The Sun.
London, England, 1832-08-23 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

We have given a copious account of a public
meeting " for the purpose of establishing au
equitable Labour Exchange," held yesterday at
the Institution of the Industrious Classes,
Gray's Inn-road. This association for exchang-
ine, labour reminds us of the Citizen of '%loliere,
who had been speaking prose all his life with-
out knowing it. Nothing is more admirably
performed at present than the exchange of labour.
The charges for conducting the exchanges arc
adjusted by competition, and will be found out
inquiry to be well adjusted. In a thinly peopled
neighbourhood, where the sales are few, the
profits are necessarily high. They diminish
with the quantity of sales which can be effected.
In a great city like London, a very small per-
centage will, from the frequent returns, yield an
adequate profit to the shopkeeper. We have
heard, for instance, of a house in London,
which, could it have added one quarter per cent,
to its profits, would have obtained an additional
30,0001. a year. The equdable labour ex-
change is merely a new name for an old thing.
It is merely a warehouse. The workmen who
exchange their labour with each other, and allow
a sum to be deducted for the expenses of the
establishment, must effect sales in order to obtain
meat, fish, bread, butter, eggs, fuel, tea, sugar, milk,
to pay house rent, taxes, &c. The valuation of
the workmen themselves will go for nothing in
the maket. A fall in the price of cotton wool
—an improvement in the manufacture, by which
the cost of production is lowered, will compel
the Association to sell the goods they have
made at a lower rate than their labour rates, and
thus they would be subject to all the casualties
of traders. But it is probable that the Assceizo
tion will embrace only those articles which the
members produce. In that case, the workman
will still be under the necessity of working for a
master ; for the goods supplied by the members
of the Association will form but a small propor.
tion of what each individual requires. A Co-ope-
rative Society, in the proper sense of the word,
is much more rational than an institution of tlw
nature of that above alluded to. We can conceive
a number of individuals contributing a sum of
money for the purchase of laud, and then living
on that land apart from the rest of the corn,
munity, employing themselves in such a way
as to supply adequately the wants of all.
The Society of Rapp, in America, was an
instance of such an Association. In that
Society, all the attempts on au extensive
scale have, we believe, failed. The Co-opera,
tive Societies that still exist are, we believe, of a
very partial nature. We do not mean to sa;i
that a certain number of individuals may not, on
the principle of this Association, exchange with
each other the articles which they respectively
produce. But, as it is a small share of the
wants of each man which such a Society can
supply, the members must still be connected
much more extensively with those who are not
members than with each other. Tile Yorkshire
cloth on which tile tailor works must still be
bought; the shoemaker must purchase his lea-
ther. A Mr. Bryce stated at the meeting, that
" they were all manufacturers, and it was very
well to exchange manufactures with each other.
But would they get agricultural produce in
exchange for their goods ?—(Hear, hear.)—
They required this in the proportion to manu-
factured produce of at least ten to one ; and un-
less they could get this in exchange for their
labour-notes, their labour-notes would be useless.
—(Applause.)" Mr. Bryce termed them ma-
nufacturers, but this term is too extensive. The
manufactures of the country are mostly produced
by the aid of machinery, to command which
requires an outlay of capital. The members of
this society are not manufacturers in the proper
sense of the word, but artisans and mechanics.
—They produce none of the great articles
of consumption, but merely work upon them
when produced. They will overcome none of
the difficulties with which society at present is
doomed to struggle. The value of that great
commodity with which all other commodities
must constantly be measured—namely, food—is
subject to constant fluctuation, from the state of
the harvest. An abundant supply of food raises
the value of all labour measured in food. A
defective supply, again, lowers the value of la-
bour measured in food. The workman must
either, therefore, content himself with less food
than he has been accustomed to eat, or he must
content himself with less of other commodities.
