The Sun.
London, England, 1832-09-12 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF VIP: PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We hate war, and t etnre we are the advo-
cates for a manly and energetic tone in the fo-
reign policy of Great Britain, because nothing is
so likely to avert aggression as to appear resolved
!o resent it. The nation that seeks for security
in pusillanimous conduct invites attack. The
policy of reformed England, unless there be de-
plorable weakness or treachery on the part of her
Government, can never find favour in the eyes
of the despots of the Continent. It is not in
he nature of things that England, while really
governed in the spirit of her free Constitution,
can ever have their love. The only security,
then, for their good behaviour, is to inspire
them with a wholesome fear. Let that restraint
ne removed, and they will trample on the in-
terests of England in every part of Europe
,vhere they can enforce their insolent decrees, or
influence the nations that wither under the

baneful shade of their malignant protection.
Will trample on her interests, did we say ?
They do so at this present moment. The
northern Barbarian and his Prussian ally are
now rewarding us for our cowardly and faith-
less conduct in regard to the Polish Treaty,
by endeavouring to exclude British manufac-

ttires from the .States of the Germanic Confede-
ration. Is it for this we allowed Prussia to inter-
fere in the conflict between Russia and Poland,

to ensure the subjugation of a country whose
independence we are bound by treaty to protect ?
Is it for this we allowed the property of British
subjects to be seized on its way to Poland, and
even British passports to be insulted ? Is it for
this we paid large sums of money out of the taxes
raised upon the industry of the British people to
the Herod of the nineteenth century—the con-
fiscator of the Polish children ? It required no
treat sagacity to foresee that the more the
British Government crouched to the despotic
powers of the Continent, the more would their
capacity for enduring contumely and insult be

put to the test, and the more would the interests
of the country be assailed. An evening contem-
porary reports an often published statement in a
new form, ofthe quantity of millions sterling which

the several wars since the revolution have cost
Great Britain. This proves what nobody is so ab-
surd as to deny—that war is a very expensive
game. Nor is there a country on the face of
the earth that ought to be more convinced of
the truth of the position than England. In the
last and most costly of all her wars, she had
not only to bear her own expenses, but to sub-
sidize all the "great Powers," her Allies—which
Powers, great as they were, would not move a
regiment to defend their own territories without
having their torpid heroism first kindled into
life by the magic touch of British gold. To
show more clearly than our contemporary has
done, the folly which England committed by
plunging into that war at all, we need only
state a circumstance which he has omitted, and
it is, that, at the conclusion of the war, the Go-
vernment which brought the country into it
sacrificed, through base subserviency to the des-
pots who received our pay, all the advantages
derivable from its successful termination—leav-

ing John Bull the melancholy distinction of
having paid the expenses of the war, while his
" magnanimous" Allies gathered and shared
among themselves all the spoils of the victory !
Of the wars since the revolution, the first, which
ended in the peace of llyswick, and cost the
nation about thirty-six millions, was a war of
existence ; that is, it was a war to decide
whether England was to have her own form of go-
vernment and her own free institutions,
or whether she was to submit to the then de-

