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it- This is the only Edition of Tacitus published with English

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Mr: Kr:Hri had hoard a good deal of despots, 'but he believed
that, of all the despot a that r xisted in the world—of at) the slavery
that ever existed—there never was a slave colony in any part
of America, whose code of laws was disgraced by such an infamous,
grinding, and detestable law as that which was contemplated by this
Act. It was inconsistent with the institutions of every civilized
.country, and especially inconsistent with the rights that have hi-
therto been enjoyed by every Briton. He declared solemnly that
,anything more infamous or disgraceful to the times they lived
in he could not conceive, than that a British House of Coma
mons should have passed a Bill containing such a clause. It
was, he would again repeat, inconsistent with the laws of this
country, or of any civilized one in Europe. This was one of
the many clauses of a Bill which, if they were •to judge by
the publications circulated among the people, their. Lordships'
were threatened, unless they passed it ; and Englishmen were
deluded into thinking so, under a lamentable ignorance of all that
lurked in the document. Their Lordships' attention had been
already directed to section eighty-nine, which related to bye
laws, and by it.the',cOuncil were empowered to impose fines for
nuisances, which were not punishable under any existing law.
Whether this related to private nuisances or not he (Mr. Knight)
knew not ; it was only another of the million legal obscurities and
absurdities which the Bill created. 'fhe whole regulation of the lives
and morals of such of the King's subjects as had the misfortune to
live in these boroughs, was thus placed under the absolute controul
of the Town Council, mitigated only by the discretion-of the
Honie
°Secretary. for the time .being. There was nothing
to prevent the restoration of the " Curfew," or any other
most tyrannical and intolerable interference With the habits
of society at large by this omnipotent Council. There was another
provision relative to The payment of all irmaies arising out of the
Corporation property to the treasurer, for the benefit of the inhabitants
and the improvement of the borough ; and in addition to this; the
counsel was authorized to make a rate sufficient for all the purposes
of the Act-a-there was to be an appeal with respect to the fairness
and equalization of the rate, but none as to its policy. As the law
at present stood any necessary improvements could be made, but
should this Bill pass, there would be theatres, and hotels, and-
dancing-rooms, and tea-gardens required as indispensably necessary
the Town Council and their ladies. Against the policy of ,this
for the improvement of the town, and for the accommodation O„
there could be no appeal, and above all, the rate was to be
laid on by those who would pay little or no portion of it. It was`
evident that the powers of the King and the House of Lords were
•as nothing at all to the most absolute, grinding; unappealing des-
potism of the Town Councils. And these men would be people
without, education; property; or any claim to the station they
Would be called upon to 411— If ,he (Mr. Knight) apprehended,
•the Bill would pass, much as he loved his country, rather
than live within those degraded and marked districts, and be
subjected to the tyranny of those Town Councils, if thee were no,
other place to live in in England, he would rather fly from it than .
submit to have the tyranny which the Bill legalized. If there
was any one who heard him whose motto was cura patria carior
libertus he must agree in this opinion. He now came to the 67th
and 6sith sections, which related to the public charities vested in the
hands of the Corporations. Without reference to the Wills of the
donors, to 'any of the objects of the charity, or the charities them-
selves, these were .all to be placed under the controul of a Com-
mittee of the Town Council. The Report of the Select. Com-
mittee on Public Charities would give their Lordships some
idea of the enormous amount of the funds to be thus
placed in the power of these Town Councils or their Committees.
faster this Bill any three insolvents who may happen to be upon
the Trust Committee of the Town Connell, would have nothing
more to do than to combine together for any one purpose—by so
doing they might sell out 100,0001. of Stock, or more, of the funds
of the town, and if they happened to live near the coast, they might
be in Calais or Rotterdam before any one knew of the matter.
