The Sun.
London, England, 1832-03-13 00:00:00

3PIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

Much despicable twaddle continues to be poured
forth by certain professed advocates of the " wait-
upon-Providence" party, respecting the meat
whereby the Reform Bill is to be carried through
the House of Lords. We are gravely desired to
remark how much the cause of Reform has gained
in the House of Commons since the original Bill
nme fiist received there, and since, also, the divisions
em the second reading of that Bill, and on General
Gascoyne's amendment. We are further treated
whh a hint, that all this good conaeluence has re-
sulted from the "patience and perseverance of the
advocates" of the Bill. What a ludicrous perversion
of all fact and common sense is here The progress
of the Bill in the House of Common?, eihce the oc-
currences referred to, has arisen f-"orri no such vague
cause as " patience rie perseverance" in its advo-
eates; it has been effected mainly by their plucking
up courage enough to dissolve the Gascoyrre
Parlia-
went, and to let the people act fee themselves, by
returning a more liberal House of Commons. It was
decision, not resignation to circumstances, that ens-
/Act-1 Ministers to earry the Bill through the House
of Commons. Had the same unhappy spirit of tame
iudeeision governed the Cabinet in its conduct to
words the House of Commons as has since been too
!dearly visible in whatever relates to the Lords,
Reform wonid at this moment have held no higher
ground than it did about twelve months ago. It was
the re-organization of the House of Commons which
carried the Bill through that assembly. When the
Lords threw it out, they were regarded by the
country in pretty much the same tight as the last
House of Commons had been, after passing General
Giscoyne's amendment ; and their Lordshiren can
Lever be brought into decent harmony with
the nation, but by an analogous process—that is,
until, through means inherent in tie constitution of
England, they shall have been reconstructed by the
Crown, as the Commons were by the people, After
-.he events which have obtained a grievous notoriety,
it is pure silliness to ask (and indeed it is something
worse to ask with a grave countenance), " What
reason have we to think that a different result awaits
the Bill in the House of Lords from that which it
has experienced in the other House of Parliament ?"
Our answer is, that the old House of Commons un-
derwent the purgation of an appeal to the people,
and thence acquired a much ameliorated. spirit.
Whereas the old House of Lords has: received no
accession whatsoever to its virtue, but remains, to a
man, the same assembly which negatived the second
reading of the Bid. The 'text answer is, the noto-
tiety of the fact, that an acquiescence by the Lords
in the second reading is designed to serve but as the
auxiliary to an avowed scheme for destroying the
whole usefulness of the measure, and leaving the
country in no better condition than if the former
noroughmongering system had renetined altogether
untouched. There is scarcely a man in the streets
'c London who does not 4.11011) that the House of
Lords, as at present constituted, will nonsupport the
most valuable provisions of the Mirristerial Bill.
To aasume the contrary, as, we are ashamed to say,
has been done by a portion of the contemporary press,
betrays gross ignorance, or wilful deceit. Even
some of the Bishops, whose penitent succour; has been
counted on by the good easy nobleman in office,
whom we need not name, do not feel it worth while
to make secret of their intentions to mutilate the
Bill after it shall have passed the second reading.
What, then, means the paltering with words, wide
has been resorted to during the last week by those
who manifestly but repeat the lesson appointed for
their daily service ? They do not believe one sylla-
ble of what they represent to be the favourable dis-
position of the House of Peers. Their employers
—albeit in no merry mood—would laugh those to
scorn who gave it ered:t. What, then, must we
conclude, but that fhe defence is not an honest one ?
And that notions are entertained in certain quarters
very different from those which have been acknow-
ledged. The strange phrenzies may visit men's
betels we have not now to learn, nor how open are
even gifted and highly reputable persons to acci-
dental influences which at first sight would appear but
little likely to disturb them. There is no denying
that the same phrase repeated incessantly by any mi-
serable parrot, not capable of attaching sense or value
to the sounds of which its organs are the channel,
will impress the ear, and may rest upon the me-
mory, of rational beings, and thus be wrought, im-
perceptibly but inextricably, into the main texture
of their thoughts. The babblers of Toryiern, from
the first hour when this great BA for purifying the
representation of the people was brought forward,
have been reiterating the stale monotonous absur-
dity, that to reform Parliament was to revolutionize
the State. They have harangued about confisca-
tion, and anarchy, and bloodshed, and of gulphs that
swallowed up Kings, and political volcanos vomiting
forth republics, and the Lord knows what other
rigmarole. This nonsense having male some way
among the dandies of either sex who flutter about
Courts and great men's dwellings, a higher note ha.
been sounded, and harped upon with unmerciful
perseverance. It was not enough to call a re,
form of Parliament by the ominous name of revolu-
tion, but sort or sorts of revolution which the
present measure was chargeable with prepa-
ring must be placed before the susceptible
imagination of Lord Grey. To be sure the alarmists
have not been over particular in their choice when
they hit upon the revolutions of the 17th century
in England, and of the 18th in France, for
parallels to this assault of the reform boroughs. Be-
cause Charles attempted for 16 years to bear down
all constitutional opposition, to reign first without
Parliaments, then to reign over them,—to levy
taxes by prerogative,—to inflict punishments against
law,—to violate his own most solemn obligations
with as little regard to truth or honour as the tyrant
DOW at Lisbon,—then set up his standard in defence
of his usurpations, and, afer the unnatural warfare
(unlawfully, we admit, but not unhappily for Eng-
land), perished as a criminal,—because he did and
suffered thus, we, the British nation, in the year
183'2, are to bear submissively whatever grievances,
the King, but a fierce aad despotic corporation
of usurping boroughmongers chose to inflict upon
us: lest, because Charles 1., the blind and infatuated
despot, was beheaded, King William, who has been
the first to see and remedy the wrongs under which
4.is subjects suffered, should share the fate of Charles.
The struggles of our great patriots of 16-10 were
directed against the tyranny of the Crown.
The efforts of King and people at this mo-
ment arc to shake off the yoke of a faction.
So in France were there 110 evils endured by the
nation before 1788 ? Were there no lettres de
cachet ? No Bastile ? No Gabelle ? No privi-
leged exemptions- from taxes and other obligations ?
Did not the people of England reap the revolution
of 1688 from the seed of 1648 ? Have not the
French gained their charter, and the unnumbered
liheiainga arising out of the overthrow of feudal pd.
v:lege-, as well as of kingly despotisms, from that
much-abused revolution of 1788 ? But we have
nothing to do with those revolutions. There were
revolutions in Rome; there have been some in
Prussia ; a few in China ; there was one, a mighty
revolution, in North America. Revolutions brought
about by nations are invariably for rights withheld.
The timely redress of wrongs is the natural pre-
ventive of revolutions. • Let Lord Grey turn with
the disgust which ought to be felt by a Whig
statesman from these- wretched perversions of his-
torical truth and political reasoning by -his- enemies.
Let him be just to himself and " fear not."—l'intes.
Our intelligent and able weekly contemporary
(the Spectator) alluded on Sunday last to the ex-
istence of " Two little Bills," the monstrous pro-
duction of the Anti-Reformers! In another column
we have given these moral curiosities—these politi-
cal Siamese twins. A more ludicrous deformity-was
never before exhibited to the public. The Anti-Re-
formers throughout the national struggle for the last
eighteen months, have maintained apse position.
Driven from the government by- their blind and in-
fatuated refusal of any Reform of the Representation
of the People, they would now fain persuade the
public mind that they are willing to concida a mod?!.

