The Sun.
London, England, 1835-11-12 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

nto surplus, and making a wholesale transfer of it to
he uses of the Romish priesthood. The mere pro-
position to divert, on any pretext, the income of our
Church to the education of Roman Catholics, under
the extensive direction of their Priests—that is, on
principles of which the object will be to perpetuate
their slavish subserviency to the priesthood, and their
deadly hatred towards the name of Englishman and
Protestant—is too monstrous to be listened to by any
man who has not abandoned every practical object but
the possession of office ; and indeed on this point one
cannot help admiring the more than stolid simplicity
of my Lord John Russell. Only hear the Noble re-
jected of Devonshire—" Where is the harm if, in as-
serting this (appropriation) principle, we happen to meet
the support of Mr. O'Connell ?" and further, "It is
singular that those so inimical to the Protestant Church
should be contented with a measure so temperate and
friendly as ours." !I We do protest that in all our
experience of public men and of titled greenhorns,
we never heard or read of anything half so rich as this.
Oh, happy accident I That a Whig measure for the
spoliation of the Protestant Church should, by the
merest chance imaginable, attract the notice of Mr.
Daniel O'Connell, and obtain the honour of his sup-
port ! Oh, bright and rose-coloured Lord John Rus-
sell that can find nought but " singularity" in the
contentment of the Papists with a bill for making
them lords and masters of what yet remains of Ire-
land ! My Lord, my Lord, learn to reason, if you
have yet time. Flatter not yourself that the rest of
mankind will find no shame, where you see only a sort
of political curiosity. Depend upon it that sounder
logicians than your Lordship will not be quite so com-
plaisant as to infer from O'Connell's extreme satis-
faction with your measure, that it is either " tempe-
rate" or " friendly" towards the Church. Again,
the Noble Member for Stroud attempts to deal with
questions which prove too many for him :—" The
Duke of Wellington yielded Roman Catholic Eman-
cipation to the fear of civil war." The Duke
of Wellington yielded because he saw that the
British nation was penetrated with a sense of the jus-
tice of that great measure, which had for its object the
communication of the rights of citizens to 7,000,000
of English and Irish Roman Catholics, comprehend-
ing thousands of educated and liberal gentlemen,
many among them of the noblest blood in the empire,
and almost invariably raised above the odious and
malignant ascendancy of a priesthood with whom they
could not sympathise. Such men we never have
confounded with the surpliced ruffians who instigate
to crime from the altar, and as little with the savage
multitude. But England was on their side, and the
press of England, and we are so still. The Duke of
Wellington therefore acted like a wise and honest states-
man, by preferring a measure, which taken alone he dis-
approved of, to waging against the Irish Papists, a war
wherein lie would not have been backed or assisted by
this country. But does Lord John Russell flatter him-
self that the destruction of the Protestant church will
obtain for him and his colleagues the same moral sup-
port from Englishmen as weighed with the Duke of
Wellington in carrying Catholic Emancipation ? Does
Lord John Russell conceive that if the Irish Papists
go to war for the supremacy of their church, the peo-
ple of England will shrink from such a struggle, or
leave his Majesty in the lurch when he appeals to
them ? Does Lord John suppose that the domina •
Lion of the Popish priesthood will, at the beck of a
bully-beaten Cabinet, become as popular throughout
Great Britain as was the civil freedom of the Roman
Catholic laity ? If his Lordship makes. love to a civil
war for the sake of Popery, his eulogium on Lord
Althorp is not a little droll, where lie admires that
nobleman so much for having threatened a civil war
in preference to a repeal of the Union. Wherein do
these two national mischiefs differ ? They are but one
substance under separate names. Repeal of the Union
is the coronation of Popery—the triumph of Popery,
by the passing of the Church Bill, on the other hand,
animmediate stepping-stone to the repeal of the Union.
A large portion of the noble Lord's speech being a
vindication of what he calls his consistency, is a mat-
ter which concerns us not. It merely proves, that
instead of wavering in his attacks upon the Church,
lie has been actuated by a steady and inveterate hos-
tility against her. But his assertion that he enter-
tained such sentiments some years ago, while O'Con-
nell still abused him and his colleagues, goes no way
towards disprOving a subsequent league between them.