spotic regime of France, and receive back the
delinquent Stuarts at her hands, and repent in
sackcloth and ashes of having given the " bad
example" of revolution to Europe—a revolution,
but for which our Contemporary would never
have had the opportunity of inditing much loyal
panegyric in praise of the late Ministry of George
--the accomplished—or of the present Ministry
of William, the Reformer. Now, great as is the
value of 36 millions, we think it was well laid
out in saving us from the dictation of the de-
s?otic Bourbon, and from a restoration of the
cashiered race of Stuart. As to the war of the
Spanish succession, and the two succeeding wars,
we are of opinion that they were rather wars of
ambition, or of political manoeuvre, than of
necessity. The union of Hanover with this
country, or atleast of the dynasty of both, had much
!o do in some of our continental displays of valour
—particularly the Seven Years' War. There
was an occasion, however, in which we could
not avoid chastising Spain, for injuries and
cruelties practised on our own subjects, and
the refusal of all reparation. But as to
the American war, it was one of unmixed
oppression and injustice,—it was a war to
carry into effect in our American colonies the
tyrannical principle of taxation without repre-
sentation,—it was a war of one of the most
corrupt and incapable Administrations that ever
disgraced this country, aided by a base and venal
House of Commons. That war cost the nation
136 millions, and the loss of the most precious
jewel in the crown of England. The war of
the French revolution was no less unjust and:,
unnecessary ; it was a war undertaken by the
enemies of Reform in England to put down
liberty in France, and to put an end to the agi-
tation of the question of Reform in this coun-
try. It was a war as infamous in principle as
Louis XIV. undertook to replace the Stuarts on
the throne of England. It was a war to restore
the Bourbons and their tyrannical doctrines to
France, and to prevent that country from having
any voice in the formation of her own internal
Government. Of that war, the one against
Bonaparte, whom it raised to empire, was only a
consequence, and both together cost the country
upwards of 1,150 millions, of which nearly4oo
millions were raised by loans, and, of course,
added to the public debt, which now hangs
like a suspended avalanche over the des-
tinies of England. Rightly was England
punished for entering into those unjust
wars, or allowing her rulers to enter into
them, but if, because she has been so weak and
foolish as to engage unnecessarily and unjustly
in wars which have cost her so much money, she
is resolved to abjure the most just and necessary
defence of her own interests, and, for the fu-
ture, to try only the conciliatory effect of the
Palmerston policy, of knocking her forehead in
the dust before every insolent despot who chooses
to insult her, why then it only remains for the
most pacific Ministry of this most meek and
enduring country, to save the people the expense
of a navy equipped for fighting, and a large
standing army. Surely we can have no need
of a military establishment, if, under any circum-
stances, war be impolitic and indefensible, and
unless our contemporary's argument goes this
length, it proves nothing. For it is but a truism
to state that a nation ought never to enter into a
war that is either unnecessary or unjust. While
deprecating all such ambitious and oppressive,
wars as corrupt Governments, aided by unre-

formed Parliaments, plunged this country into,
let us not see our Statesmen realize the maxim,
" Vitia dum vitant, stulti in contraria cur.
runt,"and proclaim to all the world that England,
ashamed of having formerly acted the part of a
bully, is resolved for the future to try the advan-
tage of practising the self-denial of a coward ,
Morning Herald.
There is no part of the evidence taken by the
Bank Committee, in which the London and
country bankers differ more, than in the mono-
poly of the Bank of England, Most of the
London witnesses conceive that confusion would
follow a free competition of banking in the me-
tropolis. The country bankers again contend
that they starer from the power which the Bank
of England has ; and that without a free trade in
banking, they must always suffer from it. Our
readers are not probably aware of the improve..
ment which has taken place in banking in Eng-
land, under the 7th Geo. IV. by the establish-
ment of Joint Stock Banks in different parts of
the country. Mr. Dyer, of the Joint Stock
Bank of Manchester, one of the witnesses, de-
livered to the Committee the following list t—
" Huddersfield Banking Company, established 1827 ;
capital, 500,000/. ; and 20 per cent, called up—viz.,
100,0001. Has a branch at Wak.ll id.

"Bradford Banking Company, tstablished 1827; ca-
pital, 500,000/. ; not known how much called up. Has
no branches.

" Lancaster Banking; Company, established 11327 upnn
a limited scale; its cash capital about 20,000/. Has
three branches.

" Norfolk and Norwich Banking Company, established
1827. His nine branches. Capital not known.
" Bank of Manchester, established 1829 ; capital
2,000,000/. ; 15 per cent. called up—'viz. 300,0001.
Has two branches, viz. at Stockport and Bolton.
" Halifax Joint Steck Company, established in 1929,
upon a small scale, its cash capital being little more than
15,0001.

" Leicester Banking Company, established 1829, upon
a limited scale ; capital not known ; has one branch.
" Birmingham Banking Company, established 1829;
its cash capital is 56,000/ Hag one branch.
" Cumberland Union Banking Company, established
1829, upon a limited scale ; its cash capital is little more
than 20 000/. It has seven branches.

" Sturkey's Barkint Company. This was a priva'e
Bank at Bristol, and took the name of a Joint Sock
Bank after adding a few rartners. The partners are about
ten in number. Have eleven branches, besides a house in
London.

" Manchester and Liverpool District Bank, opened in
1829. by issuing notes which state upon the face of them,
Capital 5,000,0001. in 50,000 shares of 1001. each.'—
Was nearly eighteen months without a Board of Direc•
tors. No account of their proceedings has ever been pub-
lished, and their present paid-up capital is therefore un
known. Nine branches open.
" York City and County Banking Company, established
1830, in 5,000 shares of 1002. each, upon which 51. per
shirr have been called up, making a cash capital of
25.0001. Has one branch.

