The Sun.
London, England, 1835-01-12 00:00:00

of their intention to press the topftpfiation at the ensuing •
Session of the Chattihart.
The Executive branch of this Government has, as matters
stand, exhausted all the authority upon the subject with which
it is invested, and which it had any reason to believe could be
beneficially employed.
The idea of acquiescing in the refusal to execttte tilt Treaty
will not, I am confident, but be fora li-tit:bill entertained by
any branch of this GoverniniSnt ; and further negotiation is
equally out of the question.
If it shall be the pleasure of Congress to await the further
action of the French Chambers no further consideration of the
subject will, at this season, probably be required at your hands.
But if, from the original delay in asking for an appropriation,
from the refusal of the Chambers to grant it when asked, from
the omission to bring the subject before the chambers at their
last Session, from the fact that including the Session there
have been five different occasions when the appropriation might
have been made, and from the delay in convoking of the Cham-
bers until some weeks after the meeting of Congress, it was
well knows, that a communication of the whole subject to Con-
gress at the last Session was prevented by assurances that it
should be disposed of before its present meeting, you should
feel yourselves constrained to doubt whether it be the inten-
tion of the French Government in all its branches to carry the
treaty into effect, and think that such measures as the occasion
may be deemed to call for, should be now adopted, the impor-
tant question arises what those measures shall be.
Our institutions are essentially pacific. Peace and friendly
intercourse with all nations are as much the desire of our Go-
vernment as they are the interests of our people. But these
objects are not to be permanently secured by surrendering the
rights of our citizens, or permitting solemn treaties for their
indemnity in cases of flagrant wrong to be abrogated or set aside.
It is undoubtedly in the power of Congress seriously to
affect the agricultural and manufacturing interests of France
by the passage of laws relating to her trade with the United
States. Her products, manufactures, and tonnage may be
subjected to heavy duties in our ports, or all commercial inter-
course with her may be suspended. But there are powerful,
and, to my mind, conclusive objections to this mode of pro-
ceeding. We cannot embarrass or cut off the trade of France
without at the same time, in some degree, embarrassing or cut-
ting off our own trade. The injury of such a warfare must
fall, though unequally, upon our own citizens, and could not
but impair the means of the Government, and weaken that
united sentiment in support of the rights and honour of the
nation which must now pervade every bosom.
Nor is it impossible that such a course of legislation would
introduce once more into our national Councils those disturb-
ing questions in relation to the tariff of duties which have
been so recently put to rest. Besides, by every measure
adopted by the Government of the United States with the view
of injuring France, the clear percepticn of right which will
induce cur own people, and the rulers of the people of all
other nations, even of France herself, to pronounce our
quarrel just, will be obscured, and the support rendered to us
in a final resort to more decisive measures will be more li-
mited and equivocal. There is but one point in the contro-
versy, and upon that the whole civilized world must pronounce
France to be in the wrong. We insist that she shall pay a
sum of money which she has acknowledged to be due ; and of
the justice of this demand there can be but one opinion among
mankind. True policy seems to dictate that the question at
issue should be kept thus disencumbered, and that not the
slightest pretence should be given to France to persist in her
refusal to make payment by any act on our part affecting. the
interest of her people. The question should be left as it is
now, in such an attitude that when France fulfils her. Treaty
stipulations, all controversy will be at end.
It is my conviction that the United States ought to insist on
a prompt execution of the Treaty, and in case it be refused, or
longer delayed, take redress into their own hands. After the
delay on the part of France of a quarter of a centery in ac-
taloa ledgieg these claims by Treaty, it is not to be tolerated
that another quarter of a century is to be wasted in negotiating
about the payment. The laws of nations provide a remedy for
such occasions.- It is a well-settled principle of the inter-
national code that where one nation owes another a unliquidated
debt, which it refuses or neglects to pay, the aggrieved party
may seize on the property belonging to the other, its citizens
or subjects, sufficient to pay the debt, without giving just cause
of war. This remedy has been repeatedly resorted to, and
recently by France herself towards Portugal, under circum-
stances less unquestionable.
The time at which resort should be had to this, or any other
mode of redress, is a point to be decided by Congress. If an
appropriation shall not be made by the French Chambers at
their next Session it may justly be concluded that the Govern-
ment of France has finally determined to disregard its own
solemn undertaking, and refuse to pay an acknowledged debt.
In that event, every day's delay on our part will be a stain upon
our national honour, as well as a denial of justice to our in-
jured citizens. Prompt measures, when the refusal of France
shall be complete, will not only be most honourable and just,
but will have the best effect upon our national character.
Since France, in violation of the pledges given through her
Minister here, has delayed her final action-so long that her
decision will not probably be known in time to be communi-
cated to this Congress, I recommend that a law be passed
authorising reprisals upon French property, in case provision
shall not be made for the payment of the debt at the ap-
proaching Session of the French Chambers. Such a measure
, ought not to be considered by France as a menace. Her
pride and power are too well known to expect anything from
liar fears, and preclude the necessity of a declaration that no-
thing partaking of the character of intimidation is intended
by us. She ought to look upon it as the evidence only of an
inflexible determination on the part of the United States to
' insist on their rights. That Government, by doing only what
it !tas acknowledged to be just, will be able to spare the United
Ssates the necesstiy of taking. redress..in their own hands, and
save the property of French citizens from that seizure and se-
questration which American citizens so long endured without
retaliation or redress. If she should continue to refuse that
act of acknowledged justice, and in violation of the laws of na-
tions make reprisals on our part the occasion of hostilities
against the United States, she would but add violence to in.
justice, and could not fail to expose herself to the just censure
of civilized nations and the retributive judgments of Heaven.
Collision with France is the more to be regretted on ac-
count of the position she occupies in Europe in relation to the
liberal institutions. But in maintaining our national right
and honour all Governments are alike to us. If by a colli-
sion with France, in a case where she is clearly in the wrong,
the march of liberal principles shall be impeded, the respon-
sibility for that result, as well as every other, will rest on her
own head.

