The Sun.
London, England, 1832-01-26 00:00:00

BANKRUPTCY COURT.-(THIS DAY..)

IN THE MATTER OF SCRIVENER, A BANKRUPT.
In this case it was yesterday ordered, as will be recollected,
by their Honours, that the prisoner, Augustus White, should
be discharged on the payment of 110!. into the hands of Mr.
Barber, the Registrar of the Court this morning.
Mr. MONTAGU moved that 60/. of that snm should be paid to
Messrs. Gilbert and Catton, and the residue to Messrs. Robinson,*
The order was made as prayed, Mr. Swanston consenting.
MILLARD, IN THE MATTER OF HARRIS,
In the course of the arguments in this case, the facts of which
were of no public importance,
Mr. Justice PELL observed that the difficulty in the case
might be altogether removed if proper affidavits had been pre-
pared both in support of the petition and in answer to it. He
had no hesitation in saying, from what he had already seen
in that Court, that the manner in which petitions were framed
was calculated to mislead rather than assist the Court. Most im-
portant facts were altogether omitted, and the Court had before
it yesterday a petition in which imaginary facts were stated as
the ground on which the Court was to proceed in giving judg-
ment. By such proceedings as these much time was wasted
and expense incurred.
Mr. Justice ROSE, in giving judgment, observed that the
present petition was framed very properly, and in accordance
with the order of the Court. Every fact necessary had been
stated, and no blame whatever could attach to the parties draw-
ing up the petition, who were entitled to the order they asked.
Several applications were made for the transfer of petitions
from the Lord and Vice-Chancellor's papers to that of their
Honours, which was ordered ; twenty or thirty solicitors were
sworn in, and their Honours rose shortly after eleven o'clock.

BOARD OF EXCISE.—THE KING v. RI-
CHARD TARRENT.-The defendant in this case, an exten-
sive soap-manufacturer, in Kingsland-road, was charged
with having defrauded the revenue to a very large amount,
by unlawfully manufacturing a❑ immense quantity of soap.
It appeared on the evidence of Mr. Gotniste Boxn, a
General Surveyor of Excise, that he went to the defemlant's
premises on information which he received from a subor-
dinate officer, and discovered, after having gone over several
rooms and shops duly entered in the Excise-books, a pri-
vate door, which he pushed open, and which led by a dark
passage to a subterraneous cavern, to which he pushed his
way till he reached its mouth, which was so narroar as
scarcely to admit his body. On entering it, he discovered
men at work, and a large quantity of so ip, which was
quite hot, in the course of manufacture, all of which he
seized. The defendant not having appeared, arid the case
having been proved against him, the Court condemned him
in the penalty of 7001.
Amongst the Parliamentary Returns of the
present week we find one of the number o+ houses, and
the ansount of taxation in ten of the immaculate boroughs
for which some of the Anti-Reformers have struagled so
•iolently. In Old Sarum, Newton, Isle of Wight, Brea:Ater,
St. Michael, Bossiney, Dunwich, Ludgeromll, Beerals-
ton, Gatton, and St. Matves, there are altogether 653
houses, being an average of 65 ; and the amount of as-
sessed taxes in the year 1831 un.s 4711.. being an average
of 471. far each borough. The population is riot r.ta'ed.,
but, taking it at five persons to each house, the number
would be little more than 300 for each borough. Thus,
as to the population, instead of the fair average of rather
more than 33,000, a Icording to the population returns
for the empire, each of these borough Mem'oers represents
only 300 ; and taking taxation as the basis of representa-
tion, instead cf representing 7,7001,, etch of these M-m-
-bers represents 47/. And yet there are persons who advas
sate such a system !

