The Sun.
London, England, 1832-11-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The speech of the King of the French, at the
opening of the Chambers on Monday last, ap-
pears to us the most moderate, reasonable, and
unrretending address that has been delivered from
the throne of France for the last 17 years. Those
who look to it for the disclosure of state secrets
will, of course, be disappointed ; and those who
anticipated from it some display of exultation at
the alliance with England for compelling the exe-
cution of the Belgic treaty, or at the capture of the
Duchess of Berry, will find that they have made an
equal miscalculation. All the topics which might
be supposed to enter into such a document have
been introduced, but in a manner which sur-
prises us more with its simplicity than with any
thing else. The Ministry announce to the
Chambers, by the mouth of the King, that the
Republicans at Paris were the authors of the in-
surrection of June the sth and 6th, as the Car
lists in the west were the authors of the rebellion
in La Vendee. This, therefore, is to be the
Ministerial profession of faith during the ses-
sion respecting the recent internal disturbances
of the kingdom. The ordinance for declaring
the siege of Paris, and that for establishing
military commissions in the western provinces,
will therefore be defended on the same prin.
ciples and by the same men. The King
mentions, with acknowledged accuracy, that the
fidelity of the troops of the line, the courage of the
National Guards and his own encouraging presence
triumphed over the Paris revolt. - But if so, the
opposition will demand, where was the necessity
after the overthrow of the disturbers, to dept.:
from the common laws of the realm, and why
resort to a state of siege when peace was restored
In La Vendee the war, though less dangerous,
was more protracted,—the means of repression
were less decisive,—and as the flame threatened
to extend, a better excuse might be found for
adopting extraordinary means for extinguishing
its source, or arresting its violence. But in that
quarter of France, likewise, military law ceased
with the decision of the Court of Cassation,
in the case of the Parisian revolters. His Ma-
jesty, in announcing the apprehension of the
Duchess of Berry employs that reserve which
was demanded equally by his family ties and 133
his political duties. The declaration that " a
recent event, decisive for the public peace, will
destroy the last delusions of the party," gives suf-
ficient indication that the Chambers are to be
consulted on the subject in terms of the Royal
ordinance. To have said more would have ap-
peared to anticipate the business of the Session,
and would have afforded an extensive field for
discussions on the address. That a legislative
measure is comtemplated, applicable not only to
the case of her Royal Highness but to that of
other branches of the exiled family, in similar
circumstances, is broadly insinuated, and there
can be no doubt that it will be speedily intro-
duced. Had the act of last Session for dispos-
ing of the fate of the Bourbons, in case of their
re: urn to France, been properly drawn up,
the present embarrassment, with respect to the
Duchess of Berry, might have been avoided.
But the most gratifying part of the speech, as
regards us, and all foreign nations, is that which
gives us additional assurances of the preserva-
tion of the general peace. Without any of the
gasconade to which we have been so long ac-
customed from the French throne, his Majesty
Louis Philip tells us that he has received pledges
of amity from all foreign nations, but that the
unexecuted Belgic treaty inspired so much dis-
quietude that he resolved upon effecting its exe-
ir.iition along with Great Britain. " Our flags,"
he adds, " wave together at the mouth of the
Scheldt, and our army, whose discipline and
good spirit equal its bravery, has arrived at this
moment under the walls of Antwerp." Here
there is no flattery of the French passion for
wilitary glory—no vain boast of French prowess,
and no excitement to French ambition. The
army of France, like the squadrons of France
and England, is to be employed in an office
almost judicial, or in executing a treaty
to which all the Powers of Europe have
given their express concurrence. The pro-
mise of internal institutions to complete the
civil and political edifice founded by the Charter
of August, 1830, must satisfy all but the mouve-
ment party, who are already declared enemies of
the Charter, and of the hereditary monarchy with
~.ii-ti;2ll it is united. France has for two years
,igmar,ded a law on Ministerial responsibility ;
another, on departmental and municipal admi-
nistration ; and a third, on public instruction.
,The present Cabinet engage to introduce a li-
pera,l legislation on these subjects, and there can
be no doubt that something will be done to
satisfy th. 2 national impatience. Upon the whole,
the speech of the King of the French, as regards
foreign nations, appears a very satisfactory docu-
ment, while it presents no obvious grounds for
discontent to domestic parties. We have not yet
received authentic accounts of the manner in
which it was received either by the Chambers
or by the public ; and we are not disposed to
attach much importance to the attempted assas-
sination of his Majesty by some wretched indi-
vidual, whether the criminal was under the im-
pulse of political fanaticism or mere insanity.
•*,.T,aven has been pleased to render the attempt
Times.

