The Sun.
London, England, 1866-07-10 00:00:00

IMPERIAL P.ARLIAUNT

HOUSE OF LORDS.-LAST EVENING,

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his scat on tho woolsack
at five o'clock.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.
The following bills were read a third time and passed:
—Lady Staney's (Trust) Estate, Market Bosworth School,
Ayr Harbour, Krynar and Blaenavpn Railway, Shrews-
bury and Potteries Junction Railway, Swansea Vale and
Neath and Brecon Railway, Waveney Valley Drainage,
Lantrissant and Taff Vale Junction Railway, No1:11 Metro-
politan Railway, Wycombe Railway, Ogmore Valley Rail-
way (No. 1), London and North Western Railway (New
Works, &c.), Mould and Denbigh Junction Railway
(Branches), and Bristol and North Somerset Railway (Ad-
ditional Capital).
MINISTERIAL STATEMENT.

The Earl of DERBY—My lords, in r;sing again
to address you from these benches as the First
Minister of the Crown I can assure youl/4in all sin-
cerity, that I do so with no feelings of personal
vanity or of exultation. My lords, I feel too deeply
that I have not sought the high and onerous post
which my Sovereign has entrusted to me. I know
too well the difficulties by which it is surrounded,
and I have foreseen, too, the obstacles, the almost
insuperable obstacles, which I shall have to encoun-
ter in under taking the performance of these arduous
duties, not to have been most anxiously desirous to
shrink from undertaking them,--to shrink from un-
dertaking duties which must involve to me personal
sacrifices of ease, of comfort, and perhaps of health
—if I did not feel myself compelled by a paramount
sense of public duty to undertake them. My lords,
fcr my own part, I should have been content to hold
the position which I haveoccupied for the last seven
years, honoured with the confidence of a great and
powerful party—powerful enough to exercise no
inconsiderable control over the affairs of this coun-
try, powerful enough to give to the w'seitsef nsdu
support
Minister of the Liberal party a
.and check which enabled him to curb and constrain
the over-eager impetuousness of some of his more
impatient adherents. Such is the position I have
had the honour to occupy down from the year 1859
until the last general election and the lamented
death of Lord Palmerston. And, my lords, I cannot
in passing avoid saying that it reflects the highest
credit upon that great party which has honoured me
with its confidence that during that long periodthey
should have consented to hold a position of great
utility certainly, of the highest possible ut"ity to
the country and most honourable to themselves,
at the same time most dispiriting and dishearten-
ing to individual ambition—that of supporting a
Minister to whom they were opposed by party
ties, and that during that long period their ranks
never could have been thinned by defection
arising out of the natural impatience of public
life caused by long exclusion from those offices
of honour and advantage which are looked
to as the legitimate reward of efficient public
labour. But I should have been well contented to
have continued in that position—and I believe that
the Conservative party would have been content,
for the sake of the country, to have also continued
in that position—had Lord Palmerston continued to
hold the reins of office. In what lam about to say
I hope there will be nothing disrespectful to the
noble earl, my immediate predecessor. I should be
sorry indeed to let fall a single word that would
hurt his feelings in the sl'ghtest; degree. If I deal
as:th the topic at all it is for the purpose of justify-
ing to your lordships the position in which I feel
myself at present. lam told—l know not how
truly, but I am told—that Lord Palmerston, and I
think that very probably it is true, because there was
no better judge of human nature, and no man who
possessed a greater knowledge of Parliamentary
feeling—l am told that one of his doctrines, one of
the propositions that he held out to his colleagues,
was that it would always be imprudent to propose a
Reform Bill in the first session of a new Parliament.
I have been told that such was his opinion, and it
was founded upon this, that in the first session cf
Parliament it was impossible for a Minister of the
Crown to feel the pulse of Parliament, or accurately
to judge of the degree to which he might expect to
meet with support in br:nging forward a large and
extensive measure of reform. . The noble earl, I
think, admitted to us the other day that he had mis-
calculated the state of public feeling on this subject.
I understood him to lay down the principle that it
was not expedient or right to propose a measure of
reform unless he felt satisfied he had the support in
Par"nment which would have enabled him to carry
the measure. The noble earl was deceived by the
aspect of the general election, and when he saw a
majority of 70 votes in favour of a Liberal Admi-
nistration he fell into +he mistake of not consider-
ing how large an amount of that support was
given to the personal character of Lord Palmer-
ston, and how large a r Drtion of it might be with-
drawn on the proposal of extensive reform. I think
that was very natural. Nothing could be more na-
tural than that the noble earl, if he thought he had
that support, should be anxious to bring forward yet
once again the question with which his name is inse-
parably connected. If he thought he could satisfac-
torily carry a measure for the enlargement and im-
provement of the representation of the people, I can-
not blame him that he lost no time in announcing
the part he was going to take. But he will excuse
me for saying that I cannot but think this question
was taken up too hastily, and without a due consi-
deration of the excessive gravity and importance of
the measure. (Cheers.) I cannot help th'nking that
it would have satisfied all the reasonable supporters
of the then Government if ho had announced his in-
tention at the opening of Parliament to deal with
the question of reform, but that it required so much
consideration, was of so large and extensive a char-
acter, and must have such important bearings upon
the interests of the country, that he desired to have
the interval afforded by the then session of Parlia-
ment for the purpose of considering during that ses-
sion and during the subsequent recess, the details of
a measure which he might then hope to lay before
Parliament as fully matured for th 6 fullest conside-
ration. (Cheers.) I think that would have been a
more judicious course than that which was pursued
by the noble earl, and the result of the course actu-
ally pursued was that a bill was brought forward
very imperfectly, and founded upon very imperfect
information, which he expected to carry through
Parliament without much difficulty or opposition. I
think that was a great mistake and a great miscalcu-
lation with regard to the political feelings of the
House of Commons. The House of Commons were
not prepared to have forced upon them a measure
first of all introduced in a fragmentary shape, and
subsequently in a more extensive shape, but still
bearing the marks of want of consideration and
crudeness. Still less were they prepared to be told
that unless they chose to pass that bill in all its im-
portant features they would be considered as passing
a vote of want of confidence in the Government. I
do not in the slightest degree question the policy of
the resignation of her Majesty's Ministers,but I do say
that if in the course of the debate a more liberal tone
had been adopted, if there had been a disposition
ithdo
ex-
hibited which treated the House of Commons
that consideration to which they were entitled,
not think in that case that the particular question
which the amendment was carried against to justify
importance
vernment was one of sufficient.
.1 admit fully
• resigning.
her Majesty's Ministers in the
Goon-
r important or unim-
portant, when a question, holtw-euvre,
by
the Government
portant, had been put forward
adverse vote would be
with an intimation thatf want
vote,of theco confidence,
gaveeal la
when, notwithstanding
dealt with as
st the Government, I do think
again
majority
abl they had
e menno alternative
that then as honour
consequences of that vote and resign.
regret that a change of Government
a vote of
the
thalaskveeltthaeken place at this time I cannot say
smbhuoutue tlhdo
that I find any fault mith the course they pursued.
It will be in your lordships' recollection that nearly
a week had elapsed before the final signification of
the resignation of the Government, when on her
Majesty's return from Scotland her Majesty did me
the honour to send for me, and in most gracious
terms, which I cannot mention to your lordships
because I have not applied for her Majesty's autho-
rity to do so, her Majesty informed me that her
Ministers having sent in their resignations, and her
Majesty having accepted them, she turned to me,

