The Sun.
London, England, 1866-11-05 00:00:00

" LIBERIA" IN MODERN ITALY.

Before the outbreak of the recent war the Florentine
Government, which claims to be the emanation of popular
opinion, enacted a law for the purpose of terrorising all
persons suspected, for whatever reason, of not sympathis-
ing with the new Government. This law, called from its
originator the " Legge Crispi," armed the Government
with the most arbitrary powers, in virtue of which any
person, however respectable and blameless, might be
dragged from his or her home —kept without a reason
given or any juridical inquiry in the strictest isolated con-
finement in prison, or relegated in a distant province far
from their families and their business, and there to be sub-
jected to regulations and restrictions more stringent by
very far than those applied in England to " ticket-of-
leave" felons.

The prefect, thus empowered absolutely and without
appeal or inquiry to imprison and condemn to forced do-
micile whomsoever he thinks fit is generally in Italy a
native of some distant province, dependent for his local
information upon the local commissary of police, or a ca-
marilla of strong, unscrupulous political fanatics who have
gathered round him at his arrival, and whose denuncia-
tions are based upon the tales ortheir-own menials; the
loud-voiced " patriotism" of the Radical cafes and low
wineshops. Imagine for a moment what the state
of affairs would be even in England, if, in moments
of political excitement, the gin-shop and pot-house
intimidated the authorities, and dictated to the
police magistrate ! Far worse, however, is it in Italy, a
country at all times famous for private vengeance and
secret denunciations. Any observant Englishman
who has lived in that country, and marked the defects
of the national character, can judge—and will shudder
to think—to what vile ends such a stringent law is
likely to be abused, and can vividly picture to himself
the reign of terror which it imposed in that country, which
claims neverthess to be held as a very model of free and
fearless constitutional development.
Hardly was this law published, when self-constituted
clubs of ultra-Radicals were formed, with the avowed pur-
pose of denouncing all those whose political opinions and
predilections differed from their own. The most harmless
and respectable citizens were dragged from their homes.
their lawful private avocations, their families, and their
business, and consigned to distantforced domiciles, or even
conducted manacled to prison—conducted like malefactors
through remote towns, where they and their respectable
character being unknown, they were submitted to the scof-
fing, nay, even the actual violence, of the populace, armed
with bludgeons and paving stones.
Without being allowed to communiaate with their
families, those arrested were detained in the strictest pri-
son seclusion, and then handcuffed like common criminals,
marched off in broad daylight through the streets to the
railway stations, surrounded by a howling pack of the
worst rabble. With un peu de bonne volonte it is so easy al-
ways for the " constituted authorities" to got a mob any-
where, to cry down with the just, and hurrah for Barabbas.
Two such cases in Modena excited the indignation even of
the Radical newspaper Il Panaro.
In Bologna forthwith numbers of most worthy people
belonging to the Catholic Association were thrown into
prison and their houses ransacked ; among them the Advo-
cate Fangarezzi, President of the Central Committee of
that association, and several worthy priests. The well-
known Advocate Casoni, secretary of the association, whe
attracted so much attention at the Catholic Congress of
Malines, was fortunate enough to escape to Rome the day
before his house and papers were ransacked. The domici-
liary visits and searches were mere matter of form to give
a colour to these arbitrary proceedings; for the warrant
of arrest was in all cases already in the hands of the
police ; nor did any of these perquisitions afford matter to
justify the pretext; but bundles of innocent privato letters
and private papers were carried off for sham examination.
In Reggio, a town of some 16,000 inhabitants, no less
than 40 persons were arrested and carried off to forced
domiciles : among them the Rev: Don Antonio Lanza, the
R'v. Don Rinaldo Servini, Rector of Marunirolo ; the Rev.
D. Guiseppe Bertoli, Rector of La Tau:Hata : the Rev. D.
B:oraop; the Provost Germani, Doctor de Medici, Advo-
cate Eugenio Rossi, Advocate Campana. The bishop, who
has died since, would, if it were not that he lay on his
deathbed, have shared the lot of the Bishop of Guastalla,
who on the 13th of May was sent off to Turin.
In Modena, among the first whose house and papers
were searched, and who was arrested, was Count Guiseppe
Bartolomasi, a most inoffensive and estimable nobleman.
For 24 days he was kept in strict cellular confinement, and
then, in consequence of his delicate state of health, confined
to his own house. Among numbers of inhabitants of all
classes of the city of Modena who wore arrested and sent
to Cuneo, or the Isle of Elba, were the Rev. Don Dome-
nico Galvani, parish priest of (.tombola ; the Rev. Don
Marco Roncoccioli, archpriest of Pavullo ; Countess Stoffi,
a much-respected lady; the Signori Violi, Albinelli, Grappi,
Amadessi, Mislei, &c. Doctor Goldoni and Count Tondo-
rini were carried off to prison, and for a short time were
under arrest. Simultaneously a vast number of indivi-
duals wore officially, or officiously, menaced and warned ;
among them Countess Poppi, an aged lady of distinction ;
Signor Zerbini, &c. _