The spee!:.‘li of the King of the French to the
Chambers is a pompous and a weak production,
worthy of a pen guided by the inspiration of a
Council of Doctrinnaires. It begins with an
allusion to domestic conflicts which have given
a melancholy importance to the interval between
the two Sessions. It speaks also of domestic
triumphs, which shed no glory on the victors,
and which it would be well for the character of
the Government of Louis Philip if they were
buried for ever in oblivion. The King says,
" The attempts at republicanism, as well as coun-
ter-revolution, have been vanquished—the days
the sth and 6th of June have made manifest
•the perversity and impotence of the promoters
of anarchy," Surely his Majesty must presume
that the French people have already lost all re-
collection of what transpired on the trials of the
insurgents, when he alludes to the sanguinary
scenes of the sth and 6th of June, and their
consequences, with exultation, or indeed when
he alludes to them at all. Not only did the
Government fail to fix a charge of premeditated
concert on the alleged conspirators, as our read.
ers must well remember, but the evidence
showed that the conspiracy was on the other
side ; a conspiracy of which the police were the
contrivers, and the people the victims. The
funeral of General Lamarque, was taken ad-
vantage of, to strike what is called a coup
detat, to terrify the great mass of the
people of France with the dreadful appari-
tion of a combined movement between Repub-
licans and Carlists to effect a counter-revolution.
We cannot suppose Louis Philip to be in the
least cognizant of this plot before it was ac-
tually carried into effect. The feelings of a

man of the least particle of morality and honour
would shrink from the idea of any thing of the
sort. But, imposed upon, as he must have been
in the first instance, he must be exceedingly de-
ficient in capacity for Government not to have
understood, from the light which the trials of
the prisoners threw upon this originally myste-
rious affair, that it was a conflict in which the
Royal arms, however successful, could reap no
laurels which a Constitutional King ought to
entwine with the splendid recollection of hi
reign. We suspect impartial history will pay
little honour to trophies gathered in such a field
of warfare, and so deeply stained with civil
Wood. The carnage of the three days of July
was the result of a struggle between avowed
despotism and freedom, excited by intolerable
oppression to a last desperate effort. The

. .
principles of that contest were well understood
—the lines of that contest accurately defined.
The people triumphed, but their moderation in
victory was as distinguished as their devoted
courage in the strife. Could a people who gave
such a noble example to Europ', when they
fought against tyranny, become anarchists when a
Citizen-King sat upon the throne ? No—
Louis Philip himself admits that they could not,
for he says, " Constitutional Monarchy has recog-
nised its true friends and itsreal defenders in the ge-
nerous population of Paris,in that intrepid National
Guard, in that brave and faithful army, who have
so courageously repulsed the late criminal ex-
cesses." Where then was the excuse for putting
Paris in a " state of siege," and suspending the
ordinary operation of the laws after the dis-
_ _