•

as she was pleased to say, as the only person she
thought at the time likely to form a Government
which would have her confidence as well as that of
the country. Her Majesty was pleased to say that
she did not fix any time, but desired me to consult
with my political friends, and ascertain what pros-
pect there was of forming such a Government as
she desired. On the following morning—on the
Wednesday—l met a considerable number of those
with whom I am accustomed to act, and I comruu-
nicated to them her Majesty's wishes and my o.wn
that I should endeavour to form a Govern inent
based, no doubt, in the main upon the Conserva-
tive party, but also upon an enlarged basis, ca..
pable of including within it some of those persons
either opposed to us, or who had been supporters
or even members of the previous Government.
From one and all of those friends whom I non_
suited I received their assurance that they
considered it a point of bounden duty on my
part not to refuse to undertake the task with which
her Majesty had entrusted me, and at the same
time I received from one and all the assurance of
their individual desire to sacrifice altogether all
personal considerations, to waive all private inte-
r rests, and, if necessary, to make any official Eacri-
fices if they could help me in any way to form a
Government on the basis I laid down. My lords, I
used the words, " enlarged basis," and I used those
words advisedly, to express precisely the meaning
intended. I do not consider a Government upon an
enlarged basis as at a'l identical with a Government
by coalition. A Government by coalition intimates
upon the part of those who coalesce to a greater or
less deg:ee the sacrifice of their own individual prin-
ciples and opinions for the purpose of obtaining
united political strength. Tam is always some-
thing repugnant to the feelings of Englishmen in
ha` ing to sacrifice their principles or opinions from
motives of expediency. But a Government on an
enlarged basis, I take it, is a very different thing. I
proposed that the basis should be enlarged not an to
principles, but as to party. I proposed that the basis
should go beyond the arbitrary limits fixed by
existing parties, and comprise a number of those
who, although party warfare had placed them in
different camps, yet only in few and insignidcant
particulars differed in opinion and principle from
ourselves. It is with political principle.lin this coun-
try as it is with the social scale. You speak a the
higher classes, of the middle classes, and the lower
classes, and the distinction between the higher and
the lower classes i 3 broad, prominent, and clearly
traced. But when you come to the reiddle classes
the whole of our social system is composed of such
a beautifully graduated scale, descending so imper-
ceptibly from one step to another, that althoughyou
may say this man belongs to the higher class, or this
man belongs to the lower class, there will be a vast
number of your countrymen of whom you cannot
say that they belong to the higher, thehigher middle,
the middle, the lower middle, or the lower classes.
The social scale is made up of imperceptible links,
and it is so with regard to political principles. You
talk familiarly of Conservatives. As to Tories, I fear
that few specimens of the old Tory of 40 years ago
remembered by the noble earl opposite and myself
now remain. (Laughter.) You talk of Conseria-
tives, of Whigs, of Liberals, of Advanced Liberals,
and of Radical Liberals ; yet with regard to a large
portion of them it would much puzzle us to tell the
difference between a Conservative Liberal and a
Whig, between a Whig and a Liberal, between a
Liberal and Advanced Liberal, and between an Ad-
vanced Liberal and a Radical. (Laughter.) But
there is a very wide distinction between a Conserva-
tive and a Radical, and I think there is a wide Cr -
tinction—at least I hope so—between a Whig and
a Radical. Yet it does so happen that the arbitrary
line of party is drawn where the real difference of
party does not exist. Ido not say that between a
Moderate Whig and a Radien.lthere is not a difference
of opinion greater than that between a Moderate
Conservative and a Moderate Whig; and I say the
natural division of parties is not that which exists in
an arbitrary division which does not represent fa:n-
ciples. In eedeavorniug to form a Government I
took the opportunity of communicating, in the first
instance, with some o: the member:, of the late Go-
vernment ; and considering at the moment the cri-
