The Sun.
London, England, 1866-06-18 00:00:00

2e_ -

'APER

.r 4 VW.
Lucy Ward, who 'tur' e! • .;.
and on being removed .
no time in 'returning.'
" Every one knows how muctihe pnc 1 'el• -ork.
lug of a law depends on the animus -a the e who
administer it. Two friends, a Protestant and a
Roman Catholic, recently went together to one of
the London district schools. They had agreed to
test statements which the former could not believe.
They saw the chaplain, and told him their errand.
He refused them all information ; he said there was
no Creed Register.' We never think of asking.'
I have no idea, until a child comes to my room, and
says, Please, sir, I wish to turn Protestant.' ' I
never try to proselytize.' Priests may instruct if
parents ask.' Parents have not asked three times
in thirteen years.' Children do not like it.'
Another forcible illustration of this matter will be
found in the evidence of Mr. Merriman, clerk to the
manager of the North Surrey District School and to
the Wandsworth and Clapham Unions. It will be
found in the third report of the Select ConunitteQ
on Poor Relief, question 9,292, In the event of
there being an orphan child whose parents are
known to have died Catholics, but which orphan
was not claimed by any relative, in what religion
would the manager of the school educate that
orphan ?—I should think in the religion of the State
in the case of an orphan, unless the next of kin or
any relative interfered ; although the parents were
known to have died as Roman Catholics, I think
that the managers would educate that child in the
national religion, considering that they stood in
loco parentis, and that they were bound to educate
the child in that religion which they thought right.'
" Finally, I submit that the foregoing evidence,
not to occupy more of your space with citations,
practically establishdthe truth of the following pro_
positions :--lst, That the number of Roman Catholic
children in the London workhouses cannot be less
than 1,000 ; 2d, that offers to provide for the eduea-

tion of these children in the faith of their parenta
and in " - irit of the British law have been re-
peated ly matad and repeatedly *r4f:-43ed ; 3d, that the
principle of educating them, thopgh-knawn to te
the children of Catholics, in the Protestant religion,
has been explicitly avowed by the workhouse autho-
rities ; and 4th, that the statement that 1,000 Roman
Catholic children are at this time being educated as
Protestants in the workhouse schools of London
alone is not far from the truth.—l am, sir, your
obedient servant,

" AUBREY DE VERE.
' Athenaeum Club, June 15."

Austrian Imperial Manifesto.

-....-

VIENNA, June 17 (Morning).
The following are the most important pa,ssages of
an Imperial manifesto to the Austrian people, which
is expected to be issued in the course of to-day :--

" on the northern and southern frontiers of the
empire are arrayed the armies of two allied enemies
of Austria, with the intention of shaking the foun-
dation of her position as a European power. To
neither of them has Austria given any cause for
war. The preservation of the blessings of peace to
the people of Austria has always been regarded by
me as one of the first and most sacred of my duties
as Sovereign, and one I have always considered my-
self bound faithfully to fulfil. But one of the hostile
Powers deems no pretext necessary to justify its
lust for the plunder of a portion of the Austrian
Monarchy. In the eyes of that Power a favourable
opportunity is sufficient cause for war. Two years
ago we were allied with Prussia, and a part
of my beloved Austrian army was drawn to the
coast of the North Sea, in company with the
Prussian troops (against whom we are now arrayed
as enemies) to preserve rights accorded by treaty,
to protect a threatened German nationality, to con-
fine the misery of an unavoidable war to its nar-
rowest limits, and to obtain a lasting guarantee of
peace necessary for the welfare of Austria, Germany,
and Europe. Austria sought no conquests and bears
no part of the blamefor the sad list of unhappy com-
plications which, had Prussia's intentions been
equally disinterested, would never have arisen, and
which have been brought about for the accomplish-
ment of selfish objects, and are, therefore, not sus-
ceptible-of a peaceful solution by my Government."
The manifesto then mentions the course of the ne-
gotiations for the preservation of peace, which were
carried on first with Prussia-and subsequently with
the other great Powers. The latter are declared to
have failed because the Powers would not recognise
and accept the condition made by Austria that Eu-
ropean public law and existing treaties should form
the basis of the mediatory efforts to be made by the
Conference. A proof was hereby given that the de-
liberations would never have led to the preservation
of peace.

The manifesto then enumerates the acts of vio-
lence committed by Prussia, viz., the entry of her
troops into Holstein, the dissolution of the Estates
convoked by the Imperial Governor of the Duchy,
and the movement by which the Prussian troops,
ten times superior in numbers, forced the Austrians
to retire. It further declares that Prussia tore asun-
der the band of German unity by declaring her se-
cession from the Confederation, and by proceeding
with military force against the Sovereigns who re-
mained true to the Band. The following is the text
of the concluding portion of the manifesto :
" Therefore, the most fatal of wars, a war of Ger-
mans against Germans, has become unavoidable.
For all the misery which it will entail upon fami-
lies, districts, and countries, I make those who
have provoked it answerable before the tribunal of
posterity and of the Almighty and Eternal God. I
advance to the conflict with that confidence which
is afforded by a just cause, with the consciousness
of the power which exists in a great empire where
Prince and people are penetrated with but one and
the same thought—namely, the rights of Austria—.
and with fresh and unfailing courage at the sight of
my armed and valiant soldiers, who form a barrier
against which the power of Austria's enemies will
be shattered, as well as at the sight of my faithful
peoples, who look up to me, united, self-sacrificing,
and resolved. But one feeling pervades the inhabit-
ants of my kingdom and provinces--that of cohe-
sion, of strength in their unity, of indignation at an
unprecedented violation of right. It doubly pains
me that the work of coming to an understanding
upon the question of the internal constitution of the
Empire should not have sufficiently far advanced
to allow of the representatives of all my peoples
rallying round my throne at this serious but
elevating moment. lam for the present deprived
of this support, but, on the other hand, my duty as
Sovereign is all the more clear, and my resolution
the more firm to secure the Constitution to my
Empire
Confederation
all
Thefutu rperitinmcese.
andl thisnpe
peoples
conflict we
Germany
a ny
aware shall
not
of the danger wtahcheei cbwha
basis
threatenssichhad d
ofathen, i
rn.
n,
the
ke midst e
Constitu-
tion their
liberty
b
be-alone. f
oo nr e .
are
Since, also our
independence, and anndofntohtenf
onlyo ourselves,eration
but also
are in arms for the security of those objects which
all nations are bound to defend. We have been
absolutely forced to take up arms,
work
to layrkofp
which should consolidate th
under-
taken, of
theth ev
e unity of the
whole Empire and its position as a great Power, my
Sovereign duties have compelled me to place the en-
tire army upon a war footing, we have taken up
arms, and now we must
notand will not lay them
down until we have secured Austria and our
Confederate German States their free internal
development and their
rightful position in Europe.
Our confidence and our hopes are based upon our
unity and strength, but not upon them alone. They
are placed in a higher power—the Omnipotent and
just Goll whom my house has always served, and
who never abandons those who firmly rely upon His
justice. Him will I beseech for help and victory, and
I upon my people to join wi h`n prayer."

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