The Sun.
London, England, 1866-09-01 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPT. 1, 1866.

Perhaps no one is more to be pitied in this com-
plicated state of things on the continent than the
Emperor of the FRENCH ; his movements are
watched by prying eyes, his acts commented on,
and his very silence and inaction form the theme
of wonder, speculation, and rumour. The .last
reports have been circulated in consequence of the
EMPEROR'S non-departure for Biarritz, and among
other reasons assigned is the curious one that some
transactions are taking place with respect to Italy.
It is not likely that the French would ask the
Italians to give up Sardinia, because as the
French took no part in the late war they
have no claim on the Italians. One thing
is certain, however, that there is a great deal of dis-
quietude in. France at present, and that nothing
seems to satisfy people as to the state of affairs.
The dullness of the present period of the year may
very likely serve to quiet down these uneasy feel-
ings for some time, but we expect that very soon
people will return to the charge against Prussia,
more especially when they find that Power is en-
croaching in various directions, as they assuredly
will, by the winter. It is a serious thing for any
nation to provoke and irritate another, as the
Prussians have assuredly done to the French,
and so, we expect, they will find out
before long. It suits the wishes of some persons
that there should be no war, and therefore they are
sedulous in declaring that all danger has by this
time blown over, and that nothing is likely to occur
which will disturb the friendly relations between
France and Prussia ; but those who scan events
closely will put a different interpretation upon
recent affairs. The French EMPEROR has often
been inscrutable in his doings ; but this is the first
time that he has allowed France to be at a dis-
count, and himself quite ignored in arrange-
2ztents that are changing the map of Europe,
and materially altering the position of king-
doms. We believe that if he has the opportu-
nity he will, before long, show the Prussians that
they must not expect to be the chief Power on the
Continent ; and it is evident that the general feel-
ing of the French points also in that direction.
Count BISMARCK is busily engaged in the hard
task of setting his house in order, and he will very
likely find it a more arduous undertaking to con-
solidate his conquests than he did to make them.
The Annexation Bill has again been before the
Lower House, and during the sitting of the
committee Count BISMARCK approved of the
amendment, which declared that the Prus-
sian Constitution should be valid in the an-
nexed States. This is a hard measure for those
places. It is true that the change is not to be
made until next year ; but that really is of no con-
sequence one way or the other if such is to be
their final doom. Some of the remarks
made by the Count during his speech
are well worthy of notice. He urged upon the
committee the importance of haste in their deci-
sions, because it was " just possible that Prussia

would be called upon to vindicate the posses-
sion of what she has not acquired." This
is of course very true, but we did not expect that
we should meet with so much frankness from the
Prussian Premier. Perhaps, however, the critical
state of things has compelled him to take the despe-
rate step of speaking out, instead of resorting to his
old method of circumlocution. It is really scanda-
lous to see how this man outrages all sense of pro-
priety. He coolly informs his hearers that he wished
to have the matter settled at once, " so as to give
foreign Powers no further opportunity for interfe-
rence." Right or wrong never enters his calcu-
lations, of course, and all that he deems to
be worthy of notice is whether or not he
will be able to keep his unjust gains. When he
has declared the one thing needful, according to
his doctrine, he condescends, to take a glance at
the morality side of the argument. The right of
Prussia to annex the States is, we are told, " a
more sacred right than that of conquest." We
never expected to hear much sound argument
from llerr BISMARCK, but seldom have we seen a
discourse of his which is more unblushing in its

effrontery or more unrestricted by lingering feel-
- ings of propriety. What foundation has he for
urging that, in point of fact, the only desire these

States had was to become the citizens of a great
German State than be at the mercy of foreign
princes ? It is quite preposterous to talk after this
fashion when every one knows that no foreign prince
was interfering, or ever likely to interfere, with those
places.
There are some citizens of the annexed States who
are mistaken enough to think that their best interests
will be served by a union with Prussia, but these do
not represent the feelings of the majority, and they
themselves will soon find out their mistake. At a
meeting on the subject of unity, held at Leipsic the
other day, it was declared, among other things, that
" embodiment with Prussia would be the most de-
sirable fate that could befall Saxony !" Was
ever an announcement made of a more absurd
thing than this, to stifle the free growth of the
inhabitants in strength and feeling? And to oblite-
rate the independence of the gallant little kingdom
will be the first work of the new masters, and then,
forsooth, we are told that the change is for the bet-
ter. As for its being necessary in the interests of
the country for the Saxon army to be merged in the
Prussian army that is likewise a most false asser-
tion. It may be difficult, if not impossible, to oppose
the Prussians, but to say that it will enhance their
prosperity to become incorporated with that mono-
polising house that has ruified so many.is quite ridi-
culdus. There are traitors in every camp,
however, and we regard those who favour
the annexation of their States to Austria as
aliens to the cause of liberty, and enemies to the
best interests of their fellow-citizens. They may
in some rare instances be honest in their utterances,
but we should think the greater part were com-
posed of men who expected to gain some advantage
or further some end by playing into the hands of
the invaders. The " unity movement," as it is
called, that now agitates Germany and Europe, is
one of the greatest pieces of humbug that was ever
known, and it only rests with time to prove to
those dispassionate politicians who trust in it how
mistaken they are in their sanguine anticipations.
All the cause of action that has been pursued by the
Berlin Government of late years forbids us to put
faith in its rectitude of purpose or honesty of in-
tention. The game already played out in Schleswig-
Holstein will be renewed in the States so WI
annexed, and the world will have ample opportunity
of judging of the benefits derivable from Prussian
rule, and the wisdom of those who uphold it.

