The Sun.
London, England, 1832-10-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Military authorities from Oporto state, that
if Miguel's attack, which was expected for Fri-
day last, should fail, they considered the cause
of Miguel as utterly hopeless. It is not, we con-
fess, without much anxiety that we look for
intelligence of the events of that day. Miguel
was bringing up 6,000 fresh troops from Lisbon,
to take part in the projected action—a reinforce-
ment which would nearly supply all the vacancies
caused in his ranks, whether by the sword or
sickness. The Constitutional army had, on
the other hand, been strengthened by the arrival
of 600 or 700 Englishmen, with some gallant
officers, and a good proportion of stores and am-
munition. We can state, moreover, upon the

best authority, that the spirits of the Pedroists,
and their confidence of successful resistance to

any force that could be brought against them, so
far from being impaired, were higher than at any
time since the commencement of the campaign.

Some interesting traits of the general enthusiasm
visible amongst the inhabitants of Oporto are
enumerated in the letters to which we have had
access. During the attack on the Serra, above
30 gentlemen, residents of Oporto, crossed the
river, with their double-barrelled guns, to aid the
defence of that important outwork ; and near 100
others were prevented from following them, only
by the assurances of Count Villa Flor, that he
had already reinforced the Convent, and that he
considered it out of danger. In the streets of

the city the shells drop unheeded, and some
heavy guns, which had been planted by the
IVliguelites so as to enfilade one of the streets,
where the poor market-women sat in rows to
sell fish and other necessaries, opened their fire,
and sent in shot, without exciting further proof
of alarm in these females than a " Jesrt
.Maria!" or some other habitual ejaculation.
There is, however, one view of the relation
wherein Portugal stands to Great Britain which
undoubtedly deserves the serious attention of this
Government. We do not greatly admire the
policy which commits itself exclusively to ab-
stract principles. The maxim of non-interfer-
ence with foreign states, for instance, is one
under which the most serious practical mischiefs
would have been perpetrated, had it been
(as it has not been) always and rigorously ad-
hered to. The duties of neutrality are all very
well to talk about where a given Government is
bona fide in a neutral position—that is to say,
a position which enables her to look at the suc-
cess of either party engaged in war upon a fo-
reign soil as of equal indifference, or equal value,
to the direct and essential interests of her own
subjects. A solid and deep stake in the issue
of any contest whatever, such as extensive pro-
perty, or numerous English lives, would make
it an unpardonable offence in British statesmen
to act with the same coolness upon non-interfe-
rence maxims, as they might be excused for do-
ing in cases where British life and property were
in no degree risked upon the result. To
search for no precedents beyond the last six
years, why did England meddle in the affairs of
Greece and Turkey, but because her commerce
was a sufferer from their irregular contest ? Why
did we meddle between Belgium and Holland (to
little good purpose, as it has yet been, but)—what
was the ground of our interference, other than the
peril to English interests from permitting mat-
ters to take the course which alone seemed open
to them had this country lain inactive ? Why,
then, has England done nothing with regard to