The Italian Ministry of Finance deals still more freely
with the purses than the Italian Ministry of "Justice" deals
with the liberty of the subject. A comparison of the past
and present financial credit of the various States of Italy
speaks plainly in favour of the wise frugality of their old
rulers, and trumpet-tongued proclaims on every money
market of Europe the reckless, headlong course of the
squanderers of the national wealth who for the last seven
years have brought " Italia Unita" to the very brink of
national bankruptcy.
The interest of the debt of the Modenese States which,
under the Ducal Government, amounted to scarcely 7d. per
head, under the new Piedmontese regime amounts to
nearly 12f. for each individual of population.
The portion of this year's forced loan which falls to the
share of the old Modenese States, with a population less in
numbers, and far inferior in wealth than that of Yorkshire,
and equal to about that of the county of Cork, amounts to
no less than 11,166,238L—or nearly £450,000 sterling, more
than the whole State debt of the Modenese Government
up to 1859.
Under the Ducal Government the taxes amounted to
about 14f., or say lis. per individual of the population.
Within seven years the new Government has increased
them, so that they amount to 25f., or £1 sterling per head.
And now comes this fresh forced and oppressive loan to
increase the individual burthen still more.
The railways sold, vast Church and State property sold,
the private property of the Italian Sovereigns, the kinsmen
of the House of Savoy, sold or sequestrated, their palaces
pillaged, and all, all squandered.
"11l got, ill gone!"

A NEW FIRE ALARU3I.—We find in the Union
Medicale a paper by Dr. Duffay, on a curious and
useful invention, due to the ingenuity of a celebrated ex-
conjuror, M. Robert Houdin. The object in view is to
give the alarm of fire at the very commencement of the
threatened catastrophe, and the following description will
show how this is accomplished. Suppose a copper lamina
and a steel one to be soldered together by their surfaces,
so as to form a single blade, copper en one side and steel on
the other. Let it be fixed vertically by one of its extremities
to a board, without, however, quite touching it, in order to
avoid friction. The arrangement will be best understood
by supposing a knife to be brought close to the board as if
with the intention of cutting it through. Now, suppose a
metal knob to be fixed on the board, on the steel side of
the blade, and at a short distance from it. This knob is
connected with one of the poles of a voltaic battery, the
other pole of which communicates with the screw which
secures the fixed extremity of the blade, and with one of
those bells or alarums which we see used in the telegraph-
offices to prepare the clerks for the reception of a message.
Now let the blade be warmed : as the dilution of copper
by heat is greater than that of steel, it follows that the
blade will be bent, the concave side being the steel one ;
and if the heat applied be sufficient, a contact will be
effected between the blade and the knob. No sooner does
this take place than the bell begins to ring, and continues
doing so until the contact is interrupted. A very small de-
gree of heat will be sufficient to produce the requisite cur-
vature of the blade ; even a burning cigar will do so at a
distance of about three inches. This facility might in
many cases prove rather a drawback were it not that the
sensitiveness of the apparatus may be diminished at plea-
sure by increasing the distance of the knob from the blade.
A STA.R. SLIOWER.—Last November a suspicion
that it might occur prompted observers to keepw.eqrse ioalhT:
look out, and a very large number of meteors
served. At the Royal Observatory, Greenwich,
at least were seen between midnig ht
and figiuta athtiew
e, muso
and
arnnd-
ing of the 13th of the month ; were noted
wile
uamt bridg
other places, proportionately large
bers
/sTotwithstanding last
during portions of that intenal
•year's display, it is generally .e ieved that a grand shower
will take place this year, during the night of either the
12th or 13th of this month of November. The day
is a
little uncertain, but if the shower occurs at all,it will be on
one of these two dates, and it will be during the morning
hours of the night—that is, after midnight—that there is
the greatest probability of the phenomenon taking place.—
(Mee a Week.