Mr. LAING'S constituents have no reason to com-
plain of any reluctance on his part to meet them,
and to give a fair and straightforward exposition of
his political views. There had been some agita-
tion respecting Mr. LAING'S conduct on the Reform
Bill, and cynics, who as the event proves, knew
very little about the matter, declared that the
member for Wick would be afraid to face his con-
stituents. Mr. LAING thought proper to disprove
all these assertions, and to explain at some length
to a large and attentive audience his opinions on
the vexed question of the session. Ho met with a
fair hearing and a favourable reception, as he
deserved to do, for so far from being antagonistic
to Reform his speech showed him to be a sincere
and consistent Reformer, one who not only takes
up the cry of Reform to be used as political capital,
and to make sensation speeches about, but who
seriously and earnestly gives his best consideration
to a difficult subject, and really endeavours to re-
duce theory to practice. We commend Mr.
LAING'S speech at Wick to the attentive perusal
of all who are interested in Reform, since it
is temperate, clear, and liberal in its tone and
character, and gives evidence of being the utterance
of one who has really studied the subject, and is
willing to face its difficulties as well as to de-
claim about its importance. On one point we
regret to find Mr. LAING absolutely silent.
He says nothing about the ballot, yet, as
one of the members of the Yarmouth Election Com-
mittee, he would have a pretty good idea of the
necessity which exists for some change in the
manner of conducting our elections. The honest
man in Great Yarmouth, says Mr. LAING, is not
he who does not take a bribe, but he who only takes
it from one side. Mr. LAING alludes to this im-
maculate constituency as a reason for doubting
whether a uniform reduction of the franchise in all
boroughs is desirable, but we very much doubt
whether a line could be drawn between different
boroughs. So far as the late Reform Bill was con-
cerned Mr. LAING says he voted for it, though he
did not heartily approve of a measure which left
the question unsettled. He voted for the rental
in boroughs, and the £l4 rental in counties, and
voted also in favour of the Government in the last
decisive struggle, though he opposed them on the
question of bringing in the redistribution of seats.
His support of the bill was, however, due rather to
his desire to see the question settled, and to retain
a Liberal Ministry, than to any particular liking
for the measure. " Having got," he says, " a com-
plete measure of Reform, I voted for it on all sub-
sequent occasions. I did so with considerable
doubt, for there were many things in the bill of
which I did not approve ; but, on the whole,
I thought that, so long as there was a
chance of settling the question by any fair
compromise, it. was my duty to cling to
that chance, and not to give a vote tabulated to.de-
feat Reform altogether." The difficulties of an ac-
tual settlement of the question are, Mr. LAING
confesses, very great, but he does not think there is
quiet
t thetlmes questionlyhe o
w
n
any excuse for shirking them. The very reason
tfheltreefoio greatul d
practicalb ereopened
griev-
ance,
n
srmnosh
is, he considers, that we have an excellent op-
portunity for considering the h w ole question in all
its bearings. His own views on the matter are
definite enough, and he sums them up in a
few sentences. " The burgh franchise, in the
ordinary run of English burghs in" any new
Reform Bill, can hardly be much higher or
lower than a £6 rating or a £7 rental franchise,
condition of paying rates. That
coupled with the co
of counties will probably be a £l4 rating franchise.
•
number of the working
Any deficiency in the
classes thus enfranchised as compared with that
proposed by the bill of the late Government, should
be made up, and more than made up, by supple-
mental franchises based on property and education.
If three members are given to very large consti-
tuencies, the principle of the representation of mino-
rities should be coupled with it, otherwise these
large constituencies should be divided into districts
so as to diminish the expense of elections.
In any case from forty to fifty seats should be re-
distributed, giving half to counties ; and the prior
claim of Scotland met by giving not less than seven
seats, either taken from those redistributed, or by
an addition to the total number of members. The
boundaries of the burgh should be drawn so as to
include within the burgh all such suburbs as really
form part of the same commuity." Such, in sub-
stance, are Mr. LAING'S views, which on the whole
are just and liberal. It will be seen that
he sup-
ports the principle of Mr. CLAY'S educa-
tional franchise, as a property franchise for
the working classes. Ile would give a vote
to every man who had acquired property to the
value of £4O in the savings' banks, or in lands,
houses, boats, and nets, or any other stock in trade,