turbances had been completely crushed, and the
population of Paris had thus evinced their un-
shaken fidelity to a Constitutional throne ? To
the " state of siege" the speech of the Citizen-
King makes no allusion. Perhaps the Chambers
could not be reminded of that violent assumption
)f absolute power, similar to the crime for which
Polignac and his companions now suffer, with-
out also being reminded of the upright and noble
decision of the Court of Cassation, which re-
placed Paris within the pale of Constitutional
law, and gave her "generous population" the
protection of the Charter. The King takes cre-
dit to himself for the suppression of the Carlist
insurrection in the west ; but when we recollect
with what a universal feeling of the people
Charles X. was driven from the throne, we can
only consider the rise and progress of an insur-
rection to restore him, within less than two years
after his deposition, as one, among other proofs,
of the non-fulfilment of the pledges which the
Citizen-King had given the people, whereby, in
proportion as his popularity and the confidence of
the nation declined, the guilty hopes of the parti-
sans of the exiled dynasty were emboldened. 'I he
arrest of the Duchess of Berry is adverted to in
the following brief and cautious manner :—" A
recent, and for the public peace, a decisive event,
will destroy the illusions of that party." A dark
intimation is given of " measures which are ne-
cessary for the guarantee, at the same time, of
he security of the State and the liberty of all."
This may be in reference to the intended legis-
lative measure to dispose of the captured heroine
of the Bourbons, whose capture, from all that
we have seen, we believe only to have been made
to give more dramatic effect to the opening of
the Session. After stating that confidence and
commerce have revived, that the harvest is
abundant, and the cholera has gone, his Majesty
proceeds to say, " I have every reason to reckon
on the pacific disposition of Foreign Powers, on
the assurances which I every day receive from
them." He does not say that the march of the
Prussian army to the frontiers of Belgium, in
consequence of the expressed dissent of Prussia
and the two other absolute Powers, from the
warlike measures of England and France, is one
of the assurances of peace on which he builds ;

indeed, he does not allude to it at all. 'When
we remember that the French Ministers some

time ago announced in the Chamber a general
disarmament of the European Sovereigns, and,
more recently, the same Government officially pro-
claimed the death of Ferdinand of Spain, we can-
not, without further proof, give implicit evidence
to what the French Government says when a parti-
cular object is to be gained, of the assurances or
intentions of Foreign Powers. There is another
topic on which his Majesty relies for the preser-
vation of the peace. This is nothing less than
the warlike convention between France and Eng-

land, in virtue of which the French army is now
before the citadel of Antwerp, and the combined
fleet probably at the mouth of the Scheldt; yet,
in touching upon this subject, which, of course,
he does with exultation, he cannot avoid falling,
into an expression that betrays a feeling of un-
certainty as to the result. The words which he
uses are, " A question was likely to have kept
Europe in a state of inquietude.' The other
points of the speech are of little comparative im-
portance, such as the marriage of his daughter
to Leopold, the treaty concluded with America,

and the elevation of Prince Otho to the throne of
Greece. In adverting to the internal condition

of the country, no hope is held out of any pre-

sent diminution of the burdens of the Siate.
Nor does there, as far as we can collect, appear
any prospect that the King of the French will
employ himself during the future, any more
than he has during the past, in giving those
improvements to the institutions of France which
would consolidate his throne in the happiness
and confidence of his people. We feel bound
to express our horror at the crime of regicide
with which Paris, and, indeed, France, was near
being stained. Hardly had the King proceeded
a hundred yards from the chateau of the Tuileries
in procession, to open the Session of the Cham-
bers, when a pistol was discharged at him, for-
tunately without effect. The assassin was in-
stantly taken into custody ; but there are suspi-
cious that this assassination affair is a trick.—
Morning Herald.
Under the head of " Electioneering Matters"
it will be seen that Westminster cuts rather a con-
spicuous figure to-day. What with addresses,
and meetings, and speeches, and pledges, and
counter-pledges, it appears that all the political
elements are in motion preparatory to a great
struggle. The parties are Sir J. C. Hobhouse
and Colonel Evans. The opposing influences
are those of Downing-street and Charing-cross.
We are not so far in the secrets of either ca

