The Sun.
London, England, 1835-09-08 00:00:00

THE REVIEW AT KALISCH.

The Emperor, who arrived here Aug. 19th,reviewed on the
20th the Kurds, Cossacks, Don' Cossacks, Georgians, and
Circassians. These troops, about 1,600 cavalry, performed
many evolutions and sham fights, which presented the most
picturesque military spectacle that Europe has socn since the
middle ages. Conceive the gay coloured costume of 800 Kurd
horsemen, mingled with the richly dressed Cossacks and Geor-
gians, and among them the shining silver helmets and coats of
mail of fifty Circassian princes, with a constant firing of mus-
kets and pistols, often drowned in cries of Allah and hurrah,
and you will have a faint idea of the scene. The image of war
was complete in the moment when the Kurds, in two parties
of 400 each, attacked each other, and so seriously contended
for the standard taken at Erzeroum, that twenty generals
and aid-de-camps in vain endeavoured to separate them,
and at length their Monarch himself, their Padishah, was
obliged to ride amongst them, and to pacify and sepa-
rate the combatants, who already had several wounded.
These inhabitants of the frontiers of the empire now saw their
Sovereign for the first time, who called out and commanded
several chans and princes. The most indifferent spectator can
never forget the enthusiasm that sparkled in their eyes when
the Emperor, accompanied only by two aides-de-camp, put him-
self at their head, and led several attacks. Yesterday there
was a grand parade of the whole corps of General Rudyer, and
of the cavalry of the guard. The Emperor, in whose brilliant
and numerous suite were the Duke of Nassau and Prince Fre-
derick of the Netherlands, having rode along the five lines
amidst the continued acclamations of the troops, he gave or-
ders to present arms; and then turning to the Prince, their
victorious Commander, embraced him in front of the army,
which loudly cheered him. The troops then defiled before
the Emperor in the most beautiful order. His Majesty re-
mained on the ground from eight till one o'clock. Amongst
the distinguished persons present were General Baron Kreuz,
Count Wilt, and the Emperor's physician, Baron Wylie.
Prince Frederick has left us this evening. His Majesty will
stop above eight days.—Hamburgh Papers.

HAREWOOD HALL.—Magnificent doings are ex-
pected in the course of a few days. Cooks, confectioners, and
upholsterers left town yesterday for Leeds. On the 12th inst.
their Roy al Highnesses the Duchess of Kent and the Princess
Victoria are expected to honour the Noble family of Lascelles
with a visit. A most sumptuous banquet, with one hundred
and fifty covers, will be given in the baronial hall. The Royal
party will attend the Musical Festival at York on the Bth.
The Earl and Countess expect their illustrious visitants to
remain three days. From thence they go to the seat of Earl
Fitz willian t.

Two v; tcancies exist amongst the Fellows of Tri-
nity College, Dublin; one occasioned by the death of Mr.
Mead—the other by the resignation of one of the junior mem-
bers, who hi appointed to the living► held by the late Dr. Usher.
LONGE'VITY.—A woman, 110 years old, died
lately at Friyence, in the department of the Var ( France).
She was born at Digne in 1725, and had lived in service at
one house since 1745.

THE Hops.—Accounts from the hop districts in
the neighbourhood of Castle and Sible Hedingham, Baintree,
&c., represent the crops to be more bountiful, and the hops in
a finer condition than has been known for many years. On
many of the estates the picking commenced on Thursday, and
it became general yesterday. _ _ _

The Liverpool Mercury announces the death of
the late Mr. Peter Woods, the well-known Reformer of that
town.

The slam of 640/. has been lately given for the
bulb of a new tulip, called the " Citadel of Antwerp." This
sum was paid by M. Vanderninck, of Amsterdam, a florist,
formerly a Captain in the Dutch navy.
LIGHTNANG.—The Medical Gazette of St. Pe-
tersburgh states that the life of a soldier struck by lightning,
has been saved by copious bleeding.

AN AFFAIR OF HoNouß.—Yesterday morning
at seven o'clo ck, a hostile meeting took place in a field at the
back of the E Arms, St. John's-wood, Regent's-park, be-
tween a gentleman residing in Park-street, Grosvenor-square,
and Captain 'N., residing at Kensington. The cause of the
meeting arose: from some money transactions on the Stock
Exchange on Saturday last. When the parties arrived on the
ground, a reconciliation was attempted by the seconds, but it
was indignantly refused by the Captain. The ground was
then measured. twelve paces, and the hostile parties fired, but
missed each other. An amicable arrangement was again pro-
posed, but way; rejected by Captain W. On the second fire,
the contents of the gentleman's pistol took effect on the thick
part of the Captain's thigh. Captain W. immediately fell,
when the gent [email advanced to him, and requested to shake
hands with his antagonist, which he immediately agreed to.
The wound having been bandaged up, the Captain was re-
moved from the field to a carriage waiting in the North-road,
and he was conveyed in it to his residence.

