The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-15 00:00:00

STATE OF TRADE.

LEEDS, June 14.—The woollen cloth market
to-day has been of a rather quiet character, as is
usual at the Whitsuntide holidays, when pleasure
rather than business is the order of the day. The
tone of the market was tolerably firm, but only a
small amount of business was done. Wools are
hardening rather, though no positive advance in
quotations can be given. The new clip of English
wool is realizing good prices. At Doncaster, on
Saturday, when the first wool market for the season
was held, 300 sheets were exhibited, and the whole
were sold. All hog wool fetched 20s. per 1411 b.,
and other sorts 17s. 6d. to 18s. Gd.
have bought
n ess in MANCHESTER,yarns,
ot full
lne
prices.l4.— 14.—There
owasfimnathgnahanaeds
unfafoai
wretbutuhrsa r
s,
principal t
hporuossessiainwitlhlenGerman d traindoe,thbeelie•
war,
rather freely. Buyers for India, the Meditertbrhaeeneneaanso;,_f
and otherforeign markets, have also done a moderate
h business.a.
ttohf
for
ra homefoal
fair
lr
quarters
itnarotraratdaeneerti
considerable extexnttTe.nu.seislvdneaycel.othrrs
htehelrne.dhiahas been. a
steady trade, for all markets except
inlndia'anda,t
and
manufacturers ar
orderfullelglxalc\e'geep:a.tatpaateue's slnisr:bdiecl:ahoe business
Cynsl
lastlee edsrsee is a probability
coming out
nieiwyoorfdeerasr.ly s
luonpu
pt ,
43
tiro
ef,
they have declined to place
exceptional cases referred to some orders have b sell
given out, and in most cases they have had to give
rather better terms.

PRICE OF GOLD.—The quotation of gold. at P 2312
tatpa and
par, wat he e o short
negx ethhane
these
eon
rates Londonwithtihs
e258.u12g
per au
sterling.!ish Mint price of £3 17s. lOid. per ounce for standard gold,
it appears that gold is about 2-I'.lens per cent. dearer in
Paris than in London. By adv ices from Hamburg the
price of gold is 4194 per mark, a nd the short exchange on
Londim is 13.2 per £1 sterling. Standard gold at the
English Mint price is therefor e about 1-10th per ocnt..
dearer in Hamburg than in Lc ,ndon. The course 0f.e?.7
change at New York on Londonn for bills at 60 days, met
is about 110 4 per cent., which, when compared with the.
Mint par between the two countries, shows that the
g
change is in favour of England ;
of e
allowance for charges of transport and difference
at int
of
rest, the present rate leaves a p refit on . the import
gold from the United States. after k

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THE SUN.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 15, 1859.

So the Great Reformer is to be our Minister for
Foreign Affairs, his successful performances at
Vienna being of course the reason. It does seem
at first sight a rather unlucky omen for the happy
reunion, that he, having formerly offended Lord
PALMERSTON on one question of foreign policy,
and subsequently having had to quit Lord PAL-
MERSTON'S Ministry on another, should now rejoin
him in the very department in which he could not,
either as chief or subordinate, agree with him before.
However, at their forgiving age byegones ought to
be byegones; let us hope they are so. So far as
parlour secrets have been divulged, backed indeed
by all appearances, we must confess that Lord
PALMERSTON seems to have evinced a spirit of
" dignified conciliation," and to have been ready to
make any reasonable concessions to his uneasy
colleague ; but unless rumour be altogether at
fault, Lord JOHN has been as exacting as any
tyrant beauty in the full bloom of youthful charms.
The senior Lord doubtless makes 'every allowance
for the restlessness of a man who, though not
asked by his Sovereign to be first, cannot be
easy without a virtual premiership. Unluckily
there can be but one Premier, and still more
unluckily, if that Premier be in the House of
Commons, he must lead it ; and most unluckily
of all, if there be one post which the junior
Lord desiderates more than another, it
is that of Leader of the House. How is
a stable equilibrium to be found for such
conflicting • forces How shall the centre of
gravity be determined ? We hope events may
falsify our fears, for we cannot afford to be always
changing MinisterS and throwing away sessions,
and establishing a practice of biennial Parliaments.
When the new Ministry is formed we shall be
ready to give it a fair trial : it is the due of any
Ministry; but the new Ministry must give us what
is fair according to the mode in which it took office.
It is to be remembered that the indulgence which
was fair to Conservatives in a confessed minority,
who took the Government at the request of the
Sovereign after the fact of its being in a minority
was pointed out to her,—who took it because her
MAJESTY stated the plain truth that the Liberal
sections were too hostile to co-operate, and that she
had no alternative but to resort to the largest of
three minorities—the indulgence fair to a Ministry
thus situated, from a House which had created the
situation, cannot be extended to the present Govern-
ment. They take office on the avowed ground of
being in a majority, and of being united. Majority
and union were the watchword at Willies; majo-
rity and union were the cry of the debate. If the
Libisrals were not sufficiently amalgamated to make
theiir union efficient, it was gratuitous folly to turn
out their opponents. No one pretends to deny that
the late Ministry did many things for which
liberals are thaAkful. Indeed, had they not
adhered too pertinaciously —chiefly, we believe,
because their taunting opponents had almost
made it an affair of honour to those points in
their Reform Bill, which, at the wish of the coun-
try they are now ready t o concede, they might have
been securely in office, yet.. We did not spare those
errors at the time. We acknowledge them to have
.ged them to give them
been great errors; we waged up.
wise in not doing so ; beat
They were wrong and u n
they confess this itow. The country gave them
some thirty seats, and tbiy in return have conceded
the points objected .to by the country. A Ministry,

