The Sun.
London, England, 1832-06-21 00:00:00

BRUSSELS PAPERS.

BRUSSELS, JUNE 16.—Mr. Littlewood, a British Ca-
binet messeneer, passed through Brussels yesterday on
his way to Hanover, with a special mission. It is sup-
posed he is the bearer of despatches from his Britannic
Majesty to hie Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge.
M. Audry de Puyraneau, a French Deputy, who arrived
in this city at the end of May, writes to the emancipa-
tion, that he has come merely to avoid unpleasant cir-
cumstances in which he might be placed in an affair
which he is unfortunately responsible, and in order to
provide the means of meeting this responsibility.
The cholera continues at Ghent, Fermes, and Roulers.
At Mons, from the first appearance of the cholera, on the
31st of May to the 12th of June, there were thirty-eight
eases, 24 deaths, and eight recoveries.

A woman, who had all the appearance of cholera, was
brought to the hospital yesterday. The Board of Health
did not think the case sufficiently clear to decide on the
nature of the disorder. The woulan remains in the
hospital.
Yesterday there was a small decline in the Funds at
Brussels, and also at Antwerp, which may be attributed to
some reports of war that have been circulated.
The Chamber of Representatives continues the debate on
the proposed organization of the Courts of Justice.—
Brussels Papers, June 16.

KALI,CIi, MAY 27.—Some measures are again taken
by the Russian Government against Polish officers who
did not immediately profit by the amnesty, to return to
their homes ; thus some young officers who have returned
from Prussia, though they thought they may rely on the
amnesty promised them, have been sent to the interior of
Russia. This keeps alive the discontent that prevails,
andincreases the distrust entertained towards the Russian
authorities. It is, however, universally believed that such
proceedings are directly contrary to the will of his Majesty
the Emperor, and that nothing is known at St. Peters-
burgh of the abuses and arbitrary proceedings of the autho-
rities in the kit glom of Poland. However much to be
wished that more regard be paid to ua, and our fate more
considered, if it is really intended to allay the irritation of
people's minds, and to make Poland happy, the Russian Go-
vernment might, without the employment of rigour, easily
acquire respect, if not attachment among us. If it would
be more careful in the choice of its officers, on whom our
happiness or misery depends, fur the Emperor is much
esteemed, because we know that he desires what is but
meet in his great empire, and must leave the execution of
his intentions and commands to his officers, as the
ruler of such discordant elements is himself under
the control of circumstances, which may often enough be
very painful to his feelings.—Allgtmezne Zeitung,
June 11.
FROM THE MAINE, JUNE S.—We learn that the late
sittings of the Diet were occupied with the general affairs
of the Confederation. The reports on the fete at Horn
bath, the protest at Frankfort, and the popular
Wages, seem to have been the chief subjects of discussion.
General resolutions are to be published, by which all
such assemblages, as well as the wearing of cockades, and
other badges, will be prohibited in all the States, as dan-
gerous to the safety of the Confederation, and all those
who violate the order are to be punished. The publica.
tion of these ordinances is the more impatiently looked
.
for, as a great fete is preparing at Hanau for the 22d of
this month, invitations to subscribe to which are every
where handed about. Other matters are said to have
been discussed in the Diet, which are likely to lead to a
greater uniformity in the principles of Government in the
German States. In particular, measures are hoped for to
animate the inland trade of Germany : a great cause of
discontent would be thereby removed.—Nuremburg Cor-
respondent, June 12.

the Whigs. If they acted upon principle, as they pro-
fessed to act, was not principle the same everywhere,—the
same to-day as to-morrow ? Then why did they not give
to Ireland what she asked—the same measure as they con-
ceded to England? The reason was, because the people
of England surrounded them, they could hear their voice•;
but they thought they could refuse the people of Ireland
with safety, because their voices could not reach them.
After some severe allusions to the Marquess of Angle'ea'e
administration in Ireland, the Hon. Member went on to
observe, that the erect of the present Irish Reform Bill
would he to make Ireland one continued rotten borough;
out of a population of eight millions, the Irish constitu-
ency was to be only 25,000.—(Shame.) In five populous
counties, not one had 300 voters. Sligo, with 171,000
inhabitants, had but 299 voters. Carlow 80,000 inhabi-
bitants, and but 192 voters ; Kildare 108,000 inhabitants,
109 voters; Kerry 24,000 inhabitants, 178 voters; Dub-
lin 153,000 inhabitants, 109 voters. Seven other coun-
ties possessed about 400 voters each; five counties 500
each; three counties '7OO each; and the remaining twelve
counties, from 701 to 1,900 voters. The populous county
of Tipperary, containing 402,000 inhabitants, had only
475 voters. He instanced these facts to show the enormous
injustice which was contemplated towards Ireland. The
Whigs said,we have opened the rot ten boroughs for the people
of Ireland ; but how had they done it? Dungarrow was
a rotten borough, with 840 voters; the Reform Bill re-
duced the numbers to 215 ; this was not a mistake, it was
a designed job. He would call the attention of the meet-
ing to another, and an important difference in the two
Bills. The English Bill, by the mode of registration,
gave a fair and easy method of ascertaining qualification ;
but in the Irish Bill it was proposed to vest an arbitrary
power in a sort of rural judge, an assistant barrister. Why
was not the system of registry adopted in both countries?
Lord Althorp, the last night, had made a sort of apology
to him for postponing the future consideration of the
Irish Reform Bill to Monday, but he (Mr. O'Connell)
laughed in his sleeve, and wished be would still fu-ther
defer it, as it would give him more time to expose to the
people its delinquencies. He would state one fact as a
strong proof of the unjust nature of the Irish Reform Bill.
The Tory and Orange parties voted against the English
Bill, they now voted in favour of the present Irish mea-
sure. On such an important question the House of Corn.
mons was but thinly attended. He had taunted many
who had called themselves Reformers with their conduct.
The Hon. Member then expatiated on the advantages of
a repeal of the Union, asserting, if both countries
had separate legislatures, their interests would he more
firmly united. After concluding his address, the Hon.
Member was cheered for some minutes.

