The Sun.
London, England, 1835-11-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

the second, though some days in our possession, and
it has already appeared in print in this country, we
were unwilling to give it a place in our columns before
we had some means of ascertaining whether it was a
genuine document. The language attributed to the
Emperor appeared to us so questionable, that we could
not at first persuade ourselves it was usod. But though
there were no short-hand writers within the hearing of
the Muscovite Czar to take down his words, and in spite
of the rigorous system of espionage kept up wherever
the blessings of Russian dominion prevail—the *Em-
peror's outrageouS sortie has found its way beyond the
walls of the Imperial palace, and, what was more dif-
ficult, beyond the " frontiers strictly guarded by Cos-
sacks 'and innumerable agents of the Russian political
inquisition. We have no longer any doubt about the
imperial " speech," so far as harshness of language
and severity of threats are concerned, however much
some of the words may have differed from those of the
version before us. It seems to have already produced
astonishment and indignation wherever it has been
read. Indignation it is well calculated to inspire
where men have hearts which are at all accessible to
any generous impulse ; but as to astonishment, it is
1
really doing too much honour to the utterer of the
language used to acknowledge that such a feeling
could be produced by the expression of any of his
thoughts. It should not be forgotten that Paul
was his father. Alexander had committed an over-
sight when, looking upon his brother Constantine as
the exclusive successor to the defective construction of
his father's mind, he deprived him of the power of re-
newing the atrocious scenes which had disgraced the
father's reign. Let any one peruse attentively the
language to which the municipal authorities of War:
saw were condemned to listen in the imperial presence,
and if he be not a Russian slave, let him say whether
he who used it can any longer maintain the right,
hitherto conceded to him, of being ranked among
reasonable men. Aro the menaces and insults with
which the speech abounds, falling from the lips of a
Sovereign on a solemn occasion, indications of a well-
organized mind.? Are the threats of blowing
up cities, and leaving them in perpetual ruin,
proofs of the self-possession which characterize , the
words and thoughts of a SoVereign whose intellects
are in any tolerable. order ? And these threats of
ruin and devastation Nicholas has already done
enough, to demonstrate his capacity of executing,: The
proscription of whole populations of Poles to Siberia,
and the confiscations by wholesale of property in Po-
land, in violation of. every principle of right, justice,
and humanity, are acts too generally notorious to ad-
mit of any doubt that Nicholas, in his threats of ven-
geance on the Poles, puts forth no more than he would
be willing to execute. But his Muscovite Majesty's
speech told the Poles more than it was intended they
s'ltould- learn. It has convinced them that they still
possess a power which gives considerable uneasiness to
their oppressor. The Journal des Debats of Friday,
in commenting on the indiscreet revelations brought
• out through this speech, as to what was passing in the
imperial mind, very aptly observes, that the feeling
raised in his hearers Must have partaken of gratitude,
inasmuch as he, the Emperor, was the only man in
Poland who could have proclaimed the truth of her
still dreaded power without being punished by the hand
• of the Russian executioner. May the Poles find means
-to show this gratitude of theirs in the most effectual

We publish to-day new and overwhelming evidence
of the perfect accuracy of the view we have taken of
the merits of the ease of O'Connell and Raphael in
the matter of the Carlow election. An evening rint
(the Courier) which we will not permit ourselvel to
believe dishoneit, but which even courtesy, however
overstrained, mtukrrecessarily pronounce to be oppres-
sively dull, dedities that we arc at issue with Mr.
Raphael, because Mr. Raphael did not state, and we
did state, that that gentleman had paid upwards of
1,0001. over and above the 2,0001. which O'Connell
had guaranteed to him should be the extent of his loss
in the Carlow " safe speculation." •How ridiculously
illogical such reasoning is it would be positively in-
human towards 'our contemporary to demonstrate ; but,
what is more to the purpose, it would be wasting the
time of our readers, because in another column we
publish a letter from Mr. Raphael himself, in which
he states the fact, which we averred upon other
authority. By Mr. Raphael's letter it will be seen,
that he has " been called upon to pay, and has paid,
upwards of 1,1001. in addition to the 2;000/. towards
the expense of opposing the petition against the re-
turn, and that there are other claims still unsettled."
