The Sun.
London, England, 1835-01-20 00:00:00

version ; but when, insensible to the humility
which ever marks true repentance, they arro-
gantly desire to become practical propounders
of dogmas to which they have ever been here-
tofore rebellious, their presumption must be re-
garded with suspicion, and their dereliction with
utter contempt. Renegade to their old faith, it is cer-
tain they will become traitors to the new, when occa-
sion shall require. If their conversion were sincere,
humility would have marked their penitence ; but it is
not sincere—their proud and haughty spirit is a sure
warranty of its deceitfulness. Upholding that dan •
gerous and anti-Christian doctrine, that the end justifies
the means, they would clothe themselves for a while in
Whiggism, that they might be able to establish Tory
despotism on an enduring and irreversible basis. Shame
and disgrace be upon them ! But neither their affected
compliance, their concealed treachery, their avowed
repudiation of old principles, nor their mock adoption
of a creed which in their hearts they loathe shall avail
them, if the People be but true to themselves.
We cannot seriously suppose that the Whigs will
be deluded by the hollow artifices of the Tories, or be
alarmed by the visionary dangers which Tory cunning
may conjure up ; we cannot seriously imagine that the
Whigs are prepared to incur the infamy which must
eternally attach to them, if they forsake the people, and
unite with their old and bitter enemies under any con-
ceivable pretence—that they are so base as to be
tempted, or so stupid as to be wheedled into a guilty
desertion of their duty. But should the alliance be
effected—for who shall draw the line beyond which
human delinquency or human folly may not step—the
people will see in the coalition an attempt which can
but have for its object their own subjugation—an
attempt which they must frustrate, ond 'tviil frustrate,
or, as a free people, perish.
If the Whigs and Tories politically unite, the chi-
mera of Republicanism, which the latter have raised to
serve their turn, may perchance approach to something
very like reality ; the Monarchy and the Constitution
of England may, indeed, become perilled, and anarchy
be more than a scare-crow to frighten weak-witted men.
And wherefore is the nation to be menaced by these
terrible dangers ? Wherefore are the people to be
thrown into this appalling consternation ? Where-
fore is a country, at peace with every State in Europe,
to be disturbed by turbulent agitation at home ?
Simply because a mad, desperate, and infuriated
faction are struggling, at no matter what hazard to the
interests of the kingdom, to regain and perpetuate the
power which they have already forfeited by misuse.
The Tories, and none but they, have wrought the
present national . disquiet ; their wild and unprincipled
ambition, if it remain much longer uncrushed, will
plunge England into a civil war. And these are the
preachers of peace, and the askers for a fair trial—Out
upon them

A mare's-nest has been discovered to us I We have
been favoured with an actual definition of CONSER-
VATISM which, taken in connection with the names
of those who rejoice in the appellation, is really a

very dainty affair :
" The principle of Conservatism is contradistin-'
guished from that of Toryism by its admitting the
refoim of Institutions as an instrument for pre§erving ;
and from that of Radicalism, on the other hand, by
its arresting Reform at the point which falls short of
organic change, and beyond which lies destruction."
Heavens I what a mistake the country has been
labouring under all this while ; instead of the
WELLINGTONS and KNATCHBULLS, the CROKERS
and RODENS, the STORAION TS and HERRIRSES
being Tories—Tory and Conservative having been
taken as convertible terms—they all turn out
to be Reformers up to the preserving point, and
only anti-Destructives up to the arresting point
of organic change ! How humbly do we crave
Conservative pardon ! Gentlemen and brothers, if
this, indeed, be so, we offer you our hands and
plight our services in the common cause—for
you are of us to a man ! How terrible has been our
blunder ! How grievous •your wrong ! We never
dreamed that this was Conservatism, and a thousand
to one if you knew it yourselves until you were told ;
like the man in the play who had lived through so
many years of a long life, before be found out that
what he had been speaking all the time constituted

prose.
For the benefit of our political vocabulary, let us
see what we learn by this notable intelligence :
CONSERVATIVE—One who reforms to preserve ;
a pure Reformer.
Tony—One who is opposed to Reform; Anti-
Reformer ; race supposed to be extinct.
RADICAL—One who reforms to organic change.
DESTRUCTIVE-- One who reforms beyond organic
change.
WHlG—Race extinct.
REFORMER—A Conservative; A
.i-'•
n- or).
ne ones what a pretty
Oh ! those Protean rogue., T 1
harlequinade they -
, would
any magi c
.
in their wand

