The Sun.
London, England, 1866-01-27 00:00:00

should fail to understand and appreciate those pecu-
liarities of the American people which show them-
selves in this Mexican embroglio. In Europe the
people have become accustomed to Monarchical and
Imperial institutions; they love and admire them,
and are generally loyal to their sovereigns ; still, it
is almost universally felt that the European phase
of society is destined eventually to pass away or be
transformed. The great doctrine of political equa-
lity is growing more and more potent in Europe,
and it is felt here that although a pure and
unsullied monarch like that of England, or
a powerful • and magnanimous one like that
of France, are worthy of respect and veneration,
yet that monarchies and empires, per se, are unne-
cessary. In America, on the contrary, the people
believe that the political and social system under
which they live is destined to endure as long as
civilisation endures, and at last to embrace all men
—a state of society in which religion shall be free ;
in which there shall be, as far as possible, no ine-
qualities of property which are not due to the exer-
tions of living owners ; in which every man, white
or black, shall stand as far as law is concerned with
an equal chance in the race of life. In a word, the
American people believe, and if necessary will fight
in defence of that idea, that man, as man, shall be
most valued, most cherished, in the State ; and
that all the resources of society shall be
concentrated, not in educating, and polishing, and
ennobling the few, but in bestowing upon all
a fair degree of culture and comfort. This is
the " idea" of the American people. But they
do not wish to impose their belief upon Euro-
peans. They are willing that the people of Europe
should choose their own forms of government ; and
we think we are not overstating the case when we
declare that no Englishman venerates the Royal
Lady of England, and no Frenchman admires the
Imperial Ruler of France, more than the Americans.
They know how to respect virtue and intelligence,
but they also know how to estimate Royalty and Im-
perialism at their true worth. And in determining that
Republicanism shall have a fair trial in Mexico, they
are only deciding in favour of their own cherished
ideas in favor of Republican institutions generally.
In conclusion, we must express our conviction
that the present difficulties will not result in a war
between the United States and France. We have
great faith in the determination and persistence of
the American nation—we have equal faith in the
peaceful purposes of the French Emperor. His
late speech to the Legislative Assembly is more
than pacific—it is friendly and frank—and we be-
lieve Napoleon will profit by the lesson which his
uncle learned at his cost—and that Mexico will
never prove another Moscow.

The Relations Between France and the
United States.

The doctrine which passes by the name of President
Monroe is an article in the creed of every American.
Monroe himself cannot, indeed, be held responsible for the
exaggerated form the doctrine has assumed in the last
generation. He was content to protest against the inter-
ference of any European power in any part of America.
His words were, " That the American continents, by tke
free and independent condition which they have assumed
and maintained, are henceforth not to be considered as
subjects for future colonisation by any European Power,"
and this declaration was occasioned, as Mr. Calhoun, a
member of the Monroe Cabinet, afterwards explained, by
the threat of the Holy Alliance to intervene and help
Spain in her wars with her revolted colonies. But the
Monroe doctrine has grown from a protest against foreign
intervention into a determination to tolerate nothing but
Republican Governments in the Continent of America.
The distinction between the original form and the subse-
quent deVelopment of the doctrine is of the utmost conse
quence with reference to the future conduct of the
Mexican question, but it is wholly immaterial with respect
to the past. State it as moderately as we may, it cannot
be denied that the Emperor of the French rode roughshod
over it when he first pushed on his Mexican expedition.
When he overstepped the programme of the allied Powers
and upset the Republican Government under President
Juarez, he was committing an act of the very character
against which President Monroe protested. And he did
this at a time when the Federal Government was unable
to take any active steps to prevent him. Their hands
were full, the restoration of the Union seemed doubtful,
and it was held certain that, if restored at all, its powers
would be very much crippled. We cannot be surprised
that the resentment excited by a French intervention in
Mexico, undertaken under such circumstances, should be
excessive, or that it should occasion menacing remon-
strances the moment the return of peace enabled the
Government to speak its mind freely. It has, in fact,
driven the President and Mr. Seward to the adoption of
the Monroe doctrine in its most extended interpretation.
They are not content with denouncing the forcible expul-
sion of Juarez from power, the introduction of Maximilian
into Mexico, and the maintenance of his throne by the as-
sistance of foreign bayonets. If this had been all to
which they objected, it would have been sufficient to insist
upon the withdrawal of the French troops, leaving to the
Mexicans themselves the determination of the form of
Government under which they shall live. But the propa-
gandism of Republicanism is as intolerant as the propagan-
dism of autocrats. The Republics of the New World aro
looked upon by the citizens of the United States as
banded to:gether in a new Holy Alliance, and a
threatened extinction of one of them in a calamity which
justifies the forcible interference of all the rest. Unhap-
pily, too, at this conjuncture the unjustifiable conduct of
the late Spanish Envoy towards Chili has provoked a
storm of resentment against European interference on the
American Continent which may drown the voices of those
who speak of moderation.
The best hopes of the maintenance of peace between
France and the United States lie in the deep feelings of
friendship and sympathy which Americans have towards
the French people. If the Emperor Napoleon were obsti-
nately to persist in upholding the Mexican Empire by
force these sentiments might doubtless be overpowered,
but the belief of Americans in the ancient friendship of
France is strong enough to endure much provocation.
We cannot, however, but feel that the line taken by the
American Government is but ill calculated to preserve
the alliance dear to American citizens. However desirous
the Emperor Napoleon may be of retiring with decency
from Mexico, the chance is almost denied him. The
Imperial Government have always declared that the
French occupation of Mexico was only a temporary
measure. They have said that as soon as the Emperor
Maximilian had been inducted into his position all
auxiliary troops would be withdrawn, and it would be
perfectly consistent with these declarations were the
French troops recalled to-morrow. It is, however, an
obvious condition of their withdrawal that no other
foreign Power should immediately afterwards intervene in
Mexico.

