The Sun.
London, England, 1866-02-07 00:00:00

MIDLAND.

'The directors of this company have decided on re-
commending to the proprietors a dividend at the
rate of 7 per cent. per annum on the ordinary stock
of the company for the half year ending the 31st
Dec. last.

TELEGRAPH TO INDIA (LIMITED).
The fifth ordinary general meeting of this com-
pany was held yesterday at the office, Moorgate-
street ; Sir Macdonald Stephenson in the chair.
Mr. Mayo, the Secretary, having read the notice
convening the meeting, the report, an abstract of
which has appeared in The Sun, was taken as read.
The CHAIRMAN said they had met solely to sanc-
tion the payment of a dividend at the rate of 5 per
cent. per annum, free of income-tax, out of the half-
year's revenue from their Egyptian land line. The
directors had availed themselves of the opportunity
of reassuring the shareholders that their exertions
would not be slackened to accomplish, as they con-
fidently expected they would eventually, the great
object of the undertaking to connect this country by
an independent line with India, and in doing so, to
take care that the shareholders' interests were pro-
tected, and their individual wishes consulted. The di-
rectors had been encouraged and confirmed in their
policy by the assurance of high mercantile authorities
of its soundness and of the support it would un-
doubtedly receive at their hands when the time arrived
for a renewed effort to be made, with all the advan-
tage which past experience had furnished for their
guidance. Like steam navigation, and railways, sub-
marine telegraphs must pass through their several
phases, and it was fortunate that among the many
eminent men connected with those works, as en-
gineers, electricians, and manufacturers, there existed
a resolute determination that in this respect at least
England should not abandon her post in the van of
civilisation and commercial enterprise. lie then. moved

that the report and statement of accounts be approved
and adopted, and that a dividend at the rate of 5 per
cent. per annum, free of income-tax, for the half year
ending on the 31st of December be paid on the 15th
instant.

The retiring directors, Mr. F. C. Gaussen, Mr.
J. F. Leith, and Mr. C. L. Peel were re-elected ;
and also Mr. J. A. Franklin, the retiring auditor,
voting him 15 guineas for past services.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF LORDS--YESTERDAY.
ADDRESS TO HER MAJESTY IN REPLY
TO THE ROYAL SPEECH.
The LORD CHANCELLOR having read the Queen's
Speech,
The Marquis of NORMANBY rose to move an
humble address to her Majesty in reply to her most
gracious Speech.
Lord MORLEY, in seconding the motion for the
Address, paid an eloquent tribute to the memory of
the late venerable Premier, and, above all, dwelt
upon the heartfelt gratification with which the
country hailed the cessation of the civil war in
America, and which now allowed one of the greatest
branches of the Anglo-Saxon race to peacefully de-
velope their almost boundless resources and cement
the perfect freedom of their institutions. While de-
clining to express a definite opinion on the recent
events in Jamaica, he still could not help regretting
that a numerous class in this country had, on the
most insufficient evidence, prejudged the whole
question, and, without waiting for his defence, vir-
tually condemned Governor Eyre. He was not in-
clined to treat the Fenian conspiracy either with
contempt or alarm, and the attitude of all the re-
spectable classes in the sister country was calculated
to inspire the well'wishers of Ireland with every
ground of reasonable hope for its future. After a
brief allusion to the necessity of a well-considered
Reform Bill, and an urgent appeal to their Lord-
ships to adopt most stringent measures for stamping
out the cattle plague, his Lordship concluded by
seconding the Address.
The Duke of RUTLAND wished strongly to call
the attention of their Lordships to the last portion
of her Majesty's Speech, which referred to the cattle
plague. All that was yet known about that terrible
disease was that they had no remedy for it, and
that the only chance was trying prevention, for trying
a cure seemed hopeless. He contended that the
Government had full information of the approach
of the rinderpest, and also of its dreadful nature,
yet they took no steps against its coming here, nor
had they taken any proper precautions since it had
come. Even at this late hour, however, it might not
be too late to induce her Majesty's Government to
wake from their slumbers, and, by utterly prohibit-
ing the movement of cattle, either stop its spread,
or at least confine and limit its ravages to places
already infected.
The Duke of RICHMOND also condemned the
supineness of the Government in the same matter,
and showed by the Report of the Royal Commis-
sion that the Government were aware that the
plague was steadily coming as far back as 1859.
Since it broke out inthe country, Professor Symonds
thought that the Orders in Council had tended to
spread the disease more rapidly than it would have
naturally progressed had it been left alone.
Lord FEVERSHAM blamed the Government in
very severe terms for not having taken a more de-
cided course in dealing with the cattle plague. It
wasa grave national question, and he felt bound to
move a resolution declaring that it was the duty of
the Government to assume the responsibility of en-
forcing uniformity of action on the subject through-
out the country.
Lord ESSEX heartilyagreed with what had been
said by the previous speaker, and called upon the
Government to say what they were prepared to do
in the matter.
Lord WINCHILSEA thought the plague was due
to the introduction of cattle from abroad without
proper precautions, and in a lively speech maintained
that the Government had mismanaged the matter.