binet as to be able to announce their probable
resources, or to calculate the chances of victory
upon either side ; but the note of preparation is
sufficiently alarming to put all the combatants on
their mettle. We are far from thinking with Sir
F. Burdett, though we admire the ardent feel-
ing with which he advocates the cause of his
friend—we are far from thinking with him that
the whole question between Sir J. C. Hobhouse
and the electors of Westminster, or that portion
of the electors who are opposed to his return,
is resolvable into the simple alternative of grad-
tude or ingratitude. There is something in his
connection with the Government, and something
in his altered tone upon the prominent topics or

the day, to pass over certain defects of manner
or of temper, which are supposed to have inter-
fered not a little with the feelings of his consti-
tuents towards him,—there is something, and we
think enough, in all this to account for the attempt
which is now made, even if we had not the evi-
dence of a rupture between him and his consti-
tuents, which is conveyed in their determination
to exact pledges, and his determination to resist
them,—there is, as we said before, enough in all
this to account for the attempt, without obliging
us to impute it to the sheer influence of ingrati-
tude. The people of Westminster may be right
or wrong in the course they are pursuing ; but
let it not be too hastily concluded that they are
guilty of ingratitude. If Sir John Hobhouse
served the people faithfully during 14 years, who
was it that. returned Sir John Hobhouse during
those fourteen years free of expense ? What-
ever services Sir John may have rendered, they
will not go altogether unrequited, if he and his
present constituents were to part to-morrow
morning. Upon the subject of pledges, which
forms the ostensible ground of difference between
them at present, we have spoken our sentiments
plainly before now, and they assimilate more
nearly to the opinions of Sir John than to those
of his opponents. This doctrine of pledges, be
it observed, is an emanation from the political
unions, which both Sir John Hobhouse and Sir
Francis Burdett contributed mainly to establish,
little thinking, probably, that the time was so
near when those very unions would bring their
machinery to bear upon the exclusion of one of
their foster-fathers. Now, however, the process is
at work. How the former friends of the political
unions relish it may be seen by their letters and
remonstrances. How they will come out of it
eventually time alone can determine. There
is something rather aristocratic, if it was not for
the good feeling which mingles with and pal-
liates it, in the astonishment expressed by Sir F.
Burdett at the appearance of Colonel Evans in
opposition to the Treasury Member. The Co-
lonel is treated as an intruder. It reminds us
how jealous the old watchmen used to be of any
one infringing upon their beat. But it is con-
sistent with the liberal principles which the two
Members fur Westminster have always avowed
to assert a sort of property in the representation
of Westminster, and to stare at an opponent as
if he had two heads on him, merely because he
thought of showing his face as a candidate, at
the request of time people themselves ? We are
satisfied that Colonel Evans, or any other man
called on in the same way, is fully justified in
coming forward, and that the spirit in which his
declaration has been met will rather serve than
injure his prospects with the body of the elec-
tors. We doubt, however, whether his opinions
respecting pledges, though strongly calculated to
recommend him to a certain party, will advance
his views with the majority, when the issue comes
to be fairly tried—and upon that will, in a great
measure, depend the success or failure of his ex-
periment. In the mean while the very novelty
of a contest for Westminster has something ex-
citing in its sound, and, no doubt, will produce
a corresponding sensation amongst other large
constituencies.—Morning Herald.
We have again and again alluded to the dif-
ficulties with which the Ministerial and Reform
Candidates have to contend, from the Ministry,
with a weakness anti pusillanimity without ex-
ample, leaving almost the whole power of Go-
vernment in the hands of their adversaries. The
most bitter complaints continually reach us on
this subject. The Lieutenancy and Magistracy
are almost exclusively Tory. The Magistracy,
so far from improving under the Whigs, are
becoming worse and worse every day. In Ber-
wickshire, for instance, there will be a hard con-
test between Mr. Marjoribanks and Captain
Maitland. The Lord-Lieutenant of that
County (the Earl of Home), is a State pauper,
and consequently a rank Tory. In the Gazette of
last week appeared about half a score appointments
to the Magistracv, and they were one and all To-
ries. One gentleman, a candidate for the Di-
rectorship of the East India Company (Mr.
Swinton, of Swinton), is understood to have
been long undecided whether he should sup-
port the Whig candidate (Mr. Marjoribanks) or
Captain Maitland ; but of course Earl Home's
favour has decided him. The Tory candidate
for Manchester, Mr. Hope, has been made by a
Tory Lord-Lieutenant Colonel of the Fife Mi•
litia. It is certainly very generous in Ministers
thus to supply their opponents with funds for
defraying their expenses. They must have a
high idea of the virtue and disinterestedness of
their own supporters, as they in this unequivocal
manner allow the public to see that the best way
to obtain money and honours is to support the
Tories.—Morning Chronicle.