Yet this was a power which was supposed to be called for by the
public voice. fhe right of voting was settled some three or four
years ago, after a very full discussion from men of all parties—
yet it was thought proper, under this most specious Bill,
to take away the power of voting from—to take away
the Parliamentary franchise from—freemen, sinless they were
enrolled in a. particular. way. By this Act, the rights were.
taken from every apprentice and every minor. What had they
(lone to deserve this ? In this age, was it not more likely that they
might be reached by the schoolmaster who was now roaming
abroad, andhecome the fit depositaries of such a privilege. That
right of. voting was taken away without the slightest shadow of
reason. He did not there mean to say that it was his opinion; but
..it was the openly avowed, and general opinion of -many out of that.
House, that the Bill was brought forward for the mere purpose of cone,
ferring political power on a particular party, and that the Bill is a
mere pretence or cloak for carrying such intention into effect. If any
one thought it his duty to answer such objections and suspicions,
he would be bound to explain how it was that this Ilth clause was
still in the Bill. There were many minors who were not appren-
tices, whose fathers were dead, but whose undoubted rights descended
to their children. These children, without any protector, were
robbed by this Bill of that which was theirs, as undoubtedly as it
were the estates of their Lordships. This Bill bore too much ana-
logy to others of a public nature. It seemed to be the modern
poecy of England to protect the rights of the rich, while those of
the poor are trodden under foot. lie was sorry to see that such
was now the course taken by those in power ; but he relied on their.
Lori ships to protect these poor persons from the tyranny of the.
House of Commons. He looked in vain far any clause to rearect
the rights of infants. Who was to act for them? Who was to Pro-
tect from spoliation the rights of those who were not able to speak
for themselves ? 'Who was to protect the rights of lunatics, of pau-
pers, or persons who were resident in remote districts ? It ap-
peered from the language of the Act, as he read it, that there wee
no protection for any one of these—their rights war:: abso-
lutely and conclusively gone. He saw among their Lordships
at least two Noble Lords, who being entitled to eateneivo manors,
were entitled to receive toll from all poisons who were not bur=
gesses in the towns within the circuit of their estatess—toWns which,
in most cases, had been erected and formed by the bounty of their
ancestors, and which, in many eases, derived every portion of their
property from the ancestors of those Noble Individuals. Every burgess
would, under this new Institution, be exempted from the payment of
toll to the owners of these manors, inasmuch as they were not bodies
corporate. He would never cease, if he were with the eye of alaw-
yer to go through every line of this clause, He
would occupy more
than two entire days, and he could assure their Lordships that there
Was a Chancery fruit_ in every line,—( A laugh.) And in the pre-
sent state of the Court of Chancery, where two Judges did the bu-
siness of three, that was not very eminently desirable.
Lend BROUGHAM—The whole appeal business was done by
this House by volunteers.
Mr. KNIGHT alluded to the Court of' Chancery.
Lord Buono iiAn_t know that, but it should be recollected
that the Lord Chancellor used to be compelled to sit in this House.
Mr. Katolor, after an observation which we did not catch,
proceeded to state, that this Bill was a compound of
dishonesty, folly, and spoliation from the beginning to
the .end. Hp had drawn their Lordships' attention to some
of the clauses of this Bill, but not to the most objectionable. He
had drawn their attention to some of them with a view to aid their
Lordships' observations ; but he must submit that this Bill was 'one
of which amendment was impossible—that it was a Bill which, if
submitted to the ordinary process which Bills requiring alteration
Billc rcaa after the
moupeehratio individuallt N,'asWere eubjeeted, would come out of the Committee to which it
right be subjected to, as changed as one of the old Corporations
perfo
spoliation—much
He_ m believed ieve
interferencedthat the
put into this kettle would come out in the shape of a New ToWn
Council
tel..:rteliugpheoesuotntalhep.grriveiale‘tgere,pofrrteieohnooldf
theoffi ,11
aonl freehold
t changed estate,
e N,e personalry
character, personal situation, and the well-being of the community
cce:unftrrele•
habit and custom of society. He had collected from the public
sonrces of information, that the dove that was to be administered
to the boroughs of Ireland was prefaced with a narrative totally
different from that of the present Bill; for what reason he did not
know, but probably because the Irish would not bear the words
neglect and abuse which were used in the English Bill which had
been carried throu,gh, the House of. Commons upon the allegation,
and belief of the allegation, ofneglect and abuse ; and if the House
should think fit to strike out of the principle of the Bill those words,
" neglect and abuse," not only no longer would it be the Bill the
house of Commons had sent up, but it would be a Bill de-
prived of the solid ground and representation of facts of which
those who acted in the Commons must have been supposed
to be in possession of. Much had been said in another place about
Oxford and Aldboroug,h, but neither of those placei were contained
in the present Bill; they were left in the mystery of iniquity in
which they were found by the representations of the Report.