Lord GRANVILLE vindicated the course taken
by the Government. Did any one mean to say that
it was possible as early as last July to stop both the
importation and traffic of cattle ? It was not until
late in July that the existence of the rinderpest was
known in this country. From that date the Govern-
ment and the Home-office took the most stringent
precautions to prevent the spread of the disease, and
every step they took was heartily approved by the
late Lord Palmerston, who, up to within one week
of his lamented death, employed all ;the energies of
his active mind in considering various schemes and
measures to avert the spread of the calamity with
which they were threatened. The example of foreign
Governments had been held up to her Majesty's Mi-
nisters, but Austria had utterly failed in stamping
out the disease. Prussia, it was true, succeeded, and
so had France, but under the Constitution under
which we lived no Governmentor body of Ministers
had the power which was exercised individually by
the Emperor of the French or the King of Prussia.
With regard to the course which the Government
intended to pursue, he might state that at the earliest
period they meant to bring in a bill which he thought
would meet all the requirements of the case as to
the traffic in cattle, though, of course, he did not
feel at liberty to anticipate the disclosure of the
enactments it was intended to propose.
Lord CARNARVON Thought that the defence
of the Government was worthless. If they lacked
constitutional powers to enforce such rules as might
have checked the course of the disease, they should
have called Parliament together to apply for them.
Instead of that, however, Parliament had been called
later this year than it had been assembled for many
years before. The cattle plague was the greatest
national calamity which had fallen on the country
for years, and the Government had done absolutely
nothing to check or mitigate it.
Lord ABERCORN censured the Government
for not having acted earlier, and with more rigour,
against the Fenian conspirators. He thought that
the undue leniency shown to some who had recently
been tried, but who had previously been convicted
of sedition years ago and pardoned, was one among
the many causes which had raised such a crop of
conspirators as now seemed spread throughout the
lower classes of Ireland.

Lord GREY, reverting again to the subject of
the cattle plague, strongly blamed the Government
for their extraordinary laxity in not having taken
greater precautions than they had done against its
spread. When they saw, as they soon could have
seen, that there was no cure to be depended on but
prevention, they had ample powers to have placed
such restrictions on the traffic and sale of cattle as
might, if done two months ago, have averted the
dreadful evil which was beyond all doubt becoming
worse with the lapse of every day. He felt it his
duty to say that both the want of judgment and
the want of vigour displayed by the Government
had laid them open to the severest censure. With
regard to the proposed Reform Bill, he confessed he
had been much alarmed at the rumours that Lord
Russell had been influenced and guided by the
advice of a distinguished member of the House of
Commons. If the changes which that hon. member
in his speech at Rochdale enumerated as necessary,
and as stepping stones to others still more radical,
were ever submitted to Parliament and the country,
he was confident they would be scouted by both alike.
If the proposed reform merely meant a reduction of
the franchise, and no other change, it would be a
sham and delusion, unless it was only meant as
a
lever with which hereafter to effect 'other and more
ARGYLL wished to recall the at-
tention dangerous
kcoh aonfgAes.
R
of the house to the real question before it,
which was that of the cattle plague. The Govern-
ment, he maintained, had been rather ahead of pub-
liev en ot
ipvi
en imo ne
atshuarne
s. behind,he
They
t hiand theircer adoption of pre-
tainly gone nearer
to a uniformity of action than those who now sought
to censure them, each of whom came forward with
a different plan, and each of whom seemed to think
that the local laws which answered well in their
own counties would be equally applicable to all
England.
The Earl of DERBY—My lords, I can scarce]yp ho oto
see the practice adopted here which prevails in some neigh-
bouring countries, of considering an Address in answer to
a Speech from the Throne paragraph by paragraph ; but it
must be admitted that, according to the practice we pur-
sue, it is extremely difficult to enter on a fair discussion of
the topics introduced in the Speech. Their multitude and
variety render the discussion of each almost necessarily

__—...,........,,
fragmentary. One noble lord takes up one, another dis-
cusses another, and it is impossible to do justice to any in
the sort of preliminary discussion which takes place on the
Address in answer to the Speech from the Throne. In
point of fact, one of the main objects answered by the two
documents—the Speech and Address—is the opportu-
nity they afford to Parliament and the people of hearing
what has been done during the recess. They serve, also,
to give intimation of the particular measures which it is
the intention of the Government to introduce, and, on the
other hand, the Government have an opportunity of hear-
ing from various sides of the house what portions of their
past conduct are likely to meet with animadversion, and,
perhaps, censure and, of course, with regard to other por-
tions, what are likely to be approved by the country or
Parliament. There is on 3 other object answered by the
Speech and the Address in answer to it, and that is, it af-
fords an opportunity for the younger members of your
lordships' house to make a trial of their strength, to make
their first Parliamentary effort, and holding out the pro-
mise of future success or failure. I have now, my lords,
been a. member of your lordships' house for more than 22
years, and I must say, without the slightest flattery to
the two noble lords who moved and seconded the Ad-
dress, that I never heard an Address moved and seconded
with greater ability and greater promise than by the
noble marquis and the noble earl. (Hear, hear.) I may
be permitted more especially to congratulate the noble
earl ou the singularly clear, lucid, straightforward man-
ner in which he dealt with the subject (hear), upon the
good taste by which all his observations were charac-
terised, and more especially the becoming modesty with
which they were delivered (hear hear), leading us to
hope that we may often have the opportunity of hearing
him express his sentiments as one of the most promising
young members of your lordships' house. (Hear, hear.) At
an earlier period of the evening, and if your lordships had
been less occupied, I might, perhaps, have commented at
some length on a Speech of more than usual length, and
dealing with more than the usual number of subjects; but on
many of them we are promised papers, and any attempt to
discuss them in the absence of those papers would be neces-
sarily very imperfect. There are topics again on which there
will beno difference of opinion. There will be no difference
of opinion as to the sincere congratulations we offer to her
Majesty on the approaching marriage of the Princess Helena
or on any matter which nearly concerns and interests her
Majesty. lam quite sure your lordships will all be prepared
to join her Majesty in the hope that this union may be
' prosperous and happy. There will be no difference of opi-
nion as to the grief we feel for the death of her Majesty's
illustrious relative the late Ring of the Belgians—that wise
and sagacious monarch, who by his firmness and ability
united rival parties in the State, and led them by a feeling
of common patriotism to the determination to preserve
their independence, and whose wisdom extended the in-
fluence of that country far beyond its territorial limits, and
produced no inconsiderable effect on the whole general
policy of Europe. (Hear.) The loss of such a man was a
general calamity, and I only hope that his successor will be
animated by his example, and prove that he partakes of his
firmness and intelligence. (Hear.) It also appears that
" her Majesty's relations with foreign Powers are friendly
and satisfactory." We are bound to believe that because
we are informed of it both by her Majesty and the Govern-
ment of France. With regard to the meeting of the fleets
of England and France, I think it very possible that it
may have produced a friendly feeling among the officers of
the two countries, and that these complimentary visits are
not without use ; but I am at a loss to understand how
the complimentary visit of our fleets from Portsmouth to
Cherbourg, and the visit of the French fleet from Cher-
bourg to Portsmouth, could " prove to the world their
friendly concert in the promotion of peace." (Laughter.)
