The Sun.
London, England, 1859-12-13 00:00:00

•
CCA..
4-‘ sir t V ' ' V(11 •
• .. • .11. • 4,
'4
4 4 4 -
i/e V'
P, (Pt,. , I'4
- -
el
: S.i- \ • ••:: :11 •.:1 1,
.44
•
• ••• t
srf rill
tic'
ack, ,
14'..111)
. ithout re,crarci TO ri,n
„: `gig,
, -
. . • MA
,I.4o4tere "kr, 144 5", .43
(f*ti." NI lir LA4 -a, • V 34110. \
,Sh; 'l7 " • —•— - g
131
,t 7 ' 711,1%
0.,111§,N 01 •
)\ ta,A\N LR°T.
4
• -401

which. she keeps wi .tout regard to the eta_
the protests of Turkey ? Then France is the
of Russia against nagland, but on condition tkuntS
all the straits, to begin,with'the Dardanelles, shall
be neutralised, that all the seas shall be neutral,
that they shall all be free, and that there shall not -
be a single one barred by cannon. 7
If England does not dO all 'this M. de Girfirdin
declares she only represents maritime feudalitT in-
stead of civilisation.,. "But, then (he adds), letno 1
-
England be astonished or.complain if France and
Russia combine to press her on the throat. Eng-
land's neck is a long one. If-she lifts her head in
Europe she stretches her neck into Asia. There is
nothing but to bind her bands; The piereing.of
the Isthmus of Suez ,is the defect in the British
cuirass. The Emperor Napoleon 111. appears to
have seen it, a little late, perhaps; but if he has
seen it.no matter. In' fact, thetrioment Erane6
Russia understand each other ansi are agreed., the
Dardanelles are in their hands.' Certain to he fol-
lowed by the United Mates, they may present them-
selves to England andiay; Strait for Strait ! .The
Strait of Gibraltar for that of the Dardanelles.' If
England be deaf to this proposition, foundr_4l on
equity, supportCd by' liberty, and dovetailed „
civilisation, France says to Spain, Fear nothing,
count upon me; take and keep Tangier.'"
Instead of a special Congress on the _ltalian quesL.
tion, which is only loss of time, M. de Girardin
suggests that the Emperor Napoleon should atm-
mon a generall-kmgress, " at which all the Powers
of Europe, great, middling, and little," should Settle
the questions of the East, Italy, and Poland by -
means of the neutralisation of the Straits, the aboli-
tion of recruiting (this trade in white men), the
suppression of Custom-houses—those reforms which
mast lead to unity in money, in weights and mea-
surdS, and in imposts."
Constantinople should be the seat of this great
Congress, "in order that each Plenipotentiary sent
to it should be far enough from his country to loose
sight of petty private interests," and clearly see
" the advantages of neutralising every strait and .
every sea, of piercing every isthmus, of the frceT-•
navigation of every river, and spontaneously recog-'0
nise that the time of
_conqaests has passed awayi:
never to return," &c.

aVe._
S

PRICE 4D• STAMPED, SD.

the staff, making a total reduction of £3,750 per
annum. The annual economy effected since the Ist
January last amounted to £7,74o—vix., £l,OOO in
the discontinuance of the Chelsea depot, £1,500 by
the correspondence system, £2,990 reduction in
staff and expenses of Paris office, £6OO in chief
office staff in London,. £5OO in' district manage-
ment, £550 in. mit-door staff, and I:soo.discontinu-
ance of insurance... The horse stock was in excel-
lent condition. The directors had; for the more con-
venient despatch of business, appointed from their
.number an,execntiye committee consisting of the-
chairman and three members of the board. The
directors had inv=ited - Messr.. R. Sekwiek and H.
B. K. Kent, two rhareholders of the company, to
act as auditors, subject to the approval of the pro-
prietors. The directors would submit a resolution
authorising them to cancel the 25,192 shares re-
maining unissued,. representing £100,768 of capi-
tal,, and thereby closing, the share capital account
of the company, and in lieu thereof to raise by loan,
debentUrei or preference shares, as most expedient,'
a sum of, £30,000 in 'addition. to the existing
bankers'. loan, and if found expedient to replace.the
present bankers' loan by funds raised on debentures
or preference shares. The balance which'would
still exist against the capital account would be gra-
dually liquidated. the directors feeling that it was
of vital importance that the amount of the capital.
of the company should be as limited as possible,
and hoped, by these means, ultimately to bring it
within £600,000, and close it at that sum.

M. GIR4.RDIN ON THE &TATE OF

EUROPB.