The Austrian protégé of the Emperor Napoleon has in
some fashion been adopted by his subjects, and he has a
right to a fair trial. If his Government is such that the
Mexicans desire to keep him as their Emperor, it is not
easy to see why their wish should not be gratified. Mexico
is not the only Republic which has become an Empire, and
the United States have recognised in Europe what they
refuse to tolerate in America. The objection lies in that
exaggeration of the Mexican doctrirob for which Mr.
Monroe is not responsible. Let President Johnson recur
to the most moderate proposition enunciated by his pre-
decessor, and the task of coming to an agreement with
France is at once indefinably lightened. Mr. Monroe pro-
tested against European interference in America, but left
each American community to choose its own form of
Government. If Prance retires from Mexico, this protest
is satisfied, whether the Empire of Maximilian be retained
or abolished. It is true that the Empire will have owned
its origin to European influence, but if Mexicans acquiesce
in it when this influence is removed the vice of its origin
ought to be forgiven. The language of M. Drouyn de
Lhuys leads to the belief that the auxiliary corps would
be recalled to Europe at once if the American Government
would give a pledge that Mexico would be left to settle
its own future destiny, and we hope so moderate a solu-
tion of a most embarrassing question will be accepted by
President Johnson.

England is interested in Mexico, but our only desire is
that good order and settled government may be established
throughout her rich provinces. Indignation against the
anarchy of a generation, and a hope that something might
be done to make the wealth of Mexico a benefit to the
world, excuse the favour we at first showed to an enter-
prise so unpromising as the Mexican expedition. The
United States are interested in Mexico, and the citizens of
the Union have long looked upon themselves as heirs in
reversion of ber mined and minerals. But neither the inte-
rest of the States nor of ourselves in Mexico can compare
with the interest we should feel in the maintenance of
peace between France and the Union. We are almost as
much interested in peace between them as we are in main-
taining peace with each of them. And the Government
and people of the United States must be conscious that
nothing would be more deplorable than a rupture with a'
great European Power immediately after an and had been
put to their Civil War. The difficulties which they have
to contend with at home are of a magnitude to task the
utmost wisdom and energy of their rulers, and nothing but
a spirit of wanton mischief would add to their actual em-
barrassments. We believe that. the American Government
are mindful of these considerations, and of their unbroken
friendship with France, and we have confidence that they
will be eager to accept a pacific solution of the Mexican
difficulty compatible with the dignity of both nations.—
Times.

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