HERRING FISIIING.—This week will complete
the fishing at \Vick. The boats will now average better than
100 crans each, or about 100,000 barrels in all, whereas last
year the total of the fishing did not exceed 30,000. The num-
ber of boats engaged at Wick is 122, and the quantity of her
rings already caught is upwards of 20,000 barrels. Our ac-
counts from Shetland are still unfavourable, but the Orkney
fishing has been tolerably successful.—lnverness Courier..

On Thursday night about nine o'clock as Mr. Abra-
ham Harty, the brother of Mr. Harty the Baker, of Patrick-
strec.,t, sat behind the desk arranging the accounts of the esta-
bli:Annent, his: attention was attracted by a person entering the
shop, and upon raising his head he received in his face the con-
tents of a tin porringer of Vitriol—the assassin upon having
thrown it and the tin vessel immediately ran out of the shop,
pursued by the sufferer, but although several persons were
standing about the shop door, and the cry of " Vitriol" was
sounded, none attempted to impede the wretch's retreat—and
we regret to say, for the present, justice has been eluded.—
Corh Herald.

SINGULAR ACCIDENT.—A violent storm was felt
on the 20th ult. at Eyrarques, where the following tragical
event took place :—A labouring man, alarmed by the light-
ning, took refuge under a willow with his infant, six months
old, in his arms. His wife was washing linen in a rivulet
which ran at the foot of the tree. The wife and some persons
near her who were blinded for the moment and stunned by an
explosion of thunder, on recovering perceived nothing under
the tree, but following the course of the rivulet they disco-
vered, at a depth of about three feet of water, the unfortunate
father dead, and Still holding the infant in his arms. The poor
child had sustained no injury, it held its head elevated as it
were by instinet, seeming to make efforts to save itself from
death. It appears that the electric fluid struck the father, and
drove him to a distance of 20 feet into the river.—National.

HYDROPHOBIA.—The terrific disease which passes
under this designation, is an absolute misnomer when applied
to the dog, and is much better and more vigorously expressed
by our Gallic neighbors by Le Rage. In all stages of the
disease question, the dog evinces not the least emotion at
the sight of fluids ; on the contrary, he will drink frequently,
if water or milk be placed within his reach. A bite, how-
ever, from a rabid dog,-communicates to the human subject
that horror of fluids, which is uniformly testified, and from
which characteristic symptoms the disorder has taken its
name. Not one dog in fifty accused of madness is so in re-
ality ; nor can any doubt be entertained that fatal cases have
occurred where hydrophobia has arisen from a terrified ima-
gination.

BITE OF ADDERS, &c.—A correspondent says,
" Observing in your paper this morning a caution against the
bite of adders at this season of the vear, reminds me of an
advertisement I read in a Van Diemen's Land newspaper some
months since, that common salt applied immediately after the
bite of " any noxious reptile," which frequently occurs in clear-
ing woods, &c., has ever been found efficacious in preserving
from future effects, if applied before the stanching of the blood.
I apprehend in the bite of a mad dog, when cauterising could
not immediately be resorted to, it would be attended with bene-
ficial effects, as it need not preclude cauterising subsequently."

SUICIDE.—On Saturday, the 29th ult., at Man-
chester, a respectable tradesman of that town, named Edward
Jackson, committed suicide under circumstances of a most
distressing nature. The unfortunate man was but 29 years of
age, and to all appearance seemed happy, both in his family
and in the flourishing state of his business as a saddler ; but
he laboured under a fear which poisoned his whole existence,
and rendered him completely miserable. This was a constant
dread of insanity, and of being confined in a lunatic asylum.
This feeling at last became so strong, that it actually produced
the madness which he so much dreaded, in a fit of which he
seized a razor and inflicted two deep gashes in his throat The
unhappy man expired in an hour afterwards, leaving a widow
and three children to lament his loss. An inquest was after-
wards held upon the body, when the Jury returned a verdict of
Insanity.

MYSTERIOUS CIRCUAISTANCE:—AStIIC daughter
of Mr. Warmsley, at the bottom of Hanover-street, was seated
before the counter of her father's shop, she was alarmed by a
bullet, evidently directed from an air-gun, bursting through the
outer and inner window of the shop, passing in the direction of
where she was placed, and stickini, in the frame-work at her
back : this was instantly succeeded by another, directed a little
lower, and another, lower still ; all which, fortunately passed
the young lady without injuring her. The last shot was di-
rected still lower, and it is supposed that, if its course had not
been stopped by an iron support with which it, came in con-
tact, it would have taken effect in the body of the young lady.
The three balls first projected are in the possession ref Mr.
Parlou,r ; the one last alluded to is suffered to remain in the
window, where it may now be seen.—Liverpool. Albion.
MURDER —An unfortunate occurrence took place
last night in one of the Gin Palaces near the Marsh Gate,
Westminster-road. A young woman of the name of Hilary
entered the house, accompanied by a man named Skidmore,
and a scuffle took place between them, which ended in the fall
Of the woman against some spikes, one of which penetrated
her head, and she expired in a few minutes afterwards. Skid-
more is in custody.
- -

ARREST AND ESCAPE OF A MURDERER.—
On Sunday last, the 23d, a man named Martin Garrett was
recognized in the streets of Stradbally, by two men, relatives
of Martin M‘Gree, murdered near Coolnacart, in May, 1834.
When they arrested Garrett, a number of fellows, armed with
reaping-hooks, who were then in the streets, after having
heard divine service in the chapel, resolved not to see a man
brought to jiistice for the offence of murder, surrounded the
two men, and succeeded in getting Garrett free, when he in-
stantly disappeared. Information having reached the police,
one of the ringleaders in the re3cue was recognized, and
brought before the magistrate, and by him committed on the
informations of the party. —Cal low Sentinel.