Portugal ? We must answer, because, as it
seems to us, she has been governed by the pe-
dantry of general maxims, instead of a bold and
just regard to the importance of practical and
very urgent duties. Portugal has, time out of
mind, been held as a dependent ally of England
in the face of the whole world, and the alliance,
if essential to Portugal, as a shield against the
long and well-known designs of both the Spa-
nish and French branches of the House of Bour-
bon, has been equally valuable to England, as
affording her a substantial counterpoise to the
weight of an adverse interest in the south of
Europe, as well as a powerful naval station, the
only one south of Cork, in the Atlantic. Be-
sides all this, a vast extent of Portuguese pro-
perty has found its way into the hands of Bri-
tish owners ; and tens of thousands of British
families have made Portugal their settled habi-
tation. We therefore affirm that nothing was
ever weaker than the scruple which held back this
Government, at any period within the last ten
years, from interposing with a vigorous hand, and
fixing the affairs of Portugal on such a footing
AS should at all events secure the strict alliance
between the two kingdoms, with the immense
advantages thereto appertaining, from any chance
of dissolution, and the British lives and pro-
perty vested on the Douro and the Tagus from
acts of spoliation or destruction. The question
is at this moment—nay, it has been so from
the beginning of the family war—shall Portugal
be British or anti-British? Shall the rela-
tion of patron and willing client—of protector
and ready ally—of Great Britain watchful over
the designs of. Spain, and Portugal conscious of
security in that watchfulness—of British mer-
chants and proprietors enjoying the rights and
benefits of the most favoured nations, and car-
rying on a hghly-lucrative and valuable com-
merce from Portugal, as their entrepot, with the
finest harbour in the west of Europe at the dis-
posal of Great Britain for all lawful purposes,—
shall these continue, through the attachment of
a grateful dynasty, to our nation, or, after the
establishment of the tyrant and monster Miguel,
the darling of all despots, and mortal enemy of
the British name upon the throne, shall we see
every living individual of our countrymen ba-
nished from the country, or murdered on the
spot,—every pound's worth of English pro-
property confiscated,—and every resource of Por-
tugal, political or commercial, whether as an ally,
or a market, or a maritime asylum, turned to the
detriment of England ? This question, we say,
has long since arisen, and has remained without
an answer by far too long. It is, indeed, a
proof of sot rething not far removed from ex-
treme imbecility that steps have not many
months ago been token to promote effectually
the British cause, viz., that of the lawful Queen
of Portugal, and to put down the anti-British by
at least such a demonstra4ion of the feelings of
this great Government and country as will en-
courage the friends of the Constitution and of
legitimacy among the Portuguese to show them,
selves. No Government is bound to cut its own
throat, which ours is now doing by its apparent
apathy on this question, while traitors to Eng-
land in Miguel's pay, or rather in that of the
Holy Alliance, are converting the London Press
itself, of the baser part of which they are conduc-
tors, into an organ of beastly exultation at the de-
struction of British lives by the Usurper's troops,
as they have for some time been indulging it►
treasonable joy at the anticipated defeat of the

