The Sun.
London, England, 1832-07-31 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TfIR_PLIBLIC JOURNALS.

The Right Hon. Charles Manners Sutton
has announced his intention of retiring from the
chair of the House of Commons. This may
be a fair subject of congratulation to the Right
Hon. Gentleman himself, but sure we are that it
is likewise one of deep regret to the House of
Commons and to the country. No person ever
filled the Speaker's chair, of whom it could be
said with more entire truth, that he discharged
its various duties to perfection. For sixteen
years (we believe) Mr. Manners Sutton has
commanded the respect, esteem, and confidence
of all descriptions of men within the walls of
Parliamer-, during a period too when party
was often raging and unreasonable. Though
repeatedly tried, his temper was always proof
against provocation. Under the pressure of
manifold fatigues, unexampled for their severity
and constancy, the assiduous attendance of
the Speaker was never for a moment relaxed,
his vigilance surprised, his firmness shaken,
his zeal for the privileges and honour of
the House of Commons clamped, his cour-
tesy blunted, his impartiality suspected, the
dignity of his eminent station lowered, his know-
ledge of the law and usage of Parliament im-
peached, or his authority on questions however
difficult and important disputed. Nor were the
accomplishments that fitted the Speaker for his
arduous office confined to circumstances which
met the public eye. His industry and punctua-
lity throughout the whole range of Committee
business were as incessant as they were valuable
and useful. His urbanity upon all occasions,
and to all persons, was that of a gentleman, not
merely of high breeding, but of a complaisant and
kindly disposition. We should be wanting in
gratitude did we not bear willing testimony to
those marks of attention and indulgence towards
the press, which, like others of our brethren,
we have experienced from the Speaker, or
through his interference, during many years, and
which well became the individual who six times
stood forward to claim from the Crown, and on
behalf of the Commons of Great Britain, that
uncontrolled freedom of speech which was their
inestimable birthright. Reiterating our regret
for the loss which Parliament must sustain by
the retirement of Mr. Manners Sutton, we
wish him, in the walks of private life, all
honour, prosperity, and happiness. Besides
the proceedings relating to the retirement of
the Speaker, the other business seemed to indi-
cate the near approach of the close of the Ses-
sion. The Chancellor of the Exchequer an-
nounced that it was intended to fix the salary of
the Lord Chancellor at 14,0001. a-year, and the
retiring pension at 5,000/. This certainly seems
to be enough, and we are not aware that on an
average of five or six years it has ever been
higher. It was right, however, to assign a
handsome salary to an office from which the
present holder has, with great disinterestedness,
cut away so large a portion of patronage. It
should be observed that the Lord Chancellor has
expressed his determination not to accept a
larger retiring income than his predecessors, un-
less the places at present at his disposal shall
have been withdrawn by act of Parliament from
his patronage. In the House of Lords the
Irish Reform Bill was read a third time and
passed, and a decies repetita crambe having
been delivered by Lord Wyndford on the sub-
ject of the Russian-Dutch Loan, the house of
Lords, with the full consent of the Duke of
Wellington, agreed to sanction the payment of a
debt, which it would have been a indelible stain
on the national honour not to have at once and
fully recognized.— Times.
Our Frankfort Correspondent, in an able let-
ter in this day's Chronicle, observes, with great
appearance of truth, that " the Monarchs have
gone too far, because it is in the absolute neces-
sity of their case that they must go farther.
They cannot stop at threats. They must exe-
cute as well as menace. They dare not suffer
their anathema to lie a dead letter, or be laughed
at through Germany, as the Pope's at Ancona.
