The Sun.
London, England, 1835-12-31 00:00:00

17,An fll':(,.

LONDON,
THURSDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 31, 1835.

The Legislative Chambers of France opened on
Tuesday. We subjoin, from the Journals, a report of
the grand ceremonial usual on such occasions, toge-
ther with a copy of the Royal Speech. The latter is
remarkable only for its barrenness. On no question
whatever is the slightest information, of an important
nature, communicated to the Chambers. It is from
first to last a string of no-meaning common-places ;
with the exception of the few words which refer to the
American Indemnity question. Upon this point our
readers have nothing to learn, as we informed them
yesterday, in our observations on the PRESIDENT'S
Message, that England had taken upon herself to effect
an entire reconciliation between the Governments of
France and the United States. The KING commenced
by congratulating the Chambers on the state of the
country. This was natural enough, but the fact was
'one with which every Member had as extensive a know-
ledge as his MAJESTY. He next informed them that
the laws of last Session had consolidated public order,
and the institutions of the country. We are a little
doubtful as to the meaning of so strange a phrase as
this. If the KING referred to the operation of the
Fieschi laws, we cannot perceive in what way they
have contributed to the consolidation of public order.
The Press judging from the recent lists of editorial pro-
secutions—is as libellous as ever it was; treasons abound
in the Army ; and in several departments it has been
found necessary to disarm' large sections of the Na-
tional Guard. Are these things proof of a consolida-
tion of public order under the operation of the pater-
nal Fieschi Code ? We pass over the two next
paragraphs. They are personal to the man and
the father; and our commentary has no reference
to Lis PHILLIPPE iu his private capacity.

The two paragraphs immediately following detail all
'that i 6 KING chooses to make hnowh respect-
ing the relations. of Frank* with the other great
European Powtm) .and of the ineasutes proposed for
the pticificatlion of MAI the consolidation of the
throne of IsAhti.LA 11. And what does this all
amount to !P—Nothing ! Whether France appru'ves
br, or. condemns the Prumian commercial league ;
whether she dtpi&es, or rejoices in, the downfall. vi
Poland ; whether she sympathizeg with, or repudiates
the struggle for, inclependerice now carried 'on in the
East ; whether she is sensible of, or indifferent to the
intrigues of Russia—are questions upon which the
Deputies of France are obligingly permitted to decide
for themselves. This is wretched policy on the part
of the KING ; and his adoption of it, proves,- that he
neither understands what his position demands of him,
nor bow to take advantage of those means of acquiring
an enthusiastic popularity which prompt a cultivation
of the natural genius of the French people. In
facty France was just as wise—just as well in-
formed—of the sentiments of the King, the people,
and Foreign Governments, before the KING opened
his mouth, as she is now. On no subject, foreign or
domestic, has she obtained an iota of information.
Whether there will be war or peace—whether the
taxes will be raised or partially abolished—are ques-
tions
which the KING has left to be decided by. every
person according to his own fancy, or by the event, if
he happen to be of a temperament sufficiently cool to
abide patiently the judgment of time.
Letters from Paris state that a plot for the assassi-
nation of the KING, on his way to the Chambers, was
discovered by the agents of police on Monday night,
and that several conspirators were seized on Tuesday
morning, all having fire-arms about their persons.
The principal of these is reported to be the same in-
dividual who was tried and acquitted for attempting to
shoot the KING on the Pont Royal. We withhold
the name for the present, as otherwise we might
possibly do injury to the character of an inno-
cent person. The KING, both on his way to
and from the Chambers, . was attended by a
strong guard, so that it appeared as if he himself
was apprehensive of danger. However, no disturbance
took place, the people keeping as much out of the way
of the procession as if it were the triumph of a conqueror
in arms against the nation. There were no joyous
shouts from the populace ; no acclamations of welcome,
as the Citizen King proceeded in state!, through the
capital

The only other important topics noticed in these
Journals will be found in our extracts from them. The
Constitutionnel has a long article on the recent rumours
set afloat by the Tories with respect to a change of
Ministry in England; which, however, contains nothing
new on the subject.