/plc Reform. Sir Robert Peel, hampered by the pre-
judices and influence of the Duke of Wellington, has
struggled hard with his " half-way" propensities,
end with difficulty abstained from the revelation
of a candid plan of Parliamentary Reform. Acutely
perceiving that the Ultra-Tories would never forgive
a first—much less a second—political backsliding,
the wily Baronet has opposed the Ministerial mea-
:ore without comelizaing himself to any scheme;
vet well lenowing that he could never regain the
seals of office without being prepared for s-cute con-
cessions. Encompassed with the difficulties of "
bit-by-bit" Reform, and knowing that if the mortar
in the wd!s or the horoughmengera' citadel was once
shaken the battlements would ultimately fall, he has
made a choice of evils, and kept his pace as to what
he would fain do on this momentous question. We
have no doubt that the operation of " chewing the
cud" hart bren painful and hard to bear ; but servi-
lity to the Commander-in-Chief, and political incom-
I have tongue-tied the Right Hon. Baronet.
He has repelled with affected indignation the impu-
tation of opposition to the principle of Reform ; but
white abusing his neighbour's child, he has sedu-
lously concealed his own political offspring. Now
" the murder is out ;" and the public cannot fail to
discern the hollow and hypocritical affectations of
thesepseado Reformer,. The two Bills are printed
in the regular, official, and parliamvntary style.
They bear date on the endorsement, " February,
1832," and may, therefore, be presumed to be one
month old. They purport "to he moved in the
Upper House, so that the rights of the Com-
mons of the realm are to originate in the
House of Lords, and to be determined by the
price sanction of the majority of fort .one Peers,
who in October last refused even not to entertain
the question of an amendment of the representation!
From such an impure source could any decent mea-
sure issue ? Could any good come out of Galilee ?
The first monster is entitled No. I.—" A Bill to
make provision for the Extension of Representation
to populous and wealthy Counties, Districts, and
Towns." And what do our readers imagine is the
nature of the " provision ?" That the returning
officers of the present represented boroughs and
cities should, under the warrant of the Speaker of
the House of Commons, convene a public meeting
of voters, and if three fourths of- the number enti-
tled to vote voluntarily resign d their electoral
rights, that thenceforth such places end boroughs
should be disfranchised—otherwise that they should
continue to enjoy their scendalott: monopoly ! The
borough proprietors, the degraded trafficking voters,
to have the option of restoring stolen goods! We
conclude, that if the Anti-Reformers again obtain
power, they will repeal all penal statutes for the
punishment and prevention of felony ; and substi-
tute a declaratory law, that thenceforth house-break-
ing and pocket-picking are legal and moral ; and
that such culprits as may feel the stings of con-
science, or be surfeited with plunder, may partially
restore stolen property by calling in at Bow-street.
Alter this notable contrivance for getting rid of the
inconvenience of schedules A and B, the imposters
attach a note to the end of their first-horn,
that, "it is the province of a separate Act to
appropriate the seats to the, hereby surrendered, and
to determine what shall constitute the qualification
of an elector." We now come to the second " lit-
tle Bill," which is endorsed No. 2, " To be laid on
the table of the House when the first /3•11 is
moved. The second monster is entitled, " A Bil
to adapt the Representation of the People in Eng-
land and Wales to the altered circumstances of the
Country." This precious twin-child, the offspring
• two parents—lgnorance and Corruption—was
also born in " February, 1832 ;" having, we pre-
sume, been nursed in swaddling clothes by the
Charles-street clique since that dark and foggy
month. This Bill confirms the franchise of the
Forty-shilling Freeholder; and Extends the county
franchise to copyholders and tenants for life ; to 20/.
leaseholders, holding for a term of 21 years, and to
annual tenants of 50/. per annum. The only good
feature of the Bill is its retaining the existing sim-
ple and constitutional franchise of ,cot and lot (li-
mited, however, to inhabitant householders) but this
is made up to the Tories by limiting the electoral •
rights in new boroughs to inhabitant householders
rated for three successive years, on a yearly value of
15/. ; that is to say, 5/. more than the Ministerial
franchise, and restr cted to one take. The county
freeholders of represented towns or cities are then
partially exterminated. There is no registration,
no disfranchisement, no decided enfranchisement ;
and the two Bills, occupying altogether only eight
p4ges (and long enough) terminate in a note at the
tale of No. 2, with this consolatory lure,—that " it
is proposed, in separate Acts, to fix the limits of
boroughs, to shorten the duration of elections, to
appoint the several districts in which the poll at
county elections shall he taken, and generally to
revise those regulations which are only incidental
to the exercise of the elective franchise." Such
are the stop-gaps which these infatuated " Conser-
vatives" think they can successfully employ to
keep John Bull from breaking down the fences of
the Boroughmoneers; such the quack medicine
which they fancy they can persuade him to take for
renovation of his shattered constitution. A more
rank humbug (and plain English can alone charac-
terise the imposture) was never sought to be prac-
tised on a nation. how little do these misguided
1 men know of public opinion—how short-sighted is
their view of a desperate situation. A bill-sticker,
who pastes tip the quack advertisements of cmpirics,
would draw up.more creditable and attractive paper.
These abominable ducuracats remind us of the
placard of a celebrated Doctor during
-tile last con-
tested Westminster Election, " Vote for Dr. Eadv,
the real friend of the Constitution !" We sincerely
advise the Anti-Reformers not to set up in a
business to which they were not bi.ed. The people
will never accept political emancipation at the hands
of the Tories ; they will never be prevented by the
‘, Conservatives," from now obtaining freedom.
Are the authors or friends of these notable " Re-
form Bills" the Peers whom Lord Grey seeks to
appease, and to gain over to his measures ? Far
better that the Premier should rely on sound
friends than on cutting off the wings of his enemies.
We shall watch for the next edition of the Tory
and moderate Reform Bills.—Morning Chronicle.