British arms and policy, when employed to bring
the perverse Dutchman to his duty.—Tinzes.
Our Government agents in Portugal, as well
as those who re-echo their sentiments in this

country, have usually taken care to be provided
with some flagrant case or other as a screen to
their own conduct, and adopted rather as an ap•
peal to the feelings of a deluded public than to
the sober judgment of Englishmen. Of this
disposition to quarrel with our oldest friends, or
humble them to the very dust, abundant evi-
dence may be found in the papers respecting
our relations with Portugal lately laid before
Parliament, or in the columns of certain Minis-
terial Journals, where the most preposterous

charges are often raised against the Portuguese
authorities, and frivolous incidents represented
as matters of great moment. On Friday even-
ing a contemporary, on whose judgment and
discrimination the public have been accustomed
to place more than ordinary reliance, produced
a span-new case, just arrived from Lisbon, and,
without most probably having before him the
means of forming his own opinion upon its
merits, told the story, it is presumed,
as it was told him, and after a little preliminary
qualification, such as " that the private accounts
from Lisbon are most melancholy as regards the
system of terrorism and brutality which prevails
there," proceeds to deduce a plea for the entry
of British ships of war into the Tagus. We
have been favoured with two Lisbon letters on

this subject, and, as we are assured, of the mos
respectable character. They will be found it
our columns of this day, and to their contents
we invite particular attention ; nay, we call that
of our Evening Contemporary by whom the affair
was first mentioned, and frankly ask him to de-
clare whether his version of it, or that furnished
in the letters above we refer to, be the most
reasonable and correct. Lisbon, it will be
borne in mind, is in a state of siege and
under martial law—a measure equally adopted
in other countries in times of extraordi-
nary turbulence and disorder. It cannot, in-
deed, be denied that there are periods when the
ordinary course of justice is too slow, and con-
sequently inadequate to the coercion of the
most dangerous crimes against the State, which,
if left unprotected by extraordinary remedies,
might perish. That period, we think it will be
acknowledged, has arrived in Portugal. No
better means having been discovered of keep-
ing pace with the daring celerity which attends
the operations of rebellion than the employment
of a vigilant police, composed of respectable
inhabitants, and a guard something resembling
that of the gendarmes in France, to their united
care the Portuguese capital was confided from
the moment the invasion commenced, and to
their credit it must be said that the public tran-
quillity has been effectually preserved. Whilst
Englishmen were fighting at Oporto and block-
ading Portuguese ports in Lisbon, not a single
British resident has been molested; perhaps the
most signal instance of forbearance on the part
of a justly irritated people ever on record, and
the remark applies to a period of better than
three months. But to the main subject. In
the night of the 14th, according to the letters
before us, a corporal's guard of police, going
theif rounds, found a man in the streets at a
forbidden hour, who refused to give an account
of himself. He was twice admonished to with-
draw and shut his door, as the law prescribed.
Again he refused, and, on the corporal telling
him that he arrested him in the name of the
King, a volley of treasonable abuse was returned.
The guard having come up to seize his person,
a scuffle ensued, in which the incognito endea-
voured .to disarm one of the soldiers by wresting
his musket from him. The bayonet having
fallen, the man attempted to seize it and resort
to force, at which moment the corporal, finding
the matter to be serious, and not knowing where
it might end, fired his musket. The ball struck
the man, and he fell lifeless to the ground. The
body was then taken into the yard of the house,
of which the door was open, and, on a view of it
by the proper authorities, the deceased proved
to be a Spaniard, had been twelve years in
Pinto's service, and that he was well known as
the general porter of a furnished house let to
lodgers, among whom was Lord W. Russell.
If such is the state of the affair as described in
the letters above mentioned, how is it that Lo►d
William Russell says that the deceased was a
servant of his own ? Had he returned him as such
to any public officer ? But, even if he was a ser-
vant of the Noble Lord, under the circumstances
described, and however much he might deplore
the man's death, how can he interpret it as an
insult against himself,or an indication of danger
to British subjects? How can an accidental ren-
contre between a police-guard and an obstinate
or factious man, which in the confusion of the
moment terminated fatally for the latter, serve as
a charge against the Government of the country?
What intentional offence could there be in the
exercise of the right of self-defence, and in firing
upon a man who attempted to disarm a guard
in a town at the very moment under martial law ?
In justice to the Government of Portugal, as
well as to those of the British residents who do
not approve of the manner in which that Go-
vernment has long been treated by our Consul
residing in Lisbon, for at his door we understand
the affair is chiefly laid, we hope that this matter
will be fully and fairly investigated. We further
hope and trust that Lord W. Russell will be
called upon to show why he rejected the proffered
satisfaction of the Portuguese Minister, by de-
clining the investigation of the circumstances of
the affair, before he proceeded to commit a fla-
grant breach of neutrality, offensive to the rights
of an independent nation, and, in the particular
predicament in which our deluded countrymen
are placed in Oporto, extremely dangerous to
the well-being of our peaceable and trading
countrymen scattered about in various parts of
Portugal, who have hitherto experienced an effec-
tual protection, even under circumstances in
which they could scarcely expect it.—Morning
Post.

We have found where we least expected to find
it, namely, in the Quarterly Review, an attempt
to demonstrate that the Aristocracy of this
country are the chief cause of the crime and
immorality which prevail among us. We allude
to an article on " Novels of Fashionable Life,"
in the number for October, just published. We
have often endeavoured to connect the exorbitant
expenditure of this country with the law which
gives the estate to the eldest child, and leaves
the other children in a state of comparative
des-
titution. This law tends to prevent the distri-
bution of property, which is an object greatly to
be desired, by all Nobles who wish to see a
popeand virtuous. But a mischievous
consequencel happy
results from there being in a coun-
e
' try a number of large estates in the hands of in-
dividuals, and that is, that the relations of the
Aristocracy, in public employments, are paid,
not according to the value of their services, but
to enable them to live in a style equal to that of
the Aristocracy. Thus, the expenditure of the

