The Sun.
London, England, 1866-10-04 00:00:00

teau some 40 acres in extent, and comprised Light
and Heavy Dragoons, Royal Engineers, Royal
Horse Artillery, Royal Artillery, and infantry. The
contingent from Dover embraced three companies of
Engineers, under Capt. Harvey ; the 13th Brigade
Royal Artillery, under the command of Lieut.-Col.
Childs ; the 44th Regt., under the command of Col.
MacMahon, C. 8., and the 70th Regt., under Lieut.
Col. Mulock. The troops from Shorncliffe comprised
the 18th Royal Irish, the 3d Buffs, the 87th Regt.,
besides cavalry and artillery ; and the depots from
Walmer represented the sth, 7th, 23d, 101st, and
104th. Altogether some 6,000 or 7,000 meii were
under arms. Upon the Commander-in-Chief, with
his staff, riding on the ground, the whole of the
troops which were drawn up in open column saluted,
the bands playing " God Save the Queen." His
Royal Highness then rode up and down the lines,
after which there was a "march past" in slow and
quick time, which formed the preliminary to the
more interesting evolutions of the day. As soon as
the last companies had filed by the review com-
menced in good earnest. The plan of the operations
was an advance upon an imaginary enemy having
possession of the approach to Dover, which is com-
manded on either side by high ranges of hills. For
the purpose of the attack the troops were divided
into brigades, the regiments of the Dover garri-
son with the Royal Artillery forming the left,
and the Shorncliffe with the Walmer contingent the
right brigade. Field batteries of artillery and troops
of cavalry were thrown out on either side. The in-
fantry advanced in line, throwing out skirmishers,
and being followed up by reliefs for about three
quarters of a mile, along which a ceasless rattle of
musketry, varied by the more deafening reports of
the field pieces, was kept up. The imaginary enemy
having been hemmed in in the gorge of the valley,
the right and left wings of the respective brigades
converged, descending the hills with loud cheers, and
the enemy's flank being supposed to have been
turned by this movement, a dashing charge of
cavalry brought the evolutions to a conclusion. The
troops then bivouacked ; his Royal Highness the
Commander-in-Chief and the officers of the staff
followed their example, and the proceedings termi-
nated. The whole of the manoeuvres were watched
with great interest by the spectators, and in justice
to the troops engaged it should be stated that the
Commander-in-Chief expressed his great satisfac-
tion with the way in which the movements were per-
formed.

General Seymour and the Windsor Great

Park Volunteers.

Yesterday the members of the Windsor Great
Park Volunteers concluded their shooting at the
butts, near the extremity of Queen Anne's Ride, for
prizes given by her Majesty, and by Major-General
Seymour and other officers.
At 5 o'clock in the evening a banquet was given
to the corps, at the expense of the funds, in the
Prince Consort's workshops, which are situated in
the midst of the park. The saw-mill was gaily de-
corated with flowers and flags, the table being graced
with venison, from a fine buck ordered to be killed
for the occasion by her Majesty.
Major-General Seymour presided, the company
including Major Erskine, Lieut. Menzies, Sergeant
Morris, Mr. Perkins, &c.
After the removal of the cloth, General SEYMOUR
proposed " The health of herMajesty,"ancl in doing
so, observed that it was by her Majesty's gracious
permission they were together as a body of volunteers
in the park. Her Majesty had permitted him to
form the corps, and their conduct had enabled him
to tell the Queen the good effects that had arisen
from that formation. They knew that it was from
her Majesty's privy purse that the funds for their
uniforms (with the exception of the officers') were
provided, therefore they ought to drink her Ma-
jesty's health with every honour. He gave the toast,
" Her Majesty—may she be happy, and enjoy all
the happiness her children's children can give her—
the Queen, God bless her."
The CHAIRMAN said it would ill become them,
sitting as they all were in a place named after the
Prince Consort, not to pay all respect to his revered
name. Ile would ask theni all to drink in solemn
silence to his memory. They well understood that it
was the wish of her Majesty that all the works that
had been executed in the park during the Prince
la L—..ftor gsw7
they who knew him so well should never forget his
name. Their children, too, if not reminded, might
forget what a good man he had been, and how those
in the park had been benefited by his goodness. It
was his royal highness's care that he should do good
to his fellow creatures, and if it had not been for the
prince they never could have carried out such excel-
lent works to perfection. They should never forget
that each one of them was acting for the Queen, who
would be satisfied by their doing their work as if he
was looking at them. That sentiment, he believed,
animated every man in the park, and he honed it
might long remain so. He therefore asked them to
drink in silence to the revered memory of the Prince
Consort.