Bank of Liverpool, established in 1830 ; capital,
2,500.0001. in 25,000 shares of 1001. each, upon which
10/ per .hare have been called up, making a cash capital of
250,0004 ; and a further call of 125,0001.-375,000/.
Whitehaven Banking Company, on a small scale, and
no particulars known here.
" Sheffield Banking Company, established in 1831, in
1,500 shares of 2001. each, upon which 401. per share
Leave been called np, making a cash capital of 60,0001.
" Darlington Banking Company, Darlington District
Bank, Gloucester Banking Company, Knaresborough
Banking Company, Plymouth and Devonport Banking
Company, Stamford and Spalding Banking Company—all
recently established, and no particulars known here."
It appears from the evidence of Mr. Dyer,
that the Manchester Joint Stock Company
Bank does not issue cash notes, but paper, pay-
able at various distances of time ; one descrip-
tion, called hank post bills, is payable at seven
days after date ; it issues drafts on its agents in
London at 30, 60, and 90 days. Under the
present monopoly of the Bank of England, the)
cannot make their notes payable in London, but
must draw on an agent. At an interview with
Lord Althorp on the 9th April, 1832, by a
joint deputation from the banks of Liverpool
and Manchester, they submitted certain propo-
sitions to his Lordship for the regulation of
Joint Stock Banks. It was proposed that they
should conist of at least 100 proprietors, of
whom 20 shall have paid up at least 1,000/.
each ; that they should have a paid-up capital of
at least 100,0001., and a subscribed capital of
not less than 500,0001.; that they should exe-
cute a deed of settlement, stating the nutnber of
proprietors, &c., before commencing business ;
that they should have the power of making
their notes and drafts, of whatever amount, pay-
able either at their respective localities, or in
London, or in both places, but not elsewhere ;
that all bankers here not conforming to the pro
posed law, be held to be private banking houses,
and that a specific charter or license shall be re-
quired in each particular case, in order that Go-
vernment may enforce the regulations necessary
for giving full security to the public. The Joint
Stock Banks are naturally afraid of injury to
their credit, by the erection of sham Companies
under the title ; and Mr. Dyer states, that there
was an attempt to force a local circulation by a
Joint Stock Bank, which nobody knew any
thing about. The following charge is made
against the Bank of England by Mr. Dyer :
Why do you think it necessary to make any alteration
with regard to the banking of Lancashire, where there is
scarcely any local issue ?—Because I think the supply of
the circulation by the Bank of England subjects our trade
to great and injurious fluctuations, owing to what is called
a scarcity of money, arising from causes of which the
public, who are deeply interested, in that quarter, can have
no foreknowledge. The objections to the existing system
are, that the Bank of England has a secret and despotic
influence to control the destinies of our commerce, which
we feel to be a most pernicious one ; and we feel strongly
upon that point, that whatever law there may be relating
to the currency of the country, it ought not to be left in
the hands of that individual Company so to control the
the interests of commerce; that the Bank of England
has, by its expansion, and contraction of the circulation,
induced an expansion, and contraction following close
upon its footsteps, to a ruinous extent. I am fully con-
vinced that all the great periods of panic and disaster
to our commerce are in a great measure to be attri•
buted to that power which is exercised in secret, and
which the public can have no knowledge of till it
has become efficient as a power acting upon the inte-
rest of commerce ; and I believe that it has been
mainly instrumental in producing the successive stimuli, first
to stimulate the country Bankers to issue a greater amount
of circulation, and by circulation I mein not merely local
notes, but bills of exchange; and that this power has not
only produced a great many instances of mischief, but is
constantly doing it ; it is raising and lowering the value
of money, without its value being at all altered by the
commercial cr other circumstances of tie country ; and
that such a power, which is constantly in action, has
been devised for the interest of the Bank without any re-
gard to the interest of the public, in my bumble opinion at
least ; and the fact of its always having turned out that
the Bank of England secures itself, while the Country
B,nkers cannot secure themselves, shows that the Country
Bankers, upon whom we must necessarily depend, are
rendered insecure in consequence of the overwhelming
influence of the Bank of England ; and we say that a
Company having such a vast influence, and exercising it
in secret, is a dangerous Company, and that we can devise
plans by which we can have a better circulation than what
we have had hitherto, the present being in all respects the
worst that can possibly be, because there is nothing of
stability or steadiness about it."
Mr. John B. Smith, another of the Directors
of the Bank of Manchester, objected in like
manner to the power possessed by the Bank of
England over the monetary system of the coun-
try. The possession of this power has enabled
them to expand and contract their circulation
at will, and thus give to our currency a fluctua-
ting instead of a steady character, their opera-
tions being not only uncontroned, but conducted

