The Sun.
London, England, 1866-05-15 00:00:00

statement he had made the other night with respect to
lotteries. He then stated that the common informer had
power to initiate a prosecution. He found that the Act of
1845 had taken away that power ; therefore his statement
on that point was incorrect.
REDISTRIBUTION OF SEATS BILL.

On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the VC-
CHEQUER that this bill be read a second time,
Mr. DISRAELI, who was received with loud cheers,
said—Sir, when the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor
of the Exchequer introduced this bill to the notice of the
house, he favoured us with the views of her Majesty's
Government with respect to the subject of small boroughs.
According to the views of her Majesty's Government those
boroughs are not really liable to the charge that has so fre-
quently been made against them, while, on the other hand,
one of the merits that has usually been alleged in their
favour was, according to the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
not deserved. With regard to the first point—namely, the
imputation of bribery, her Majesty's Government are of
opinion, and I entirely agree with them, that no charge
can be made against the small boroughs particularly on
that head. Unfortunately, it is not only the small boroughs
the country that are open to the imputation of venality
election matters. On the contrary, we know very well
that in the large proportion of small boroughs the elections
are conducted in a manner very creditable to their reputa-
tion. No doubt there are some small boroughs in which a
portion of the constituency are affected by the same im-
proper influences that prevail in some of the larger
boroughs. But that is an exercise of bribery which, how-
ever it be deprecated and deplored, is an evidence of a con-
flict of opinion. There are, unquestionably, cases of small
boroughs in which it has been proved to the satisfaction
of this house that venality has been organised and has been
generally exercised, but the house has never met with
any difficulty in dealing with such cases. Long before
the reform of the House of Commons, the instance of
Grampound, among others, showed that our predecessors
were perfectly able to deal with such cases, and St. Al-
bans and Sudbury in our own time have furnished similar
examples. I shall not refer to the conduct of constituen-
cies now under judicial inquiry, beyond expressing a hope
that in the case of any constituency, where the charges
made against it before a committee of the House of Com-
mons aro salisfactorlly proved before the tribunal ap-
pointed to investigate them, the precedents of Grammies,
St. Albans, and Sudbury will not be forgotten, and that
we shall not see placed at the head of one of these new
groups of boroughs a town which ought to be provided
for in a very different and in a less honourable manner.
(Cheers.) With regard to the e second point—the alleged
merits of the small boroughs, to which the Chancellor of
the Exchequer believes they are not entitled -I well re-
collect the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer in
1859 on the subject of small boroughs, a speech which we,
of course, all listened to with gratification, but which, I
mast say for myself, I heard with some degree of amaze-
ment. It appeared to me, indeed, to be the echo, very elo-
quently expressed, of the debates of 1832, which upon that
subject were merely traditions of the 18th century. I would
not attempt in any way to vindicate the small borough
system,because these small boroughs have been the means
of introducing into the House of Commons a Pitt, a Fox,
and a Canning.. In a free country and under a popular
constitution such men as Pitt, Fox, and Canning will
always, I believe, find a place in this assembly. (Cheers.)
But I cannot help thinking that the view which her Ma-
jesty's Government have taken of the system of small
boroughs is one of too contracted and meagre a character,
and, as I believe that in a right appreciation of the ques-
tion very important consequences are involved, I would
take this opportunity, without trespassing too long upon
the house, of begging the house most deliberately and se-
riously to reflect upon the subject and the consequences
involved. Now I apprehend, or will at all events accept,
that the real cause of all these Reform Bills which have
been introduced since the passing of the great measure of
1832 has been to render this house a more complete repre-
sentation of the country and of its various attributes. It is
not difficult, it requires no profound or adroit statesmanship
to secure for the great conflicting interests of this country
an ample and a satisfactory representation. The counties
of= England offer to the land with its various products and
with its accumulated capital a natural and an easy mode of
being represented in Parliament. The chief seats of in-
dustry furnish distinguished men in more than sufficient
numbers to represent the wealth, the ingenuity, and the
skill of the great seats of our manufactures. Perhaps the
mode by which a merchant may get into this house is not
altogether so easy and obvious. But still we know that
there are and that there must always be influential constitu-
encies connected with the commerce and navigation of the
country to whom a merchant of eminence may appeal with
confidence for support. But there aro a variety of interests
in England and connected with England, not only various
but very important and even material interests, which can-
not be ranged under either of the three heads of land,
manufactures, or commerce. There are a variety of very
important trading interests of that character, there are also
classes which are considerable in point of education and en-
lightenment, and of their influence on that public opinion
which ultimately regulates the affairs of this country—l