In proposing the toast of " The Prince and Prin-
cess of Wales and the rest of the Royal Family,"
the CHAIRMAN remarked that, a short time since, the
Queen had had the unhappiness of seeing her sons
and daughters arrayed in war against each other.
That state of things had happily passed away.
Princess Christian would soon come to live among
them at Frogmore, and, as Prince Christian was a
good shot, he trusted they would give him good
sport.
After some other toasts, the general distributed
the prizes which had been shot for at 300, 500, and
800 yards, the winners being as follow

b 3•
shSemr
iIL jessetny.:
afinrdstxplrilzse,s.a chain•
Private Lloyd,
Private
presentedC h
ba Charles
Points.
second, £2 lOs 30
Private J. Benstead, third, £1
Sergeant Gravatt, fourth, 10s. • "
• 29

There were also some consolation prizes. After
tahneurnolobmer. of toasts General Seymour retired from

The Loss of the Bhima.

The Bombay and Bengal Steamship Company's
steamer Bhima, when on her way from Bombay to
Suez, came in collision with the steamer Nada, pro-
ceeding from Suez to Bombay, at 11 o'clock on the
night of the 11th September, at a distance of about
180 miles from Suez, which port, it was expected,
would be reached on the following day. The night
was fine and starlight, but a fresh breeze blowing.
Out of the 101 persons on board, only 22 have been
saved—of these eight are Europeans. The Europeans
are Shipmasters Mann and Cheverton, and Mr. Na-
zaxethe, who were passengers. The others are the
third officer of the Bhima,
Mr. C. J. Cuthbert, the
steward and three of the quartermasters, two of
whom are Portuguese, and the third an Englishman
named Sandy. Both vessels were pursuing their
ordinary course at full speed, their signal lights
were distinctly made out an hour before they came
near to each other. The captains of both the
steamers were on the look out on their respective
bridges, yet from some unaccountable cause the two
steamers came into collision with such fatal conse-
quences. It is thought the Nada kept a port helm
and the Bhima must have suddenly turned her side
towards the Nada's bow. The shock was terrific.
All the passengers, who had retired to rest an hour
their feet,
ezerrueshiendstfaonrwtlyardartoo see what had happened.used, and, springing to
How great.their dismay to find the vessel already
sinking—the damage she bad sustained from the
Nada's bow crushing the starboard, and penetrating
nearly to the mainmast, was of such a nature to
cause her to founder immediately. There was no
time either to take down any of the boats from the
stocks, or even to cut off the lifebuoys which were
lashed to the sides of the steamer. The scene was
one of the most appalling character ; for a few
seconds there was a frantic rushing from one part
of the vessel to another, but it was too evident that
there was no hope of escape. Shrieks and pitiful
cries for help now filled the air.

As the Bhima was sinking a terrible explosion
took place, which is supposed to have been occa-
sioned by the water running into the fires and com-
ing in contact with the boilers. The captain of the
Bhima and those who were with him on the bridge,
excepting Mr. Cuthbert, must have been either killed
in the explosion or so severely injured as to be un-

able to save themselves. The stern of the vessel
was the first to go under water. The forecastle,
therefore, remained longest in sight.
When Capt. Hanscome, in command of the Nada,
saw the terrible nature of the collision, he at once
sent out three boats in order to save as many lives
as possible, and succeeded in saving 22 persons. The
Nada's boats continued the search for five hours, but
of 79 nothing could be discovered.
The following are the names of the 16 Europeans
who perished under these heartrending circum-
stances :—Mrs. Miller and child, Capt. Brown (late
of the Zenobia), Mr. W. A. Keene, Mr. Theodore
Falke, Capt. Sprowle (in command of the Bhima),
Mr. G. Jones (chief officer), Mr. Gallow (third
engineer), Mr. Macknight (fourth engineer), the
gunner, the sailmaker, and two European quarter-
masters whose names are not known. .

