The Sun.
London, England, 1866-02-09 00:00:00

THE ADDRESS-ADJOURNED DEBATE.

The order for the resumption of the adjourned debate on
the address to be presented by the house in answer to her
Majesty's most gracious Speech on the occasion of the
opening of Parliament haying been read,

The O'DONOGHUE rose and said he was about to refer
to a paragraph in the Address to which he could not agree.
It was that portion of it which referred to the conspiracy
that had been found to exist in Ireland. He had the
greatest objection to the words as they at present stood;
and, therefore, he should move an amendment be made
to the effect that the house express its deep re-
gret at the state of things in Ireland, but that it
is of opinion that the disaffection is the result of a
grievance, the cause of which it is the duty of her
Majesty's Ministers to inquire into and remove. The hon.
member then proceeded to refer to the disaffection that
existed in Ireland, and said that it had in a great measure
been produced by the coldness and inattention by which
representations from that country had been treated. He
was of opinion that the whole of the wide-spread disaffec-
tion was misgovernment. He could not toll the house
that the Irish people were loyal and contented, because the
contrary was the fact ; and he could not tell Irishmen that
they ought to be loyal, because this country refused
them justice. There were certain matters they ought to
concede to Irish people, and amongst them was a tax on
absenteeism; to do away with the ascendancy of one
Church over another--(hear, hear)—to assimilate the
poor-law with that of England ; and pass an Act with
reference to tenant right, which would give the
tenant a firm hold on the soil irrespective of the caprice
of landlords. If these concessions were made it would
indeed be difficult again to create disaffection in Ireland,
but if, on the contrary, it was refused, then the present
lamentable state of things would exist and enlarge.
He hoped some steps would be taken to restore
peace and tranquillity in Ireland before blood had been
shed; before passion had taken the place of reason; before
the demon of hate had risen up amongst them. Thepeople
of Ireland hoped for justice from the new and united
Parliament, and he hoped their 41zpectations would not be
disappointed. He should press his amendment to a divi-
sion.

Mr. BLAKE seconded the amendment. He had done
his best to point out to the people in Ireland the utter folly
and uselessness of persevering in their present course, and
he felt that the only way in which peace could be restored
was that the state of the country should be taken into
consideration by Parliament with a view to its
amelioration, and to take steps to secure a fair
compensation for any improvement of the land, and protect
the tenant against being entirely at the mercy of
his landlord for all the outlay he might have incurred
in improving his property. If theso matters were earnestly
taken into consideration, and redressed, Ireland would be-
come the right hand of England, and peace and content-
ment would reign in place of disappointment and distrust.

The ATTORNEYIGENERAL. for IRELAND thought
the house ought not to accede to the proposal of the mem-
ber for Tralee. It had been said that some of the political
prisoners had been subjected to corporal punishment, but
that was entirely destitute of foundation. The Fenian
movement was supposed to have arisen from the misgo-
vernment of Ireland. That was not so. Its aim was not
to improve, but to destroy the institutions under which
they. lived. It denounced all constitutional agitation for
the reparation of grievances—it also denounced all appeal
to the Imperial Parliament, and even went the length of
stating that Catholic Emancipation was a mistake, inas-
much aA it had rendered that class of the population more
loyal to' British Protestant rule. He thought that the
majority of the Irish population believed that the Parlia-
ment of -England was at all times open to hear and redress
their grievances, and for this reason he trusted that the
amendment would be rejected as unAcessary. _
Mr. GEORGE complained that in reference to the
Fenian movement the meat Govornmat had not acted