TDIES.—It is one of the conditions of success for
any man who makes it his business to address large
audiences that whatever he says must be simple and
easily understood. This, of course, is no difficulty
where the subject is itself simple; but it is a very
formidable obstacle where the orator has, so to
speak, to create a simplicity which does not really
exist. lie is driven, under such circumstances,
either to omit the qualifications and limitations to
which every proposition that he lays down is sub-
ject, or else to suppress the real state of affairs, and
to impose upon his audience instead of it something
wholly and essentially different. Such was theb
dilemma in which Mr. Bright found himself when
he undertook to address a mixed audience of Irish-
men on Parliamentary Reform. His case in Eng-
land is simple enough :—" The people are divided
into those who have the franchise and those who
have not ; the former are actuated by a narrow
oligarchical spirit, and really do not represent the
country at all, the latter are really and truly the
nation, into whose hands political power ought
without delay to be transferred." We shall not
stop to inquire how far this notable formula repre-
sents the real state of things in England; it was at
any rate accepted without challenge by the thou-
sands whom Mr. Bright has been addressing, and
has doubtless passed into their minds as an incon-
trovertible political truth. It has every element of
attraction : it flatters vanity, and it gratifies envy
it tolds out vague hopes for the future, and it de-
preciates a present which can scarcely be regarded
with satisfaction by those who occupy the lower
rounds of the social ladder. The question was how
this theory was to be adapted to the existing state
of Ireland. Mr. Bright is bold, and has probably
achieved, for the moment at least, a good deal of
that success which generally waits upon the bold.
He assumes as the basis of his argument that the
great mass of the Irish people hold opinions and pur-
sue objects with which the great mass of the English
people cordially sympathise. He assumes that the
common enemies of England and Ireland are the
present possessors of the elective franchise in both
countries, and that the policy which the great massss
of England and Ireland alike desire is a cordial
union with each other and a general attack upon the
privileged classes in both countries. Now, is this a
true representation of the case ? The very inter-
ruptions with, which his speech was encountered
showed plainly, what every one acquainted with
Ireland must know, that it was not. When he
spoke of union between the people of the two nations
he was met by cries of " Never !" When he talked
of acquiring land by purchase he was encountered
by the suggestion " that it had better be got for
nothing." And when he spoke of justice to Ireland',
he was emphatically referred to the West, in oppo-
sition
to the East, as the quarter from which it must
come. The fact is, he was talking Radicalism to
an audience that was thinking Fenianism. Every
supposition on which he started is disproved by
notorious facts. The great mass of the Irish people
have, we are sorry to say, neither unity among
themselves nor sympathy with the people of Great
Britain. Those who are under the influence of the
priesthood are under leaders professing a creed en-
tirely hostile to the doctrines of Mr. Bright and his
associates, for it is a mere truism to say that the
Church of Rome holds doctrines, which she never
fails to enforce where she has the power, utterly
opposed to all the maxims of modern Liberalism.
Whatever side the [rish priesthood may choose to
take for its own purposes, there is really no doubt
whatever as to the motives which lie at the root of
its conduct. Still less sympathy is there between
the Fenians and the people of England and Scotland,
towards whom they stand in a position of direct and
avowed hostility. The two leading principles in the
Irish peasant's mind, so far as he concerns himself
with politics, are the antipathy of race and religious
hatred. The race that he hates is the English ; the
religion that he hates is Protestantism in all its
forms and varieties. It requires, then, no ordi-
nary degree of confidence in the speaker's oratorical
powers to start with the theory that these two races
are actuated by the same feelings, pursue the same
objects, and are capable of being united in cordial
anfl hearty nn-nneration Aprl vp.4- A.;. h.
be one in sentiment and feeling with the numerical
majority in Ireland, what have they to gain by uniting
in a common effort for the establishment of a joint
democratic rule ? The truth is, Irish politics mean I
one thing in England and another thing in Ireland.
In Ireland the political conflict lies between two hos-
tile factions Orange and Catholic, which are per-
petually defying each other to mortal conflict, and
seizing every opportunity that is afforded them to
