The Sun.
London, England, 1832-06-20 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We regret to have to announce that his Ma-
jesty was attacked yesterday at Ascot Races, by
an expelled Greenwich pensioner, who threw two
large stones at his Majesty, one of which struck
him on the forehead. In another column our
readers will find an account of the particulars of
this outrage, which amounts, we believe, to the
crime of High Treason. The man had been ex-
pelled the Hospital for misconduct, and gives out
that he had petitioned successively the Admiralty
and King to be restored, without effect, and that
he was determined to have his revenge. Happily
his Majesty, though he fell back on receiving the
blow, received no serious injury from it, owing,
we understand, to the protection derived from
his hat. Attempts will, no doubt, be made
to connect this outrage with the events of
the day. As well might the murder committed
by Cook, of Leicester, be attributed to that cause.
The man himself does not seek to varnish over his
crime by any pretended public motive. Despe-
rate and reckless, he selected his Majesty for
attack, as Bellingham did Mr. Perceval because
he had not obtained the relief he anticipated.—
We are satisfied that his Majesty may at this
moment proceed from one end of his kingdom
to the other, in full reliance en the loyal pro-
tection which he would everywhere receive from
all classes of his subjects. There is not a man in
the kingdom who will not feel indignant at read-
ing the account of this crime, and who would not
risk his life to prevent a repetition of it. The
people of England spurn the idea, not merely of
violence, but of want of respect to the King,
towards whom individually they entertain the
most grateful feelings, and whose sacred office
they hold in the highest reverence. But it would
be offering an insult to the nation, to suppose
for a moment any efforts of ours necessary to
repel the accusation against any part of the po-
pulation sympathising with this atrocious
act, should any such be made. It is the
glory of this nation, that one of the
greatest changes ever made in the constitution
of a country has been made without bloodshed,
and with few excesses. If, during the mo-
mentous and long-continued struggle, which has
terminated in the triumph of Reform, we have
to reproach ourselves with few excesses, hardly
irregularities, surely we shall not now dis-
grace our victory by cowardly insults to the van-
quished. We would therefore impress on all
who possess influence, to use it in checking—
not acts of personal violence towards the King,
for the lowest rabble would shrink from them—
but such brutal insults as that offered to the
Duke of Wellington in the city on Monday.
We must say that it reflects little credit on the
police of the city, that a set of low black-
guards
should be allowed to continue their in-
sults from the very heart of the city to Lin-
coln's-inn with impunity. It is a disgrace to
the city, that, with the evidence before their eyes
of the successful working of the police of the
rest of the metropolis, they should have clone so
little to improve theirs. Really Parliament
ought to take this matter up, if the City legis-
lators should longer neglect their duty.—Morn-
ing Chronicle.

We are glad to hear that the insidious and in-
terested attempts to smother inquiry into the
affairs of the Bank, and smuggle a prema-
ture decision in the Committee have failed, and
that the Government is determined to sift
this important matter to the bottom, not-
withstanding that it may be convenient for
Sir Robert Peel and Mr. Herries to draw a veil
over the effects of their bad legislation and too
long course of misgovernment. It would indeed
have been a monstrous insult on the nation, and
most detrimental to the interests of the great
mercantile classes of the kingdom, if this mo-
mentous subject, involving the currency and mo-
netary system of the whole realm, had been
sacrificed to the sinister views of a small corpo-
ration, and to screen the acts of former Cabi-
nets and unreformed Parliaments. We under-
stand that every disposition now exists to receive
unprejudiced and pertinent evidence, and that
the country bankers will be allowed to state their
views, and to clear themselves from the absurd and
scandalous aspersions cast upon them by those
who, with the cry of " Stop thief" on their smooth
and oily tongues, had been the real legislative
depredators of the public. A very numerous
assembly of country bankers, representing the
banking interest of the agricultural and com-
mercial classes, constitutes a London De-
putation, and sits daily in the metropolis—up-
wards of one hundred members of different firms
of country banks—to watch the proceedings of
the Committee and the Directors of the Bank
of England. The public mind is, therefore,
fully excited by the importance of this monetary
inquiry, and we entertain no doubt that the
country will be satisfied with the result. We
could not, for a moment, believe that the money-
mongers and ci-devant official men could pre-
vail on Lord Althorp to lend himself to a plot
for continuing, or even extending, according to
,3ome reports, a monopoly such as that of the
Bank of England, or could delude his excel-
lent common sense and honesty by curtailing the
investigation of a complex and difficult subject
which so vitally concerns the pecuniary situa-
tion—present and future—of every merchant
and trader, and the vast mass of labour in Great
Britain and Ireland. The question must be
thoroughly probed ; and no cunning devices of
the old tribe of politicians and ex-placemen Fnust
be allowed to prevail. We are glad to see our
contemporaries also alive to the vital importance
of the subject.—Morning Chronicle.

