The Sun.
London, England, 1866-03-14 00:00:00

r nt : and higherwages. Another cause was the emigration
that took place in Ireland ; a third was the extension of our -
trade and commerce, which is making labour every day
more and more in demand. I am not wrong in considering
othreerreatae hereafter.
re cause I
sstillcooupledrantoint et many principlesge,matnradwhichwillcontin frueot:
the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but one
y
mmubtaechj
hoe
in
care
aue
causes
If
is: tilsl:erelhi
ftc,;obv.
tt
mentioned,w.i
fortu
he
ent nhceywsoeaf
utethi
hvoi this
thing which he said was that he did not wish to see the
workingl
country.
edid
innota
his weaker brethren. (Laughter.) But was not the case that
is
%ll' oar kf ienwg cyleaus rs
se's from
l
a vote to £7 houses do we not hold out a temptation to .£6
houses to become £7 and so on, so that when I view the
system of my right hon. friend, as at present stated, wen
shall in a short time see the working classes in a majericy
of the constituency. Let us see what this implies. I
shall speak very frankly ; for having lost my character by
saying that the working man can get the franchise if he
likes, which is all true, I shall state what I mean. Lot
each gentleman consider the constituency he has had the
honour to be concerned with. (Laughter.) If you want
venality, ignorance ; if you want drunkenness, if you want
facilities for being intimidated, if you want an impulsive,
unreflective, violent people, where do you go to look for
them ? Is it to the top, or is it to the bottom ? It is ridi-
culous to raise the question. The sins of the constituencies
are mainly committed between the £2O and the £lO. I
may be said the £lO beer-house keeper is the man, but get
the artisan and you will see something very different
(Hear.) That is the sort of theory the ancients had about
the north wind. The ancients observed that as they 'went
further north the wind grew colder, just as the constituency ,
gots worse nearer £lO. " Then, if it is so cold when you
get in front of the north wind," they said, " how very warm
it must be if you could get behind it." (Laughter.) And,
therefore, they imagined for themselves a blessed land we
have all heard of called the Hyperborean, where the people,
were perfectly
happy and virtuous because they had got on
the other side of the north wind. (Laughter.) That is just
what hon. gentlemen say with regard to the franchise. If
you only go a little lower, you get among a virtuous class
but if what I say be true the lower you get the worse it
is, whetbor it be artisan or beer-shop keeper, or any other
person. We well know what sort of people those who live
in those small houses are. We know what the freemen.
were, and that it has been the opinion that there could
be no better act than to disfranchise them altogether. But
no when the class it was proposed to disfranchise is
dying out of itself, the Government proposes to bring it
back. I ask, what good shall we get? The effect will
be to add a largo number of persons to every consti-
tuency from the class to which, if anything is going wrong,
we must look to find it. It will increase the expenses of
the management of elections, and I maintain that as we go
lower you may look for more bribery and corruption than
hitherto. Another thing I wish to point out is that hon
gentlemen on this side of the house will find out from ex-
perience that the main mischief will fall on themselves. The
first stage will be to increase corruption, intimidation, dis-
order, and all the evils that often attend elections. That is
the first stage. What will be the second stage, when the
working men find themselves in a clear majority, which
will make them conscious of their power. They will say,
we can do better than continue elections. Let us set up a
shop for ourselves, let us carry on for ourselves ; we have
our trade unions, we have our loaders, we have all the ,
power of combination, and when we have power to vote
we can get all this with tenfold force. (Hear, hear.) Where
then is the lino to be drawn? The right hon. gentlenian
said that as he did not pledge the Government to redistri-
bution of seats, this Parliament might have to effect that
object. lam much obliged to my right hon. friend, but
for my part I do not think I should be worth preserving on
these terms. As long as we have not passed the bill we
are masters of the situation. Let us pass the bill, and what
should we be?—hewers of wood and drawers of water,
with the threat hanging over us that if we did not work we
should be sent about our business. (Opposition cheers.)
This we are told is a voter's bill, and does not deal with
the redistribution of seats. That, said the right hon. gen-
tleman, is the advice of the hon. member for Birmingham,
and I have followed it. It is lawful for me to be taught by
an enemy—how much more by a friend. (Laughter.)
Well, sir, I will read the language of the hon. member for
Birmingham, from which you will derive a very different
impression : "Repudiate without mercy any bill that gives
merely the franchise, whatever its acquisition may be, if it
does not unite clauses for the extinction of small boroughs,
and give them places to the great city and town population
of the kingdom."
Mr. BRIGHT—What is it you aro reading from ?
Mr. LOWE—I am reading a speech made by the hon.
member at Bradford in 1859. (Hear, hear, from Mr. Bright.)
There is a little bit more. (Laughter.) " The question of
redistribution is the very soul of the question ; but unless
you watch it you will be deceived ; and when the bill is
passed you will possibly turn back to lament yourposition.h
(Laughter.) I am not reading from the speech particularly
to get a latigh at the expense of the hon. member for Bir-
mingham, though I have no particular objection to that.