Mr. REVELL then addressed the meeting, and stated it
to be his conviction that the English nation sympathised
with the Irish, and would support them in their struggle
to obtain their rights.
Mr. BERNARD considered that England was wholly in-
debted to Ireland for her Reform Bill. It was through
the Catholic Bill that England bad been taught to know
her strength ; therefore in gratitude they would joi❑ hand
and heart to obtain justice for Ireland, and, if necessary,
would not hesitate to do something more.
Mr. JOHN LAWLESS remarked that the Irish Bill was
lashed to a little oligarchy—Devonshire and Bandon were
au exemplification of the whole country. He was sur-
prised the Argus eye of Lord Brougham had not dis-
covered the injustice dune to Ireland : perhaps, however,
he was anxious to drive them into a repeal of the Union ;
and he could tell them that Sir Robert Peel and Mr. Stan-
ley were doing it. He strongly advised the severing of
the Union.

Thanks having been voted to Mr. O'Connell, and suit-
ably acknowledged, the: same compliment was paid to the
Chairman ; after which the meeting adjourned.
The following were the resolutions proposed and passed:
" That in the opinion of this Union, England is greatly
indebted to the people of Ireland and their popular repre-
sentatives, especially Mr. O'Connell, for the passing of the
Reform Act for England and Wales ; and, therefore, that,
independant of all other considerations, we are bound in
gratitude to Fee that a measure of Reform is conceded to
Ireland proportionately equal in extent to that secured to
England.

" That this meeting reflect, with deep regret upon the
long series of partial, unjust, and oppressive measures to
which Ireland has been subjected by a succession of Eng•
lish Governments, and that this regret has been changed
into indignation by the fresh and galling insult offered to
that patient and generous people in the provisions of what
is called the Irish Reform Bill devised by the present Ad-
ministration, and urged forward against the repeated, firm,
and serious remonstrances of the universal people of Ire-
land, as well as the whole of her popular representatives in
the British Parliament.

TABLE showing the Population of each county in Ireland, ac.
cording to the last census, and the number of 101. freeholders
in each. Population. £lO. Population. X,lO.
1 Down 352,571-1902 17 Waterford ... 148,077... 488
2 Galway
3 Limerick 329433:250857......= 118,
CLoornkgford ......
710012:3539,1......
446:171
4 Antrim ......
5 Armagh ...... 20,651...1087 21 Louth 108,168...:380
6 Monaghan ... 195,532... 9413 t 2 Westmeath
7 Clare ......... 258,262... 930 23 Mayo 367,956... 335
8 Fermanagh,., 149,555... 920 24 King's Co 144,029... 318
9 Londonderry 222,416... 839 25 Queen's Co 145,843... 303
10 Cavan............ 228,050... 781 214 Meath
11 Tyrone
12 Wexford
991... 697 28 Carlow
13 Leitrim 141,303.. 554 29 Kildare 11,8,401... 190
14 Wicklow
15 Tipperary 402,598,,. 475 31 Düblin
16 Roscommon.., 9,903.., 470 32 Donegal

Sir RICHARD WIIITTINGTON--" thrice
Lord Mayor of London"—flouriabed in the reign of
HENRY the Fourth. He acquired great riches by trading
in a ship called The Cat, whence originated the popular
fable of this remarkable adventure.....inee's English
History.