come into violent collision with each other. The
whole difficulty of the Government of Ireland, till it
became complicated with the Fenian question, con-
sisted in holding some sort of balance and keeping
up some kind of impartiality between these two rivalttleis
r
forces ; but in the House of Commons very .1
said by Irish members about these internal discords,.
and the Irish question is represented as turning giv
en-
tirely on the treatment of Ireland by England.
Bright has adopted this latter view, whichis cer-
tainly better fitted for the purposes of an agitation.
the leading idea of which is to enlist Ireland in sup-
port
of a democratic change for England and Scotland.
Setting aside the ordinary arguments against Go-
vernment bya numerical majority, the case of Ireland
herself seems peculiarly unfavourable for such an ex-
periment. Nobody can doubt what the feelings of a
numerical majority of Irishmen would be with regard
to Protestantism, and very serious apprehensions
might not unjustly be entertained as to the views
which a number of Irishmen, counted by the head,
might be supposed to entertain on the subject of
Fenianism. Entirely to swamp the Protestant mino-
rity, and to place the whole power of the country in
the hands of the Roman Catholic majority, would not
be the way to soothe internal discord ; and the Pro-
testants, powerful inthe possession of property, of in-
telligence, and of superior organisation would uo t feel,
we apprehend, disposed to submit to political anni-
hilation without a further appeal to that violence to
which they have shown themselves, even without
any special provocation, always so ready to resort.
The proposals of Mr. Bright, as far as they involve
political considerations, would seem to offer no
prospect but that of further and worse discord, more
agitation, and more violent internal animosity. But
Mr. Bright has another plan for the regeneration
of Ireland. He does not, it seems, as we have under-
stood him, propose to buy up by compulsion the
estates of absentees,—he proposes that the State
should offer to their owners considerably more than
their worth, and then sell them in small allotments
to persons willing to purchase them for a certain
I annuity to be added to the rent and spread over
some fifteen or twenty years. The Government is
to become a laud jobber, to buy laud wholesale and
sell it retail, and in that capacity to come into direct
contact with its own subjects. And thus the people
of Ireland are to be placed in possession of her land.
We do not exactly see who is to be satisfied by this
scheme. Not the proprietors of small portions of
laud in Ireland, for the Government by forcing
large quantities of it into the market will, of course,
artificially depreciate its value ; not the taxpayers.es
of the United Kingdom, who will find themselves
burdened with a bargain which is avowedly al.
one, and the loss of which they will be obliged
LIT
1
bear. The only persons who we can stile
pl'
be gratified by the arrangement will be
chasers from the Government, and theiritsaotisfa
will, we should think, be by no meansh
wir allotments,
If they are to be allowed to sell t 1 large estates
b t alloye tl°ll
the process of aggregation by whicha. But these
are formed will soon begin over agtio
the Govern-
persons will stand in two relatiPons
d urchasers• What
went—those of tenants an
annuity Is the
is to happen if any default be
s or is
made either in the pay-
meat of the rent or °OO fixendlinTule ,
Government to act leniencyi and forbearance
it to exercise thatare
so frequently called
which private landlords
upon to show ? naglinew
G lonveearnnsm hasen
been discovered of le
le of Ireland by clothing it with
hateful to the pe
f °al) hard creditor and unrelenting
the functionlsf
the latter, a new instrument of cor-
landlord.
ruptiou and influence has been devised, liable to the
suspicion, and
most likely to the reality of the
grossest
.abuse. Pending the.payment of the annuity,
in whom is the prooerty to vest, the .Crown or the
purchaser? Vest it in whom you will it must be
during the period of the annuity in a transition and
anomalous state—property deprived of the incidents,
the responsibilities, and the advantages of property.
It would substitute an uncertain for a certain tenure,
and form an estate which prudent men would be
unwilling to improve or to advance money upon.
There would be nothing to prevent any amount of
subdivision and subletting, and the purchaser not
not being required to find ready money would
naturally become a sort of middle-man between the
cultivator and the Crown. If the property were put
up for sale to the person who bid the highest
annuity, we know well that a price would be offered
far beyond that which a solvent purchaser could
afford to give. If the annuity were a fixed sum,
how is the State to determine which of several can-
didates i to have the preference ? When estates