We are informed that at the interview with
which LOld WHARNCLIFFE was honoured by the KING,
although nothing of a definite nature transpired, his Lord-
ship had reason to be highly gratified with the reception
which he met from his Sovereign. It is further stated to
us that no creation of Peers will take place; at least, that
there will he none so numerous as to overwhelm the deci-
sion of the Upper House. Under those circumstances it is
said that mutual concessions will be made ; and some of
the most objectionable parts being taken away, that the
Bill will be suffered to pass. All the KING'S sons, how-
ever, with a few to whom premises have been given, will
he advanced to the Peerage,--but, we are assured, that
nothing more is to be done. We give these stoetnents as
we have received them from a highly respectable quarter,
without vouching for their entire correctness; but their pro-
bability is certainly strengthened by the alleged aversion of
many noble Lords wilt.) have hitherto voted for Reform, to
continue their support, if that which they consider tit b. , in a
constitutional point of view, an evil still gre ihlll the
rejection of the Bill, be placed as the alb- rn !Jive before
them. " Why," they argue, " should not Reform unoergo
the name ordeal as Emancipation ? The short delay which
has already taken place is found to have improv, d the
measure ; and by waiting, if such a necessity arise,
(although we would gladly avert it) for aootter, yes!r,sse
may get a measure free from all objection
.1n principle,
some noble
conversation
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dti merelyoonowdiofi
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SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS•

When a Minister of the King of England
proposes a measure, having for its understood
object the redress of manifold and inveterate
grievances, it is of the very highest importance,
not merely to the success of the measure, but to
the character of the Government which intro-
duces it, that there should be no pretence
afforded for questioning the sincerity of its official
advocates, and therefore that there should not
appear in the construction of it any obvious
inconsistency between the means and the end.
The ostensible purpose of the Reform Bill—
stay, its real purpose, for we, at least, cannot
doubt the honour of his Majesty's Ministers—
the real intention, then, of the Bill has been to
crush, in future, as much as possible, all combi-
nation of the few against the many—to guaran-
tee to the people of England that the House of
Commons shall henceforth be fairly chosen by
them, instead of being nominated by strangers
to their feelings, and usurpers upon their rights—
that, in short, the " representatives of the
British nation shall no longer consist of those
who are sent into Parliament by a certain list of
families, not a long one neither, and who fulfil
the solitary trust assigned to them when they
vote the public money, on every occasion,
into their own pockets, or those of their re-
si,ective patrons. It follows that if the mea-
sure recommended to the country contains
provisions from which effects at variance
with its avowed objects are demonstrably likely
to ensue, the framers of it must incur the cen-
sure-1, of not having foreseen the consequences
of their own propositions, which involves a
charge of incapacity ; or, 2, of having foreseen
the mischief without endeavouring to avoid it,
which impugns their honesty ; but above all, it
follows, that let what will happen, the real friends
of Reform, both in and out of Parliament, must
strain their whole energy to resist the objection-
able clauses, and to adapt more skilfully the
powers of the Bill to the results anticipated from
it. Unquestionably we are not amongst those
who would he forward to throw blame upon his
Majesty's Government for defects, or even vices,
in the structure of the most difficult piece of
legislation that ever, perhaps, was attempted.
Minor instances of haste or incongruity, in the
Reform Bill, it is the duty of all men to pass
over who desire unaffectedly to see the founda-
tions of the new edifice laid, its roof set on, and
its outline completed, before the season comes
when the raging of the elements shall warn us
that there is no longer time for perfecting our
civil institutions in tranquillity. Now is the
day or never ; and therefore we deprecate every
opposition or embarrassment which has not
in view the repair of some fundamental evil
in the principles and working of the Bill.
But if there be such, it is treachery to
the cau,e of Reform to let it remain like
a gangrene in a vital organ, undermining and
inevitably ruining the better portion of the new
representative system. It is not now for the
first time that we have raised our voice against
the division of counties, the most pernicious and
deplorable anomaly that could have been en-
grafted upon a Bill for breaking up an unjust
aristocratic power. It is pure folly to talk of the
present Bill, as affording an undue preponderance
to the commercial interest. The reverse—the
direct reverse—is the manifest tendency of the
measure. The vast mass of petty boroughs
having representatives just above the rank of
those which constitute the bulk of schedule A,
will be in fact a broad and deep depository of
aristocratica: dominion. Combining the small
number of votes in these boroughs with the na-
ture of the household and leasehold qualification,
it is clear that the majority of the electors in
such places will be mere dependents on the
country gentleman who happens to have that
estate in the immediate neighbourhood, out of
which the greater portion of the area of the re;
presented borough has been cut. Had a more
numerous representation been allotted to large
towns, and schedule A been extended, or even
the double Member been withheld from those
paces in schedule B which have retained
that privilege under the new Reform Bill,
having lost it under the former one, the
independent commercial interest might have had
less motive to murmur ; but when to this defect
in the Reform Bill there shall be added a sub-
stitution of half-county nominees, for the less
mischievous because less plausible and more
distrusted nominee Members put in for a set of
miseaable boroughs, it is not at all too much to
se), that pro tanlo the oligarchy stands on a
more solid footing, and the people on one more
slippery and dangerous than ever. Why, the
county representation and that of the more po-
pulous towns used to be that on which the
hopes of the kingdom generally rested, for some-
thing like the expression of a variety of inte-
eases and independent opinions. There has
been hitherto, in almost every county of Eng-
hied, a power—and often a practice—of confe-
deracy, against the landed Leviathan of the
pLice. Otte or two, nay, half-a-dozen Lords,
have frequently proved unable to encounter the
force of the scattered independent interest of a
whole county leaguing for the common security.
NN hat becomes of this resource, when you di-
side a county, extend comparatively the assailing,
power, and contract as well as separate the de-
fensive ? Suppose Monmouthshire divided—
suppose Gloucestershire—would the Beaufort
monopoly not be invigorated by either ?
Would the alliance of Rutland and Hard-
wicke sustain such another overthrow from
the independent interest of Cambridgeshire,
were that high-spirited county to be cut'
in twain ? There may be not so much objection
to have Lancashire severed. Yorkshire is
broken up already; perhaps a dissection of Lin-
colnshire might be tolerated—tolerated, we say,
for all divisions of counties we look upon as a
crime against Reform,—a crime against the
principle, be the county ever so extensive ; and
in the inverse ratio of the magnitude of each
county is the division of it a practical war upon
the existence of free representation. We do not
wish for delay, God knows, in the progress of
this measure ; but such delay as might be requi-
site for a full discussion, with a view to the re-
jection of that clause which if suffered to remain
part of the Bill would effectually " Burke" almost
halt the counties in the kingdom, would be
hailed by us and we will add by the better part
of the community, as an equivalent for much
alarm, long suffering, and weariness of spirit.
To us it is a wonder how so fatal a suggestion
came to be embodied in the Bill. That Minis-
ters mean all that is upright and effectual, few
can doubt who are aware of the three conditions
which Lord Grey spontaneously tendered to the
Sovereign, or of the alacrity with which he has-
tened to realize the benefit of two of them, at
least, for the nation ; nor do we fear but that
his Lordship and his colleagues will eagerly re•
consider this unfortunate characteristic of their
Dill, when they are told by friends, what we now

