The Sun.
London, England, 1835-04-18 00:00:00

WINDSOR.

11,13Ou'rtRILL 17 Their Majesties arrived at the Castle from town
Lakin:Lail-Past 7 o'clock last evening (Thursday.) The
arrived6rvine of Hesse Homburg. attended by Baroness Steine,
94 sow' afterwards from town on a visit to the King and
lkyen,', Prince George of Cambridge and his tutor, the
Castle the Wood, also arrived in the course of the evening at
Pe
`-stl
•
44je.ter
day the King rode out in the Park. To. day his
eAI t:eturns to town to hold a Court at St..James's, at
I ace t expected the appointment of the new Ministers will
•

SIIIONABLE INTELLIGENCE.

1.4 d DEPARTURES.
Y de Dunstanville and the Baroness de Basset, from
GAlr• 'Place, Knightsbridge, for Tchedy-park, Cornwall ; Hon.
kenes Mrs. Francis Gordon, from Bath,. on a tour ; Major-
's.-11-'ll and Mrs. Campbell, for Jersey; Major-General and
tlitt hornton, for the Continent ; Viscountess Ashbrook, for
; Lieut.-Colonel Power, Royal Artillery, for the Mauri-
1/14;iPeneral Sir William Kier Grant, for Bath ; Ireland
atte-ui-urne, Esq., M. P., for Warrington ; General Sir Henry
"om Ellis's Hotel, St. James s- street ; Colonel Tynte,
S the York Hotel, Albemarle-street, for Halswell
ik441.„'% Somerset ; Sir John Shelley, Bart., from ditto, for
r.;sueld, Sussex ; Lord Audley, from Brighton, on a tour ;
11,-.,4 Mrs. Chamberlayne from Fenton's Hotel, for Cran-
Hants ; Sir John Wilson, Bart., for Charlton
or ii-' 4eat Assheton Smith, Esq., from Albemarle-street,
for seat, Tedworth, near Andover ;F. North, Esq., M. P.,
''a• stings • the Hon.' and Rev. Henry and Lady Anna
for Cust, for Windsor; Mr. and Mrs. Fleming and family,
telw t°lleham Park ; Lord Barringdon, on a tour ; Major Sir
and Prideaux Bart for his seat, near
tours'Exete Mr. and
It .ratoman fr he" Hanover Hotel, on a ,Lord irom °ln
t

Lt IQ
•
pro-18 14- ••Tencer has returned to Althorp Park, where
is about to be visited by Lord Brougham, who
The
'ed to pass a few days with his Noble Friend.
8e speaker and Mrs, Abercromby entertained a
Iclee't,l'.atty at dinner, on Thursday evening, in Carlton-
Allth
the Rigli Whigs remain in town. A. n
_ Y bustle prevailed among them yesterday, in visiting
4nother, and interchanging notes.
t
'torn 13E GRAND DUKE CONSTANTINE.—Letters
Leto ai3 state that the Grand Duke Constantine of Russia,
,ittr.litPr by his p- receptor, the Prince Lieven, are expected
1:alloc early in the summer; and they add that his
°.glkl:',tlighness will leave St. Petersburgh in the early part
to.fisit Italy. The Prinoess Lieven accom-
PartY• g
It LI added th4t ere thb doe of the fashion-

A Duke of Brunswick was once accosted in Venice
by a boy who solicited charity. The Duke told him that he
had no small change; on which the boy offered to get him
change for a piece of gold. The Duke thought this a ridi-
culous circumstance, and to rid himself of the applicant he
gave him a ducat, in the certainty that the young beggar
would keep it. After a very short time the lad returned,
to his great surprise, with the full change for his dticat in
the small coin of Venice. The Duke, struck with his ho-
nesty, not only gave him the gold, bnt undertook to provide
for him, and afterwards promoted him to honourable em-
ployment._

The price of the 41b. loaf, best quality, at Paris, re-
mains fixed for the remainder of the month at 12 sous.

STATISTICS OF POISONING IN FRANCE. It
results from the researches of Dr. Chevalier, a member of
the Academy of Medicine in Paris, and of M. Bois-de-Lowry :
—lst. That within seven years 273 individuals have been tried
for administering poison ; of whom 171 have been acquitted,
and 102 condemned.-2dly. That the poisons employed were
in fifty-four cases arsenic, in seven verdigris, in five cantha-
rides, in five perchlorurc of mercury, in four nux vomits, in
three powder for the destruction of flies, in two nitric acid, in
one sulphur of arsenic, in one emetic tartar, in one opium, in
one acetate of lead, in one white lead, in one sulphuric acid,
in one sulphate of zinc, in one mercurial ointment, in five
poisons not named.-3dly. That the assigned motives for the
crimes have been—in twenty_eight cases interest, in twenty-
four libertinism, in fifteen vengeance, in ten jealousy, and in
six madness.-4thly. In twenty_eight out of eighty-one cases
the poison was administered in broth, in eight cases in milk,
seven in flour, four in medicine ; twice it was introduced im-
mediately into the mouth, twice in coffee, once in cider, a,nd
once in a fowl. It has been remarked that in many cases the
taste communicated by the poisonous substances has saved the
victims, and that in others the colour of the poison has been a
a salutary warning. Hence Messrs. Chevalier and Boys-de-
Loury conclude that poisonings would be Ic6s frequent if poi-
struO'uS subgtances were cololired or Idived sapid.

