The Sun.
London, England, 1832-05-17 00:00:00

and extremity of the commonwealth itself. The'
gallantry of the Duke in stepping forward at this pe-
rilous juncture, to prevent, by a personal sacrifice, the over-
throw of the Monarchy, and to rescue the King from the
tyranny and dictation of an ungrateful and hollow •hearted
Minister, is awakening in all those to whose breasts honour
is not a stranger the almost bygone recollection of the ser-
vices of this great man. The mean and polluted quarter
from which these imputations have chiefly proceeded, and
the falsehood and assumption on which they are based,
have excited a further disgust, and have elicited the highest
of all tribute to the character of the Noble Duke, in the
pride which all high-minded men take in appropria-
ting a share of the aspersions, by identifying themselves,
without reservation, with his conduct and honour in
the trying negotiations of the past week If the Mo-
narchy is to be destroyed, if our kind and frank-
hearted Monarch is to be delivered up hound into the
hands of those who have rewarded his goodness by betray-
ing him, at the least the stigma is removed that no one
public man could be found willing to approach his Royal
Master in the hour of his peril and distress. When the
frenzy of faction shall have subsided, and this unhappy
country shall have expiated its folly by years of sorrow
and misery, to the eternal honour of the Duke of Wel-
lington will it be recorded that, regardless of his own feel-
ings, and of the ease and tranquillity of the remainder of
a life spent in the service of the State, he made a last in-
trepid effort, by the sacrifice of himself, to avert the cala-
mities of his ungrateful country.—Morning Post.
The assiduous efforts of the late Ministers and their
friends to produce a sanguinary democratic revolution in
Great Britain, and to destroy the Throne, the Aristocracy,
and the Church, bsse and wicked as those efforts unques-
tionably are, certain as they are not only to fail but to
plunge the desperate party which mikes them into still
deeper and into more irretrievable disgrace and ruin, will
yet appear not wholly unnatural when we consider that
they must be conscious their conduct during the last
eighteen months has been such as must utterly deprive
them of a chance of regaining political power as a party
for the next hundred years, it the House of Brunswick '
shall continue to fill the British throne. They have been
perfidious servants of the King. They are detected, ex-
posed, disgraced. The incendiary and rebellious language
we now hear from their partisans, the traitorous projects
they meditate, and indeed avow, furnish but another in-
stance to swell the familiar catalogue of proofs with which
history already abounds, that no atrocity it too great for
bad men when reduced to despair. It is highly gratifying
to its to reflect upon the contrast which is resented, and
which is indeed so striking that it is scarcely necessary to
point it out, between the present conduct of the Whigs
towards their Sovereign, and that which we, and those en-
tertaining opinions similar to ours, pursued during the me-
lancholy and disastrous pet iod in which the Councillors
surrounding the Throne were cur political opponents.
Where is the Tory who then breathed a syllable of disre-
spect towards his Majesty, or those immediately connected
with him ? Where is the Whig who dove not now revel
unrestrained in all the license of ribaldry and libel against
the King, against the amiable and unoffending partner of
his heart and throne, against every person in short in
whose feelings, character, and welfare the Sovereign can be
supposed on any account to take a peculiar interest? But
it is now for the first time that the Royal Family of England
have learned the single condition upon which they can hope to
escape insult and contumely frsin the Whig party. It has long
been notorious that this party are alternately the most
fulsome of flatterers and the most daring of calumniators,
accordingly as they happen to be in or out of office. This
is comparatively, however, of little importance. Those
unseemly changes of language and deportment have been
so often practised by the Whigs, and so often pardoned,
that this party were not perhaps unreasonable in expect-
ins that to them they might be practised and pardoned
once more. The crime of which they have recently been
guilty, if not baser than their former offences, is unques-
tionably more mischievous, since it has produced for a mo-
ment, and was undoubtedly intended to produce for a
much longer period, an alienation of the affections of a
misguided portion of the people of England from the
person and an abatement of their respect towards
the office of the Sovereign, to effect which, the
mere sarcasms or invectives of die ippointed and dis-
placed Whigs would have been poured forth in vain.
The Whig Ministers of William the Fourth have propa-
gated for seven months, by means of their agents and un-
derlings, the falsehood that his Majesty bad promised them
that be would create Peers in sufficient numbers to enable
them to carry their measure. The first and necessary
effect of this falsehood was to discourage. and in some
degree to alienate, the real friends of the Monarchy, who
must of course be sensible that all hope of preserving the
British Constitution, or any part of it, was at an end, if
it were true that the Monarch on the throne had become
so reckless and uncompromising a revolutionist as this
promise on his part would have shown him to be.