NEWSPAPE Pt
sitaivo# _
vtle .
.0g
are now at least in the
Mr. Bright would hand them °4lrwaf
inuover to men of straw,
their burdenedrent
.w
hi with h
awhoeaulvdyeYZ payment over andrAl peabrotyve;
plyossdeesparitvhee twheilml,
to
the power, even if they were toa
improve.r
HE
SPECTATOR" ON MR. DISRAELI'SCHANCE.
bneess withit best of
tails win-
ter. He HGeladhsatosngeonh th
gone to
towe
it
eyes, under au Italian sky, and in a scene 6
alive with associations, the final struggles and throes
amid which the last great spiritual power left on
earth is to shed its earthly skin. Mr. Disraeli, on
the other hand, has come up in execrable weather to
the greyest and gloomiest of cities to try, amid No-
vember fogs, if he can induce a happy family to
combine in whistling a tune which may charm the
hawk outside. He has to dev;se a Reform Bill
which men like Lord Cranborne and Mr. Bright,
Mr. Hardy and Mr. Miall, Mr. Lowe and Mr.
Odgers, oligarchs and republicans, Churchmen and
Nonconformists, advocates of capital and fanatics of
labour, can be equally induced to accept. Ilia bill
must seem conservative to squires and progressive
to Radical manufacturers, must conciliate the Cathe-
drals and Bethesdas, must be reassuring to men who
dread the people, and to the people, who, knowing
themselves dreaded,. are suspicious of every con-
cession. He may do it, for he has one emi-
nent qualification for the task —perfect imparti-
ality. If Mr. Disraeli has a belief in the
world beyond his conviction that the source of
prerogative is race, it is in Cmaarism, and if
he spoke out he would probably define the Radical
view of Reform as " parochial " and the Tory view
as " bucolic." As it happens, impartiality, though
it be only an impartiality of intellectual scorn, is so
absolutely needed in the manager of Reform, that
Mr. Disraeli by virtue of that attribute alone may
be able to produce a satisfactory bill. He i,d no ad-
ministrator by nature, as he showed in his India
bill, which was laughed out almost without discus-
sion ; but administrative ability is not required,
only a clear perception oft thepainS at which the
two parties come most nearly into contact, and
that Mr. Disraeli is very likely indeed to perceive.
Unfortunately for him, he has not only to frame
his bill, but to convince his own party that it
ought to be framed as he has framed it, and has,
therefore, to tinker his work till it runs a strong
chance of being spoiled. The Tories of the future,
who will probably call themselves Constitutionalists,
headed by Lord Stanley, are willing to agree to a
compromise which shall admit the masses without
depriving the landowners of all their power. The
Tories of the present, headed really by Lord Cran-
borne, who, like Mr. Lowe, is chief of a Cave of
Adullana without being a David, are unwilling to
accept any compromise which includes more than a
fraction of the unenfranchised, and which
does not leave the landlords undisturbed. To
put it concretely, Lord &timely would like house-
hold suffrage if new seats could be given to
counties, and Lord Cranborne would tolerate a
reduction in boroughs to eight pounds if the bill
contained nothing else. Mr. Disraeli has to recon-
cile in fact the Conservatism which loves the Consti-
tution in spite of its abuses, with the Conservatism
which loves the Constitution as it can be abused,
and in the effort to reconcile the irreconcilables in
his own camp will probably disappoint both them
and the adversaries outside. For his natural im-
-1 pulse will be to fall back upon a trick, upon some
stroke of administrative finesse such as would de-
light the East, but in Europe is quite certain to
fail. He will think that if he can give the crypto-
Tories in the House an excuse for supporting the
open Tories he may gain a majority, and it is pos-
sible he may, for one hour, to see agitation recom-
mence more bitterly the next. He will think this
the more readily because he has always recognised
what the Spectator alone among Liberals has always
argued, that members are more important than
electors, that if a narrow constituency elects John
Smith, and the same constitueucy widened elects John
Smith all the same, the widening of the franchise has
produced no result, except a multiplication of noughts
after the decimal unit. He sees, therefore, that if he
can admit another million of electors without ad-
mitting any new representatives power will remain
where it was, and so it will. And running through
all his speeches are traces of a plan to effect this
which is tolerably mature in his mind, a plan which
would concede household suffrage to attract Mr.
Bright and dispose of small boroughs by turning
them practically into little counties, to conciliate
Lord Cranborne. Such a bill would in fact include
a £lO suffrage for counties, household suffrage for