able season, they and other illustrious personages intend being
in London. The Grand Duke, we learn, makes the grand
tour ere his return home; and, to effect this, the Emperor
grants to the heir apparent leave of absence for three years.
The Duke of Wellington has presented to the
Keeper of Hyde Park some exquisitely sculptured vases, re-
presenting the " Triumph of Bacchus," and they have been
placed on pedastals in the slip of the garden-ground at the
Lodge opposite Apsley-house. They are antiques found at
Navarino after the battle.
THE EAST INDIA DOCKS.—A meeting of the
proprietors of the East India Docks was held at the Dock.
House, when the purchase of the Billiter-lane and Crutched-
friars warehouses, made at the sale on Tuesday last, was com-
municated to them by the Directors, and a resolution was una-
nimously passed adopting and confirming the purchase, and
thanking the Court of Directors for the discretion and promp-
titude with which they had acted.
CIVIC PATRIOTISM.—It is at length admitted by
one of the most " liberal" of the London body corporate that the
different Committees of the Common Council could not be got
together for the purpose of business without the temptation of
the good dinners which are provided on such occasions, at an
expense of 4,0001. per annum !
LYME REGIS.—On the arrival here of the resigna-
tion of Sir Robert Peel and his colleagues, which was com-
municated to us by our worthy representative, W. Pinney,
Esq., the bells were set ringing, but our vicar interfered, and
threatened the ringers with an ecclesiastical prosecution if
they did not desist instantly, and he himself took possession
of the belfry. The reformers instantly got out the reform
guns, and gave not only the Tories of Lyme, but of the
surrounding neighbourhood, a prime salute ; the band also
paraded the streets, for great was the joy of the people on the
occasion.—Sherborne Journal.
EAST KENT ASSOCIATION.—We have the
pleasure of announcing that this Society is now in active ope-
ration, and that nothing will, as hitherto, be lost to the good
cause for want of a due attention to the liberal interests. In
the event of an election unexpectedly occurring,we trust there
will be a simultaneous movement in every part of the district,
calling on the Hon. Richard Watson to come forward as a
candidate without delay. Mr. Watson pledges himself to de-
cided reform principles, without which all " friendship " is an
insulting deception upon every portion of the suffering over-
taxed community. —Kent Herald.
Information has 'reached us, that if a contested
election should take place for South Devon, a penny subscrip-
tion will be raised throughout the county to return Lord John
Russell free of expense, as being the friend of civil and reli-
gious liberty. Nothing can be better than such a course, and
nothing, we are assured, would be more highly appreciated by
the Noble Lord, who has so arduously and so successfully la-
boured for the people.—Sherborne Journal.
We are requested to say that there is not the least
foundation for the statement that Mr. Macready had become
the lessee of the Richmond theatre.
It is very generally rumoured in the legal circles
that, should an Administration be formed by Lord Melbourne,
Mr. Sergeant Wilde will be appinted either Attorney or So-
licitor-General. Both the Learned Sergeant and Sir W.
Follett have already proved this Session that there are excep-
tions to the maxim " that lawyers generally fail in the House
of Commons."

HERALDRY.--The heraldry of Europe, according
to Captain James Lowe, has evidently derived its origin from
the East. It was intimately associated with religion and super-
stition. Maurice observes that by the same hardy race—the de-
scendants of the Tartar tribes which tenanted the north of
Asia—were introduced into Europe armorial bearings, which
were originally nothing more than hieroglyphical symbols,
mostly of religious allusion, that distinguished the banners of
the potentates of Asia. The eagle belongs to the ensign of
Vishna, the bull to that of Siva, and the falcon to that of Rama.
The sun rising behind a recumbent lion blazed on the ancient
ensign of the. Tartar, and the eagle of the sun on that of the
Persians. The Humza, a famous goose, one of the incarna-
tions of Boodha, is yet the chief emblem of Burman banners.
The Russians, no doubt, had their standard from the eat-tern
nations ; it is the type of Garuda. The Islamites took the
crescent, a fit emblem either of a rising or setting empire,
and of their primeval worship.
Horace Walpole has taken great pains to prove
that Richard 111. was neither crook-backed nor ill-favoured,
but that he was the handsomest man of his age. He would
have better served the cause of truth and justice had be ex-
hibited him in the light of a wise and constitutional Sovereign.
The faithless and infamous John and his successors have been
praised for their boon to the Barons, but it was Richard who
gave Englishmen a real charter of their liberties. Previously
to his accession to the Throne, debtors, and all others liable to
arrest, were obliged to lie in gaol until the day of trial, but
the first act of Richard was to propose to Parliament that bail
should be taken by the Sheriff in all such cases ; the Act was
passed, and Englishmen have enjoyed the benefit of it ever since.
Extract of a Letter from Naples of the 2d instant :
i7esuvius, which had for the last fortnight given indica-
tions of an approaching eruption, bust forth last evening in all
its fury. During the afternoon a storm of hail and rain had
detained the crowd of visitors at Resina, who would otherwise
have been inevitably sacrificed, as the very ground round' the
crater where hundreds had been walking only the evening before
was carried up into the air at the first explosion. The Pope's
girandola of a thousand rockets is a joke to it. At half-past
nine (within less than three hours) the detonations ceased, and
the fire gradually subsided. This morning there is not even
the least smoke."
A letter of the 2d instant from Rome says :—" The
excavations making at the site of the ancient Vulcia, now
called Jenuta di Campo Scala, under the direction of a society
authorised by the Cardinal Camerlingo, have been very suc-
cessful. There have been found in the tombs many cups and
vases finely painted with historical and mythological subjects.
Within the town of Vulcia three colossal statues in marble and
one in bronze have been discovered, with bas-reliefs, columns
bearing Etruscan and Latin inscriptions, and various instru
merits of gold and silver."