HOUSE OF LORDS, JuNit 20.
CHURCH BUILDING.
On the motion of the Bishop of LONDON, this Bill was
read a third time, and passed.
CAPITAL PUNISHMENT.
Earl GREY presented a petition from Alton, in Hants,
against capital punishment.
NOTTINGHAM SPECIAL COMMISSION.
Lord Viscount MIDDLETON called the attention of the
Noble Secretary of State for the Home Department to an at.
tack made upon the Magistrates of Nottinghamshire, by a
petition that had been presented to the House of Com.
mons by Mr. Hunt. In that petition it had been stated
that the Magistrates had prevented Mr. Payne, the legal
adviser of the prisoners, having the necessary access to
them; but he was happy to say, he held in his hand a
letter from Mr. Payne, completely exonerating the Magi-
strates from any such charge.
Lord Viscount MELBOURNE begged to bear his tes-
timony to the conduct of the Magistracy in as full a man-
ner as the Noble Viscount.
Lord Viscount MIDDLETON—I beg to say that I am
entirety satisfied with the statement of the Noble Lord.
ATTACK ON THE KING AT ASCOT RACES.
Earl GREY—It is now, my Lords, nay painful but ne•
cessary duty to call the attention of your Lordships to the
most flagitious and outrageous attack that was made upon
his Majesty yesterday. On occasions of this kind we un-
fortunately have precedents, in which both Houses of Par-
liament have proceeded jointly to address the Sovereign,
and to express not only their abhorrence of the attack that
has been made, but also their firm and undeviating loyalty
and attachment towards the person of his Majesty. The
first precedent to which I shall call the attention of yam.
Lordships occurred in 1787, when a woman of the name of
Margaret Nicholson made an attack on George the Third.
That occurrence took place during the recess of Parlia-
ment ; but on the first day of the new Parliament, though
the circumstance was not mentioned in the King's speech,
a paragraph was introduced into the address, expressive
of the loyal feeling of the Parliament, and congratulating
the King on his escape. The next occurrence of the same
sort was on the 3d of October, 1795, the day on which
his Majesty went to open the Parliament : on that occa-
sion an attack was made on the King in his passage to the
House either by means of a stone or a bullet, though
which of the two could not be ascertained. The attack,
however, was made under circumstances which excited a
painful apprehension that some conspiracy existed. On
that occasion this House proceeded to examine witnesses
forthwith, and after being satisfied of the nature of the at-
tack, a loyal address was voted to the King, a conference was
desired with the other House, and a joint address of both
Houses of Parliament was presented to the Sovereign.
The third and most serious case occurred in 1800, when
a person of the name of Hatfitld fired a pistol at the
King at the theatre; and in this case, though differing
much in degree, is the precedent most in unison with
the present. On the next day after this attack on George
the Third at the theatre, on the assembling of this House
an address was voted to the King, without any evidence
being before the House, except the general notoriety of
the fact. There oas another case, in the year 1817,
when the Prince Regent, coming to open the Session of
Parliament, in the name of his father, experienced a simi-
lar attack to that made on George the Third in the year
1795 ; and a similar joint address was voted and presented to
the Prince Regent on that occasion. These are the pre-
cedents which I have to lay before your Lordships; and I
am sure that you will feel that in following these example,
we shall only be performing the duty we owe to a Sove-
reign who is so entitled on every account to our affection
and attachment. My Lords, the circumstances of this case
are a matter of notoriety; and it is therefore unnecessary
for me to detail them to the House. That a stone had
been thrown from the crowd with great violence; that it
struck his Majesty, and would have inflicted a serious in-
jury, but for the fortunate intervention of his hat;
and that the person who threw the stone was taken into
custody—are, I believe, circumstances of which none of
your Lordships are ignorant. I may also mention,
that I have had an opportunity of examining the
depositions, and I do not from them find that there is any
reason for suspecting that there was any other individual
concerned in this flagitious attack, save the one person
who is now in custody; who appears to have been insti-
gated to the crime by some imagined grievance, or by
some unaccountable excitement. This man is in custody
on a charge of high treason ; and we therefore need not
desire, as in the former case, that pains may be taken to
discover the offender; and it is certainly gratifying to
know that, whether he was led on by liquor or by mad-
ness, or by any other excitation, there is no ground for
suspecting that others were concerned in the attempt.
Another consolation for us to know is, that the moment
his Majesty appeared after the attack, there was a general
expression of that loyal feeling which all Englishmen
would naturally manifest on such an occasion. That the
attack thus made was deep and flagitious in its nature,
and that it is treasonable in its amount, no one can doubt ;
and I am therefore sure that, under these circumstance,
which are known to all, there is no man among your Lord-
ships that will not feel it to be the duty, as I am sure it is
the wish of this House, to vote an address expressive of
those sentiments which every one must entertain who is
acquainted with the King's paternal conduct—his affection
and attachment to his subjects. and his sincere desire to
support the Constitution.—(Cheers.) I feel that I should
be doing your Lordships an injustice if I were to make any
further observations on the subject, and I therefore beg in
conclusion to move—
" That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, to
express our horror and indignation at the late atrocious and
treasonable attempt on his Majesty, and our heartfelt congratu.
lations that his Majesty escaped from it without any injury to
his sacred person—to express to his Majesty the deep concern
that we feel at there having been found in his Majesty's domi.
Mons a person capable of so flagitious an attempt—and that we
make it our earnest prayer to Almighty God that he will preserve
to us the blessings which we enjoy under his Majesty's just and
mild Government, and continue to watch over and protect a
life so justly dear to us."—(Cheers.)
The Earl of ELDON—I should regret that such a
motion was made in a House not wore fully attended, if
I was not sure that there was no Member of this House
who would not deem it to be a matter both of duty and
of feeling to concur in this address. It is a duty which
we owe to his Majesty to carry up this address to him,
and to assure him that the Members of this House are
prepared to do all in their power to protect him against
any outrage whatever. I take the liberty of saying this
on nay own behalf; and I conscientiously believe that I
every Noble Lord who is a
Member of this House.—(Cheers.)
The LORD CHANCELLOR—I entirely agree with
s takens s
of
f t Nobleay
17e opportunity
ai
House
u Lea,s r n
which of
is entirely
e Frin
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, aantd.
n callinge
tmlwe
aha
ty a
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ta t ha
asd fsa
ti milin uat i
os
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nme behalf of
owing to the accident of this being Wednesday; while,
on the other hand, it was impossible that this address
could be delayed beyond to-day; otherwise, if it could
have been postponed till to-morrow, I am persuaded that
there never would have been a greater attendance flock
other for the purpose of having the honour of agreeing
in this address.—(Hear, hear.)
The Earl of ELDON—I am satisfied that the reason
stated by my Noble and Learned Friend is the cause of
the non attendance today; and, from my heart, I believe
that there is not a Member of this House who would not
have attended to express his attachment to the King, if it
had been known that this address was to be brought for-
ward to-day ;at the same time, I feel fully at liberty to
say that I do not believe that any of those Noble Lords
to
mi
who are absent would think it right that the step should
be taken of delaying this address one single hour on that
account.
Earl GREY—That is exactly the motive which made
me propose this address immediately. When I heard of
the occurrence, I was out of town ; and I have only ar
rived in town in time to frame the address, so that I had
no opportunity of giving any notice. I am, however,
convinced that if the address could have been deterred till
to-morrow, and notice given, there would have been one
of the fullest attendance ever witnessed in this House.
The motion was then agreed to, and a Committee of
their Lordships appointed for the purpose of drawing up
an address founded on the motion.
The Committee retired ; and after the lapse of a few
minutes returned, when the Earl of SHAFTESBURY
read to the House the address prepared by the Committee,
which was an echo of the motion of Earl Grey.
Earl GREY then moved, that the address should be com-
municated to the House of Commons, and a conference
desired.

