The Sun.
London, England, 1866-01-04 00:00:00

MB. B.

lIIDALM,

ROCHDALE, Wednesday Evening.
A public meeting for the purpose of discussing
the question of Parliamentary Reform was held in
the Theatie Royal of this town this evening, Mr.
S. Stott, Mayor of Rochdale, in the chair. The
theatre was densely crowded. Among those pre-
sent upon the stage were Mr. Bright, M.P., Mr. T.
B. Potter, M.P., Mr. Alderman Ashworth, Mr. H.
Kelsall, Mr. Alderman Heape, Mr. Petrie, and
large number of local celebrities.
The CHAIRMAN briefly opened the proceedings.
He explained that the meeting had been convened
in pursuance of a requisition signed by nearly a
thousand of the inhabitants of the borough, who
were anxious to give expression to their feelings in
regard to Parliamentary Reform before the meet-
ing of the new Parliament.
Mr. 11. KELSALL, with a few appropriate re-
marks, moved the first resolution, " That, in the
opinion of this meeting, it is imperative on the pre-
Sent Government to introduce a Reform Bill in the
approaching session of Parliament which, in its
provisions, shall fully satisfy the just expectations
the people."

Mr. PETRIE seconded the resolution ; in sup-
porting which,
Mr. POTTER, M.P., expressed his belief that if
the Liberals were now united a real measure of Re-
form would be passed by the present Parliament.
He entertained far greater hopes from the Ministry
of Lord Russell than that of Lord Palmerston, but
he should have had even more confidence in the
Reform movement if the great leader of the Reform
party in England (Mr. Bright) now held a seat in
the Cabinet. (Loud cheers.) It was impossible
that any measure of Reform less comprehensive
than the bill of 1859 could be offered to the coun-
try ; and by accepting and supporting the pro-
position which the Government would haye to
submit to Parliament early in the ensuing session,
he was satisfied that an immense boon would
be conferred upon the artisan and working classes.
He did not believe that the Government would
offer less, or that the people of England could be
fairly expected to be satisfied with less ; but
it would be a substantial instalment of what they
would ultimately claim. He referred to the present
state of the constituency of Rochdale, in which the
really artisan class had only four and a half per
cent of the representation, whilst the upper and
middle classes had 87 per cent. This could not be
claimed in common sense or in common justice a
fair representation of the working classes. He ridi-
culed the fears of the Tories with respect to the ad-
mission of the working classes to the franchise,
which he believed would be as baseless as those of
Sir Robert Inglis and Sir Charles Wetherall in 1832,
for this party then loudly denounced Reform as
little less than a revolution. Ile would only add a
few words with respect to Jamaica. He believed
the Government was anxious to do justice, but he
could not help fearing that needless and illegal
severity had been exerted ; that British law had
been violated, and must be vindicated. (Cheers.) He
had great pleasure in supporting the resolution.
Mr. BRIGHT, M.P., on rising to support the reso-
lution, was received with loud and prolonged cheer-
ing. He said—Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen, I was
glad when I heard that it was intended to hold this
meeting, but now I stand before this audience, I feel
myself filled with a sadness which I cannot easily
describe. I remember some of your former meetings
—one great meeting that was held two years ago,
and another still greater that was held last year, at
which I was not able t 3 be present ; but I remember
that great and most noble speech which many of
you were privileged to hear. The lips whose words
then charmed and instructed you are now closed for
ever, but there remains to us one thing—the priceless
example of a great and noble life devoted to justice,
and whose labours have added whale realms to the
ever-widening empire of human freedom. (Cheers.)
In the midst of our unavailing regrets let us thank God
that such a life has been lived amongst us. (Cheers.)
I said that I was glad when I heard that this meeting
was intended to be held, for, to speak the truth, I
felt that there was no town in England that had
a greater right to speak on the subject of Reform
than the town in which we are now assembled,
and I felt—perhaps it was presumptuous to feel it
—that I had something to say on this question of
Reform to my townsmen, and through them to my
countrymen at large. Th uestion of Parliamen-
tary Reform occupies now Quiewhat new position.
I think it may be not in curately described if I
say that position is in some degree critical, but in a
large degree favourable. To take the favourable
view of it, we have had a long discussion on this
question, more or less, for nearly thirty years ; for
very soon after the passing of the bill of 1832 at-
tempts were made to amend and extend it. We have
had during that time, with this long discussion, a
constant growth and formation of opinion, and now
we have a Government which is strictly pledged to
introduce, and so far as they are able, by all means
which the Constitution allows, to carry that bill into
an act of Parliament. Now some persons who re-
member the time of 1832, or who have read of it,
seem to fancy that we live under the same circum-
stances. There is a wide difference between that
time and this. The measure of 1832—notwithstand-
ing that my hon. friend' (Mr. Potter) was rather
disposed to call in question the expressions of some
of the Tories of that day—the bill of 1832 was in
reality a revolution of the character which they de-
scribed. It was a measure which came after long
years of disappointment to the people. It now
reached the excitement of the revolution in France
—it swept away at one fell swoop all the past re-
sistance that had been made to the question, and it
excited a commotion in the country under which the
institutions of the kingdom tottered and trembled
to their very base. (Cheers.) Now, at this moment,
discussing this question, there appears to me to be
this difference—one effect of the Reform Bill of 1832
was to make all sorts of violence unnecessary and I
absurd with the view of carrying ay particular
changes in this country ; and therefore I conclude
that our position differs entirely from that occupied
by the Reformer in the year 1832. We are not
likely to have a connection of that character, nor
are we likely to have a great revolutionary
change of the representation carried through Par-
liament by any Government within the clauses of
one bill. I believe it will be necessary and ad-
vantageous to proceed on this question step by step.
(Cheers.) Now what are the steps? Fortunately,
perhaps, I am not, as my hon. friend and some of
his ill-advised friends here would apparently have
me, one of the exalted and sacred number of the
statesmen who are the advisers of the Queen.
(Laughter.) Still every honest man who stands
before his countrymen to discuss intelligently and
honestly public questions is necessarily, at the same
time, both an adviser of the Queen and of the
people—(cheers)—and under that character and
from this platform, if you will permit me, I will dis-
cuss this question as it presents itself to my mind.
(Cheers.) I hold that there are three things neces-
sary to give completion to the Constitution of this
country, and to confer upon the people a full and
real representation. The first of these is such an
extension of the suffrage as should leave us in this
position,—that no class is excluded. (Cheers.) I
don't say such an extension as shall leave us in the
position that no man shall be excluded, but that no
class shall be excluded. (Cheers.) There are many
persons in what we call socially the higher classes who
are, from one cause or other, excluded, but whole
classes are not excluded; whereas that greatest class
of all, the five millions who are the source of the
great industry of this country, is perpetually. ex-
cluded by the clauses of the Reform Act. (Cheers.)
Such an extension of the suffrage as shall exclude
no class is absolutely necessary. (Cheers.) I be-
lieve also that the shelter of the ballot—(cheers)—
will be found to be absolutely necessary to the effi-
cient and honest and independent exercise of the
iranchise. (Continued cheers.) And I believe fur-
ther, that there will be required such a change in the
distribution of seats as shall give a more
equal
share of Parliamentary
power to the various bodies
of electors scattered throughout the United King-
dom. But of these three things which are necessary
to be done, it seems to rue quite obvious that that
which is the most pressing is the question of the
suffrage. Because the 5,000,000 that are shut