He who rules by force must be resolute. If a
bad man be not a bold one also, he becomes
despised rather than hated. The despots know
this, and have worked up their courage to the
sticking place. Their legions are ready to
march on to the slaughter, for the anticipation
of which, the petty and pitiful Sovereigns of
Germany have humbly thanked them.' The
prominent part taken by Hanover in this infa-
mous work, has led to conclusions with regard
to the disposition of the English Government,
which are by no means warranted. England
has nothing to do with Hanover. It is the mis-
fortune of England that the King of England
is also King of Hanover ; but it would not be
more reasonable in Austria or Prussia to attack
the Hanoverians on account of the English Re-
form Bill, than in the nations of Europe to cen-
sure the English for the conduct of the Hano-
verian Government. We are even disposed to
question whether King William, though nomi-
nally Master of Hanover, at all interferes in Hano-
verian politics. As Hanover must soon pass
from the Sovereign of England, it is by no means
impossible that his Majesty has resigned to the
individual who will succeed to it the manage-
ment of its affairs ; and there would be nothing
singular in the Duke of Cumberland's concur•
ring heartily in the Decree of Frankfort. Our
correspondent, we are sure, is not warranted in
saying, " Of one thing you may be certain.
Without the full assent of France and England,
this nefarious measure had never been attempted.
The despots were one and all beginning to de-
spair, until they found means to prevail over the
scruples of these two Powers. What their ex-
cuses must be time must tell ; for they are by
their mere consent participators in this new po-
litical felony, the worst that has been acted since
Poland was torn in shreds by the Northern Tri-
umvirs." It is not true that England has given
any consent to the Decree of the Diet. There
is no English statesman who would have such a
load of guilt on his soul. That England and
France may have been sounded as to whether
they would resist the carrying the Decree into
execution, is probable, and that the answer in
the negative may have encouraged the Great
Powers is equally probable. But, whatever may
be the case with France, England is assuredly
not bound to expend her resources in wars
for German independence. Our Correspondent
says—" Let it be borne in mind that the people
of Germany blame England and France alone
for all the evil that is so prodigally prepared for
them:' They are not justified in blaming England
for the evil prepared for them. The people of
England are not called on to fight their own
battles, and the battles of German independence
into the bargain. The Germans should remem-
ber the proverb, Aide toi et le Ciel t' aidera.
These divisions, no doubt, interpose great diffi•
culties in the way of any common effort against
the great Powers; but if Austria and Prussia
avail themselves of their troops to destroy the
liberties of the Constitutional States, they will
11 all possibility kindle a flame which will ulti-

mately consume them. But be this as it may,
if the Germans are inclined, they are numerous
enough to do the work without us. But the
Journal des Debats makes out a tolerable case
for the non-interference even of France ;
" Admitting (says that Journal) what is true, that the
European Powers detest the revolution of July ; ad-
mitting, what is also true, that by a coalition of their
armies, as in 1814 and 1815, they could unite military
ma.-es much more numerous than the French army ;
a,!mitting, what cannot be denied, that this numerical
disparity was still more alarming in the first days of the
Revolution, from the state of weakness in which the elder
branch of the Bourbons had left our military system, as it
certainly did not dread the aggression of the European
thrones, which served it as accompli_tes against liberty—
by what cause has the hatred of Kings been neutralized in
its effects? Why did they not enter on a war which
offered them so many material means of success ? Does
this cause still exist? Has it diminished in force, or is
its influence increased ?

" The evil inclination of the Kings has been chained
down, because all their material force is in our days con-
trolled by a great moral fact, which asserts a predomi-
nancy over them—namely, the general will of the Euro-
pean nations, who, now united by common ties, by a
commerce essential to their life, by an internal conviction
of their rights and their wants, have, as it were, a great
soul, a great intelligence, a great vital strength, against
whch and without which no Government can act.
Formerly there was in the European nations governed mo-
narchically a predisposition to follow the impulse given
to them by their Chiefs, without scrutinising too narrowly
the motives, persuaded that the will of the Chiefs was a
decision without appeal, whether good or bad. It is no
longer the same thing. The Kings of Europe have still
a power, of which the form alone is absolute, but of which
the exercise is subject to conditions in point of fact, with-
out which every real power extinguishes, and dies in their
hands.