nation is much greater than it ought to be, and
thus heavy taxation is connected with the une-
qual distribution of property. An Ex-Member
of Parliament, of distinguished talents, once
wrote an amusing Essay, in which he proved
that the tall servants at the west end of the town
were the pivot on which the British Constitu-

tion turned. It was for the sake of these ser-
vants that we had boroughmongery and all the
corruption necessary to the working of our Con-
stitution. The end of all the jobbing is the
adding not to the comforts of the owner of the
mansion, but to the number of tall, well-fed
men whom he keeps. The writer in the Quar-
terly Review, so far from considering the ability
to maintain a number of idle men a national ad-
vantage, attributes to this the increase of crime
among us :
" Hitherto (be says) those who have undertaken to de-
scribe the ways of fashionable life, have not followed it
even to its more direct and contiguous relations with other
classes of mankind. This is a defect which it might be
worth the while of any duly qualified writer to supply.
It might be well, for instance, if any such writer would so
far extend the sphere of his contemplations as to observe
and exhibit the effects of fashionable manners and customs

upon the class of servants and the class of tradesmen.
Under the former head, there may be found, perhaps, little
to find fault with on the score of mere manner and out-
ward demeanour. To use servants with harshness, is to
be wanting in that species of consideration for them which
consists in a certain mildness and amenity of manner,
would ruffle and deform that smooth surface of things
which it is agreeab'e to the taste of people in high life to
see around them. Nor do they perhaps interfere with the
comfort of their dependents, by any undue or onerous
exactions of service; for their establishments, being for the
most part calculated for show, are more numerous than is
required for use, and are, therefore, necessarily under-
worked, except perhaps in the case of some poor drudges
at the bottom, who slink up and down the back stairs un-
seen, and whose comfort, therefore, does not engage the
attention of a family of this class; and even these will not
be oppressed with their labours, unless when some impo-
verished people of fashion may find it necessary to dock the
tails of their establishments in oiler to keep the more pro-