. . -.

Mr. BROWNE took that opportunity of alluding to
what fell from the Member for Sligo on the previous night
relative to the Grand Jury of the county of Mayo.
Colonel PERCEVAL did not say, as was represented
in the Times newspaper, that several gentlemen of the
county requested of him to make this complaint.
Mr. BROWRE rose, but was called to order by the
SPEAKER, and the petition was ordered to he printed.
Mr. MILES presented a petition from Marden, in the
county of Kent, against the Irish education plan ; and one
from the merchants, bankers, and traders of Bristol, com-
plainingof the distressed state of the West India colonies.

Sir W. GUISE presented a petition from the Coroner?
of the county of Gloucester. We could not learn the object.
Mr. RUTHVEN presented petitions against the tithe
system from parishes in the counties of Tyrone and Dublin
and the King's County; from a person named Keating, in
favour of Reform ; and from two parishes in the county of
Mayo, in favour of the Irish education plan.—Ordered to
be printed.

The same HoN. MEmalsa gave notice that he should in
the Committee on the Reform Bill propose that two addi-
tional Members he given to the city of Dublin.
Mr. 11. GRATTAN presented a petition from the Bir-
mingham Political Union against the Bill for the Expulsion
of Insolvent Members of Parliament.—. Ordered to lie on
the table.

Mr. H. GRATTAN presented petitions from two pa-
rishes in the county of Meath, praying for the total ex-
tinction of tithes.

Air. LEFROY presented petitions frotn the Protestant
inhabitant.' of Waterford, Cardnew, Desart, and other
places in Ireland, against the Government system of educa-
tion in Ireland.

The Honourable MEMBER presented a similar petition
from 04westry, in the county of Salop, also praying for
the abolition of the grant for Maynooth College.
Lord ACHESON presented petitions from East Grin-
stead and another place in Sussex, praying for the extru-
sion of Poor Rates to Ireland.

Colonel PERCEVAL presented petitions against tl e
Government plan of education in Ireland, from the Arch-
bishop, Bishop. and Clergy of Killala ; from Armagh; from
two Orange Lodger, and several other places.
It appeared that one of these petitions had a long list of
signatures tacked on to it by a pin. This petition Iva,
treated as one which had no signature, and upon the deci-
sion of the Speaker it was rejected.
Colonel PERCEVAL said he was not aware of the in-
formality.

Sir Y. FREMANTLE presented a petition from some
place in Sussex, praying for an amendment of the Poor
Laws.

Sir G. ROBINSON presented a petition from the Uni-
tarian congregation of Northampton, in favour of a Re-
gistry of Births Bill.
Tkese petitions ,were severally read, and ordered to be
printed.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved
the Order of the Day for the further consideration of the
Coroners' Bill.

Air. O'CONNELL asked when the Right Hon. Gentle-
man meant to proceed with the Irish Boundaries Bill ?
Mr. STANLEY said he thought it better not to go on
with that measure until they had decided as to the placer
which were to have Members.
Mr. CRIMPS moved that the Bill be recommitted.
Sir E. SUGDEN took this opportunity of complaining
of the late huur at which important Bills were passeo
through that House. At half-past two on Saturday morn-
ing, four B Ile, brought in by the Honourable Member for
Stafford (Mr. Campbell) of great importance, were papsvil
through one of their stages. The Hon. and Learne:'
Member complained that the Law Reform Bills were pas‘eo
through the Hous• at a late hour of the night, when Gen-
tlemen who were disposed to oppose them were sheen