Our readers will recollect that O'Connell received the
2,0001., and that his guarantee was unlimited. This
makes the cheat practised upon Mr. Raphael more
serious to him, but it does not render the attempt to
cheat him to a greater extent more palpable than the
evidence previously adduced made it. It was quite
clear before, that having got 2,0001. out of him, cer-
tain parties squeezed without mercy, in the hope of
making him bleed more. Let us pass, preserving the
order of our summing up for the evidence on Saturday,
to the second feature of the case,—namely, the
illegality of the • transaction. And here again the
obtuseness of our evening contemporary has as-
tounded us amazingly. We said, that to charge a
111111 1,0001. for being merely nominated—that is, for.
beingproposed as a candidate—a ceremony to
which no legal expense attaches—was illegal,
and an offence urder. the Act 49 Geo. 111., c. 118.
We adhere -to this position, and we believe that no
'lawyer will venture to dispute it. The Courier,-how
ever, replies that the legal expenses of the election
-would have commenced before the nomination, and a
simpleton in a Sunday print (whose defence of O'Con-
nell a week since was of such a character that we will
not stoop to contention with it) calls: us " silly" for
not being aware of this fact. But what has the reply
of the Courier, and of his sympathetic simpleton of
the Sunday print, to do with our position ? Mr.
O'Connell's words are these You are to: pay
before 'nomination 1,000/.—say 1,000/., and a like sum
after being returned—the first to be paid" (not, be it
observed, for legal expenses already incurred, or for
any expenses at all—but) " absolulelu and entirely
for being nominated." And yet, in the face of this
clearly and unequivocally expressed contract, under,
Mr. O'Connell's own hand, we are told that the 1,0001.
was 'paid for something else, and not for that one,
that only, thing, which Mr. Raphael contracted to
pay,, and Mr. O'Connell to' receive it, for. 'We
confess, with no less sorrow than surprise, that the
days have indeed passed away in which " if the brains
were out, the man would die." Having brushed off
these foolish flies, let us call the attention of our read-
ers to the second letter or Mr. O'Connell, which ap-
pears in our impression of this day. It will be seen,
that—in addition to the charge of 1,000!. to be paid
" absolutely arid, entirely for being nominated," and
the damning evidence of the illegality of the whole
transaction, which almost every passage of the narra-
tive tended to accumulate—Mr. O'Connell has put-
beyond doubt, beyond cavil, and beyond dispute (ex-
cept on the part of the dullest or' the most dishonest of_
the human race) the fact that the bargain made with
Mr. Raphael was a gross violation of the act 40 George
111., c. 118. Mr.. O'Connell says, "If there should be
no petition, I agreed, on the part of Mr. Vigors, that the
greater part of the second 1,0001., more than one-half
of it, whatever might he the amount of the election.ex-
penses, should be applied to conzmencethefbrmation
a fitnd to indemnify the voters, and their friends and
relations, from that persecution which the Carlow
landlords then -threatened, and have since exercised."
It matters not what the fiend was for, if • not for legal
expenses bona fide incurred at the election. Such is
the statute law :—and whether the surplus of the se-
cond 1,0001. was to be disposed of as ,O'Connell says
2t was, or whether it was to be set apart for the use of
the county hospital, or whether (which is most likely)
it was to be shared among the priests of Carlow, Who
drove the electors. with whips to the poll, threatening
them with eternal damnation if they refused to vote for-
the " Liberal " candidates, still the character of the
transaction is not varied or altered, so far as regards the
statute, which in any case it grossly violates. Mr.
O'Connell has over-proved the case, and it must
now come before a court of law. We summed
up this case in a third point of view on Saturday.