All must rejoice that after four years of bloody warfare the
sanguinary struggle is put an end to in the now United
States, and I concur in that paragraph in the Address which
commends the wise and prudent man ner in which the ravages
of war are sought to be repaired. That paragraph must more
particularly apply to the conduct individually pursued by
the President, who appears to be honestly seeking after the
best mode of restoring the union of his country by a con-
ciliatory and forbearing policy, and it is to the interest of
the United States and of the world that in the wise and
1 benevolent exercise of his authority he may not find himself
swamped and overborne by violent passions not yet sub-
sided, and by the tyranny of a majority which appears to
exercise a baneful influence in the Congress. (Cheers.) The
abolition of slavery must undoubtedly be a subject of con-
gratulation, but I fear the abolition may be attended with
very severe sufferings in consequence of the idleness and
privations of the emancipated negroes, who have little
knowledge as yet of the duties imposed upon them as free
men, who take exaggerated views of the rights acquired by
freedom, and who are likely to prove a source of consider-
able danger both to the States to which they belong and to
the Government of the United States. I hope these feelings
will subside, and that better knowledge will lead to more
favourable results. -At present, though the great object of
the extinction of slavery is attained, yet it is attained
through the medium of severe suffering and at the risk of
no inconsiderable danger. (Hear.) I shall not offer any
comment on the correspondence, not yet officially before
the house, between the English Government and the United
States with respect to injuries inflicted on American com-
merce by cruisers under the Confederate flag ; but I must
say that as far as I have seen the correspondence has
been conducted in a courteous, liberal, and honourable
spirit, and I concur in the arguments by which the noble
earl opposite supported the cause of this country, and the
course pursued by the Government. (Hear.) I will not say
a word on the subject of Brazil, the war between Spain
and Chili, or the transactions in Japan. 1 shall rejoice to
find that the treaties entered into will be productive of the
very great commercial advantages which the noble ear
seems to anticipate. It is singular, however, that those
persons who are now so ready to invite commercial treaties
with France and also with Austria are the very men who for
years and years were denouncing the whole system of com-
mercial treaties, and proclaiming that we had only to con-
sult what was best for our interest without considering
what other countries could give us in return. (Cheers.)
That system is abandoned, but rather late, and only when
we had nothing to offer to other countries in return. Cer
taiuly there must be a very moderate appreciation of the
benefits of free trade, if this country is to receive Austrian
goods at a very low or nominal duty, while our goods are
to pay in Austria 25 per cent., and, after a period, 20 per
cent. However, the step is in the right direction, and
though we do not get on so far as we wish, I suppose we
must be thankful for small mercies. I agree with the
noble earl who seconded the Address, that any expression
of opinion would now be premature and improper with re-
gard to the deplorable events which have taken place in.
the colony of Jamaica, although, unfortunately, a portion
of the Press of this country has taken on itself to prejudge
the question, in the absence of any sufficient information.
(Hear, hear.) I am not pretending to say whether Mr.
Eyre was justified in the measures of severity which he felt
called on to carry into effect. Mr. Eyre's previous charac-
ter does not lead one to suppose that ho would lose his
head from sudden infirmity, and if there is one point
more prominent in his character than another it is, that in
all cases where there was a mixture of races, he stood
forward as the advocate and protector of the inferior
race. (Cheers.) It is unlikely that a man of this descrip-
tion and character, who has had experience of colonial
life, should have been so entirely misled as, without foun-
dation, to believe that a dangerous rebellion was orga-
nised over the whole of the colony, which broke out in
one district, and which, by the admission of the Colo-
nial Secretary, was put a stop to by the vigour with
which the authorities acted in Jamaica. The whole ques-
tion will turn on what was really the state of the colony.
Was there in reality fair ground for the belief that a rebel-
lion was about to break out, when rigorous measures would
be measures of real mercy, though attended with loss of
life ? (Hear, hear.) But I pronounce no opinion on this
subject. The Government ought to have the reports of Mr.
Eyre from time to time with respect to the state of the
island. He must have told them what he apprehended,
and what was the opinion of the whole white population.
We know, indeed, that the whole white population—they
might. have been under a delusion—hut wo know that they
were unanimous in the belief that by his measures Mr.