(From the Times' Paris Correspondent.)
M. Emile Girardin's brochure, l' Emperor Napo-
leon 111. et l'Europe, has at last appeared. The im-
pression was seized at the printer's on the 13th of
November, the day before its intended publication,
on the warrant of the 'lap d'[nstruction. The
legality of this premature seizure was contested on
the ground that the alleged offence to the person of
the Emperor, and the excitement of hatred, &c., to
his Governmett.., was not completed by publicity, as
required by the 128th clause of the Code of Crimi-
nal Instruction. The point was allo wed, the brochure
was restored to the printer, and was forthwith pub-
lished, with the exception of some passages which
might be construed into offence to the Emperor, and
which were omitted.
That any object should be agitated in public, from
the minutest to the most important. from a choux
monstre or the _Diners de Paris to the organisation
of Italy and the settlement of Europe, without M.
Girardin's interpogition, and without his attempting
to show that all the world, past and present, have
been wrong, and he only right, was not to be con-

d' Napoleon 111. has had two capital opportuni-
ties of carrying out this policy, which is his own;
which is that of his books, that of his meditations,
that of his proclamations—a policy the effigy of
the future—a policy without danger, and not
without grandeur. Those two occasions were the
Congress of Paris in 1856, in 1857 the interview of
Stuttgard, the period when England had liindostan
on her hands, with difficulties of the most serious
kind, which she has ever had to overcome ; dangers
the greatest which she has ever had to pass through;
dangers so great that it wag fora moment doubtful
whether she could have mastered them. These two
occasions have passed away by reason of secondary
and fugitive considerations. A third opportunity,
no less prcpitious, is again offered under cover of
the settlement of the Italian question, the canalisa-
tion of Suez, and the Spanish expedition to Mo-
rocco, and which may lead to the taking and keep-
ing of Tangier."
M. de Girardin enforces this view of affairs by
several other reasons too numerous to mention, and
he ascends by a graduated fcale to the wonderful
results which would follow from the simple neutra-
lisation of the Straits. _ _ _

ceived. -
In the present production the' el-journalist
affirms that nothing decisive has as yet been done
by any one on any one of the great questions which
diplomacy and the sword have tried to resolve. lie
declares that of the five great Powers of Europe,
France is the only country that has no foreign po-
licy worth talking of:—
Externally England has a policy—to find
Markets for her produce.
" Externally Austria has a policy—to draw
closer together and augment her bundle of States.
" Externally Prussia has a policy—to counter-
balance Austria.
" Externally Russia has a policy—to execute the
testament of Peter the Great.
" If the author of this work is in error, let his
contradictors inform him what is the external po-
licv of France."
-lie asserts that even the First Napoleon had no
policy, and, after sketchinkr the vast extent and
power of the first Empire, observes :
" To have a policy is to have an object in view.
Not to have this object is not to have a policy. Na-
poleon I. conquered merely to conquer. Had not
this Wandering Jew of. victory beer. stopped by
the burnins, of Moscow and . the premature se-
verity-of the season, he would have continued to
March till he encountered a defeat or death. if he
had had an external policy which he could explain
to himself be would not have concealed it; on the
contrary, he would have disclosed it in one of those
mei:orable bulletins, in order to reassure those
whom the unknown frightened, and when it would
have closely bound to his cause. kings and peoples,
which the community of interests would have drawn
to him." '
He then enters. on the more delicate inquiry as to •
whether - Napoleon 111. has, after all, an external
roliey
"'The Emperor Napoleon III.," he says, " has
lnuclable political inspirations ;:it would be unjust to
deny the fact. But the policy into which he has
entered is a labyrinth from NN-lich it is very difficult
to issue without a conducting thread."
tie sets in proof of this the twoioxpeditions to
Italy-1841 and 1859—the one beinc, the contradic-
tion of the other. condsmns the. Crimean_ war,
which, though glorious for the French arms, was a
political fault, because Napoleon 111. was not the
man who should defend the map, of Europe as ar-
ranged by the treaties of 1815; "and," he asks,
did it become France to weaken the maritime power
of Russia and arrest her development ?"
" In the maritime equilibrium less important than
the territorial? Is England, whose interests we
serve when we weaken -a naval Power,.,an.ally to
be relied upon ? Admitting that she is, of what
use is she to us ? What service did she render us
in the Italian expedition, when, nevertheless, all
the sympathies of the old and natural ally of
Austria should be for the deliverance of the Ita-