THE INDIAN CHIEF.—The Indian Chief, Muk
Coonse, who has acquired so much celebrity, is about to re-
turn with his sister, and remaining portion of his tribe, to his
native home, having, it is understood, accomplished the pri-
mary object of his migration, viz., the settlement of some
land, purchased by our Government. Since his acquittal for
an alleged offence, several patties have been eager to engage
him for exhibition. The managers of the Garrick and Pavi
lion Theatres have made offers for the performance of himself
and party ; an enterprising omnibus proprietor has offered no
less than 1001. for the three Greenwich fair days, for the
Chief to exhibit at his repository on the Greenwich-road. Sir
Augustus D'Este, and his other patrons, have, however,
placed their veto against any further exhibition of himself and
followers as puppets to " the million." The Chief and his
sister have acquired some knowledge of English, but on their
return they will be reinstated in all their " native dignity."
The Chief has lost his squaw, and two of his tribe, during
his short sojourn in this country. One of his followers has
just recovered from a severe attack of the small-pox.
THE WEATHER.--The Metropolis and country
around since Wednesday evening, has been visited with one of
those sudden changes for which this variable climate is pro-
verbial. The fine vernal weather which to appearance had be-
come permanently set in, has been exchanged for the chilly
coldness and driving storms of snow, sleet, and hail, appropri-
ate to December. The coachmen complain that the cold was
intense on Wednesday night. Thursday morning was dull and
heavy, and its afternoon ushered in a heavy fall of large flaked
snow ; this was succeeded by flakes duller in colour and more
dense, being a character between snow and ice. They had
evidently passed through a colder stratum of air after dropping
from t ecloud ; k iil followed, andat nine again came a severe
frost. On Friday morning the waggons, particularly from
the north road, came with their waggon tilts from four to six
inches deep in snow. The blossoming fruits were cut off, and
a large pear tree in Bowling Green-lane,• Clerkenwell, which
the day before gave joyous promise of a goodly crop was yes-
terday morning stripped bare. The same was of course ob-
servable elsewhere. The frost during the night was intense,
and in exposed situations, where tender shrubs had been taken
in, the saucers being left without, the water in them, was solid
ice of depths from a quarter of an inch to nearly two-thirds of
an inch. The sun shone but faintly yesterday, and through-
out the day, in sheltered places, the freezing still continued in
progess, and if the weather thus continues a few days longer,
the serpentine may be expected to be frozen over, and the ska-
ters there and elsewhere enjoying at Easter the sport of Christ-
mas in olden time, but which for the last three years have from
the mildness of the winter been withheld.

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 18, 1835.

DEVONSHIRE ELECTION.

confidence to the Electors of Devon. They have done their
duty on former occasions, and we are satisfied they will do
it again on this.

'PAR
both countries. This treaty was hailed by the reflecting
part of the community, and particularly by merchants and
manufacturers, as the harbinger of a lasting peace, and
under a sincerely pacific Administration might have been
rendered invaluable in promoting the good understanding
once more subsisting between the two Governments ; but
unhappily this treaty was of short duration, for in 1793
England and France were again involved in an awful con—
test, which continued with little intermission till 1815 :
when after a waste of blood and treasure, unparalleled in
the history of the world, peace was restored.
The expences of the French war have been estimated ag
under, and these sums are probably far within the actual'
cost, viz. :

DUBLIN.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.

Great Britain spent in the war 1793 to 1815... £750,000,000
France
Austria
The other States of Europe
The three years war cost the United States of

America -

27,000,000

£2,699,00M,000

As regards Great Britain, the seven hundred and fifty
millions expended in the late war, remains (now in 1835)
unliquidated, except a very small part—and to this vast
sum should be added the following sources of loss and ex-
pense, some of which are likely to be entailed on the public
for ages, viz. :
First, The number and value of British merchant yea-
sels, and their cargoes, captured and destroyed by the ene-
my during the war 1793 to 1815.
Second, The number and value of British merchant ships
wrecked by being deprived of access to friendly harbours
by the war.
Third, The amount of British property seized by and
destroyed during the War.
At Hamburgh, Bremen, Venice, France,
Amsterdam, Moscow, Leghorn, Spain,
Rotterdam, Copenhagen, Naples, and other
Francfort, Dantzic, Genoa, places.
Leipsic, Riga, Trieste; and in
1815. —N.B. Claims against Denmark having lately been lodged
with the British Commissioners to the amount of X 550,000 sterling !
Fourth, The amount of taxes raised from 1815 to 1835,
to pay the interest of the war debt.

Pita], The amount of military, naval, and other pensions,
1815 to 1835.

Sixth, The increase of the establishment beyond tl-tat of
1792.

It is stated that two millions of human beings fell a sacri-
fice to the late war, among the several belligerents.
The losses and expences connected with war, as stated above,
are more or less applicable to all the above wars: thus to the unli-
quidated amount of William the Third's war, should be added the
taxes imposed on the public from 1697 to 1835, a period of 138
years, to pay the interest of the war debt of that reign.

ISPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

If we are among the journalists whom some of our
foolish contemporaries mean to charge with perverse

exultation at the difficulties experienced by Lord Mel-
"oourne in his attempt to form an effective Govern-
ment for this country, or at the delays which have
thence arisen in the completion of it, they treat us (as
is. indeed, their wont) with extreme injustice. None

can be more conscious than we are ourselves that the

first want of the empire is a Cabinet which the great
bulk of the community can respect, with qualities
_ _ _

which fit its members for the exercise of high states
manlike ftraetions in the service of a free people, corn

prehending a course of steady and enlightened legisla-
tion, and promising something like stability in its own
structure, as well as in the principles and direction of
the national policy. If the Government of Sir 11.
Peel, considered with respect to some of its members,

seemed deficient in the above essential characteristics,
it was less the fault of the Right Hon. Baronet, or

of his great colleague the Duke of Wellington,
than of the circumstances which for that time dis-

appointed their joint expectation, that Lord Stanley,
Sir James Graham, and perhaps one or two other re-