soon enough on the abundant monitions which were grren
them of impending outbreak in Ireland. He also regretted
to say that the feelings at present existing in the neigh-
bouring country were greatly caused by the language of
people in high places, who ought to keep aloof from spe-
cious promises, made for temporary purposes, and which
only tended to create wrong ideas.
Sir H. W. BARRON opposed the amendment, and ad-
vised a constitutional course of action as the best calcu-
lated to produce beneficial measm es for Ireland.
Mr. WES TROPP said that .the only way to govern
Ireland properly was to do so without regard to party. In
the South there were a large and powerful body of Roman
Catholics, and in the North there were the descendants of
the old Covenanters, who came originally from Scotland,
and now formed so large a portion of the Orange party.
The worst thing was that Ireland had for the last quarter,
of a century been controlled by an oscillatory Government,
each side expecting something from the Whig or Tory
party. The consequence was that that vile sham, the
Lord Lieutenancy, which ought to be abolished, lent its
influence to the side in power. Ireland, he maintained,
must be governed like Shropshire or any other part of
England, instead of as a foreign or alien nation.
Mr. SYNAN went at some length into the wrongs of
Ireland, from the usual Irish point of view.
Mr. WHALI.EY described the grievances which had
been so ostentatiously paraded before the house as imagi-
nary in most cases, and in the remainder vastly overrated.
The Fenian movement was the natural and legitimate re-
sult of Roman Catholic principles.
Mr. REARDON advocated that the British Government
should take official notice to the Government of the United
States of the fostering of Fenianism under the very eyes
of the American Administration. If tho Cabinet of this
country were to do this, he would then believe in the
Sincerity of their degre to suppress this wretched con-
spiracy.
After a few words from Mr. BAGNALL,
Colonel GREVILLE, as a member of the Established
Church, could not but see in existence in Ireland a serious
and just cause of discontent. He trusted Government
would take some steps for the amelioration, if not the re-
moval, of this prominent grievance.
Mr. MAGITIRE disavowed alike any Fenian sympathies
and any anti-English feeling. He had in his own country
denounced the former as characterised by folly, madness,
and having a mischievous tendency. Unhappily, he
thought there were among Irishmen too many grounds, if
not for disaffection, at least for that state of feeling which
led to it ; but at the same time, if the recent movement
were not suppressed, it would be a scandal and a disgrace,
in his opinion, to the empire, and, in addition, a serious
source of weakness. He reminded tke house that for
years past he had over and over again told them of the
state of misery and distress which had prevailed in Ire-
land, and on each occasion the Government had turned a
deaf ear, and denied that there was any such calamity
in that country. He could not, however, acquit the
public journals of Britain from having heaped
" bitter taunts, foul slanders, and libellous mis-
representations" on Ireland, which had raised a
bitter and burning spirit. Added to this, the exist-
ence of an alien Church for one-tenth of the popula-
tion, and the unsatisfactory relations which prevailed
between landlord and tenant, and abundant causes of dis-
affection might be found. Surely it was time for some
steps being taken by the Government to heal these
breaches. The emigration now going on was largely
among individuals who had not, and could not, obtain any
leases of their property. But he assured the house, if the
laws of the country were not amended, and the feelings of
the people consequently changed, the drain of emigration
might prove a very serious affair to this nation. He in-
dignantly, as a Roman Catholic, repudiated the idea that
his co-religionists desired one farthing of the revenues of
the Established Church. Nor would the payment of the
Roman clergy remedy the state of affairs. That body
would not accept it, and if they did it would prove alike
fatal to the honour of the Church and the country itself.
The fact was that Fenianism in America would have no
strength were it not for the state of feeling in Ireland.
Under all these circumstances, would it not be wise to try
measures of peace, in order that both nations might stand
on the ground of common justice ?
Lord NAAS said that he believed the Fenian movement
was instigated by influences and carried on by money
neither of which were English, and remarked on the fact
that in all its organisations there had never been found
any one connected with the landed interes. The conspi-
rators were wholly confined to the inhabitants of the
towns. It was true that Ireland had for years been
the worst governed country in the wcrld, but of recent
times England, he believed, had done everything in its
power to atone for past mistakes. But how it was that the
laws which governed Englishmen should be so bitter to the
Irish nation he could not pretend to say, and he defied any
one to affirm that any measure which had for fts object the
benefit of the sister isle had not uniformly met with the
candid consideration of the house.

Sir P. O'BRIEN denounced that "atrocious conspiracy
of Fenianism" in the strongest terms.
. _ _

After a few words from Lord C. Hamilton, Sir F. Hey-
gate, and Colonel Vandeleur,

Mr. ESMONDE said he thought that good service had
been done by this question being brought before the
Legislature.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, who was
received with cheers, said that he had been anxious to follow
this debate to its close, and to be guided by the convenience
of the house as to the single subject which had as yet been
introduced into the discussion that evening, or in address-
ing himself to any remarks which any gentleman might
still wish to make on any topic in the Address. But as
during the whole evening the attention of the house had
been confined to a subject well worthy that attention, he
would follow the example of those who had preceded him,
and offer a few remarks upon the motion of the hon. mem-
ber for Tralee, 'reserving to himself, if occasion should
arise, and if other subjects should be subsequently intro-
duced, to offer such explanation as might be required on
the part of the Government. (Hear, hear.) With respect
to the debate of that evening, he thought that hon. members
would agree with him that Ireland had no reason to be
ashamed of the manner in which her cause had been stated
by her representatives, whether they looked at the ability
they had displayed or the spirit of seriousness and earnest-
ness which had marked their speeches, or to the strongand
unequivocal language they had held on the subject of the
Fenian conspiracy,.,or last, though not least important, to
the determined disposition whioh they had shown to pre-
fer the methods of constitutional action to other and less
legitimate methodtif of advancing political ends. (Cheers.)
But while he acknowledged the ability and even the spirit
of the hon. member for Tralee, he must explain to the house
why it was impossible for the Government to accede to the
motion he had made. He took it as a proposal to omit from
the Address to:the Speech from the Throne the paragraph
corresponding with that in the Speech which related to
Fenianikn, and substitute for it the passage he had pro-
posed. The Government were not prepared to part with
the paragraph which related to Fenianism. That para-
graph, had three objects. In the first place, it aimed at
denouncing what the Government believed was
subversive of all that a civilised community ought to
cherish. He could understand and respect the motive of the
hon. member for Cork, when he stated that porsons of_ a
pure and virtuous life were unhappily in
sympasthymwoit
this conspiracy. But they were not there to Ps moral
judgments. They were there to denounce a p
with
public evil,
and the solemn denunciation which her Majesty had been
advised to utter from the throne would bo sustained hofytthhee
general, and he hoped by the unanimous, judgment
aimed at stat-
house. (Hear.) But, secondly, the
ar
there
had was,
en
ing a fact at once gratifying and important, h
traoPy
and
he
that on occasion of that unhappy
de7eloped in Ireland a public opinion which had sustained
and strengthened the arm of law and authority, and which
harshness, had enabled the Government to walk firmly forward in the
path of repression without fear, without with-
out favour ; and that opinion was, happily, an opinion not
oror any one portion of
powerful, but re-
tmheer
Iriys
hdependpeople,ent
hot cr•envaenryimportant
s
friend the member for presented all who were interested in, twhiethmouatindteientaienecteteonf 1
authority, of property, and
of creed or class. His hon
of the evening - (a laugh) —.
Peter-
borough, in the tranquil periodle which had been emphatically
the disapprove
did indeed utter &protest against placingenthe sadmeeelatoduhnyd
againstatthsawt cohinohsphireadcyprwoeitehedthede
thesim
ilkilarmaaand Catholicunpam clergyeleddi s ayprov
from other quarters, and which were entertained in every
loyal heart anddif-
feredin every enlightened mind. But they
°an paragraphme mberfox
.wPasct et
or b°s
show gh'
theand satisfactionthe espe-
cial
froth
mefe
t ihit
with objectwliich her Majesty announced that all who were inte-
rested in the maintenance of authority, property, and reli-
gion, the great pillars of civilised society, were on this oc-
sion at least happily united, and determined to maintain the
law, and to discountenance and condemn all that rose in op
position to it. And lastly, he hoped, and indeed he felt sure,
that their intention was not disapproved, when, in the lan-
guage which described the methods by which the law had
been vindicated on that occasion, they had invited the
house to join with them, at least by implication, in express-
ing a general approval of those methods, as having been
characterised by fairness as well as by firmness. The opi-
nions which had been put forward from every side of the
house—though gentlemen had reserved their opinions as
to the time at which those measures of repression began—
still he thought he might say that universal approval had
been bestowed on the conduct of the Irish Executive Go-
vernment, aided and advised as they had been by his
learned friends near him. Therefore they_could not, wil-
lingly at least, pert with the paragraph in the Address.
And now let him look at the amendment proposed by the