That eminent charlatan and political moun-
tebank, Mr. Sadler, is enough to damn
any cause which he meddles with, however
good. The warmest advocates of the
poor laws in principle cannot support the
motion of a man who, in every word he
utters, displays the most absurd pedantry and
absolute ignorance. Even his good conclusions
are drawn from bad premises, and from good
premises he extracts wrong-headed conclusions.
With him, these " humanity motions " are
mawkish sensibilities, and pegs on which he
contrives to hang high-sounding words of cha-
rity—mere baits to the multitude, and election-
eering clap-traps. He is the locomotive philan-
thropist of the Tories—the machine which
drags them through all their bad and miry roads
of puling legislation. His sentimental pedantry
is as disgusting as his school-boy affectation of
learning ; a fanatical imagination, and retail deal-
ing in his own paste and scissors books, consti-
tute his entire stock in trade in politics. In a
reformed Parliament, his common wares will be
disposed of at prime cost, and we predict, that
in the second Parliament, at least, he will retire
from the business of a Legislator. It is exces-
sively ludicrous to see that this eminent political
pedant was adopted by the boroughmongers as a
" great card" to rank with those " fine young
men of education and family," whom the god-
father of sucki% legislators—Sir Robert Peel—

termed the great preserve of British Senators. '
The patience of a reformed Parliament will soon
be exausted by the methodistical orations and
long diatribes of this vain rhapsodist. The sub-
ject of the Poor Laws must be taken out of
such canting hands by men who can do it prac-
tical justice, or the political Matmorm will
bring it into disrepute. The charlatanism of
Mr. Sadler is a soil in which no good legislation
can grow. We believe few things contributed
more to the speedy settlement of the Catholic
Question than the long sermons and verbose
discourses of this north-country preacher. The
Hon. Member, too, as well observed by Mr.
Stanley, appeared more anxious to display his
continued adherence to the principles of humanity
and benevolence he had professed, than to further
the work of giving Poor Laws to Ireland. He had
shrunk from the difficulties of the undertaking ;
for notice of his intention to bring in a Bill had
been entered on the order-book ; °but the notice
had been altered within the last few days for a
resolution of the most vague description. We
have always advocated poor laws, as essential to
the establishment of order in a country. It is
for the interest of the rich themselves that the
poor should not be driven to desperation. The
arguments of Mr. O'Connell on the subject,
have always struck us as peculiarly untenable.
Mr. O'Connell said—
" He did not believe that there was a worse species of
practical infidelity than that of a system which dammed
up the sources of Christian charity into the narrowest
channels, and took away its power of flowing freely among
the habitations of the wretched. He denied that there
was any right of the poor to be supported by the rich—he
denied the right of any man to put his hand into the
pocket of any other man to obtain his own support. The
only right of this kind was where a man left the poor his
heirs, in which case they really had a right, hut there the
limit of the right stopped. In all other circumstances
men ought to be left to the natural sources of charity, and
if there were no poor laws, there would be no end of
those sources."

We may observe that all property is held
subject to such obligations as the peace and
good order of society demand, and that it is
taking a nisi-prius and not a legislatorial view
of the question to consider it with reference to
the rights of particular classes. 'We do not
give the poor man a right to put his hand into
his pocket of the rich ; but for the same reason
that we allow individuals to possess and trans-
mit property—namely, the good of society—
we declare that individuals shall not be allowed
to remain in a state of destitution, without the
means of obtaining relief. Ireland affords the
best answer to all who wish the poor to be
without a legal provision for their relief. There
is no lack of charity in that country, most as-
suredly, but the rich withdraw themselves from
it, and landlords trust to the competitions of
starving multitudes for high rents, instead of
availing themselves of the labour of the people
in judicious improvements to improve their in-
comes through increased production. The poor
laws would diminish the competition for land,
and compel landlords to look to increased in-
comes from the beneficial employment of la-
bour in improvements.—Morning Chronicle.