therefore, is ejected which, as the blue-book now '
shows beyond dispute, was a sincere.. Neutrality
Ministry, and which was ready to give us a Reform
Bill freed from the objectionable clauses. If these
things were sure under a minority Ministry, what
are we to look for from a majority Ministry ?
Two things we must look for at least. In the
first they must imitate ; in the second, surpass the
retiring Ministry, or they had better have refrained
from a vote of no confidence. They must imitate
them in their freedom from exclusiveness ; they
must surpass them in the popular character of their
measures. Truly enough was it urged, that what-
ever the faults of the Tories, it was not one of them
to make government and administration the
appanage of a limited circle of great families. If
the Liberals really look as favourably on the
plebeian. orders as the Tories, then let them show
it by following the example of the latter. No one
denies that wherever they found talent or
genius at leisure for the public service, they
were ready to avail themselves of it. They
cordially welcomed all classes and orders
of the Conservative body ; ability had, at
least, the encouragement of knowing that it
would not be postponed to aristocratic noodleism.
It may be said that they merely wanted to use it.
Of course they did. But to be used by a Govern-
ment in the public service of the country, is just
the ambition, the honourable ambition, of aspiring
minds. We believe that the whole Liberal Party
both in the House and in the country, acknowledges
that the Tories set their own leaders an example in
this respect ; an example, which if not followed in
a spirit as frank and ungrudging as theirs, will soon
show the evil consequences of neglecting it.
The Liberals have numerous able men outside the
old routine squad, who, were they among Lord
DERBY'S three hundred, would have honourable
posts offered them at once in any Ministry formed
by him.

The second point is the sequel of the first ; as
the first is the pledge for the second. If we are to
have from a Liberal Ministry measures which sur-
pass in liberality those of their opponents, then we
must have in the Cabinet and in the Ministry a
much larger proportion of acknowledged—Radicals,
we may as well use the word. Of men whom
Whigs, as well as Tories, concur to honour with
that uncourtly, but expressive designation. It will
not do merely to have a single Sir W. MOLES-
WORTII, neutralised completely by ten to one hos-
tile to his views ; we ought to have a sufficient
number of men devoted and pledged by all their
antecedents to the popular cause, to insure
that popular demands shall be listened to in the
Cabinet itself, and shall modify the measures it
initiates in Parliament. Austria herself governs
for the people ; at least professes to do it. We
want Government through the people. We want
to govern ourselves, and to do it by the Cabinet to
which our representatives agree to give their con-
fidence. More popular measures therefore imply
more popular men in the Cabinet itself. The new
Ministry can hardly go wrong in foreign affairs.
They find them in the right groove at their entrance
on office ; they have but to keep them there. It is on
home policy—on Reform—that they, as well as the
late Ministry,will be shipwrecked, unless they can
by a bill which will rouse the country show cause
for turning out their predecessors. It will not do
to bring in Mr. DISRAELI'S Bill minus the errors of
which Mr. DISRAELI himself proposed to strip it.
The country will indignantly exclaim, No thanks
to you for that. Mr. BRIGHT must not suffer his one
hundred and fifty seats taken from paltry boroughs
to be sent into oblivion. Above all, the two hun-
dred and forty members favourable to the Ballot
must not allow the Reform which all Liberal con-
stituencies demaud to be forgotten. And NOW is
the time to insist on such things. If a Ministry be
formed which ignores them, it will be left by the
people to the tender mercies of the Tories. It will
be no concern of the people's to keep it in office.