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hon. member for Traleel; and he won altairVif,'lrliae4
l
substitution or as addition. In the first place, he doittiftp.
the wisdom or the necessity of a formal annonncenatint b
the House of Commons to the world, liable to much misre-
presentation among persons not so well informed as them-
selves as to the actual state of the country, that wide-
spread disaffection existed in Ireland. He further doubted
the wisdom of representing that the causes of that disaffec-
tion, which on that occasion must be interpreted to mean
Fenianism, were the result of certain grave causes which
it was their duty—and it was therefore implied to be within
their power—to inquire into and remove. His objections
to that amendment were twofold. First, he was fax from
saying that it was intended as a justification or palliation
of the evil, but it partook too much, he thought, of that
character, or at least of that appearance. He confessed,
too, he greatly objected to stating the evils of Ireland,
whatever they might be, were the result of causes which
it was their duty to remove. Why that very flattering and •
alluring declaration ? -and because it was flattering and
alluring he suspected and hesitated to adopt it all the
more. The evils of Ireland were inveterate. The hon. and
gallant member for Longford, in an able speech that night,
well pointed out that in a country where misgovernment
or oppression has prevailed, they must not, even by re-
moving the cause, expect immediately to get rid of the
effect. They might withdraw the weapon which had
caused the wound ; but it did not follow that the
process of healing would be immediate. And there-
fore old and complicated and inveterate as was
the great Irish question in all its branches, he hesitated to
adopt any words which seemed to pledge Parliament to a
promise beyond what they had it in their power to fulfil.
On those grounds he simply objected to the amendment ;
but he confessed he thought there was a still wider ground
for objection. Her Majesty had here before her the case
of a conspiracy subversive of law, property, order, and
religion. It was all very well for her Majesty, or for that
house, when dealing with those who sought amendments of
the law, to enter frankly into the discussion of amendments
of the law. But those were not parties seeking an amend-
ment of the law. They were parties seeking to dismem-
ber the British Empire, besides producing to Ireland con-
sequences as ruinous as he had described. It did appear
to him that the Executive Government, in the face of facts
like those, had one duty to perform ; he did not say its
only duty, but a first duty, and one so distinct and impor-
tant that it ought not to mix up the performance of that
duty with anything that could be construed into a condi-
tion or a restriction ; and, therefole, he frankly owned he
was loath to the last degree, that in dealing with Fenianism
they should place in connexion with what they said on that
subject promises of the nature of those he had described--
promises which might be well enough in their own place
and character and time, provided- they were limited in
their terms, and not liable to misunderstanding, but which
substitution or addition to this paragraph would, if exa-
mined, be found not to be in the right place or in the right
time. But having said that, and having, as strongly and
clearly as he could, asserted their duty of confining them-
selves in the Address they proposed to present to the de-
nunciation of this great and monstrous evil, he fully un-
derstood the anxiety of Irish members, who came to them
1 and said, that in looking at a phenomenon so portentous
as Fenianism they must not be content with that views of
it which had exclusive reference to the means of repres-
sion. It was invariably true in the case of those great
masses—in those movements of great masses—not that the
guilt lies all on side and the reason or the light all on
the other—but that mixed motives and considerations
are to be found on both. These representatives of
Irish constituencies had not shrunk at all from stat-
ing in that debate the various subjects to which they
thought it was right that the attention of Parliament
should bo called, with a view to the improvement of the
state of Ireland. They had heard of the question of the
University, of the question of National Education, of the
question of the Established Church, of the question of the
Reclamation of Waste Lands, of the question of the Taxa-
tion of Absentees, of the question of Tenant Right, of the
question of loans, and railways, and in general of measures
for promoting the material prosperity of Ireland. The
noble lord the member for Cockermouth had given a fair
description of those subjects taken in the mass. He said
they were fair subjects for Parliamentary consideration.
(Hear, hear.) He supposed he did not mean to pledge
himself by any means to the practicable character of each
and all of those subjects. It would be impossible for Par-
liament to make any promise about them. Vague promises,
general, comprehensive, and sweeping—promises of desire
and intentions to do that which, taken at best, was in-
volved in infinite difficulty of detail, especially when ad-
dressed to a people whose minds are still sore with the
recollection of former wrongs,' attracted very little confi-
dence, and commanded very little comfort. Now what
he said was this—there were some of those questions that
were already in motion, and others which might be brought
under the attention of the house. Let the Government be
judged on each of those questions by the spirit in which
they could deal with them. (Hear, hear.) He hoped that
the house would avoid giving forth to the world vague
promises, capable of misapprehension. He also hoped that
as each subiect connected with the condition of Ireland
came before them they would be prepared to treat it,
if specifically Irish, with a special view to Irish ob-
jects, interests, and feelings. He said this, both in refe-
rence to questions lying in the sphere of education and
religion, to political and social arrangements, and to the
material prosperity of the country. And he frankly owned
that he clung to the hope, though he was quite unable to
prescribe the extent or manner in which Parliament might
be able to realise that hope—the hope that it might be pos-
sible for _England to do hereafter what she had often done
before—perhaps with the advantage of increased experience
—to promote the development of that material prosperity.
It was in that way they could best hope to attain the object
well described by the hon. and learned member for Cork
(Mr. Maguire), who said that it was the duty of the Go-
vernment to destroy the trade of the conspirator. It was
their duty to restrain his acts, sternly to denounce them in
character and tendency, but at the same time to destroy
the trade of the conspirator, by pursuing that system of
practical legislation by which so much progress had been
made in rallying on the side of the Government all the best
sentiments and feelings of the country, and by which they
hoped alike to contribute to its welfare, and to the credit,
honour, and dignity of the British empire. (Cheers.)
The O'DONOGHUE said that he would, with the per-
mission of the house, withdraw his amendment, and move
t6.t the words he had proposed be added to the paragraph in
the Address, instead of being substituted for it.
The amendment was accordingly withdrawn.
The O'DONOGHUE then moved the addition of the
words to the existing paragraph in the Address.
The house then divided, when the numbers wore—
For the amendment
Against it
Majority against ---321
Sir JOHN PAKINGTON moved the adjournment of the
debate. As yet only two subjects had been touched upon in
the Address, and there was yet another matter—that of
Reform—to which no allusion had been made, and therefore
he moved that the debate be adjourned until to-morrow
(this day).
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said—l am
sure it is anything but the wish of the Government to stop
discussion upon any of the various points to which allusion
has been made in the Queen's Speech. As the right hon.
baronet has observed, up to the present time two subjects
only have been touched upon ; but I wish to point out that
we stand in rather a peculiar position. My right hon. friend
the Home Secretary has given notice of a bill upon the
subject of the cattle plague on Friday next ; and an hon.
gentleman opposite (Mr. Hunt) has likewise given notice
of his intention to raise the same subject on that day. Now
it would be exceedingly undesirable to run any risk of the
postponement of that subject—(cries of Hear, hear)—and
as the report on the Address must be brought up the day
after the debate upon it is concluded, we should have no
security that the cattle plague subject could be brought on
on Monday if the debate is adjourned till to-morrow. I
would therefore suggest that the Address should be agreed
to to-night, and upon the report being brought up to-mor-
hmetoopthpeorhtuonuistey.
or
fo w
addressing the iight
ehooyn .ehbeaorroyneettiocanne hh ao vnel
at
yh ewsi tet
Sir J. PAKINGTON—Under these circumstances just
stated I will accede to the request of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer.
The Address was then agreed to.
NATIONAL DEBTS ACT.
In committee of the whole house, upon the motion of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, resolutions were agreed to
upon which to found two bills to extinguish two very small
funds in connection with the national debt, and leave was
given to bring in the bills.
SAVINGS BANKS AND POST-OFFICE SAVINGS
BANKS ACTS.
In committee of the whole house, upon the motion of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, a resolution was agreed to
upon which to found a bill to alter the acts relating to
savings banks and Post-office savings banks, and leave was
afterwards given to bring in the bill.
EXCHEQUER AND AUDIT DEPARTMENTS.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER obtained
leave to bring in a bill to consolidate the duties of the Ex-
chequer and Audit Departments, to regulate the receipt,
custody, and issue of public moneys, and provide for the
accounts thereof.