THE SUN, LONDON, TrPSDAY, SEPTEMBPR 8, 1835,

lin, complaining of the Board of Ordnance withholding from
him a large sum of money due to him.—( This being for a
grant of public money, the Speaker said it must receive the
assent of the Government before it was received.)
Mr. O'CONNELL said the petitioner conceived he had a
claim; he knew nothing more of it than that it had undergone.
a very close investigation by Colonel Fox.
The petition was withdrawn.
THE CONFERENCE.

A Message from the Lords brought down several Bills, and
also demanded a Conference upon the part of the Lords with
respect to the amendments to the Corporation Bill. The
message was brought down by Mr. Roupell, Master in Chan-
cery, and Mr. Rich, the Clerk Assistant ; they reported that
the Lords, considering the late period of the session,
in the unavoidable absence of one of their usual messengers,
they had sent their message by their clerk assistant.
Lord J. RUSSELL moved that the House agree to hold
the Conference forthwith.

The Messengers were called in and informed accordingly.
The SPEAKER informed them that the House
was satisfied with the reasons for the substitution of
the clerk assistant for the usual messenger, but they desired
that it might not be considered a precedent.—(Cheers and
laughter.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL then left the House for the Con-
ference, accompanied by the managers as before, and about
00 Members. After an absence of ten minutes,

Lord J. RUSSELL appeared at the bar and said—l have
to acquaint the Honse that I have been to a Conference
with the House of Lords, which was managed on the part
of their Lordships by the Earl of Devon, and that the
Lords have not insisted upon certain amendments, but that
they do insist upon other amendments made by their Lord-
ships, and that they have amended certain amendments by the
Commons, and delivered their reasons for so doing.
The reports, Bill, amendments, and reasons having been
brought up,
Lord J. RUSSELL moved that the amendments made
by the Lords, and their reasons, be taken into consideration.
The CLERK having read the amendments, and reasons,
Lord J. RUSSELL announced to the House, in order to
save time, that they bad been printed, and might be procured
by any Hon. Member who desired to have them.
Several Hon. Members immediately went out to procure the
papers, which otcasioned a short pause in the proceedings,
after which

Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose amid much cheering,
and addressed the House as follows :—Sir, I wish that I
could preface what I am about to move by saying, that with
scarcely one exception the House of Lords have agreed to the
amendments proposed to this Bill by the House, because I
think, Sir, that the amendments made by the Lords have
been met in a spirit of conciliation—(Cheers)—which I
must say justly entitle them to expect that all the prin-
cipal amendments made by the House of Commons to the
amendments made by the House of Lords should have been
agreed to by that House. I know, Sir, that there were
several points upon which many Members of this House'
were extremely reluctant in making concessions—( Cheers)—
and I think, in foregoing, as they did, for the sake of concilia-
tion, and for the sake of terminating this qUestion, so many
of those principles which they have thought necessary to intro-
duce in the original Bill, it would have tended far more to the
good correspondence of the two Houses of Parliament, if
instead of agreeing to certain portions of those amendments,
they had as-reed to the whole of our amendments, and accepted
them at once as concessions made to them for the welfare
of the country—large concessions which it pleased the House
on my former motion to allow.--( Cheers.) At the same time,
Sir, I have to state that those alterations in the Bill to which
I declared I had an insuperable objection have been aban-
doned by the House of Lords.—(Cheers.) I considered it as
an insuperable objection to the Bill that there should be a mixed
body, the one deriving their right from rated householders, and
another part of the governing body deriving their right only
from self-election, founded on the ancient rights of corporations.
I stated that I thought it was impossible that any new machinery
could work well in which such elements of discord should work
together ; and the Right Hon. Member forTamworth added
that while the Members of the old body were not in
harmony with the new, they would be totally unable to
carry into effect their own views.—( Cheers.) Sir, I am happy
to say that with respect to that amendment, the House of
Lords have not insisted upon it.—( Cheers.) They are un-
willing that the future body shall consist altogether of persons
immediately elected by the rate-payers, or those who derive
immediately from the legislative body, and hold their
office for double the term of years, as in the original Bill.
Now, Sir, it ought to be recollected, that when the Bill was
first brought forward, a Noble Lord (the Member for Lan-
cashire) maintained that the whole body of the Council should
be elected for 6 years. By the Bill as it now stands, three-fourths
of the body are to be elected directly by the rate- payers, while
only one-fourth are to be selected by the Council. Another
amendment was made by the Lords which I considered as
most injurious to the Bill—it was, that the present
town clerks, even those who now held their offices during plea-
sure, should hold their offices during good behaviour, and
should have in their hands all the muniments of the
borough. I considered that this provision, with respect
to the town clerks, was intended to give them a power
to controul those masters whom they served, and in
fact giving them a power to make themselves absolutely
necessary for the management of the borough.—( Hear.)
I am glad to say, Sir, that that amendment has been,
abandoned by the House of Lords. There was then another
amendment made, which provided that Justices in these Bo-
roughs should be for life, according to what was called Cor-
porate rights. I think that that provision for the reasons given'
by the House of Commons would have produced the
greatest evil, as there would have been persons in
the Council who derived under what I may now
call a bad system, at the same time with persons
who were elected under the improved system for the
management of these boroughs. It does not rest merely
upon our reasons, for in one of those given in by the
Lords they tell us " that they had made an amendment
in order to revert to the old practice, and to avoid those
evils which would have resulted from a contrary practice."
The Lords have also given up that invidious distinction which I
think would have been productive of the greatest jealousy. and
discord in the boroughs—l mean that provision which requires a
person possessed of 500/. or 1,000/. a-year, required for certain
purposes by the Act, to come before the Barrister, in order to
make good his qualification. They have given pp both the parts
of their amendment, and have adopted the modified proposition
which we inserted in the Bill as an amendment to their amend-
ment. But while they have agreed to those amendments pro-
posed by us, I have not insisted upon others, which, in my opi-
nion,would be most injurious to the good working of the measure.
They had disagreed to certain portions of our amendments,
and there are two of them of great importance, and the other,
if not of importance, is not in my mind a little extraordinary.
The first amendment, to which their Lordships have made an
additional one, is that respecting the revising Barristers. I
had proposed that the decision of the revising Barristers
should not be good until it had been approved of by the
Crown. I was about to add, that if the Crown
did not approve of their decision, it should be
competent to send it back. That, I thought, should be in-
serted in a proviso in the clause, namely, that if the decision
was not approved of, it should be sent back ; and if
it should hot be sent back, then that it should be
in the power of the King in Council to make a
different arrangement. But the House of Lords have pro-
vided, and I think that coming from a House so particularly
jealous of the prerogatives of the Crown, it seems to me one of
a singular nature---for they have provided that in the first place,
the revising Barrister shall make his report, and if it
be not approved of, it shall be deemed good for the time,
and not until his Majesty shall come to another de-
cision, but until his Majesty in Council shall definitively
approve of the division of the, boroughs into wards, in the
manner hereinbefore mentioned.—( Hear, hear, and, much
laughter.) According to their Lordships' amendment the re-
vising Barrister shall make his report to the King in Council,
his Majesty is to reject that report,.and that report is to stand
good until his Majesty in Council finally approves of it—
( Hear and laughter)—so that the revising barrister may go on
making his reports until they are approved of by the Crown.
The Crown, therefore, was to be subordinate and the
revising-barrister absolute.—( Loud cries of Hear.) Why,
Sir, I should have thought that the other House of Parlia-
ment, so anxious for the protection of the prerogatives of
the Crown, would have been averse to, would have been very
cautious in proposing an amendment of this kind, which
puts the Crown in this situation, that the Crown may refuse
to approve, but the revising barrister may continue in his
old opinion, and it remains known to the whole country
that his Majesty, by the advice of his Privy Council,
has solemnly refused to approve of the decision, but that is of
th avail, because it rests in the hands of a young and inexpe-
rienced gentleman who may be appointed a revising barrister.
Sir, when I say a young and inexperienced gentleman I use
only epithets that were used by the Right Hon. Baronet
the Member for Tamworth, who agreed that inexperienced
gentlemen should not make a final award without the approba-
tion of the Privy Council.—( Hear, hear.) For my own part,
I would much rather have had the clause as it originally stood
than as it now exists, placing the Crown in a situation which I
think is not altogether decorous.—( Cheers.) Sir, the next
amendment of importance, and it is no doubt of very great
importance is the amendment with regard to the appointment
of justices. We have always contended, and in the last de-
bate on it we decided by a large majority, that it was fit the
town council should have the power of electing individuals
fit to receive the commission of peace. The Crown might dis-
approve of such persons, but they were to be elected out of a
list formed by the town-council. I am of opinion
that was a way in which the Crown might have been
legitimately and openly informed of the names of persona
who were fit to receive the • commission of peace, and
that receiving them through that channel, they would have
acted in their separate boroughs with far greater confidence on
tne part of the public, than if they were to remain without
any recommendation of a body popularly elected, as the Town
Council would be. But upon this question the Lords take a
widely different view. There were ,originally persons named
in the Charter by James the First, who by their corporate
capacity were entitled to be Justices of the Peace, but
since that time the Corporations have gone on naming
their justices without any reference to the Crown, and
it is the greatest extravagance—( Hear, and laughter)._
to state, that because the original Justices in the time of
James the First were named by the Crown, that,
therefore, the Justices of the present day have derived
constitutionally their title from that charter. I adhere to the
original resolution. Sir, the next amendment is that with
regard to the division of the wards, and the Lords, without
going back to the old Bill originally as it stood, have made
this amendment in it, that the division into wards is carried
down to 6,000 inhabitants only, the qualification is not carried
higher than was proposed in the Louse of Commo-ns, but Sir,

