The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-19 00:00:00

have no confidence in its deliberations or its decisioniS, bitt
would look upon it as a number of strangers meeting t
gether to dispose of their lives and properties, and, whsd
was still dearer to them, their liberties and their natior L-
eidy, without giving them any voice in matters in whic Ii
they were so vitally interested. He did not believe the it
they would submit to its decision except under the pressure
of force, and as the object of the Congress was, as he under-
stood, to relieve Italy from the regime of force, and to
vise means by which her liberties might be secured, and
her national resources developed, so that she might become
a security for the peace of Europe instead of a constant
element of dissension and danger, he hoped that her place
as a member of the conference would be admitted.
General THOMPSON would be glad to know if there
was any fear of Sardinia attacking anybody ? If not, then in
this matter she was in the position of the people in the post-
chaise, while somebody else was in the position of those who
were on the outside of the chaise. Which ought to be asked
to disarm first ? Those who could not help themselves, or
those who could ? There was something unreasonable in
carrying on negotiations in which the power most deeply
interested was excluded from all voice. That was not the
principle upon which we acted in municipal law, nor in the
ordinary transactions between man and man. It would
be felt that it was a principle which could not be adopted
in this case without strong reasons, and they might rest
assured that the result of any Congress from which Sar-
dinia was excluded would be received with dislike and dis-
satisfaction by the people of Italy and the friends of consti-
tutional government.
Sir J. VALSH—In the present state of Europe, in the
interests of civilisation and of Europe, and in the interests
of Italy herself, all their efforts should be directed to avert
the imminent risk of war. Let the danger be got rid of,
and then they might turn their attention with some chance
of success to the improvement of Italy. He feared, how-
ever, that the tone the debate had taken almost put aside
the last chance of peace. The Chancellor of the Exchequer
said that Austria having first put forward a proposition
which he considered most unreasonable, viz., that Sardinia
should be the only power to disarm, as a preliminary to the
Congress, had withdrawn it, and proposed a general dis-
armament—that France had acquiesced in that proposition,
and intimated her willingness to enter upon the question
of a general disarming, as the first question for the Con-
gress to enter upon; but the right hon. gentleman added
that the great danger consisted in Sardinia having posi-
tively refused at the present time to entertain the question
of disarmament, and that there had just arrived in this
country a statesman of European reputation, and whose
prudence and ability were well known, who, the right hon.
gentleman appeared to believe, was the bearer of some
counter proposition on this point. But what had all the
speakers who had addressed the house been endeavouring to
urge upon its attention ? Not that Sardinia should be called
on to disarm now, but that she should be allowed to remain
armed, and in this state of menace and aggression towards
Austria, while Austria and France were to disarm. Consi-
dering the great interests which Austria had at stake, that
was as unreasonable a preposition en the one hand as the
first proposition put forward by Austria was upon the
other. (Hear, hear.) When the Congress met it should be
understood that the object was to unite all the great Powers
of Europe in the endeavour to find a pacific solution of the
question. But to argue that Sardinia, which had been the
most menacing and most aggressive in its attitude of all the
Powers, should continue to preserve that menacing attitude
and that for the various reasons which hon. gentlemen had
stated the disarmament was not to be enforced against Sar-
dinia, which was to be enforced against Austria and France,
was most unreasonable; and if the Chevalier d'Azeglio was
instructed to insist upon that, it would be the sure means of
destroying the last chances of peace. The noble lord the
member for Tiverton took a position which was not very
flattering to Sardinia—for he seemed to hold that she was
so weak a power that any military demonstration made by
her could not be of the slightest importance, or occasion
the least apprehension to Austria ; in short, that the insig-
nificance of Sardinia ought to prevent her being called upon.
to disarm. In taking that view he thought the noble ford
was treating the military power, of Sardinia too cheaply.
Her army—as had been said by the hon. member for Pom-
fret—was largely composed of volunteers from sll the
Italian states, and animated to the greatest pitch of politi-
cal fervour. Numerically that army was by no means con-
temptible, and it became formidable from its state of poll-
cal excitement and from not being perhaps very amenable
to discipline. Such an army in the heart of Italy was
fraught with danger, not only to Austria but to the peace
of Europe. All in that house, he believed, were anxious
to promote the prosperity and improvement of Italy ; but
they all agreed, he thought—and he knew that public
opinion in England was agreed—that those objects were
best served by peaceful means, and not by -war. And so
sure as Sardinia, or any of the unquiet spirits in that
country, succeeded in lighting the flames of war in Europe,
the result would be, not the triumph of the Italian cause,
not the improvement of Italy, but the annihilation of the
hopes of those who desired the establishment of constitu-
tional government in that country, and the advantage only
of those who were influenced by objects of personal am-
bition or territorial aggrandisement. He hoped the house
and the Government of England would consider well the
lesson it was reading to Italy and to Europe, by impressing
upon them that the legitimate hopes of the rational and
moderate friends of the Italian cause were bound up with
the continuance of peace, and would be fatally prejudiced,
and endangered by the calamities of war. (Cheers.)
Sir H. VERNEY (who was indistinctly heard) argued
that the proposition to disarm was not likely to be well re-
ceived by the Government of Piedmont while it was excluded
from the Congress, in the deliberations of which it was sn
immediately interested. For many years Austria had exer-
cised an influence most prejudicial to Italian liberty, and it
was known throughout Europe that the misgovernment of
the independent Italian states was owing to the conduct of
Austria and the presence of Austrian troops. The inter-
ference of Austria in those states was not justified by the
treaty of Vienna, and it naturally excited the Italian people
against them. He deprecated any course on the part of our
Government which should have the effect of involving this
country in war, especially while there was no Parliament
sittting.
Sir H. WILLOUGHBY hoped that Piedmont would see
the necessity of forbearance, and do all she could to promote
a peaceful solution of the problem.
The motion that the papers do lie on the table was then
agreed to.
LAW CONSOLIDATION BILLS.
The orders of the day for the second reading of the fol-
lowing bills, which were introduced the other night by the
Attorney-General, were, on the motion of the hon. and
learned gentleman, read and discharged :—Offences against
the Person ; Forgery ; Malicious Injuries ; Coinage ; Per-
'nation; Criminal Writings ; and Larceny.

sol ~ ,
J .
POST-OFFICE, MANCHESTYE R.
On the motion of Sir S. NORTHCOTE leave was given to
bring in a bill to enable her Majesty to acquire certain pro-
perty at Manchester for the purpose of erecting a Post-
office, and for other purposes.
POWERS OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR
INDIA.
Sir G. C. LEWIS rose to move the following resolution
—" That it is not competent to the Secretary of State for
India, under the act for the better government of India, to
send orders and instructions through the secret department
to the governments and presidencies in India on any subject
not being a matter concerning the levying war or making
peace, or treating or negotiating with any of the native
princes or states in India." The right hon. gentleman was
proceeding to describe the organisation and duties of the
secret committee of the India Board as constituted previous
to the India Government Act of last year, when
An HON. MEMBER moved that the house be counted, and
there being only 37 members present,
The house adjourned at a quarter-past seven.