SECOND EDITION.

SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

OF THIS EVENING.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The Sunderland Dock 4 BAI was read a second time.

Mr. TREVOR presentesi a petition from a person named
Gray, of Hartlepool, in the county of Durham, praying to
be heard by Counsel in the Committee of the Hartlepool
Harbour and Wet Docks Bill, and complaining that the
standing orders had not been complied with.
A long discussion ensued between the Hon. Member,
Mr. Clayton, Mr. Hodgson, Mr. Littleton, and the
Speaker, as to whether, in the first instance, the peti-
tioner had an actual interest. in land proposed to be
affected by the intended Bill, arid also whether the
Committee had exa:oined as to whether the stand-
ing orders had been complied with or not. It appeared
that the Committee had reported that the standing orders
had been complied with. The result of the discussion
was the withdrawal of the petition.
Lord STANLEY moved for, and obtained leave to
bring in, a Bill to enable the Company of the proprietors
of the Bolton, Bury, and Manchester Canal, to make col-
lateral banches of the canal.
On the motion of Sir EDWARD VAUGHAN, leave
was given to bring in a Bill to light the town of Wells
with gas.

Mr: EVANS brought up the report of the Committee
on the St. Margaret's (Westminster) Poor Bill.
Mr. Alderman WOOD brought up the report of the
Committee on the London-bridge Approaches Bill.
Mr. PAGET presented a petition against the Upper
East Smithfield Road Bill.

Mr. WYSE presented several petitions from various
places in Queen's county, complaining of distress a❑d the
tithe system. 'The petitioners represented that in their
original institution, idles were intended, not solely for