s e-ieese
• •
into a law, he hal great apprehension for tke security of
the public rights.
The Hon. Member was interrupted by ere :1. )..).1 I(1
MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS.
The Messengers having, communicated this message to
the Sens Keit,
The SPEAKER informed the House that their Lord-
ships desired a present conference with that House, in the
Painted Chamber, on a subject materially affecting the
safety of his Majesty's sacred person, and the happiness of
his people.—(Cheers.)
Lord ALTHORP moved that the 'louse do agree to the
conferense) chaired by their Lordships.
The SPEAKER then informed the messengers that the
House agreed to a present Concerence ; and a Committee
having been appointed to manage the Conference, retired,
with a considerable number of Members, to the Painted
Chamber.
Ate. r an absence of about ten minutes, the Members re-
turned, and the House resumed.
Lord ALTHORP reported, that they had met the
Lords in conference, and that their Lordships having taken
into consideration the atrocious and treasonab'e attack
made on his Majesty's person, had agreed to an address,
in which they requested the concurrence of that House.
The Clerk then read the Address (See Lords' report.)
Lord ALTHORP said it was not necessary for him to
use any argument to induce the House to concur in the
address just read. Every man, not only in that House,
hut throughout the country, must feel indignant, that so
atrocious and violent an attack should have teen com-
mitted on his Majesty's person, when appearing before his
subjects yesterday, when an individual ehose to throw a
stone, which hit his Majesty on the head..—(Loud cheers.
Fortunately, his Majesty received no injure—(Cheers,)
and it was gratifying to reflect, that when his Makety ap-
peared before his people, he was received with the strongest
expressions of applause, and with an enthusiasm which
must have convinced his Majesty that every person con-
curred in the indignation by which they were all animated.
—(Cheers.) Tile Noble Lord proceeded to say, that the
expressions of indignation to which he had alluded were
such as would he felt at any period, by every one of good
feeling; but doubly strong must they be at the present
time, when the country owed so much to his Majesty.
And, indeed, when they considered what pains his Ma-
jesty had taken to make himself popular, and the whole
course of conduct which he had pursued, it must excite
the greatest astonishtnent that any individual could he
found in these realms to be guilty of so flagitious and
atrocious an attack upon his sacred person. He would not
detain the House longer than by these few words, and
would conclnde by snoring the House do concur in the
address..—(Hear, hear).
Sir R. PEEL secuodeci the motion, and reniark.d, that
all observations must be thrown away to induce the House
to give a ready and unanimous consent to the address.—
(Hear, hear, hear.) No roan could contemplate the facts
of an assault so wanton and so audacious as that upon the
sacred person of his Majesty, or that, some time previous,
upon the Duke of Wellington without the utmost indig-
nation.—(Cheers.) But he did not understand from the
Noble Lord that the wretched individual who made this
assault was in a state of mental derangement ; and if he
did not happen so to be, he (Sir Robert Peel) conceived
that his wild conduct could have arisen only from the ex -
citement which prevailed —(Cheers)—an excitement which
he trusted all loyal subjects of his Majesty would see the
necessity of calming—(Heer, hear)—and he trusted
that all loyal and honourable men would feel it
their duty to lose no opportunity of inducing a return to
that strain of sentiment and course of action for which
Englishmen in former days were distinguished.—( Cheers. )
Such was the duty of every loyal man ; bat he maintained
that it was peculiarly the duty of every man, in a high
station, to inculcate obedience to the larva.--(Cheers.)
He bad heard doctrines promulgated in that House, which
were calculated to produce effects, which he was convinced
never were intended by those who uttered them ; but if
Members of that House were to hold such doctrines as
that even in any case the resort to physical force was jus-
tifiable and excusable, he feared be very worst effects
must be thereby produced upon the ignorant classes.._
(Hear, hear.) The natural conclusion for such persni •
to drew from such doctrines was, that they would be jus-
tified in avenging their fancied wrongs by physical force.--
(Hear, hear, hear.)
Mr. STANLEY had hoped that, on such an occasion
as the present, the feeling not only of both Houses of Par-
liament, but of all loyal subjects, would have been in per-
fect unison, whatever might have been the individual dif-
ferences in political opinion, and that no string would have
been broached by any Hon. Member, which was calculated
to introduce a jarring feeling, or an interruption of that
full current of harmony which they were about to pour
forth before his Majesty. It was upon that account that,
although not differing from the sentiments of the Bight
Hon. Baronet, he regretted the intermixture of their
loyal expressions—their utter indignation, and deep ab-
horrence of the atrocious and treasonable attack upon his
Majesty—with any sentiments which might lead, if the
House were disposed to enter upon it, inter a discussion of
great political questions which had long distracted this
country, and which had produced an excitement that, he
agreed with the Right lion. Baronet, it was the duty of
every loyal subject to alley and assuage.—(Cheers.) It
was impossible that any man ceuld contemplate the atro-
cious attack on the Duke of Wellington without the ut-
most disgust—the utmost shame—if each conduct could
ee attributed to any large body of the public.—(Cheers.)
No man could hesitate to say that the attack on the
Noble-Duke was Lost deetiy disgraceful; and doubly
disgraceful, when it was considered that it took
place on the anniversary of that very event which,
white it permanently established the peace of Europe,
added fresh laurels to the head of the conqueror,
and from him reflected imperishable glory upon
the country—(Hear, hear)—a glory, which every Eng-
lishman must be ashamed to think had been tarnished by
throwing insult upon the hero of Waterloo.—( Hear, hear.)
But now they were looking to a higher char:neer—to a
higher and more sacred ohj.ct—to one who, personally
and constitutionally, bad a claim sport the loyalty and af-
fection of the people of England.—(Hear, bear.) No man
could hesitate to declare, that the attack upon his Majesty
had been most atrocious , and he therefore regretted that
the Right Hon. B Joliet bad mixed up this question with
political considerations with which it could not properly
be connected. From both attacks, the people of England
shrunk with horror ; no less from the attack on the Noble
Duke, the conquering hero of a hundred battles, than from
that upon his most gracious Majesty, the lather of his peo.
plc—the constitutional Sovereign ; whose situation per-
sonally, and whose public character, claimed alike the
affection and reverence of all Englishmen. The emetic,
however, upon his Majesty, was still more deeply to be
reprobated ; but he denied that there was any thing of po-
litics mixed up in it. It was the atrocious act of an indi-
vidual ; it originated in no political feeling; arid he again
regretted that the Right Hon. Baronet had introduced any
allusion to politics, and expressed his crnviction that every
body must look upon the act with the ;reatest abhorrence,
and that the House could not fail to concur in its repro-
bation.