spectable members of the old Grey Cabinet, would
have taken office with them. One. of our chief grounds
of regret for the overthrow of the Peel Administration
was, and is in fact, our strong conviction, in which the
occurrences of every day since the retirement of the
Right Hon. Baronet have confirmed us, that Lord
Melbourne, or whoever else might be intrusted with
authority to form the new Cabinet, would find it im-
possible to construct another which should not be far
inferior to that of Sir Robert Peel, even in those points
where the latter was most vulnerable, without resorting
to some Conservative materials by which it might be
redeemed and strengthened. There was no room for
exultation, God knows ! in such a prospect, but much.
for unfeigned concern ; nor is it by party feelings that any
man who has a present stake in the public welfare, or a
capacity for looking forward to what only six months may
roduce, could be governed at a crisis like that which now
betides us. But we have had two charges brought against
this journal, which it may be convenient briefly to no-
tice : 1. It is said that in urging the Whigs to co-ope-
rate at this moment with the Conservatives, rather
than with the Radicals and Repealers, we give advice
inconsistent with that on which -we recommended the
former to act a year ago. Our censure, pretty fre-
quent, and pretty strong, we admit, was directed against
the Melbourne Cabinet, and against the latter periods
of Lord Grey's, not because it was not Radical enough,
but because it seemed to have no character at all—
because, like the chamelion, its colour was eternally
changing—because, like a drunken man, it described
an oblique, a tottering, and most uncertain course. Its
promises, most, though not all of which we approved,
were hardly ever executed, after the accomplishment of
the Reform Bill had put almost every thing within
its power. There was scarcely a measure of any
large public interest which was not either all but
abandoned by the Whig Ministers or egregiously
botched. Of the first, the church reforms, both of
Ireland and England furnished evidence : of the
second, the Dissenters' Marriage Act. There was
Dot a week which did not exhibit Lord Althorp, and.
through him the Government, in disgraceful submis-
sion to the revolutionary party, weak as it then was,
or in ill-judged collision with its leaders. The ineffi-
ciency of that Cabinet, therefore, not its illiberality—
and we appeal to the frequent articles wherein we at-
tacked it—formed the main staple of our castigations.
But what parallel can there be shown to exist between
the two cases ? In the last Parliament, the old Whig
party constituting the Government was numerous and
powerful;. the Conservatives few,- and nearly passive ;
the Reform Bill, then in all its freshness, or rather
crudity, having operated characteristically upon both.
But the Radicals, though impetuous and active, had
no power to work mischief, but such as might be lent
to them thrciigh the manifest impolicies of the Whigs.
Then with the ball at the foot of the latter party,
• which supplied functionaries to all the departments
of the State, what was the effect of their full enjoy-
ment of office, and of its attributes, down to the day
of their dismissal? It was this—that the Whig Go-
vernment and the Whig party became every hour more
unpopular throughout the entire kingdom, being almost
universally regarded as the most incapable, or the most
insincere, but at all events the most vacillating and
least to be relied upon, of any that the oldest man in
England had remembered. The sentiment prevailed
from north to south of the United Kingdom. The in-
fluence of it—though in some measure qualified by the
abrupt and unceremonious dismissal of Lord Melbourne
upon which we decline to make any further comment—
was felt abundantly at the last election, when the
Whigs received buffets on both sides of the head, the
Radicals obtaining a reinforcement of more than a third
to their former numbers, and the Conservatives being
more than doubled. The Conservatives became
within a dozen votes of a clear majority of the
• House, and the Radicals, English and Irish, though
not strong enough to contend single-handed with them,
have shown strength enough to dictate the law to the
Whigs as the price of their alliance. This journal,
therefore, has acted for the safety of the constitution,
and for the good and wholesome government of the
country, and in no other spirit and for no other end.
It has seen from what point danger threatened the
monarchy, and it has confronted that danger. It is
persuad, d, and by the help of its own courage and of
the common sense of the people it has persuaded
others, that a Whig Government, such as has been
projected by the Whigs themselves, can be no other
than a revolutionary Government, and has flung it-
self into the scale of the monarchy against revolution.
Burke—a Whig, and a philosopher and statesman, a
patriot and a prophet—rebuked his old Whig friends
and resisted them ; and, to compare small things with
great, why should inferior men to Burke be afraid or
ashamed to follow his example ? Lord Fitzwilliam was
a Whig, and preferred his country to his party ; was
lie blamed, by any beyond the precincts of that party,
for joining Mr. Pitt when _the salvation of the British
monarchy was trembling in the balance ? Was Mr.
Windham, the pupil and friend of Burke, a pure and
manly Whig, if ever such Whig existed—was he de-
cried by any but factious reptiles for joining Lord
Fitzwilliam in his support of the anti-Jacobin Go-
vernment ? These virtuous men maintained their
principles ; the inconsistency was in the fag-end of
the Whig party of that epoch, which forgot the prin-
ciples of the old Whigs, and took up doctrines which
belonged neither to Whiggery nor to the Constitution,
although the transcendent Parliamentary powers of
Fox were wasted in defending them. We claim the
privilege of all practical minds, adjusting our efforts to
the emergency, and hastening to the spot where
danger presses. 2. We are abused for recommending
a corrupt surrender of their principles to the Whigs, in
advising them to form, if they can, a conjoint Govern-
ment with the Conservative Sir Robert Peel and his
allies. This is a malignant and stupid accusation.
Why do we urge the old Whigs to take this prudent
and advantageous course ? Because we know that
in combining with the Radicals they will have to
make far more pernicious compromises of political
opinion,—because we know that to form a junction with
ultra-Radicals they must throw up all their known
principles and tenets,—because the coalition to which
they are blindly rushing will be the most corrupt, dis-
honest, and desperate that ever was recorded of Eng-
lish gentlemen, exacting from them a total sacrifice of
all our fundamental institutions, the Church, the
Peerage, the Crown, and the union of the Monarchy.
When we told Lord Melbourne that the Conservatives
were now " his natural allies," we meant that they
were the party with whom he 'might coalesce at a
smaller compromise of constitutional principle than
with any other—ay, and eventually, should interests
more sordid cross his mind's eye, at a less expense of
the share and patronage of office. It will end in this
—it must end in this. Whether the proposal comes
from Sir Robert Peel or from Lord Melbourne, to
avoid such an issue is impossible. The Conservatives,
we acknowledge, have proved that they cannot govern
England- against a coalition of Whigs with English,
I)lgcoten I_ ,
andlrish revolutionists,—the Whigs must be
already couvinctd iu their dwn hearts that they. cannot