When the time then at length arrived at which it became
necessary to the purposes of these Whig revolutionists that
this fatal step should be taken, they, as Ministers, advised
it, and the King, in pursuance of his duty, and knowing
himself to be unfettered by any pledge whatever upon the
subject, firmly refused compliance. Upon this refusal, as
it was fatal to their whole project, they deserted the King's
service, which the lie they had promulgated had rendered
now a service of extraordinary difficulty, without offering to
the public a single word in direct acknowledgment of the false-
hood by which a large proportion of the lower and more ex-
citable classes of the people had long been misled, and upon
which alone they bad founded a confident expectation that
a measure which, however destructive in its nature and
effects, was nevertheless still popular among them, would
be eventually adopted. They did more than this. They
instructed their agents and underlings to maintain in so-
ciety, and by means of the Revolutionary Press, that such
a pi anise had been really given, in order the better to pre-
pare the minds of the ignorant and vulgar for the other
calumnies by which they intended to assail the Monarch
and his friends, and to force him, by dint of rabble
excitement, to submit to their unmitigated and perpetual
dominion. No man, however expert, could have succeeded
in a scheme like this. But fortunately they have blundered
so dreadfully in its execution (in what, indeed, have they
not blundered ?) as to make its instant defeat easy and
certain. We undertake to demonstrate, from the lan-
guage and conduct of Ministers themselves, that the state•
merit of their having a promise from the King to create
Peers cannot possibly be true. Had they been in posses-
sion of such a pledge, the division of last Monday in the
House of Lords could not have excited in them any dismay.
But it did excite the greatest, as was visible to every
man who saw Earl Grey upon that occasion. There-
fore their statement is false. Had they been in pos-
session of such a pledge there could have been no occa-
sion for the anxious deliberation of the Cabinet on Tues-
day morning to determine what they were to do upon
their recent defeat, inasmuch as they must already, as a
Cabinet, have determined to use the power upon such an
emergency before they obtained or even applied for it.--.
But it is notorious that there was occasion for this anxious
deliberation, and that it really took place. Therefore
their statement is false. Had they been in possession of
suck a pledge the sending off a Treasury Messenger to
Windsor, to apprise his Majesty that the occasion had
arisen to which the Royal promise applied, would have
been all that they could have thought necessary. Instead
of this we find, however, that the two leading persons in
the Ministry, Earl Grey and Lord Brougham, go off in
great expedition to Windsor to submit the advice of the
Cabinet to the King ; and that their less considerable col-
leagues, who remain in town, remain in deep and painful
anxiety, so deep and painful that they could not conceal it
even from the most common observer, for the fate of the
Administration, which they knew to depend upon the yet
uncertain issue of this visit to Windsor. Therefore their
statement that they had any pledge from the King upon
the subject is manifestly false. If further proof be required
of the utter falsehood of the assertion so confidently made
sbaynettned by those Ministers,
the friends of the late Ministers,we
refer to thesotreacherously
speeches by which Earl Grey in one House of
Parliament, and Lord Althorp in the other, an-
nounced their resignation. They both expressly referred
to the vote of the House of Lords as an occurrence which
reduced Ministers to the alternative of at once resigning,
or of advising a creation of Peers, and they described this
alternative as one which required deliberation on the part
of the Cabinet, subsequently to the event which produced
it. Upon the supposition of a pledge there could have
been no such alternative emergent upon the occasion.
Upon this supposition, the Cabinet had not only determined
before-hand what they would do, had not only made the
Sovereign acquainted with their determination, but had
gone the length of requiring, and had in fact obtained, a
promise from the Sovereign that he would acquiesce in it.
Do men so situated talk of alternatives and deliberations,
and advise? It is morally impossible. The Ministerial
i
allegation of a pledge s then a falsehood as palpable as it
is traitorous and wicked, nor can it have been batched
fur any other purposes than the treasonable ones we have
assigned. And now we ask if it be possible that any
King of England should for at least a hundred years to
came place the affairs of the nation and his own reputation
and tranquillity in the hands of a Whig Administration ?--
fiforn ing Post.

We have scarcely space enough left to furnish our
readers with anything like an abridgement of the ex-
pression of feeling, which has taken place in every part
of the country from which we have as yet received infor-