" And with respect to the absolute form of Govern-
ment, on what title is it possible for them still to pre-
serve it? By perpetually arranging with the real power,
of which the tendency is to take it from them—by evading
the difficulties, like those commercial houses which con-
tinue to carry on their business by means of factious cir-
culations. Now, in order to enable the Kings of Europe
to act hostilely against France, and declare war against us,
without compromising their own royalty, deprived suddenly
of its factitious means, the general will of the people of
Europe must have been hostile to France, and the people
must have, as in 1814 and 1815, supported the royalist
crusade against us by their concurrence.
" But every mind capable of observing must see that
this moral influence has entirely changed its nature since
1815; that from being hostile to France, it has become
favourable to it; that from being favourable to the Euro-
pean Kings, it has become hostile. The conclusion, then,
is that which I have always boldly formed,—that in spite
of all these mutual irritations of Governments, war will
not take place.
" Has this moral influence again changed ? Has it be-
come favourable to the Kings of Europe ? Has it become
hostile to French liberty ? I maintain the contrary; I
to iintain that, thanks to the prudent direction of the Go-
vernment of Louis Philippe, this disposition of mind,
favourable to France, still animates the people of Europe;
awl that, on the contrary, it would have been destroyed if
the political principles of the Movement had prevailed, and
directed the march of our affairs.

" And why then would the disposition of men's minds
in Europe have become favourable to the absolute Mo.
narchies against us ? Have the nations of Europe received
so many benefits from their Sovereigns, that all of a sudden
they would become transported with enthusiasm for them ?
Far, far from it !—For two years the Monarchies of
Europe, carried away by a fatal necessity of their situation,
which impels them to revolt against demands for ameliora-
tions, but which, however, they cannot possibly resist al-
ways, have been, and are still obliged, as a condition sine
qua non of their existence, to violently attack, to torment,
to vex, to oppress, a great part of their subjects. Is it
believed that Poland is better disposed now towards
Ru•sia than it was two years ago? Is it believed that
Italy is more favourable to Austria and the Pope? Is it
believed that Spain and Portugal have any moral means
of aggression against France? Is it, in short, believed
that the act of the Germanic Diet is of a nature to conci-
liate to the German Monarchies that adhesion of the
people, who are indispensible to them if they would act
against us ?
" I affirm, on the contrary, loudly two things : First,
that this act of inquisitorial policy reveals an increase of
disunion between the population of Germany and absolu-
tism ; and next, that far from calming the irritation and
modifying this disunion, it is only calculated to add to it.
How then can there result from it a means of action
against France? I see, on the contrary, in it a great ad-
ditional probability of the maintenance of peace ; and if the
interests of France should make us deem it advisable to
raise our voice aloud for the affairs of Belgium, the Pro-
tocol of the Germanic Diet announce., in an incontes-
tible manner that we may do so. 0 ! the admirable
means for the German Monarchies increasing their force
against us—the commencing by putting themselves in a
state of open war with their irritated people. This is a
political conception of a new kind.
" But we shall be told this disposition of the people,
favourable for France, would he still more favourable if you
hid delivered Poland—if you had delivered Italy—if you
had intervened, or if you were still tolintervene, in behalf
of the population of Germany against the despotism of the
Germanic Diet; I do not believe this—l believe even the
very reverse."