minent portions entire. Nevertheless the exceptions

which may be taken against fashionable life, as affecting
the class of servants, are of a very grave description. Late
hours and habits of dissipation in the heads of a family
mike it almost impossible, especially in London, to exer-
cise that whole-ome household discipline which is requisite
to secure the well-being of a servant. Luxury and osten-
tation require that the servants of these people should be
numerous; their number unavoidably makes them idle;
idleness makes them debauched ; debauchery renders them
often necessitous; the affluence or the prodigality, the in-
dolence or indulgence or indifference of their masters,
affords them every possible facility for being dishonest ;
and beginning with the more venial kinds of peculation,
their consc ence has an opportunity of making an easy
descent through the various gradations of larceny, till the
misdemeanant passes into the felon. In the meantime the
master, taking no blame to himself, nor considering that
servants are for the most part what their masters make
them, that they are their creatures, at least of those circum-
stances which their masters throw around them, and might
be moulded in the generality of cases, with almost certain
effec., by the will and conduct of the master, passes over,
with an indolent and epicurean censure, the lighter delin-
quencies which we may happen to detect, laughs perhaps at
his own laxity, and when at length alarmed, discharges the
culprit without a character, and relieves himself at the ex-
pense of he knows not whom, by making of a corrrupted
menial a desperate outcast. If it be raid that a man can-
not lie expected to change his mode of life for the sake of
his servants, it might be answered, that any mode of life by
which each individual indulging in it, hazards the perdition
of several of his fellow-creatures, ought to he changed, and
cannot be persevered in without guilt. But even if no
such sacrifice were to be insisted upon, there remain means
by which the evil might be mitigated. In the first place,
the adherence to honesty on the part of the masters might
be exemplary ; whereas, their actual measure of honesty
would perhaps be indicated with sufficient indulgence, if
they were described (in the qualified language which
Hamlet applies to himself) to be ' indifferent honest.'
Fashionable people are the most unscrupulous smugglers
and buyers of smuggled goods, and have less difficulty than
others, and less shame, in making various illicit inroads
upon the public property and revenue. It is not to be
denied that these practices are, in point of fact, a species
of lying and cheating; and the latter of them bears a close
analogy to the sort of depredation in which the dishonesty
of a servant commonly commences. To a servant it must
seem quite as venial an offence to trench upon the resources
of a Duke, as to the Duke it may seem to defraud the re-
venues of a kingdom."
Many of the dignitaries of our Church think
it strange that their Divine Master should have
proscribed riches in such unqualified terms, and
even excluded rich men from the kingdom of
Heaven. But the writer in the Quarterly Re-
view's remarks furnish a valuable comment on
the doctrine. He has sho'voi thel pliSWsifon of
great property is so far an evil, as the enjoyment
of it leads inevitably to immorality and crime,
To give, for instance, to a Lord Bishop, splendid
mansions, and 20,0001. or 30,0001. a-year, is
not Only a waste of the public money, but a
stimulus to crime. The swarm of idle servants
whom he keeps, to be like other fashionables,
are, of course, exposed to the same temptations
to which servants in other fashionable houses are
exposed, and tainted with the same vices and
crimes. The Bishops of the times when Chris-
tianity made its way in the world lived in a
simple, unostentatious manner, and their ex-
ample was as efficacious in converting as their
exhortations. Their successors are placed in
circumstances which make them disseminators
of corruption and vice. In an excellent work,
Lettres sur la Hollande, in two volumes, pub-
lished in 1780, the mode of living of people in
easy circumstances in Holland is contrasted with
that of the rich in England and other coun-

tries :
"In England (he observes), whe❑ a Lord or rich man
is visited at his country seat, every thing announces a great
expenditure. The table, always open to the neighbouring
gentry, and even to those of the whole county, profusion of
all sorts of wines, all the domestics heated with beer and
wine, the coachmen of those who depart all so drunk as
hardly to be able to keep their seats (things are changed
for the better in this respect since 1780); vast houses
built in the Italian style ; parks filled with deer; gardens
in which the roots and fruits of climates the most opposed
to that of England are forced ; orchards filled with the
fruit trees of every country; forests planted with trees
transported from the four quarters of the world , cedar
from Mount Lebanon ; the plane tree of Persia ; the
tulip tree from the Iroquois ; the tree of India ; the
balm tree of Canada, &c. ; and quantity of horses,
d gs, &c. * * *. No-
thing like this is to be seen in the country in Holland ;
no fracas, no marks of pride and folly. It is much if you
see in the morning or afternoon, the ladies and gentlemen
takiug tranquilly their tea in a povillion at the end of the
garden. The French, and e.pecially the Milanese, the
Neapolitans, and Sicilians, love to fill their houses with
servants, to make the public believe that the house belongs
to a great Lord or rich man, though, perhaps, the Lord is
only a farmer, and the rich man a gentleman over bead
and ears in debt. The Dutch, on the contrary, have no-
thing of this vanity ; they have no more servants than they
require, and they are even discomposed when their circum-
stances require them to keep several. They are too well
aware, that this canaille only serve to embarrass a house ;
that they maintain disorder ; that while every one seeks to
throw the service from his own shoulders on those of some
of his companions, the master is often obliged to serve
himself ; that beggars like those, without industry and
without education, can only corrupt each other, and com-
municate their vicious morals to the children even of their
mast r. Thus, it is not from avarice, but from prudence,
that they dispense as much as they can with servants."
The Quarterly Reviewer does not content
himself with showing the corrupting influence of
Aristocracy in the case of servants, but proceeds
with his examination through tradesmen, mil-
liners, &c. The connection between primoge-
niture and adultery is also illustrated by the
Quarterly Reviewer, who, in examining Mr.
Lister's novel of " Arlington," draws attention
to the distinction to which it leads of marrying
and not marrying men, and the resources of the
latter :
" Lord Arlington' is fixed upon by Lady Crawford, an