frankly, but in a spirit of thorough kindness,
declare to them,—nalnely, that no person favour-
able to Reform has spoken in our hearing upon
the proposed division of counties, without ad-
ducing it as an irrefragable proof (of course we
cl;) not 'agree with such an assumption)—an
irrefragable proof, that the old leaven of an over-
bearing and oligarchic mind still, as formerly,
ferments among the Whig noblemen of this
country, and taints and poisons to the very core
their best conceptions of an enlarged State policy,
and the most strenuous efforts of which they
are capable for repairing or amending the
Constitution. Of course, as has been said, we
condemn such manifest injustice. We are not
ignorant that the division of counties formed one
feature of the system of Reform propounded by
Mr. Grey upwards of 30 years ago; but sure
we are that the Noble Lord who has had such
experience of the mighty changes hourly develop-
ing themselves in human affairs, must be far
better able than we are to appreciate the
essential difference between a condition of the
national temper which 30 or 40 years ago
would have hailed an accession of power to the
aristocracy as a public triumph over a domineer-
ing and grasping Court, and that more advanced
state of intelligence as well as freedom which,
now that the aristocracy has become omnipotent,
and the Minister of the day its servile creature,
regards the oligarchy as the real object of appre-
hension, and its encroachments as those of our
sole remaining enemy. We repeat, therefore,
frankly and conscientiously, the advice which we
gave when the former Bill was in the same stage :
let the odious clause be rejected, and it will prove,
even to Ministers, an invaluable vote.—Tinzes.