RAILWAY TRAVELLING IN IRELAND.
Sir COLMAN O'LOGIILEN obtained leave to bring
in
a bill to further secure to the public the means of railway
travelling in Ireland.
The house adjourned at 25 minutes to one o'clock.

TREATY OF COMMERCE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND
Ars=A.—The full text of the Treaty of Commerce be-
tween Great Britain and Austria, with the final protocol,
signed at Vienna, Dec. 16, 1865, have been laid before
l:Lain:l to
oiu aParliament. The stipulations of the Treaty in their main
points have been sufficiently known and discussed to ren-
der their repetition unnecessary. In the final protocol, her
Majesty undertakes to recommend to Parliament the abo-
litionwood
tim-
ber, er, andof tthheedreutdieusapiaoyn ofableupon imported
r tne d
wine
the
duties
the same rate as wine in woqd ;. on the other ha
Austrian Goiernment will reduce the.exlx;rt duty lid'
the
herrings imported,
(after July, 1866), and also ©u salted ' on rags
ported,

HOUSES.—Messrs. TOPLIS and ROBERTS
have numerous furnished and unfurnished TOWN,
uourban, aad Country RESIDENCES to LET or SEL
Particulars upon application forwarded for two stamps,
upon stating requirements and rental. Offices, 2, Conduit-
street, Regent-street, and South Kensington, facing the
Museum.