We showed why the House of Commons could
not, with the least regard to its own consistency,.
refuse -to investigate this transaction. What abundant
reasons does not this second letter of O'Connell fur-
nish, in addition to those we advanced on that occa-
sion ! For God's sake- let his own account of the
transaction be carefully read. • He wanted a man for
Carlow who had 2,0001. (no very large property), arid
who would give certain pledges. He tried hard for
one but not only not in Ireland, but not throughout
the whole of the King's dominions, could he find
more than a single individual who being able to com-
mand the necessary sum, was in other respects fitted
for his purpose. Of that individual O'Connell says
that " he had himself no personal means of estimating
his character ;" and he further confesses, that "honest
and experienced men" had cautioned him against the
man, as a " faithless creature, who never observed
any contract, and with whom no person ever had a
dealing without being sorry for it." Yet this man he
chose to represent an Irish county. Will ,the " Li-
berals" of the House of Commons tell us what they
mean by " purity of election," and by the " free repre-
sentation of the people," if they hesitate to visit as it
deserves such a proceeding as this ? We have no he-
sitation in declaring that 'if, in the next session, there

way !.

!—Times.

be any attempt to cushion this case,—whether on the
part of Ministers or of their hangers-on,,the members
concerned in it will exhibit themselves, not only to. their
own country, but all civilized Europe, as the basest
crew that faction ever spawned. When Parliament li
shall have re-assembled tee, at least, will do our duty
in this matter. In the mean time, let us beg of all
men, of whatever party, to consider this Carlow case
with the view of eatimating the value which should be
attached to what is called " Irish representation,"
in order that, for the future, they may be neither
" blarneyed nor humbugged." We are constantly
told that " the voice of Ireland " is not heard in
Parliament, because its so-called representatives (of
the " Tail") are not listened to—are not allowed
their due weight—in the House of Commons.
The representatives of Ireland I so far as they con-
sist of the " Tail I" What are they, what may they
not lie, if this Carlow game has been played before, or-
is suffered to be played again ? How many. successful
Raphaels are there in the " Tail" now ? What would
Mr. Raphael have represented, had his fate been dif-
ferent, except his own 2,0001. of good and lawful
money ? What is Ireland
,but an overgrown Old
Sarum, if Daniel's “-dealings go unchecked and un-
punished ? Oh I let us hear no more of Daniel's
nominees being representatives of Ireland. The people
of England and Scotland will for the future laugh them
to scorn as often as they lay claim to such a title, and
however their votes may count within the House, they
will pass henceforth for no more than they are worth
out ofdoors,—which is absolutely nothing.—Times.
We elsewhere insert two papers regarding unhappy
Poland, the one bearing the form of a letter calling
attention to the question of appoigting a British official
agent to the Republic of Cracow ; and the other
being a document containing what is called' a speech"
lately delivered by the Emperor Nicholas to the muni-
cipal authorities of Warsaw. In reference to the first
of these papers, we may :state our belief that the ques-
tion of an official appointment to Cracow has been for
some time under consideration with the Government ;
and.that if it hafi not been already resolved upon,
many days will not be suffered to pass before its an-
nouncement will appear in the Gazette. In regard to

The language said to have, been applied to the
House of Lords by Mr.• Hume's protegtc the Mem,
ber for Bath, at the late Radical meeting in that once
loyal city, was Of a nature almost too gross to notice
or comment upon. It was too pungent even for the
-not .over-delicate nerves of Mr. Hume himself ; While
General Palmer, even before Mr. Roebuck had opened
his lips, frankly acknowledged that he should have pre.-
ferred any one else for a colleague. So far as an open
enemy is preferable to a concealed.one, Mr. Roebuck
is cnitled to the full praise of candour and sincerity.