It was positively asserted very recently, by some
of the French and English Ministerial Papers,
that the ratification of the treaty of Belgium by
the Emperor of Russia would have been given
m time to have been received in England by the
15th of the present month, if his Imperial Ma-
jesty had not gone to Moscow. We thought it
very strange that, just at the time when he must
have expected to be applied to for the ratification
of the treaty, the Autocrat should have gone out
of the way. If he had done so, it would have
looked very like a political journey to avoid con-
firming the acts of his own Plenipotentiaries,
without being under the necessity of assigning,
any reasons. But we now hear that the Em-
peror of Russia is coming to Berlin, not from
Moscow, but from St. Petersburgh, where it ap-
pears that he has continued to reside during all
tie time in which he was represented to be at
the former place. This is one of the many proofs
which we have had to observe upon, from time to
time, of the fictions which are continually coined
by the agents of the Conference, or by stock-
jobbers, to delude the public with regard to
the real state of the protocol-negotiations.
and the true cause of the non-ratification of
the treaty ; which, having been drawn according
to the instructions of the three despots of the
Holy Alliance, and in concurrence with the
views of the English and French Ministers, is
yet sent from one end of Europe to the other in
quest of its unnatural parents, who seem to re-
gard with suspicion and distrust their own di-
plomatic offspring. An English Minister, let
it not be forgotten, pledged himself, in his place
in Parliament, the treaty would be ratified
by the 15th of the present month. He said it
would he ratified by that time, or, rather, the
notification of that fact would reach this country
by the 15th, if there were faith in human pro-
mises. We believe Ministers deferred the re-
assembling of Parliament to the 17th under the
belief that they would then be enabled to an-
nounce the settlement of Belgic affairs for the
present by the ratification. It is now quite clear
that, whoever have been the deceivers, the Eng-
lish protecolists have been egregiously duped,
and the journals that were their servile oracles in
this matter have grossly misled the public_ If
the treaty, without any modifications in favour
of Holland, should be ratified by the 31st, the
day to which the time now stands extended, we
confess the delay which has taken place will
be totally inexplicable to us. It will appear
the most causeless and capricious interrup-
tion to the final adjustment of tedious nego-
tiations that ever took place. It will look
like mere children's play, and exhibit in a
very contemptible light the conduct of the
arbiters of the destinies of nations. But if
modifications for the advantage of Holland are
made in the treaty before its ratification, then
Belgium will have been most unjustly used ; be-
cause her ready adhesion to the treaty will, in
that case, only operate to her prejudice, while
the framers of the treaty, who punish Belgium
for submitting to their terms, will bestow re-
wards upon Holland for obstinate resistance !
The whole of the five Powers profess to be most
anxious to preserve the peace of Europe. They
know that Europe cannot enjoy the advantages
of peace while there exists the apprehension of a
war. Yet the moment the whole of the nego-
ciations respecting the affairs of Holland and
Belgium are brought to a conclusion in every
thing but the formal act of ratifying a treaty, to
which all the Powers had already virtually agreed,
the pacificators of Europe hang back, and ap-
pear afraid of finishing their own work, and so
leave Europe in that state of trembling and
anxious doubt as to peace or war which is detri-
mental to ail the regular pursuits of commerce
and industiv, and only favourable to the specula-
tions of stock-jobbers, who fabricate news on one
side or other, as it suits their views, and accord-
ing as their speculations are for a rise or fall in
the public Funds. If it be true that the Em-
peror of Russia is about to visit his brother ofl
the Holy Alliance at Berlin, it certainly is, at
the present crisis, something very different from
a visit of ceremony. Diebitsch was on a special
mission at Berlin before the Polish insurrection,
when the armies of the North were collecting
from all points, for the evident purpose of put-
ting down the " bad example" in France. Po-
:and is no more, and Russia has since drunk of
the intoxicating cup of conquest. While she
keeps up her armies, how can Europe feel repose
—Morning Herald.
In the Edinburgh Review, just published,
here is art article on the West Indian distress,
which must, we think, go far to open the eyes
of the planters and their mortgagees. The re-
viewer has traced the distress to its true causes,
and shown, we think, in the most satisfactory
manner, that relief from the source to which
the West Indians have hitherto looked for it is
altogether visionary. The prices of colonial
produce are so low as not to afford any profit to
the planters. During the last twelve years they
have been constantly declining, and they must
decline suit further from the indefinite extension
to which cultivation in the foreign colonies may
be carried. It is impossible that the consump-
tion of sugar in this country should ever equal
the supply ; and the foreign market is supplied
from colonies able to produce at a lower ex-
pense than ours. That our readers may see how