in considering the manner in which these amendments have been
made, the first thing we shall have to consider is,...whetherave
can possibly mend these amendments in such a manner
as to maintain our own opinions, and at the same time conic
to a settlement of this question with the House of Lords.
After carefully looking at this Bill and the subsequent amend-
ments 'with my colleagues, we are of opinion, we can make no
farther amendments ; that with regard to the clause respecting
justices, either that we should frame it in such a way that the
Crown should have the power of naming other justices
than those proposed by the council ; or, upon the other
hand, that the Crown should have the power, independent of
the council, of appointing the justices. With respect
to the second amendment the decision of the Commons
was in favour of 12,000. The decision of the Lords in favour
of 6,000. We proposed 9,000 as a compromiSe, and I must
say, after having made that offer, I am not disposed to go
farther. Then, Sir, with respect to the other amendment,
I leave it altogether to those who have proposed it.
Sir, with respect then to these amendments, I have to consider
whether we can, supposing we were to consent to these amend-
ments as they stand, be justified in sending this Bill back to the
Lords, and thus provide that it may pass into the law of
the land. In considering this question, I shall take the
immediate question of those amendments to which
I have adverted. With respect to that clause,
which gives the power of appointing justices in an absolute and
uncontrolled manner to the Crown, I have no hesitation in
saying that as long as my colleagues and myself continue to
be the advisers of the Crown, we shall deem it our duty, as
the most natural and satisfactory manner of appointing these jus-
tices, to request of the town-councils to send up a list
of such persons as they prefer in whom they can place confi-
dence.—( Great cheering.) I have no hesitation in saying
that I think this would be an exercise of the prerogative of the
Crown fully justifiable, and rendered almost necessary by the
state in which this Bill was originally sent up from the House of
Commons. It has happened to me this very day to receive
a letter from a Lord Lieutenant of a county, recommending
a gentleman as fit to be placed on the commission of the peace,
and though he is not recommended by any persons who may be
said to be of the party to which I belong, I have no doubt that
I shall be fully justified in attending to that recommendation,
and I shall feel it my duty to have that recommendation car-
ried into effect, for I do not think it necessary that I should
know myself—indeed it is impossible that I should know
locally the qualifications of the gentleman whom the Lord
Lieutenant has recommended. If, then, under his advice, I
can see no reason which renders it derogatory to the dignity
of the Crown to appoint such a gentleman, why not act
upon the recommendation of the town-councils ?—( Hear,
hear.) Let it be remembered this does, not solely depend
upon any one declaration, and if there should be any abuse
of the prerogative of the Crown, like all other abuses it would
come under the cognizance of this House, and if it were found
that any Minister had introduced discord into towns by the
appointment of persons obnoxious to the greater part of the
inhabitants, by not doing their duty in an impartial ad-
ministration of justice, I think after the Bill passed
by this Honourable House to give power to town-councils
to appoint justices, the House would hardly fail to take notice
of such a proceeding. With respect to that other amendment
regarding wards, I think we must consider that there seems to
have been something provisional in the contemplation of
the Lords in making these amendments.—(Hear, hear.)
They have recommended boundaries which are not defined,
but are left to be fixed by Parliament, and revising-barristers
are entrusted with the charge of the wards. Therefore I say
that the question of boundaries and wards may in all probe.
bility again come under the consideration of Parliament,
and a Boundary Act must be introduced, and made appli-
cable to corporate towns. With respect to the trustees of the
corporation charities the Lords have again made a provisional
arrangement, for they have decided that the present trustees
should remain only until August 1836, unless Parliament
should make some previous alteration ; thus showing
that on that subject they think there ought to be a
separate act of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) I think there are
some other clauses in the Bill which have been amended by
the Lords in such a manner as to show that the Lords did not
think this to be a definitive settlement of this question. Be-
sides these, a great many others have been added which
they propose should be adopted, but with respect to which a
question will probably arise whether Municipal Corporations
should not again come under the consideration of Parliament :
and I have no hesitation in saying, considering how much this
Bill has been amended, how far its original design has been
departed from, that it is impossible for Parliament to go
on long without taking this matter again into consideration.
I come, then, Sir, to consider what the Bill is as a whole—
(Cheers)—and whether, as a whole, the House of Commons
will be justified to the country and their constituents in assent-
ing to this measure.—( Cheers.) Now I am prepared to say that
I do not think it wouldbe wise to be attempting to make any fresh
amendment, or to attempt to get a point here or a point there
es-(Clicers)—for the real question is, and it is a question to
which Ministers have sedulously applied, whether as a
whole they can present this Bill to the country as a
great improvement in the government of Municipal Cor-
porations.—(Cheers.) Now, I have no hesitation in say-
ing, that I so consider it.—(Cheers.) In the first place,, all
those various bodies, for the most part self-elected, with
their various privileges, are altogether put an end to.—
( Loud cheers.) The system of appointing justices which the
House of Lords declared to be bad, is entirely put an end to,