Eyre saved the colony of Jamaica. (Hear, hear.) They
may have been all wrong. Ido not say they were not, and
I want to receive the fullest information; but With respect
to the course pursued by the Government, I must say that
that is a matter on which I am fully competent to form and
express an opinion, and I must say that I do not think it
has been either just or generous to the Governor of Ja-
maica. (Cheers.) The position of the Government has
been one of serious responsibility and great danger; and
at the &moment when he believed that he had rendered
great services to the country, the course pursued of depos-
ing and degrading him makes it too painfully evident that
the Government have lost their best leg. (flear, hear.)
Sucha course would never have been pursued by Lord Pal-
merston. We have his own recorded sentiments as to the
duty of the Government towards their subordinates, and if
Lord Palmerston committed any error at all it was that of
going into the opposite extreme, and, rightly or wrongly,
feeling ithis duty to defend the conduct of those who acted
under him. I saw the other day in a newspaper which was
sent to me a quotation from a speech delivered by Lord Pal-
merston when the question was under discussion whether
or not Sir John Bowring had precipitated us intoanlorr.dri,s
just war with China; and I recommend the noblei
words to the serious consideration of the Government.
• tative of the Crown when we are .
support the repiesen
• ehe took au unwise
satis-
fied that he is right. Even, if we believe "It is not enough," said Lord Palinerst, `‘to
D e oudesire nwtie ares satisfietdo
policy takes
thatcourse
ec
t Nevdi l l
do his duty to the country. The moment
deserve the confidence of
honestly,n t d ese desert
dhwi mt t
hs ea longcosii
yours
a different direction you cease
people
high-minded
hse-rmvienydeodu,Eann:
necessary to have at the head
andnot be
edepeigndencies of this
dhoounbotulreassblyeomueNnv.iii,Yibi
but
ts
Ctil.ohlijoiysyniNg get
siltl
lish gentlemen, such
great
)eatl am far from denying that the state-
ments uanfftrailyis”in(Cthheeers. .
. received, imperfect though they were,
ments which were
did render it the duty of the Government to call on Gover-
nor Eyre for an explanation on those points in respect to
which he appeared to have exceeded the law. But I do
think that to send for a Governor from another colony— I
am sorry to say I am afraid contrary to the original inten-
tion of the Government, whatever the reasons may be which

ed to the alteration of that intention—to supersede Mr.' most Important things for the last, and accordingly her noble earl's bill which proposed to restore nomination
Eyre, who was to remain within the island—subject to the Majesty's Government, after having kept the house and boroughs. According to the Reform Act many of the
many üblic on the tenter-hooks of expectation througl smaller boroughs, in which there were 10 or 12 voters, were
examination and control of that governor and two of his col- long preceding paragraphs, at last com , to the topic
leagues, degraded in the eyes of blacks, who would naturally which is at present most exciting the atteeth n of the enlarged by £lO voters, so that they contained, 300, 400,
be led to believe that they had obtained a signal triumph public, namely, the subject of Parliamentary Reform. I or 500 voters, whereby they were enabled to send men of
thaebrerechi to a can that her their own to Parliament. Now, the noble earl's bill had a
over a man whom they looked upon as an oppressor while
y' Government haivne
tielkahosttheslast paragraph
provision by which freeholders of counties would have
the whites would be under the impression that everything that subject, and that it is their intentiaonYwilutegele:it voted for those counties. Besides this, there was a further
was being done in favour of the negro, the relative position delay, to lay it on the table of the house, in order that the
of the two races being thus as it were changed—was a step house and the public may have an opportunity of consi- provision that thesevotes might be sent by post, so that any
neither just to Governor Eyre nor likely to be otherwiseßering its provisions. I think that is a proper course for noble lord or right hon. gentleman in some distant county
than most unfortunate in its effect upon the minds of both the
of pnirolceedtree.i'le, and
quite consistent with the usual course might send by post of votes 300 or 400 tenants, who never
populations. (Hear, hear.) I presume the noble earl at
My right hon. friend the then Chancellor of the Exchequer went near the place, and thus carry the election. That
the head of the Government has taken the opinion of the (Mr. Disraeli) had the
satisfaction of informing the noble struck me so much that I stated my objection to a gentleman
who sat near me when the Chancellorof the Exchequerpro-
law officers of the Crown as to the legality of the commis- lord and the house that we had that bill in readiness, that
sion which has been sent out to Jamaica, for, unless I have
we were
and
treel to lay it on the table at a very early posed his measure to the House of Commons. Theseprovi-
their opinion against mine, I should have great doubt as to
period, there was only one subject which pressed
sions, with the absence of an adequate extension of the
franchise to persons occupying houses under £lO a year,
that legality. Ido not, of course, question the power of
for more immediate consideration before it—namely, the made the bill so bad that it was impossible to support it.
the Government to make any inquiries they may please
in the colony, and to order rumours to be picked up here large augmentation of the navy which was then in pro- The noble earl, when First Minister of the Crown, intro-
gress. But then the noble earl opposite was not
and there for their information ; but I believe this satisfied, duced two measures—one a Budget imposing a very large
and he sought rather to improve upon his leader's liveli- tax upon houses, and another measure for the Government
Commission which has been sent out to try, as it were,
ness on that occasion. Ho accordingly delivered himself of of India. I considered they were both exceedingly bad
Governor Eyre for high crimes and misdemeanours, has
not the power to compel a single witness to give evidence the witticism which lam about to submit for your lord- measures, and both were rejected by Parliament. But
ship's consideration. (A laugh.) He said : much worse was the measure which the noble earl intro-
before it on oath ; that Mr. Eyre might refuse to appear
tie" Sir,tthoseeids another subject which the right hon. gen- duced under the name of a Reform of Parliament. I oh-
before it if he pleased, or recognise its authority in the upont o
and of
tenderly,oiltoanin dthwohli qlltroatipo-.