hopeless is the expectation that any relief may be
obtained from foreign markets, we quote the
pas.,.ge on that :;übject :
" Though there may he temporary rallies, we look
upon it as utterly visionary to expect that prices should
ever regain their old level ; and are not inclined to believe
that they have as yet touched their lowest point. This
result is partly to be ascribed to the breaking up of the
old colonial system, and to the consequent extension of
cultivation in Cuba, Porto Rico, Brazil, Java, &c. ; and
partly to its extension in Louisiana, Demerara, the Mau-
ritius, &c. The exports front Cuba only have increased,
since 1800, from about 100,000,000 lbs. to about
200.000,000 lbs.! and the increase iu the exports from
Brazil has been equally great. In Louisiana, where
little or no sugar was produced twenty years ago, the crop
is now estimated about 50,000 tons, or 112,000.000 llts.
The exports from the Mauritius have increased from
4.630 tons, in 1825, to 23,740 tons in 1830. There is
also an increased importation from Bengal, Siam, the
Philippines, &c. And yet, notwithst.nding this extra-
ordinary increase, it may be truly said, look'ng at the vast
extent and boundless fertility of Cuba, Brazil, Java, and
the other countries that are now bec amine the great marts
for sugar, that its cultivation may be indefinitely extended,
and that, though there were a demand fur ten times the
present quantity, it might be furnished without any ma-
terial advance of price "
The only essential relief to the West Indies
must consist in the reduction of their expendi-
ture. Mr. Huskisson deluded them with liberal
speeches (the reviewer acquits him of all inten-
tion to deceive, and says he was forced to yield
to the ignorant prejudices of some, and the sel-
fishness of others) into an idea that his Act, 6
Geo. IV., c. 114, would admit a free intercourse
between all our colonies and other countries;
but the effect of the Act was to continue every
abuse that he had denounced. The Americans
rejected with contempt the delusive reciprocity
offered them ; they have and must have the
supply through the neutral islands of our West
India Colonies ; and the only effect of the mo-
nopoly given to Canada is to load the colonists
with heavy duties, a double voyage, and tran-
shipment. That our readers may see how com-
pletely the West Indies are sacrificed, we copy
from the Review the following table, showing
the influence of the duties in adding to the price
of all the principal articles required for the supply
of the Sugar Colonies :
Herrings (Danish) at the Island of St. Thomas, the
barrel LI 0 0
Ditto (British) in the Colonies, the barrel 1 11 0
Mess Beef, in Hamburg, the barrel 3 0 (/
Ditto in the United Kingdom, the barrel 4 0 0
Pork in Hamburg, the barrel 2 6 6
Ditto in the United Kingdom, the barrel 3 5
lied Oak Staves in the United States, per 1,000 4 0 0
_ _

Ditto at Quebec, per ditto _
7 8 4
White oak Staves in the United States, per ditto 6 10 11
Ditto at Quebec, per ‘ntto lO 6 9.
Flour in the United States, the barrel 1 1 0
Ditto at Quebec, ditto 1 5 5
Shingles in the United States, per 1,000 0 14 0
Ditto in Canada, per ditto 0 18 0