QOUTII KENSINGTON, HYDE-PARK,
-7, Queen's, and Rutland Gates, Queen's-gate and Peters-
ham Terraces, Queen's-gate, Cornwall, Princes and Beaufort
Gardens, Eivaston- place, Cromwell-road, Onslow and T hurioe
Squares, Boltons, &c. Messrs TOPLIS and RO BE KTS have
RE DENCES to SELL and LET in these and surrounding
localities. Offices, 2, Conduit-street, Regent-street, and
South Kensington, facing the Museum.

LIFEBOAT SE RVI CES. —D uring the storms
of the past year the National Lifeboat Institution, by
its life boats and other means, contributed to the savin,f. of
707 persons from different Nv reeks on our coasts. The Insti-
tution also expended .021,174 in the same peri.Kl on its life-
boat estabshmeats, in addition to grantiag £1,930 for to-
wards for saving lite and exerzising, the lifeboats.
The Committee of the Institution e.trnestly A PPEAL to
the public for NSSISTANCE to enable them to meet th
Continued heavy demands on the Institution's 150 lifeboat
stations.
Contributions are received by the London and Country
bankers ; and by the Secretary, Richard Lewis, Esq., at the
Institution, 14, John-street, Adelphi, London.

ROYAL ENGLISH OPERA, COVENT-
GARDEN.

(Opera Company, Limited.)

THIS EVENING (Thursday), Mr. Charles Deffelli's
new opera, in one act, (.3:IItIoTMA.S EVE. Madame F.
Lancia, Madame E. Heywood; Mr. A. Cook, and Mr. D.
Miranda.

Conductor, Mr. Alfrel Mellon.

After which, at 8, the grand comic, spectacular. and ope-
ratic Christmas Pantomime, entitled ALADDIN AND THE
WONDERFUL LAMP; or, Harlequin and the Flying
Palace. (See other advertisements).

Commence at 7 o'clock.

THEATRE ROYAL, DRURY-LANE.-
Managers, Messrs. E. Falconer and F. B. Chatterton.

THIS EVENING, the Comedy of THE JEALOUS
WIFE. Mr. Phelps, Mrs. Hermar n Vezin, &c.
After which, the Pantomime, LITTLE KING PIPPIN;
or, Harlequin Fortunatus and the Magic Purse and Wishing
Cap. Messrs. G. Belmore, H. Drayton, G. Weston. Master
Percy Rosen' ; Misses Ilazlewood, A. Thomson, E. Falconer,
Pantomimists, Messrs. H. Boleno. C. Lauri, Cormaca,
Saville, Miss Morgan, and Madame Boleno.

Commence at 7.

THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKE T.-
Sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. Buckstone.
THIS EVENING, BROTHER SAM : Messrs. Sothern
Buckstone, Compton; Mesdames Nelly Moore, Snowden
&c.

To be followed by ORPHEUS IN THE HAS MARKET
Messrs. W. Farren, Fisher, Ba'tleman, Weaihersby, Sus ;
Mesdames Keeley, Snowden, Moore, Lindley, Woolgar,
Howard, Wright, Coleman, Lovell, Prevot, &c.
To conclude with FISII OUT OF WATER. Mr. Compton.
Commence at Seven.

ROY AL LYCEUM T REATRE.-
Under the sole Management of Mr. Pechter.

stances are in appearance suspicious against me,
but I cannot help that." This is a contradiction in
terms at any rate, and the apologists for rebellion
find their proteyee's own words condemn their

THIS EVENING, THE ILLUSTRIOUS STRANGER.
31r. H. Widdicomb.

After Vhich, TETE MASTER OF RAVENSWOOD.
Mr. leechter; Messrs. Jordan, Emery, Widdicomn, Vezin,
J. H. Fitzpatricl, D. Evans ; Aiesdames Ternan, &worthy,
Lavenu, and C. Leclercq.
Box Office open daily from Eleven till Five.

assertions.
If anything can provo more effectually than
another the great injuries which Earl RUSSELL has
inflicted upon Jamaica and all colonies in general,
it is the reports met with concerning the manner in
which the blacks have received the news of the
suspension of General EYRE. In the account given
by the Special Correspondent of the Times, we meet
with the following significant declaration :—" The
negroes in the interior are quiet, but exult openly
in what they regard as the disgrace of Mr. EYRE.
' MiSSiS QUEEN send Governor home to hang him,'
is a common saying among them." Nothing can
possibly show the inconsistency of our Government
more than this, and it fully verifies the justice of
Lord DERBY'S observation, that not only was Earl
RUSSELL'S decision neither just nor generous, but it
established a bad precedent, and would prove inju-
rious to the future good government of our colonies.
Taking all things into account, it cannot be too
much regretted that, for one reason and another,
such exaggerated accounts should have been sent
to this country and obtained credence in the colony.
Still more is it to be lamented that, through political
motives and sectarian prejudices, these ridiculous 1
stories should have met with so much attention in 1
England. In whatever way the Commission decide
ultimately concerning the transactions in Jamaica,
it will always remain a lasting disgrace to a
certain portion of politicians here that they
have so treated a question that concerns the
honour of our public servants and the welfare of
our colonial empire in general. The only good that
can come out of the evil will be that the public may
learn not to put so much faith in future upon the
professions of those who advocate with their lips
what their acts deny, and pretend to be votaries of
civil and religious liberty, while they show them-
selves pretty plainly to be worthy of the darkest
days .of benighted bigotry, and as perverse as if
they were the agents of the greatest desr ot.