The New Law School at King's College,

London.

It has often been remarked that in England there
is very little facility for the study of the law. If a
young man desires to embrace either branch of the
law as a profession, there are courses of lectures for
him to attend. The Inns of Court provide readers
to instruct those studying for the bar, while the In-
corporated Law Society appoint lectures for the
articled clerks of solicitors. The instruction thus
given is admirable as far as it goes, but to profit by it
the student must have learnt the A B C of law ; and
for this he has to rely entirely upon himself. Now
law, like many a language, is not easily mastered as
to its earlier details. Put a young man fresh from
college down to go through " Blackstone" unaided,
and ten to one but he will be unable to understand a
great deal that he reads. Here, then, we have one
manifest defect. Legal students can get no prepara-
tory training to fit them to understand and appreciate
the remarks of the readers or lecturers. Again, the
University of London has recently put forth an
amended scheme of examinations for degrees in law,
-whereby a man proceeds to the degree of Doctor of
Law, though that of LL.B., independent of any degree
in arts. To do this he has to get through several severe
examinations; but how is he to obtain the instruction
requisite to enable him to pass the ordeal ? Interna-
tional law, too, is a subject of almost daily increasing
interest and importance. Not only have the candi-
dates for the diplomatic and Ceylon services to pre-
pare themselves therein, but members of Parliament,
politicians, and merchants, ought to understand it.
Yet at present there are no regular lectures on in-
ternational law delivered in London. Then, too,
there is a great deal of law interwoven with every-
day life, of which most persons (without going in
for the Utopian idea of every man his own lawyer)
ought to have some idea. A little insight into the
law of evidence would prevent many a man from
compromising himself or prejudicing his interests.
A knowledge of the common rules as to contracts
would save commercial men entering, as they often
do at present, into engagements the full extent of
which they only learn by the expensive teaching of
a lawsuit. Every one ought to know the laws re-
lating to landlord and tenant, mister and servant,
and the like. But how are private individuals to
attain this knowledge unless they go to shilling
handbooks, which are probably inaccurate, and
which, when perused, leave the reader little wiser
than before? The Scotch universities provide law
classes open to the whole world. Even the Univer-
sity of Athens has several hundred law students.
Yet we have hitherto had nothing of the kind in
London, or, indeed, in the whole of England. True,
we have heard a good deal about a legal university;
but as yet it has been all words and no deeds. The
credit of being first, in the field to supply these de-
fects belongs to King's College. The authorities
determined upon the establishment of a complete
legal school in connection with the college, under
the management of Professor John Cutler, to
to whom they entrusted the task of arranging all
the details necessary for carrying out the scheme.
A prospectus has accordingly been issued, which
states that four course of law lectures will be com-
menced on Monday, Oct. 8, and will be continued
during the academical year. The first course is in
preparation for the law degrees of the University of
London; the second in preparation for the instruc-
tion at the Inns of Court and the Incorporated Law
Society; the third consists of lectures on interna-
tional law; the Warta is a akalua iootures
on law in connection with the evening classes. Of
course other subjects, such as ecclesiastical law, will
be added as the scheme grows. The outlines of the
scheme have been submitted to and received the ap-
proval of the Lord Chancellor, the Attorney-Gene-
ral, and other eminent lawyers. The details also ap-
pear to have been carefully worked out. The times
of the lecturesare convenient and will suit everybody.
The fees are very reasonable. Examinations will
take place, and certificates of proficiency be given at
the close of each term. The professor will, of course,
be assisted by a staff of labourers, who, however,
are wisely put under his control, he being responsi-
ble for the proper management of the legal section
to the council. There can be little doubt of the suc-
cess of the movement, as it remedies an evil of long
standing, and every precaution seems to have been
taken to render it complete in all its branches.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