We have refrained from noticing the Fac-
tories' Regulation Bill, introduced into the
House of Commons by Mr. Sadler, not from
any doubt that we entertained as to its im-
portance, nor from any lukewarmness towards
the object the Honourable Member has in view
(which object Ministers, with all their boasted
solicitude for the welfare of the people, have en-
deavoured to thwart, by granting only a Com-
mittee above stairs, which they regarded as a
ready method of getting rid of an inconvenient
measure), but from an anxiety to obtain exten-
sive information as to its working in a commer-
cial point of view, for as a n-ritsure of humanity
there can be but one opinion. When Orders
are issued restricting the hours of labour for
the negroes in the West Indies to nine
hours a day, which from circumstances is an
impracticable regulation, and which has con-
sequently brought the Islands into a state
of angry collision with the Government little
short of open defiance, it is surely due to the
labouring children of the Mother Country that
their hours of work should be restricted. Upon
the score of humanity then we dismiss the Bill,
and merely look at its advantages as politicians,
not as philanthropists. Probably one of the most
embarrassing questions' for a statesman to con-
sider, with reference to the commercial relations
of this country, is the facility with which goods
are manufactured, and the ready means that not
only are always at hand, but which must be con-
stantly kept in operation, to glut the markets.
e are now the more especially adverting to the
cotton manufacture. The improvements in the
machinery incessantly going on, the extent of
the establishments engaged in it, the capital em-
ployed, the population labouring in it, and the
almost innumerable stimulants if not the positive
necessity on the part of masters to increase
stocks of goods, render any effort that can safely
be resorted to in order to check the evil of over-
production a most important and obvious be-
nefit. However, there can be no doubt that the
country—as regards its manufacturing relations
—is on the horns of a dilemma. Its powers of
production are so immense that they reduce the
profits of master manufacturers to a point not re-
munerative, and the wages of the operative to a
scale that raises him only just beyond the wretch-
edness of destitution, whilst the great policy of
the nation, so long as she is emulous of com-
peting with foreign States, is to encourage every
mechanical invention that is likely to give effect li
to that vast object. It is upon this point, as
indirectly relieving the country from the pressure
of the dilemma to which we have referred,—
that we hail, with great satisfaction, Mr.
Sadler's Bill, because, by regulating the
hours of labour within certain limits that
humanity points out, it at the same time ob-
structs in a degree that tremendous over-pro-
duction that is causing such severe distress to
the manufacturing interest. The opponents of
this measure are endeavouring to make it a party
question. The Whigs, indeed, are always
ready with their professions of feeling for the
"
people, but ever 'backward in rendering them
essential service. We trust, however, notwith-
standing all the sinister efforts of the pseudo-
philanthropists to thwart the object of Ay.
Sadler, he will succeed and carry his Bill.
One argument against it is that when foreign
orders come in that are to be executed by a cer-
tain day-masters could not get through them un-
der the contemplated restrictions. Our answer to
this is that foreigners are jealous of the commercial
eminence of England, and they never come to us
when they can avoid it. They undoubtedly
require the goods they order, and there-
fore they will wait the time of the English
manufacturer. The evil of over production can
scarcely be endured as regards the support of
operatives in the calmest season of commercial
affairs, and when there is no impediment in the
way of the sale of goods, or of the regular chan-
nels of trade. But when interruptions arise, as
has recently been the case, to the. progress of
trade, the pressure upon operatives is excessive.

The Indian market is glutted with English ma-
nufactured goods ; the West Indies are in a
state of confusion quite at variance with com-
mercial enterprise ; and the ports of Spain, Por-
tugal, Holland, and the Mediterranean are, even
up to this period, if not actually closed against
British vessels,receiving scarcely any British goods.
Under these circumstances every attempt to
check the over production of manufactured
goods by legitimate means is highly desirable.
The feeling of the community seems to be arous-
ed in favour of this benevolent measure of Mr.
Sadler, which, in spite of the sinister opposition
of the Ministers and their friends, we trust that
we shall see the law of the land before the end
of the present Session.—Morning Post.
