The Sun.
London, England, 1859-08-25 00:00:00

Commence at 7.

.NTEW THEATRE - ROYAL, ADELPHI.
Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. Benj. Webster.
THIS EVENING, the performances will commence with
THE FLOWERS OF THE FOREST. Messrs. Billington,
Stuart, P. Bedford, C. Marshall' C. J. Smith, Garden ; Miss
Marian Lacey, Miss K. Kelly, and Mrs. Billington.
Followed by the new burlesque, THE BABES IN THE
WOOD. Messrs. C. Marshall, Paul Bedford, C. J. Smith,
Eburne ; Miss Woolgar and Miss K. Kelly.
Acting Manager—Mr. Wm. Smith.

Doors open at a quarter-past six—Commence at seven. Box
Office open from 10 to 5 —no charoe,, for booking. No fees to
servants permitted. A registry kept of' all articles found.

ROYAL STRAND THEATRE.
Lessee and Directress, Miss Swanborough
THIS EVENING, THE MAID WITH THE MILKING
PAIL,

After which, A SCHOOL FOR COQUETTES. Misses
Swanborongh, Oliver, and Lavine.
Followed by THE VERY LATEST EDITION OF THE
LADY OF LYONS. ---

Commence at 7 o'clock;

VERDI'S OPERA OF MACBETH. The
whole of the first Act of this Opera, now produced
for the first time in this country (the remaining three acts
being in course of rehearsal), is sung nightly at the CAN-
TERBURY HALL CONCERTS.

THE DELEPIERRE FAMILY,
Oonsisting of three Juvenile Violinists, viz., Jules, Juliette,
and Julia Delepierre, aged, respectively, FOUR, SIX, and
EIGHT years.
The perfect execution by these Lilliputian Artistes of some
of the most difficult and brilliant Solos, Duets, and Trios eves
written for the violin, has excited mingled wonder and admi-
ration in Continental Musical Circles, and drawn forth enthu-
siastic tributes of praise from the Public Journals of France
and Belgium.

They will perform T WICE EACH EVENING, in addl•
tion to the usual Entertainments.

THE WEATHER.--SUN Omen, AUGUST 25.
THERNOWETER7 IN THE SHADE.
76—highest since noon yesterday.
65—lowest this morning and during the night.
81—this day at noon.
BAROMETER-29.87—falling.
WIND, Sonth-Westerly ; light and fine, but very sultry.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Tuts DAY.—Morning, 10h. 55m.—Afternoon, llh. 38m,
To-Monnow-Morning, —h. —m.—Afternoon, 12h. 13m,

THE SUN.

THURSDAY, AUGUST 25, 1859.

The news from abroad are still very peaceable,
and we hope may long so continue. The only or
chief wonder in these days is that when England
has ceased to carry out her reform principles, how•
ever much Lord JOHN RUSSELL may boast to the con-
trary, Austria of all other States on the continent is
actually planning a system of Reform which time
will work out, and for her good, we pray heartily.
Not only does she now see that her boasted army,
disciplined to a fault, is no match for others, who
act much more than they boast, but that they can
and do upon a pinch work out their own deliver-
ance, while they put others in peril of their very
lives, and the freedom of all who place faith on
their boundless courage !
Nor is this all. The young EMPEROR has had
his own eyes opened by the course of events on the
field of battle. In the Cabinet, as in the
camp, he heard nothing but of the invin-
cibility of his glorious army ; but the field of
battle unfolded the sad truth of how much
he was deceived by his own professed friends !
He found that adversity is not afraid to exhibit
her stern face in the presence of flatterers, and
to challenge them to attest the truth of her doings!
It was so from the very beginning of the war,
and proved so unto the end. Well may
FRANCIS JOSEPH now take counsel with him-
self, and moralize on the facts which he
witnessed with " his own eyes, however,
humiliating the scenes were to an Emperor
who found all his fond hopes of victory dashed to
the dust in blood-red fields of disaster ! From
henceforth, we hope, he will take courage and
amend.