The writer (H. Fonfrede) proceeds to prove
his proposition that France, were she to take the
aggression, would rally the people round their
Governments. He dwells on the mistake in
judging of the liberal opinion of Europe from
the exaltation of youths and students. " We
know," he observes, "beyond a doubt, from facts
known to us, that during the last two years,
whenever there has been a possible chance of
triumph for the men and the system of the move-
ment, instantly a sensation hostile to the Revo-
lution of July manifested itself in foreign na-
tions ; instantly they thought they saw the revi-
val either of the excesses of the first Revolution,
or the spirit of conquest of the empire disguised
under an armed propagation of liberty." It
must be owned that the writer in the Journal
des Debats pleads his cause ably. We fear that
his view of the calamities in store for Germany,
before good Government can be attained, is but
too likely to be realized. " In judging of the
act of the Germanic Confederation, it will be
seen that, as far as regards France, it is
not dangerous * * * * As to the peo-
ple of Germany, however, this act is more nn-
portant and more fatal. It indicates all the dif-
ficulties of their situation, and lets us see how
much their transition to political liberty is sur-
rounded by obstacles and danger; at that aspect
the heart of every honest man, every true liberal,
is wrung with sadness, because he sees vast and
cruel sufferings for humanity." In speculating
on so important an affair as that which now agi-
tates Germany, we ought to be careful how we
allow ourselves to be carried away by partial
considerations. Our part can be attended with
little difficulty. But in pronouncing judgment
on the Government of France, we ought not to
overlook the circumstances dwelt on by the
writer in the Journal des Debats. Even on the
supposition that the French ought to support
the people of Germany against the Diet, it does
not follow that the people of Germany would
thank them for the intervention. It is one
thing to assist the people of Germany, and an-
other to have to combat both the rulers of Ger-
many and their subjects. We are not, at
same time, blind to the dangers attendant on
the subjection of the people of Constitutional
Germany to arbitrary rule. But we must leave
the subject for the present.--Morning Chron.
Though no one can justly accuse Lord Al-
thorp of intentionally mystifying the public ac-
counts, it seems very obvious, at least to our
apprehension, that he goes a round-about way
to discover the causes of a declining revenue,
when the true causes are close at hand, and as
clear as the sun at noon day. A man who
owers his rent can have no great difficulty, we
imagine, in ascertaining how his income comes
to be lessened ; and if the same person, in
common with all his neighbours, has less money

to spend, it follows that they must all consume
fewer taxable articles, and, consequently, that
the amount of such taxes must fall off: This is
literally the case with the country. Repealed
taxes and restricted currency are the two main
causes which have produced a diminished reve-
nue ; and our wonder is not that there should
have been a falling-off under such circumstances,
bat that such falling-off has not been greater.
And this brings us to the real point of our diffi-
culty. Can a country be expected to continue
to bear its public burdens, or, in other words,
to be wealthy and prosperous, the inhabitants of
which (all, at any rate, who do not derive in-
comes from the public taxes) become every
year poorer? There is such an absurdity in the
question that we should be ashamed to put it,
were it not evident that it is the point which
public men cannot, or will not, see ; or else the
setting it right is a difficulty with which they
have not the courage to grapple. At the same
time common experience in his own affairs must
convince every man that the sooner difficulties
which must be met are met and dealt with, the
easier it is done ; while postponement and de-
lay, or, as King Solomon calls it, " a little
folding of the arms to sleep," only renders the
task the harder, and often converts temporary
danger into permanent ruin. We are very far
from wishing to encourage gloomy ideas of the
state of the country, which, on the contrary, has
hitherto, at all times, evinced an elasticity pro-
portioned to any difficulties with which it has
been assailed ; but we do think with the writer
of an admirable article " on the Rights of In-
dustry," in the last number of the Quarterly
Review, that " we are arrived at a crisis threat-
ening the most terrific explosion, unless some-
thing be done to avert the inevitable conse-
quences of the continued pressure on the mass
of the population. We are seriously impressed
with the fearful state of our trade and
commerce. Any one who contemplates the
effect of a general breaking up of the com-
plicated and highly-wrought fabric of our
industry,—and we consider its dissolu-
tion to be momentarily threatened,—the
vast masses of desperate men who may in any
one day be thrown out of employment by the
withdrawal of the capital which now supports
them—the terror and devastation that a few
short hours may spread from one end of the
island to another—will think with us that not
an hour should be lost by the Legislature in
taking up this momentous subject, and consi-
dering whether any and what remedy can be
provided for a state of things which promises in
its longer continuance to disorganise society,
and precipitate this country into an abyss of de-
struction." Looking at the subject in this point
of view, what is there in Lord Althorp's recent
financial statement which is calculated to lead
any one to suppose that the Government, of
which he is the financial organ, either sees the
danger, or is prepared to meet it ? His
Lordship's exposition, it is true, was plain
and candid enough, and happily exempt
from that ' tone of groundless confidence,
and boast of prosperity, which has too
often been resorted to by his predecessors upon
similar occasions. But here our approbation
must end. Instead of enlightened and states-
manlike views of our real situation and the diffi-
culties surrounding us, they are passed by or
glossed over as if they were mere summer
clouds ; and the vessel of the State, as far as
the helmsman is concerned, is left to steer a right
course, or founder, as mere accident, without
any reckoning, may chance to bring about. It
is consolatory, however, to know that we have in
the country those who can see the danger, and
who have the skill to prescribe what would be a
thorough remedy. Among such persons we
class the writer from whom we have taken the
preceding extract ; and we earnestly recommend
the whole article to the perusal, not only of those
among our contemporaries who have been pleased
to cavil at our views, but to all who wish to see
the veil of mystery removed from a topic of such
vital importance to the very existence of all the
best interests of the country.—Morning Herald.