THE APPROACHING SESSIONS.--The
Westminster Sessions commence on Thursday, the Middle-
sex on Tuesday, the Admiralty the same day, the London
to-morrow week, the Old Bailey on Thursday week, the
Tower Hamlets the same day, and the Surrey Dec. 3.
EXTRAORDINARY ESCAPE.---The sloop
Peggy, of Fraserburgh, Aberdeenshire, 70 tons burden,
JOSEPH Sams, Master, left Waterford early on the morning
of Saturday se'nnight, with a cargo of barley, wheat, and
oatmeal, for Liverpool. About mid-day, it blowing a
heavy gale, the Captain stood in for Holyhead, which
place he was unable to gain ; he hovered near the Skerries
during the greater part of that night, and on the following
morning found himself far out at sea. The gale rather
increasing than abating, he made for Milford, but was
driven back about noon. The vessel' now becanie very
leaky, and had three feet water in her hold, notwithstand-
ing the pump had been kept constantly at work upwards
of 20 hours. About this time a pretty interesting young
woman, a passenger, was delivered of a still-born child.
Her husband, who was on board, could render her but
little assistance, as he was obliged to assist the crew upon
deck, every possible exertion being necessary in order to
keep the vessel up. In this distressing situation the
poor creature lay until Monday evening (26 hours) with-
out tasting a morsel or a drop of any thing, and expecting,
as every sea broke over and darkened the cabin skylight,
that bo h she and her husband were inevitably going to
the bottom. About dusk on Monday evening, after having
all day vainly endeavoured to gain the Studwell's-road, the
captain and all the crew, in a state of complete exhaustion,
and in the full conviction that if the vessel shipped one
foot more water she must go down, made for Bardsey
Island. They were standing directly in for New Quay,
and if she had entered there, she must have instantly gone
pieces ; when a nephew of the lighthouse-keeper, a boy
about twelve years of age, going to the mountain for milk,
ascended a rock, and waved his glittering can, in the di-
rection of Cabin-creek. The captain understood the sig-
nal, and altered his course. The youthful pilot, if be
may be so called, ran from crag to crag till he stood on the
rock at the entrance of the creek, still waving his can and
cap, signals that were correctly interpreted, and eagerly
followed, by the captain, who in a few minutes found
himself in the mouth of a safe shelter. The boy then ran
to inform the islanders, who came and assisted the vessel
The young
woman was landed on the rocks, where
she extreme fatigue. She was, however, soon
rescuedin'u T
sul h' lfromm her perilous situation, and conducted to the
lighthouse, where the wife of the lighthouse keeper kindly
administered to her the comfort she stood so much in need
thi
of. The c tptain and crew, all their bedding being wet,
were provided with beds, &c., at the lighthouse. They
for
rd
threeno t tasted s
aanddr drop ofo n
ailgi. Dripping wet and yhtsng, except a little whiskey,
ex-
hausted, they were clajects that loudly called for the com-
passion and kindness which they experienced at the light-
house. The young woman was well enough to be up on
Tuesday. The cargo is considerably damaged, but the
vessel, though much strained, is irafe,— Cambrian,

COURT OF KING'S BENCH, Nov. 20.

ROBSON V. SANCTUARY, ESQ.