arbitress of fashion, to be the prey of her niece Julia
Saville, described as one, the richness and luxuriance of
whose beauty suggests so much in the mind of the spec-
tator as to make the emptiness and barrenness of her own
mind unsuspected, if not almost incredible. Her affec-
tions are pre-engaged to Mr. Beauchamp, a man of great
personal attractions, and much profligacy, and fashionable
distinction, who is, after a certain manner, in love with
her, but being without the means or intention of marry-
ing, forwards the design upon Lord Arlington, with a
view, when that should have taken effect, to profit by her
coverture. The adoption of such a design is but too cha-
racteristic of that unhappy state of society which these
books represent, and the scenes in which it is described,
are well imagined.' Laxity (he elsewhere observes) in
respect of the cardinal female virtue is unquestionably the
cardinal sin of fashionable society; and what renders it
most offensive is, that it is a discriminating laxity. It is
impossible to deny that the frailties of persons who can
surround themselves with a surpassing degree cf splendour,
and prop themselves against prodigious piles of wealth,
meet with an extraordinary quantum of indulgence. Ab-
solutions and dispensations of a certain kind are bought and
sold ; and of two women taken in adultery, the one of
whom riots in a profusion of riches and is lavish of costly
entertainments, whilst the other enjoys no more than an
ordinary share of affluence, fashionable infallibility will
assure to the one its indult, and to the other its anathema.
Many who contemplate at a safe distance the ways of the
great world will feel the injustice and baseness of the
distinction even more sensibly than the immorality, per-
nicious though it be, of the looser proceeding. Au in-
discriminate indulgence might pass for an amiable weak-
ness, or an excess of charity. But if it be through a
charitable spirit that the great and sumptuous sinners are
admitted into society, what shall we call that spirit by
which the more obscure or indigent are expelled ? Society
acts either in the one case with the cruelty of a tyrant, or
in the other with the vileness of a parasite."'
Such are the effects of a system of legislation,
the object of which has been to preserve great
masses of property in particular families. The
nation is heavily taxed to provide for the
junior branches of these families in a style
equal to their notions, and corrupted in
every way by the mode in which the great ex-
pend their incomes. The Quarterly Reviewer
would seem to think, that since Lords and
Ladies have become authors and authoresses,
and laid open the mysteries of fashionable life,
the people have lost all respect for high life. To
use his own words, " With many simple per-
sons a mystery has been revealed, and a charm
has been broken, and they will never again have
the same respect for the great which they once
had." It is curious to connect reform with
fashionable novels ; though there is some reason
for thinking that the Reviewer is not far out in
his opinion. We look to the Reform Bill for
strict economy and unsparing retrenchment. The
scale of payment is vicious in the extreme. Eco-
nomy in the State will soon produce its effects in
the distribution of property. The nation will
gain not merely in diminished taxation, but in
the diminution of the pestiferious corruption
which flows from Aristocracy.—Morn. Chron.
We regret to perceive many persons in diffe-
rent parts of the kingdom, especially in coun-
ties, deterred from coming forward as candidates
for the next Parliament, on the score of expense.
This is one of the evils which we were in hopes
that the Reform Bill would remove ; and which,
though it may fail in the first instance to accom-
plish, it will, we have little doubt, in the end bring
about. The idea of a mail becoming an inde-
pendent representative of the people who is com-
pelled to part with his independence, as the
price of obtaining his seat, is a self-contradiction
upon the face of it, too manifest to admit of dis-
pute. As these things have hitherto proceeded,
no sooner does a man announce himself as a can-
didate for a county, or any other populous place,
than all hands unite to fleece him in every pos-
sible way, from every lawyer down to every publi-
can ; till, as has too frequently happened, not
only has he in the end found his own fortune
crippled, or actually consumed, but a load of
debt left him to encounter, which nothing but
subserviency to the Minister of the day can give
him any hope of seeing discharged, or his future
means of living repaired. The fortunes which
have been sacrificed in election contests, and the
unworthy manner in which many of them have
been thus repaired, are matters of notoriety on
which it is as unnecessary as it would be in-
vidious to dwell. In the outset of the working
of the Reform Act this evil seems to be rather
enhanced than diminished by the novel and ap-
paretly reprehensible practice of candidates and
their agents attending before the Registering
Barrister to invalidate or establish the votes
of those to whom they look forward as their
friends or opponents on the day of election.
This we cannot help looking upon as an
intrusion and interference which ought not
to be permitted. It is quite clear that the ob-
jections and other proceedings in this new in-
stance far exceed those which have heretofore
taken place in the Assessor's booth ; and, if
permitted to go on, are calculated to give a
wealthy candidate (as in the present instance in
Essex) the power of almost nominating the
constituencyeveryyop he i
al
midaa
recentll se,
man's
afterwards
tsauotbec
tcciaia isntiyobncteo a representrnbenrmoouatgrkiletdt, :
o iifs
undermine.fstohuree,
upon these occasions, there is scarcely one in ten
Among the many minor reforms, then, of which
we trust the Reform Act will be the parent, that
of effectually cutting down and diminishing the
enormous expense of reaching the House of
Commons will, we trust, be one. It is not at
all to be feared that this would lead, as some
persons imagine, to needy and desperate persons
gettinginto Parliament. The very slight encou-
ragement which such persons are every where
now receiving affords a sufficient answer to that
objection ; while the practice which at present
nrge viati los
vgeiry etsati
eon mere
andwienadl tel pi
esnudcehnie nee aanssmouf
must,
is -
long as it permitted, shut out from the Legis-
lature those persons, in almost every rank, sta-
tion, and department, whose services are calcu-
lated to be of most value if amalgamated in the
eneral stock.—Morning Herald.