and we have an edifice raised on a sound basis, upon the whole-
some basis of giving the power of election to those who are
householders and rate-payers.—( Loud cheering.) Taking
that 'provision alone, I think we have gone a great way
for the better.—(Cheers.) Besides this, there is the intros
duction of a good system of justice in many of the boroughs.
Their Recorders are to be persons versed in the law, sitting
alone to dispense justice, and to be appointed in a very different
mode to that in which they are at present.—(Cheers.) In
another respect I. think we have made a great improvement,
because although we admit that the freemen are to preserve
their right of property as they had before, although we
agree that they shall preserve their right of voting
for Members of Parliament, yet we do away with them as
municipal electors altogether—(Cheers)—and if they wish to
become electors, they must acquire that right by paying rates.
With respect to the boundaries, there are 93 Boroughs which
have been greatly improved in that respect, and there are various
other improvements introduced, one of the most important
of which, and it does not belong to any party
or side of the House—( Cheers)—is that which provides that
there should be in future a good Police in those towns, by
means of a Watch Committee, appointed by the popular
Council.—( Cheers.) I think, containing these advantages,
and containing in itself the germ of great improvement,
I may then safely say that this Bill is the beginning of an
improved Government of the towns in this kingdom.—
( Hear, hear.) There is nothing in the Bill at which
I look with more pleasure, than to the proper distribu-
tion of charitable funds for which it provides, by a
body of persons to be appointed, in order to see that the
funds are not abused, but distributed according to the
intention of the donors. I say, therefore, that looking
to the Bill altogether, although I do not say that
think it good—( Hear, hear)—for those who have
made the amendments have taken care that, it shall not be
considered as a final measure—(Loud cheering)—it is
useless for me to make any declaration upon the subject,
because those who altered the Bill have rendered
it impossible for it to be considered as a final
measure—(Loud cheers)—l say, then, viewing the Bill in
that light, I think we are justified in recommending
to the Commons of England to put an end to this
controversy, which has been carried on respecting these
amendments between the two Houses, and by agreeing with
these amendments take care that the Bill shall become an
Act of Parliament.—(Hear.) Sir, I have no doubt myself
that—when this new Constitution of these boroughs
comes into complete effect—and when the elections
shall take place, we shall find not only that there has been a
great improvement in the Government of them, many defects
removed and many abuses corrected, and that the working of
the Bill itself will point out how the whole system
may be decidedly protected and improved in a
future session. Sir, I know that with respect to any great
measure of this kind it is not possible in a mixed con-
stitution like ours to carry into effect at once' all
those reforms which one may think necessary. So long
as I have sat in Parliament, and in all the great measures of Re-
form in which I have had the honour to bear a part,it has been my
maxim to admit something that I have been opposed to, in
order to have those Bills placed upon the Statute Book,
which should attest the progress of our legislation. That,
Sir, was my conduct upon the Test and Corporation Acts ;
for objecting, as I did, to any declaration, I was glad to get the
solemn and almost unanimous declaration of Parliament that
the sacramental test was a profanation and an abomination.
A different course was taken a great many years ago
with respect to the Roman Catholic question, when those
who proposed that question, after going into Commit-
tee, gave up the Bill, because seats in Parliament
were not conceded. I may be wrong, but I thought that if the
Bill had been passed in that shape the remaining clause of seats in
- Parliament would have been conceded much sooner than they had
been when these disabilities were finally done away with.
If you have a Government either of absolute monarchy or,
totally democratic, you may pass measures such as they have
been originally framed and introduced. Many years ago the
King of Prussia issued an edict by which all corporate officers
were to be elected by the householders. His Majesty had no
difficulty in carrying that measure. In the same way,
if our Government was wholly a popular one,
we should have little difficulty in carrying into
effect any measures we might think proper to introduce. We
live under a tempered Government, and must wish to see
all reforms carried into effect consistently with our Consti-
tution as it at present exists. If we endeavour
to obtain the advantages of such a tempered Government,
and no doubt they are great and many, we yield something
' to the opinions of other branches of the Legislature,
—if we endeavour to carry every measure through unchanged
and unmutilated, we cannot obtain it without subjecting every
thing to obstacle and delay..--( Hear, hear, hear.) This is one
of the consequences of the mixed Government under which
we live ; and on the contrary, if we are prepared to
abandon that form of Government we may perhaps run into
the other extreme. I am, therefore, prepared agreeing
to those amendments to propose that they be adopted—looking
forward as I do on this subject, and various others, to our future
prospects—feeling that we have left much undone which we I
had proposed with regard to reform, and upon this subject I may
allude to the Bill for the Reform of the Municipal Corpora-
tions in Ireland—( Loud cheering from the Irish Members)—
which must necessarily be introduced in the course of the ensuing
Session. There are various other subjects which imperatively
call on our attention. There is the reform of grievances of
Dissent2rs, and such a complete Reform of the English
Church, as is required, by the consent, and
avowal of all parties. Tbose questions must attract our serious