"- The strange spectacle," he continues, " which
Europe now presents to the eye of the impartial
observer is that of Governments dictating to other
Governments what they ought to do, and, conse-
quently, exposing themselves to be asked whether
they will themselves set the good example. Is Eng-
land justified in raising her voice in favour of Italy
against the domination of Austria, the oppression
of the King of Naples, or the temporal authority
of the Pope ? In their turn, have not the Pope,
Austria,. and the King of Naples an equal right to'
raise their voices 'in favour of Ireland and of India ;
to summon to the bar Great Britain, as culpable of
the most monstrous abuses and as stained with
.the
most infamous cruelties? To ask her, in the name
of civilisation, for an account of the 3,000,000 of
Irish dead of famine"—this beats Mr. Bernard
Sheehan and the speakers nt. the Cork meeting—
" mid of countless Indians torn to pieces, without
defence, by cannon ignominiously converted into
an instrument of punishment ? When this accusa-
tion, with all the proofs furnished by the British
Parliament itself, is made before the Congress
against England, what can she answer to the Cc:s.7.
vernments she has incriminated ? Why, keep
silent and hold down her head."

I may observe, en passant, that it would be w9rth
M. de Girardin's while to commence learning a little
English, were it only as much as would enable him
to guess at articles in some of the Irish opposition
newspapers, the letters in the lrishmon, the occa•
aional speeches at pUblie meetings—the late one at
Cork, for instance—.so as tnform a comparison be-
tween the freedom. of speech and writing in op-
pressed Ireland and the condition of the Continental
•:_itates to. which he refers. The seizure of M. de Gir-
ardin's pref_.ent pamphlet, before publication, and his
forced or vonintary omission, of certain passag
its published form—passages which probably-ere as.
eulogy itself compared with what is tolerated by
the tyrannical' Government. of Ireland, is as good
an answer as any to til. de Girardin, who evidently
know .1 nothing of Ireland beyond its name or geo-
graphical position.
M- de Girardin concludes his pamphlet thus :
" From whatever,canse it arises, France is in one
of those decisive moments when she has only to
wish to ,1N able to
,do; but .what would be for her
interest merely or for the interest of a nation would
be for the intzret of general civilisation. Stipulat-
ing in the name of civilisation—that is, in the name
of all peoples, the more. France should demand the
less she would encounter resistance. Demanding
only what. is just, she would never demand too
much. Let her' then prepare herself to demand
from the coming Congress what the Congress can-.
-not refuse her without putting all the peoples of
Europe on the side of the Emperor Napoleon III."
And so ends M. Emile de Girardin.

lians ? Do I mean that France ought to treat
England as an enemy ? No. With England the
conduct of France ought to be this :—No rash de-
fiances, no offensive manner of proceeding, but no
concessions without reciprocity—no weakness to .
encourage her audacious promptness of encroach-
ment. No humility to arm her pride, which is
easily exalted. England, like a river which
always tends to overflow, requires to be ever
kept within bounds. Every concession without an
equivalent is a danger ; it is a fault, for England
esteems only those whom she insults—that is to say,
those who resist her. Do I mean that France ought
to render serious the visible apprehensions of Eno.-
land ? No, even if a landing on her coast succeeded
it would prove nothing, except in favour of steam
navigation—wmld lead' to nothing except the ne,
cessity of a re-embarkation. Do I mean that France
ought to give to London a spectacle equal to that
which England gave to Copenhagen in 1807? No,
one act of barbarity does not justify another."
After ahowinr, the uselessness of all wars which
are not founded on legitimate defence or reparation
of a defeat, and of all armed interventions, he says—
" Had not France, still so imperfectly cultivated,
a better employment for the arms and lives of her
children ? France, which has so long been without
roads, highways, canals, railroads--France, which
even now in 1859 has only the half of the railroads
she ought to have to profit by her minerals and her
coal mines, has she not had since 1823 better em-
ployment for her money and her loans ?"
M. de Girardin goes, on for four pages asking
himself a great number of questions on the import-
ant affairs of the day, and invariably answers him-
self\in the negative, concluding thus ;
• "If the Crimean and Italian expeditions were to
recommence France would, consequently, do well
to abstain from them. In 1849 as in 1853, in 1853 as
in 1859, the policy which France should have
preached and practised was the policy of absolute
non-intervention."
M. de Girardin relates with complacency his an-
, swer to M. Guizot in 1846 on his -being asked his
f opinion by that statesman on the incorporation of

THE ACTION FOR SEDUCTION.