It implies no more than that they have bought over
the agitator, by pledging themselves to carry for him,
and at his dictation, those measures which, with con-
sciences less hardened, and in circumstances less des-
perate, they formerly ventured to refuse. The plain
and broad fact that without him and his tail they
would be left in the minority contains the whole case—
it needs not a word of explanation.—Times.
To vindicate the existing Government from the
charge of a disgraceful and degrading coalition with
the Agitator, whom the Whig Ministry of Earl Grey
denounced in the Speech from the Throne, is the great
object of Lord John Russell's speech at Bristol. Like
the recent speech of Mr. Cutlar Fergusson to his con-
stituents, it professes to refute the accusations so elo-
quently made and so ably supported by Sir William
Follett, in his celebrated speech to the electors of
Exeter. Having ourselves very lately replied to Mr.
Fergusson, and adduced evidence to show that the
Whig coalition with O'Connell, was founded on a dis-
graceful surrender of Whig principles and sacrifice of
Whig opinions—having shown that O'Connell aban-
doned nothing of his extravagant claims or democratic
opinions to the Whigs, while the Whigs departed from
their more moderate and constitutional course to gratify
O'Connell—there is the less necessity for our entering
at any length into the refutation of the statements ofr
Lord John Russell. That lie and his colleagues
should be particularly anxious to disclaim the con-
nection with the Agitator, since the utter failure
of the late revolutionary crusade against the House
of Lords, is natural enough. But the proofs of
the disreputable • and dangerous character of that
coalition are too many and too strong to be success-
fully grappled with, even by a much more able and elo-
quent advocate of the Melbourne Ministry than the
Noble Member for Stroud. So long as the acts of the
Melbourne Ministry are upon record, so long will the
proofs be extant of "as unpriocipled a coalition as
ever darkened or disgraced the history of political in-
trigue in this country." The high terms of panegyric
in which Lord J. Russell'speaks of Earl Grey's Pre-
miership are not too high for the merits of that vene-
rable Statesman, when we compare his Administration
with that of the rump of the Whig Cabinet under the
official and nominal superintendence of Lord Mel-
bourne, and the real and irresponsible dictation of
O'Connell. 'When, however, his Lordship com-
pares Lord Grey as a Statesman to the great Earl
of Chatham, we must enter our protest against a pa-
rallel which is not exactly after the manner of Plutarch.
Englishmen who know anything of the history of
their country know that Lord Chatham, by his
wisdom, decision, and energy in the conduct. of our
foreign affairs, raised the policy and character of Eng-
land from a state of miserable depression to a pitch of
extraordinary elevation and glory. It was said of him
with eloquent truth, that " he smote with one hand
the house of Bourbon, and wielded in the other the
democracy of England." Never did England become
more prosperous at home, or more feared and respected
abroad than during the Administration of the elder Pitt.
The whole course of the foreign policy of Lord Grey's
Cabinet formed a melancholy contrast to that of
the Statesman who, while he cultivated the prin-
ciples of enlightened freedom at home, raised the
name of England among the nations of the earth.
His was not a diplomacy of contemptible protocols, nor
of base submissions to an insolent and barbarian Power.
With such a man as Chatham at the head of English
affairs, it would have been as impossible for the Au-
tocrat of Russia to have trampled in the dust a gallant
nation, which we had pledged our solemn faith by treaty
to protect, as to have sunk this island in the sea. Why
should Lord John Russell allude to Portugal, and
omit all mention of ill-fated Poland ? Even in Por-
tugal our interference has been followed by the loss of
the commercial advantages which we enjoyed by
treaty with that country since the reign of Charles I.