In speaking of the Royal Speech, we forgot to
mention one important fact announced in some of the
French papers. It is reported--on what authority we
know not—that Count PAHLEN, the Russian Am-
bassador, told the KING, at a private audience, that
any reference to the fall of Poland in the Royal Speech
at opening the Chambers, would not fail to be re-
garded by the EMPEROR as a denunciation of the
Imperial policy, and tantamount to a declaration of
hostilities against NICHOLAS. The CITIZEN KING
was thunderstruck, and subsequently, in_Council, in-
sisted that no mention whatever of Russia or Poland
should be made in the speech. We give the rumour
as we have received it—comment is unnecessary.

PARIS, DEC. 29.—A letter from Valence of the 26th
says The Duke of Orleans, who left Toulon yesterday,
arrived here this afternoon, but stopped only to change
horses. His Royal Highness will pass the night at Tarn,
for it seems, that in order to avoid all etiquette, he passes
the night only at places of small importance. His Royal
Highness is in perfect health."
The Duke of Orleans did not go to Marseilles, because,
says a letter from General Damremont, the views of the
King; who wished him to return immediately to Paris,
would not allow the delay which would have ensued.
BREST, DEC. 24.—The Jupiter of the line and the
Terpsichore have been a long time in the roads ; their
crews are raised to the full war compliment, and they only
wait for orders to sail.

The division of the crews of ships of the Line expect
1,000 recruits of the class of 1834, by the first fortnight
in January.

The San Petri and Jena of the line are almost entirely
ready, as well as the Hernzione frigate. They will be able
to put to sea, in a short time after they are in the road.
All these accounts of armaments, which now have no
object (at least no ostensible object), will not be agreeable
to the tax-payers, for they will be summed up in some sub-
stantial millions of supplementary votes of credit, which
will have to be added to those that we shall have to pay to
the United States.—Messager, Dec. 29.

In The Sun of Saturday we extracted from the Port-
folio the copy of an official despatch; bearing date June
13,1829, from Prince LIEVEN, and Count MA TUSZE-
VICH, Russian Ambassadors at the Court of London,
to Count CHARLES DE NESSELRODE, Vice-Chan-
cellor of the Empire, and Minister for Foreign Affairs
—to the subject of which we then requested the atten-
tion of our readers in a leading paragraph. We were
then very far from anticipating the strong expression of
feeling which the publication of this document appears
to have produced in various parts of the country.
The people of England really begin to open their eyes
to the importance of their foreign relations ; and when
the country-is once brought to look beyond the all-absorb-
ing theme of agricultural distress—to examine with calm-
ness the causes of the evils which afflict it—to compre-
hend its actual position, and so be made to perceive that
its insular situation cannot render it indifferent to the
proceedings of other States, unless it has resolved to
descend from the proud pinnacle upon which it now
reposes—we may then console ourselves with the anti-
' cipation of greater triumphs and a more
,permanent
glory. Before now the honour of the.-nation fmind
defenders against all encroachments from without, in
the ambition of the Court and the jealousy of the
Cabinet ; henceforth we must look to the patriotism of
the people for such protection. We need not say that
we are not apprehensive of suffering with impunity
aught derogatory to our national fame, provided the
facts of the case be fairly submitted to the House
of Commons. For a just and defensive war we
have resources in abundance ; and thank Heaven, we
are not destitute of Statesmen, with ample sagacity to
perceive that a war, apparently aggressive, may be
still purely defensive—undertaken solely for the pro-
tection of our trade, our territory, and our liberties.
When the safety of nations is perilled itbehoves public
men to act in accordance with the dictates of an en-
larged, comprehensive, and if we might be allowed
the expression, a prophetic policy. The ethics
which are rules for the guidance of individual conduct,
require a corresponding extension in proportion to
the magnitude of their relative objects, when ap-
plied to the policy of great nations. An individual
cannot be too slow in assuming the defensive, provided
his adversary does not make known his evil designs
against him. The reason of this is sufficiently intel-
ligible. While the laws exist for his protection he
can never be greatly overmatched, without having a re-
medy within his reach, of which lie may instantly avail
himself. But in war, between hostile States, might
too often constitutes the right of nations; and the
country who secs herself exposed to the chance of
wearing fetters, without making an effort to prevent •
the possibility of her undergoing such degradation, is
not more wronged than she. is justly punished for
either her folly or her pusillanimity.
It has been complained of, us, in a high quarter,
that we have for some time past endeavoured, to inter-