A cry ha 3 been raised by those who are determined
to uphold at all hazards the abuses of the Irish
Church, against the interference of the Catholic
priests in the Elections. What a shocking thing it
is, say these impartial judges, that men, call-
ing themselves Ministers of the Gospel,
should so far degrade their sacred office as
to use the influence which it gives them over the
minds of the people for political purposes ! Now
if this be so very shocking a crime, we
trust that it cannot be laid to the charge of any
Protestant priest. To take the beam out of
our own eye, before we remove the mote from our
brother's, is a rule which approves itself at once to
common sense ; and we would, therefore, recommend
to all those who are so ready to run down the Catholic
clergy, for the part they are taking in the present poli-
tical struggle, to ascertain first whether the Protestant
clergy have not set them the example ? Let them,
we say, make this enquiry, and the result will strike
them dumb. The truth is, that no description of
men have proved themselves such eager partizans—
none have entered so keenly into the spirit of elective
warfare, and none have exhibited so much of the
bitterness of that spirit as the clergy of the Church of
England, during the contest now drawing to a close.
Wherever the rights of the people were to be trodden
down by aristocratic hoofs, wherever a champion of
arbitrary power, an advocate of abuse, or an opponent
of Reform appeared, there we were sure to find the ra-
vens gathered together. In such a cause the influence
of the clergy, magisterial, ministerial, and personal, was
never wanting. So it has ever been, and wherever an
Apostolieo-political Church exists, so it must ever be.
If, then, the Protestant clergyman does not think it

inconsistent with the dignity, or incompatible with the
duties of his office, to mix in the " filthy fray" of party
politics, is it fair, or just, or savouring of Christian
charity, to denounce the Catholic clergyman for
doing the very same thing ? Far be it from us to
justify such a course either in the one or the other.
Our opinion is that a minister of the gospel should
confine himself to his spiritual functions, and sure we
are that these, when measured by the standard of the
sanctuary, are amply sufficient to occupy the undivided
attention of the most gifted mind. Instead of foment-
ing party strife, he ought to heal the wounds which it
makes. He should be the messenger of peace, not
the herald of war. But let an equal measure of justice
be dealt out to all men. Let not that be imputed
to the Catholic priest as a crime, which passes
for a virtue in the dignitary of the Church
of England. In this battle they are both
fighting with similar weapons. That of the Catholic
is better tempered, has a sharper edge, and does more
execution ; and therefore it is exclaimed against—
but it is a senseless, and will prove an ineffectual
clamour.

We beg leave to call the attention of Mr. BLORE,
the architect, to the following modest and becoming
testimony to his professional skill, which we extract
from the Norfolk Chronicle of last week. One of the
County Magistrates at the January Sessions is reported
to have " made a few remarks, in the course of which
he said that the observations of Mr. BLORE were
utterly unworthy the attention of a practical architect ;
that he had completely failed in his instructions to
Mr. STONE ; his judgment in picturesque might be
very good ; but his opinions were those in which no
man could confide. * * * * * • * * * * He
thought it would be satisfactory to the Committee to
give them the discretionary power of sending, if neces-
sary, as the work proceeded, for the assistance of a
practical architect ; but as to their having Mr. BLORE,
it was entirely out of the question."
The pressure of matters of political importance pre-
vents our giving much space to a subject which, in a
certain degree, is local ; but the general interest which
every man of education or of taste feels in the preser-
vation of those monuments of antiquity which the hand
of time has spared, induces us again to say a word or
two on the barbarous expedient of facing such a
remain as the castle of Norwich, with a smug coating
of Bath stone. In October last we stated that Mr.
BLORE had been called in to give his opinion on the
subject, and we need not add, after what we then said,
that he proposed a different mode of proceeding from
that which was to be adopted.. He must by this
time lament that, with a view to conciliate all par-
ties, he thought proper to compliment the " sound
and substantial" masonry which these wholesale Van-
dals had erected in the place of that which, by dint of
main force, they had demolished. The passage which
we have above quoted is a delicate return for his polite-
ness, and we have no doubt will be duly esteemed as
such.. He would have done a much wiser thing had
he fearlessly stated the plain truth, and the whole
truth ; he would thus have put an end to an atrocity
which we fear is now irretrievably doomed to be perpe-
trated; his report would have met with a very different
reception from what it has done, and the Magistrates
of Norfolk would have been greeted with some such
an announcement as the following :
" MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, TUE JUSTICES OF NORFOLK.
_ _