and the Protectorate of Cromwell. As to Spain
we have intermeddled in her: internal affairs, without
any stipulation for the enforcement of those com-
mercial engagements which she had formerly made

We were enabled to give, in the Chronicle of yes-
terday, an account of the proceedings at the dinner
in honour of Lord John Russell, at Bristol, on Tues-
day, down to the close of his Lordship's speech. We
this day lay before our readers a report of what sub-'
sequently took place. His Lordship reviewed, suc-
cinctly, the claims of the Grey and Melbourne Admi-
nistrations to the confidence of the country, dwelling
at most length on that part of the conduct of Minis-
ters which has chiefly provoked their opponents to as-
sail them by calumny and misrepresentation in every
possible shape. His Lordship, disdaining the host of
vulgar slanders, applied himself particularly to a
distinguished member of the Bar, Sir William Fol-
lett, who misrepresented Ministers on an occasion
when he knew he could do so with impunity. We
think we can take it upon us to say that the at-
tempts to excite a religious prejudice against Mi-
nisters for their attempts to withdraw a portion of
the ecclesiastical revenue of Ireland from clerical si-
necurists, to be employed in the moral and reli-
gious instruction of the people from whom that re-
venue is drawn, have utterly failed. The "No
Popery" cry is now understood and appreciated at
its just value. The Schoolmaster has been of late
too successful in his efforts to allow the bugbear of
Popery to frighten the people. Even in remote
districts, where the Schoolmaster is comparatively
unknown, as in parts of Devonshire, there is some
reason to believe that several electors who pretended to
be influenced by the cry of "No Popery were really
intimidated by their landlords, but ashamed to own it.
It is not only the duty, but the interest of the people
of England to provide for the instruction and improve-
ment of their Irish brethren ; for they may be assured that
theythemselves must suffer severely from the consequences
of not providing in time a remedy for the evils in the
social condition of the Sister Island. Lord John
Russell avoided all mention of the House of Lords ; but
Lord Segrave, Lord Ebrington, and Mr. Moore, parti-
cularly alluded to that branch of the Legislature. Lord
Segrave " held it to be the greatest absurdity that could
be uttered, to say that the House of Lords should
assume to itself an irresponsibility not claimed by
the first man in the realm ; ' and his Lordship dwelt
on the advantage of Peers meeting the people, and
laying their public condact before them. His Lord-
ship described the two parties in the House of Lords,
and expressed a hope that in the next Parliament the
Peers would see the necessity of acting more in con-
formity with the general opinion of the country. We
trust his Lordship will be found a true prophet ; but
though the first man in the realm is not irresponsible,
we wish we could see how the Peers assume what they
do not possess. Mr. Moore, however, after gilding
the pill by some compliments to their Lordships, closed
his speech with the following ominous remarks :
" That if, from any vice inherent in the Constitution,
which he for one was not prepared to admit, or from any
fatal obstinacy of the individuals of which a particular class
was composed, it should appear that the privileges of the
favoured few were incompatible with the just rights and
the privileges of the many, then would the serious question
arise, of what should be done with the encumbering branches,
which, though beautiful in themselves, endangered the vita-
lity of the parent stem."
This sentiment was loudly cheered, and the Lords
will do well to ponder on the warning conveyed to
them in such very courteous language by the most
polished of poets. Lord Ebrington stated, in justifi •
cation of the conduct of the Lords with respect
to the Corporation Bill, that they had totally mis-
calculated the opinions and feelings of the people
of England ; but when they saw their error, they
came, in a great measure, round to what was right.
This defence, however, amounts to a confession of an
instinctive inclination in their Lordships to what is
wrong, to be corrected only by popular demonstra-
tions. And his Lordship's panacea is, that to ensure
the good behaviour of the Peers, the people should
take the opportunities which the Constitution affords
of making their opinions known in such a way, that
there can be no mistake with regard to them. This is
rather an operose mode of keeping the Peers in the
right course. But we will not now enlarge on the
subject. We trust that next Session will not disap-
point the just expectations of the people, and that the
Lords will justify the anticipations of those who have
stepped forward as intercessors for them to the nation.
—Morning Chronicle.
A considerable portion of our paper yesterday was
sacrificed to a long report of a dinner given to Lord
John Russell by the radical tail of Bristol, followed
by a copious interchange of compliments between
those congenial parties. It is needless to assure our
readers that the most perfect harmony prevailed
throughout the day, as is natural upon an occasion,
where—for the most part—hospitality on one side,
and gratitude on the other, seem to inspire the donors
of the entertainment and the donee with but one sen-
timent of serious rivalship—namely, as to which shall
most effectually saturate the other with praise for
every possible act, and every possible omission. As
this Bristol feast, however, there seems to have been
a deviation from the usual order of such ceremonies,
inasmuch as the panegyrics had no reciprocity about
them. It was from first to last a " puff unilateral."
