The Sun.
London, England, 1866-06-25 00:00:00

The Attitude of Russia.

Le Nord of Saturday's date publishes the follow-
ing article :
" At a critical moment, when all the world in
agitated, nothing is so impressive as calmness and
silence. Such is the attitude of Russia. Attempts
are made on all sides to penetrate the mystery of
this attitude and to interpret this silence. Move-
mats of the troops collected at Lublin are spoken
of. A circular is mentioned as having been sent by
Prince Gortschakoff to the Russian diplomatic
agents, announcing that Russia could not remain in-
different to an alteration of the European equilibrium.
It has even been said that a letter has been written
by the Emperor Alexander to the Emperor Napo-
leon, declaring that Russia would remain neutral if
France would do the same. It is scarcely necessary
for us to point out the absurdity of these inventions,
so contrary to international usages, and even to in-
ternational proprieties. The attitude of Russia in
the present crisis is so simple and so natural that all
efforts of imagination can be dispensed with: Russia
sincerely desired the preservation of peace. The
Emperor Alexander exerted in its favour all his per-
sonal influence. lie cordially concurred in the pro-
position of a congress, as the last chance for the
continuance of peace. Now, when all these attempts
have failed, and the sword has been unsheathed, it
only remains for Russia to observe events atten-
tively, and to protect her interests against their
consequences. Her attitude, therefore, may be re-.
garded as similar to that of France, in so far that both
countries have soughtto preserve peace, and thatboth
must desire that the European balanCe of power,
if it must be modified by war, should not be so
altered to their detriment. But there ends the
community of interests, and in no case can the con-
duct of either of these two Powers be governed by

ho attitude of the other. Both retain their full

liberty of action. We are unable to say what use
France would make of hers in certain eventualities,
but, without being possessed of Cabinet secrets, it
may be affirmed that Russia has none but conserva-

tive interests ; nothing to lead her to seek aggrandise-
ment. All tkat she might be induced to demand
would be guarantees against the consequences of
alterations in the European equilibrium. Within
those limits and with these qualifications there is
certainly ground for an understanding between
the neutral Powers. We believe that Russia
would not object to it. Such an understanding, if it
be possible, would be au advantage. It would have
a triple object. In the first place, to circumscribe
the area of war. Since the calamity cannot be
averted, it would be a great advantage to limit its
extent and to prevent its flames from extending, and
especially eastward, where so many inflammable
elements already exist. An agreement between the
three neutral Powers might lead to that result. In
the second place, this agreement might have for an
object a European mediation to put an end to hos-
tilities at the first favourable moment that presented
itself. It is to be lamented that such a mediation
has been unavailing to prevent a war. A Congress
before a war would have been an innovation
worthy of this era of progress. It would have
been a precedent that might have rendered all
wars almost impossible by applying practically
the theory proclaimed in the treaty of Peace
of March 30, 1856. Although that attempt has
failed, we must nevertheless acknowledge that the
public mind of all Europe revolts against this fratri-
cidal war bursting in the midst of the marvels of the
civilisation of which it is the antithesis. It is not
only on the score of material.interests that it is con-

damned. The voice which denounces this vandalism

is that of reason, of conscience, and of public
morality. It sees several States equally civilised who
are at issue upon certain questions of right. Their
strength is almost equal, and their courage quite so.
It is strategy which will probably determine the
contest. The Power whose General shall make the
most skilful moves upon this classical chessboard
will gain the victory. It is, therefore, a gigantic
game of chess that has begun, and which will de-
cide who is right and who is wrong. War ponesses
no longer the ancient character of being the Divine
judgment. Right and justice are at the mercy of
chance, or it may be, of the skilfulness of military
combinations. Such theories are revolting to the public
sentiment, and since, sooner or later, we must revert
to some kind of arrangement, it is inadmissible to
allow the complete extermination of one of the com-
batants. It may be that we are still sufficiently
barbarous to insist upon the shedding of blood as a
satisfaction of honour ; but, after the first battle,
the public pressure will doubtless be sufficiently
strong to warrant the neutral Powers in interposing
between the belligerents. Agreement between the
former would, therefore, be necessary in order to
take advantage of the lust favourable opportunity.