In adverting briefly to the financial statement
made by Lord Althorp on Friday last, there are
two points which are not unworthy of particular
notice as distinguishing it, in an especial manner,
from all the budgets of all former Chancellors of
the Exchequer. Ist. The statement was candid
and straightforward—there was no attempt made
in it either to mystify the accounts—to conceal
the real state of the country—or to exaggerate
its future prospects. A fair balance sheet was
for once exhibited—an acknowledgment made
that there was a deficiency of income to meet
the current expenditure, and no hope held out
that the results of the revenue of the present
year would do much more than balance the de-
ficiencies of the time that is past. This is one
improvement, at least, upon former practice ; for,
from the time of Mr. Pitt, down to the ejection
of Goulburn from the office of public accountant,
it seems to have been the studied and determined
endeavour of every Chancellor of the Exchequer
to render the public accounts unintelligible, to
withhold the real financial state of the country
from public inspection, and if so seriously de-
pressed as to have become a matter of notoriety,
to represent the depression as transitory, and the
coming prosperity as exceeding in every respect
the experience of former times. The country
was thus gulled for a time, and the Government
enabled to do, what will never, we trust, be
again attempted, to drain the public purse as
freely, for needless and sometimes mischievous
purposes, as if it had had no bottom. 2dly, It is
worthy of observation, also, that although there
exists a deficiency of revenue, the Government
does not propose the imposition of any new tax,
or the augmentation of any already in existence ;
but trusts to its economical efforts for bringing
down the expenditure to a level with the income
of the country, and to the good sense of a Re-
formed Parliament, to make good the deficiency,
should any be found to exist. In other words,
the Government conceives that, partly by eco-
nomy, and partly by an increase of the revenue,
it will be enabled to carry on all the branches of
the public service, with credit to itself, and be-
nefitsph
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Government but the present ever ventured
the experiment of putting it in practice ? With
all former Governments the maxim has been to
provide, in the first place, for their own exi-
gencies, and to think of those of
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might arise, or by whatever means it
might be got at—and to let agriculture, com-
merce, and manufactures stand still, if they
could not do better, but to make the wheels of
Government go round while there was any thing

left wherewith to oil and propel them. How
mischievous such a system is, as well as how
much at variance both with the true nature and
end of Government, as well as with the princi-
ples of social wealth, it would be a waste of
words to explain ; and we hail, in consequence,
the practice adopted by Lord Althorp, as not
only a return, on a small scale, to what ought to
be the conduct of a good Government, but as
the triumph of a sound and good principle over
one that is rotten and vicious. We intended,
after making these observations, to have drawn
the attention of our readers to the manner in
which Lord Althorp's statement was received by
the regular opposition--the Goulburns, Peels,
&c.; but we have reason to believe that they
have done for themselves what we intended to
have done for them, and we shall therefore let
the matter drop. A more enraged or silly op-
position never existed, and the public appears to
have done justice to it, in the disgust with
which it has received its puny and captious
attacks upon his Majesty's Ministers.--Morn-
ing Advertiser.