i attention in the next session, and I shall think it a grea
advantage, if, instead of our having to begin again with
',mom—BM of • Municipal-- -Refines, - and. to grealienuash
all those points on _ discussion has • aleeaiy
taken place, that we shell have this Bill carried into leas',
and shall find it only necessary to examine into detatls
with respect to those reforms which the country aitiy
require. I think we have carried into effect
the pledges for improvement given by Lord
Spencer. The change of Government whe'a took place
prevented these reforms being carried, and we were only told
that the Report of the Commissioners would be laid befere
us, and should receive due consideration, while, at the same
time a high authority had declared that the Commission
was altogether illegal.—( Hear, hear.) From that pe-
riod, we have made a great step, by introducing
the present measure. The Noble Lord concluded by moving
that the House do agree to the Lords amendments, and re-
sumed his seat amid loud and continued cheering. . ,
Mr. HUME began by observing that he should detain the
House only for a short time, whilst he performed a duty which
he felt to be imposed upon him. He could not. help
.expres-
sing his deep regret that the Hcuse of Lords had not thought
proper to concur with the amendments made by this House.
This House evinced a desire to conciliate never equalled, and
which was peculiarly striking when the resistance offered by
the House of Lords to a Bill which, with their exception, was
universally desired, was borne in mind.—( Hear, hear.) This
resistance was the more remarkable when the expressed wishes
of their Lordships, with respect to a measure of Corporate
Reform was taken into account. It was this : " The Lords
participate in the anxiety manifested by the Commons to main-
tain a good correspondence and understanding between the
two Houses, of the paramount importance of which to the
public welfare the Lords are deeply sensible." They certainly
had selected the strongest mode of carrying this professed •
" concurrence" into effect, of almost any that could be de-
vised.—( Hear, and cheers.) They declared it, too, to be a
measure of "paramount importance," but how it was possible
to make the admission, that no measure was more essential
to the peace and interest of the inhabitants of this country,
and yet to treat it in the manner in which it had been treated
by -the House of Lords was an inconsistency which to him
appeared altogether inexplicable.—( Hear, hear.) He would
call the attention of the House to the Speech from the
Throne, at the commencement of the Session, in which
his Majesty had stated that " He relied with entire con-
fidence on the willing co-operation of the two Houses
of Parliament, which was calculated to remove unjust causes
of complaint, and to promote the concord and happiness of the
country." Could the conduct of the Lords with respect to
other measures besides that of the Municipal Corporations
Bill—he meant particularly that most important one, the mea-
sure for the settlement of the tithe question—be for one moment
considered as proof of compliance with that recommendation ?
The manner in which that measure had been disposed of, and
the way in which the Municipal Reform Bill had been dealt
with, at any rate showed this—that their Lordships took a most
extraordinary course in meeting the wishes or acting in accor-
dance with the feelings of the people.---( Hear, hear.) Was
it not insufferable that thahreform which was considered es-
sential, and which that House had admitted to be necessary to
the welfare of the people, should, except so far as it war grant-
ed by the mangled Bill now before them, be refused by the
other House of Parliament ? Then came the question—what
were they to do ? The Members of that House were perfectly
helpless : the people have no power over the other House of
Parliament. The only means by which the majority against
the people in that House could be diminished was by an exer-
cise of the prerogative of the Crown, which it did not appear
likely would be carried into effect.—( Hear.) While he said
this, he could not but reflect that this Ministry had had a
most arduous task to perform.--( Hear, hear, hear.) There
could not perhaps be a better example of the difficulties which
they had had to encounter, than that a Noble Lord who
was at the head of one of the most important branches of
the military service of the country—the Horse Guards—with-
held all support from that Government under which he acted,.
and to the members of which he communicated he (Mr. Hume)
supposed all the proceedings connected with the inquiry.--
(Hear, hear.) It was no wonder that the situation of Minis-
ters should be embarrassing, when those who occupied the
highest posts of authority under them, and who were dependent
upon them, were foremost in opposition to them.—( Hear,
bear.) When, therefore, they found the Prelates of the
Church and the Peers united in one bond to resist the just de-
mands of the people, it behoved not only the Members of that
House, but the people themselves, and the highest individual
in the country, to consider well what might be the result of a
continued course of such proceedings.—( Cheers.) It was
perfectly true that a majority of an important branch of the
Legislature were opposed to conceding to the demands of the
people with respect to this measure; but it was true also that
an equally important portion of the Legislature—that House
—was almost unanimous in the opinion that they should be
complied with. If reason and common sense, prudence and
discretion, were (as they appeared to be) banished from the
Lords, what could the country expect ?—( Hear, hear.) Of
what avail were the proceedings of that House when it was
seriously held in the other House of Parliament that a particu-
lar measure ought not to be passed because a certain individual
Member of that House had voted for it.—( Hear, and laughter.)
Was such an avowal, he repeated, consistent with common
sense, or prudence, or discretion.—( Hear, hear.) Such a
course of conduct on the part of another brands of the Legis-
lature rendered it the more imperative on that House cau-
tiously and prudently to consider what steps were to be taken,
