The Sun.
London, England, 1832-08-16 00:00:00

THE FUNDS.

We were correct in stating yesterday that no express bad ar-
rived in the City from Paris. It is very seldom if one comes to
that quarter we are not acquainted with it.
The information received by the French mail from Com-
piegne of the refusal of the King of Holland to evacuate the
the Belgian territory only by force of arms, we do not credit, as
our information from the well-informed is decidedly of a dif:
ferent tendency, stating that Van de Weyer is daily expected to
settle the business.

In the absence of further information from Portugal, and of the
meeting of the two brother's squadrons, the public attention is
turned to his Majesty's speech this afternoon, which is anxiously
sought after. As yet we do not hear that the contents have
transpired.

Our arrivals this morning are again of a scanty description, as
well as the estafette from Paris, which brings the Rentes 69f. 15c.
Consols at present remain without animation, and opened at
the same price they left off at, 84; since which they have been
done at 84 to 4.
In the Foreign Market nothing doing at present.

HALF-PAST ONE.
The Bank meeting has broken up, and we understand that
Mr. Carruthers moved that the 83 accounts, of which the
titles were read, should be printed, and, when ready, be dis-
tributed to each proprietor, on their being asked for ; also,
that application should immediately be made to the House of
Commons, for permission to print with these accounts the
minutes of evidence taken before the House of Commons.
The profits of the Bank to August was 2,900,000/. ; surplus in
hand amounted altogether to four millions.
Consols remain steady at 844 Sellers, 84 to 4 for Money.
In the Foreign Market Dutch Stock rather better; Regent
Portuguese Scrip 3to 2j discount. The speech of the Duke of
Wellington has had some effect on the above Scrip.

THREE O' CL 0 CE.
Consols for account, 84+.
FOUR O'CLOCK CLOSING PRICES.
Consols • 841 Danish 691
Ditto for Account 844- Greek, 1825 26
Brazilian Bonds 49i Mexican, 1825 27
Buenos Ayres... 21 Peruvian ... .....
Chilian Ditto.... Russian lOOl
Columbian 1824 .... Spanish

