The Sun.
London, England, 1832-12-22 00:00:00

CAUTION TO THE PUBLIC.
MORISON'S UNIVERSAL AIEDI-
CINES having superseded the use of almost all
the Patent Medicines which the Wholesale Venders have
foisted upon the credulity of the searchers after health, for
so many years, the Tow❑ Druggists and Chymists, not
able to establish a lair fame on the invention of any plau-
sible means of competition, have plunged into the mean
expedient of puffing up a " Dr. Morrison" (observe the
subterfuge of the double R), a being who never existed, as
prescribing a " Vegetable Universal Pill, No. 1, and 2,"
far the express purpose (by means of this forged imposition
upon the Public), of deteriorating the estimation of the
" Universal Medicines" of the "British College of Health."
Know all Men, then, that this attempted delusion must fall
under the fact, that (however specious the pretence) none
can be held genuine by the C 'liege but those which have
" Munson'si Universal Medicines " impressed upon the
Government Stamp attached to each Box and Packet, to
counterfeit which is felony by the laws of the land.

The city of Dublin election is said to have
cost the Conservatives 8,0001.

THE MURDER IN CLERKENWELL.-
LLOTD, the officer of Hatton-garden, who was first ap-
plied to when this murder was discovered, has been per-
severing in his endeavours, and has spared neither expense
nor trouble to trace and bring the guilty parties to justice.
On Tuesday last he received information that the deceased
Mr. SIIEPPA RD had, on the Friday previous to the mur-
der having been committed, gone to Hampstead, High_
gate, and other country places, to transact business for
the establishment in which he was employed, and that he
had been heard to say that he had been watched and fol-
lowed on the road by two suspicious-looking characters, of
whom be was obliged to be cautious. The officer imme-
diately proceeded to Highate and Hampstead, and traced
Mr. SHEPPARD to have called at a house at Hampstead,
where he received an order for a quantity of soap ; while
there two low-looking fellows, wearing short fustian
jackets, and having the appearance of glaziers, were in the
place, and seemed to pay attention to what Mr. SHEPPARD
said, and he stated where his employers lived. They ap
peared to be about 19 or 20 years of age, and they changed
a sovereign. When Mr. SHEPPARD quitted the place they
were noticed to follow him immediately, and he alluded
to their suspicious manner himself afterwards, as they
seemed to follow and watch him on the road. LLOYD made
every inquiry to discover whether they were in the neigh.
bourhood of Hampstead, but they were not known, and no
clue whatever has been traced to them. He, however, after
inquiry, has heard that two men answering the description
were seen lurking about the neighbourhood of Compton-
street, Clerkenwell, some n'ghts previously to the commis-
sion of the murder, but unfortunately their identity cannot
he sufficiently ascertained to assist the officers.

Mr. HOME having announced his intention of address-
ing the electors at the Baz tar, King's Cross, as soon as the
polling terminated, a vast number of persons collected
within the spacious area to hear him.
Shortly after 4 o'clock, and directly after the poll-hooks
had been closed, Mr. Hume and Sir John Scott Lillie
appeared in the balcony, attended by their friends, and
were received with loud cheers. Mr. Byng, was
in the neighbourhood only an hour before, but he did
not make his appearance with the other two candi-
dates. 'ir Charles Forbes was also absent, and
we understood from Mr. Mackinnon (who attended in
his behalf) that the Hon. Baronet had been confined to his
room ever since Monday, when he appeared on the hust-
ings at Brentford. Mr. Mackinnon said the Hon. Baronet
was bled on that day, and Sir John Scott Lillie, hearing
the observation, added, " Ah ! and I believe he has been
bleeding very freely ever since." We observed among those
in the balcony, Mr. Warburton, M P.
Mr. HOME then stepped forward amidst loud cheers.