LIVERPOOL, SATURDAY EVENING.-Ar-
rived, the Clemence, from Antwerp; the Maria, from
Dordt; the Como, from St. Petersburgh ; the Fifeshire,
from Rotterdam ; the Engelina, from Rotterdam ; the
Arichat, from Jersey; the Haitzema Victor, from Am-
sterdam; the Thetis, from Mersey ; the Nottingham,
from Leeds ; the William Huskisson, from Dublin ; the
Emerald Isle, from London ; the Star, from Aberavon ;
-the Friends, from Poole ; the Princess Elizabeth, from
Falmouth ; the Albion, from Ipswich; the James and
Jane, from Amlwteh ; the Herald, from Cork; the Ca-
therine and Mary, from Poole; the Gipsy, from Water-
ford ; the Hannah, from London ; the Shannon, from
Ipswich ; the Hannah, from Wicklow; the Active, from
Newport; the Marchioness Wellesley, from Wexford;
IVellington, Favourite, and Jane, from Poole ; the
Dvv
wick, from Fowey ; the St. Andrew, from
the Comilla, from Cardiff; the Carolina
Augusta,
Bristol ; and the Mary Ann, from
the
jan
f;,. m
Aberdeen. Arrived yesterday, the Experiment and Pa-
tience, train Jersey; the Earl of Roden, from Dundalk ;
the St. David, from Newry; the Chieftain, from Bel-
fast ; the Fair Trader, from Drogheda ; the Britannia,
from Dublin ; the Courier, from London ; the John
Wood, tram Glasgow; the Solway, from Carlisle; the
John, from Lancaster ; the Wellington, from Newhaven ;
and the Fortitude, from Poole. Passed Holyhead, in-
ward bound, the Arab, from Lima, Valparaiso, &c. ;
ana the Pacific, from New York, sailed on the Ist. inst.
The New York packet was off Holyhead on Friday ; she
was expected to reach Liverpool yesterday morning.