He cannot be accused of mincing the matter ; but
proves himself the worthy follower of the " missionary"
from whose lips certain Scotch and English mobs have
been treated with similar diatribes. Mr. Roebuck
plainly tells his hearers—for people were found, even
n the city of Bath, to listen to this seditious, revolu-
tionary trash—he tells them that he looks upon the
House of Peers as a " nuisance," and- one which he
is determined to abate ; and that " not in a round-
about way—not by removing the Bishops from
"the House, for -that would. not remedy the evil ;
but, either by', doing away with the Lords, or
making them elective." To justify his sweeping
mode of dealing with one branch of the Consti-
tution, Mr. Roebuck thus describes and charac-
terises the Members of the Peerage :—" The Lords,"
says this modest and accompliShed M.P., " had never
acquired honest and industrious habits (including, of
course, the honest industry of defrauding the public
revenue), and they did not know how honest and indus-
trious men thought and felt ; they were old, interested,
weak, vacillating, and idle, and therefore he wished to
see their controul and irresponsibility at an end ;"adding,
by way of peroration to this notable harangue, that
" the people of Bath' would never be satisfied until a
really democratic Government was established in this
country." Mr. Hume, for whose ears, as we have
already said, this dose_was a little too pungent, could
not refrain, however, from having a kind of side-wind
fling at the U, per House himself, so chose for his cue
its appellate jurisdiction, which, with equal good taste
and veracity, he described to be composed, " as was
'often the case, of the Lord Chancellor, one Bishop,
perhaps reading a novel, and one Peer, asleep on the
benches." We wish the city of Bath joy_of its Robin
Hood and Little John—of its thus being made the
focus of revolutionary jargon and malignant falsehood.
We say we wish it joy, because if it does not adopt Some
means of freeing itself from the imputation of this foul-
mouthed slander, its former character for sound princi-
ples, for polished manners, and as the chosen resort of
rank, wit, and learning, must merge in the worse than
nauseous radicalism of which its Representative thus
becomes the unanswered, the uncontradicted organ.
While we give the Representative for Bath credit for
the candid openness of his destructive hostility to the
House of Lords, it cannot be denied that he treats the
Monarchy, by implication, with quite as little cere-
mony. He tells us that his auditors, and that, of
course, he himself, "will never be satisfied until a really
democratic Government' has been est-Wished in this
country," which, of course, implies the destruction of
the Monarchy as a necessary prelude. Now, surely,
either the Law Officers of the Crown ought to deal
with such languags as this, or else the public are bound
to treat it as the merest rubbish that the ears and eyes
can be assailed with. It is in this latter point of view
that we feel inclined to treat it, consigning its author
to the contempt of all rational minds—a .contempt of
which the inhabitants of Bath must expect to partake,
if, when the opportanity offers- they ever again allow
themselves to be thus represented.—Morning 'Herald.
The Journal des Debats reverts with considerable
asperity to the speech which the Emperor of Russia
is alleged to have, delivered to the municipal officers of
Warsaw on his passage through that capital. Though
still expressing some doubts as to the authenticity of
that document, the French Ministerial organ declares
that it must excite the indignation of all generous
hearts, so blunt is. its outrageous and menacing tone.
It is old Moscovy piercing the envelope of politeness
and civilization, and a sample of the barbarity that
preceded Peter the Great. After such an oration,
St. Petersburgh is too European and civilized a capital
for the Czar. Fle must betake himself sto Moscow,
the old Kremlin, and the Castle of Iwan the Fourth.
The Palace of 'Catherine is not suited to him, and
the hut itself in which Peter the Great slept
when he built St. Petersburgh no longer becomes
a Prince who talks of battering and destroying
towns, and swears that he will leave them in ruins.
The' Debuts is at some loss to discover the real
object of the Emperor's menaces. It believes that
they are intended for Europe as well as Poland ; and
exultingly infers that Poland is neither repentant nor
submissive ; that she has not resigned her notions of
independenee, and that the Russian police, " the
best in the world," has been unable to prevent that
ill-fated country from corresponding with foreign
parts. In, we believe, the •Courrier Francais, the
Emperor's speech has reached the French Cabinet,
just in time to frustrate the efforts of such of its mein-
bers as wished the alliance of Russia to be preferred

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 16, 1835.

to that of England. The translation published_by the
Debats, though much milder than the original text,
has excited but one cry of reprobation against the
Autocrat. It has been the means of eliciting a mani-
festation of the extreme unpopularity that would at-
tend a leaning towards the destroyer of Poland.