The West Indians are chiefly sacrificed to the
Canadians and the shipowners ; and yet, with a
stupidity unparalleled, those who pretend to re-
present the West Indians in Parliament have
entered into a league with these monopolists.
New Orleans is the natural market for the supply
of the West Indies with provisions and lumber,
and they are brought down in the greatest abun-
dance, and at a fourth part of the expence for which
they can be sent from Lake Ontario or Lake
Erie to Quebec. The value of native American
produce, now exported from Orleans, was, for the
year ended 30th September, 1830, 10,898,183
dollars, while the exports from New York were
12,036,561. Such are the prospects of the
West Indians, and such the miserable system to
which their ruin is ascribable. If they have not
sense to see that their only hope of salvation de-
pends on reducing their expenditure to the level
of that of the planters of rival colonies, they
almost deserve the ruin which awaits them.—
Morning Chronicle.
We hardly know the object of Sir C. We-
therell's notice of motion which stands for to-
morrow, and shall therefore simply present its
terms ; which are, for—" A statement of the
respective numbers of English Peers created in
each and every year successively, from the com-
mencement of the year 1689 to the end of the
year 1831." Would nut a motion for the pro-
duction of Mr. Lodge's new Book of the Peer-
age have been as useful ? However, of this we
are certain, that the more the subject of the
Peerage is discussed the better. The times, and
seasons, and motives of creation, will be seen by
those who are in any degree versed in history ;
and, singular as the proposition may appear, if
it shall be found, on an investigation of this
kind, that any considerable batch of Peers was
ever created for any purpose so useful and ho-
nourable as that of rescuing a portion of the re-
presentation of England from the sordid hands
of boroughmongers, we shall he content, and
shall do all we can to induce the people of Eng-
land to be content, to suffer their Reform Bill
to fail from the want of sufficient majority in the
House of Lords ! There is no occasion, no
era that ever consecrated, or could consecrate,
the creation of a batch of Peers like the present,
it being well understood that the persons to be
elevated shall be men of high character, and as
such calculated to improve the general reputa-
tion of that body into which they are to be—
we will not say raised, but—admitted. Nay,
we will even go farther than we have gone in
the preceding paragraph. What do men talk of
an addition to the House of Peers? A simple
increase, bounded by the necessity which pre-
scribes it ? Was it not an occasion like the
present which actually gave birth to the House
of Commons, and created the representative
body in this comparatively free country ? The
struggle for power at the crisis of which we speak
was between the House of Peers, then the only
Parliamentary Assembly, and the King, Henry
111., when the latter was forced to do that,
which it is represented in the present King and
his Ministers to be an offence to contemplate,
—namely, to increase the Members of the deli-
berative body, in order to save the Crown and
nation from the usurpation of the Barons. The
passage in history, though familiar to every Eng-
lishman, cannot be too often cited. We shall
on this occasion, instead of quoting the more
elaborate histories of England, (we are almost
tempted to quote the Tory Hume), make
our extract from a very little useful work,
with which even children are acquainted,
entitled—" A History of England, in a
series of letters from a Nobleman to his Son."
" In short, it was necessary that the powers on
both sides should be so exactly balanced, that so
small a weight as that of the people, as it was
then considered, should be thrown in to turn the
scale. A Parliament was called, in which the
King was obliged to give orders that four
Knights from each county should sit, in order
to represent their respective shires, and deli-
berate for the general benefit of the People : and
this is the first rude outline of an English House
of Commons." We confess we know not what
answer is to be found to such a precedent of
English history, where an undoubted preroga-
tive was exercise for a constitutional purpose,—
none, we think, that Sir Charles Wethereil's
reading can supply : however, let his motion
come forth ; we know its discoveries, though of
a more recent character, will turn against him-
self. It is said that some of the members of
the present House of Peers disapprove of the

proposed addition to their bOdy. Is it a pro-
mising way of securing their own rights to ob-
:truet the exercise of the rights of others ? The
power of creating Peers belongs to the King;
and though men entirely separated from the
Peerage might discuss the propriety or magni.
tude of a new creation, it can never be becoming
or decent in the existing body to prescribe whe-
ther any or who shall be admitted to their ranks.
This were, indeed, the thing formed, saying to
him who formed it, not exactly, " why }last thou
made me thus ?" but something yet more inso-
lent and envious,—" why least thou made others
like me ?" Some of the Peers might wish
others ejected from their body ; there are those
whom we should wish eliminated, through mere
respect to the order : but an addition of men of
character and station can only be a neutraliza-
tion of noxious qualities,—an increase of consi-
deration with the people,—a new bulwark to the
torane, and a fresh title to general respect.—
Times.