In the latter case, these commodities will be in
excess, and. consequently fall in price. If the
workman endeavours to obtain the same supply
of food as before, and the same amount of other
commodities, this can only be by working more
than usual, and thereby causing a glut in the com-
modity he himself produces. The Members of
this Association do not seem to be aware that
nature herself, by the irregularity with which she
distributes her bounty, causes no small share of
the distress and privation which must always pre-
vail, more or less, in every Society. Even an abun-
dant harvest abroad, while there is a defective one
at home, does not altogether rectify matters. The
Agriculturist, who has a scanty crop, were his
prices beat down by foreign supply, would be a
sufferer. But previous to the Corn Act, in
1815, a scanty supply here always raised prices
at all the ports of importation to nearly the
English level, so that the distress of the work-
ing classes was still great, notwithstanding im-
portation. The Chairman (Mr. Owen) stated
that " the process which he intended to adopt
would have the effect of destroying the interme-
diate class of traders, and rendering the use of
money unnecessary ; and some means of employ-
ment must therefore be afforded to those persons
which could only be by the purchase of land."
We have already observed that the use of money
can only be unnecessary to the Society in their
dealings with each other, and these must con-
stitute but a small part of their dealings. With
respect to the intermediate traders, they can
only be destroyed by a more economical mode of
conducting the exchanges. If this Association
can to any extent carry on the business more
economically than heretofore, well and good ; but
at present the great complaint of all people who
sell is, that the business of conducting the ex-
changes of commodities is already carried on so
economically by men of great capitals, that they
are driven out of the field. It will be diffi-
cult for this Association to go beyond what has
already been effected by competition in all the
great towns. A Gentleman on the platform,
towards the conclusion, pointed out several in-
consistencies in the plan. Mr. Owen did not
meet the objections. He stated, however, that
" his object was to destroy money and all capi-
tal." His object, then, must be to destroy all
machinery and means for abridging labour,
which suppose the existence of capital. 'We
shall see how the plan works. If Mr. Owen
can by any means economise the expense of
conducting the exchanges of labour, he will be
a public benefactor. But we have our doubts
on this subject. However, let him have a lair

trial. There can be no good reason for taking
from the productive classes more than is strictly
necessarv. If they can better themselves in any
way, they are entitled to do so. Every man i.
-entitled to procure for himself the greatest pos-
sible amount of happiness which he can obtain
without interfering with the rights or
Morning Chronicle.
Ever since 1826, 'when, in consequence of
the death of King John, two armed political
systems began to contend for the mastery it
Portugal, we have invariably supported the con-
stitutional cause, and the rights of the elder
branch of the Braganza family, as the true inte-
rest of England and of the civilized word. It
was by British intervention, and to answer enlight-
ened views of British policy, that the legal se-
paration took place between the mother country
and her great colonial possession of Brazil. It
was on our recommendation that the late King
dissevered himself from a rising trans-Atlantic.
empire, which he had personally occupied and
ruled for 13 or 14 years of European troubles,
during which we had the chief direction in his
ancient hereditary dominions. It was by out
mediation, and even by the means of our Am-
bassador, that the terms of Brazilian indepen-
dence were settled, and that Don Pedro became
Emperor of the new State, without ceasing to
be the rightful heir of the Portuguese throne.
It was by our influence that the Empe-
ror's cause—his party—and his Charter, were
supported at first against the most fanatical op.
position, and. the basest treachery that ever dis.
graced the earth—organized and disciplined un•
der the patronage of the monks of Spain ane
the agents of the Holy Alliance. It was, it
short, by the arrival of our troops in the, end of
December, 1826, that the absolutist faction,—
under the protection of the Court of Madrid,
and provided with arms on the Spanish frontier,
—were prevented from re-entering their na-
tive country, armed in a foreign interest,—
overthrowing the treaties to which we were par-
ties, and completing that usurpation which, un-
der our very inspection and connivance, has since
occasioned so much bloodshed, and perpetrated
so many horrors. It requires no laboured argu-
ment, therefore, to prove that we had identified
ourselves from the beginning with the constitu-
tiortal party, and the supporters of legitimate
authority,—in opposition to Spanish influence,
arbitrary violence, and perfidious usurpation.