• --.0. -

Last night the attention of the Society for Pro- .
meting the Amendment of the Law was directed
by Mr. Allen to the defects in the state of the law
in reference to altions for seduction. Mr. Allen's
paper chiefly .referred to the anomalous circum-
stance that a father, however pained might. be his
feelings on finfling that his daughter had been
made the victim of a seducer, had, as against him
no remedy unless he could prove loss of service, a
state of the law which was a batbarous tradition
from the time when women were looked upon as
mere chattels. There was often a difficulty found
in establishing that loss of service which entitled.
the father of a young woman to stand to her in the
suit in question in the relation of a master to his
servant, and it also, frequently happened that when
the suit was prosecuted it broke down through the
proof of the fernier immoralily of the woman, the
law not allowing any amount of good conduct on
her part subsequent to her loss of chastity to be
taken into consideration as giving her master the
tom .thindi of a plaintiff. He would do away with
the fiction of proof of service, and give the father
directly the right of action if the daughter was a
minor, the damages when recovered to be shared
betVieen them ; and in case she' was over age, he
would allow the woman herself to institute the

suit.
Mr. ED-GAR thought there were only two ways of
getting rid of the difficulties which, under the ex-
isting state of- the law, surrounded this action—
either to allow the woman to bring her own action
or to require a proof of substantial loss of service.
With regard to the first., ho (Ed not think it. right
that the woman, a consenting party, should b 2
allowed to bring an tidier' for damage, which she
tustained through her own wilful conduct. The se-
cond course was the alternative of a total abolitibn
of the suit, by which. the cause of morp.lity•would,
he thought, be on the whole better• served ; but the
only real remedy was the eleVation of the moral
feeling of men.
A discussion „ensued, in which. Mr. Wingfield,
HMwiarAlS.ittishjnhogsobil.,tpadhanictsdNevuo:tschsaiietoiernisdg•got
tofihtnoeke:
osdto ktphupenl considera-
tionof the question was referred to a committee.
paper read by Mr. Dempsey upon infanticide, in
case of concealment, not of birth, but of pregnancy,
after which the proceedings terminated.
afterwards took
Hall, Mr.

Cracow :
" If I were in your place," said M. de Girardin,
" I should present no protest against that act."
" What, then, would you do
" I should order the French Ambassador at
Vienna to illuminate all the doors and windows of
his hotel."
" Why ?" asked tho protesting and astonished
M. Guizot.
" In sign of rejoicing ,"
" For what ?"
" For that the Powers who signed the treaties of
1815 had just torn them with their own hands, and
for that they could never again appeal to them !"
What M. Guizot said thraeupon is not recorded.
'M. de Girardin suggests tke manner in which
France might occupy, industrially, commercially,
and as a maritime power, a rank equal to what she
occupies territorially in Europe :
" Does Russia wish to possess herself of the Straits
of the Dardanelles ? .Trance is the ally of England
against Russia, but on condition that England shall
neutralise the Straits of Gibraltar, as also Babel-
mandeb, menaced by Aden, restore to Turkey Perim,
which is the key to the Red Sea, disarm Corfu,
which is the key to the Adriatic, dismantle Malta,
which she took from us, and which she was bound
to give back to us by the Treaty of Amiens.
" Does-England persist in keeping as maritime
fortresses Gibraltar, which:she stole from Spain ;
Malta and ,Corfu, which she took from France;
Aden, which she appropriated to herself, and which
' she has made the Gibraltar of the Red Sea ;'Perim,

DF:ATIT FROM CRINOLINE IN YORK.—About a
fortnight )an accident occurred at York to Miss Watson,
a riving vocalist., well known throughout. the county.
Whilst :moving about the room the unfortunat y.;ung lady's'
dre s caught tire, and she was severely burnt. She expited..
on Saturday morning from the elects of the injuries she
received.
ATROCIOUS OUTRAMF..—A ferocious and most.
cowardly assault was lately made by some white barbarians
on a party of blacks quietly encamped near Breakfast Creek,
Quosnsland district. Without any wattling, a murderous
disAtarge of buck-shot was tin own into the encampment,
with serious, and already in one case, fatal effect, for a girl
has died of the wounds she then received, and others, in-
cludinir some piccaninnies, have.been injured more or less
severely. It is probable that the villain* who perpetrated.,
' this most cowardly murder had, or supposed they had, suf-
fered'wrong at the hands of some of the aborigines; but the
idea of such an indescriminate revenge could only occur
to a most diabolical mind.- Several of the blacks thus das-
tardly assaulted were employed on some of the eighbour-
ing farms, and were known to be quiet and hanrmless, but
no one pretends to suppose that the perpetrators of this
brutal attack believe.' them to have committed the injuries
which it Was probable it was meant to redress. lt is hoped
that the miscreant's' will be: 'discovered and punished
Australian Mail.