Sir R. PEEL never intended to say tat the attack
upon the Duke of Wellington was of equsl enormity with
the attack upon the Kmg. He had only intimated that
each was referable to the same cause—nsm .Iy, the politioa/
excitement which prevailed—not en account of the
Reform Bill, but from a variety of consurrew causes on
which he had not touched. He had only said, and he
now repeated it, that those events might to be a warning
,o them how they propounded doctrines, and us-d language,
which might produce the worst effects upon the ignorant
classes—effects which, he had no doubt, lied not been in.
tended by the persons who incautiously ret firth those
doctrines. He denied that he had introduced any ques-
tion of party or political feeling.—(Here, in reply to some
observations, the Right Hors. Birotiet stated, that he did
allude to the Hon. Member for Middlesex.) He remem-
bered, too, that before the 30th of Nov:1111,er, the Hon.
Member had used words which were bsfore voted in that
House. The Hon. Member bad said that the day of
vengeance was come.—(Clyers.) Now, ho asked, if a
Member for the metropolitan county had told the people
that they should resort to the use of ph3sical knee, it their
rievances were not redressed, and taikt:a of the day of
sengeance being come, could they wonder that an ignorant
man should be led away by the promulgation of' such Opi-
nions, and fancy that he had a right to vindicate his per-
sonal wrongs by physical force ?—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. STANLEY quite agreed wish the Right Hon•
disronet in the sentiments he expressed, but only oliiected
to the admixture of a political feeling with that expression
Hof indignation at the assault, and congratulation to the
Monarch on his escape, in which all men must agree.
Mr. HUME, alter the unfair attempt of the Right

. . ...
[lon. Baronet to join the recent attacks ouon the Duke of
Wellington and the King with words us.ti by hint, could
not avoid saying a few wordy. He bad dready at the
io.oliii:
(i)n.,
iN,v‘tiv:iiLlieicr:yupo:ino.:,,iye
rime expla:ned those word., and Ins explination remained
uncontradicted ; it was therefore unear.d A and illiberal
for the Right Hon. Baronet to again pdl. an krrolietiui
alterpratation upon them. And oi to the quotation re-
..epooeuie,iedt.i nrge
reface
i:oe wordsßall.go :aivtt attributed b,,
,tnu
.tie„Bd,
aht
3d
iiwiss dAlrecated yin-
,ie had used, he ought in Lirciees to latee moved ,:t the
:notnent that it be taken .own. It was arm dhlu-rai at-
tempt to make it appear to the ennistev ti .t 11,er. 5.,,s is

fck as iodiguant at these attacks as any man could—they
were most atrocious in themselves, and most deeply to be
regretted from the time at which they were made.
Sir C. WETHERELL did not think the topic intro-
duced by his Right Hon. Friend was at all irrelevant to,.
the subject, to the time, or to the circumstances. His
laight Hon. Friend had in.roduced no matter of political
i,(nsion ; he knew no political question that he had ap.'
proached by a hundred leagues.—(Cheers.) All he said'•
was, that the introduction of the doctrine—that the use
of physical force was justifiable—was calculated to pro-
duce the utmost mischief in the minds of ignorant and
deluded persons.—(Hear.) The Right Hon. Secretary,
however, had endeavoured to fix another meaning on what
he (Sir R Peel) had said, and he censured him for it four
times. The Right Hon. Gentleman was a clever de-
hater—so he was acknowledged to be on all sides ; and ac-
en, ding to Selwyn, the great object of a clever debater
was, to make his opponent say what be never said, or
never intended to say, and then to get his friends round
him to cheer him.—(Hear, hear.) Thus the Right
lion. Secretary attributed to his Right Hon. Friend the
introduction of a political question which be had never in-
troduced, and then he was most punctually and admirably
cheered by Lis able friends around him.—(Cheers and
laughter.) Ia conclusion, he expressed his entire con-
currence in all that bad fallen from his Right Hon.
Friend.