with a secrecy which even the Bank Proprietors 1
themselves are not allowed to penetrate: Some
curious illustrations are given by Mr. Smith of i
the disastrous effects produced by over-issues,
and the difficulty of a country recovering from
them. " In the year 1824 and the early part of
1825, many of the Lancashire Banks offered
the strongest inducements to people to borrow
money of then, it was so plentiful ; and this led
to the building of mills, and the increasing of
manufactures to an amazing extent. We are
now labouring under the effects of that pernicious
system ; mills and manufactories have been esta-
blished which ought not to have been esta-
blished; they were established, not because
there was an increased demand for their produce
but because the parties were doing well,
and having an opportunity of borrowing
money, thought that they would do better by
increasing their manufactures." Mr. Smith after-
wards observes—" If the increase in inanufac•
tures had been naturally caused by the invest-
ment of real capital, the production would have
bee❑ gradual and profitable ; but being prema-
turely forced, it kept constantly a-head of the
demand. The fall in the prices and wages of
labour induced, from time to time, an increased
demand ; but not sufficient to absorb the in-
creased production. Although the supply has
been sometimes checked by mills being shut up,
or working only a short time, or stopped in con-
sequence of combinations and quarrels with the
workmen about reduction of wages, it has ex-
ceeded the demand ; and under this long course
of unprofitable trade, the resources of the spin-
ners and manufacturers have been gradually
wasting away. A friend, complaining of the
state of trade, told me he was working his mill
to a loss ; that, with all his management and
economy, he was unable to make both ends
meet, and asked my advice as to whether he should
shut it up. I replied, that must depend upon
the amount of his loss by working it. It ap-
peared on examination, that if he shut
up his mill, his expenses of rent, taxes,
interest on capital, and expense of keep-
ing the machinery in order, would amount
to about 1,5001. per annum, but the loss
by working it would be only 5001. per
annum. I recommended, therefore, that he
should continue to work it, on the ground
that he would still be a gainer of 1,0001.
per annum by doing so. True (said
he) ; but you cannot fail to see that such
gains must shortly bring men to ruin.'
They have already brought many to
ruin ; and so recently as between November and
February last, about forty spinners failed. The
consumption of cotton manufactures is, no doubt,
constantly on the increase ; and it is not impro-
bable, had not the over-trading of 1824 and
1825 occurred, there might have been as
large a production as at present, but it would
have been brought about gradually and by suc-
cessive profitable investments of capital instead
of the enormous loss of capital which has been
caused by forcing the supply of means of artifi-
cial capital." There is in the Scotsman received
yesterday, a very able article on the causes of
the distress of the iron trade in Staffordshire,
which is attributed, in like manner, to the ex-
travagant erections of works in 1824 and 1825,
and the excessive supply produced by the over
exertions of the struggling manufacturers. All
are agreed that the conduct of the Bank of
England was the cause of all the extra-
vagance of 1824 and 1825. But their miscon-
duct, we see, is still producing its disasterous
effects throughout the country. When large
sums are laid out in mills and other expensive
works, these works are carried on at a loss, in
the hopes of saving a wreck of the outlay.—
Trade is thus prevented from recovering itself.
The Bank of England, it thus appears, has
been the cause of an extent of suffering through-
out the country to which no description can do
justice. No one of the London Bankers at-
tempts to justify their madness in 1824 and
1825. It is, indeed, urged, by Mr. Samuel J.
Lloyd and Mr. George Grote, that if the Bank
had been subject to publicity, it durst not have
so far departed from prudence as it did. But we
must return to the subject.—Morning Chron.
When we mentioned yesterday that the ma-
chinery of the Bank of England was not the
only possible combination by which the requisite
amount of secure currency could be supplied to
the public, through the medium of a single
establishment in the metropolis, we particularly
guarded ourselves from expressing any decided
opinion in favour of the alternative of a Govern-
ment commission which we described, and we
were more particularly cautious against expressing
any judgment in opposition to the power of
several joint stock banks in the capital, to fulfil
all the duties of banks of issue better than the
Bank of England does on its present footing.
In recommending one bank of issue, which would
combine security, regularity, and economy, we
did not necessarily allege that several banks
would be dangerous, or that their rival
pretensions would necessarily be the cause of
fluctuations in the general currency of which
each partook. We are indeed persuaded of the
contrary, being convinced that, though the ex-
periment implies such a departure from esta-
blished habits and ideas as ought not to be
hazarded on light grounds, or without an
adequate trial of an improvement on the
present system, yet that it would be ultimately
safe and successful. The London bankers and
London commercial men, who gave the only opi-
nions which we find in the evidence on this
point, could not detach their minds from their
usual habits of thought to consider it as a mat-
ter of impartial reasoning, and had too little
acquaintance with its effects in other countries to
correct their prejudices by the results of expe-
rience. Some of them, therefore, conceived
that if there were several banks of issue in the
metropolis, one of them would run against
another to its own injury, to that of its rival,
and to that of the public—that in running
against its rival it would never perceive that it was
running against itself—and that in issuing extrava-
gantly its notes, it would entirely forget the trifling
circumstance, of which it would be reminded on
the first day of clearing, that it must either prig-
vide coin or bullion, or good bills convertible
into coin, to make up its over-issued balances.
Combining such a system of metropolitan banks
of issue with a deposit in Government securi-
ties to the full amount of their issues, and with
a convertibility of their notes into gold, nothing
could be more secure, or less likely to occasion
ruinous fluctuations. Mr. Tooke, who was
too well acquainted with general principles
to take up the stupid objections of some
other witnesses, introduced two cases which
were by no means parallel, and argued
from the admitted unity of the one, to the
necessary unity of the other. " I do not find,"
said he, " any more reason for the establish-
ment of two motley banks for the coining of
paper for the metropolis, than I should for the
establishment of two or more mints for the coin-