NEW THEATRE-ROYAL ADELPIII.
Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster.
THIS EVENING, at Seven, a new farce called PIPKIN'S
RUSTIC RETREAT, Messrs J. L. Toole and P. Bedford,
After which, at 8, RIP VAN WINKLE. Rip (his 136th
appearance), Mr. Jefferson, supported by Messrs. Billington,
F. Bedford, II Phillips, Eelix Rogers, Ashley, Eburne, C. J.
Smith ; Mrs. Billingtcr, &c.
To conclude with riEHIND TIME. Messrs. J. L. Toole, It.
Phillips. Eburne, C. J. Smith ; Miss A. Seaman, &c.

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.
Sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. Geo. Vining.

THIS EVENING, QUIET LODGINGS.
After whi,h, at a quarter to Eight, IT IS NEVER TOO
LATE TO MEND. characters by Messrs. Vining, T. Mel-
ville, T. Mead, D. Murray, S. Calhaem. F. Villiers, J. G.
shore, G. Murray, D. Mellon, C. Seyton, R. Cathcart; Miss
L. Moore and Miss Katherine Rodgers.

ROYAL STRAND THEATRE.
Sole Lessee and Manageress, Mrs. Swanborough.

THIS EVENING, at Seven :(sth time), a new and origi•
nal Comedy, THE FLY AND THE WEB. Mes-rs. Par-
Belle and Price ; Misses Swanborough and Raynhara.
After which win be pi oduced a new Opera Burlesque,
L'AFRICAINE ; or, The Queen of the Cannib3.l Islan is.
Messrs. Stoyle, James, Thorne ; Mesdames Swanborough,
Raynham, Johnstone, Ice.
To conclude with LENDING A HAND. Mess:s. Belford
and Turner; Misses Simpson and Hughes.

1111 IE LAST EDITION OF " THE SUN,"
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LONDON, FRIDAY, FEB. 9, 186-6-.

The controversy between the Admiralty and
Captain COWPER COLES has been of long standing,
and never, perhaps, have the unfairness and preju-
dice which too often characterise our naval adminis-
tration been more strikingly and painfully exempli-
fied. Here is a gentleman of great experience and
undoubted practical ability suggesting an important
alteration in the mode of constructing our war
vessels, yet although the Admiralty officials cannot
refuse to acknowledge his claims, they practically
refuse to give his system a fair trial. They profess,
indeed, to be anxious to see it tested, and
engage him in an official capacity, but only
to tantalise him with all the postponements,
interruptions, and innumerable vexations which
make the sickness of hope deferred so weari-
some to hear. When they had agreed to give
his method a trial, instead of allowing him to build
a new ship, they were seized with one of their
periodical fits of economy, and cut down
a wooden three-decker. Nevertheless, in
spite of all the difficulties and the de-
lays occasioned by the very half-hearted manner
in which the work was carried on in the dockyards,
the Royal Sovereign played her part so well that
she was a decided success. Rumour, always mali-
cious, whispered that she succeeded too well to
please certain parties at the Admiralty, and accord-
ingly there was a decided unwillingness to send her
to sea. She was sent to Portland and other places
round the coast, but when cross-questioned in the
House, the Admiralty officials declared that she was
only a kind of floating battery, and they were afraid
to run the risk of sending her across the Channel.
This was certainly rather aggravating to Captain
COLES ; but nevertheless he has gone on, endea-
vouring to improve and perfect his system, which
at the first had only been imperfectly tried. How-
ever, at the close of last year, it was suddenly an-
nounced that the Lords of the Admiralty had be-
come so far convinced of the merits of the turret
system that they were going to build a turret ship
themselves, the turrets to be of remarkable strength,
plated with armour of extraordinary thickness,
and carrying Armstrongs of 600 pounds
calibre. The most astonishing part of this
intimation was that Captain COLES, the redoubted
promoter of the turret system, was to have nothing
to do with this new sea monster, but that
Mr. E. J. REED, the chief constructor, was to be
the designer of it, and this after Mr. REED hac:
been universally regarded as the champion of the
versus the turret system, and after the Admiralty
had pooh-poohed and discouraged Capt. COLES'S
vessels in every possible way. Upon this Captain
COLES, with a very natural indiscretion, addressed
a letter to a contemporary, complaining very justly
that neither he nor his ships had had fair play, that
he had never received encouragement or assistance
from the Admiralty, and that the treatment he had
received was neither fair to himself nor to the