-4-

TIMES.—The speech of Lord Stanley at the Liver-
pool banquet was calculated, and perhaps designed,
to satisfy us that our relation with the United States
are safe in his hands. Those who may have been
inclined to distrust the friendly disposition of a Con-
servative Foreign Secretary towards the American
people must have been reassured by the cordial and
respectful tone in which he spoke of them, and the
earnestness with which he deprecated the " hasty,
partial, and passionate criticism " of their institu-
tions which Americans attribute to English Conser-
vatives. Lord Stanley is entitled to full credit for
sincerity in the expression of these sentiments, for,
whatever may be said of his party, no man weighs
his words more carefully or betrays less of aris-
tocratic or national prejudice in his comments on
foreign affairs. It is with some confidence, there-
fore, that we invite his attention, as well as that of
the public, to a difference of long standing between
England and the United States, which, intractable as
it seems, may, we are persuaded, be set at rest if the
necessary temper and judgment be brought to bear
upon it. A year has now almost elapsed since the
correspondence between Lord Russell and Mr. Adams
respecting the so-called old " Alabama claims" was
laid before the public. It was continued by Lord
Clarendon, but soon closed by mutual consent, and
the two Governments have tacitly agreed to differ
about a point which does not admit of being settled
by any established principles of international law.
Great Britain having declined to refer to arbitration
her alleged liability for captures made by the Ala-
bama and other Confederate cruisers, and the United
States having rejected the counter proposal of a
joint Commission for the adjustment of other out-
standing claims on both sides, the matter remains
in abeyance. The American Government has not
withdrawn its demand, the British Government has
not receded from its position, yet the friendly inter-
course between them has not been interrupted.
When the Fenians menaced the Canadian frontier,
the neutrality laws were enforced against them with
a vigour which does President Johnson the highest
honour, and if the prosecutions then instituted
against some of the leaders have since been aban-
doned, we have been quite content to assume that
good reasons could be given for his forbearance. On
the other hand, it is vain to indulge the belief that
our supposed infractions of neutrality during the
war have been condoned by the American public.
They may or may not support the President in put-
ting down an open defiance of their Foreign Englist-
went Act, but they still cherish a sense of injury
which found expression in the bill for modifying the
provisions of this act, and would make it very diffi-
cult to check lawless reprisals on our commerce if
Great Britain were unhappily involved in a war.
While this state of feeling exists among the Ameri-
can people diplomatic entente cordiale may be im-
perilled at any moment. The exigencies of party
warfare have always influenced the foreign policy
of the United States. They are just now peculiarly
urgent ; the " Irish vote" will probably turn the
autumn elections, and the same motives which have
apparently led Mr. Seward to wink at the transport
of warlike stores to Mexico may possibly tempt and
almost force him on some future occasion to revive
the dormant Alabama claims. In the meantime, it is
admitted on all hands that the obligations of neutral
Powers in respect of breaches of neutrality which
they may have failed to prevent have never been
clearly ascertained, while no one ventures to maintain
that either our own or the American Foreign Enlist-
ment Act is in all respects satisfactory. Is it, then,
inconsistent with our national dignity, or rather is
it not at once the most dignified and the nwot