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Belgic papers of the last and present
week still insist on the existence of two new pro-
tocols hitherto unpublished (the 69th and 70t1,),
in which the Conference of London issaid to have
accepted the basis of the Dutch projected treaty
of the 30th of Jnne last, and to have required
the concurrence of the Belgic Government in its
chief conditions, after having made some modi-
fications of the articles, in which it differed from
their own arrangement of November, 1831,
which was declared to be " final and irrevocable."
These favourable modifications are reported to
consist in the admission of Belgic craft into the
Dutch waters, and the permission to Belgium of
making the proposed road to Germany through
the Dutch village of Sittardt. The Conference
is stated to be pleased with the consent of his
Dutch Majesty to these proposals of their own,
and to have uudertaken to procure the consent
of Belgium to the convention by such a lure.
We cannot for a moment lend any faith to such
a representation, though we are as willing as the
most ardent apologists of the Conference to
allow the extent of embarrassment into which
the obstinacy of his Dutch Majesty has thrown
the advocates of a peaceful settlement. The
Dutch projected treaty of June last, agreed to
the separation of the two countries as well as the
treaty of November. It accepted of the terri-
torial arrangement of Limburg and Luxemburg
without any material alterations, and even con-
sented to the division of the debt as proposed
by the Conference, with some reservations about
the sinking fund, and the interest of his Dutch
Majesty in the stock of the Bank of Brussels.
It was entirely silent about the projected rail-
road through the district of Sittardt ; and the
stipulated reserve in favour of the consent of the
family of Nassau to the surrender of the Belgic
portion of Luxemburg could not have inspired
any alarm respecting the ultimate efficiency of
the arrangement. Where, then, did the treaty
of the Dutch King differ materially from that of
the Conference, and what was the cause of the
opposition with which it has been met on the
part of the Belgians ? These differences rnedy
be reduced to three, and we shall make no apo-
logy for again explaining them, because we are
convinced that their tendency is freo,siently mis-
understood, and their importance unappreciated.
1, In the first place, the very proposal of an
entirely new treaty by Holland, after the
Conference had entered fully into the sub-
ject as umpires in the quarrel, and had not
only required the assent of the parties to
several arrangements—namely, to the treaty of
the 18 articles in June, 1831, and to the treaty
of the 24 articles in November of the same
year,—but had ratified with Belgium a solemn
engagement, which had thus become the public
law of Europe,—was an inadmissible display of
arrogance—an unwarrantable assumption of su-
periority. When the Conference had admitted
the pretensions of Belgium, and recognized the
sovereignty of King Leopold, the two parties
were on a level. The Plenipotentiaries of the
five Powers permitted neither of them to dictate
to the other, but heard the cltiims and represen-
tations of both. The two treaties to which we
have alluded were treaties of the Conference,
mediating between the parties, and not treaties
suggested by either of them for the adoption of
the Conference. This matter of form is of more
consequence than might at first be imagined.
By admitting the treaty of the King of Hoilsnd,
his claim of superiority over the King of
Belgium is, to a certain extent, recognized.
The principle of legitimacy, by which Sovereigns
deal with their subjects at their pleasure, instead
of being elected and deposed by them, is coun-
tenanced. The Belgians, instead of being in-
dependent by the operation of their own resolute
will, and their resistance to the Orange family,
are considered as entitled to their independence
only " by the grace" of William of Holland.
His Majesty thus assumes the power of re-
leasing subjects from their allegiance, or of par-
doning rebels for their revolt, instead of treating
with the new King of their choice—the recog-
nized organ of their new Government—on equal
terms. What right has the King of Holland
thus to propose a treaty for the acceptance of
Belgium, which the King of Belgium has not to
propose a treaty for the acceptance of Holland ?
2. But a more important object than this lurked
in the proposal of the King of Holland—an ob-
ject which, it was supposed, would be more
easily overlooked, if introduced in the shape of
an original article of a treaty than if proposed as
an amendment of a former stipulation. His
Dutch Majesty, with a formal appeal to the li-
beral principles of the Congress of Vienna re-
garding the navigation of rivers, really intended
to revive the cruel provisions of the treaty of
Munster, for shutting up the Scheldt. This pro-
posal is not, of course, made in direct terms,
because, if stated in an undisguised manner, it
would have revolted all Europe ; but the claim
of a Dutch toll on the river is equivalent to
the assertion of a Dutch right to interrupt its
navigation, and the enforcement of new restraints
would soon have followed the acknowledgment
of antiquated rights: in the 7th article of the
Dutch project, accordingly, the Government
of Holland, with great diplomatic dexterityrpro-
poses to adopt the principles of the treaty of Vi-
enna, respecting the navigation of rivers which
traverse or divide the territories of different States,
and applies these principles to the navigation of
the Scheldt, as they had been previously applied
by the Convention of Mentz to the navigation
of the Rhine. Only just consider to what this
parallel would lead. The Rhine, before it can
be employed by any other nation except the
Dutch, passes through a great part of the Dutch
territory. Its banks require to be kept in repair,
and police regulations must be maintained for
strangers disembarking, on their passage up or
down its stream. Its navigation is, therefore,
restricted to the French, to the Prussians, to the
people of Bavaria, Baden, and other States in its
course. No foreign boat is permitted to appear
on its waters. The Scheldt, on the other hand,
may almost be considered an arm of the sea,
during the whole of its course in Holland. It
requires no care of the Dutch to repair its banks,
or to watch the conduct of foreigners who sail
on its waters. It is now as free to all nations as
the English or the Irish Channel, and vet the
Dutch Government, by a citation of inapplicable
treaties, proposes the imposition of tolls, and
the enforcement of rules, which would assimilate
its use to that of the Rhine at Cologne or Stress,
burg I By this means the free commerce of
Antwerp would be destroyed ; and the only in-
tercourse of trading nations with Belgium must
have been carried on through Ostend, or by pay-
ing tribute to the Dutch Custom-houses ! 3. But
in the last place, the treaty of the King of
Holland is inadmissible, because it makes
the evacuation of the Belgic territory dependent
on the settlement of every contested point, in-
stead of being the basis of the whole arrange-
ment. The Belgic Chambers, in their address to
the King before the prorogation, made the evit!