This was an action against the Sheriff for a false
return; and at the trial a verdict was taken for the
plaintiff for 1701., subject to the opinion of the
Court on a special case. The case stated that the
plaintiff had execution against a person of the name
of Weller, and the writ was given to the defendant,
who issued his warrant to the officer, who took the
goods about eleven o'clock in the forenuon of the
13th of August, 1830, and remained in possession
for twelve days, at the expiration► of which time suf-
ficient was sold to raise the 1701. On the 13th of
October, 1830, a commission of bankruptcy was is-
sued against Weller, whose assignees claimed the
money, and it was paid to them by the Sheriff's on
an indemnity, and a return was made of nulla bona.
The main question was, whether the goods had been
levied under the execution two months before the
issuing of the commission. Sir James Scarlett
had contended that it could not be properly
said that the goods were levied until they
were sold, and the money raised ; and taking this to
be correct, it was clear that the commission► had
issued in less than two months from the period of
the execution. Mr. Hutchinson, on the other hand,
in support of the verdict, contended that the time
of the execution was to be reckoned frem the pe-
riod of the first seizure; in which case it was clear
that the execution must prevail against the commis-
sion, since it was put in at 11 o'clock on the 13th
of August, and the commission did not issue till be-
tween 12 and 1 o'clock on the 13th of October.
Mr. CLARKSON was heard for the defendant.
Judgment for the plaintiff.
HOWARD V. BARTOLOZZI.

This was an action brought by the plaintiff against
the defendant, to recover a debt of 110/. The de-
fence was, that the defendant, Miss Bartolozzi, had
taken the benefit of the Insolvent Debtors' Act,
after this debt became due, and that this debt,
which ought to have been inserted in the schedule,
had been wilfully omitted by the plaintiff, in order
that he might sue on it afterwards. The Judge left
it to the Jury to say—first, whether there was any
debt; and, secondly, whether it was wilfully omitted
by the plaintiff in the list of debts from which the
schedule was made out. The Jury said that there
was a debt, and that it was wilfully omitted, and
found at first for the defendant, but afterwards, un-
der the direction of the Judge, found for the plain-
tiff with a view to ulterior proceedings, and the
Judge (Lord Tenterden) gave leave to move. A
rule Nisi to set aside the verdict was accordingly
applied for and granted.

- Mr. CAMPBELL and Mr. FoLLETT showed cause
against the rule.
Mr. KELLY, in support of the rule, contended
that the finding of the Jury decidedly was, that the
debt had been wilfully omitted by the plaintiff in a
list of debts prepared at his office, and shown by
him to the defendant in the rules of the prison.
Rule absolute accordingly for a new trial.

COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, Nov. 20.

RAMADGE V. \VAKLEY.

Mr. Wakley, in this case, applied in person, for
the purpose of having the taxation of the bill of costs
reviewed. A farthing was the amount of the da-
mages granted by the Jury on the trial, and the
present application rested upon this ground :—There
was a witness named Sophia Reynolds, who had
been, at the instance of the plaintiff, examined be-
fore the Prothonotary in the progress of the cause,
but not called up on the trial, and the taxing officer
allowed for her attendances, and for the attendances
of the Prothonotary at her examinations. This, the
defendant contended, was objectionable, and entitled
him to call for a review of the bill.

The CHIEF JUSTICE inquired if the sum was
considerable ? Mr. Wakley said that he stood upon
the question of right, and that it was not impor-
tant on an occasion of that sort whether the amount
were large or small—one shilling was as much as
one hundred pounds in the eyes of those who looked
to the principle as the main consideration.
The CHIEF JUSTICE—The Court will certainly
not interfere if the amount be only a shilling—how
much is the sum ? Mr. Wakley replied, that the
whole expenses were upwards of 201.
The CHIEF JUSTICE inquired if the defendant
would say that the sum he purposed disputing was
of a sufficient amount to call for the interference of
the Court ? Mr. Wakley replied that it was, and
proceeded to read his own affidavit, which set forth
the circumstances already stated; and further, that
the Learned Judge by whom the cause was tried
had refused to certify.
When the reading of the affidavit was concluded,
the Court granted a rule to show cause.