mean the professional classes, and in employing that term
I do not refer merely to the learned prbfessions, one of
which cannot sit in this house and another won't—and al-
though I should deplore the time when we had not in our
active legislation a sufficient number of gentlemen of the
long robe, and should regret oar ever having an indoctura
Parliarnerttam, I mean there are, besides the interests I have
referred to, other classes who in the present day carve out
their own fortunes and obtain their incomis by.the appli-
cation of science to affairs of every day life, like the great
body of civil engineers and others, by whom I mean men
of letters, men who pursue the liberal arts as a profession.
But besides all these, we are to recollect that England is
the metropolis of a great colonial empire, that she is at the
head of a vast number of colonies, the majority of which are
yearly increasing in wealth, and that every year these colo-
nies send back to these shores their capital and their intelli-
gence in the persons of distinguished men who are naturally
anxious that those interests should be represented in the
House of Commons. And last, and perhaps the greatest
above all, there is our great Indian empire. It was always
the boast of this country that that distant, extensive, and
gorgeous appanage was always represented in the House of
Commons, and that no question could arise without the
house, from the very bosom of its members, and not merely
from official sources, being able to command the assistance
and information of men who enjoy the means of obtaining
accurate knowledge, and of forming the soundest j udg-
ments upon the matter. While we are, therefore, upon the
second reading of the Bill for the Redistribution of Seats,
I wish to ask in what way these various interests and indi-
viduals are to be represented in the House of Commons if
you have not the small borough system, or some substitute
for it. (Hear.) Let the house observe how the present
system practically operates. A county member, as a gene-
ral rule, must be a resident. It is not merely that it is the
custom of the country, but it is a practice which arises from
the necessities of the case. The representative duties of a
county member are not confined to this house. They are
also local and continuous, and therefore it is most natural
that men for such offices will elect their neighbours and
those who live among them. The same feeling has of late
years been equally characteristic of our great towns and
cities. They have increased so much in population, in
wealth, in education, and in intelligence, and they are able
tofindin their own community men capable of representing
them
knowledge and education but the still rarer gift which be-
fore they could not command—leisure. This feeling is be-
coming so strong generally that you will find it lto
a great extent in all our considerable towns and cities. I
always watch with interest the proceedings of general.
elections, and during the last three general
elections I
have observed this characteristic—that the local feeling
is perpetually developing itself, and that in great numbers
of constituencies where it was previously influential it has
now become entirely predominant. (Cheers.) What is
the practical consequence of all this ? The House of
Commons is really shut out from all the consider-
able materials which are not ranged under the heads
from all the
of .land, manufactures, and commerce,
professional classes now growing daily more influential
than they were, and from the due representation
of our colonial interests. These are very serious considera-
tions, and they must be well weighed by the house before
they consent to destroy or greatly change the machinery
by which so desirable a result has hitherto been attained
without, at all events,- substituting some method equally
efficacious. Now the house must remember that this is not
a question as to whether the pride, the vanity, ambition, or
even the interests of particular classes and particular indi-
viduals should be gratified. The presence of these men in
this house may confer importance upon them, but their
presence is equally important tothe house itself. (Hear,
see
hear.) What I desire is to
these interests and these
views adequately
rePresented,for depend upon it we shall
lose our influence if
we are only represented by landlords
and merchants. Theaonestto.nsis one, therefore, which con-
cerns the House of
Commons asmuch or even more than
the interests of the particular classes
whom I have referred. (Cheers.) Nowland individuals to
w a
small fora
boroughs moment
to put this question as to the influence of ma
practically before the house. I won'tindalge
in the old
routine about Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Canning. I will
bring you to the world in which we live, and ask yetl
form your opinions from instances and examples drawn
from daily life. For example, I see before me a gaih:t
gentleman, a man acknowledged to possess
brilliant tic-
complishments and attainments, but who upon ono subject
his knowledge of
the East—.
, isperfectly unrivalled. It
to-morrow the affairs of Persiaany question connected
• or
with Central Asia, came under discussion he is precisely
the man to whom the house wo'ild look for advice and it
is most advisable, therefore, that he should have a seat in
this house, although, unfortunately' he sits on the other
side. But why is he here? Because he has been sect by the
small borough of Frome, which you are going to disfran-

chive.
do
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER —fie
not propose to touch Frome.
Mr. DISRAELI—I beg your pardon; it was touched in
the first list which came into my possession ; but, at any
rate, the correction will not invalidate my argument—for to
what place were we first indebted for sending the hon. and
gallant gentleman among us ? It was the small borough of