cuation of Antwerp du) preliminary to all farther
negotiation. We ourselves have maintained the
justice of this arrangement, and it will require
nothing short of the production of the protocols
themselves, to convince us that the Conference
could so far forget -their own declarations, and
the honour of the Belgic people, as to consent
to any change. If the ambition, the pride, or
the amour propre of either party is to be con-
sulted, in the presentstage of the proceedings, it
is not surely those of the party which has hitherto
threatened its opponent with invasion,—which
has resisted the proposals, and braved the me•
naces of the Conference,—which has kept all
Europe in apprehension of a general war for
several months,—and which has rendered neces-
sary the ruinous expenses of great. military esta-
blishments among its neighhours.—Since writing
Alie foregoing observations, we have received a
letter from Brussels of Tuesday, and the Brussels
papers of Wednesday. It is gratifying to find
that the confidence of the Belgians in the conti-
nuance of peace has been increased by the re-
,ception of a Belgic Ambassador at the absolute
Court of Vienna. Let King Leopold only se•
cure the esteem and love of his subiects by main-
taining their civil rights, and upholding their
political independence, and he is sure to acquire
the acquiescence of foreign Courts in all his just
claims, when prosecuted either before the Con-
ference of London, or on the frontiers of Holland.
—Times.

The Duke of Wellington made last night an
effort to impress the country with the immense
loss it has sustained in being deprived of the
high qualities of his Grace as a Statesman.—
After dwelling some time on the diminution of
stores, the discontinuance of the training of the
Militia, and other particulars, by which a reduc-
tion of expenditure for the present was purchased
at the expense of increased future expenditure,
his Grace proceeded to the consideration ofthe
political prospects of the country. " He con-
tended that it was the duty of the Government
to look to other objects of more importance than
the mere balance of income and expenditure.
It was necessary to look to what was likely or
possible to happen in the circumstances of the
ssountry—(Hear, from the Duke of Cumber-
Would any man say that the Govern-
ment, with respect to its finances, was left in
the situation in which it ought to be ? The
.finances of the country were unprovided for ;
although his Majesty's Ministers knew that the
next Session would be of a Reformed Parlia-
ment, and no man could tell what the decision
,of such a Parliament might be on any question,
more especially on a question of Finance.—( Hear,
bear.)" If a Reformed Parliament should take
it into their heads to ruin the country, which his
Grace seems to anticipate, what is the use of all
precautions now ? All that Ministers could do
now might be undone in that ominous Parlia-
ment, to which his Grace looks forward
with apprehension. His Grace's admonition is
like that given to a man bound to sail on a dan-
gerous sea, to take care of his life now, as there
was no saying what might happen to him when
on his voyage. His Grace is an instance
that bulls can be made by a phlegmatic as well as
lively Irishman.
"In the present state of the foreign relations of the
.count.ry (added his Grace with becoming gravity), it was
possible :hat an occasion might arrive, in which his Ma-
jesty might be compelled to make an extraordinary exer-
tion, and to call forth all the resources of the empire._
(Hear, hear.) By the necessary consequence of the
state in which the finances of the country were now
placed, his Majesty would, in such a case as he had sup-
posed, be put in the greatest difficulty In tbe manage-
ment of his financial resources, ao long as the necessity for