He stated that he had been waiting for a short time, in
the hope that Mr. Byng, who was in the neighbourhood,
would make his appearance.—(Cries of " We don't want
him.") Sir J. S. Lillie was present, and so was a gen-
tleman on behalf of Sir Charles Forbes; but it would
have been more gratifying, if all the four candidates had, j
been present. It became, however, his duty, agree- '
a Ay to custom, to offer a few observations to those
gentlemen whom he had the honour to see biifore
him.—( Hear.) He did so in consequence of a paper
which had been put into his hands, and by which
it appeared that his name was at the head of
the poll.—(Cheers ) They were aware that there were
eight polling places for the county. His committee had
not received returns from all of them later than 2 o'clock,
when the numbers were—for himself, 3 575—(Cheers);
for Mr. Byng, 3,489; for Sir C. Forbes, I,7l3—(Hiss-
ing); and for Sir J. S. Lillie, 1,157. They were
aware that these numbers could not be taken as the ac-
curate state of the poll. But he hoped by 8 o'clock to
make them up as correctly as the check-clerks could
enable him. He took it, however, for granted—(A
cry, " You're safe")—that he was pretty nearly safe
for the county. In that case be hail to congratulate the
electors of Middlesex on the victory they had gained, as
it was a triumph of principle over united and selfish
interests. It was a trial of no ordinary kind for any
individual insulated as he was, and unconnected either
with Whig or Tory, to find himself placed by the metro-
politan county at the head of the poll in spite of all the in-
fluence and interest, and what was more, in spite of all the
brass that had been used against him.—(Cheers.) He
had rather expected that, as there were 2,400 snug voters a
month ago for his former opponent, there would have been
more against him on the present occasion. But 10, and
behold ! they had dwindled down to about 1,700 or 1,800.
—(Laughter.) The present was no ordinary occasion,
on which he bad the honour to address them, because
he had been assailed, publicly and privately, in a manlier
which he was confident he did not deserve ; and he
was free to refer it to any two impartial
men, if ever there was a man against whom so
much calumny and malice had been directed ; and
even up to the present time, falsehood and charges had
been brought forward to scare the electors from voting
for him. In the Times of this day, a letter was
published, and though it was not his intention to go over
any of the other charges which be had twenty timesrefuted,
yet in this day's Times, the last day of the polling,—
he did not know what to call them, for they were
not Christians, and had no Christian object in view
—(Cheers)—was an allegation to which he was anxious
to reply. It was a letter written by an anonymous
correspondent, and signed " Candidus," stating that he
(Mr. Hutne) was in possession of West India property,
and was a slave-owner, and wishing it to be held forth
to the world that his opinions had beers influenced by his
being the owner of property in the West India Islands.
A greater and more unfounded calumny had never been
uttered ; for there was not one word of truth in it.--
(Cheers.) He never had the value of one shilling
connected with colonial property, slaves, or any
thing else in the colonies. He hoped, therefore,
he had put that question at rest; and as to all the other
calumnies, they had been put at rest by the triumphant man-
ner in which the electors bad refuted them. It was a matter
of congratulation to him, as be hoped it would also be to
them, that he had been able to free himself from those
charges by their unbought, and he hoped, un-
biassed influence—for he had never requested a vote
from any one. He could, however, refer to the influence
which had been used against him by all classes in the
Church and State, by Magistrates and others, who had
attempted to poison the electors against him in the
most shameful way. None of his calumniators had dared
to appear before him, in all the 28 meetings at which he had
challenged them, except two or three, and all the
charges bad been refuted in the most triumphant manner.
—(Cheers.) He now stood in the situation soon to
be declared one of the representatives of the county. He
owed the support he had received not to the clergy, nor to
the magistracy, with a few honourable exceptions, but to
the 101. freeholders.—(Continued cheers.) He felt
proud of tbat because he had said elsewhere that
the Government need be under no apprehension
of admitting those classes to the franchise. It was an
example which he was proud to see recorded, because he
hoped it would give a tone to the people generally by
the triumph of independence over corruption.—(Cheers.)
In 1830, when he accepted the offer of the electors, he
felt pride in being their Member, not that it was a jot more
to him than representing airy other place, for, in fact,
it gave him a great deal inure to do; but in his being re-
turned fur the metropolitan county, a proof was afforded
that they had acknowledged his doctrines, and approved
of those principles which he had advocated for many years.
—(Hear, hear, hear.) This example, therefore, in the
metropolitan county showed them that Reform bad
made very great progress; that it bad not been confined
solely to a Reform in the Church, or to a Reform in the
State, but that all species of Reform was acknowledged
and adopted by his constituents. The metropolitan
county, in setting that example, gave spirit and influence
to the cause of Reform, which were leading to the happy
results he hoped they would soon reap the benefit
of.—(Loud cheers.) He hoped that the present
election would also be a proof that all the corrupt info-
' ence of the State was not sufficient to corrupt a county
like that of Middlesex; and he trusted that every other con-
stituency would not return men connected with party, but
only those who would advocate measures which were be-
neficial to the country at large.—(Much cheering.) He.
most heartily congratulated them on this, the first fruit of
the Reform Bill, which had already achieved a great good.