(Laughter.) I have not the least doubt the hon. member
for Birmingham, notwithstanding his speech at Bradford,
is consistent. I believe ho had in view the redistribution.
of seats, and that what he now wants is to get the workmen
to make the tools, and then they will speedily construct the
machinery. The object of constituencies is to return mem-
bers. It is quite possible that the constituencies may be so
large as not to return the members best fitted for this house;
and it is quite possible they may return men of moderate
opinions and moderato moans ; but it is quite possible to
divide tho whole representation in this house between the
millionaire, to whom expense is a matter of no moment, and
demagogues, who compensate for their want of money by
pandering to popular passion. (Opposition cheers.) Since
the revolution of 1688 it has been the practice for the seats
in the Government to be approached through the House of
Commons ; but if you admit such members of popular re-
presentatives, whatever good you may do, you will destroy
that element, and will render it impossible to carry on the
happy union that now exists. Again, I would ask, what
reasons there can be for bringing in this bill at all. The
working classes have gone to hear the hon. member for
Birmingham speak—as I would go if I wore within ten
miles—for the purpose of hearing him; but wherever he has
been he has condemned the franchise bill. The working
classes have met in St. Martin's-hall and elsewhere, but their
A
demand was for universal suffrage. [Mr. BitIGHT—No.]
lmost universally; and they have spoken in a manner
equally uncomplimentary of the hon. member for Leeds and
of his proposition. They have spoken out at St. Martin's
Hall, where Mr. Odgers toll the working men what he
wanted. And what he wanted was to give to his own
trade first and keep up wages. Mr. Odgers moved the first
resolution, and he told them what he wanted was a law to
keep up wages. (Hear, hear.) Another speaker asked,
why not pass an Act of Parliament and make Ireland per-
fectly happy ? (Hear, hear, and laughter.) I conclude
that there is no- pressure at present from the working
classes. Is it the constituencies ? Lord John Russell says
it is on account of the selfishness of the constituencies that
the working mon are kept out—that is to say, that they
are unfavourable to this measure. Is it the members of
this house ? A deputation went to Lord Russell and held
out extreme measures, and he told them that he agreed
with much of what they said, but he apprehended the
greatest difficulty in the House of Commons. Is it not the
House of Commons ? The next matter is a delicate ques-
tion. Is it the Cabinet ? There was a deputation to Lord
Russell on the question, and to the deputation the hon.
member for Birmingham said that Lord Russell had told
him that he had immense difficulties to deal with in refe-
ence to the question of Reform, but that his greatest diffi-
culty was in the Cabinet. (Opposition cheers.)
Mr. BRIGHT I don't know whether the right hon.
gentleman believes it or not. I have only to say that there
is not a word of truth in the statement. Lord Russell
t
has never said one word to me that led in any way
.ortion of his
no in-
timate to me what was the opinion of
which the right
recollec-
tion of having said anything
of
btehquotes anything he has
Cabinet. (Ministerial cheers.) Aandkilndhanayrop
hon. gentleman quotes ; and
sifaid
it,
and must have been.
read, I can only say I never said hoar.)
inaccurately reportedn.ot(lle'
persevere in saying it then. I read.
Mr. LONE— dloauge)—and I quote it from memory.
I take in the Star when I want infer-
laughter.) Let us come to the reason.
tion (Rcnewe •
It is not in respect to public opinion, it is
(ittionudthelauSgtahrte—r.er)lad
of the thing.
not because the working men are excluded, for that has
been pretty well disposed of. Is it, as the right hon. gentle-
man the Chancellor of the Exchequer says, that gentlemen
are committed? That is a question of high morality.
(A laugh.) I would ask the house seriously to turn their
mind to it. Any gentleman who enters this house, enters
it not as the member for any particular borough, butfortha
whole United Kingdom ; and I apprehend that he is bound
by an obligation to which no promise can add, and from
which no promise can take away— (cheers)—that he
to the best of his knowledge, will, and ability, do his uty
to the country. (Hear.) If a gentleman finds himself
has
a ham-
peredcourse
by pledges which touch his honour, heinen.
He
has
open to him. which is open to all honourablehonour, and he
in in it he must
can get out of it. If it is necessary
greater,
got into a position incompatible w
and false honour to
not propose a lesser duty to a
poet
says_
the true. As our great national >o
et
stood,
"His honour rooted in dishonour.tom falsely true."
And faith, unfaithful, made
'ons of hon. gentlemen, I hope
Whatever may sway the op
itinheet. gentlemen are pledged
that we shall not hear the
and that with their eyes open.
contrary to their consciences, ithto remain
°believe to be a great injury.
they will do what they believe
7 -I, little more to add as to the
(Cheers.) Now, then, A
always found that there is nothing so dif-
reasons. I have
to
Reformers as to assign reasons for re-
form. (A laugh.
)
ficult, apparently,
Tbe plan is to assume them, as the right
hon. gentleman when. proposing it—anthulando, by walking
into the question. (Laughter.) I do not say that we ought
not to have Reform, but I do say that the argument of the
differentgontlemen in promoting it is remarkable. They
• a the Chancellor 'of the Exchequer cells
siy it is justice,
it a boon. This is not a question of justice and it priori
reason ; this is a question of exlierience and expediency—
(hear, hear, and Opposition cheers)—and a practical con-
sideration of human institutions, and the test of making
theM conform to the end and object you havo in view