The Address has been agreed to in the House of
Commons, but Ministers are not yet out of the
wood, and may expect some difficulties in the
debate of to-night. There is no disguising the fact

that this is a very inauspicious commencement of
the session for the Government ; indeed it would be
difficult to say in what department they have yet
got into trouble. Last night there was a regular
discussion about Ireland and its wrongs and griev-
ances, which endedin the rejection of the amendment
proposed by THE 0 TIONOGII UE by an immense
majority-346 to 25. Of course, there was the
usual talk indulged in by certain vehement
defenders of their country as to the bad treatment
of the Irish, but when we consider the recent
events that have taken place in that country, we
must say that, on this occasion at all events, more
reticence might have been displayed with great ad-
vantage. It is not the way to render the adminis-
tration of justice more easy for those members
who have influence to be for ever taking the part of
those who are really culpable, and exciting others
who need no encouragement to do mischief. THE
0 ONOGII CE complained that the English people
doubted the reality of Irish grievances in this ,
country, and was at great pains to prove their ex-
istence, and even went so far as to warn the
house that great sympathy existed with the
Fenians. His desire that the Government
should institute an inquiry into the reasons that
existed for Irish discontent was a suggestion most
incapable of realisation, and not likely to come to a
successful issue. Mr. GLADSTONE took a very pro-
per view of the question when he said the house
should resist the omission of that paragraph in the
Address which related to Ireland, and also added
that it would be most inexpedient for them to de-
clare that "disaffection" existed in Ireland to a
great degree. The right hon. gentleman also dwelt
strongly upon the injudiciousness of the course
proposed, since it involved the House in a
dangerous admission. " I further doubt the
wisdom of representing that
the cause of
that dissatisfaction must be interpreted in the pre-
sent instance as synonymous with Fenianisru, that
that dissatisfaction is the result of causes which it
is our duty, and which it is therefore implied to be in
our power, to remove." It is always unwise for Pa-
rliament to make promises in a vague and general sense
which cannot be fulfilled, and at any rate are not
at all likely to be
The Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer also declared, with great reason, that the
more clear and unequivocal this language was, not
only would they better discharge their duty to the
Throne, but the greater mercy would be shown to
tile deluded persons who were at once the agents and
victims of the conspiracy. Taking all things into
consideration, perhaps we may come to the conclu-
sion that this first debate on Ireland has ended
happily, and although, as Mr. GLADSTONE insinuated,
t° the amusement of the lio6 e, 4‘ the tranquil

country.

The grievances of a disappointed and ill-used
man seldom, unfortunately, attract too much at-
tention ; but there was a sting in Captain COLES'S
complaint which the Admiralty could not but feel.
Hi 4 gtriCitirefi Q 1 NI, REED'S flip, the Enterprise

period of the evening" was not of long duration, and Research, the Pallas and Bellerophon,
still the result of the strong discussion proved that I none of which have succeeded in combining
the good sense of the House was triumphant over
every other consideration. Had the Government
displayed the same tact and decision in other matters
of importance that they have done in this affair of
Fenianism they would not now find themselves in
such an awkward position.

1 The Legislature in Kingston has been summoned
at an earlier period than previously intended, in
order to empower the Royal Commission to enforce
the attendance of witnesses, and to administer oaths.
This will be very desirable in all respects, and pre-
vent much of that exaggeration and prevarication
in certain quarters which has already done so much
mischief to the cause of truth both here and in the
colony itself respecting the late lamentable trans-
actions in Jamaica. More, all obstacles are re-
moved, and the sooner the real work of
the Commission begins in earnest the better
for all parties concerned. The condition of
the island is at present tranquil, and all parties
are comparatively quiet until the Commissioners
have given their opinion ; but, of course, in such a
state of things people will talk, and it is earnestly
to be trusted that much heed will not be given to
the reports and statements that abound in all
directions, and which, while professing not to mean
anything, in reality cause only too deep an im-
pression. If one thing in this whole affair is more
to be condemned than another it is the publication
in the papers of Kingston of the proceedings at the
trial of GORDON. In a case of such importance
it was essential to the cause of justice
and the maintenance of order that the first publi-
cation of such an affair should come before the
English public and the Colonists in an authentic
form, and substantiated by official authority. It
is certainly strange that while some people persist
in stating that the evidence could hardly be weaker
against GORDON than it was, we find that GORDON I
himself at his trial declares—" I admit that circum- 1

' strength and speed, or, as a satirical critic
once more strongly put it, " can neither
fight nor sail," contained, unfortunately, enough
truth to be very unwelcome. The consequence was
that Captain COLES was called upon by the Admi-
ralty to acknowledge or disay.ow his letter, and
adopted the only course possible to him, see-
ing his name was affixed to it. Upon this
the Admiralty dismissed him from his official
position, on the plea that it was contrary to the
rules of the service for any officer employed in it to
enter publicly into controversies on matters con-
nected with the profession. So Capt. COLES is thus
quietly disposed of, and his invention is to be carried
out by others, who will, we presume, reap all the
glory if it should realise the expectations formed
of it. Certainly we English have a singular method
of carrying on our naval administration and of
encouraging inventors. Since the days when we
executed an admiral pour encourager les autres
we have gone on doing our best to disgust
men of independence and ability with the
service. Were it not for the strong inherent

love for the sea and interest in all connected
with it that characterise Englishmen we should
probably have succeeded in rendering the service
and the dockyard alike unpopular. The Admiralty
has a very comfortable fashion of receiving every
plan and suggestion, and making no sign, neither
giving it a fair trial nor returning it to the
inventor. By and by, when the unfortunate
suggester of the scheme is wearied out, his
invention, if it be a good one, appears in a slightly
different form as the Admiralty's own ; after the