It had removed from the House of Commons the nominees
of the land, who, up to the present moment, had re-
gulated the affairs of the country, by a majority
of their own, and who had acted not for the in-
terests of the people, but for the few who held the
political power, and who had used that power but
too much in favour of the individuals who held it.
He looked upon the Reform Bill they had obtained as a
means to an end ; and, therefore, he regretted to hear
that men high in office had declared that they looked upon
it as a final measure, and that they should oppose
any further reform. He declared now, as he
did when he first heard the hope of its be-
ing a final measure, that it was absurd to suppose
that any Legislature could dictate to future Parlia-
ments how far they should go. He was of opinion that
the plan of Reform required by the country was far
from completed by the Bill they bad obtained. He
had always looked forward to Reform as a means of bring-
ing about a better understanding between the higher and
the lower classes, and the putting an end to all un-
constitutional influence.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Those
objects had not been obtained by the present Bill. He
hail been told in the course of his canvass, by men
in respectable situations in life, that they regretted they
could not support him without risking the ruin of their
families.—(Cries of " Shame.") Others again had said
that they were sorry they could not give him a
vote, for, although qualified, they had not registered
themselves, in order not to be under the necessity
of giving their votes, against their consciences.
A man who had the good fortune to enjoy the elective
franchise held it as a trust for the benefit of those
not so fortunate, and ought to be placed in a
situation to discharge himself
of the trust reposed in him

honestly and conscientiously. Now, if that could not be
done, if men feared that by voting for a particular candidate
they might injure their families, the spirit of the Reform
MI was violated ; fir he recollected that Lord Julio
Russell declared, when he brought it forward, that it was
to give the franchise to half a million of additional voters,
and that hereafter elections were to be the re-
sult of the unbiassed examination of the resp ctive
candidates by the constituency. Was that the case now ?
—(Cries of " No, no.") It was not ; and what was re-
quired to enable a man to vote conscientiously, honestly,
and as be thought most for the advantage of the
country, was, the protection of the ballot.—(Loud cheers, )
His Majesty's Ministers might attempt to resist it, but they
must yield it, or it would be carried in spite of them.
Let them, or any other set of men, attempt to gloss the
matter as they p'eased, it was fir better that a
man should he without a vote at all than be
obliged to give it under the dictation of another
person.—(" Very true.") He cared not what influence
it was that was exercised over a voter, whether it was
that of a tradesman, of a banker, or of a Magi-
strate—it was equally objectionable.—(Hear.) He
nufd say, by the bye, that Magisterial influence Ind been
most infamously exercised against him. But to return to
the question of the ballot. It was his firm belief that
the very Parliaaient now in course of being elected,
would triumphantly carry it. He had been willink, un-
doubtedly, to give the Reform Bill a tr iil in the form
it now stood; but he thought they had seen enough of its
working in the metrorlitan boroughs to say it had not an-
swered its purpose in the manner every honest Reformer
desired. 'Was it to be borne that the county of Middlesex,
with its immense population, should only have 7,000
electors ?—(Cries of " lt's shameful.") 'Was it to be
borne that laws affecting the lives and property
of millions should be sanctioned by the elective
votes of so comparatively small a number?—(Hear.)
It was not : and, therefore, he should say at once, that the
suffrage should be extended. It was an old but excellent
maxim, that taxation and representation should go hand in
hand; and, therefore, the way in which he would extend
the elective franchise, would be by bestowing on the
county householders suffrage—(Loud cheers)—and any
influence he might have in the House should go with his
vote in support of a measure to accomplish that object.—
( Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.) His object in doing so
would be to give an additional security to the Constitu-
tion by enlarging the foundation upon which it was based.
If he wished to carry any object, was not his obvious
course to attach to him as many persons having the same
interests with bim as possible ? If that were the case in pri-
vate life, it was no less the case in matters of State policy,
and the greater the number interested in the support
of the Constitution, the more safe it would he. The
theory of the Constitution was that all were equal, and it
was certain that all had to pay taxes, and in eases of need
all were bound to render military service for the
defence of the State.—(Cheers.) 'Why then should any
set of men be branded Cains, unworthy of being trusted
with the same privileges as their fellow-subjects? There
was another point which it was necessary to amend,
before the plan of Reform could be called complete.