The enthusiasm of the Italians has proved equal
to our expectations. It would have been marvel-
lous indeed if it had proved otherwise. There, at
least, the pear was in truth ripe—the first breeze of
insurrection might have shaken it down. How
much more, therefore, when the roaring hurricane
of war was storming through the great boughs
of that political banyan which has, during these
last few centuries been covering all the Roman
peninsula as with a forest of larger and lesser
nationalities—a sudden whirlwind of battle carry-
ing off a branch here and there in its passage, and
making the roots vibrate to their uttermost foun-
dations. Could CHARLES ALBERT but have fore-
seen the events now occurring on either side of the
boundary line between Piedmont and Lombardy
it would have consoled him for his lost crown, and
his broken sword, and his shattered sceptre on the
field of Novara—it would have carried solace even
to his lonely death-bed at Oporto. Could PEPE
have looked securely enough into the future to
have recognised the foreshadowing of the victories
won over the Austrians, in 1859, at Montebello, at
Palestro, and at Magenta, it would have sweetened
the bitterness of that frequent draught of hope
deferred,which during his long and agitated lifetime
he had so often occasion to quaff to its very
dregs—only to have the cup again and again re-
plenished. Could ORSINI but have beheld in
prophetic vision from his dungeon the triumphal
entry into Milan of the Emperor of FRANCE and
the King of SARDINIA, he would have cursed
the hand that in the frenzy of a mistaken and
fanatical patriotism had hurled the deadly missile '
upon the causeway of the Rue le Pelletier. The
bugle note which is the signal (GoD grant it!) of
Italian emancipation, is sounding now no less
earnestly from the ranks of the Zouaves and the
Turcos, the stalwart Grenadiers of France, and
the little red-legged soldiers of the Line,
from the squadrons of the Chasseurs d'Afrique, and
from those of the Chasseurs de Vincennes—no
than
oleasns
earnestly, no less enthusiastically, from these
from the Piedmontese army under Ding
VICTOR.
EMMANUEL, or from the heroic free corps of hitherto
exiled Italians under the terrible banner of atm_
BALDI ! It is like the echo, in these times, of
the trumpet-call of RIENZI. It is as moving, as
thrilling in its tones, as the note wound upon the
horn of ROLAND in the pass of Roncesvalles. It
has already wakened the Italian people, north and
south, from their hopeless apathy, and their pro-
longed and apparently interminable degradation.
Tuscany has thrown off the yoke. Parma has
risen. Lombardy is rising. Venice waits only
for the hour and the man. The States of the
Church :have already recognised thel opportunity
which identifies the cause, even in a constrained
neutrality, with that now maintained at the
point of the sword and the bayonet, at
the mouth of the minie rifle and the
cannon of precision in theUllied Armies of Emanci-
pation. Even Naples and Sicily, we cannot but
feel assured, hearken with profound solicitude to
the distant reverberations of the sound of that great
war which is now being waged in the name of
Italy, not of a part, but of all Italy, at the opposite
extremity of that glorious and beautiful peninsula.

. A little better this bold conflict than tho nomadic
diplomatic mission nearly a dozen years ago of
GILBERT ELLIOT MURRAY KYNYN MOUND, Earl of