The Scottish dinner, which was held yester- .
day at the Freemasons' cavern, was a complete
failure, and a shameful political job— a disgrace
to the memory of the immortal bard, whose
memory it was its professed object to perpetuate,
and an insult to the living bard, whose acciden-
tal presence in town was laid hold of as a pretence
for celebrating it with additional eclat. The
announcement of the names of the stewards—
almost all Tories—naturally enough induced the
public to believe that as Burns was a Whig,
and a man who had been oppressed by a shame-
less Tory Government, due honour was in-
tended to be done to his memory—that no dif-
ference of political sentiments would be allowed
to mar the object of the meeting—and that while
due honour would be done to the departed bard,
some portion of his mantle might be awarded to
the living man, of no inferior note, who was to be
present on the occasion : but the expectation was
baulked,—the dinner had a Tory origin and a
Tory packing, and it seemed less to be the object
of those who had the charge of it, and had some-
what presumptuously taken the charge of it, to
celebrate the memory of Burns, and do honour to
his living successor, than to testify their political
prejudices, and thrust down the throats of the
company toasts which had nothing to do with
the occasion. To the proof, however. The
Duke of Wellington's health was proposed, and
the proposing of it called forth considerable
dissatisfaction ; and what had his health to do
let us ask, with the celebration of Burns'
memory ? It might, perhaps, have some distant
connection with the interests of the " bellows-
blowers," and " political quacks," who at,
tempted to cheer it so lustily ; but what
had it to do with a dinner in honour of
Burns and the Ettrick Shepherd ? Was
it not out of place ? Was it not :the lastand
in-laking toast which ought to have been given ?
However, as we have already said, the dinner
was a failure. The independent portion, and
the most numerous portion too, of the company
manifested their disapprobation in hearty style;
and unless the party which busied itself in get-
ting up such a palpable insult to the memory of
the departed, and the honour of the living, bard,
be possessed of impudence
Xre perennius
Regalique situ pyrammidam
altius—
it will not be in haste to repeat the experiment.
How Bulwer, who is an honest and downright
Whig, could have allowed himself to be included
in a list of such -- faugh—we cannot con-
ceive; but we shall not condemn him unheard
—he will no doubt give a satisfactory reason for
his conduct, and the sooner he does give it the
better. As an additional proof of the taste of
the meeting and the real objects which it ap-
pears to have had in view, it may be men-
tioned that " Lord Porchester and the Poets
of England," formed one of the toasts,
and that no meliton was made of Campbell,
the poet of Hope and Liberty, and no no-
tice taken of the bard of the Green Isle.
Moore and Campbell are both Whigs, and we
rejoice that their names were not mixed up with
tho,e of the butterflies which presided on the
occasion, and who outraged by their miserable
arrangements and little party intentions the feel-
ings of their countrymen.—Morn. Advertiser.
Admitting, as is now universally admitted,
that a certain number of new Peers must be
created, in order to pass the Reform Bill, it is
truly satisfactory to us to perceive that those of
our cotemporaries who range themselves, along
with us, on the side of Reform, do now also ad-
mit, that the sooner the new creations take place,
the better in every respect, for the success of
the Bill, and the better also for the trade
and peace of the country. The Ministers, no
doubt, know what they are about—what they
can do—and what is the most proper time
for doing that, in the case of the new Peers,
which is intended to be done ; and we
shall, therefore, be loth, because we are un-
willing to emharrass his Majesty's Ministers,
to find fault with any delay which may take
place ; but there is assuredly no good reason
known to, or suspected by the public, why the
new creation, if the King has given his frank
and unconditional assent to it, shbuld not be de-
clared immediately. It is, indeed, possible that
the good-nature of the Kinn., and the tenderness
of Earl Grey for the " order" to which he be-

longs, may dictate a respite to the Anti-Re-I
formers, to the last hour, in the hope of their
repentance, and in order that the obstinacy of
the latter may furnish a reason of undeniable
necessity for adopting a measure which the
Tories, in their madness, characterize as a de-
gradation of the Peers ; but, on the other hand,
the reflecting and unprejudiced portion of the
public will be apt to inquire why the trade of
the country should be ruined—why the public
should 'ce rendered anxious about a matter
which is not worth one moment's reflection.
Forty-one Peers formed the opposition which
prevented the Reform Bill from passing into a
law last session, and of these forty-one, twenty-
one were Right Reverend Fathers in God—
men of believed piety and conscientious dealing
—who sprung from the very class whose rights
they endeavoured to withhold, and who only
hold a stake in the country for their lives!
What does the country owe to them ? Under
what obligations does it lie to injure itself for
their benefit ? And, finally, what proportion,
in point of wealth, influence, and property, do
forty-one Peers, of whom twenty-one are Bishops,
bear to the united voice—and to the united
wealth of the community, which has declared
that it will have the Reform Bill, and that
nothing less will satisfy it On all these
grounds a new creation of Peers ought not only
to take place, but time creation to be made public
as soon as possible. The domestic as well as
the external affairs of the country, suffer sadly
from doubts which are so diligently propagated
by the enemies of Reform, respecting the firm-
ness of the King; and we have no doubt that
• I the Reform Bill lingers in the Commons as