In the reign of Edward the Third two statutes were passed for
the purpose of correcting the Reports of Commissioners of
Corporate Inquiry, Any of their Lordships would naturally
be startled at a notice of inquiry into the amount of their
charities and properties. None would wish to live under a
Government which would sanction such enquiries, for mine' would
wish to have their private affairs brought before the public. That
eminent and illustrious Lawyer,Lord Coke, had said ofCommissions,
that those of new invention were against the law until they had the
sanction of an Act of Parliament, and that they required a warrant of
law, and the allowance of courts of justice to legalize them. In the
Nth volume of the same learned authority with respect to Com-
missions of En( • it'd d thet they wereillegal, • asmuch
pox)•,was p .
I.IIPY here enly in iiieeire and not to adjudicate, and because it did
pot.'cnl
ie A the itatete of the sth of Elizabeth. Such was the
M
omott of that great lawyer on the subject of-Commissions of
Inquiry,
Lord BROPCHIAM—Do you, Mr. Knight, take it that Lord.
Coke alludes not to inquiries into crime, but inquiries into right?

Lord BROUGHAM observed that since 1(383 there had been
150 Commissions issued, and from 1715 there had been 53.
Mr. KNIGHT was aware of that; but, with all due deference,
and with a great distrust of his own opinion, that he had cause
to doubt upon the matter. Could they prosecute for perjury,
or if a witness refused to attend, could they compel him ?
They might be ordered to attend, but he would venture to
assert that a charge of perjury, if these witnesses took a false
oath before these Commissioners, could not be legally sus-
tained. Commissions that had previously issued, applied to
purely pahlic subjects ; and if agroat nafne, which he found in connec-
tion with these Commissions—if an illustrious Earl of that Iteuse had
been asked to put the Great Seal to this Commission—to inquire into
the property, demeanor, and conluct of .Cerprations—would he
have put the Great Seal to a Commission such as he had described ?
He believed he would not. These Corporations were liable
to be inquired into- by two of the . Courts of the country—
by the - Court of - King's Bench -and,-the 'Court of Clanyery..
In these Courts all deflections from their charters were inquired into
irregularities of election, all a:al-administration was cognisable
and liable to correction, but the King had never yet taken this cor-
rection—this inquiry into his own hands. Those who had advised
-his Majesty to interfere with these Corporations, had advised him
to an infraction of the law and the constitution of this country:
He had as much right, and. lawful power anti legitimate authority
as if he had isssued' a Commission of enquiry to enquire into the
.priVate estates and muniments of any of their Lordships. He'
wished to call their Lordships' attention to the Commission wider
. which these Commissioners had acted respecting Corporations.