ing of the metals. I conceive there is no
possible advantage to be set against the possibl
inconvenience?' If Mr. Tooke can make it
out that the principles on which a credit cur•
tency is managed, and the checks by which its
excesses may be prevented or corrected, are as
easy as affixing the King's head and the Royal
arms to definite pieces of gold of the requisite
weight and fineness when brought to the Mint,
then the comparison would be just,—hilt we
need not in this case point out the dissimilarity.
Mr. Tooke afterwards admits that publicity alone
can secure the good conduct of one body in the
direction of the currency ; and how the same
cause should not produce the same effect on
several, especially when aided by a sharpened
regard to public reputation and private interest,
we are at a loss to conceive. But agreeing with
this intelligent witness, that no great advantage
would be gained, while " some possible in-
convenience" might be incurred by the esta-
blishment of several banks of issue in the me-
tropolis, we should be inclined to make a further
trial of the present system of unity, under im-
proved circumstances, rather than hazard a
change. Mr. Easthope, and several other wit-
nesses, hostile to the present Bank management,
concur in this opinion. Mr. Easthope would
even make trial of the Bank, on its present con-
stitution, as manager of the currency for some
years more, with the single concession of the
" publicity of its accounts." And the • late
Lord Liverpool, though he intended to strip
the corporation of its exclusive privileges, still
seemed to contemplate its continued existence as
" the great centre of banking and circulation."
The following are the words of a leiter written
by his Lordship to the Bank Directors, after
the panic of 182.5 : _ .

" With respect to the extension of the term of their ex-
clusive privileges in the metropolis and its neighbourhood,
it is obvious, from what pas•ed before, that Parliament
will never agree to it. Such privileges are out of fashion;
and what expectation can the Bank entertain in present
circumstances that their's will be renewed ? But there is
no reason why the Bank should look at this consequence
with dismay. They will remain a chartered corporation
tor carrying on the business of banking. In that character
they will, we trust, always continue to be the sole bankers
of the State ; and with these advantages, as long as they
conduct their affairs wisely and prudently, they always
must be the great centre of banking and circulation."