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govern without such a coalition—an expedient at once
terrible and disgraceful.—Times.
Whether the public curiosity is to be gratified this
evening by the communication of any positive intelli-
gence respecting the formation of the new Ministry,
we cannot tell. The Whig-Radical Journals, which a
few days ago spoke with confidence of the immediate
formation of a Melbourne Cabinet, have changed their
tone ; but while they are compelled to admit the diffi-
culties which we had anticipated, and of which, indeed,
the delay is a sufficient proof, they pretend to be ex-
ceedingly pleased with discovering that their patrons
have' not been able to step at once from the Op-
position benches into those official situations which
are the darling object of their patriotic ambition. If
the Whig-Radical papers are pleased with the difficul-
ties of the situation in which the Whigs have placed
themselves, as they assure the public they are, it would
ill become us to wish them any diminution of that
pleasure ; but, looking to the state of the country, with
all the important business of the Session obstructed
and cast aside for mere party purposes, we see nothing
very delightful in the prospect which it affords. The
large and liberal plan of Church Reform which Sir R.
Peel submitted to the House of Commons might now
have been nearly brought into operation, as well as the
measure for the settlement of the Irish tithe question,
if it were not for the factious opposition given by the
Whig-Radicals, to prevent the fair examination and
discussion of all and every measure of Reform pro-
posed by the Chief of the late Cabinet. We are now
on the entrance of the summer months, and, thanks to
Lord John Russell, Mr. O'Connell, and their satel-
lites, the whole of the public business of which notice
was given for this Session, along with the large arrear
of business from the last Session, remains to be com-
menced. The reason the Whig-Radical Papers give
for being pleased with the delay which has occurred
in the formation of the new Ministry is that it proves
the Whigs are not so anxious to grasp place as to cause
them to forget their principles. So, then, they showed
neither aviditity for place nor oblivion of their princi-
ples by joining with the English Destructives and
Irish Papists, to oppose the reforming Administration
of Sir Robert Peel, whose measures for correcting the
abuses of our institutions and removing grievances cer-
tainly went as far as ever the Whigs professed to go
in acting upon the Reform Bill while they were them-
selves in office. Surely the proposition of Lord John
Russell to confiscate a portion of the property of the
Irish Protestant Church for Popish purposes is not
a Whig principle. It certainly was not the Whig prin-
ciple of last year, for Lord John Russell and his
colleagues opposed it when brought forward by Mr.
Ward, and issued their Irish Church Commission to
stave it off—a Commission which they now treat with
contempt, thereby evincing how much regard they
have for principle and consistency. The real truth is
that it is not their adherence to their principles which
makes it difficult for the Whigs to form a Cabinet,
but it is their flagrant desertion of their principles.
We believe that a Cabinet•upon genuine Whig prin-
ciplesa Cabinet upon the principles of Fox and Lord
Grey, and even of Lord Melbourne himself, or Lord
John Russell, before they delivered themselves up for
factious purposes to the Radical and Repeal dema-
gogues, and abjured their original doctrines of tempe-
rate, safe, and Constitutional Reform—in short, the
very species of reform which Sir Robert Peel, to whom
the Popish party owe their political existence, was
endeavouring to carry into effect, cannot be formed.
The difficulties which the Whigs • have in
Cabinet arise from this, that they have placed them-
selves in such a position as renders them the slaves of
the Irish Agitator, whose dictation has become to them
like the law of the Medes and Persians, which changeth
not.. The Whigs, as we said the other day, are no
longer free agents—they must consult the wishes of the
master-spirit of Papal agitation, who served them upon
an unhallowed compact, which obliges them to serve
him in turn, and their inexorable taskmaster will have
the penalty of his bond. If the Whigs then are at-
tempting to make terms with the Sovereign, the terms
are not in behalf of their own principles, but in favour
of those of Mr. O'Connell and his faction, and against
the Protestant Church and Protestant liberties of these
realms, and even against the principle of the Act of
Settlement which determines the limitation of the
Clown in its present line of descent. On the firmness
of his Majesty, and his known attachment to the prin-
ciples which placed his family on the throne, the peo-
ple of England must now rely to protect their laws and
liberties, their religion, and their ancient and inesti-
mable institutions against Papal intrigue and Papal
ambition. The addresses which pour in from all parts
of England show that the Protestant spirit is awake
to the dangers that threaten the Constitution, and they
also prove that if his Majesty finds himself reduced to
the alternative of surrendering the Protestant Church
to its implacable enemies, or appealing once more to the
nation, his resorting to that appeal which, at the pre
sent time, only such an extremity would justify, will be
responded to by the energetic loyalty of all who can
appreciate his patriotism, and are worthy of his confi-
dence.—Morntng Herald.
We understand that Lord Melbourne has at length
patched by a Ministry, the members of which flatter
themselves that by good management and good luck
they may get through the present session of Parlia-
ment. His Lordship, we are informed, went to
Windsor yesterday, to receive the sanction of his Ma-
jesty to the various appointments in the new Admi-
nistration, and a Council, we believe, will be held this
day at St. James's, at which a considerable proportion
of the new Ministers will be sworn in. It is not for
us to hazard a speculative list of the new Administra-
tion ; but we believe we do not risk much in saying
that it will comprehend, in addition to Lord Melbourne
himself, who will be First Lord of the Treasury, the
names of the Marquis of Lansdowne ; the Lords
Auckland, Dunnannon, John Russell, Howick ; the
Right Honourables C. Grant, T. Spring Rice, and
E. Ellice. Who the other members of the Cabinet
will be, is yet, we incline to think, undetermined.
There is no mention of Lord Brougham for the seals,
nor yet of Sir John Campbell. It is not at present
decided, we believe, by whom they are to be held.
Lord Palmerston seems also to be excluded. The pre-
sent intention is, as we are informed, that the Admi-
nistration shall be purely Whig, containing no visible
mixture of the Repeal faction, or of Radicalism, Eng-
lish, Irish, or Scotch. We say no visible mixture,
because it must be manifest to the most inattentive or
unskilful observer, that a Whig Administration, with
its feeble body of one hundred and fifty supporters in
the House of Commons, cannot hope to sustain itself
—for a single week—without the aid of the O'Con-
nell tail ; while it must be equally clear to all men of
sober judgment, that the latter body are not likely
to lend their support—unless upon the well un-
derstood condition, that full compensation shall
be made to them, for the indignity and apparent humi-
liation of their exclusion from office, in the clandes-
tine concession of, something more than, official power.
There have been periods in the history of this country
when the distrust and indignation of the public have
been excited by the cry of " a secret influence behind
the Throne greater than the Throne itself." What is
now to be dreaded is, not a secret influence behind the
Throne, but an unconstitutional and irresponsible
authority openly breathing its spirit into the Admini-
stration, dictating every movement of the Government,
reducing the ostensible advisers of the Sovereign to the
rank of mere clerks in office, and the Sovereign him-
self to the condition of an instrument in the hands of
men who are themselves no more than instruments in
the hands of others. The real Cabinet Council of Eng-
land will sit, during the existence of such an Admini-
stration as that which we expect to be announced this
day, not at Downing-street, as heretofore, but in the
sessions of Parliament at some tavern near Westminster
bridge, where certain Irish Members barter their franks
for their dinners, and in the Parliamentary vacation at
Merrion-square or Derrynane Abbey. This will in-
evitably be the state of things so long as the forth.
coming Administration can prolong its ambiguous and
dishonourable existence. That the period will be brief
we have, however, fortunately, a sufficient guarantee in
the manly and straightforward character of the people
of England, who like everything, in the management
of their affairs to be fair, open, and aboveboard, and
will certainly not long endure the wretched- iniperium
inimperio now about to be established. That there
is a ashonoulable and dishonest com*t between the