We earnestly commend the attention of every
thmughgoing Liberal and advanced Reformer in
the land to the speech delivered on Monday even-
ing by Mr. LINDSAY to his constituents, the free and
independent electorsof Sunderland. It is a very re-
markable speech. It is the speech of a practical man,
a man of the people, a true Liberal, a hearty Re-
former--and yet one who voted, as we ourselves
wrote—against that shabby little party move led on
by Lord JOHN RUSSELL, which effected the over-
throw of Lord DERBY'S Government ! Why we
opposed that miserable little party move we had
the opportunity of explaining from day to day, and
we did accordingly so explain it clearly, evening
after evening, while the struggle was yet going on
in the newly-elected House of Commons. We op-
posed it in the Press as Mr. ROEBUCK opposed it in
Parliament. As Reformers, as Liberals, as really and
truly bent upon getting something at last actually
done and no longer merely talked about and promised
in the way of an immediate and comprehebsive revi-
sion of the existing system of our popular representa-
tion. A bitter and heart-breakingexperience foryears
past had told us as plainly as facts could speak, that
it was idle to, dream any longer of obtaining the
wished-for boon of Parliamentary Reform from the
Whigs or the Peelites, from the Aberdeenites or
the Palmerstonians. That boon had been kept
dangling before us session after session, like the
ripe fruit before the lips of TANTALUS, whet-
ting our appetite instead of appeasing it.
Not even affording us the sorry compromise
of a mock measure that might, in Shaksperian
phrase, have kept the word of promise to the ear
to break it to the hope.
Since the aboliti')n of the Corn-laws by Sir ROBERT
PEEL--no grand measure of importance had been
vouchsafed by the so-called liberal and reforming
statesmen to strengthen the foundations or to adorn
the superstructure of our Constitution. Lord JOHN
RUSSELL had held the supreme post of First
Minister of the Crown, aided and abetted in his
do-nothing rule as such, during upwards of five
years consecutively, by all the chiefs and a great
many of the scions of the great Whig families—
that uppermost section of the Upper Ten Thou-
sand.the After a ten months' interregnum
of
Deebyites, who were precluded from the
chance of
anything in the way of even attempting
Parlia-
mentary Reform by having to fight fiercely all
through those ten months for the retention of
the coign of vantage to which they had been
thrown by circumstances—came the Ministry
of All the Talents the famous effete, faineant, laissez
aller ABERDEEN Coalition. All we got from that
—shall we ever forget it 9—was the drifting into that
sanguinary and expensive Crimean War, which
might have been prevented by the due display at
the proper moment of a decision befitting the dig-
nity of the most gigantic, the wealthiest, the most
free and powerful empire in Christendom. Instead
of which—as the man at the helm himself said—
we " drifted" on, idiotically, into the storm, and
the whirlpool, and the hurricane. So disgracefully,
In truth, were affairs managed by die ABERDEEN
Coalition, that the wittiest and in many respects

the keenest, and, in some, about the wisest of all
the great Observers of our Age discovered from
the contemplation of the history of that one Ad-
ministration that the science of politics in this
country was really and truly How Not To Do It—
that the hull of the good ship BRITANNIA was
heavily and alarmingly encrusted with Barnacles,
and, above all, with Tite Barnacles—that the one
great office for the misrule of the affairs of Eng-
land was the cruel, inexorable, unreasoning, slow,
and jolter-headed office of circumlocution.
Then came the three years of Lord PAL-
MERSTON'S arrogant, flippant, irritating, and
utterly evasive and preposterously inefficient Go-
vernment. An administration so deplorably ineffi-
cient for any good purposes whatever, that it was
dashed to pieces, at last, through the no longer
governable indignation of the House of Commons.
Speaking of which Government, Mr. LINDSAY in that
telling speech of his, to which we have already
alluded, and which will be found given elsewhere,
in extenso, in another part of our impression of this
evening, observes to his constituents down at Sun-
derland, that " Before they did him the honour of
returning him to parliament, they might be well
aware that he did everything that within him lay
to overthrow the administration of Lord PALMER.
STON, as the worst administration he believed that
ever ruled the destinies of this country." Therefore,
he continued, a little later on—" if it was
[as it was] a question of overthrowing Lord
DERBY merely to reinstate Lord PALMERSTON, it
then became a question of very grave consideration
with him as to whether he should assist in over-
throwing Lord DERBY'S Government or not, for he
himself believed that Lord PALMERSTON was no
more a reformer than Lord DERBY." It will be
seen at a glance that Mr. LINDSAY is, like our-
selves, or like the hon. and learned gentleman the
member for Sheffield, a thoroughly independent
Liberal, a thoroughly advanced Reformer, and—
not a bit more of an infatuated Derbyite than a PAL-
MERSTON. And Mr. LINDSAY adds, later on, to the
words just quoted, "He believed that neither (Lord
DERBY nor Lord PALMERSTON) were reformers,
except through necessity." Therefore, as he remarked
afterwards, " If it were a question of choice be-
tween Lord PALMERSTON and Lord DERBY, it was
to him as a reformer a choice between two
evils." Yet—evils though they were—he had to
choose between them. And he chose, as did so
many others, as did we, as did the member for
Sheffield, as did all but the mere creatures of
Party—the Whig underlings, and those who know
not what is meant by political independence.
Previously, however, to his vote against Lord
JOHN'S petty Resolution, Mr. LINDSAY, as he re-
minded his constituents, spoke out plainly as to his
intention in regard to the one great and permanent
question of Reform. "In respect to the question
of Reform, he said, not at a public meeting,
but at a semi-publie meeting, that if Lord
DERBY attempted to bring forward such a mockery
of a Reform Bill as that which he brought forward
before the dissolution—and which he gave his
humble aid towards throwing out—and if no other
moved a vote of no-confidence against Lord DERRY,
he, humble as he was, would do so. This had been
misconstrued. The first part of the sentence was
left out by those who did not wish him well, and by
those who doubted him ; and the last part only
was noticed." Advancing more fully and directly
thereupon into the explanation of his course after-
wards in the new House of Commons, to which he
was chosen at the time of the late general
election, not as a delegate, but as an indepen-
dent representative of the liberal borough of
Sunderland—Mr. LINDSAY added, that then, at the
period of that general election, " He pledged him-
self to do everything that could lay in his power
to have this great question of reform settled ; for
whether it was necessary or not—and he was one
who considered it necessary—it was time that this
question of reform was settled. He had no faith
in Lord PALMERSTON settling this question ; there-
fore he made a condition with the Government, and
he had that condition in writing, before he would
give his support to maintaining in office the Admi-
nistration of Lord DERBY. He would read to them
this condition." And then, after a few words of
indignant repudiation of charges imputing to him
personal motives of the meanest and the most
selfish description in regard to this preliminary
understanding of his with the Derbyites—then,
added Mr. LINDSAY, " The conditions were these—
First, in regard to Reform—that the late Govern-
ment should declare that they were prepared to
bring in a bill, and to use all their power to pass it,
which should provide for boroughs a £6 rental
franchise, and for counties a £lO rental franchise ;
and that,at least,thirty of the smaller boroughs should
be disfranchised. That was one of the conditions
which he made before he would promise his support
to the late Administration. Had he not proved him-
self an earnest reformer by that condition ? The
next was this : that the Government should pledge
themselves to take all necessary steps to maintain
an honest and honourable neutrality, showing also
that they were determined to take part with nei-
ther of the belligerents, and that they were pre-
pared to defend to the utmost the honour and the
interests of England, if either should be attacked." I
Not a word of comment shall we add to this—it
explains clearly and eloquently enough of itself how
very much we have gained by the paltry, little,
selfish party move which has installed in office
at the cost of Reform (for this session at least), and
for no gain whatever to the interests of Nationality
(already secured)—the shuffling installation in
office of the makeshift coalition of this new Pal-
merstonian Government.