Even Marshal Maison has given up the high opinion
he had constantly expressed of the Emperor's eri.
lightened mind and generosity. At first he could not
believe the newspapers, and, to convince him, it was
found necessary to submit the original document to his
perusal. The National has a long address from the
Polish Democratical Society to the Home Minister,
remonstrating upon the recent arrests of persons and
seizure of papers connected with that society. The
" Nobles exiles," of the Journal des Debats, to the
number of twelve hundred and ninety, urge that they
have never made a secret of their association ; that its
great object is to effect the deliverance of their country,
by emancipating the serfs through the propagation of
knowledge, and thereby developing the whole national
strength against their common oppressors. They sub-
mit to the Minister a list of the members of the Society,
and conclude with the declaration that, wherever they
may be, they- will retain the character and title of
members of that Association. Morning Post.
We refer our readers to' another letter from Mr.
O'Connell to the electors of Carlow, on the subject • of
the calumnious imputations first broached by Mr.
Raphael, and which have since formed the ground-
work for so much amplification and comment on the
part of the Tory Press. The Ex-Sheriff has been
allowed by the latter gentry to play a somewhat con-
spicuous part in their columns, and to take, as it were,
the jackall's part in furnishing matter for divers lumi-
nous articles, of which his communications have,
formed the basis. Why was this man ever suf-
fered to emerge from that obscurity which was
most fitting for one of his habits and character ?
Mr. O'Connell has . successfully freed himself from
all the personal inculpations of his accuser ; but
there is still a charge lying at his door, and it is
not a slight one—that of being a prominent party
in putting forward this very insignificant and parsimo-
nious perSonage into a station for which he is so mi-
serably unfitted. Should the Ex-Sheriff, however, suc-
ceed in finding any one foolish enough to patronise him
in Making another attempt upon a Parliamentary con-
stituency it will probably be under the counsels and
auspices -of the Carlton Club ; bUt we rather think
with Mr. O'Connell that Mr. Raphael is not wanted
by the Tories—they are already sufficiently rich in the
qualities which he possesses. Besides, the Carlton
Club would he shocked at so profligate an expenditure
as that of 2,0001. upon a contested county election.
But ehough of Mr. Ex:Sheriff Raphael and his trum-
pery imputations upon parties whose greatest fault
seems the want of penetratbn and of judgment, to
which charge the selection of such a man must render
them liable.—Morning Ch2'onicle. •

It is with no 'small degree of pain that we have seen,
during the last two or three weeks, more than one
member of his Majesty's Government taking especial
pains to arrogate to themselves, and the body to which
they belong, a line of policy with regard to the House
of Lords, il•hich is not only at variance with the de-
monstrated hostility of that House to all useful and
effective reforms, but, so far as we can learn, with the
growing wishes of the community. Lord John Rus-
sell, for example, has thought proper to cry aloud
against " organic changes in the Constitution," or, in
other words, against any change which should diminish
the' irresponsible power of the House of Lords, and
bring it to act in unison and harmony with that House
which emanates from the people, and is ,responsible,
.once, at last, in seven years for its acts. M. Spring
Rice has followed the same example, and declared that
he is inclined to trust to the powers of the constitution
for working out all necessary Reforms—or, in other
words, to leave the Lords in possession of their irres-
ponsible veto—take what he can get from them, and
leave the rest to the chapter of accidents. It is well
known that we are inclined to be favourable to the
present Administration, on account of the liberal prin-
ciples generally professed by it, and the still more
liberal measures which it has proposed, as well as" on
account of the opposition with which its policy has met
in all quarters but the quarter of the people ; but
truly such declarations as those to which we have re-
ferred are greatly calculated) not only to diminish our
respect for it, and to shake our confidence in its
wisdom and integrity, but to induce us to believe
that it is not composed of those hardy elements
which at.e calculated for the present times. From
Mr. Spring Rice we had no reason to expect any
thing profound in principle or great in sentiment
—he is one of the small men of the Cabinet, and is
as much a pedlar in small politics, as others are ped-
lars in small wares ; but Lord John Russell is a
person of a very different calibre, and we are frank_ to
own that we are disappointed by his declaration. Let
that declaration be scattered to the winds I It is
unworthy of the Noble Lord—it is unworthy of his
position—it is in contradiction to all his previous
conduct—and it is more than gainsaid by the
emphatic warnings of Lord Melbourne during
the last Session of Parliament, and the 8611 more
forcible announcement .of sentiment and policy
on the part of the Right Honourable President
of the Board, of Trade, at a dinner givoii to
him by his constituents "in Manchester. The former
must be fresh in the recollection of our readers—and
,the declaration of the latter, now a Member of the
Cabinet, " that for his part lie knew not the meaning
of final measures," can be scarcely less so. Lord
John Russell and Mr. Spring Rice would carry Re-
form to a certain point, and would then have it to stop.