politic course, to reconsider dispassionately the
question arising out of the Alabama case, and
the best means of providing against their recur-
rence ? Would such a course be the less honour-
able or statesmanlike because it might tend to
conciliate public opinion in America, and to remove
incidentally any grudge which may still be enter-
tained against this country ? We venture to submit
that it would not, and to suggest, moreover, that no
better time could be seleeted for this attempt than
the present, when the grievances of which Mr.
Adams complained are neither obsolete nor too
recent, when no other source of misunderstanding
exists to disturb the fair discussion of them, and
when the foreign affairs of this country have lately
passed into the hands of a new minister. The con-
troversy conducted by Lord Russell and Mr. Adams
on behalf of their respective Governments really
turned on a very few and very simple issues. The
latter contended that a neutral State is not only
bound to prohibit the participation of its own sub-
jects in acts of hostility against either of the
belligerents, but responsible for any damage
which may result from its neglect or inability to do
so. He took his stand on the fact that certain ves-
sels of war in the Confederate service had been con-
structed in British dockyards, equipped from, if not
iii, the same ports, manned chiefly by British sailors,
and commissioned at sea without having acquired
any new character by entering a Confederate port.
Hence he argued either that our laws were inade-
quate to restrain abuses of our neutrality, or that
they were not properly enforced ; and,. in either
case, he insisted that Great Britain was liable for
the consequences. Lord Russell virtually, if not
expressly, denied that a neutral State has any duty
towards a belligerent except the strict and honest
execution of its own municipal laws. He main-
tained, however, that our Foreign Enlistment Act is
sufficient for its purpose, and had been enforced with
due diligence as well as in perfect good faith by our
Government, attributing the unfortunate escape
of the Alabama to the want of evidence to justify,
her detention. To Mr. Adams' tender of arbitra-
tion Lord Russell replied that an arbitrator's de-
cision must be founded on a consideration of two
questions, neither of which Great Britain could sub-
mit to any independent tribunal—the question whe-
ther the Law Officers of the Crown had correctly
interpreted a British statute, and the question
whether the British Government bad bona fide
availed themselves of the powers therein intrusted
to them. On these grounds he objected to any
judicial investigation of the Alabama claims, either
by an arbitrator or even by a joint commission,
though he expressed his readiness to concur in the
appointment of such commission to deal with com-
pensation cases of a different class. The United.
States were naturally unwilling to accept an ar-
ratgementwhich would have left open the very point
in dispute, and so the controversy ended. Now,
without going further into the argument than this,
or criticising any one of the historical precedents so
copiously adduced in support of either conclusion,
we see no insuperable obstacle to a solution which
has something in common with Mr. Adams' pro-
posal, and a something with that of Lord Russell.
Let a joint commission be appointed, not to adju-
dicate upon the claims preferred against Great Bri-
tain by American shipowners, or to review the trans-
actions connected with the equipment of the Ala-
bama and her consorts, but to deliberate on the
rights and duties of neutrals in time of war, as
hitherto determined by international law or usage,
and to devise, if possible, a set of rules which all
maritime nations should be invited to adopt, and to
carry out by legislative measures. A commission of
this kind should not be exclusively composed of
British and American subjects, but should include
eminent Continental jurists, and should be invested
with the amplest possible liberty of recommenda-
tion. If upon a perusal of their report her Ma-
jesty's Government shall be of opinion that, under
the cil•cumstances, some reparation is due, either in
international law or in international equity, to the
United States in respect of the ravages of the Ala-
bama, it will not be too late to make it, and no
false pride should prevent our doing so with a good
grace. If it be said that Lord Stanley cannot allow
these claims to be re-opened, even indirectly, with-
out reflecting injuriously on the conduct of his pre-
decessor, the answer is obvious. Mr. Adams' repre-
sentation to Lord Russell was in the nature of a legal
demand, and it was properly met by a legal demurrer.
It was practically granted that our law had been
violated in the equipment of the Alabama, and that
the commercial marine of the United States had
suffered grievous injury thereby; but the doubt was
whether, in the absence of culpable neglect on the
part of our Government, there was any remedy
against us. This Lord Russell denied, and we have
yet to learn that he was wrong in his exposition of
the law, while he was certainly right if the prece-
dent of the Portuguese claims on the United States
is to be followed. On the other hand, as every one