exertion might continue. Let his Majesty's Ministers
look to the condition of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) Could
any man conjecture how embarrassing the affairs of that
country might become.----(Hear, hear.) Let them look
to his Majesty's foreign relations..-let them look particu-
larly to the Peninsula. They would sea, that in every
one of those particulars, his Majesty might, much .74oner
than any of their Lordships perhaps expected, be called on
to make exertions (or which all the resources of the empire
would be necessary. The present, therefore, was not a
time to curtail the finances.—(Heart bear.)"
What does all this amount to, but that the
political horizon is at present overcast ; and that
if we go to war, we shall have occasion for all
our resources ? But does diminished expenditure
for the present, impair the future resources of
the country ? Is not the produce of the in-
dustry of the country its resources ? and does his
Grace mean to say, that whatever favours the
development of' the industry of the country im-
pairs its available resources for war ? If we are
forced into war, which we trust in God Ministers
will only enter on in the case of absolute neces-
sity, we know not the country in Europe which
could carry on war with more effect than our-
selves. The long and tedious financial state-
ment of his Grace told us nothing which was
not before known to everybody. We all know
that there has been a failing off in the Revenue,
and that that falling off indicated considerable
privation on the part of the people ; and does
his Grace think that those privations constitute
ma argument for improving our finances by the
imposition of additional burthens on a people
suffering from a variety of circumstances, some
of them temporary, as the obstructions to in.
dustry and commerce caused by the Cholera—
to the agitation caused by his own stupid oppo-
sition to the Reform Bill, &c.? The chief ob-
ject, however, of his Grace's speech, seemed to
be, to aid the cause of Don Miguel, by repre.
senting the cause of Don Pedro as hopeless, and
to embroil Ministers with Portugal by charging
them with violating neutrality in favour of Don
Pedro. We must do his Grace the justice of
admitting that lie exerted himself with some in-
genuity and more malice, aided by his local
knowledge, to create embarrassment to Ministers
in their foreign relations.—Morning Chronicle.
From the tone of the debate yesterday in the
House of Commons, it appears more than pro.
bable that another Session of the present con-
demned Parliament will be called before the end
of the year, for the purpose of patching and
cobbling the Reform Bill—that wretched mea-
sure which by dint of brickbat and bludgeon was
forced upon the country against the general sense
of the honest and sober-minded portion of the
community, and which is now an object of con-
tempt and detestation among those very classes
who, incited by an infamous Press, were ready
to commit any excess of crime on its behalf. We
have already stated our opinion that, when the
mending process once begins, all hope of bring-
ing the task to a satisfactory completion will
speedily vanish. Confusion will become worse
confounded, till at last all parties will concur in
demanding its total repeal, as the only visible
escape from still increasing difficulties. It will be
seen by our report that the Reformers of the
great town of Manchester, the head-quarters
of Radicalism, have already come to a similar
conclusion, and that Mr. Hunt yesterday pre-
sented a petition from them, praying for the re-
peal of the Bill altogether, with the exception
of the disfranchising clauses. Upon this all the
Reformers in the House gave vent to their dis-
appointment at the blundering inconsistencies of

