The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-23 00:00:00

prejudices and far behind their age. Although they
are on a smaller scale, they resemble in their spirit
those large manufacturing towns of England which
are the most advanced part of the community ; the
difference is that most of them have played a more
or less prominent part in history, which they are
proud of. They are, in fact, still what they were
as Municipia under the Romans and as Free Towns
in the Middle Ages—the strength and pride of
Italy. The Austrians well knew this, for not only
did they never reckon upon them, but they con-
sidered them rather as their most deadly enemies.
When they had to withdraw before the Allies, they
quitted them as fast as possible, for they knew that
the first tricolor would be the signal of a general
rise, and they had in lively recollection the street
fights-of 1848.
" With the exception of a part of Garibaldi's men
none of the Allied troops have stayed in the town ;
they are encamped outside. As soon as tney ap-
peared in the neighbourhood the Municipality got
up an address, signed by all the most prominent
citizens, in which they declared their resolution to
renew the union with Sardinia which had been
broken off since 1848. This address was presented
to the King.
" The beauty in these towns is that, in spite of
the systematic war which Austria has carried on
against the Municipalities, naming her own crea-
tures and preventing as much as possible their
action, there is so much life in these old bodies,
that as soon as the pressure is withdrawn they
right themselves in an instant. They establish
their self-government as if they had always
exercised it ; there is no new organisation re-
quired ; the most objectionable among the coun-
cillors go away of their own free will ; some
popular men are taken in, and the system works
admirably. It was the same in all the towns which
the Austrians have left hitherto. ' And this is like-
wise the secret why no excesses are committed ; no
interregnum ensues, which leaves no scope to the
development of evil passions. No doubt, the Mu-
nicipalities are considerably aided in their work by
the great predominant idea which has taken com-
plete hold of most minds—namely, to do everything
and submit to everything in order to get rid of the
hated foreign dominion ; but were it not for the
Municipalities this would scarcely be sufficient to
• prevent over zeal and the dangers accompanying it.
" JuNt 17, 10 A.M.

" The town is resounding with cries of joy.
King Victor Emmanuel is making his festive entry
at the head of his Staff. The stern-looking gray
buildings are festively decorated with tricolors and
carpets, the windows and balconies as well as the
streets filled with an enthusiastic crowd, it rains
flowers from all sides, and the sun is brightening
every object. It certainly compensates for many
hardships and dangers to make war in a friendly
country, where you have the people with you, and
where every one of your steps is strewn with flowers
and illuminated with bright happy faces. The war
almost loses its horrors, unless, perhaps, you have
to go and see a wounded friend close by.
" The moment for something decisive seems fast
approaching ; the armies are more and more con-
centrated, so as to be at hand, and are advancing
towards the great aim."

HE IS COME!