The question, therefore,- among intelligent
persons will lie, not between the Bank of Eng-
land and several joint stock banks of issue in
the metropolis,—by which the State would
save nothing, though it might lose nothirg,—
but between the Bank of England and a national
establishment for managing the currency of the
country, and conducting the business of the Go-
vernment, by which, with equal or greater security
for the circulation, a saving of more than half a
million a-year might be effected for the public.
In order to familiarize the minds of the nation
to the latter scheme, we cannot too often advert
to a part of Mr. H. Palmer's evidence, which
has hitherto been overlooked, and which shows
that the Governor of the Bank already considers
its establishment as a department of the general
Government. To the question, " What do you
consider as the principle function which it is the
duty of the Bank to perform ?" he replied, " To
furnish the paper money with which the public
act around them, and to be a place of safe
deposit for the public money, or fin the
money of individuals who prefer a public
body, like the Bank, to private bankers.' On
this he was properly asked, " Are not these
the functions of a Government rather than of a
private Company ?" To which he modestly an-
swered, " That is for the Government to de-
termine." The next question was, " Then,
the benefit to be conferred is merely the substi-
tution of a paper money for specie, and not the
benefit arising from accommodation to the in-
dustrious classes ?" To which he replied, " I
think the Bank cannot satisfactorily give that
accommodation while their circulation is so
employed by other establishments." But, by
whatever body or bodies of men the currency is
to be managed, whether by the Directors of the
Bank of England, under Mr. H. Palmer's idea
of a public board, managing for the private in-
terests of the Bank proprietors, or by a board of
commissioners managing the public business for
the public interest, or by several rival banks of
great credit, entitled to the confidence of the
public by the investment of their capital in pub-
lic securities, we must not listen to the least
whisper of a departure from our present stand-
ard of value, or to any proposition for ex-
tending our paper circulation beyond its im-
mediate convertibility into gold. Neither
Government, should the plan of a national
bank be adopted, nor private banking esta-
blishments, should such establishments be per-
mitted to supply the currency, can give us any
other security against fraud, uncertainty,
depre-
ciation, fluctuation, and ruin, than the power of
converting their notes into specie at the plea-
sure of the holder. Mr. Attwood, of Birming-
ham, (who has developed his ideas in the evi-
dence of the Bank Committee,) and others of
his school, may rave as much as they like about
their powers of making the nation rich by bits
of stamped paper—released of course from all
necessity of being tested in value by the coin
which they profess to represent. Such bits of
paper, however abundant, can never create
wealth, and can have no other effect—so far as
they depart from the existing standard—than to
alter contracts, and to plunder one party for the
benefit of another. They remind us of the
Chinese definition of the same kind of trash given
by M. Klaproth in a learned disquisition, in-
tended to prove that the children of the Celestial
Empire knew how to fabricate this doubtful in-
strument of exchange before the Jews had been
dispersed over the earth, and when our British
ancestorsTsilyewsamnodr.eirgKe thetillnaipnrofo tht
h(ein woods.
paaspheo'r:
Mon-
gols,"itle t The Money) a e n
" afterwards introduced it into Persia, where their
assignats were called djau, or djatu,—a term
evidently derived from the Chinese chhaou,
composed of rin, metal, and shaou, few, sig.
nifying the want of coined metal.' When it
is pronounced chhaou, it means to take by
force, to rob, or to seize upon the property of
others.'" By this definition it appears that the
Chinese must have had a very correct notion
two thousand years ago of what is called in this
civilized land of wealth, andtrade,:a n
bank-notes,
" an action on the currency," or
paying old debts," or " national relief by bank
engravers."— Times.

A JUDGE'S MISTAKE.-011 Tuesday, a
good deal of merriment was produced in the Nisi Prius
Court, by Mr. Baron BOLLAND entering that Court, and
sitting down in Mr. Justice PARKE'S seat, who had retired
for a moment into his own room. His Lordship looked
round with evident surprise at the unexpected appearance
the Court presented. After a moment's pause his Lord-
ship said, " I believe I have got to the wrong end." His
Lordship then retired, and at the same moment Mr.
Justice PARKE entered the Court, who smiled at the mis-
take of his Learned Brother. Many persons have before
this been lost in a Court of Law, without being able to
find their way out so well as his Lordship did.—Leeds
Mercury.

FATAL TITHE RENCONTRE. CORONER'S

INQUEST.

(From the Cork Reporter of Saturday.)

•
MALLOW, FRIDAY NIG ElT.—The excitement
throughout the entire district during this day has
been very alarming indeed. Motives of a very ob-
vious nature dictate to me the propriety of sup-
pressing the uncloaked and loudly-expressed expres-
sions of the people. Desperation, vengeancm,
and recklessness seemed to mark their black dark
countenances. They mustered thinly at the in-
quest, but the funerals of the victims were attended
by vast crowds. Here, too, there was a settled
down sullenness in the people; not a keen was
heard as the cavalcades passed the open field where
the inquest was being held, but there was a look of
dark scorn—nor did the Magistrates omit to notice
the circumstance. - The first witness examined was,