It is to be hoped that Lord Althorp will
not give way to the importunities of the Bank
of England, and its partisans, for a speedy, that
is, an imperfect and mischievous decision upon
the terms on which the Bank charter ought to
be renewed. An inquiry hurried on at such a
moment as this, when the Parliament is about
to expire, and terminated so as to preclude a
House of Commons chosen freely by the bulk
of the nation from exercising any shadow of
judgment upon a question, which immediately
affects the pecuniary interest of every individual
throughout the United Kingdom, would have
so much the appearance of a gross collusion with
the Bank Directors, and a dirty and serville job
on the part of the Alinisters, that it is impossible
to believe Lord Althorp capable of lending it
the smallest support. It is needless now to en-
ter minutely upon the conduct or demerits of
the Bank of England. The public does no more
than insist on time being given to consider the
adverse claims of that establishment and of the
country, before the people of England shall
become pledged irrevocably to a continuance of
a power in the Bank, exclusive and enormous—
productive at once of the most dreadful profusion
in the Government, the most ruinous vicissitudes
in private life, and the most fatal convulsions in
the currency and in public credit. A branch, and
an important one, of the power as yet enjoyed by
the Bank, has been that of concealing the state
of its own affairs, while it exercised an arbi-
trary and boundless control, by means of that
concealment, over the property and prosoerity of
the entire nation. There is nothing on record
more provoking or digusting than this. Only
conceive the pretensions of any set of men to
raise or depress the value of every man's estate
by limiting or enlarging indefinitely the amount of
their own paper obligations, while they arrogantly
refuse to let m one ray of light upon the amount
or nature of those funds on which depends their
capability of discharging such obligations.
These men, these bank directors, have at all
times intrusted to them some millions of the
public money. They have, through the repu-
tation derived to them from their known cha-
racter of Government bankers, means of obtain-
ing unlimited credit for whatsoever notes they may
issue. The directors, and their friends and
" dependents on the favour of the house," pos-
sess among them such a monopoly of Bank
stock, that at the half-yearly meetings it is ut-
terly vain for a proprietor, not being one of the
clique, to move for an inspection of the books,
which would explain to him the present condi-
tion of his own property, and to the public the
degree or nature of reciprocal engagement sub-
sisting between the Minister of the day and the
Bank of England, both of whom are, in their re-
spective capacities, agents and trustees for the na-
tion. Yet, had such a power of examination into the
affairs of the Bank of England been established
by the letter of the charter—not, indeed, granted
to a vote of the majority of Proprietors, but en-
forced against them for the sake of the minority
and of the public itself,—we need scarcely ask,
whether some of the most disastrous and dis-
graceful events in the history of the last 40 years
could have happened ? If the Bank charter had
been so framed that at each half-yearly meeting
a debtor and creditor account of its transactions
must of necessity have been produced, would it
have been possible for Mr. Pitt co proceed with
his system of begging, exacting, domineering,
and plundering, until he had reduced the sub-
servient creatures of the "parlour" to the neces-
sity of shutting up shop, and the people to that
of taking their insolvent and depreciated paper
for the lawful currency of the realm ? Gould,
we repeat, by any human ingenuity, any financier
on earth have led on the Directors of the Bank
of England in 1797, from one step of improvi-
dence to another, until the whole business ended
in a total smash, and a reduction of about one-
third in the fortune of every man in the commu-
nity, had but the single proviso made part of
the Bank charter,—that the proprietors or mas-
ters should be allowed an insight into all that the
Directors, or deputies and servants, were doing ?
So, we desire to ask whether the tremendous
issues at the beginning of 1825 could have
taken place, or whether the commercial earth-
quake of that calamitous year and the fol-
lowing winter, would not have been altogether
avoided, had the accounts of the Bank of
England encountered the same publicity as those
of France and of North America, and thus a
previous control been imposed upon, first, the
extension, and next, the contraction of the issues ?
The Bank of England must no longer skulk in
mystery. There is nothing got by such a prac-
tice, but an occasional opportunity of doing
wrong, and a constant distrust in the mind of the
public, that a prerogative so unhallowed is never
exercised but on motives as vicious as the power
is in its principle unjust. But the Bank of Eng-
land
must no longer have the privilege of sub-
stituting
its own money for the King's, without
previously consulting some independent autho-
rity respecting the amount of its contemplated
coinage. The country ought not to be taken by
surprise, and exposed to an inundation of bank
notes, absolutely furtive and unhooked for.
Moreover, the Bank of England ought to be
stripped of its monopoly of the monied empire.
The existing powers of the Bank have been
monstrously abused, and uncontrolled preroga-
tives will ever be perverted. There are vast in-
terests at stake upon this question ; there is an
extensive and complicated field of inquiry. No-
thing would more disappoint the nation or dis-
grace the Government than a blind and huddled-
up bargain with the Bank, involving as it must a
fresh subjection of the middle and poorer
classes to the rapacious despotism of the country
bankers.— Times.