'ashion in which we sometimes see rival theatres or
publishers bringing out the same play or transla-
tion with trifling alterations. There was an in-
stance of this not very long ago with the Shoebury-
ness target, which the Admiralty appropriated as
their own design ! The turret system is to be ap-
parently a more conspicuous example, only un-
fortunately the name of Captain COLES is insepar-
ably connected with it by the very controversy
which the Admiralty have occasioned.
Sometimes this system of discouraging the inven-
tor is carried a little too far, as in the notable in-
stance of Captain BLAKELY and his guns, which are
now being made for a foreign Power, and may one
day be turned against ourselves. We regret very
much the whole affair, both in the public interests
and in the interests of justice and fair play. Capt.
COLES'S system may be imperfect, and fail to fulfil
his expectations ; hut let it have a fair trial, when
the question will very soon be decided. The ex-
pense of one ship is surely not so very serious, con-
sidering the amounts lavished in every department of
our dockyards. Again, it is manifestly unfair
to take the whole matter out of Captain COLES'S
hands (he remarks in his letter of Jan. 10th that
he has not even seen the drawings for the new ship)
when he has never been allowed to carry out his in-
vention in the manner he wished. This is not the
way to secure the services of those men who are best
qualified to improve the efficiency of our service,
nor to bring our navy up to what it really should
be. But all the previous injustice and harshness is
intensified by the dismissal of Captain COLES, by
which hasty and ill-judged act the Admiralty lay
themselves open to the suspicion that they wish to
get rid of the inventor, while they appropriate
his invention. Among the many causes of com-

plaint which the House of Commons has agains

the Ministry we hope this will not be overlooked,
but that the whole affair will be thoroughly in-
quired into. Sir J. PAKINGTON, if he will take it

up, will prove a powerful champion, and we hope
before long we shall have Sir Jonx HAY again in
the house to call the Admiralty to account, as he so
well knows how to do. Surely a great public in-

stitution should be above all petty jealousy and
meanness ; and surely, too, a department on
which the whole safety of the country
depends should be conducted rather with
regard to efficiency than to favouritism or pre-

judice. The least that the Admiralty can do to
repair their injustice to Captain COLES would be to
allow him to design ships for Messrs. LAIRD or
some other of our great shipbuilders. We should
not be surprised if they provoke him into resigning
his ungrateful country, and, after the fashion of
Captain BLAKELY, carrying his services elsewhere.

If the abilities of our own men of genius are to be
turned against us it will not be very pleasant, and
if we have to meet a fleet of COLES' turret ships,
armed with BLAKELY'S guns, with some of our
Admiralty contrivances, it will be more flattering
to individual ambition than satisfactory to the
country.

Rothschild's filly, by Gunboat and Cast-off, has
been named Cannorieve.
The Presse is not very enthusiastic in its praise
of her Majesty's Speech. It says, " The Speech does
not display any research of style or imagination.
The youngest graduate of Oxford or Cambridge, or
a simple lecturer of the Rue Scribe or the Salie de
Valentino, could give quite as good an account of
the events of the day or of the political situation.
We, however, direct the attention of our readers to
the paragraph which mentions with manifest plea-
sure the assemblage of the fleets of France and
England on the part of the two countries, an as-
semblage which cements the friendship of the two
nations, and proves to the world their amicable
concord in the interest of peace."

The Constitutinnnel says, " We publish from The
Sun the report of the sitting of the House of Lords,
at which the Royal Speech was read, and also the
report of the sitting of the House of Commons.
The opinions of the London journals in regard to
the Speech are as yet but imperfectly known to us,
but, according to correspondence from London, the
partisans of Reform have experienced a sort of dis-
appointment. The words pronounced upon this
subject by the Queen do not appear by them to be
sufficiently explicit to enable them to hope for the
introduction of a Reform Bill during this session.
The Ministerial change to which we alluded y ester-
day is confirmed, viz., the secession of Sir Charles
Wood."

Poncet, the murderer of M. Lavergne,was executed
this morning at 7 o'clock near Versailles. He pre-
served his indifference to the last, and was seemingly
less affected than the spectators. It is necessary to
be cautious in placing confidence in some of the
Paris papers. In their anxiety to give exclusive
information, they are at times ridiculously and reck-
lessly careless and audacious. For instance, the Pays
and the Gazette de France, which were published
last night, both gave an account of the execution
of Poncet from the report of an eye-witness
to the terrible fact yesterday (Wednesday)
morning. The Pays promised further particulars
to-day. The Gazette de France was more modest,
and contented itself with the little bit of exclusive
news of an event (then only an anticipatory lie)
which only became an " accomplished fact" 24
hours afterwards. One is naturally anxious for
some explanation of the dilemma. I like to use
mild and polite words.

BANK OF FRANCE.

PARIS, FEB. 8.

The following is the return of the Bank of France
for the week ending to-day, together with the cor-
responding figures of the previous account :

DEBTOR.
Feb. 8.

Feb. 1.

Capital of the Bank.... 182,500,000
Profits in addition to
capital (Art. 8, Law,
Juno 9, 1837) 7,044,776 02 7,044,776 02
Reserve of the Bank
and its branches
Reserve in landed pro-
perty 4,000,000
Notes in circulation ... 524,619,525
Banknotes to order and
receipts payable at
sight
Treasury account cur-

182,500,000 ::

22,105,750 14 22,105,750 14

4,000,000 -
955,472,925 -

5,686,953 91 6,231,620 30

rent creditor - 64,244,151 64 65,039,262 64
Current accounts, Paris 163,455,098 62 143,636,760 47
Do. branch banks
Dividends payable 2,272,883 76 2,6-28,515 75
Discounts and sundry
interests
Rediscounted the last

six months --
Surplus of receipts not
distributed
Sundries

2,074,992 92 2,074,992 92

752,993 36
9,953,568 79 9,541,310 95

Total
CREDITOR.