great towns, and a landowner suffrage for little
boroughs. He would thus grant the request of
the artisans, abolish the anomaly of very little con-
stituencies, and leave the landlords as completely
propositions were granted, that the parties were
nearly equal, and that the device could be concealed.
Unfortunately for him, the Liberals have among
them men who cannot be hoodwinked or cajoled
upon Reform, and a majority which, on a question
like that, could be used with crushing effect. There
are not ten members among the Liberal party who,
once the Radicals were clearly aware of any trick
contained in the new bill, would dare to refuse to
en terth e right lobby. Earl Grosvenor might, because
nothing short of revolution would so alter English
society that Earl Grosvenor would be left out in the
cold, and so might Mr. Lowe, as long as Lord Lans-
downe pleased, and so might a few more eldest
sons. But the mass of the doubtful Liberals would
have to choose between fidelity to their party and
dismissal from public life, and the control of the
whole subject would pass with the Government
once more into Mr. Gladstone's hands. If Mr.
Disraeli cannot avoid this danger—a distinct party
vote hostile to his bill—he and his measure will be
lost together, and if he tries any trick of any sort
he will be unable to avoid it. His only chance is to
trust his own intellect, without any reference either
to his own Cave of Adullam or that which exists
among his adversaries, and bring in a bill which the
nation will be ready, if it is rejected by Parliament,
to accept on a dissolution. The nation, as opposed
to any party within it, really desires, it may now
be said heartily desires, three things—that the arti-
sans of the towns be admitted to the franchise, that
the middle class of the counties be admitted to the
franchise, and that the private or corrupt seats be
abolished in favour of some better way of repre-
senting the minority. Any bill which secured those
three ends, in Parliament, as well as on the hust-
ings, would have a fair chance of being supported
by at least 250 Liberals and and 150 Tories within
the house, and by a far greater majority out of
doors. From every side and every division
uopf
the three kingdoms assurances keep cootPs' ad-
that the Liberals have rejected Mr. Bric,
bi that
provided will accept a Reform Bill at Ttorsrds,hat
provided only it be a visibly bones
result, the
is, provided it does not increase, as its __
iirhigs like Sir
landlord power. When hereditary
hie
Liberals like
Knatchbull Hugessen, and philosop
c-,,ernment may be
,dieals like Mr.
Mr. Clay, agree with determineda
Foster in making that offer
ti lc
:ey do not keep it, the
u
sure it will be kept, and for the future of the
nation will. Better by
Tory party, to quarrel!
borne and those who think
once, to let Lord s whith the new "Cave" at
shall have of a really
cieantNovecongenial darkness, than-
with him go forth
spoil the last ebßafill, a bill which Liberals can ac-
national Reform
cept with of principle.. It will be lost if Air.
pieasure, and Constitutionalists pass with-
out a derelicdtio
d the incurable Tories, for to
tsoant once to the Radicals, to his
conciliate
porters, a
must trick at least one. The only votes
the three he
i be those of the boroughs which any
Disraeli yniel
be will gain w
decent Reform Bill would totally sweep away, and
will not be. sufficient to give him a majority
that will instantly rise
sufficient
Plutocrats will be exchanged for the
outside. Tile
to resist the cry
ltahneffidycoiievnnters, and though we Omit the latter are
the better of the two, still the country will
suffer from an indigestion of landlord. The struggle
for Reform would be reduced almost avowedly to
one between town and country, a form of the
contest which the squires, if they are wise, will
carefully avoid. We have said nothing of the
rumours about increased budgets, expenditure on.
the Navy, expenditure on the Army, new projects
for the pacification of Ireland, new modes of con-
ciliating the clergy. They are all unimportant, for
a reformed Parliament will be able to deal with all,
and an unreformed one will almost certainly make
a muddle of all. If the report of the Recruiting
Commission justifies hint, General Peel will have his
money, and no naval vote has ever yet been deli-
berately rejected. Those things arc, comparatively
speaking, trifles. The point is, with whom is sub-
stantial power to lodge, with the nation, or only a
section of the nation? and it is by his success or
failure in settling that question, in adjusting the
dying formula to the living fact, that Mr. Disraeli
must stand or fall. He will fall if he tries to trick
the Liberals by creating forty or fifty new counties,
under pretence of sweeping away rotten boroughs.
We are not going through a revolution in order to
have a Cattle Plague Act a year.