The acquittal of Captain Pepin, of the Na-
tional Guard, has saved a life; but the mode in
which he was tried has destroyed a principle.
Louis-Philippe's Government has made the ex-
periment of trying the citizens of Paris by
Courts-martial, against constitutional law, and
without a political necessity. The whole reign
of Charles X. was a continued struggle to re-
store the ancient regime of the Bourbon
dynasty. Emboldened by partial successes, he
made a grand and final effort to reverse the revo-
lution of 1789. Already lie laid his hand on
an absolute sceptre, when public [indignation

smote him from the seat of power ; but a people
who had learned moderation from other examples
than those of their Bourbon rulers, having se-
cured the victory of freedom, scorned to degrade
it to purposes of vengeance, and dismissed the
regal criminal with contemptuous mercy. Louis-
Philippe is now absolute, in the place where
Charles X., in endeavouring to set himself
above the laws, met the just doom of one who
dares to conficate, at his will and pleasure, the
liberties of a people. But Louis-Philippe pre•
tends the safety of the State required the subver •
sion of the law. So did Charles X. No one
one who affects tyranny ever acknowledges that
he loves it for its own sake. It is always
pretended that power beyond the law is only
wanted to protect the country from some
greater evil than the loss or suspension of
its liberties. Charles X. and his Ministers
asserted that regular Government could not be
carried on, and that anarchy must ensue, unless
the ordinances rescued the State from the dangers
of the Charter. The heroes of the barricades
confuted him—they overthrew his Government
altogether—and yet anarchy did not follow ; on
the contrary, the evils of misgovernment were re-
paired, a Constitutional throne was erected, and
a man chosen by the free will of the people was
placed upon it, to administer the laws of a reno-
voted Charter. It is he who has made himself
independent of all laws, by taking advantage of a
temporary commotion which the police had mainly
provoked, and which his flatterers say has
strengthened the power of the Sovereign, who
uses this increased power to strangle the liberties
of the people whose fidelity preserved his throne.
We are told, however, by an official organ of
our liberal Government, that the siege of Paris
is absolutely a " popular measure ;"—just as
popular, we believe, as it would be among Eng-
lishmen, if its former patron, the Duke of Wel-
lington, happening to be in power in this coun-
try, and having completely suppressed a popular
tumult in Spa-fields or the Minories, was in-
stantly to proclaim London in a state of mar-
tial law, and transfer the Courts of Justice
from Westminster Hall to the Horse Guards,
ordering the surviving rioters, and all who might
be falsely accused of political crime, to be tried
according to the articles of war, and in confor-
mity with the discipline of the camp. " No,"
says our contemporary, " you do not take a phi-
losophical view of the subject ; you do not dis-
tinguish between France and England. The
English dislike tyranny, but the French love to
be oppressed ; they have a taste for being tor-
mented by their rulers, and there is no accounting,
for tastes." If this be supposed to be a misre-
presentation of the sentiments of our contem-
porary will give his own words—" There is
certainly this difference between the English and
French people :—whilst the former are most
easy when the Government leave them to them-
selves, the latter are always best pleased when
the Government is doing something to show its
power, and, indeed, increase it. To what is
this difference owing ?" It would puzzle the
gyi
nnosophist who solved the riddles of Alex-
,
auder to answer this question. There is a per-
son, indeed, in the northern part of the island,
who would probably be the fittest so solve
the enigma. He is not quite as wise as
Solomon, to be sure, but he has had the
enlightened instruction of much experience.
He resides within the precincts of Holyrood
House, where he has time to meditate on the
fallen grandeur of more than the infatuated race of
Stuart. If he cannot tell exactly what consti-
tutes the difference between the French and
English people, he may probably be able to tell
us whether, in fact, " the French people are
always best pleased when the Government is doing
something to show its power, and indeed increase
it." Perhaps lie could also state that he had
for some years endeavoured to give the French
people a great deal of pleasure in that way ; but
solicitous as he was for their gratification, he
could not make them happy ; on the contrary,
his zeal to indulge them with the most unlimited
enjoyment of increased power on the part of the
Government was met by the most signal ingrati-
tude. Nor was this a rare instance of their per-
verseness, for Louis XVI., though born to '
despotic power, could not make the French people
understand the happiness which wished to con-
fer on them by the opportunities which he took
to display it. Even the arrest of the Members
of the Parliament of Paris for refusing to re-
gister a Royal edict before the Revolution, failed
in diffusing that joyous admiration of tyranny
among the French people of which our con-
temporary tells us they are peculiarly susceptible.