slightest degree. What, therefore, have you done ? Have peered just e.
at jeeted to that bill, and I stated my objections fully and
you not been sending out on the authority of the Govern- (This was the gravamen of the charge against us.) It cer- fairly. That bill was defeated by no underhand proceed-
ment a roving commission to pick up evidence against him tainly appears to me as if her Majesty's Ministers had gone ing, but by open and fair opposition. As to the objections
which might be used when, if that which is urged against through all the topics upon which they thought Parlia- raised by the noble earl to a measure of Reform,
int nee:be:loon; dt:ex Cabinett bssead c,lrlesss d, and t 'tat
him by those who take a fanatical view of his conduct inh. 1 thou
lehegnoteteentn; because it might be regarded in the light of a stepping-
stone to other more extensive reforms, I have only
this country be true, he came to be placed on his trial on a We have not left out Mexico, have therewe r No,g therer it is.
capital charge ? (Hear, hear.) I will only add on this Thera is also a passage about China and Japan. I cannot to say that the late Mr. Hume said the same of the bill of
point that the Government have, in my opinion, taken a think of anything that is omitted.' But at last some inge- 1832, and voted for it on that ground. But though Mr.
nicosetm;omrbertt ofthe Cabinet perhaps said, ' There is one Hume said he intended to go much farther than the bill of
graver responsibility upon themselves in the course which there is the Reform Parliament; we 1832, that did not prevent the late Lord Grey and his col-
they have adopted. I next come to that serious calamity must put thatge ine.7
the cattle plague, but I will not follow into any detail the (Laughter.) Now, my lords, all this was founded on the leagues from carrying that important measure, nor should
various speakers who, with the exception of the President circumstance of Reform being the last paragraph in her
the fact of the same being said now prevent the present
of the Council and the noble duke opposite, have with so Majesty's Speech, and that occurring on the 3d February
much unanimity expressed their dissatisfaction at the our bill was laid on the table on the 28th of the same
month,, Parliament from carrying a measure commensurate with
the requirements of the time. (Hear.)
course which Government have thought proper to pursue and was then read for discussion, we having gone through Viscount MELVILLE complained that the Government
in reference to that subject. Even the language—the ape- the question with regard to
the navy. the
Colonies, it was true, had written a But the noble earl had treated Governor Eyre most harshly and ungraciously.
logetic language--of her Majesty's Ministers themselves said, with his usual humour :—" The right hon. gentle- The Secretary for
most proper letter to Jamaica, promising that the names of
has been, "We did not know how far public opinion man (Mr. Disraeli),
or feeling would go along with us in dealing with the mat- "Now fitted the halter those who had so ably assisted Governor Eyre in suppress-
ter.now traversed the cart,
We therefore fluctuated from one side to the other, and " And often took leave, but seemed loth to depart." ing the rebellion should be brought under the favourable
issued a series of contradictory enactments." (Laughter.) But earlier in his remarks the noble earl said : notice of the Horse Guards. But what followed ? The Go-
Earl GRANVILLE—I did net use that language. —" The right hon. gentleman seemed as unwilling to touch vernor had actually been rebuked for having adopted se-
The Earl of DERBY— Perhaps the noble earl will tell on that subject (Reform) here as the Cabinet wore in were measures in the exercise of his duty. It was impos-
me which are the precise words to which he objects. putting it into the Speech. Heaven knows how it has Bible to say what would be the result of this unworthy
Earl GRANVILLE—I did not say, speaking on behalf fallen into their charge !" (A laugh.) Well, be that as it conduct on the part of the Government. It really seemed
of the Government, as the noble earl would seem to impute may, we know at least how it was taken out of what a as if the noble lord had turned to the right and left to see
to me, that "we fluctuated from one side to the other, and member of the other house the other day, with great tour-
in what direction the several parties set their faces, and
issued a series of contradictory enactments." tesy of expression, called our "dirty and unhallowed then to have acted as the policy for the moment dictated.
(
fingers." (Laughter.) Our predecessors had on more than (Rear.) It had been well: said by a noble lord who had
The Earl of DERBY— 1 did not for a moment suppose
four separate occasions pledged the faith of the Crown that preceded him if a late noble lord had still been at the head
that the noble earl would give that character of himself.
of the Government the idea of censuring Governor Eyre
such a measure should be submitted to Parliament, and be-
(Laughter.) What I intended to say was that, with the
single exception of the noble earl himself and the noble cause in endeavouring to carry that pledge into effect they would not have been entertained for a moment. That
duke beside him, there was an universal chorus of voices had so completely bungled and mismanaged the whole noble lord would have spurned the proposal of recalling
-
question that they could come to no conclusion at all, that the contrary, have sup-
pursued by the Government with regard to the cattle plague Governor Eyre. He would, on
from both sides of the house, complaining that the course
they left everything in confusion, and the whole country ported him to the last, and not even dreamt of pursuing a
line of policy calculated to degrade the country in the
in an agitation on the subject of Reform, we sought to put
was vacillating and unsatisfactory ; that they were from
first to last insensible of the magnitude of the evil ; that an end to that state of things by a fair, an honest, and a eyes of the world. So far from censuring Governor Eyre,
they lagged behind the exigencies of the case ; that they censcientiously-framed measure, proposed with an earnest the Ministry should have tendered him the thanks of the
were endeavouring to see before acting how far public opt-
intention to fulfil the solemn and repeated declarations country. (Hear.) It grieved him beyond measure to think
nion would go along with them, and that they were through-
made from the throne. (Hear, hear.) How that bill was that the Governor's conduct should now be subject to re-
out shirking the responsibility which belongs to the Exe- encountered, defeated, and got rid of perhaps the noble lord view by men who never knew what danger was. (Hear.)