THE STEAMBOAT EXPLOSION AT BRISTOL.—Three
of the bodies of those killed by the explosion of the Black
Eagle steamtug in the Avon at Bristol have been found—
uiz., those of the captain, William Woodman, the mate,
James Living, and the engineer, George Ledger. Tho
coroner opened the inquest on Friday at the Generul Draper
publiehouse, the Hotwells, when the bodies were identified.
In reply to a juryman it was stated by the captain of the
Dolphin tugboat that there. was no Government inspector
of tugs, but only of passenger steamers. Tho inquiry has
gb
lards adjourned ed
ill giv
et; ll
evidenceT uesda ya
snteox t, t h
ew haeant
etwoof
tpractical
se no-i
the Ph.* gagle.

OTTOMAN SIX PER CENT. LOAN 1865.
The produce of the Revenues specially assigned to
this Loan, having already been received by the Imperial
Ottoman Bank, the Ottoman Government has requested
tic t? pay at once the Dividend on this Loan due
Ist January next. •
Holders of the Bonds aro therefore informed that on and
after the sth November instant the January Dividend may
be received under discount at G per cent. per annum, from
date of deposit of the Coupons, in London, at the Agency
of the Imperial Ottoman Bank, 4, Bank-buildings ; or, iu
Paris, at the Societe Generale do Credit Mobilier. Forms
for depositing the Coupons iu London can be had on
application.
(Signed) W. W. LAN DL,
Secretary.
3d November, 1866.

