The Sun.
London, England, 1835-02-26 00:00:00

ET.;SINESS OF THE HOUSE.

The Standing Zornmittce then appointed.
The CH.ANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved that on Mon.
days, Wednesdays, and Fridays, orders of the day should take prece.
dense of notices of motion.

In reply to an observation from an hon. member,

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER observed, that no per-
son was more sensible than himself of the obligation the house was
under to those private members who undertook the conduct of public
bills. He had no objection to these members having precedence on
Wednesday.— ( Hear.)
Mr. HUME complained that the arrangement contemplated would
Interfere with other business ; he had given notices of motions for two
Wednesdays.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER explained.
Mr. EWART said it was his intention to move that no business
should be commenced after eleven o'clock at night.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said before any
understanding was come to upon that point, it was necessary to make
some arrangement as to their.hour of meeting. For many reasons he
thought it advisable not to revert to the course pursued during the last
Session of Parliament, and meet either at four or five.—(Hear.) It would
be very inconvenient for the Speaker to come down at twelve, and sit
till three, and return at four. There were many election committees
and they must be held at places not immediately connected with the
house, and therefore L.vas not likely that the morning sittings would
be attended by ina..iy mem: ers. He would propose that the house should
sit each day at four o'clock, and whenever a pressure of business re-
quired it the Speaker would sit at three o'clock.—(Hear.)
After a few words from Mr. WILKES,

Mr. HUME suggested the propriety of the house adjourning at a
certain hour, and he thought twelve would be a proper hour. The
hon. member for Dublin was about to introduce a specific motion upon
this subject, but he rather thought that should be left to the discretion
of the house.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought it would be
better to make that the subject of a specific motion. As there were
many new members, he thought they should get a fortnight's experience
of late hours.—( Ilea-, and a laugh.)
Mr. PRYME said the old members had had sufficient experience of
late hours without inflicting them upon the new members. He suggested
that three o'clock wuu'd be a better hour for meeting than four.—(Cries
of " No, no.")

Mr. EWA RT again suggested that no business Should be proceeded
with after 11 o'clock.

Mr. HUME, w,th reference to the Committee upon Acts of Parlia.
went, said that there was in the estimates under this head two or
three hundred pounds—now the Committee was a mere form, as he be-
lieved it never met,

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that if the corn.
mittee never met the expense might be spared, but he thought it had
better be left to the discretion of the house.

Mr. LITTLETW: thought it would be desirable to keep the matter
under the control of the house.

Mr.C. W. WYNN said, that this committee had been found very
useful—it was cclistituteit in consequence. of the expiration of cer-
tain Acts of Par'Lment without the knowledge of the house, from
whence great inconvenic,ice had arisen.

Sir J. W ROM:St.-EY hoped the Government would follow up their
professions of economy ant retrenchment.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought that they had
better appoint a Committee to consider the subject.

Mr. HUME suggested that such a committee should not be com-
posed solely of the gentlemen of the Treasury bench. He would propose
that some gentlemen of the other party should be joined with it. The
Chancellor of the Fx chequer agreed with the suggestion, and proposed
the names of Mr. Hume, Mr. Littleton, and others which were agreed to.
Mr. HUME concluded the conversation, by observing that he should
give the necessary instructions to-morrow.

Sir R. PEEL gave notice that no petitions for private bills could be
received after Friday, the lath of March.

Sir J. GRAHAM cave notice of a motion to bring in a Bill for the
voluntary enlistment of seamen, and also for the better regulation of the
merchant service.