The Radical Deputation extolled the Noble Lord,
and his Lordship very cordially echoed them. With
Lord John's references to the earlier periods of Lord
Grey's Administration, which may be considered
as more belonging to history than provokin,7 any pre-
sent controversy, it is needless now to meddle. In the
Noble Lord's words, " 'What is done is clone, and
(Lord Grey) has had his hour." But there was
other topics touched upon by his Lordship which
cannot be so coolly thrown aside. With infinite
labour, but we may venture to add with no correspond-
ing success, the Noble Lord strives to clamber out of
the difficulties wherein he and his colleagues have
been floundering, since the day on which their fatal
resolution for the ruin of the Protestant Church in
Ireland was passed, and since their factious and vicious
treatment of the whole Church question relating to
Ireland was exposed to the world. Whether honest
or otherwise, it is vain for Lord John Russell to
attempt any mystification of this country with regard
to the real question at issue : that question is not,
as in his allusion to Lord Stanley Lord John Rus-
sell describes it—whether in parishes where there
are no Protestants residing, and no congregation to
hear the word of God, a clergyman shall never-
theless be appointed to receive the whole income
of an active incumbent, and thus to waste, as a sine-
curist, the funds assigned by common reason and by a
regard for the interests of religion, to an effective
teacher of Christianity ? Lord Stanley maintained no
such mischievous paradox. His Lordship was an as-
senting party to a measure which provided, that in
parishes where no service had been performed within
three years, the incumbency of such parish, if vacant,
should not be filled up, but the tithes (whether in the
old form or commuted) should be turned over to other
purposes connected with the Protestant Establishment.
It was therein further provided, that with the reflux of
Protestants into the parish the income should be re-
stored to its local uses—viz., the subsistence of an offi-
ciating clergyman. Now this is, on the face of it, a
stricter assertion of the right principle by which eccle-
siastical endowment )ught to be regulated, than that on
which Lord Melbourne's Cabinet has staked its political
being. Lord J. Russell and his colleagues say, where
there are "no Protestants the income of a clergyman
on the next vacancy shall be alienated, not merely from
the parish, but from the Protestant establishment.
Had the question been in any sense that which is as-
sumed by Lord J. Russell, in his, we must say, rather
puerile attack upon Lord Stanley, there could be no
harm in agreeing with him : our own conviction, main-
tained in this paper over and over again, was and is,
that the bona fide application of a bona fide surplus,
over the real wants of any one department of the pub-
lic service, civil or religious, to objects of admitted
usefulness in some other line is, abstractedly speaking,
not to be impugned with justice : the surplus, how-
ever, must be first fully demonstrated. But our objec-
tion to the law brought in by the Whigs is founded on
the consideration that, taken with all its actual cir-
cumstances and adjuncts.---with the attitude assumed by
the Popish enemies of the church—and with the means
and agencies through which such a measure must be
executed, it amounts to nothing less than a law for
converting, by rapid and irresistible encroachments, the
entire revenue of the Protestant Established Church ,

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 12, 1835.

with us, and about which our Foreign Minister seems
Ito care as little as he does about the progress which
Russia is making towards political and commercial
supremacy in the East. Why talk of Chatham, un-
less to remind England of the height of grandeur from
which she has fallen, when a Power that was but in its
barbarous infancy when she was the arbitress of na-
tions, has become all but the acknowledged Dictator
of Europe ? To the foreign policy of Lord Grey's
Cabinet, therefore, we cannot give the humble meed of
our approbation. 'We never did when that Statesman
was at the height of his popularity. We were the
first among the Journals of England to take up the
cause of Poland, when our mock-liberals in Parliament,
.who voted for the Russian-Dutch loan job, and made
a great outcry'when it was too late about Polish inde-1;
pendence, were perfectly silent. We, in vain, re-
minded the Whig-Premier of his own exertions in
behalf of Poland in 1794 ; but Lord Grey, the Mi-
nister, forgot the cause and the country which Lord
Grey, the patriot, had so eloquently advocated.