tical state of public affairs, and considering that at
this critical moment it would be for the public inte-
rest that the thread of foreign negotiations should
not be abruptly broken off, and desiring that hands
which had so long exercised the power of dealing
with foreign affairs should still hold the rein, the
first person a ith whom I communicated with the
view of mairing an offer was the noble earl the late
Secretary for Foreign Affaita. Mylords, I made that
offer in all sincerity, be'iev ;Log that between mynoble
friend and myself there er ested little difference in fo-
reign matters, and believing also that it would be of
great importance to the country if in that particular
office his servicescould be retained. My nobleriend
considerl it inconsistent with his party obligations
and his duty to his colleagues to accept the offer
which I made him, as
.I have said, in all sincerity, but
his refusal was couched in langaage so friendly, in
tones so cordial—but not more so than I expected—
which left so deep an impression on my mind that it
will remain so long as I live. (Cheers.) My lords,
I then applied to another of the Cabinet—a noble
duke—and from him also I received an answer
couched in terms of similar courtesy. I applied
to those who had been among the supporters of the
late Government, because I thought I had fair and
reasonable ground of hoping for efficient co-opera-
tion from those gentlemen who having belonged to
the Liberal party, and still belong to the Liberal
party, had found it necessary to separate themselves
from it, and had brought on the crisis which led to
the resignation of the late Government. My lords,
I addressed myself in the first instance to one un-
happily now no more, and whose premature sudden
death still afflicts with deep sorrow all those who were
connected with him. (Hear, hear.) My first com-
munication was made to the late Marquis of Lans-
downe, whose name Ifelt to be a sufficient guarantee
for the Liberal Conservative policy of the Govern-
ment—whom adhesion to that Government would,
I have no doubt, have secured to it a considerable
amount of support. The noble marquis expressed
the most cordial good wishes and earnest anxiety that
the Government I was expected to form would receive
a fair trial. But he stated that in his opinion (in
which I was unable to concur) that out of office he
than if he was connected With it. I differ
him to reconsider
could give more effectual support to the Governmentedfrumhis
view on that point, and requested
ews u twi t h otherswtwith
him no more.
who had
aadndaetedoh
fi sbdi es cpi sai
rotny.
and H e
fromleft theth at hour room tto cs oa
In the course of the day a noble earl connected
ht about the resignation of
that en-
deavouredparty
to called
ascertainuproonu
grwhetheramse more
that
ho ar et
tthosethha enr e
were
differ-
wall him and had b
Governmentto were disposed to give me any aP,sist-
e said, however, that the noble
those gentlemen—that
at
marquisthe
e.
hadiu_
be ready to support and
someee toooff take°tPubg
eivmhii:nl
partl norimi amongstgnhedtth e Government which I was
but that in regard to one distinguished
some
;I
need not expect at all events official co-
o'fnpoleTrnabitneigorn, and that it was quite unnecessary for me
to make a personal application to him. After con-
sulting several of my friends, it was determined that
a meeting should be held that evening at ten o'clock.
The meeting was held accordingly. The proposition
was considered, and at twelve o'clock Earl Gros-
venor called upon me and stated that those with
whom he had acted had come to the unanimous re-
solution that although they might be prepared to
give me an independent support they would not one
of them undertake to accept office. This was at
12 o'clock on Friday, the 29th of June. I had then
to consider very seriously whether it was my duty
otobtaatitenimngptanthye
the late Government, or those who had voted against
efxotrrala na et ioouns a°
ifdaf
rgoomv etrbnems eunptp
eitlriso
eu
ft
them in the late division. I considered deeply what
was my duty, and I felt that my refusal to undertakeentire
the task would have been the signal for the
dissolution of the whole Conservative party, and a
of forming a Government, and consequently that
plain and avowed indication that we were incapable
our opposition was one of a purely factious charac-
ter. My lords, I do not believe that noble lords op-
posite, or that any of those persons who value the
constitution of this country, desire that the Con.