new Government and Mr. O'Connell, in virtue of
which the latter is to receive in irresponsible political
power more than a compensation for the exclu-
sion from office of himself and his avowed retainers,
no man in his senses can doubt, any more than
he can doubt that the visible and tangible results of
this abominable and treasonable compact must speedily
become disgusting and intolerable. That there is
any secret treaty of the same kind with the English
and Scotch Radicals may,.. however, reasonably be
doubted. The latter, with all their errors, have yet
much sound English feeling. They would scarcely,
we think, be ambitious of occult power, but would
wish rather to incur the due share of responsibility for
any measures which they may enforce. The important
distinction between Mr. O'Connell and his tail and
the English and Scotch Radicals is, that the former
are and the latter are not imbued with the principles
and feelings of the political school of Loyola. The
support of the English and Scotch Radicals, as well
as that of the Irish Agitator and his tail, is, however,
plainly indispensable to the existence of the Melbourne
Cabinet. And we infer that this support is not
secured by clandestine compact, like that of the Jesui
tical O'Connell and his retainers, not only from the
more sincere and unsophisticated character of the
British school of Radicalism, but from the lame

and awkward, though very zealous and 'diligen
attempts, of the organs of the new Government, to
cajole the latter. As an example of these attempts
at cajolery, we extract the following passages from the
Globe of last night, apologizing to the English and
Scotch Radicals for their exclusion from the Cabinet,
and calling upon them to support the Melbourne Ca-
binet, on account of its " good intentions."
" We know that there are concessions to be made on the
present occasion. We must be content with the exclusion
from power of men whom we would 'most willingly see
in possession of it, in the belief that quite sufficient gua-
rantees for the policy of Ministers will still be found in
the names of Lord Melbourne and those whom he will
be able to have as his colleagues. We must be content
without the adoption of certain measures of personal conci-
liation which we think essential to the complete tranquillity
of the country. We must be content also with trying every
possible alternative before the adoption of such measures
as will completely abate the resistance of the anti-Re-
formers. But we can submit to no compromise of the
principles, no misunderstanding of the intentions, of a Re-
forming Ministry. They may refrain from carrying their
largest designs and fullest wishes into execution ; but they
must become the instruments of no plans which are in op •
position to their principles. Their measures, at least, must
comprehend all that they professed during their late oppo-
sition ; they must be shaped in entire accordance with re-
forming principles. The opposition of anti-Reformers must
be encountered with sound and frank policy, not averted by
compromise. The reforming Ministry must endear itself
to the nation, by doing all in its power to carry reforms
into effect. On its opponents must rest the undivided re-
sponsibility of curtailing or rejecting them.
" The public is perfectly ready to appreciate the good in-
tentions of reforming Ministers, and to take into account
all the difficulties to which they are exposed. It will make
allowance for their not being able to carry their intentions
into effect, as long as no doubt is excited about the inten-
tions themselves. There is a clear line of distinction between
the concessions which it will tolerate, and those which
will excite its jealousy. It will not require a Minister to
work or to attempt impossibilities. He will not be expected
to introduce measures which he has not the means of car-
rying, or to demand an unusual degree of power to over-
come the resistance opposed to him. But he must not
link himself to bad principles and imperfect measures. He
must not become, through fear, a participatcr in the oppo-
sition to Reform. If he r-..,.- t r. t:,-n
aii its wisnes, lie must let the country see
where the obstacle to good government really exists. Nor
must he allow himself to he thwarted by secret impedi-
ments. If he is not justified in demanding the utmost con-
stitutional means of carrying his policy into effect, ho must
not subject his authority to unusual limitation."
It must be highly gratifying to our Radical fellow-
subjects of Great Britain to hear the new Admi-
nistration, for which their votes in Parliament have
prepared the way, introduced to the country by
such a flourish as we have just re-echoed. They
will recollect, no doubt, that the Administra-
tion of Sir Robert Peel did not claim credit with
the country on the strength merely of " good inten-
tions." The Dissenters' Marriage Bill, the Eng-
lish-and Irit:l Tithe Bills, the Ecclesiastical Courts
Reform Bill, the Church Reform Inquiry, the Mi-
litary Punishment Commission, are so many proofs
that the late Ministry rested their claim to the confi-
dence and support of their fellow-coimtrymen upon
something of a more substantial kind than " good in-
tentions." The English and Scotch Radicals must,
as we have already said, be quite delighted with an
Administration which begins its career by excluding
them wholly from office, and then proceeds to claim
their confidence on the ground of its " good inten-
tions." We were weary enough, and so we imagine
were the Radical fraction of our countrymen, when
