The Sun.
London, England, 1866-07-18 00:00:00

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LONDON, TVEDIVESDAY, JULY 18, 1866.

Mr. BERKELEY'S annual motion for the Ballot
always succeeds in eliciting some discussion, and if
it serves no other purpose, it at least proves that
the English Legislature is not wholly indifferent to
the scandals of electoral corruption and intimida-
tion. We have at least 110 members who are
willing to sacrifice prejudice and interest to secur-
ing a better state of things, and who do not con-
sider bribery, intimidation, drunkenness, and riot-
ing as especially " English " virtues. It is not
therefore altogether unreasonable to hope that
another House of Commons may reverse the order
and give the ballot a majority of 87 instead of a
minority like last night. The worst of it is that the
evil, like most other evils, tends to perpetuate itself.
Noble lords and honourable gentlemen, who owe
their seats to threats of eviction, promises of custom,
and a liberal use of the current coin of the realm,
are not very likely to record their votes in favour
of the Ballot pur et simple. The introductory pro-
cess by which they obtained the envied seat in
Parliament is not likely to develope a high degree of
patriotic and disinterested virtue, so that as long as
we have a House of Commons returned by the same
influences as it is now, there will always be
a strong party ready to fight to the last against the
introduction of the obnoxious and too efficacious
remedy. But it may encourage us to remember
amid the laughter which always attends the yearly
debate on the Ballot that the case is not hopeless.
The early days of every great Reform had to en-
counter opposition as resolute, ridicule as unsparing,
argument as ingenious, denunciation as loud. The
Constitution, as we all know, trembled in the
balance before the great Reform of 1832. No one
can now trouble himself to remember the fearful
results which were to follow the Catholic
Emancipation, while as for Free Trade it was
to plunge the country in ruin, and the Factory Acts
were to paralyse our manufacturing industry. It
is noticeable, however, that the opponents of the
ballot do not venture to specify the direct evils
which are to result from its adoption. They prefer
to soar into the regions of abstract morality, to
enlarge upon the great public trusts committed to
the voter, the benefits of publicity, &C. Certainly
it would be subjecting the gravity of the Mouse of
Commons to a severe test if any one were to Sug-
gest that the ballot would demoralise the voter after
the revelations of Nottingham and its fellows.
Nobody pretends to deny that bribery, intimida-
tion, corruption, and influence in various forms
exist throughout our constituencies more or less.
We do not of course accuse all the opponents of the
ballot of interested motives, but they rather under-
rate the weakness of their fellowmen, or overrate
their virtues. how can we expect a tenant
farmer to offend his landlord, a tradesman
to affront his customer, a clerk or a merchant
to disoblige his employer ? Nay, how can we ex-
pect struggling professional men to be altogether

It must be a matter of general regret that Mr.
J. S. MILL should have mixed himself up with the
Jamaica Committee, and, still more, that he should
come forward in Parliament to advocate their views.
Last night in the house he gave notice that on
Thursday next he would put a series of questions
• to the Chancellor of the Exchequer respecting the
transactions in Jamaica. These, of course, allude
to the matters which have been made the subject of
so much discussion, and given rise to such angry
remarks and bitter altercation. After enumerating
some of those whose names figured conspicuously
in the accounts of the insurrection, the series
concludes with the two chief parties in the affair,
and it is asked whether any steps have been taken,
or will be taken, for the bringing to trial of Colonel
NELSON, Brigadier-General, in Jamaica, for unlaw-
fully causing to be tried, in time of peace, by mili-
tary courts irregularly composed, and after such
trial to be unlawfully put to death, GEORGE
WILLIAM GORDON, and others. Finally, comes the
chief offender, Mr. EDWARD JOHN EYRE, late
Governor of Jamaica, and it is asked whether any
legal proceedings have been, or will be
ordered to be, taken against him " for coin-
plicity in all or any of the above
acts, and particularly for the illegal trial and
execution of Mr. GEORGE WILLIAM GORDON ; if
not, whether her MAJESTY'S Government are ad-
vised that these acts are not offences under the
criminal law ?" Can anything be more ill-judged
or ill-advised than this series of questions ? and
what is the end which they are supposed to
answer ? Surely the Royal Commission that was
sent out to Jamaica did enough, and more than
enough, to vindicate the cause of
.the negro, and
to discriminate concerning the authenticity and
legality of the trials that took place. In many re-
spects it would have been better if the Commission-
ers bad deemed it expedient to take more evidence
on the side of those accused of cruelty and the com-
mission of illegal acts, but the talk of beginning the
case over again in a criminal court is really quite
preposterous. Sufficient injury has been done to
the cause of good order in our colonies throughout
the world by the unwise and arbitrary proceedings
of Earl RUSSELL in hastening to supersede Governor
EYRE, and to throw the weight of his opinion into the
scale against him. Two letters from Mrs. GORDON,
sent to Mr. CHAMEROVZOW, are published according
to her suggestion. They seem as fair as we can
expect under the circumstances, and, what is of most
importance, she declares her unwillingness to prose-
cute the ex-Governor of Jamaica. It seems to us
that this decided expression of opinion from one so
deeply the matter should have due
weight concerned
cwoinththnoed in
those
who
have professed to take up
her cause in doing justice to the memory of her late
husband ; but it appears otherwise, and Mrs.
GORDON felt constrained to write again to explain
interfere with it.
it advisable to
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Jamaica
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in
nsi
take proceedings. any way

flu will receive to-
answer will be that Mr. A
Of course we all know what the purport of the
•
morrow, and it will then remain for
us to see what
course will be adopted by these devotees to the
negro cause. It is certainly a matter of regret
that public men should thus commit themselves to
the promotion of partial and prejudiced views; but
as for Mr. EYRE and his coadjutors, who are as-
sailed for having done their duty in a trying mo-
ment, it will be the best thing that can happen to
them if they are prosecuted by this committee. The
public will then have an opportunity of judging the
merits of the case more fully thanthey have hitherto
done, and also they can fully estimate the man-
ner in which their actions hays been criticised by
those who really understand but little of the true
merits of the cm In the present day we have