MINTO. Don't we remember that mission all of
us rather painfully ? Was it not the wretchedest
exhibition of interest on the part of England in the
cause of Italian Independence ? Somewhat diffe-
rent as an attestation of sympathy in that cause, it
must be confessed—somewhat different assuredly
to the testimony now afforded by our ally at
the head of 150,000 men—our ally abetting
now with all the resources of genius and
of valour that other ally, carrying in one
hand the banner emblazoned with the white
cross of Savoy, and in the other the tricolour of
the Italian peninsula. All England did for Italy
in 1849 was to send Lord MINT() thither in his
green plaid trousers upon a still greener mission—
one that resulted only in a series of imbroglios
calculated only, as it proved, to rivet the chains of
the oppressed yet more securely, instead of effecting
anything whatever towards their social or political
emancipation. That was the sympathy for Italy
manifested by England under a Whig Government.
Yet to those Whigs now, the Times tells us, we are
to look, England is to look, Italy is to look, for the
triumphant emancipation of the Roman peninsula.
In Lord JOHN RUSSELL we are all at once to re-
cognise the true saviour of Italy and the Italians.
Lord JoHN has certainly something to do in this
matter by way of expiating his former policy.
Lord PALMERSTON has to do likewise—he has to
expiate his past—not alone in regard to the Ita-
lians, but in regard to the Hungarians also. If
Italy has to expect anything from the Whigs, it
will be not in fulfilment, but in expiation of Whig
policy. If Lord JOAN is to effect any good for
Italy and the. Italians, it can only be by his turn-
ing over a new leaf as a diplomatist. The old leaf
to which we are now brought back after the pass-
ing by of one entire decade is sadly scribbled,
blotted, and blurred with tears and blood—one of
the most lamentable mementos, as it is also one of
the most deplorable, evidences of the evils arising
from Whig misgovernment.

The following tables from " VACHER'S Parlia-
mentary Companion" we referred to a few days
ago. They give a remarkably clear and impartial
view of the actual state of the borough representa-
tion, and show, in a brief and unanswerable
manner, that something ought to be done towards
rendering it much more equitable :

BOROUGH REPRESENTATION OF THE UNITED KINGDOM.

' tc
'—' ',-; 0 a", C c-, •r,
c.-:'4, -..
o—'2 -4---.' - 41,1,,g°
'if . 2.. , g -,-1, ,-,..,° E .T. P ''' •-, c-; .... El c.,
,2,Lt Erg p., 0t g ~,S-:-'. s-.,-4,,-.)...g
'6 ..' s,, :::J ~ ,• tr2.l ' ''. 0
-C 5
E. 15 ,0
e.
England lts 319 7,144,040 22,162 99 916,048
Wales
Scotland
Ireland
U.liingdom 259 395 9,445,610 23,725 128 —1,121,445

COMPARATIVE RESULTS FROM THE PRECEDING TABLES.
The present total borough representatives of the United
Kingdom being 395 ;
If the whole of the above 253 boroughs and 128 unrepre
sented towns were re-divided amongst the same number of
members, according to population, it would give one mem-
ber to each 26,536 of the population; and—
England would have 303 borough members instead of 319
Wales 11 7) 14
Scotland „ 46 23
17 71
Ireland 71 35 77 39
Dividing the present 395 borough members into three parts,
according to the population of the boroughs now return-
ing them ;
One-third are returned by the 75 largest boroughs,
having upwards of 29,000 inhabitants each,
and a total population of 7,326,427
One-third are returned by 89 boroughs having
from 10,000 to 29,000 inhabitants each, and a
total population of
One-third are returned by the 89 smallest boroughs,
having less than 10,000 inhabitants each, and
a total population of
One .third of the borough members are thus returned by
about four-fifths of the borough population ; and another
third are returned by one-sixteenth of the same.
And—Dividing the total population of represented boroughs
into three parts—
One-third of the population is contained in
the 10 largest boroughs (each having a
population exceeding 200,000) which re-
turn together
One-third of ditto is contained in 35 inter-
mediate boroughs (each having from
46,000 to 200,000 inhabitants), which re-
turn together
One-third of ditto is contained in the 206
smallest boroughs (each having less than
46,000 inhabitants), which return to-
gether
In other words—
One-third of the borough population returns one-twen-
tieth of the borough members, and another third returns
fifteen-twentieths of the borough members, or fifteen
times as many as the ten most populous boroughs

20 members.

66 members.

309 members.

The following table is also one of some interest.
It shows how much our Parliaments are increas-
ingly less liable to change. What a difference
between the number of members who kept their
seats in 1847 and in 1859,! and between the
number of members not before in Parliament who
were returned at the two elections referred to !

ANALYSIS OP CHANGES IN THE REPRESENTATION.
Comparative Changes at the General Elections of 1847, 1852
1857, and 1859.

1852. 1857. 1 1859.
434 452 511
22 13 13
24 39 40
175 151 91
655 655 655
1 1 1
*654 654 1 654

Members re-elected for the same
places
Members re-elected by other Con-
stituencies
New Members, formerly in Parlia-
ment
New Members not before in Parlia-
ment
Members returned for two places

Deduct Double Returns..

* St. Albans disfranchised, 1855.