But weak and temporising as was the foreign policy
of his Cabinet, Lord Grey was far too high-minded a
British Minister to truckle, as some of his then col-
leagues have since done, to the insolent agitator of
Ireland. Because he would not, and could not, be-
come subservient to his views, the rancorous dema-
gogue assailed his character in the bitterest terms of
his fierce and foul vocabulary. Was not Lord John
Russell one of the Ministers who joined in denouncing
him in the Speech from the Throne, and has he not
since laboured with him on terms of the most intimate
political friendship ? Can Lord J. Russell deny the
existence of the intrigue to drive Lord Grey from the
Cabinet, which O'Connell himself revealed by dis-
closing the confidential communications with Mr. Lit-
tleton ? Can he deny that before that plot had been
carried into effect, and Lord Grey driven in disgust
from the Cabinet, the political clauses of the Irish
Coercion Act were declared to be absolutely indis-
pensable to the measure by Lord Brougham and
some others, who immediately after the resignation of
Lord Grey, spoke against those very clauses, and,
in conformity with the expressed opinion of O'Con-
nell, carried the Bill without them ? Was there no
sacrifice of principles here, as the first-fruits of the
intrigue by which Lord Grey was displaced, and
which caused him to shed tears when divesting him-
self of power which lie felt he could no longer
wield with honour to himself, or advantage to the coun-
try ? Does Lord John Russell forget when he was
himself an advocate, and a zealous one, for rotten
boroughs ? Does he forget when he told the people
of England that in substituting representative consti-
tuencies for the close boroughs, they might find that
they acted as foolishly as the person in the Arabian
tale, who " exchanged the old lamps for new ?"
What right to speak of himself as a Reformer in the
same breath with Lord Grey, who was a Reformer
forty years before, and who, if he had no other merit
on this point, had certainly that of consistency ? The
chief argument of Lord J. Russell to show that the
policy of the present Ministers is not the result of a
disgraceful coalition with O'Connell, is to the effect
that he had himself a similar opinion upon the " ap-
propriation clause" with reference to the Irish Church,
before O'Connell became an avowed support of the
Ministry as he has now. This only proves, suppo-
sing the statement perfectly true, that Lord John has
not advocated the confiscation of the property of the
Protestant Establishment to Popish purposes in con-
sequence of any compact with O'Connell, but it
does not prove that his colleagues have not come
over to that opinion, because they know they
could not obtain • O'Connell's assistance to re-
' gain them their power and keep them in their places
on any other terms. We know that the Whig
Ministers as a body opposed the proposition when
first moved by Mr. Ward, and declared that it would
be improper to attempt to legislate for the Church of
Ireland without the report of a Commission ; and we
also know that the very next year, when urged on by
O'Connell and his party, united with the English
Destructives, to that measure, they advocated and car-
ried it without waiting for the report of their own
Commissioners. Now, indeed, the Whig Ministers
have become alarmed, and not without reason, at the
impression made upon the people of England by the
audacious attempt of their democratic " missionary" to
revolutionise the Constitution by destroying the House
of Lords. They would not settle the tithe question,
because he, who is their task-master, would not permit
them to do so without making a commencement, at the
same time, of the work of destruction upon the Pro-
testant Church. They would not pass poor laws for
Ireland, because their Irish advisers have an interest
in that agitation which the misery of the people tends
to pi omote. Neither the Ministers nor their Journals
disclaimed the outrageous proceedings of the " mis-
sionary," until they 'found that his mad attempt at
substituting a wild democracy for our mixed Constitu-
tion was a decided failure.—Morning Herald.
The great Bristol dinner, and the presentation of
the sixpenny subscription plate of the Reformers of
that city to Lord John Russell, have taken place, as
our readers will perceive by the report of the proceed-
ings in another part of our paper. The affair seems
to have been any thing but brilliant. For some time
after the intended feast was advertised, the tickets of
admission, offered at no very extravagant price, hung
lamentably on band. It was soon found necessary to
promulgate a list of the great people who were to be
present, and, as often happens in respect to such ex-
pedients of theatrical attraction, the representation did
not quite come up to the promises of the play-bill.