Having submitted these considerations, it belongs to the
Congress to decide, whether, after what has taken place, it
will still await the further action of the French Chambers, or
now adopt such provisional measures as it may deem necessary
and best adapted to protect the rights and maintain the
honour of the country. Whatever that decision may be it will
be faithfully enforced by the Executive, as far as he is autho-
rised so to do.

According to the estimate of the Treasury Department the
revenue accruing from all sources during the present year will
amount to twenty millions six hundred and twenty-four thou-
sand seven hundred and seventeen dollars, which, with the ba-
lance remaining in the Treasury on the Ist of January last, of
eleven millions seven hundred and two thousand nine hundred
and five dollars, produces an aggregate of thirty-two millions
three hundred and twenty-seven thousand six hundred and
twenty-three dollars. The total expenditure during the year
for all objects, including the public debt, is estimated at twenty-
five millions five hundred and ninety-one thousand three hun-
dred and ninety dollars, which will leave a balance in the Trea-
sury on the Ist of January, 1835, of six millions seven hundred
and thirty-six thousand two hundred and thirty-two dollars. In
this balance, however, will be included about one million one
hundred and fifty thousand dollars of what was heretofore re-
ported by the departments as not effective.
Of former appropriations it is estimated that there will re-
main unexpended at the close of the year eight millions two
thousand nine hundred and twenty-five dollars, and that of
this sum there will not be required more than five millions one
hundred and forty-one thousand nine hundred and sixty-four
dollars to accomplish the objects of the current appropria-
tions. Thus it appears that after satisfying all those appro-
priations, and after discharging the last item of our public
debt, which will be done on the Ist of January next, there will

remain unexpended in the Treasury an effective balance of four
hundred and forty thousand dollars. That such should be the
aspect of our finances is highly flattering to the industry and
enterprise of our population, and auspicious of the wealth and
prosperity which await the future cultivation of their growing
resources. It is not deemed prudent, however, to recommend
any change for the present in our impost rates, the effect of the
gradual reduction now in progress in many of them not being
sufficiently tested to guide us in determining the precise amount
of revenue which they will produce.
Free from public debt, at peace with all the world, and with

no complicated interests to consult in our intercourse with fo-
reign powers, the present may be hailed as that epoch in our
history the most favourable for the settlement of those princi-
ples in our domestic policy which shall be best calculated to
give stability to our Republic and secure the blessings of free-
dom to our citizens. Among these principles from our past ex-
perience it cannot be doubted that simplicity in the character of
the Federal Government, and a rigid economy in its administra-
tion, should be regarded as fundamental and sacred. All must be
sensible that the existence of the public debt, by rendering taxa-
tion necessary for its extinguishment, has increased the difficulties
which are inseparable from every exercise of the taxing power;
and that it was, in this respect, a remote agent in producing those
disturbing questions which grew out of the dissensions re-
lating to the tariff. If such has been the tendency of a debt
incurred in the acquisition and maintenance of our national
rights and liberties, the obligations of which all portions of the
Union cheerfully acknowledged, it must be obvious that what-
ever is calculated to increase the 'burdens of Government
without necessity must be fatal to all our hopes of preserving
its true character. While we are felicitating ourselves, there-
fore, upon the extinguishment of the national debt, and the
prosperous state of cur finances, let us not be tempted to de-
part from those sound maxims of public policy which enjoin a
just adaptation" of the revenue to the expenditure that is con-
sistent with a rigid economy, and an entire abstinence from all
topics of legislation that are not cleaaly within the constitu-
tional powers of the Government, and suggested by the wants
of the country. Properly regarded under such a policy every
diminution of the public burdens arising from taxation gives
individual enterprise increased power, and furnishes to all the
members of our happy Confederacy new motives for patriotic
affection and support. But, above all, its most important
effect will be found in its influence upon the character of the
Government, by confining its action to those objects which will
be sure to secure to it the attachment and support of our fellow..
citizens.

Circumstances make it my duty to call the attention of
Congress to the Bank of the United States. Created for the
convenience of the Government, that institution has become
the scourge of the people. Its interference to Postpone the