ADDRESS TO HIS MAJESTY.
Mr. ROBINSON they rose and said, the interval which has elapsed
since the adjournment of the debate of last night has afforded me an op.
portunity in common wit li many other members of this house of look-
ing over the addre• s and the amendment moved by the noble lord, the
member for Yorkshire, and in the few observations I shall make on
this important occasion, I shall divest my mind of every consideration
except that which I sh:111 deem connected with the public welfare.
Sir, I am bound to say that I am not satisfied with the
speech which has bean delivered from the throne, because that
speech, independent of its partaking of that vagueness which has usually
characterised all King's speeches, does, in my opinion, subject itself to
objections from a Reformer. The one to which I shall particularly
advert is its utter silence on the report of the municipal Corporation
enquiry, and the ground on which that Commission was originally
granted. I believe that the country does attach great importance
to this subject, and I think that the right honourable baronet
at the head of his Majesty's Government, in the course of that
able, eloquent, and manly appeal—(cheers from the Ministerial
benches)—an appeal which, with confidence I assert, has by no
means influenced my vote, yet has, I must now confess, made
a great Impression on my mind with respect to the Address—has sup-
plied some of the deficiencies in his Majesty's Speech, and, there.
fore, I think it right to say that that Address should be
viewed in connection with the speech of the right hon. baronet.
Now, Sir, I come to the consideration of matters which involve great
and important interests. We certainly are arrived at a great and im-
portant crisis of our country's fate—subjects of vast interest to the future
peace and tranquillity of t his nation. I would fain hope that hommembers
'would on this occasion abandon the course adopted on ordinary ones,
and allow no consideration to influence them in their actions, unless
those which will be conducive to the peace, prosperity, and welfare of
this country.— (Cheers.) Sir, if I thought that in concurring in the
address, and in opposing the amendment, I thereby directly or
impliedly expressed confidence in Ministers which I really do not feel,
—(Cries of " Hear, hear," from the opposition)—l would not vote
as I intend upon this question. When I look to the composition of
the government, without making—as I should be sorry to make—any
invidious or personal remarks upon any of its members, and judging
solely from their former acts, and not to their present professions, I
confess I am not inclined to support the men now at the head of
the government. But lam willing, notwithstanding, to give them a
fair trial, which they demand. I will endeavour to pursue that
course which I have followed with regard to former governments,
of not giving them a factious opposition, but fairly and deliberately
to weigh their acts and measures under existing circumstances. I
differ widely from the course of politics which the members
of the Government have hitherto pursued ; but when I
look to their actions, since they last came into power—
what do I fled ? I find, on the return of the right hon. baronet from Italy,
when he took upon himself the government of this country, that the first
act of his official existence was not in accordance with his principles,
as an anti-reformer—principles which he naturally cherished, but in ac-
cordance with the spirit of that great measure.—(Cheers.) His
first act, however, was an overture to the noble Lord the mem-
ber for Lancashire, which I therefore take to be an evidence
of his disposition to act honestly by the country, and in accordance
with the public opinion. Now I also ask myself, when I am
called upon to vote for the amendment of the noble lord, the
member for Devonshire—l necessarily must ask myself—what
is the real object of his amendment.—(Hear.) He himself does
not conceal its real tendency—(Hear, hear)—it is not proposed
with a view to the advantage of the country, but in order
that it may tend to the dissolution of the existing- Government.
I allude to the evL nt of his Majesty having, in the exercise of his un-
doubted prerogative, pr occeded to dismiss the administration of Lord Mel.
bourne. No one admits the exercise of this prerogative more readily than
I do,and I believe his Majesty incapable of exercising it but to promote the
welfare of his people ; but will any one in this assembly deny the
right of this house to sit in judgment on the special exercise of that
prerogative, so far as to reject the measures of any administration ?
Now I cannot join in an object of that kind, and I assure the house
that this feeling is not only consistent with my former conduct,
but with the professions I made to my constituents both before
and after my elec ion--(hear, hear, and cheers)—for I declared
on the hustings on the day of nomination, before I had a single vote,
that if an attempt was made to subvert the present Administration before
they had an opportunity of developing their measures of Reform, I
would not join in that attempt —(Cheers.) Whether my constituents will
condemn me for this line of conduct remains to be seen, but it was their
duty to have told me, on hearing my determination, they expected me
to be henceforward what I never had been, a party man, but no such in.
timation was made to me, and therefore I entered the house as I
have done before—entirely independent of any party.—(Great
cheering.) But I asked myself—and it certainly is the duty
of every man to ask himself, and well to consider before he comes to the
vote this night, what in all probability must be the consequence of
subverting the present Government in the very infancy of its exist-
ence?—(Hear, hear.) Though I am not at all disposed to deny
that there exists amongst those who are opposed to that Govern.
went—men of eminent talents, influence, and weight in the country,
yet I am bold to say that there also exists amongst the party com-
prising the opposition such elements of discord and disunion as would
render it morally impossible, in the event of the subversion of the
present ministry, for them to construct a new government capable of
carrying on the business of the country.—(Loud cheers from the
ministerial benches.) If that be true, and I have stated
it in the face of those gentlemen who may deny it if they can,
I ask whether or no it is not perfectly consistent for me to support the
present Government— (Cheers from the Ministerial side)—to this ex-
tent, and this only, to give them an opportunity to bring forward and
embody those specific measures and different branches of Reform
which the right honourable baronet last night stated himself willing
to give.—(Hear, hear.) That is a highly important point gained to the
country, because if the right hon. baronet is allowed the opportunity of
laying on the table of the house those measures, that party with which
he is identified, and the present Government will be committed to the
principles of Reform as far as they are inclined to go.—(Hear, hear.)
Why, if the effect of such a course of conduct would be to eparate men
of equal value, if to obviate that consequence were the only
one point gained, it would be sufficient to induce me to give
my opposition to the amendment proposed by the noble