Lord Melbourne and his friends were in power before,
of the plea of "good intentions." The latter, we re-
collect, expressed their impatience in terms sufficiently
plain and' significant. We own we scarcely expected
that a sound so inauspicious as that of " good inten-
tions " would be the first to salute our ears on the
restoration of the Melbourne Ministry.—Morn. Post.
The Tories, if we may take the Standard as a cor-
rect expounder of their views, are now anxious for an
union of the Whigs. All they demand is that the
Whigs should separate themselves from the other
classes of Reformers. If you only (say they) throw
all your allies overboard, we will give you our hearty
support. Only deprive yourselves of the confidence
of the people in you, and we will assure to you the
House of Lords and the Court. This is the old story
of the wolves, who, in an alliance with the sheep, sti-
pulated for the dismissal of the dogs. The dismissal of
the Melbourne Ministry last November is the best an-
swer to all overtures from the Tories. We rejoice how-
ever, at the overtures. Nothing but desperation, we know.
could draw such language from the foes of the people
" Lord Melbourne (says the Standard) is in the most
favourable position that can be conceived to carry on 'the
Government with honour to himself, and with advantage to
the country. Without paying the price of a sir.gle place
in exchange, he can have the support of the whole House
of Lords, of nearly 300 Conservative Members of the
House of Commons, in addition to his own party of pro-
bably 150, and the whole confidence of his Royal Master.
This he would have without, as wessaid, conferring a single
office in exchange ; and, we will add, without sacrificing a
single principle which lie has ever professed in public. But
lie must count upon the loss of Mr. O'Connell and his
followers, and of that party in this -country which supplies
the middle term between the Irish Repealers and the
English Whigs."
Most generous, no doubt. When the Tories re-
nounce all expectations of office,, things are really
come to a strange pass. The plain English of this is,
that the Tories find they cannot move a single step.
They sprung a mine, as they thought, on the Whigs,
but they have only blown themselves up. The disso-
lution left them in a minority ; and though they have
threatened another dissolution, they dare not venture
on a course which would rouse the whole country
against them. In their difficulty, they merely request
that the Whigs should abandon their pledges, should
prove traitors to the people, and to the more decided
Reformers. The Whigs, of course, would for ever
be detested by the people—would fall never to
rise again. The duration of Lord Melbourne's
Ministry, when its tenure would be the good
pleasure of the Tories, might be, perhaps, a couple
of months. The self-denial of the Tories in re-
nouncing office for a couple of months, in or-
der to get iid of their formidable rivals for a long pe-
riod, and thereby ensure to themselves the plunder of
the people for years to come, is sufficiently intelligible.
The Standard asks if Lord Melbourne flatters himself
with the expectation that he can destroy the Conserva-
tive party ? His Lordship must be blind not to per-
ceive that the Conservatives are a strong party in this
country, and that they cannot be destroyed: They
possess a considerable share of the property of the
country, held in large masses, though their strength
lies rather in the second-rate Aristocracy than in the
first. If, for instance, the income of the House of
Peers be taken at three millions, about one-half of
that amount is possessed by a dozen of Whig no-
blemen. Sum up the incomes of the Dukes of
Devonshire, Bedford, Cleveland, Norfolk, Suther-
land, the Marquis of Westminster, Earl Fitzwil-
liam, the Earl of Derby, and some four more,—
and it will be found that they possess, alone,
nearly the, .Half of the income- of the whole Peer-

age. But the Conservatives include a large prepor,
imn of the more needy Aristocracy—men who pre-
serve theiifooting by the aid of the Church, the Co-
lonies, the Army and Navy, Foreign Embassies, and
other places at home and abroad. They are powerful
in the country, but the mass of holders of property is
more powerful ; and since the passing of the Reform
Bill, it is impossible to govern this country without
their support. The middle classes are the depositaries
of influence under the Reform Bill. The power of
bribery and the power of intimidation were exerted to
the utmost at the last election, and they failed. To
understand the real meaning of this overture of the
Tories to the Whigs, it is only necessary to reflect a
moment on the position of the Whigs. The Whigs,
though often individually rich, can only be returned
to Parliament by Reformers. - It is, therefore, self-
evident that the very existence of the Whigs is
identified with Reform. The Tories occupy the
Anti-reforming ground. All the prejudiced, the
ignorant, and the bigoted part of the population are
their natural constituents. In that quarter the Whigs
can have no chance. The Reform constituency
-are

more or les. s decided—the more decided are termed Ra-
dicals—the less decided Whigs ; but it is quite clear
that Reform principles, more or less decided, must be
professed by all Whigs as well as by all Radicals. The
Whigs, therefore, dare not and cannot abandon the
people. Were they to attempt such a thing, they
would commit felo de se. And now a word to the To-
ries. They find that all their dishonesty—all their af-
fected regard for Reform—has failed. There is an
Italian distich—