The Marquis of Lansdowne was to have been
there, but had the good taste and prudence to
stay at home, condescendingly, however, sending his
son, who could not be committed by listening in
silence to whatever the little hero of the day
might think proper to advance. Besides the Earl
of Kerry and Lord John Russell there were present,
of distinguished persons, three Lords and one poet.
The respectable and venerable Lord Segrave shed his
genial influence on the banquet ; Lord Ebrington and
Lord Andover decorated and ennobled the principal
table ; and Mr. Thomas Moore was not improperly in
attendance upon one who would be a poet if he could,
and who, if he does not sing very tunefully himself,
has the power, which is far better, of bestowing pen-
sions upon those who do. We have now mentioned
the appropriate suite of Lord John Russell upon this
occasion, and, such as it was, it sufficed in aid of the
expected speech of the Noble Lord himself, and the
other anticipated enjoyments of the table, to allure to
the place of meeting about four hundred of the
inhabitants of Bristol, not generally of the most
respectable class, we presume, from the cau-
tious silence which is preserved as to their names.
No Bristolian present, with the exception of
the Chairman, a Barrister, we understand, in
some practice at the Bristol Sessions, having
been thought worthy of a special mention. The piece
of plate, a candelabrum, fit emblem at once of illumina-
tion and conflagration, was presented in due course to
the Noble Secretary of the Home Department, after a
very long speech from a worthy gentleman, who is de-
scribed as the Chairman of the Plate Committee.
Upon this elaborate and carefully concerted address,
we shall offer only a single remark. When we recol-
lect that the sixpenny subscribers to the gift, in whose
name the orator spoke, consist of the same class of
society in Bristol, and in a considerable proportion of
the same individuals, who not long ago burnt down
the King's Custom House and the Bishop's Palace ;
compelled an able, venerable, and upright Judge
to save his life by flight ; and attempted, in their
revolutionary phrenzy, to destroy the whole affluent
and populous city—when we recollect this, we can-
not but express our gratification to find so much
of Conservative sentiment expressed in an address
proceeding from such a source. As to the sincerity
of these expressions we are not called upon to offer
an opinion, but it is a consolatory proof that consti-
tutional principles are once more in the ascendant,
when we find a body of sixpenny subscribers to a piece
of plate for Lord John Russell Insisting upon the suf-
ficiency of the existing powers of the Constitution to
work out all needful reforms ; and deprecating any
further organic changes in the structure of the British
Government. This is probably no more than an in-
stance of that adaptation of language and conduct to
the popular temper of the moment for which such
Statesmen as Lord John Russell and all who

cleave to them have always been distinguished ; but it
not on that account the less satisfactory. The greatest
danger of a country has passed when even its incendi-
aries discover the policy of affecting veneration for its
institutions. Lord John Russell's speech, expressing
his gratitude for the gift, and his sympathy with the
donors, is just such a speech as might have been ex-
pected from the Noble Lord on such an occasion. It
is vapid eulogy of all that the successive Govern-
ments of which Lord John has been a member have
done or left undone, which, if it have no other merit,
has at least that of coming at a fit season, just after
another great encomiast of the present Ministry has been
crippled- as an advocate, by the discovery that he has
systematically employed the enormous political power
conferred upon him by the Whig measures of emanci-
pation and reform, as a source of corrupt revenue and
an instrument of flagitious fraud. His Lordship
claimed infinite honour and glory to himself for the
share he had taken in the measure of Parliamentary
Reform, but said nothing of the exploit by which one
of his most zealous and powerful confederates in that
act has recently shown to the world, that the Reform
Bill has merely transferred the privilege of nomination
to seats in the House of Commons from a higher to a
lower class of persons ; from men who could not
make this privilege the basis of a mean and venal traf-
fic, without the certain sacrifice of interests of much
greater value to them than any possible gain they could
derive from such pernicious and discreditable trad-
ing ; to needy and rapacious adventurers without visi-
ble means of, subsistence, other than the harvest they
contrive to reap from mendicancy, corruption, and
fraud ; and that, instead of securing a full, fair, and
free representation to the people of England, that
boasted measure of Reform has converted Ireland into
another Cornwall, enabled Mr. O'Connell to deal in
seats upon a large scale for his own pecuniary advan-
tage, and to collect, moreover, around him such a ga-
thering of dependent and subservient nominees, as suf-
fice to throw the decision of most important questions
into his hands, and enable him to direct and controul
the executive Government, to set the law at defiance,
and to commit the most flagrant violation at once of
the principles of common honesty and of the British
Constitution in the fullest confidence of impunity.