(From the Times.)
When the hawk is in the air the barndoor fowl
will flutter and scream. But the alarm may be well-
founded, yet carried beyond the limits of reason.
The Assurance-offices most emphatically warn
people not to move their furniture in a hurry. A
thick party-wall takes some time to burn through.
There are party-walls in politics as well as in house
rows, and if terrified householders sometimes throw
their tables and chairs, and themselves too, out of
window before there is any need, or incur a certain
flood of water to escape the mere chances of a
scorching, nations can, do themselves the same
foolish damage. The smaller States of Europe are
quite right to keep up their defences in a good
serviceable condition. Of course, there is no know-
ing what may happen. A hundred contingencies not
at all uncomplimentary to the belligerents now in
the field, may bring the torrent of war over other
ground. For example, we confess we should hear
with great dismay of anything happening to Na-
poleon 111. of a sort to transfer to new hands the
government of France and the conduct of the war.
It is the duty of every State that cares for its inde-
pendence to protect itself to the best of its ability.
But that is a very different thing from joining the
war by anticipation, proclaiming partisanship, fix-
ing upon men the characters they repudiate, and
creating difficulties in the way of a better course.
A few towns in aermany, which, in the event of
war coming their way, would simply be trodden
under foot and smothered by armies,
are loud in
their abuse of France. They defy her, and chal-
lenge her once more to violate that Fatherland
which in the map of history is one huge battlefield.
Cannot England, which has so often and so fruit-
lessly assisted the Continent with money and arms,
assist it better with her example and advice ?
Cannot she teach it to imitate her own insular
neutrality ?
King Leopold is on a visit to our Court, and it
is likely enough that this experienced Sovereign
should contrast with anxious feelings the vicinity
of a Napoleon with the protection of a father-in-
law. Belgium is not the country that can contem-
plate without misgivings a sanguinary war be-
tween France and a German State. It is with
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Austria that she is now connected by family ties. '
But a Napoleon is not the worst thing Belgium has
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as a special constable. Lainartine, Cavaignac,
almost every Frenchman of known courage and
ability, had a better chance of a French throne
than a Bonaparte. The spirit of-the French nation
was then the bugbear. It was France, all soul, all
nerve, all emotion, all fire, with no field for her
ambition, and scarce room for her people. King
Leopold thought of Antwerp, and wished it were
safe. He listened to hear it cried in the streets of
Paris that the Rhine was the natural boundary of
France, and respect for a wise and good man pre-
vents us from specifying the effect it would have
had on his movements. So it is not in the name
of Napoleon, or in a war between a Napoleon and
Austria, that consists the danster. For Belgium it
is better that her powerful and excitable neighbour
should be in the grasp of one man capable of taking
a comprehensive view of its interests and those of
France. It might be the interest of any ambitious
General or any demagogue to recommend an inva-
sion, on any or no reason. He might care little for
the question of right, and his stake might be only
that-of the ordinary adventurer, who gains by suc-
cess and loses nothing by defeat. What if the
civilised world were indignant ? What if an army
were destroyed? He would survive to repeat his
pernicious counsels, with the turn of fortune now
in his favour. On the contrary, it is of the
greatest importance to Napoleon 111. to stand
well with Europe, and not to have a serious mis-
chance. His apologies may not be always quite
satisfactory, but they are apologies, and tributes
to the paramount claims of public morality. He
knows and feels better than any man in France
the consequences Of betraying that reckless acqui-
sitiveness which marked the career of his uncle.
He feels the difference between a fixed and an ad-
vancing frontier.
Central Europe has shown that it is not neces-
sarily concerned in a war arising out of the con-
flicting interests of great Powers in the smaller
Mediterranean States. England, France, and
Russia have all a deep interest, or choose to feel
one, in the disposal of Turkey and the detached
kingdom of Greece. Austria and France have a
like interest in Italy. The nature of these interests
it is needless to scrutinize. The fact of an interest
which has led to frequent interference, occupation,
and invasion is enough for the purpose. The three
first-mentioned Powers waged a costly war, and
finally settled the affairs of Tu4ey without em-
broiling Germany, even though Austria was sub-
stantially interested in the result. She could then
afford to be neutral, and, of course, all Germany,
though not without some reasons for keeping
Russia within bounds, was also neutral. The pre-
sent case is merely a repetition of the former on a
somewhat smaller scale between only two great
Powers and with still less pretension to a European
quarrel. The only interest of Europe in Italian
affairs is to leave Italy to itself, and keep Italy to
itself. We believe it to be also the interest of the
neighbouring States to leave her alone, for she can
only occupy their attention and their armies with-
out contributing any equivalent support. Were
France, at the loss of fifty thousand men, to find
herself occupying Italy with a hundred thousand,
she would not be in at all a better condition for
molesting the rest of Europe. Nor would the
results be more dangerous to the peace of Europe
if Austria were to be triumphant. What, then,
has Germany to fear ? What has Belgium ? The
best thing they can do is to remain neutral so long
as the war is localised in Italy, and in the meantime
to take a lesson from the lamentable breakdown of