These Corporations were no more subject to legal control in the.
disposition of their property, than was any of their Lordships in the-
fee-simple of his estate. Unless this inquiry was meant to
vex, torment, .and persecute the community, no otherwise was this
Commission legal—then, and then only, Might it not be made a
subject of impeachment to those who had advised it—then, and not
otherwise, might those who had acted under this illegal authority
be protected—t lien might not thew Commissioners be criminally
dietedfOrhaving gone through the country exercising authority under
this-commission. By the Commissien,authority was given to the corn:
missionert to ransack every document hi the custody of these Corpc-
rations, or their officers, The commissioners acting under this com-
mission, had doubtless the best advice thatthose who asAsted the com-
missioners could give them. And that being so, what had taken
place ? Why in , every instance where their authOrity had
been: resisted tlieY,lial given way--the giant died with a pelible.,—
( A laugh.) s lras-tltat, he would ask, a right state of things-.—was
,it right to haYe. a Commission issuing from the Crown, sealed
with the Great Seal of England, that any of his Majeaty's sub-
jects might treat with contempt and scorn? Under the authority
of the Commission the Commissioners had dispersed themselves
throughout the kingdom, with the exception of Mr, Blackburn,
the Chief Commissioner, who appeared to have had the se-
dentary employment of sitting at. the seat of tribute, and
there receiving those contributions which his emissaries might
send, him. Now what course had the Commissioners taken ?
Why, in many places of great importance there had been only
the attendance of one Commissitiner, se that their Lordships. might
it was, in some instances, the judgment of only one,
take it that wherever the Commissioners had arrived at any con-
elusionana in
no case of more than two Commissioners. The House of Com-
mons had been asked to give credit to certain witnesses as , to
facts they had stated. Now, how had 'the evidence given by those
witnesses been stated by the Commissioners ?. In some instances they
had not even given the names of the witnesses, or their answers to
the questions pot to them ; all, therefore, the House knew was,
that in the ,opinion of Mr. Long in one place, and of others
in othei4, that so and so was the result of the evidence which
they had heard. Would a cat be condemned for stealing
milk upon such evidence ?—( A laugh.) And yet it was
upon evidence of this description 'that the estates, the offices,
and the rights of millioes of his Majesty's subjects were to be taknn
from them.

Lord LYNDHUEST—Does lI artp34r by the appendix, or 'any
other document, that the r,tll%.«.ev'weet,examint.d upon oath.?
Mr. KNicia—Yes, my Lord,.tlie 'Wad oath is used.
Lord LYNDHURST—Are the names of the witnesses to the
statement. ?

Mr. KNIGHT said that such was the case, only in a
few instances, in the greater number they were not.
He hoped the time would never come when •:political of religious
opinions would be a bar to the performance of
.public duties ; but
it was rather singular that the inquiry in the present instance was
confided to persons, the great majority of whom entertained politi-
cal opinions strongly opposed to those of the Corporations whose af.
fairs they were appointed to investigate. The Learned Gentleman
then referred to the appointment of W. Parkes, Esq., as Secretary
and Solicitor to the Commission. He believed Mr. P. was a respect-
able man, so far as private character was concerned, and that he was
in business extensively in Birmingham. Whether Mr. Parkes had
distinguished himself as secretary to another society, he (Mr.
Knight) knew n0t...-(A laugh.) But this Commission, with such
a secretary, went up and down through the country—hissed and
hooted here, rejected there—received in one place, and embraced
in another—and sent in the Report on which the present Bill
was founded.—(Laughter.) He would next refer to Mr. Hogg,
who had made a separate Report to the other Commissioners.
After writing several letters to the Home Office, at the expiration
of two months Mr. Hogg received an answer' from Mr. Phillips,
Secretary to Lord John Russell, stating that his (Mr. Hogg's)
separate Report would be forwarded to his Lordship in a few days ; -
and in a subsequent letter Mr. Phillips stated that Lord John Rus-
sell had some doubts whether he should forward the separate
Report of Mr. Hogg to his Majesty. He knew not whether
any of these Commissioners had taken an oath to -dis-
charge the duties •of his office faithfully and aealously. 'out
he believed they had not, and this, no matter what was the
character of the individuals employed,
e
was most irr;ortant and in-
dispensable. Freon the instructions placed ;;r his (Mr. Knight's)
hands, both by parties and solicitor.out to which, no more than
the Commission, would he
heard it—but from for credit until their Lordships had
4,‘Lie instructions placed in his hands, he was pre-
, s--
Parmi-^--oew that the conduct of those Commissioners, in many in-
...:sances which could be given it: evidence and substantiated, was al-
together injudicial, glaringly partial, grossly oppressive, and admit-
ting the statements on one side while they refused those on the other.