the benefit of the clergy, but as a provision in part for the
,rel'ef of the poor,
The Hos. MEmßea also presented several petitions re-
lative to the Galway franchise.
Mr. LAMBERT presented a petition from a place in
Cornwall, against the tithe system.
Mr. H. GRATTAN and Mr. J. GRATTAN supported
the prayer of the petition,
Lord KILLEEN knew most of the petitioners to be
men of the highest respectability in the county.
Mr. BLACKNEY said that Ireland and its future peace
rested very much on the abolition of the tithes, and if not
put down by the Legislature, the tithe system would
he annihilated by the united efforts of an oppressed, iin-
poveriehed, and insulted nation.
Lord STANLEY presented a petition front the free-
holders, leaseholders, and householilers, of Chorlton,
in the neiehbourhood of Manchester, against the general
Registry Bill. The petitioners suggested that if any
registry was adopted, a local registry would he infinitely
more advantageous than that proposed by the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman (Mr. Campbell.)
The SPEAKER then addressed the House, and said the
time having arrived for the commencement of public busi-
nese, it would Ire more convenient, he thought, that
by some means, according to the pleasure of the House
the dropped Orders should be now disposed of, and it was
impossible for him to revert to the circuinstance of
there being no House yesterday, without eeprrssing the
the sincerest gratitude he entertained for the kindness
and consideration the House had sheren .him, not only
upon that occasion, but upon many others since he had
the honour of occupying that Chair.--(Hear, hear.)
Lord ALTHORP then moved that the dropped orders
of yesterday be read.
Sir R. VYVYAN said it had been his intention
yesterday to ask some questions of the Noble Lord
opposite, relative to a subject which lie considered of im-
portance, namely, the French expeditiun to Ancona and the
affairs of Belgium, and be thought he could not do better
than embrace the present opportunity of asking a few
questions upon that particular subject. The other day
when he put the question relative to the landing of
the French troops at Ancona, his Majesty's Govern-
mere stated that they were not enabled to give any
definite answer to the questions proposed. On a previous
occasion, when he asked his Noble Friend whether he were
aware of any expedition being prepared, or having sailed, the
Nrible Lord stated he was not then aware whether any
expedition hail sailed. Now it was impio tent to refer to
debates on that occasion. The questions were proposed
February 23, and it was discovered that the French troops
had landed at Ancona before Government was aware that
any expedition had sailed. Shortly afterwards a protest,
said to lie that of the Pope, had appeared against
the invasion of his States by the French. This protest
was too long to read, but he believed every Member had
bad an opportunity of reading it. There were some passages,
however, in that document which showed, if it were
correct, that there had been an invasiiie of the
Papal territory, and that: the French had landed at
Ancona without the permisSion of the Pope, and in
defiance of his expostulations. When the treope landed,
the Pap a troops still being in possession of Ancona, it ap-
peared that their commander was told lie was a French
prisoner, until he surrendered the fort of which he was
resessed, and which he commanded. Hail there, he asked,
ever happened such a thing:eince the days of Napoleon? And
although it was perhaps a poetical expression, yet nothing of
the kind had happi ned since the days of the Saraeene. On
the 7th March, after the news of the event had reached
Paris, speeches were made by many menitiers of the oppo-
sition, and M. C. Perier delivered a speech, to a few
extracts of which he would call the attention of the
House.—(Hear, hear.) The Honourable Baronet tl.en
proceeded to read extracts, the purpoi of which
was that the French Government had interfered in
this case on the sane principle that they had
interfered with Belgium. The Austri ius having
occupied Bologna, the French Government thought itself
()Waged to take this step as a continental power. lie would
a k, supposing the same principle were acted on as to
this country, what would be the consequence ? lie
did not stand there to defend the Papal Govern-
ment; but there were passages in the speech
that affected English interests. It was not for
them to set themselves up as judges of what
mode of government a sovereign should deal out
to his people, or what a people should expect from
its legitimate sovereign. But what if the French
were to declare that the legitimate mode of trial
in this
_country was not sufficient, and that the
periodical repressions of provincial disturbances were
neither just nor adequate; and if a Congress were to
sit to consider this questioning the power of the British
Parliament to decide the question?—(Hear, bear, hear.)
On another occasion, C. Perrier explained more fuliy