The pocket blue-book just issued from the
press, comprising within it the twentieth annual
report of the Registrar-General for England of
Births, Deaths, and Marriages, is as instructive as
ever, and, if that be possible, more than ever sug-
gestive. This authentic and authoritative register
is dated 3d of May, 1859. It is, to employ a fami-
liar phrase of Mr. COBDEN'S, like " taking stock "
(live stock) of the whole community, socially con-
sidered. It is a sort of annual revision of the census
accumulated more directly and searchingly every
ten years. From this last annual revision of the
census, we learn that about the middle of the year,
the population of England alone amounted to
19,304,897, not very far short, in round numbers,
of 20,000,000. During the year last estimated,
namely 1857, the names inscribed in one
wayor another upon the national register reached
the grand total of 1,401,080. Subdividing that
aggregate and apportioning it under it under its
three great heads or sections, there were 318,194
other twowe
persons who were married in 1857—(under the
this,
divisionsz
to odd
rsconmmentboewh)_at4ms
wer,eii impossible
ppoes::obnl e
under s
of all ages who died—arid 663,071 children
who
were born, in a proportion as usual far more than
making up the deficiency. Not exceeding the
deficiency, however, during this last Tear,
propor-
tionately with the excess shown in this way during
its predecessor. The excess of births over deaths in
1857 being rather less than in 1856—although still
amounting to 243,246. To reduce that excess however
in another way, there was the emigration, amount-
ing, in 18,57, to as many as 212,875 individuals

Leaving a balance of increase to the population
upon the entire year, of merely 30,381. Of the
natives of England who quitted our shores upon a
daily agregate of 236, the report tells us that "9,192
sailed to British North America, 39,375 to Austra-
lia and New Zealand, and 37,333 to the United
States." By a curious deduction from propor-
tions, it is ascertained that, "in the year, to
every 100,000 persons living, 1,648 married. The
births being at the rate of 3,435, the deaths at the
rate of 2,175 to every 100,000 living." One
very remarkable table in regard to the marriages
shews, " that in the counties where the women are
the most ignorant, they marry in the largest pro-
portions under 21 years of age, and lose the largest
number of their children." Enough, however, has
been written, in these few words, to justify our
remark in reference to the suggestiveness of Mr.
GRAHAM'S lucid and laborious compilation.

THE BALLOT IN NEW SOUTH WALES.

" Where there's a will there's a way." We insert
in another column an extract from the Sydney Em-
pire, which not only corroborates all preceding
testimony as to the moral working of the Ballot at
elections, but shows how perfectly easy it is to in-
sure secrecy when it is honestly wished to do so.
The returning officer's directions to voters show
how simple an affair it is to secure to every man
the power to "do his own voting." It will be ob-
served that at Sydney the secrecy was " pure et
simple;" no number being placed on the balloting
paper by which the voter could possibly be after-
wards identified.

44- MA4.
,
b. 11.; DROIT
1/414