He was instructed that they had been guilty of conduct of the most
scandalous and disgraceful nature—he hoped that the statements he
was instructed to make could not be proved, but he was instructed
that there were parties now in town who would prove such cases
at the Bar. The Learned Gentleman then referred to the case of
Berwick, where he said the Commissioner had put down
the property of the freemen and corporation; as rated to poor, at
only 7,0001. while that of non-freemen was set down at 16,0001.,
and that for the purpose of showing that the wealthy part
of the inhabitants did not join the. Corporation. Now he
was: instructed that the fact was just .the other way—just
vice versa—the Town Clerk was in town, and would prove the fact
at the Bar of the House. The Learned Counsel then referred to
sormrother cases of abuse, which he said was but a small sample of
that contained in the Report. lie would net wade through this
scandal upon the name of evidence, by which the feelings
of thousands were wounded—their property taken from them.
The Commissioners went to Arundel, a borough that ought to be
pure, if any were ; and they state there that neither party heard
the evidence given by the other. This, he was informed, was
incorrect, fur the truth was, the Commissioners stated to those
who had attacked and impugned the Corporation, all they had heard,
but they stated nothing to the other party. The Learned Counsel
then proceeded to read the statements of the Commissioners
at. some length. - With respect to Leicester the state-
ments in the Report of the Commissioners stated one
thing, and the statement given him by the Town Clerk
another. So with respect to Sutton Coldfield—in fact there were
numberless other cases which he. could bring to the attention of
their Lordships, but he would refrain from doing so, being fully
aware that it would be a waste of their Lordships' time.
The argument of the Commissioners was, that because some mis-
management and impropriety had occurred in some boroughs, four
thousand public functionaries were to be disgraced and deposed.
The Learned Gentleman then adverted to the report of the town of
Caermarthen. It was there stated that the town was governed
merely for political purposes ; yet, when he turned to the poll, he
found 157 burgesses 'voted for the corporation candidate, while 108
voted against them. He would go no further with these cases—but
-as a counsel he was hound to say that there was no confidence
in . these gentlemen. He spoke of them in their public
racter. If their. Lordships would act upon the Report they must
see and examine the evidence—they must see the witnesses them-
selves, and judge of their demeanour. He demanded as a
right that his clients should have the power of meeting such evi-
dence by evidence of their own, before their freeholds, &e. were
taken away. The Learned Gentleman then proceeded to read.
extracts from the Report of the Com Missioners, to show that
no neglect or abuse had been proved againit the freemen.
There was but one of the Corporations for which he appeared,
that would object to a restrained power; the calumniated
Corporations of England had never been subjected to that
restraint, but that the Corporations he represented had no
desire to prevent a reasonable infusion of the popular voice,
if it should be thought useful or required; provided
It was done by a temperate and just, and not unfriendly hand.
They desired nothing but not to be reformed bythose who have sworn
their extirpation. lie trusted, however, their Lordships would pause
before they acceded to'the principle of making Magistrates to be
elected annually, and by that means making the enjoyment of office
by any men subservient to the will of their bitterest enemies,
It appeared to hint that if there was any foundation for even half
the observations that Sir Charles Wetherell and himself
Lad offered to their Lordships, it was impossible for him
to suppose that if the Bill was subjected
.to the scrutiny of
a Comm:gee, one-fiftieth of it would remain, and it must of
of necessity fall, to the ground. Tne Learned Counsel concluded by
imploring the House not to entertain a Bill which annihilated
property—for the moment they recognized its princq le, that mo-
ment peer, peasant, and burgher .would fall together.
Sir C. WETHERELL made, a claim to have witnesses heard at
the bar.'