cutive Government, and seeking to throw it on the has now forgotten. (A laugh.) But in those remarks of The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the question that
the amendment proposed by Lord Feversham be inserted
shoulders of other persons, thus producing no uniformity his in 1859 which I have been quoting the noble lord, ad-
in the reply of their lordships to her Majesty's Speech.
of proceeding ; but, on the contrary, every variety of sys- dressing the House of Commons, went on to say :
The Earl of DERBY suggested that in the then state of
tem. [Earl Granville here made a remark across the table.] "I do not see that there is any subject which the Govern-
the house his noble friend (Lord Feversham) should not
mint intend to bring forward that will furnish them with
Any more observations ? (A laugh.) All I can say is,
manaydoexucustzefiorrnidienladys into lenitsrordeoattear.
Reform
. Bill,
filhley lava press his amendment upon a question with reference to
that the language which the noble lord imputes to me is
which he would have an opportunity of expressing his opi-
absolute nonsense, but Ido state that the Government do lay it on the table. (Laughter and cheers.) I will :live enmo
not appear to have realised in this instance the important opinion on a measure of that kind until I see what it pro- nion upon some future occasion.
Lord FEVERSHAM then withdrew his amendment, and
fact that unless, in the material as in the moral world, poses to do. . . . There is every disposition in this house
to wait their time ; but they must not be putting off the The reply to the Address was carried as originally pro-
prompt measures are taken at the outset to crush a pro-
Pa subject. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) My hon. friend behind posed.
lential virus it will be apt to spread unchecked until it ex- me (Mr. Bright) lam afraid will hardly be able to restrain
tends beyond year power. (Hear.) This observation, I his impatience. (Laughter.) They have given a pledge
may add, I would apply not only to the cattle plague, but in this matter, and they are bound to perform it."
also to what is known under the name of Fenianism in That was the language of the noble earl in 1859, with reckless
Ireland. For the way in which the latter evil has been haste .calling for the introduction of a finished Reform Bill
ready for discussion by Parliament. One little month was
dealt with I make no charge against any individual, still
too much to give after the opening of the session. It was
less against the present Irish Government. But my noble
friend behind me has told your lordships, with great truth, the bounden duty, so he urged, of the Government to have
that in 1859 the Government, of which I had then the their scheme ready, and having it ready, to lay it before
honour to be the head, succeeded in convicting one the Legislature at once. (Hear, hear.) Well, the noble
prisoner on a charge of treason felony, and in estab-
earl is now at the head of the Government, and I do not
lisping beyond a doubt the existence of treasonable
gather that they have their measure ready. I infer from
conspiracy in Ireland, and I may add that that excellent this Speech that they have not yet made up their minds
, what their measure should be. If the fact be otherwise,
judge, Baron Greene, in passing sentence of ten years
penal servitude on the person who had been convicted, they certainly have done themselves great injustice, be-
informed him that had not the Crown taken a merciful Cause they say that inquiries aro now going "forward with
view of the case his duty would be to pass upon him reference to the rights of voting in the election of mem-
bers to serve in Parliament," and that "when that infor-
sentence of death, inasmuch as his offense absolutely
amounted to treason itself. There were, too, several other matron is complete the attention of Parliament will be
c
prisoners at the same time against whom indictments had called to the result thus obtained," &c. Now, my lords,
the Government are proceeding either without information,
been found, but it was thought expedient by the Crown to
postpone the consideration of those indictments until the or with the intention of making the information they may
procure square with their foregone conclusions, or, again,
following assizes. The question was accordingly brought
they may be gifted with a superhuman prescience which
before the Court of Queen's Bench, as to whether the pri-
enables them to know infallibly beforehand what will be
aoners should be admitted to bail. No rule was, however,
the precise result of these inquiries ; whereas we poor or-
made on the subject, inasmuch as the Court was equally
Binary mortals must be content to wait until all those pro-
divided ; but the judges who were in favour of admitting
the prisoners to bail, just as strongly condemned the
missed statistics are laid before us which are to prove the
offence with which they were charged, and as fully ad-
wonderful skill and dexterity of the Government in
nutted the clearness cf the case against them, as those who framing a measure in anticipation of the information on
which it is to be founded. (Cheers and laughter.) Well,
y .