Lieutenant Alexander William Grierson, of the
14th Infaryry—On the morning of Wednesday, the
sth inst., be was sent, with a detachment of his re-
giment, to assist the Magistrates and the civil power
in the valuation of the tithes of the parish of Walls-
town. He was accompanied from the Glebe House
by Admiral Evans, George Bond Low, and Garrett
Nagle, Esqrs., Magistrates of this county. On ap-
proaching the hill to the rear of the Rector's house,
where a crowd of people was collected, he heard
Admiral Evans order them to disperse, in the King's
name. At that moment there were about 150 per-
sons present. On descending the hill he saw a party
of policemen in the act of charging the crowd, who
were about thirty yards distant from their bayonets.
The witness then received directions from the Ma-
gistrates to follow the people, who repaired to the
top of the adjoining hill. On the arrival of
witness's party, Admiral Evans took off his hat,
and, addressing the multitude, said " I am going
to read the Riot Act." He (the Admiral)
then took a paper out of his pocket, and read
the contents of it to the people, " ordering them
to disperse in the name of the King," which
mandate was peremptorily refused to be complied
with. The Admiral then assured them that if they
did not instantly disperse, the military would be
brought to bear upon them, or words to that effect.
At this moment there was a general cry amongst
the people of " No tithes, no tithes," and they re-
fused to stir an inch. At this time there were no
stones thrown, or breach of the peace committed.
The Admiral then ordered the party, consisting of
thirty-one, to load; they did so; and, in compliance
with the order of the Magistrate, he desired them,
in a loud voice, to charge with ball cartridge, with
a view of intimidating the people. The witness
here cautioned his men, if he should be driven to
the extremity by the Magistrates, to fire by sections.
Mr. George Bond Low—From whom, Sir, did
you receive such instructions?
Witness—As well as I can recallecr,Sir,from you.
Witness resumed—He heard Admiral Evans say
to the people, " I'll go on my knees to entreat of
you to go home, and allow the persons to proceed in
valuing the parish." Many voices replied, " Yes,
let us go away." On witness proceeding to the
lower road, where the valuators were about esti-
mating a field, he saw them checked by the people.
Then it was he saw the policeassume a charging po-
sition. The mob at this time had increased to about
200. Witness then entered the field with his men.
The opposition given was so great, that the valu-
ators left the field. The mob was rapidly increasing,
lining the sides of the road inside the ditches,—
halloing—being generally armed with pitchforks,
bludgeons, reaping-hooks, and stones in their hands.
The violent and itn.ulting language of the mob at
this moment, was such that the authorities halted.
Here a boy from amongst the people neared the mi-
litary, when a policeman told him to keep off, on
which three or four of the most determined of
the peasantry, presented themselves with pitch-
forks in a charging position, and said, " Strike him
—strike him (the boy) if you dare ; if you do, by
G—d, we'll run you through." The people
pressed on the three men; the Magistrates expos-
tulated, but ineffectually; the mob increased in
daring, and Admiral Evans ordered the soldiers to
present their guns to the " ready." Aga n they
were warned to disperse in the name of the King.
At this time 16 men of the 92d joined witness's
party. General Annesley called witness and Lieu-
tenant Ormsby of the 92d aside, and told them to
prepare to resist the mob, and ordered the latter
officer to go to the bottom of the road and charge
the people in the rear. Soon after witness saw the
parry of the 92d charging the people up the hill with
fixed bayonets. The police were making prisoners.
S ones were now thrown in the direction of the
po-
lice and Magistrates. Then the police fired; the
Magistrates in the rear of witness's party called out,
" Fire, fire, fire!" Witness never gave the word
" fire ;" but, in consequence of the general call of
the Magistrates, the party fired. As he believes,
the 92d did not fire. His party did not fire in the
air. When witness came to examine the muskets of
his party, he found that nine or ten out of the thirty-
one did not fire at all ! and there was but one dis-
charge from the party. The lives of the Magistrates,
he thinks, were considerably endangered. Several
of the people said to his party, " We'll not harm
you; but we wilt these Peelers." The greatest
number present was 800.
The Rev. John Gavan, rector of the parish of
Wallstown, on going into the field of one James
Menke, saw a great number of people assembled,
about 50, one of whom took off his hat and shouted
to the others to " Hurry on, hurry on ;" that the
police thereupon formed themselves into square, and
after that proceeded into the public road, arid ad-
vanced. The crowds increased in hundreds, arid
commenced shouting in a tumultuous manner—"No
tithes—No church-rates No church—No minister."
The Magistrates addressed the people, in the most
forcible language that could be used, on the ab-
surdity of their proceedings, and on acting contrary
to law. The people, after that, became more fu-
rious. About two hours were spent by the Magis-
trates in remonstrating with the people, but when
such remonstrances had no effect, the Riot Act was
read by General Barry, a Magistrate of the county.
He read it in a loud and audible voice, anti accompa-
nied it with observations,—that if they did not dis-
perse in a quarter of an hourjthe military should be
obliged to do their duty. This had no effect but
to increase their violence. He saw several
persons arrested and hand-cuffed before the
firing, and also several rescued, and heard a
general order for firing by the Magistrates ;
before that order was given he saw stones thrown
in the direction of the Magistrates and military, and
in a few minutes after he heard a general order to
fire, and saw one man dead afterwards. Cannot
say how often the Riot Act was that day read. Heard
General Annesley and Admiral Evans frequently
desire the people to disperse in the name of the
King, and they did not do so. About three hours
elapsed from the time he left his own glebe until
the firing commenced. The people continued fol-
lowing witness and his party from the time they left
Blake's field, and their conduct was most furious
and violent. Saw a printed paper in General
Barry's hand, which he (General Barry) declared
to be the Riot Act. Heard the Riot Act read three
times that day.
CORONER— Could the military disperse the people
without the effusion of human blood ? Witness—
I don't think they could.
If you ceased the valuation, would not the people
have dispersed ?--I think they would, and that the
military and police were drawn off.
Was it possible for the police and military parties
to have made prisoners without the sacrifice of
human life ?—I don't think it was.
Witness—Swears positively he did not at any
time collar any of the people or offer any violence
whatever, before or after the firing.
Henry Gavan, son to the Rev. John Chvan,
gave evidence to the same effect as his tither. Beth
were cress-examined by the Rev. Mr. Toomey, the
parish priest,but without eliciting any contradiction.
The Court was adjourned to the following day.