His Lordship boasted, as the Whigs generally
boast, of the settlement of the West India question,
forgetting apparently that all recent accounts from
the West Indies give reason to apprehend that the
effect of this settlement will he ruin to these impor-
tant colonies, and great and lasting injury to the
wealth, power, and resources of Great Britain ; that
the negro population even, for whose benefit the mea-
sure was primarily intended, seem likely to be plunged
by it into deeper barbarism, and exposed to severer
sufferings and privations than before. In this man-
ner, pleading before an audience so prejudiced or so
ignorant as to yield an implicit assent to his as-
sumptions, the Noble Lord proceeded triumphantly
to establish his claims, and those of his colleagues,
to the gratitude of the nation, taking it for granted
throughout, sometimes without any evidence, and
more frequently in the teeth of evidence the most
direct and irresistible, that every change already ef-
fected, and every change which is yet to be accom-
plished by Whig-Radical Administration, must of ne-
cessity be beneficial. His Lordship reckoned very
largely indeed upon the ignorance and credulity of his
auditors, of whom, however, he seems to have taken a
tolerably accurate measure. There is one part of the
Noble Lord's speech upon which much diligence and
care has evidently been expended. It is that in which he
labours to repel the imputation which has been cast on
the present Ministers, that they carry on the Govern-
ment in combination with Mr. O'Connell. The effort
was entirely unsuccessful, but it shows how sensible
Ministers are of the degradation to which, for sake of
place, they have submitted. Lord John's argument is
simply this, that the support afforded by Mr. O'Con-
nell to the existing Government does not amount to a
proof of collusion between the King's Ministers and
the Irish demagogue boroughmonger whom the Re-
form Bill has given to the State. Now, so far as we
know, nobody has ever said that this circumstance,
merely, would furnish proof of collusion. But is it
nothing that Ministers depend wholly upon this in-
dividual for their continuance in place ? Is it nothing
that, after a long series of mutual crimination, by
which the alleged confederates had manifested their
contempt and hatred of each other, they suddenly
united, for the purpose of forcing Lord John Russell
and his colleagues into power ? Is it nothing that
the power so acquired was immediately employed to
promote the purposes of Mr. O'Connell in respect
both to the civil and ecclesiastical policy of Ireland ?
Is it nothing that the Administration thus installed by
Mr. O'Connell immediately set about to confiscate
part of the Church property of Ireland, with the
intention, as they pretend, of pacifying the Roman
Catholics of that country, while Mr. O'Connell, the
political leader of these Roman Catholics, never at-
tempts to conceal his opinion that this partial con-
fiscation is no further a boon than as it introduces the
thin side of the wedge, and renders the overthrow of
the Protestant Church at no distant period absolutely
certain ? Is it nothing that. Mr. O'Connell has de-
manded, and been permitted to dispense to his friends
and retainers, an important share of the patronage of the
Irish Government ? Is it nothing that he is in perpe-
tual conference with the nominal heads of that Govern-
ment? Is it nothing that, for sake of pleasing him,
the military and police force in Ireland have been
commanded to refrain from protecting the legal col-
lection of tithe, or from interfering in any manner for
the preservation of the peace, until after full and safe
opportunity shall have been afforded to the lawless
hordes who do Mr. O'Connell's biddings to murder all
who presume to set the law in motion, or to assist in
giving it effect ? Is it nothing that Mr. O'Connell,
relying on the favour and protection of Government,
has ventured to turn the Parliamentary Representation
of Ireland into a source of pecuniary profit to him-
self ? Is it nothing that, after full proof of this sor-
did and illegal traffic has been for a fortnight before
the world, nobody even dreams of the Attorney-Gene-
ral performing his duty, by commencing a criminal
prosecution against this gigantic offender ? These are
the circumstances which denote collusion and confede-
racy between the executive Government and the Ro-
man Catholic demagogue, and to these Lord John
Russell took especial care not to breathe one syllable
of allusion.—Morning Post.