took a contrary view upon the point immediatel at issue
my lords, imitating the wise caution of the noble earl, I
Well, what afterwards happened ? The Government went
will express no opinion upon their measure until I have
out of office between the time of which I am speaking and
seen it. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) I hope it will be such
the next assizes, and the first act of the new Government
a measure as I shall be able to support—that it will be a
was to discharge every one of those indicted traitors on
r
the simple condition that they should come up for judg-
easonable and satisfactory settlement of this grave and
ment when called upon to do so. Nor was this all. The important question, which I believe it is desirable to
settle, and settle once for all. (Cheers.) And I promise
Crown entered into a bargain with the prisoners who
the noble earl another thing—that his bill shall have fair
pleaded guilty not only that they should not be visited
play, that it shall not be thrust aside by any underhand
with the consequences of their crime, but that the prisoner
who had been actually convicted and sentenced to 10 years' methods, that there shall be no factious movement or
combinations against it on the part of those who can
penal servitude should be released, and he was released
combine for nothing else - (cheers)—that it shall be dealt
without even application having boon made to the judge
with on its merits ; that if we can approve of it we shall
who tried him to ascertain whether there were any circum-
stances which in his opinion would justify his pardon. give it our cordial support ; but that, on the other hand,
(Hear, hear.) Well, my lords, who are the persons who were if we disapprove of it and think it is imperfect, inadequate,
thus dealt with? Why, the very same who were brought up or dangerous, and, above all, if we think it one leading to
again for the same crime within the last few months, and atfutureo,r agitationst within a brief period of a perilous
whatevercha-
\v means.we may possess we shall
who were from 1859 to 1865 allowed to mature their do ou'r best to wtolt oit out by fair debate and honourable
traitorous designs both at home and in America. (Hear.) opposition. (Loud cheers.)
There is, again, the notorious Mr. Stephens, who was asso- Earl RUSSELL (after two or three preliminary remarks,
ciated with Mr. Smith O'Brien in that foolish and paltry at- which did not reach the gallery), said : —As the other
tempt at revolt in 1848, and who has ever since been carry topics raised in the debate have been sufficiently discussed,
ing on the game of treason. This gentleman was in 1848 a I will confine my observations to two points—the charge
principal agent, but, acting upon that instinct of self-pre- which the noble Earl has made against me in regard to the
servation which seems never to have forsaken him, he left Jamaica Rebellion ; and the other charge in reference to
his comrades in the lurch and went abroad. He afterwards, the Reform Bill. The question is not whether Governor
however, returned to Ireland at the peril of being indicted Eyre was right in repressing the rebellion, but whether he
for high treason. Then there is the notorious offender called was right in adopting the means he did to suppress it. It
Donovan, who has remained in Ireland plotting treason is one thing to support an officer who may have committed
from 1863 to 1865, and who, as registered proprietor of the some errors of judgment, but when it comes to a question
Irish People, circulated under the nose of the Castle 8,000 of the lives of 500 of our fellow subjects Ido not think it
copies per week of a paper containing articles so detestably right to say we do not care whether 500 persons have been
treasonable that Justice Keogh, in sentencing one of the put to death without necessity, but we will support the
prisoners brought before the late Commission, requested the Governor whether he was right or wrong, and we care
reporters not to take any notice of the extracts from that nothing about those persons' lives because they happen to
paper read in his defence. There were, I believe, no less be black. We determined that inquiry should be made.
than 40 co, les of the Irish People which were relied upon The question then before us was whether the inquiry
as overt acts of conspiracy, yet though its circulation ex- should bo instituted with Governor Eyre at the head of
tended from 1863 to 1865, it was not until after the late the Government. Here was this obvious objection, that
general election that a single step was taken to prosecute the Governor could not maintain his authority when that
the traitors by whom it was conducted. (Hear, hear.) For authority would be shaken every day if the in •ry
pro-
the entire space of two years this man Donovan—who had ceeded. There was also this obvious objectionci
m that if
been conditionally pardoned by the Crown, and who might, Governor Eyro retained the supreme authority no one
at any moment, have been called up for judgment on a would have believed that there would have been a fair
chargeof treason felony, was allowed unchecked, and with inquiry, or that the truth would be permitted to
be told
a full
knowledge of the circumstances on the part of the when the person accused retained that high office. While,
Government—for durine s the whole time their spy was in too, an apparent stigma was cast upon Governor Eyro,
his office—to go on disseminating treason, so that the cre- he would be liable to the imputationt ofu.
fsauf!elprebss-
dulous and but too easily-deceived people of Ireland were ing the evidence, and not allowing it
led to believe that they were not sincere in their desire to fore the public. For these
reasons to go
g was • e-
deter-
suppress the conspiracy. (Hear, hear.) Ido not say this mined that the head of the Commission should be su- •
to throiv blame on the Government of that day. The prima promo Governor of the Island, and I venture to say that we
offender was the right hon. gentleman who is now Secre- could not have chosen a man of higher honour than Sir
tary of State for the Colonies, who does not appear to be Henry Storks, or one more fitted to inspire respect, or to
much more successful in that post than he was as Chief support and maintain authority in the island. (Hear, hear.)
Secretary for Ireland. (A laugh.) But the present Govern- We have associated with hint Mr. Russell Gurney and Mr.
ment of Ireland seem to have acted with moderation, temper, Mettle, and no two persons are more likely to take a correct
and firmness, and to have conducted these trials in a manner view of the law of the case. We are aware that the Com-
ehich reflects great credit upon them. I trust they will con- mission cannot take evidence upon oath. Directions, how-
te
.inue to pursue the same course and not slacken till there ever, went out that the Legislature should be called
is a hope of the credulity of some of the humble classes together to enable the Commissioners to take evidence on
in Ireland being dissipated, and of peace and order being oath, and Sir H. Storks has called that Legislature together
Placed on a sound basis through the influence of the large to give him authority to examine on oath. It was clear to
majority who are better disposed. But the moral I wish to us that it was impossible to refuse inquiry, from the case
nu
direaw from these things is this : —Some of these unhappy made out by Governor Eyre himself. It was equally ini-
rePuthated with indignation the idea that while they possible to have a satisfactory inquiry if he remained at H
-
m-ere plotting
Therebe Ilion they were also countenancing the head of affairs, and therefore the only justifiable course
assassination.