knows, the Alabama would never have got to sea
but for the most inopportune illness of the Queen's
Advocate ; and this AL t.
o.ear the overnment from the charge of neglect,
does in some degree affect the moral aspect of the
case. The loss sustained by American commerce in
consequence may be dainnum sine injarid, and there-
fore no ground of a legal action ; and vet it may be
a wise act of courtesy to waive the benefit of this
plea. The time has come when such a concession
is no longer open to misconstruction, and, would be
accepted by the United States as a spontaneous act
of goodwill.. At all events, there can be nothing
derogatory to the honour of England in offering to
submit her Neutrality Laws, together with those of
the United States, to revision by a mixed commis-
sion. No country has more to lose by a lax inter-
pretation of these laws, and justice compels us to
acknowledge that, had the United States' Govern-
ment connived at their evasion, the Fenian expedi-
tion might have inflicted much greater mischief on
Canada. . This will not be forgotten by Parliament,
if it should be hereafter called upon to sanction
overtures which may lead to an amicable compro-
mise of the Alabama claims.
POST.—Mr. Newdegate is a reformer. He thinks
that it is time to pass a Reform Bill. He is of
opinion that the adoption of a measure extending
the representation would tend to increase the pres-
tige of the country, to revive the old national spirit,
and to strengthen the position of England. Never-
theless, Mr. Newdegate is a Tory. He stands upon
the ancient lines of the Constitution, in the faith
which Pitt professed and illustrated. He would not
yield a jot of English right ; he would not touch
one stone of the foundation on which English in-
stitutions have been constructed and consecrated.
There is not in the House of Commons, and probably
not in the community which it represents, a more
consistent and inflexible champion of pure and un-
defiled Toryism. The principles which he inter-
preted at Coventry on Monday are Tory principles,
but they consist with progress and improvement on
a broad basis ; and, however Mr. Bright may at-
tempt to evade the fact, it is plain that these prin-
ciples will have to be considered in dealing with the
question of Reform. What is more, too, the oppor-
tunity could hardly be missed, even if it had not
been distinctly pointed oat and kept in sight by agi-
tation organised and promoted for a factious pur-
pose. But while we agree with Mr. Newdegate that
" it would be better there should be a measure of
Reform," we trust that such a measure will be care-
fully matured. Looking at what has come to pass,
we cannot say that it is a matter of urgency,
although it is manifest that the urgency is facti-
tious. Still, no one can dissemble the danger inci-
dent to another failure, and it is a contingency
which must be regarded. The Conservatives, as a
party, doubtless wish to see a Reform Bill brought
in and passed by the Government of Lord Derby,
and we quite understand the feeling. But if, as is
affirmed, administrationscannot subsist upon admi-
nistrative ability alone, they certainly cannot be
maintained to serve what are inaccurately called the
interests of a party. We trust, therefore, that if
her Majesty's Ministers determined to accept an
engagement which they are not bound to recognise,
there will be neither haste nor hesitation on their
part. As we have said, the opportunity is obvious,
and the chances of success are alluring. The
country is sensible that it has been trifled with, and
sensible, also, that thopresent state of the represen-
tation is in many respects unsatisfactory and
anomalous. That which Mr. Newdegate describes
as a" want of national energy" in the House of
Commons may be susceptible of an intelligible
explanation ; but, whether an enlargement of the
constituencies would, as he supposes, restore the
" old English spirit" depends, of course, on
the character of the extension of the franchise. It is
all very well to declare, as Lord Leigh did at Coven-
try, that we do not care how far the franchise is ex-
tended, and it may be perfectly true in the sense
that universal suffrage would simply deinonstrate the
Conservative opinion of the country. But, as a mat-
ter of fact, any such extension of the franchise would
amount to a revolution ; and, as Canning remarked
when discussing the same subject, a proposition in-
volving radical change, be it right or wrong, raises
a new issue. There may be, as he puts it, much to
admire and approve in the institutions of other coun-
tries ; but the question is whether, on the whole, we
are prepared to abandon the ground on which our
edifice has been built up. So, in truth, we do care,
or we ought to care, not only how far the franchise
is to be extended, but how the extension is to be
made. There are people, not connected with the
Reform League, who would, as between household
suffrage and manhood suffrage, choose the latter.
But we are not forced to such an alternative. A
measure which was calculated to purify the borough
representation would meet the public requirement,
and go to the root of the evil which Mr. Newdegate
mentioned, and which he says has been remarked by
Mr. Gladstone. The circumstance that a certain