As Louis-Philippe's despotism, however, gives
general satisfaction, he must, in sheer kindness
to the French, and to preserve his popularity,
continue it—unless they should become as un-
grateful to him for his endeavours to please
them as they were to Charles X., who, by being
no less arbitrary, deserved to be equally popular.
Now there are some who think that the English
were more meek and patient, under the dicta-
torial Administration of the Duke of Welling•
ton than the French under Decazes or Villele,," or
the still more despotic Prince Polignac ; and
they entertain the opinion that, if the revolution
of 1830 had not taken place in France, that
spirit would not have been awakened in Eng-
land which carried the Reform Bill in the year
1832. So much for the connexion between
French freedom and the liberties of England.—
Morning Herald.
It must be truly gratifying to our readers to
learn that the course of proceeding which we re-
commended a few days ago, in order to give ef-
ficiency to the Reform Bill, is now in the
course of adoption, not only in the City, but iti
almost all its different districts—that meetings
have been held, or are about to be held, for the
purpose of selecting proper candidates to repre-
sent the inhabitants in the new Parliament, and
of determining on the pledges to be exacted from
them—and, generally speaking, that means are
taking to exclude not only all anti-Reformers
from the representation, but all bit-and-bit Re-
formers, pretended converts to the cause, or men
who either have net proved themselves to be true,
or are not willing to submit themselves to the
proof, by giving such pledges for their good be-
haviour as their constituents may think proper to
demand of them. Some gentlemen, in every re-
spect qualified to represent the counties, cities, or
boroughs of this great empire in Parliament, may,
perhaps, be inclined to consider the exaction of
pledges as a degrading suspicion of their pa-
triotism or personal honour ; but we beg to ask
them by what other mode the great end in view,
the exclusion of the Tories, and the pre-
tended friends of Reform, can be accomplished,
than that of exacting pledges from those who
allow themselves to be put in nomination ?
Every Minister that preceded that of Earl Grey
made large professions of economy, and every
candidate for a seat in Parliament adopted the
same language ; but did either the one or the
other ever practice or support economy in the
national expenditure ? Not one. General decla-

tions of patriotism and determined attention to
the public interest are, therefore, not to be trusted
to. There must be pledges on distinct and specific
points, as well as general declarations, both for
the purpose of excluding Tories and their
friends, and for that of insuring to the public a
useful and *honourable representation ; and to
him who will not give pledges let no votes be
given. There need be no fear of a lack of
candidates ; for there are already more in the
field than there are seats for in Parliament.
With regard to the pledges to be exacted, they
will, of course, vary according to the sentiments
which predominate in the different cities, bo-
roughs, and counties of the United Kingdom ;
but there are two, we think, which will find a
ready adoption in all quarters, and which ought
to be universally exacted. The first is a pledge
to vote for the abolition of all unmerited pen-
sions, useless sinecures, and odious and unequal
taxes—the second to vote for the abolition of sep-
tennial, and the restoration of triennial Parlia-
ments. No one who wishes well to his country
can object to the former ; and no sincere friend
to Reform can deny that the latter is one of the
ulterior objects which were sought for through the
Bill. An act of greater tyranny and treachery
was never committed by a popular and responsble
body, than that which was committed by a British
Parliament, of voting to itself a greater duration
than had been granted to it by its constituents.
The Parliament of that time not only rendered
itself virtually independent of the public by
that proceeding, but conferred a value on the
seats in Parliament, and originated a system of
bribery at elections, which were previously un-
known to the Constitution ; and if, therefore, it
he desirable to derive all the benefit from the
Reform Bill which it is capable of conferring,
let us take advantage of it to restore to the coun-
try that ancient practice of the Constitution,
which brought constituents and representatives
to triennial account with one another, and proved
a stronger safeguard against bribery at elections,
than all the laws which have been enacted on the
subject. On other matters, such as the Corn
Laws, the East India and Bank monopolies—
the Currency, &c. more latitude may be allowed
to individual opinion ; but on the points to which
we have adverted, no quarter ought to be given.
The question should be, " will you or will you
not support such measures ?" and according to
the answer so ought to be the conduct of the
people.—Morning Advertiser.