We beg to point the attention of our readers to the
report of the speech of Lord John Russell, at the
dinner given to him on Tuesday, at Bristol. It will
afford materials, for some time to come, of somewhat
difficult digestion to Tory stomachs. The fact of such
a dinner being given at the present moment, and in a
place which has, since the origin of the distinction be-
tween Whigs and Tories, been considered a hot-bed
for the latter, is one of no ordinary importance in itself,
But we have not space to dwell on the considerations
to which this circumstance gives rise. We should like
to have seen the countenance of Sir William Follett
when he first read Lord John's speech. Nothing could
be more complete than Lord John's demolition of the
assertions of the ex-Solicitor-General at the late Exeter
feed," to the effect that Lord John's opinions on the
Church appropriation question had been adopted in
consequence of an " unprincipled coalition" between
Mr. O'Connell and the Melbourne Ministry. Lord
John told Sir William some plain homely truths, in a
very plain homely manner. We dare say the Member
for Exeter will be a little more guarded in his expres-
sions when he next dines with his constituents, and not
calculate so much and so " contemptuously" on the
ignorance" of his Tory friends in that city.--
Morning Advertiser.

Between four and five o'clock yesterday morning
;here was a heavy fall of snow between Dartford ane London.

The winter has set in with uncommon severity, and
tho nobility and gentry are thronging into town. Yester-
day before the thermometer was lower at one
than it was during last winter. Snow fell
hdtieamayevailonyfdltahtshetedevayening in the neighbourhood of London.

A gentleman, who suffered much by gambling at
the west-end of the town, gave the following advice, a few
evenings ago, to his nephew, in a coffee-house : " If you
are anxious to be cheated play at cribbage, blind hookey,
French hazard, or rouge et noir ; but if you wish to be
happy, respectable, and comfortable, piay.not at

VICE-CHANCERY-WEDNESDAY.

MALCOLM V. O'CALLAGHAN.

The Counsel in opposition to the :petition of Charles
Burton Wyatt were heard yesterday, and the case was con-
cluded this morning.

The petitioner's case was reported on Monday last. It
will be recollected that Mr. Wyatt, the receiver in the
cause, had been disallowed by the Master the expenses of
four out of nine journies he took to Paris between 1817
and 1823, for the purpose of prosecutinc, in the French
Courts a claim against a person named Parker, for the be-
nefit of the testator's (Colonel Stopford's) estate. The pe-
tition was, in fact, an appeal from that decision. The jour-
nies disallowed were the third, part of the sixth, seventh,
eighth, and ninth.
Mr. KINDERSLEY addressed the Court in opposition to
the petition on the part of several of the persons beneficially
interested in the estate of Colonel Stopford, including Mr.
Carr, the solicitor, who was the representative of a de-
ceased party who had a beneficial interest, and whose op-
position to the claim had been much commented on. The
present case the Learned Counsel concurred with the Coun-
sel for the petitioner in describing as one unparalled. His
own experience furnished him with no instance, and in vain
did he consult the books for a precedent where an agent,
employed in the prosecution of a suit in a foreign country
for the recovery of a debt, had been allowed so large a sum
as 1,2601. for his expenses and remuneration in attending to
the suit for a period of 496 days, and yet, not content with
so liberal an allowance, had come forward, in opposition to
the Master's report, to claim an additional sum of 1,927/.
for a period of 974 days in addition.
Mr. Jacob followed, on the part of Mr. Wyatt, one of
the legatees of Col. Stopford, in opposition to the petition.
Mr. Goldsmid appeared for the executors of Colonel
Stopford.
Mr. Knight replied.
His HONOUR said—Under all the circumstances of the
case, he was of opinion the matter should be sent back
to the Master in regard to the four journies altogether
disallowed. He did not sec any necessity for requiring
the whole subject with respect to the journies allowed
to be reviewed. But it appeared to him that although
it might be difficult, and perhaps impossible, as was ma-
nifest from the objections, to point out to a penny or to
a day what should be allowed, if the Master re-consi-
dered the thing he might find it more consistent with
truth and justice to make something like an allowance
for the four journies wholly: disallowed, than to refuse
all compensation, as he bad hitherto done.