the measure. Colonel Evans complained that
all the metropolitan districts would be " vir-
tually disfranchised." Mr. Duncombe declared
that one populous parish in Westminster would
be entirely disqualified by the manner of word-
ing the rate clause, which did not apply to the
manner of levying the rates in that parish. Mr.
Warburton said the respectable parish of St.
Clement Danes was in the same predicament,
and ridiculed the idea of going to a general
election with so "imperfect and mischievous a
measure." Joseph Hume, Esq., joined in the
general abuse, and started the very pleasant con-
ceit of there not being Members enough in the
next Parliament the validity of whose returns
would be unquestioned to form even one Elec-
tion Committee to try the merits of a petition.
This, reader, is the picture of a Reformed Par-
liament—an Assembly which is to unsettle and
remodel all the time-honoured institutions and
leading interests of the country, and which we are
told by a Reformer will not possess sufficient
legal title to try the merits even of an election
petition. Sir George Warrender threw a
biting sarcasm into the cauldron of discon-
tent, which Sir Thomas Denman did not
seem to be in the humour to relish.
He observed that the lawyers were the
only persons likely to benefit by the Bill, and
for them it would yield a rich harvest. It is to
be hoped that the lawyers who drew the Bill
will not be allowed to benefit by their own
wrong in stuffing it so full of blunders and cross
purposes. The Ministers are really to be pitied,
driven to a general election with the whole
country laughing at them. But if they should
find themselves obliged to call a "short Session"
before Christmas to their aid, they will be in a
still more pitiable plight. Should this actually
occur, it is expected that every Minister will ap-
pear in his place with a handsome fool's cap
on his head. And the King's Speech on
opening the Session I Could his Ma-
jesty be expected to preserve the gravity of his
features in going through it ? With re-
spect to the particular clause of the Bill
which forms the immediate pretext for
calling another Session of the present Parlia-
ment, we contend that it furnishes no reasonable
ground whatever for any such proceeding. It
is difficult to decide whether audacity or absur-
dity is predominant in the charge brought against
Ministers of a breach of faith with the people
on this point. The Reform Bill was before the
country for a year and a half before it finally
passed into a law ; and if it be asserted that
the people, who were so desperately enamoured
" of their darling Bill," did not care, during all
that period, to make themselves acquainted with
its leading provisions, there are yet circumstances
attending this particular clause which render it
perfectly impossible that any elector, through-
out the whole of England at least, should have
been ignorant of it. That the rates and taxes
due to the sth of April should be paid by the
20th of July, in order to give a qualification
to borough voters, was repeated continu-
ally at the meetings of the Unions, was pro-
I claimed day after day by all the Radical
Papers, and in London especially, where the
greatest deficiency appears, was placarded in all
quarters of the town, and in numberless shop-
windows besides. Ignorant of the provision,
therefore, no elector could be ; and the Radical
writers, who are attempting to raise so great an
outcry, are thus driven, beyond hope of redemp-
tion, to one of two humiliating confessions :
Either the majority of their winch-vaunted new
constituency are proved to be sunk so low in
the scale of society as to be without the means
of paying the pitiful quota demanded of them ;
or that the majority of a people represented as
setting a value upon the elective franchise above
all other privileges, and eager beyond example
for the acquisition of that " great birthright of
Englishmen," are in fact wholly and totally in-
different to it. In either view no plausible case
can be made out for an alteration in this clause ;
but should this clause, nevertheless, be remo-
delled in deference to Radical clamour, others
must be amended in deference to justice and
common sense. Justice must divest the measure
of its partiality to Whiggish interests, and com-
mon sense most endeavourto rectify the blunders
from which scarcely one of the constructive
clauses of the Bill is free.—Morning Post.
There are some passages in a charge delivered
from the Bench, by Mr. Baron Gurney, to the
Grand Jury at the recent Assizes at Gloucester,
touching the increase of crime among the lower
classes, and the causes of it, which are deserving
of comment. The Learned Judge is reported
to have said that " as far as his experience went
—indeed it was so on the present circuit—the
increase of crime was attributable to intempe-
rance, the facilities for indulging in which were
afforded by the public-houses and beer-shops
being kept open all night, which they were in
some counties in this circuit, and produced the
most lamentable consequences. He hoped, how-
ever, the proper authorities would check the evil."
lithe Learned Judge thinks that the Magistracy
can prevent the evil which the Legislature has
created, he is very much mistaken. It was very
easy for any one of common reflection and
sagacity to foresee what would be the conse-
quences of allowing all persons, without cha-
racter or property, who could pay a two-
guinea excise license, to open those dens
of low dissipation all over the country, com-
monly known by the name of " Tom-and-
Jerry shops." It was not for want of being
forewarned of the mischiefs to which their
measure " for relieving the industrious classes"
would lead, that the Duke of Wellington, Sir
Robert Peel, and Mr. Goulburn persisted in it.
Almost a whole Session of Parliament was oc-
cupied in discussing a Bill to relieve the distress
of the poor by demoralising them—and by plac-
ing every where around them temptations to
waste their scanty wages away from their fami-
lies, and to qualify themselves for criminal prac-
tices by drunkenness, destitution, and evil com-
pany ! Baron Gurney " hopes the proper au-
thorities would check the evil." The only proper
authority in this case is the Legislature, and it can
only check the evil by repealing the Bill. With
what face can Parliament open a door to crime
on the one hand, and call on the Magistracy to
shut it on the other ? No—they must undo
their own work ; they must repent them of their
own folly ; they must abolish their matchless
measure of relief, which inflicts bad beer and
worse morality on the labouring classes, before
they can expect a cessation of its ruinous results.
Mr. Baron Gurney followed up his re-
marks upon the operation of the Beer
Bill, by an allusion to the administration
of the poor-laws, as having also a tendency to
promote the progress of crime. He said that
" the great parent of crime was idleness. To
give money to the poor without earning it was
worse than throwing it away. It was only spent
in intemperance, and was, in fact, a reward for
demoralisation. Procu.e employment for the
poor, and it was the greatest blessing which