Sir F. BURDETT felt so strongly on this subject, that
be was unwilling to speak lest he might fall into the same
error he would deprecate in others. He had heard of
these attacks with great regret. It was most deeply to
lamented that any body could he found in England to com-
mit an outrage upon the person of the Duke of Welling-
ton, whose fame and whose reputation were a part of the
public property, and whose name our children's children,
to the most remote generations, could never hear without
an overflowing feeling of gratitude. It was shocking,
therefore, to think that there should now be persons in ex-
istence, at a period so little remote from the glorious ac-
tions and distinguished services of that great man, who
could be guilty of such an abominable display of the vulgar
malignity proper to their base natures.—(Loud cheers.)
He should have thought that there was not a man in
England capable of exhibiting himself in so horrible a
part.—(Continued cheering.) And with respect to the
wretched :can who bad assaulted his Majesty, if he were
not absolutely a maniac, he must certainly be a strangely-
excited individual. But this obnoxious conduct of his was
no shame to the country ; because any country might
have the misfortune to give birth to such a person.—
(Hear.) The Learned Gentleman opposite had, he thought
read a lecture rather to the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R.
Peel) than to the Right Hon. Secretary (Mr. Stanley);
and he concurred with the latter in regretting that the in-
dignation which they all felt should be mixed up with any
extraneous matter. He protested not only against the
attacks alluded to, hut against others of an even more
atrocious description, which had not been alluded to, and
which must excite disgust unutterable in every true-
hearted Englishman—in every manly mind; he alluded
to the vile, the loathsome, the execrable attacks upon one
whose sex, not less than her illustrious station, ought to
have been her protection—(Loud cheering)—the attacks
upon an illustrious lady—(Continued cheering)—who has
teen brought forward in a way most deeply disgraceful to
Englishmen, and which gave him doubt and apprehension
where this incipient spirit of baseness might lead to.—
(Cheers.) Ile had now finished. He was anxious to
stop at the point where all must concur. His only feel-
ing of apprehension with respect to the motion was, lest
they might appear to give too much importance to the
people, and, in the eyes of foreign Powers, to an event
which was only important from its reference to the highest
quarter in the realm.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. CROKER had heard the lion. Baronet with great
pleasure. He was particularly glad that such such ob-
servations had fallen from him, who had stood up, in the
first instance, to complain of his Right lion. Friend hav-
ing unnecessarily introduced political subjects. But, in
fact, the Hon. Baronet had gone much further than his
Right lion. Friend. Hid hisßigbt Hon. Friend thought it
necessary to allude to the brutal attacks that had been made
by the Press on a personage, whose sex, if not her station,
ought to have protected her ? No. He had alluded ge-
nerally to the state of excitement which prevailed, and he
left each man to draw his own conclusions from the par-
ticular atrocities which might have struck his mind.—
(Hear, hear.) But the Hon. Baronet followed this up,
and alluded, as he had justly observed, to attacks still more
atrocious than those before adverted to.—( Hear, hear.)
lie (Mr. Croker) said that attack on his Majesty was the
woik of an individual maniac.—(Hear, hear.) He be-
lieved the wretch was road. At least, if it be mania to be
one falsely reasoning from false premises he was as mad as
if he had just escaped from Bedlam. But did this con-
duct of his arise entirely from madness? Was he not pur-
suing the same course with others? Was this the first
insult which had been offered to his Majesty? Had he
(Mr. Croker) not read in the papers of the day, that his
Majesty, in corning to town from his palace at Windsor,
had been obliged to change the road by which his grand-
father, his father, and his brother bad been wont to
travel ? And was it possible not to connect this with
the other insult to his Majesty ? He did not mean
to connect rhea personally—he did not mean to connect
the two seta of people. He oily spoke as to the preva-
lence of the excitement—an excitement which, he main-
tained, it was the duty of all men, and especially of his
Majesty's Ministers, to endeavour to allay—(Cheers)—and
certainly not one word would he say which was calculated
to increase it. There was another thing to which he
wished to call the attention of his Majesty's Ministers—he
meant those detestable publications which were circulated
in the streets, and forced gratuitously into the hands of
passengers, and which excited to outrages on the King
and Queen more horrible than that of which they were
,Tout to express their detestation. But this was not all :
lie had alau heard that in a theatre of this town—and they
all knew the effect of scenic representations on the people,
there had been a representation directly tending to bring
the King and Queen into odium ; and lest the piece itself
should not be sufficiently strong, the pl gave at
full length the grossest libels upon the King and Queen.—
(Cheers.) He was in possession of one of those play-bills,
and he ventured to say a grosser libel never was published.
(Hear, hear.) He mentioned this as a warning to the Mi-
nisters. They might not have heard of this. He hap-
pened to have received the bill from a man who brought it
from the theatre. lie now warned the Ministers. The
act of this maniac was to be scouted as the act of a maniac,
but it was not to be despised ; fur the nature of those,
your political maniacs, was, to be excited by public excite-
ment. There was no instance in which such persons were
not excited, and urged forward by some degree of public
commotion, produced by agitation, by the press, and by
violent and gross attacks upon the King and Queen and
easier high personages of the realm. Therefore, it was
irit irrelevant to connect these matters with the subject
before them ; and he hoped the Government would take
into their consideration.—(Hear, hoar.) It was not
to be endured that these persons should not be visited with
the highest penalty of the law, who presumed, for base
lucre, to make such gross and atrocious attacks upon the
Sovereign and her Majesty, that they might fill their filthy
house with the still filthier rabble.—(Loud cheers.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL complimented the Right Hon.
Gentleman (Mr. C.) on having abstained from all political
or party allusions. He agreed with him respecting the
noxious character of the libels in circulation. The only
question was how they were to be put down. He had
observed, with great regret, with pain, and with disgust,
that the presence of their Majesties in the capital had
been accompanied with insult; and particularly had he
been affected with indignation at the vile attack directed
against a person, illustrious by her rank, and deserving of
all respect and regard from the character which she had
maintained ever since she reached her present exalted
situation. With regard to the libels in the street, he really
knew not what course should be pursued. He feared that
prosecution would only have the effect of giving them in-
creased circulation. But as to the performance at the
theatre, be had now only heard of it for the first time, and
he had no hesitation to soy, that in this case the law of
the country ought not to permit such proceedings.—
(Cheers.) He was told, however, that the theatre in
question was not within the Lord Chamberlain's jurisdic-
tion. He repeated, that this theatre should be visited
with the execution of the law, and that such psrfortnan-
eea should not be suffered to exist as a disgrace to the
British metrop