the intentions of Government, but these explanations
were like Cromwell's, when he did not wish his Parlia-
ment to understand him. It was evident, however, that
the interference of the French in this instance had origi-
nated in their own interestsecontrary to the wish of the Pope.
His object, therefore, was to know from the Noble Lord
whether the Protest was an official document,—whether
he had received such official inlsrisation, as a Minister of
the Crown, so as to say the document had been officially
issued, protesting against the ocitupation of Ancona
by a Foreign Power, with which Foreign Power
this country was in alliance ? It was far from his
desire to say any thing which might give the appearance
of any thing calculated to involve thts country in a war.
He wished for peace. He believed it to be for the interest
of both 'countries that peace should be maintained—
He believed the majority of Members of both Houses of
Parliament, as well as the majority of the people of this
country, wished for peace; but if there was any thing
like French honour, it was to be recollected there was
British honour also—(Cheers)—and he could not but sup-
pose that his Majesty's Government had done their best
to preserve that honour. He was willing to suppose
this—he was willing to suppose that the French
troops might yet have to retire from Ancona, and
that the French Government might yet have, in re-
spect of what had teen done, to make an apology.
He was willing to suppose all this, and to abstain
from putting a question to the Noble Lord upon it, con-
tenting himself on the present occasion sirnplylby asking
(anal which deserved most serious attention)—(Hear,
hear)—whether the Noble Lord had official information
that this protest was an authentic document?
Lord PALMERSTON said, sir, it affords me satisfac-
tion on this occasion to be able to give an answer to my
Right lion. Friend's question ;—the more so as
it has frequently occurred that to questions
proposed lay him I have either felt it unfit
to answer them, or been unable to reply to them from the
want of means. Sir, I have received from one of our Foreign
Ministers I believe a copy of the protest my Right lion.
Friend has adverted t a in such a way as to leave no
doubt on my mind that such protest was issued
by the Roman Government ; therefore, the Right Hon.
Baronet may conclude, that the protests be has seen
in the Newspapers (little errors of translation ex-
cepted) is a correct copy of the protest issued by
the Pope.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Sir, I might content
myself by simply snaking that answer to the question that
has been put to me; but there were one or two
remarks accompanying the question that I think
call for an observation or two from me. I think I am
entitled in the outset to complain a little of my Right
Honourable Friend. I will riot say he has misrepre-
sented, but he has given a little colouring to an
answer which lie states I gave to a question of
his. He states that wheal he first asked me ,on
the 23i of February, whether the Government was
aware that such an expedition had sailed from
France my reply simply was that the Governtnent
were not aware such an expedition had sailed. (Hear,
hear.) Nuw, any person hearing that .version of
my answer, would very naturally conclude that the
answer implied that his Majesty's Government was wholly.
ignorant that such an expedition was about ever to
b taken. Sir, my allsWtr was two-fold. I stated
that his Majesty's Government had reason to know
that such an expedition was in preparation, but
that they bad received no official information at that
time that the expedition had actually sailed; and whatever
impatience my Right Hon. Friend may attach to
a comparison of dates that was the fact. 'foe Right Hon.
Baronet stated that the mode in which this French
expedition landed at Ancona was inconsistent with the
duties which one independent State owes to another.--
I alb certainly not disposed, nor do I intend at the present
period, to controvert that statement.—(Loud cheers fteai
the Opposition side) but of France itself, who, the Mo-
ment they heard how the landing was effected, commu-
nicated it to the Friendly Powers ins France, that
the commanding officer of the 'expedition had disobeyed
his orders, and that in consequence he had been called
home to submit to an inquiry into his conduct..—(lleac,
hear, tear.) Now, Sir, that is all that has taken place,
and which has given the Right Hon. Baronet, as lie con-
tends, a ground fur comparing it to the proceedings of
Buonaparte.—(Louti cheers.) When any thiug about
foreign affairs are brought before the House, the
lion.: Baronet has always been extremely careful to state
in the most explicit terms that he is a lover of peace, and
that there is nothing which; he wishes fur more
than to *see peace and good will prevail among all,
and all idea of war done away with—(Hear; hear)--
but I must say he takes the strangett mode of