" You may either preserve your unrivalled castle as a Norman
ruin, or as an architectural remain. If you wish to do the
former, let it alone; if the latter, preserve those architectural
features which still remain, and restore those which are gone;
but you must adopt in your restoration their original construc-
tion, or you will dest-oy their character. If you wish to call
forth the ridicule and contempt of the present age, and the
lasting regrets of every future one, you will proceed as you
have begun ; and when you have done your work, if any un-
fortunate antiquarian traveller should ask to have pointed out
to him the Norman Castle of Norwich, his only supposition
will be that it has been converted into a county lunatic asylum,
and decorated by its inhabitants turned loose for amusement.
" I have the honour to be, my Lords and Gentlemen,
" Your Lordship's most obsequious servant,
" EDWARD BLORE."

The Paris papers of Sunday have all been received,
with the latest intelligence from the south of France.
The project of the law for the indemnification of the
United States—the President's Message—and the
conduct of the French Ministry, are the leading sub-
jects discussed in all these journals. The Ministers
aie blamed by every party for having unnecessarily de-
layed to press the claims of America on the Chamber of
Deputies, till the coining of a crisis, when those claims
could neither be strenuously advanced, nor wilfully
retarded, without seeming to compromise either French
honour or French courage. As matters now stand,
they are blamed for being too hasty in the introduc-
tion of the Bill for the indemnification ; and we think
that, having delayed so long, their Bdest course would
have been to have waited the decision of Congress on
that part of the Pr,:;',u'
the
I • .cprisa s on French shipping. Should
ent's Message, which recom-
mended
trill for the indemnification of America pass
the Chambers, and at the same time Congress ap-
prove of the hostile measure recommended by the
President, the French Government will have clearly
compromised its dignity ; on the other hand, should
the Chamber of Deputies reject the Bill, in conse-
quence of the threat held out by the President, and
afterwards Congress, to protest against that part of
the Message which refers to France, the citizen
KING and his Cabinet will be placed in an awkward
position, with respect to the representatives of the States.
The KlNG—for the KING is the Government in him-
self—has clearly committed as great an error by his
extreme haste, as he did before by his culpable tardi-
ness. The only chance of escape left for the French
Government, is the passing of the Bill by the Cham-
b:2r of Deputies, and the disapproval of the President's
Message by Congress. The latter of these events is
likely to occur, if we can credit the truth of an extract
from a letter from Washington, which is given in our
extracts from the French Papers. As to the Chamber
of Deputies the question is a little different, but
TIMERS is confident of success, and has already set
every engine of Government at work to command a
large majority.

The seat of the Government of Switzerland has
been removed from Zurich to Berne, the latter Canton
having, in the regular order, become Sovereign State
on the Ist of January. On this occasion, it is usual
for the diplomatic agents of Foreign Powers to address
congratulatory notes to the new Sovereign State ; and
accordingly Austria has taken advantage of so favour-
able an opportunity of stirring up the smouldering
embers of the political differences between the Go-
vernments of Germany and the Helvetian ncpublic,
by demanding the immediate expulsion of the Foreign
refugees who have taken shelter in Berne from the
political persecution of the German despots. The
object of this note is clearly to provoke the Swiss to
do something which shall sanction the commencement
of hostilities on the part of Austria. The membm,