and easily led ;and
it
race are impassioned, credulous, is that which we took. As to the other question, that of
Ireland that for a _ has been one of the misfortunes of Parliamentary Reform, I have not much further to say. 1
always had a
sucelonsyo:eries of years past she has think, however, the bill of the Government will be brought
flaming the minds of the Of agitation constantly in- in quite as soon after the meeting of Parliament as was that
endpecuople, constantly dwelling on of the noble earl. Some of the information has been very
their supposed wrongs,
acts of violence, but to constitutionalnstantlY inciting them not to lately supplied, and there is a portion of it of which the
agitation. The pupils correctness is doubted, and that has been sent back. Ido
of these agitators, bettering their instructions, then break not doubt, however, that by the end of the month the Go-
out into open acts of insensate r4ellion,nactnsd although I be- vernment will be ready to propose their measure. The noble
Hove from my heart that none of these of violence aro earl has some complaint against me as to the manner
intended or would be sanctioned or encouragedby those who in which his own bill was met, and that makes it neces-
lead them to the brink of the abyss of crime, yet the e moral nary for me—though I should otherwise have post-
to be drawn is that it is not safe toincite suchaouppxrcesitable poned my remarks on this subject—to state that I enter-
people with incessant tales of their imagined
sion tamed very grave and solid objections to the bill, which
such a mischievous course'
u'madefilit impossible for me to agree to the second reading.
and that the natural fruits of
will be such deeds as their advisers mac little contemplate.
at objection to the noble earl's bill was that it took
My lords, in dealing with the single topic of the Speech awayY • tu that had been enjoyed, not only from
from the Throne which it now remains for me to notice, I the timerlogfHenry VI., but from the very earliest time
am not about to follow the example set by the noble lord on of our Parliamentary history— namely,right
the of
the cross bench, and to presume to offer any advice to her freeholders to vote for the counties in which they re-
Majesty's Government as to what course they should pursue. side. That right was an. essential part of the Constitution,
judge for soessentiai, in my opinion, that when the late Earl Grey told
The question of reform is one on which they will
front frefuehaoulddeeursutfihne
themselves, and will bring forward at the proper moment
thatfumetihtewnasuuvseeryeflikLeulryda finto
tau provisionth e
gr
ea
twßoeufludrmbeßiniltfr, introduced
and on their own responsibility such a measure as they may
irnigghttheomf voting for the counties
think it desirable to propose. But, observing that this ques- away
tion of reform appears in the very last paragraph in the they resided
to vote in boroughs, I
Speech, I must venture to call to the recollection of the told Earl Grey that if the bill came down with that altera-
noble earl (Russell) what took place seven years ago, on tion I should consider it so vitiated that I would myself
February 3d, 1859. On that occasion it did so happen that move in the House of Commons that the Reform
Aet,
with
reformspresent one, andwas the subject of the last paragraph in a Queen's all its good and great provisions, should be rejected.
Speech of about half the length of the •In The Earl of DERBY—May I ask the noble earl
was this
reference to that circumstance Lord ci • Palmerston, withgood
always his view as to the value and importance of retaining
badinage, humoured ,
It
is held this language : that provision ?
" not an unusual practice to reserve the best and Earl RUSSELL—Thero Was another provision in the

CHAIRMEN OF COMMITTEES.

Earl RUSSELL moved, " That Lord Reclesdale be ap-
pointed to take the chair on tho sitting of committees of
this house."
The motion was agreed to.
Their lordships then adjourned at 10 minutes past 11.

HOUSE OF COMMONS--LAST EVENING.

The SPEAKER took the chair at one o'clock, and
the swearing in of members, and the signing of the
Parliamentary roll by those who who had sub-
scribed to the oath, occupied the time up to a quar-
ter past two o'clock, when Sir Augustus Clifford,
the Usher of the Black Rod, appfilared at the door
of the house, and, advancing to the table, informed
the Speaker that the attendance of the honourable
House was required in the House of Peers.
The SPEAKER immediately left the chair, and the
Chief Clerk read out from a list the order in which
it had been arranged the members should accom-
pany the Speaker. Commencing with the Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer, the names of the members of
the Government were called, and then afterwards
those of various members on either side the house,
but after ten or a dozen particular names had been
pronounced nearly the whole of the hon. members
within the house rose from their seats, made a quiet
rush to the door, and followed in the train of the
Speaker in the most admirable confusion.
At half-past two the SPEAKER returned and sim-
ply passed through the house—the sitting being
suspended until a quarter before four.
The sitting having been resumed,
The SPEAKER read the sessional orders, which
were agreed to.
PRINTING THE VOTES.

On the order with respect to printing the votes,

Sir C. O'LOGIILENsaid before that order was
agreed to he wished to call the attention of the house
to the absurdity of putting the different days of the
week at the head of the votes in Latin. It was an
inconvenient practice, because there was no unifor-
mity in the practice, because on the same
page 'with the Latin heading were to be
found the words, " Adjourned till Monday." He
thought it quite true that the good Saxon names of
the days of the week should be printed in the votes
of the house. The Speaker had the power to make
the alteration if he thought fit, and now begged to
direct his attention to the matter.
The SPEAKER said if it met with the wishes of
the house, he should be happy in giving directions
for the alteration suggested. (Hear, hear.)