of carrying that idea into effect I could possibly imagine.
(Loud cheers.) He.says, keep peace with France—it is
for the interest of England that you should maintain
peace with her; but still don't you think the
honour of England must be maintained.—(Hear, hear.)
Can you tamely brook what has passed ? Is it
not for the dignity of England to demand eatiefaction ?
(Hear, hear.) At the very time he is proclaiming
his love for peace he is endevouring to persuade the
House to goad his Majesty's Government into a proceed-
ing which must be of a nature to excite:unfriendly commu-
nications between that government and the French.
The Hon. Baronet says, the honour of England is pecu-
liarly concerned in protecting the territories of the Pope.
For my own part I am at a loss to know why it is more
poculiarly concerned in protecting the territories of the
Pope than in protecting any other part. At the same time
I am perfectly ready to sate that no transaction which has
a tendency to interfere with independent States can be a
matter of indifference. The Hon. Baronet says—" Make
the case your own, and just suppose how you would feel
if the great powers were to interfere' respecting the dis-
turbances in England, and to say as you have been
obliged again to have recourse to measures of repression,
we will take the management into our own hands. Now
it is impossible to suppose two things more totally indifferent
than these. There is this plain and essential difference
between them—that in the case of the Pope,
that Sovereign has unfortunately' thought it ne-
cessity to call in the aid of foreign troops for
the purpose of maintaining peace. Now, I have
no difficulty in saying, that if ever the day should arise,
when the King of this country shall be compelled to
call in tha did of foreign troops to maintain the peace
and tranquillity of his empire, I, for one, should then
certainly feel that the indepondence of this country
was at an end, and that then such a proposition might
not be very improperly addressed to this House, or to his
Majesty.
An HON. MEMBER, whose name we could not learn,
declared that the statement just made by the Noble Lord
was the most extraordinary that he had ever heard
in that House. The French Government had,
with a view of exciting Collision, had despatched an ex-
pedition to AIICOLIa, and under false pretences, they
had 'fleeted a landing, and taken possession of the
fortresses. The Noble Lord, it was true, stated that
he had been informed the French Government dis ap-
proved of the mariner in which their officer acted, but it
did not appear that the fortresses had been been given up.
—(Hear. hear,) This was the sixth expedition sent by
France since the aithority of the Bourbons hatl ceased,
to ee bad acted contrary to the law of nations. The
Hon. Memder was of opinion that the House was under
great obligations to the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Vy-
cyan) for the opportunity he had taken of ascertaining the
the conduct of the French Government, and he added that
if the principle on which such an aggression was viewed
was allowed to prevail, great danger would result from it.
Colonel EVANS, iu reference to- the several instances
in which the French had sent expeditions referred to by
the lion. Member, observed that it must be recollected
that, in some of them, his Majesty's Government and
the House had concurred. In reference to the particular
instance more under discussion, although that interference
may not be in consonance with the law of nations, yet
as the policy of Austria had
.teen to keep Italy in sub-
jection, should the interference by the French G ,vernment
restore the Papal States to liberty, every liberal mind
would rejoice at it.

Sir PJYVVYAN in reply observed that he was glad he
afforded the Noble Lord the opportunity of giving an
explanation of some part of the conduct of the French
Government ; but he was of opinion that the mere
removal of the officer in command of the expedi-
tion,—and while Ancona was still occupied—was
no satisfaction for the aggression.