The whole energy of our Foreign Minister at
home, and- the whole efforts of our diplomats
in the Peninsula during the course of 1827,were
directed to guide the one party and to check the
other. Tile British Ambassador in Lisbon was.
in fact, the Cabinet of that Court,—the occur
Governor of Portugal. The Portnguese
Chambers deliberated indeed on the state
of their country, and pretended that thei
deliberations were free ; but they were con.
trolled, if not ostensibly, yet not the lest
really, by the influence of the able l‘liniste!
who then represented England at the Court of
the Princess Regent. A law could not be
passed,--a movement of the troops could not
take place,—a foreign despatch could not be
written,—a cabinet council could not be
changed,—nay, a few Spanish exiles could not
even be landed from a Falmouth packet, with.
out the acquiescence or the remonstrance of the
British Ambassador. Nor do we censure hi,
Excellency For the energetic angel vigilant dis-
charge of his duty on that occasion. We had
an army in Portugal for the specific purpose of
defending the kingdom against foreign aggres
sion, led on by a domestic faction,—and we
could not fulfil our object, and secure the safety
of our expedition, without exercising a certair
influence in the councils of the national parts
whom we came to aid. But this is not all.
The Emperor of Brazil having abdicated the
Crown of Portugal in favour of his daughter,
and having appointed his eldest sister as Princess
Regent in her infant Majesty's name, never,
however, ceased to act as the guardian of his
child, and endeavoured repeatedly to interfere in
directing the internal policy of her king-
dom. This interference was always directed
to increrse the power of the young Queen—to
promote to posts of honour her faithful ad-
herents—to support the constitutional party:
and to curb the partisans of the future Usur-
per. his Imperial Majesty even sent orders to
Europe for his brother to leave the Court
Vienna, and to prcceed to Rio de Janeiro, in.
stead of being permitted to return to Portugal.
All these orders were resisted, and all these ar-
rangements baffled, by the influence of the Eng-
lish Administration, who, with the best inten-
tions in the world, and naturally with less suspi-
cion of Don Miguel, thought that the treaty
of separation between Portugal and Brazil might
safely have its full accomplishment, and that the
surest way of protecting the dominions of the
Young Queen from civil dissension was to admit
her uncle—under whose banners her enemies
were ranged—to exercise the regency in her
name, under certain solemn engagements to
maintain the established rights and institutions
of the country. Thus, without adverting to the
oaths and engagements to the Charter, which
our Ambassador was called to attest at Vienna--
without considering the pledges which we gave
to the constitutional party, by inviting their fu-
ture Regent to pass through the constitutional
region of England on his way to Portugal—
without recalling the important circumstance that
he was escorted to the Tagus by a British squa-
dron, which thus proclaimed to his new subjects
the confidence of the English Government in
his promises to respect their liberties—and with-
eta making that use to which we are entitled, of
the extraordinary protection given by our troops
to the Usurper, 'when the awakened suspicions
of the liberal party Would have hurled him from
his throne—without alluding, We Say, to any of
those strong facts which Occurred- towards the
commencement of the bloody tragedy of the
usurpation, we think that we have proved that
the constitutional party, as having been misled
to Out policy; have at present the most unde-
niabte 'claim on our sympathy and-aupport, even
though their cause were less identified with our
own thanit appears tote in the existing crisis. But
other considerations -of grave moment concur with
our sense of justice and our feelings of sympathy on
this occasion. The party of the Ex-Emperor, who,
faithful to their engagements, haVe lately rehoisted
the standard of legitimacy and freedom at Opor-
to, are enlighted in their political views, and if
successful in their struggle, must be friendly to
a more liberal intercourse with enlightened na-
tions. Our countrymen have joined diem,
though our Government has lent them no sup-
port. They must, therefore, be disposed to a
closer alliance with England. Even their abo-
lition of the wine monopoly of the Douro shows
their disposition to promote our trade and their
own. On the other hand, General Sebastiani's
" Monster," and his monkish upholders, are our
implacable enemies, and the sworn foes of free-
dom and civilization. They have broken open
the houses of our countrymen domiciliated in