ARREST OF CAPTAIN JAMES LUDLOW STAWELL,
CANDIDATE FOR KosALE.—This popular gentle-

man was arrested at innoshannon yesterday, for hav-
ing attended at some anti-tithe meetings. The ar-
rest was made by the Chief of Police; and so far
as courtesy could be coupled with such a proceed-
ing, Capt. Stawell had nothing to complain of. He
will give bail at the Court of Sessions at Bandon,
on Monday, and has already sent off to secure the
services of Mr. O'Connell in his defence, at the ap-
proaching assizes.—Cork Reporter of Saturday.
ARREST OF FEARGUS O'CONNOR, ESQ , CAN-
DIDATE FOR THE COUNTY.—Feargiis O'Connor,
Esq., candidate for the county, was also arrested this
day, for having attended seven meetings of a like
character, in this county. The necessary bail, we
believe, was at once entered into:—./bid.

PARISH OF WALLSTOWN.—The flock of the Rev.
Mr. Gavan, in the parish of Wallstown, which has
just got such a bloody notorie y, consists of one
Protestant, exclusive of the Rev. Pastor's family,
and there is no church in it !

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HO USE.

A young man, named Thomas Attree, of respect-
able appearance, was brought up, charged with
having attempted to extort money from Joseph
Pearsal, a person in the service of the East India
Gnnpany. The case excited much interest.
The prosecutor stated, that on Wednesday, the
29th or 30th of August, as he was going along
Cornbill, to deliver letters, he met the prisoner,
whom he knew by sight from having observed him
frequently passing and repassing the East India
House. After he had delivered the letters, the pri-
soner continued to accompany him, and, in Chiswell-
street, said that he wanted a few shillings, but the
prosecutor said he had no money, upon which the
prisoner called out " hoy " to a man 011 the °pp,-
site side of the way, who immediately crossed over.
The prisoner then said, in indecent words, that the
prosecutor had done something to him. The other
man then said to the prosecutor, " You had better
give him 55." The prosecutor borrowed .ss. at a
public-house, and gave them to the prisoner, whose
companion said that he also must have 55.; but the
prisoner said he should let him htive half-a-crown,
or he would call at the India-house, and serve the
prosecutor the same as the Rev. Mr. D Lyle. The
prisoner, on another day, called at the India-house,
and was at once given in charge to a policeman.
Mr. Wooler—Why did you not give the pri-
soner in charge when he first demanded the ss. ?
Prosecutor—l did riot. I acknowledge I did
wrong in making the acquaintance, but I was sorry
to see a respectable young man in such distress.
The LORD MAYOR—I shall expect that the pri-
soner will bring forward persons to give him a good
character. By that I shall be directed in my con-
duct on the occasion.