What folly ! Who can arrest the progress of im-
provement, or put an effectual drag upon the wheels of
Reform ? Who that is wise shall say with impunity
to the public, " Thus far shalt thou go in improving
thy condition, and no farther ?" With equal reason
bid defiance to the tumbling avalanche, or endeavour
to arrest the increasing roar of the mountain torrent.
The tide of Reform has set in, and is not to be ar-
rested in its course with impunity. Attempt to dam
it up, and it will not only overflow the barriers, but
bury in its overwhelming progress all who may attempt
to oppose it. The Duke of Wellington is an example
in point,. and we bid Lord John Russell and Mr. g.
Rice take heed to it.—Morning Advertiser.

GIPSIES.—A party of gipsies are in custody at
Newcastle on suspicion of theft, in whose tent Were found,
by a constable, near Bilbury Wood, the following articles :
—A shell and silver snuff box bearing the arms of Earl
Mountnorris, a chrystal or stone seal, a wooden tea-chest,
two gold hoop rings (marked H.F.), with a great number
of other articles. The property which the party had ob-
tained possession of is worth not less than 2001.
INCENDIARY FIRE AT GODALMING.—LaSt week
a fire broke out in a rick-yard, at Fisher's-street, between
the above town and Petworth,, belonging to Mr. John
Taylor, of Screech-house, a farmer much respected in the
neighbourhood. An oat-rick was consumed, end, but for
the timely assistance rendered, a barn filled with corn and
other adjoining property must have fallen victims to the
devouring element. Fortunately the fire was soon disco-
vered, and the Petworth town engine, and those belonging
to Earls Egremont and Winterton, were early on the spot.
It gives us much pleasure to add, that the labourers ren-
dered every assistance in their power. The property was
insured in the Norwich Union. There can, unfortunately,
be no doubt that it was the act of an incendiary. Sus-
picion rests on an individual, and we understand that no
trouble or expense will be spared to obtain a conviction.—
Surrey Standard.
FIRES.—At two o'clock yesterday afternoon a fire
broke out in the foreman's dwelling-house in the yard of
the extensive livery stables of Mr. Joseph, in Foley-place,
Marylebone. By vigorous exertions the fire was got under
without extending beyond the dwelling. The damage done
is considerable. Another fire occurred about twelve o'clock
on Saturday night, at Mr. Currie's,• 185, Oxford-street,
from the careless introduction of a lighted candle into a
cupboard in the back parlour, but was put out without
doing any damage beyond destroying the cupboard and
contents. On Saturday evening, at seven o'clock, at the
house of Mr. Smith, 7, Husband-street, St. James's, by the
carelessness of a servant, fire was set to the curtains of the
attic and the furniture in the room, and the roof was much
damaged. Another fire, which occurred shortly after mid-
night, at the residence of Mr. Fitzgerald, 2, Hooke's
gardens, Tooley-street, destroyed a bed and furniture in an
upper room. In each of the cases the parties were fortu,
nately insured. A fire broke out_on Saturday morning in
the-house of Lord Middleton, 11, Montague-street, Port-
man-square. It was suppressed before any great mischief
had been done.