could be conferred. Let the labourer have a
fair remuneration for his labour, without which
he was discontented, sulky, idle, intemperate,
and at last criminal. It was a mischievous
practice to give greater remuneration to the
married than the single. Such was calculated
to drive the peasantry into ill-judged marriages,
which, though the labourer got greater remune-
ration for his labour, was not calculated to main-
tain,
the moral obligation of the condition.'
That idleness is a source of crime, whether in
rich or poor, is a truism which, we presume, no
person will attempt to controvert. It is also a
bad thing to give money to the poor without
their having earned it ; but there is a worse
thing than this, and it is to allow the poor to
starve when they cannot obtain employment.
Yet this is the maxim of our modern race
of political economists, than whom heaven
never afflicted a land with a more absurd
or hard-hearted race of theorists since the
world was created. When the Learned
Judge says "it is a mischievous practice
to give greater remuneration to the married
than the single," we ask, does he mean
to say that the married pauper, with his wife
and famishing children, are to be allowed no
more parochial relief than the miserable pittance
of 3s. or 4s. per week, on which the single la-
bourer can barely keep soul and body together ?
In that case his children can only live by violat-
ing the laws of their country, if strong enough to
plunder their neighbours, or else die, and be
cast out upon the dunghill in Christian Eng-
land. If the Learned Judge meant that the re-
lief granted to the single labourers should be
made equal in amount to that given to the mar-
ried with large families, he should have so ex-
plained it ; for, at present, especially when we
connect the observation with the advice about riot
giving money to people who have not earned it,
his meaning is liable to be mistaken, and might
occasion great practical mischief, if country Jus-
tices of the Peace should be thereby led to act
like some of our stipendiary Magistrates" in
town, who, by refusing to compel the overseers
to give relief to miserable objects, or rather by
encouraging them to withhold it, have done more
for the office of the coroner, or that of the hang-
man, than they have for the cause of morality—
their decisions leading either to verdicts of
" death by starvation," or to crimes against
property, which our enlightened and humane
law visits with another sort of death—and as the
commissioners of the poor laws lately appointed
are mostly, if not all, Malthusians, who make
population and Providence responsible for all
the evils of misgovernment, the matter is not
likely to be mended. The fact is, that, while
the industry of this country is pressed down by
th.it enormous taxation which a profligate and
expensive system of government has inflicted
upon it, misery and distress must increase, and,
with these things, and the beer-shops and game
laws, and other causes which we need not enu-
merate, there must be an increase of demoralisa-
tion and clime. Low wages is the cause that
even employed labourers are compelled to receive
a portion of their subsistence out of the poor-
rates. But high rents, low prices, and heavy
taxation together, are the cause of low wages.
In spite of the theories of the Malthusians and
the political economists, we maintain that Eng-
land could support a far greater population in
comfort and happiness, than now can scarcely
subsist upon her surface in misery and vice.
Providence lavishes its bounty on our fields, but
the poor enjoy it not—the farmer does not profit
by it. Is it the work of Providence that we
have a peace currency with a war taxation ?
Morning Herald.
Parliament will this day be prorogued by the
King in person, and whether there be or be not
another Session previous to the assembling of a
new Parliament, in order to enable those voters
who have been disfranchised by the rate and tax
payment qualification clause, to exert the privi-
lege which would otherwise have belonged to
them, there are certain duties to be discharged
by those who have qualified themselves, and to
the execution of which they cannot too soon
direct their best and most earnest attention. In
other words, we must make the best of a bad
bargain, and exert ourselves with the more zeal
to fulfil the aimr, and objects of the Reform Bill,
that there is but a comparatively small portion of
us who have it in our power to fight the battle
of the many. Instead of despairing of victory,
because the constituency has been narrowed be-
yond its intended limits, every one must exert
himself with greater zeal and vigour—be
more watchful and wary—more enterprising
and determined. The armour, by means of
which the Reform Bill was ultimately brought
to a successful completion must be again buckled
on—no weapon thrown away—no advantages
given up ; for the contest is now not about the
means of promoting the best interests of the na-
tion, but about those interests themselves; whe-
ther the march of economy and Reform shall
proceed, or whether the country shall be handed
over, bound hand and foot, to a party whose
object is retrogression, or at least the conserva-
tion of all those abuses in Church and State
which it is the object of every well-wisher of his
country to see removed and extinguished. The
next Parliament will, in fact, be the most im-
portant, in every sense of the word, both as
respects the foreign and domestic policy of the
country, that ever sat in St. Stephen's. The tithe
system—the corn laws—the state of Ireland—
our foreign policy—the expenses of our
public establishments—the pension list, will
all have to be discussed and settled ;
and in what way they would be dis-
cussed and settled should the Tories have the
preponderance in the ensuing elections, it would
be idle even to hint at. They are known by
their works—and what their works have been
may be seen in the amount of the national debt
—in the pension list—in the corn laws—in the
currency—and, let us add, in the struggle which
is now going on on the Continent, between the
upholders and abettors of despotism, and the
friends of freedom and constitutional right.
Every one, therefore, who wishes welt to the
national cause must put his hand to the plough,
and not look behind him to the amount that he
may have accomplished, but forward to what
either remains to be done, or which he may,
by dint of perseverance, succeed in accomplish-
ing. And for this purpose every one must first
of all qualify himself, according to the provi-
sions of the Reform Act, in order that he may not
be taken unawares by an active, vigilant, and
enterprisingenemy. Every householder and elec-
tor
who isa Reformer ought to register his vote
without the slightest delay ; for after the 20th
of this month there will be "no place fur re-
pentance" to those who neglect this most im-
portant duty ; and what is more, the Anti-Re-
formers were never more busy than they now are
in performing this duty for themselves, and all
those whom they consider friendly to their cause.
In the county of Middlesex especially they are
most active, and unless the Reformers come for-