The Sun.
London, England, 1866-11-01 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSD<IY, NG V. 1, 1866.

There seems to be no limit to the power of Mr.
Bractier's oratory., and wherever he is starring it in
any particular place there are so many last appear-
ances that one gets quite perplexed in trying to
make out when his labours will be over. Yesterday
a deputation waited upon him from the farmers of
Zork, pursuant to an arrangement which had been
made. It was from the Cork Farmers' Club, and,
after presenting him with an address, it was favoured
with a moderately long oration from the hon. mem-
ber. Mr. BRIGHT spoke con amore at any rate,
notwithstanding that he confessed it was diffi-
cult to address so few instead of three
or four hundred. It is true that the
peculiar style of his oratory is
more suited to a large
than to a small assembly; but, then, on this parti-
cular occasion he rode one of his favourite hobbies,
and dilated upon the enormity of the land question
in Ireland. Now, there is nothing that excites and
irritates him like this subject, and he seems
as if he
mu scarcely restrain himself within the ordinary
bounds of decorum when he is touching upon it.
Ile allows for no difficulties to be adjusted, and as
for his opponents having any riglit to their Own
ignores the supposition. lie
opinions he totally
began his remarks in rather a complaining
tone, for he declared that the world seemed to move
on very slowly, and what any man can do to make
it move appears to be very little. If we all moved
at the rate which Mr. BRIGHT tells us we ought to
do, it would be a strange world indeed. If there
be one thing in which Mr. BRIGHT shows his mis-
taken judgment more than another, it is the way
in which be cries up foreign countries to the detri-

ment of our own. We call it the greatest absurdity,
and in fact an insult to the understanding of those
he addresses, to keep on this farce and perpetuate
it ; but it seems to suit the views of this modern
political regenerator, and so we must not complain.
We are convinced that there is no country in the
world that even nearly approaches to us in real
freedom—nay, what the noisy clamour of dema-
gogues may call such ; but what experienced judges
know to be actually so. Mr. BRIGHT would find
his position very different if he were to go and live
in these Utopias he is always advocating,
and then, perhaps, he might be wiser. He sets
out by saying that in England he has observed
that the laws are all made for a particular class,
and hence great wrongs and injustice have ensued.
This is most ridiculous, and when we come to con-
sider the manner in which the inhabitants of foreign
countries are compelled to enter the army, whether
they will or no, and the numerous restrictions that
are put upon the freedom of the press, and the right
of public meeting, &c., it seems itrange that Mr.
BRIGIIT does not meet with more dissentients among
his numerous auditors.

Perhaps the secret is, that many people are pleased
with those discourses, which are replete with satiri-
cal sketches of variety, and contain fierce
diatribes against the upper classes collec-
tively. Of all who come under the ban of Mr.
BnIGIIT'S displeasure none are so much
to be pitied as the unfortunate, as the unhappy
owners of land. "There can be no kind of doubt,"
said he, " that, as regards the land, the laws have
been absolutely the product of the selfishness and
ignorance of the landed proprietors, and by no
means the product of the general intelligence of all
classes in the country." Mr. BRIGHT will never
possess half the influence nor inspire a tenth part of
the confidence which appertained to Mr. COBDEN,
and therefore it is of no use for him to
quote the remarks of his late friend with a
view to carrying them out. People get naturally
suspicious when they see wholesale efforts made
to question the old established systems, and
their pride is touched and their indignation raised
when they are told that they are mean, selfish, and
exclusive. Tbus the very vehemence with which
Mr. BRIGHT advocates a particular object tends to
prevent its accomplishment. He was the Marplot
of Mr. GLADSTONE'S Reform Bill, and so he will
prove himself to be in any particular measure he
takes up. No doubt some beneficial changes might
be introduced into the laws relating to the land,
and reforms and improvements are required there
as elsewhere ; but it is quite another thing to con-
sider calmly and carefully what may and may
not be done with advantage, and to hold forth in
strong language an utter, sweeping assertion against
the whole system, root and branch. What suits
one country will not always suit another ; and as
the institutions of England are not likely to find
favuur with the other nations of Europe, neither
would their plans and projects suit us. The wise
statesman, the political economist, and the careful
critic must see and acknowledge the various forms
which different people require ; but Mr. BRIGHT
would leave the whole world out, and after one
fashion, and make a sort of community of those who
have nothing in common with each other.
At the present time, and in the present critical
state of things in Ireland, we think it very wrong
of Mr. BRIGHT to go on as he is doing, and to be
putting ideas into people's heads that had much
better not be there at all. Thus we find him saying
to the deputation of farmers—" If you had a Par-
liament in College Green, clearly the tenantry of
Ireland, with the present feeling in Ireland, would
be able to force that Parliament to any measure
of justice they named ; but as you have to
deal with a Parliament sitting in London, all the
clamour you may make, and the demands you may
urge from this side of the Channel, can have a very
feeble effect, especially as it can only be repre-
sented by about 100 members, and of these it un-
fortunately happens that a considerable number
are not willing to support the demands that are
made." Now this is very idle talking, and mis-
chievous likewise, about as wise as the expres-
sion used subsequently by Mr, BRIGHT of
" wresting their rights from a Parliament
sitting in London," and the declaration that
any effort made by an Irish member is about
as disheartening a piece of work as any representa-
tive can have to do. Surely there is plenty of op-
portunity for Mr. BRIGHT to find fault with Eng-
land and English principles of Government without
going to Ireland,and there sowing the seeds of strife
and dissension, with no niggardly hand and with no
grudging spirit. The truth is, that if he can by any
possibility rail at the Tory party, Mr. BRIGHT will
sacrifice every consideration of prudence to the pur-
suit of his dearly-cherished object. Thus, all we
can hope is that his unwise and incautious re-
marks may not produce much mischief ; if they
do not it will be no thanks to his wit or wis-
dom. Mr. BRIGHT wound up his remarks by de-
claring that " we in this generation do owe it to
ourselves, and owe it to Ireland, to make such
amends as we can for accounts of neglect, and
cruelty, and injustice committed in the past, such
as, I think, no civilised and Christian nation has
ever inflicted on other nations." After this we
need not wonder at any remark that Mr. BRIGHT
may choose to make when he addresses assemblies,
largesmall.
to be his o r
Abuse and exaggeration are evi-
dently henceforth
principles, and he will
stop at nothing that can give effect to his strictures
and add piquancy to his sarcasm.