and how they might overcome the difficulties by which they
were surrounded. But it ..vas not for them but for the people
themselves to consider what proceedings should take place;
and he earnestly hoped that from one end of the country to
the other the people would proclaim that there was little use
in a reform in the House of Commons, if there was not also
a reform in the House of Lords.—(Loud cheers.) All their
labours and efforts, and sacrifices in the year 1832, and sub-.
sequently, were completely thrown away, if the acts of their
repeesentatives were annulled by a Tory majority in the other
House of Parliament.—( Renewed cheers.) • Was it not
monstrous that they in that House should labour almost inces-
santly night and day, with a view of carrying measures on
which the peace of the country, the interests of the people,
and the stability of the throne depended, with no other result
than to have the Bills which they carefully prepared quashed
or rendered comparatively useless by the decision of an irre-
sponsible body of individuals ?—( Hear, hear.) Whilst, then,
he protested against the proceedings of the Lords, not only
with respect to this Bill, but with regard to the other
Bills which were sent up to them, he felt bound •to de-
clare that it became an imperative duty on his Majesty's
Ministers to be prepared, on the next assembling of
Parliament, for the promulgation of some means by
which the two branches of the Legislature might be
rendered harmonious. It was impossible to imagine any
situation more embarrassing or unpleasant for a member of
either branch of the Legislature than that in which he was
called on to alter, in any respect, the constitution of the coun-
try. When, however' the public interest demanded a change,
they were bound to devise the best means of effecting it.
There was one mode by which, he conceived, the constitution
of the House of Lords might be reformed, and it had this
peculiar advantage, that there was a precedent in its favour.
He alluded to the nomination of Peers by the Crown. It was
notorious that the Tories had been doubled in that House by
Tory Administrations professing and acting on opinions di-
rectly opposed to the mass of the people. Would not his
Majesty's Government, then, who conducted the affairs of the
country on principles approved of by that House, and which
were assented to by the great majority of the inhabitants of
this kingdom, be justified in countervailing the preponderance
of Tory Peers by the infusion into the House of Lords of in-
dividuals entertaining opinions in conformity with the great
bulk of the people ?--( Hear, hear.) If the Tories thrust
Tories into that House, why should not the Whigs do the same,
and let there be some principle of fairness or equality esta-
blished amongst the members of it ? This might be said to
be interfering with the legislative power of the other House of
Parliament. But was it not absolutely necessary to interfere
in some degree with that power which had been invariably
exerted against the interest of' the people, 'when any great
measure for their benefit was brought before them ? He
might here say he was sorry the Right Honourable Baronet
the Member for Tamworth was not now in his place, that he
might have an opportunity of explaining the extraordinary
inconsistency which was imputed to him in the report of a
speech said to have been delivered by him at Tamworth : for
with one breath he admitted the necessity for Reforms, and
with the other denounced all those who would meddle or in-
terfere with that !louse which refused all popular Reforms.—
(Cheers.) The Lords, whilst they professed themselves op-
posed to all innovations, were, in fact, the greatest innovators,
for they had introduced hitherto unknown principles into the
Municipal Government of the towns ; for they had insisted
upon their division into a large number of wards, and de-
prived the local authorities of the appointincnt of the Magis.
trates. He defied any individual who was acquainted with
the ancient constitution of the Municipal Government of
towns to deny that they, the House of Commons, were in
favour of restoring, and the House of Lords of innovation
in the management of these ,towns.—( Hear, hear.) He was
willing, however, to acceptahis measure, on the understanding
that in the very neat Session of Parliament a Bill should ho
introduced to effect the objects which it was intended by this
Bill to accomplish. With a eoleran and distinct protest against
the amendments introduced by the Lords, he agreed to the re-
ception.of this Bill; and- he was the more inclined to take
that course when he reflected that it introduced into the
government of Corporations the two great principles of
annual elections and popular control..—( Cheers.) Thanking
•the Government for the measure which they had so wisely
and with so just a sense of the true interests of the people
originally brought forward, and the principles of which they
were bound to see ultimately carried into effect, he did not
consider it wise that that House should, when they could not
get all they required, abandon a measure containing those
most important plinciples.—( Hear, hear.). When they
called to mind, .too, the sentiments so lately expressed in the
second 'manifesto at Tamworth, .and the hopes which he who
issued it built on the divisions of these entertaining liberal
opinions, was there a man in that House belonging to that
class, front the ultra-Radical to the moderate Whig, who was
not persuaded of the necessity of union in the present crisis.
—( Loud cheers.) Were they not prepared to show that the
expectations of a return to power by that party who have so
long misgoverned the people, were founded on the grossest.
fallacy, if it was supposed that there was any other than
the most decided opinion in favour of unity and agreement
amongst the friends of the people ?—( Loud cheering.) He,
for the last time, repeated, that he took this measure as an
instalment of that debt which was due to the country ; and.
he—notwithstanding the complaints of some individuals--
took the ceerse which was pointed out to him, only from a
conscientious conviction, that it was now the best to be pur.
sued.—(Cheers.)
Mr. 13L ACKBURNE Wigan by saying, that until the

F.