THEATRE ROYAL DRURY-LANE.
Sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. F. B. to Chatterenrs. Ed-
THIS EVENING, FA CT. Mr. rhelps ; MFs
mund Phelps, W. Harrison, ,nd Johnstone; Mrs. Hermann
Vezin, Wi s Poole, and Nirs. It Vanl:enholf.
To conclude with shakspere's COMEDY OF Eiatons.
Brothers Dromto by the Brothers Webb.
Commence at Seven.

THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET,
Sole Leo,see and Maria ;er, Mr. Buckvone,
Tuts EVEN INO, A BALLET DIVERTISSEMENT.
The Sisters Healy.
After sbieli, A DANGEROUS FRIEND. Messrs. Chas.
ma, ),„8, Howe, Kendal, Gordon. Weatliersby tte. ; Mes-
dames C. Mathews, Moore, Chippendale, Laws,
To be followed by 'l'll E CRITIC. 3lr. (7. Mathews.
Concluding with A KISS IN THE DAKK.
Commence at Seven.

ROYAL LYCEUM THEATRE.-
Sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. Fechter.
THIS EVENING, BRUTUS AND C.ESAR. Miss
nenrade.
At a Quarter before 8, the new Drama. in Four AC's., THE
LONG STRIKE, written by Dion Boucicault. The New
Scenery by Mr. 'l'. Greive and assistants. Messrs. S Emery,
H. Widqicomb, Fitzpatrick, Dalton, D. Evans, Anderson,
Isewbound Stanley. Lomas, Moreland, Andrews, Reynolds,
and J. C. Cowper.
To conclude with TWEEDLETON'S TAIL COAT. Toby
Tweedleton, Mr. H. Widdicomb ; and Miss Gratton.
Aoting Manager, Mr. 11. Barnett. Stage Manager, Mr. W.
West.

Box-office open daily from Ten till Five.

THE LONG STRIKE.-ROYAL LYCEUM
TIIEXTKE.—Johnny Reilly (an Irish Sailor). Mr. D.
Boacicanit ; Jane Learoyd (a Factory Girl), Mrs. D. Bouci-
cault. At 7 o'clock.

OYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.
Sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. Geo. Vining.
Last Four Nights of the present Performances.
THIS EVENING, a Comedy. in Three Acts, by John
Oxentord, Esq, entitled T FIE TRIPLE ALLIANCE. Mr.
Vining, Mr. J. G. Shore; Miss Ii Rogers, Miss Neilson, and
31rs. Buckingham White.
Atter which, at 9 o'clock, Till', HUGUENOT CAPTAIN,
by Watts Phillips, Esq. Mrs. Stirling, Miss Neilson, Miss A.
Thomson; Ur. Forrester, Mr. G Honey, and Mr. J. G. Shore.
Grand Ballet of Bo:lemians, in which MM. Flageolet, Clo-
doche, Comete, and Normandy, will appear. Scenery by Mr.
F. Lloyds.

TIIEATRE ROYAL ADELPHI.
Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster.
TIE'S EVENING, at 7 precisely (23,11 time), E lIIEL • or,
ONLY A LIFE. Miss Ka'e Terry, _lira. Alired
Miss Furtado, Miss Emily Pitt ; Messrs. Billington, Stel hen-
son, Ashley, Rom r, C. J. Smith, &c.
To conclude with HELEN ; or, TAKEN FROM THE
G REEK. Mrs. A. Mellon, Miss Furtado, Miss Emily Pitt ;
Messrs. Paul Bedford, R. Phillips, F. A. Shaw, Ashley,
Eburne.

ITOLBORN THEATRE ROYAL.
s.olc rroprietor and Manager, Mr. Sefton Flrry.
THIS EVENING, L %J(KINS' LOVE LETTERS. Mr.
Balmore ; Miss C. Saunders.
After which, Boucicault's drama of FLYING SCUD.
'essrs. Neville, lielmore, Blake, Garden,Vollaire ; Mesdames
F. Josephs, C. Saunders, B. Foote, J. Fiddcs.

ROYAL STRAND THEATRE.
Sole Lessee and Manageress, Airs. Swanborough.
THIS EVRNING, IN TILE WRONG BOX.
After which, will be produced a Grand Burlesque of
nEkt FREISCHUTZ ; or, A. Good Ca-t' for a nece.
Messrs. Thorne, James, and Robson; Mesdames Swan-
borougb, Raynham, Johnstone, and flushes.
To conclude with BOOTS AT TIIE SWAN.