The power of choice of the people should be
enlarged. He said not what reason there was for its
being limited to persons holding property of a particular
kind. In Scotland, the country from which he came, they
had bad experience of this matter, and there it had been
proved that a landed qualification was not essential to
make a good Member of Parliament. No complaint had
ever been made there that in consequence of all who were
entitled to elect being also competent to be elected, im-
proper persons were sent to Parliament. The only quali-
fication which it would have been necessary for himself to
have had to represent the district of Scotch burghs which
had done him the honour to send him to Parliament for 12
years, was the being a burgess. It was the same
in the counties ; whoever was competent to vote was com-
petent to be elected.—(Cheers.) The Reform Bill had
limited this freedom, and therefore he had opposed that
part of the Bill, and upon the same principle that he gave
that opposition he should vote for giving that liberty to
the people of England which had been so long exercised
by the people of Scotland. He bad no doubt that
their discretion and intelligence would protect them as
effectually as the law.—(Cheers.) The Tories had pro-
phesied that the metropolitan boroughs would return
improper Members to Parliament; but the most fastidious
Tory could not but acknowledge the respectability
of the gentlemen chosen. In short, he could not see
what connexion there existed between talents and pro•
perty.—(Cheers.) After the best inquiries he had been
able to institute, he had not been able to find that 600/. a
year in land gave men common sense or ability,
(Great cheering and laughter.) It was education—talents
—industry—that qualified a man for a seat in the Legis-
lature; and he saw not what reason there was for the people
being limited in the choice of a Member of Parliament
any more than in the employment of any men whose
services they required. There could not be a doubt
that the people would choose the man they believed best
calculated to advance their interests. Furtlitr, as short
accounts made long friends, he should advocate the repeal
of the Septennial Act, and a return to triennial Parliaments.
—(Cheers, and " That's right.") As it was necessary that
the people should be educated, for it was by education
that the moral feelings were raised, he should advocate
every measure which tended to diffuse information.—
(Loud cheers.) One of the first he thought should
be the removal of the taxes on knowledge.—(Loud cheers.)
His duty in Parliament next would be to see that no
money was taken from the pockets of the people than was
absolutely necessary.—(Loud cheers.) Every man must
contribute to the expenses of the Government according
to his means, otherwise he could not enjoy in safety the
little he had. From the state of society, it was
necessary that it should be protected by the strong
arm of the law.—(Cheers.) But the system that
had been carried on, he should always oppose to the utter-
most; he never could sanction the enormous pensions that
had been given. During his Parliamentary career, he
always had, and always would, oppose them.—(Loud
cheers.) His object should always be to lessen not only
the amount of the salaries paid, but the number of salaried
persons.—(Loud cheers.) No two men should be employed
to do the business which one could do, and those who did
no duty should be paid nothing.—(Loud cheers.) He
would strike at once against all unmerited pensions.
He was of opinion that all pensions for civil or military
offices should cease, except those whose services might
again be required, and those ought to receive a proper re•
muneration to support them till they should be called
forth into active service again. He would do all
in his power to blot out the pension list in lolo.—(Cries
of " The Bishops—do something for them.") He would
do every thing to take care of the public purse, and by
that means reduce the taxation of the country.—(Cheers.)
He hoped always to be found a supporter of civil and reli-
gious liberty. He trusted the time was not far distant
when an end would be put to the contest which existed
between Churchmen and Dissenters, and he felt confi-
dent that sonic measure would soon be brought for-
ward before Parliament to do away with the com-
pulsory in inner of obliging Dissenters to support a
Church to which they did not belong. Corpora-
tion Reform must follow Parliamentary Reform; that
was necessary for the peace of the community, and
he should therefore feel himself called upon to support and
vote for their reformation. Next to that be considered
it was essential that the Magistrates should be elected
by the individuals over whom they were to preside, in
order that they might have the hearts and wishes of the
whole community to support them in times ci!' need.—
(Cheers.) He trusted that the electors would never find him
flinching from persevering in the great objects he had re-
ferred to. If the time ever did come, that he swerved from
those objects, the electors of Middlesex might turn him
to the right about, and look for a better man.—(Cheers
and cries of "We never will.") He thanked the electors
at large for the honour they had done him, and he hoped
to see many of them at Brentford on Monday next, when
the Sheriffs would announce the official final state of the
poll. The Hon. Gentleman concluded amidst loud and
long continued cheers.
Sir JOHN SCUTT LILLIE came forward, and was re-
ceived with the most enthusiastic applause. He congra-
tulated the electors more on the re-election of the
Hon. Gentleman who had just addressed them, than
on the situation in which he himself stood.—(Cheers.)
He bad been called upon to come forward more for the
purpose of driving another candidate out of the field than
for his own success.—(Loud and tremendous cheering.)
He had succeeded in so doing, and had had the
reward of the approbation of the electors. No sooner,
however) was one candidate driven out of the field