Mr. CROKER said the theatre was an ob,cure one,
(inder the jurisdiction of the Surrey Magistrates. He
pledged himself that the playbill was as atrocious a libel on
the King and Queen as ever was published.
Mr. Alderman VENABLES said it was only the low-
eat rabble who bad attacked the Duke of Wellington in the
City.
T. DUNCOMBE stated, that the Dramatic Com-
mittee had had Davidge, the Manager of the Cobourg, be-
fore them, and that he had stated this Bill was published
during his absence from town, and that he had suppressed
it on his return ; the play alluded to was Tom Thumb. It
was performed in the usual manner, and had not been by any
means attractive in consequence of the play-bill. He un-
derstood, too, from what be considered good authority, that
an Illustrious Duke, the object of one of these attacks, had
gone in person to this theatre to witness the performance,
and had returned perfectly satisfied that Tom Thumb
there Was just the same as it was every where else.
Mr. HUNT concurred in the motion. It was wrong.,

after having connived at the great excitement which had ;
been produced in the public mind, to talk of paltry little I
publications, and pass over that great giant the Times.
He should feel that he acted most unworthily if he did not
say that the columns of the Times had been filled with
articles tending to produce excitement. Had not Gentle-
men opposite heard of the manner in wish the King and
Qeen had been treated in going through Hounslow and
Brentford ? Had they not heard of the gross insults which
they had received on their visit to the exhibition at Somer-
set-house ? Yet nothing was said of those matters then.
If, therefore, they connived at those matters when they
occurred, it was a little too late to express extraordinary
astonishment at what had recently happened. Day after
day there been published attacks on the King and Queen
in the Times. The King was accused of having been led
by the Queen, and the most opprobrious epithets were used
on the occasion. He should be ashamed of himself when
he heard little publications accused of creating excitement,
if he did not say that the Times was much more culpable.
The Right. Hon. Secretary for Ireland might laugh ; he
congratulated him on being able to do so. To him it did
not appear to be a laughing matter. He thought it a
most dastardly and cowardly act to attack an individual,
as the Duke of Wellington had been attacke I, however
unpopular he might be. But enough of excitement bad
appeared in the Times, without charging smaller publi-
cations. Did not the Times say it was possible the mob
might tear the Duke of Wellington to pieces as they had
done De Witt? And was it not too bad to attack little
publications for exciting the people, when such articles had
appeared in the Times? He very much regretted that
such an insult should have been offered to the King, as
that which had been offered to him yesterday. But his
Majesty had been insulted elsewhere. An individual
keeping the turnpike at Hammersmith, had offered his
Majesty a gross insult in the presence of the Queen. But
who was it that had brought his Majesty into such a state
of unpopularity to be thus insulted and hissed ? He hoped
they would always be ready to denounce an attack upon
an individual, whether that individual was the King or
the Duke of Wellington. Such an attack was must dis-
graceful and cowardly; and he should consider himself as
acting in a most dastardly manner if he did not do every-
thing in his power to reprobate it.
Sir E. SUGDEN observed, with reference to the at-
tack on the Duke of Wellington, that it was made by the
lowest of the rabble. Several gentlemen came forward
and gave him their strenuous support; and the neater
ended in a sort of triumph to his Grace, who was at-
tended home with the greatest demonstrations of honour
and respect.
Mr. LAMB, adverting to what had fallen from an
Hon. Gentleman opposite on the subject, allowed that there
were many publications which had laid themselves per-
fectly open to prosecution for libel ; but the policy of pro-
secuting sometimes became a question of difficulty. With
respect to the play performed at the Cobourg, there was no
alteration in the usual manner of performing it. So soon
as the Magistrates at Bow-street heard of the circum-
stance, they sent for Mr. Davidge, and the piece was
stopped. It was but justice, however, to Mr. Davidge to
say, that he had expressed his intention of stopping the
piece before the interposition of the Magistrates.
Mr. CROKER repeated, that it was the commentary
in the Bill which was the offence. That cammentary went
through the piece scene by scene, and song by song, and
pointed out the parts which the writer supposed applicable
to the King and Queen ; so that, although the Play might
have been performed as usual, yet, by this commentary in
the Bill, it was rendered a most atrocious libel.
Mr. LAMB said, that of course be could not be under-
stood as vindicating the occurrence in question ; he hid
merely adverted to the nature of it rendering the conside-
ration of its prosecution a difficult question.
The address was then read a second time, and agreed
to ; and it wat ordered that the H nose of Lords should be
informed of the concurrence of the House of Commons.
Lord ALTHORP and the other Members of the Con-
ference immediately left the House for that purpose.