter and his friends? They have
nothing to do with the strike, and it is unfair that
they should be punished for the folly or misdeeds of
others. However, since the masters have taken
their stand on the document, there only re-
mains one thing for the non-society men to
do, and that is, boldly and openly to repudiate all
connexion with the strike, declare the mischief of
trade societies when they interfere between em-
ployers and employed, and agree to the document
if amended as proposed by the Anti-Strike Com-
mittee. By so doing so, a fair and honourable ex-
ample will be afforded to those who are so rash
and so misguided as to persist in the strike, which
can only lead to the ruin of masters and men. This
is a question of bread to all, and non society men
cannot afford to behold their families starving, and
their homes deprived of their usual comforts merely
to support a few agitators and discontented work-
men in idleness. Let the employers know the feel-
ir.g which animates the non-society men ; and let
them learn that their only desire is to be allowed to
return to the work which they have never refused to
perform. It certainly was unfair that they should
ever have been thrown out of work at all ; but the
thing is done ; and all that remains for you to do is
to show that you were not deserving of this severe
and harsh measure of punishment. No man who
is really steady, skilful, and industrious will ever
want employ while employment is to be obtained,
and he will always obtain wages proportionate to
his skill. If he is:really clever and useful he will be
indispensable to his employer, and that employer
will find it conducive to his interests to retain him
in his employ. No strike or anything else can
effect more for the working man, and therefore on
this ground alone they are foolish and destructive
of our interests. I have but little time for saying
much more, but let me entreat of you, as fellow
toilers, as men who have seen much of the evils of
strikes, and as men who are now suffering from
the mischief inflicted by one, to exercise all your
power and influence over your fellow-workmen to
persuade them to refrain from a course which, if
persisted in, will only place them at the mercy of
the masters. You have justice, common sense,
and reason on your sae; the press, and every right-
thinking and intelligent mind in the kingdom
are with you, and you have the support of your
own hearts. (Hear, hear.) Let who will speak in
favour of strikes, let your policy be to have nothing
to do with them. The harshness of some employers
is bad enough, but the tyranny of a strike execu.
tive is worse still. Should any real grievance
arise, not all the documents in the world will pre-
vent the men combining together to redress it.
In such a case the document would only be so much
waste paper. One word more and I have done.
Show that you are not deserving of the fate which
you are entiluring, and that you will not be the
dupes of a paltry agitation, which, after boasting of
the thousands of pounds at its command, could only
afford to give ls. ld. to the lock-outs the first week,
and nothing the second; and therefore I trust that
you will show your good sense by agreeing to the
amended document, and returning to work the
moment the doors are thrown open. Certainly it
will be your own fault if they remain closed, for as
soon as the masters learn your wishes I have no
doubt but that they will accede to them, and you