Chi troppo in aer sal eadb repente
Preeipite volissime volmente,
and this the Tories have exemplified. They "wished to
arrest reform, and they have given fresh impetus to it.
It is too late for them now to call out for aid to the
Whigs. As they have made their beds, so they must
lie. We cannot better close these observations than
by , quoting a piece of excellent -advice, addressed
to all classes of Reformers, in the postscript to
an article on the State of Parties in the first num
ber of the London Review, published yesterday—
a work of great promise, in which it is impossible
not to recognize some of the most able and learned
writers of the day.—" Men," says the Reviewer, "who
would govern this country from henceforward must not
be men who thought our institutions perfect five years
ago, and who declare that their opinions have not
changed. They must either have sincere belief, or the
decent pretence of a belief, that those institutions were.
and are imperfect—that there are changes, which are
not merely necessary evils, which the people unthink-
ingly demand, but a good in themselves. This is a
lesson not without its value to those who still needed
it. In all other respects the prospects of the nation
appear to us, after this change, exactly' as they ap-
peared three months ago. . The progress of reform
appears to us certain, and we know full well that it
will he slow. Any Ministry which can be formed out
of the scanty and insufficient materials afforded by the
`present Houses of Parliament will leave much to be
desired—much to be criticised—much to be pardoned
# * * * * This the thorough
Reformers are prepared for, and we believe they
will disregard it. But we do implore them not to im-
plicate themselves in the responsibility of a half-reform
policy. They may support a Ministry when it de-
serves support with far greater effect out of office ;
and.they will retain the inestimable advantage of being
t liberti: to n, members of a Cabinet,
they would not have it in their po-wa 1.3 ca
effect. Let them not allow themselves to be circum-
vented by the time-serving doctrine, that it is imprudent
to propose anything that has no chance of immediate
success. All great things which have ever been accom-
plished in the world, since opinion became the ruler of
it, have been accomplished by attempting things which,
for years or generations or ages after the first attempt,
had riot the remotest chance of success. If the ambition
of the thorough Reformers be not limited to this paltry
object, they will frustrate themselves with the conviction
that it is for others to consider what can be carried through
the House of Commons ; but that they are there to stand
up for what is good in itself, let who will be Minister,
and however small a portion of the House may go along
with them. From the Ministry we neither expect nor de-
mand all this ; nor has the time yet come when so manly
a course would be consistent with their remaining a
Ministry. But there is one thing which it is not too
much to require of them. We cannot expect that they will
propose measures which are in advance of the House of
Commons ; but unless they would be utterly contemp-
tible, let them not this time confine themselves to such
as they trust will be agreeable to the House of Lords.
That this was the principle, the systematic principle of
Earl Grey's Ministry, we have the public testimony of
Lord John RuSsell, in a speech to his constituents in
Devonshire ; and Lord Melbourne's answer to the
Derby Address was in the same spirit. If the new
Ministers act upon a similar principle ; if, as often as
they believe that the House of Lords would throw out
a measure of improvement, they mutilate it, or refuse
absolutely to introduce it, and perhaps even assail it
when introduced by others ; if they again place them-
selves as a barrier between the Lords and public
odium, and, to shield the real culprits, take upon
themselves the responsibility of withholding from the
nation its just demands—their Administration will as-
suredly not last one twelvemonth. Recent events are
proof more than sufficient, if proof. had been wanting,
that it is impossible to please the Tories and the people
both. The people will not have the Tories, even on
a promise to act like Whigs ; and ridiculous, indeed,
would the expectation be, that they would tolerate
Whigs who should again make it. their avowed prin-
ciple to act like Tories."—Morning Chronicle.
We yesterday adverted to the difficulties with which
Lord Melbourne had to contend in the formation_ of
his incipient Ministry. The JO extent and nature of
those dVculties may possibly never be made known to
the public. But we speak advisedly when we say that
they were of so formidable a nature that none but a
man of Lord Melbourne's energy and decision of mind
could have surmounted. The Noble Viscount, how-
ever, has proved himself to be alive not only to
what, under the circumstances, was due to himself per-
sonally, but to what the great crisis at which the coun-
try has arrived demanded from him. If it was conve-
nient for illustrious personages, who shall be nameless,
and Court intriguers, to forget the unceremonious, nay,
disgraceful manner, in which he, without any reason
assigned, or a moment's warning given, was dismissed the
service of his Sovereign aria the country, in November
last, the Noble Lord's own memory was, happily, more
retentive—and it was scarcely to be expected that lie
had any notion of tamely submitting to a repetition
of such insulting treatment. It would, doubtless,
have very well suited the parties of both genders
who poison the Royal ear, to have taken back
Lord Melbourne into the service of the King, until
such time as they had concerted their measures for his
second and final expulsion from the regal Councils,
but, unfortunately for them, that arrangement was not
equally suitable for the Noble Lord himself. Hence,
before taking one single step towards the formation of
an Administration, he had to exact pledges more im-
mediately affecting his own personal character, from a
party who not being much in the habit of making such
pledges, obstinately resisted, until resistance would no
longer avail him, agreeing to them. Then, that
point being gained, there were other pledges to
be exacted regarding measures. Lord Melbourne
was not blind to the fact, that one great cause
of the inveterate hatred which the Court party
bore towards his Government, and which led to the
intrigues to which it fell a victim, was the liberality of
his intended measures ; and as he had determined to
take office only on the condition of seeing a moral cer-
tainty of being able to carry them,—aye, and yet more
extensive measures of reform—through both Houses
of Parliament, he insisted on it as an indispensable pre-
liminary, before filling up a single vacant situation,
that he should have an explicit assurance from an it
lustrious Personage,
_ that those measure's' shad be as-
sented to, when by the constitution of the
.country that
assent should become necessary to their passing into a
law. But certain measures can only be carried by
certain men.. Measures of extensive reform were not
to be carried by colleagues in office who were only
milk-and-water Reformers. Hence Lord Melbourne
expressly stipulated as an indispensable condition to
his resumption of the cares and toils of office, that he
should.have for _his colleagues men of .6rrespondiDg

r 7 into