The Sun.
London, England, 1832-03-10 00:00:00

GLOVE TRADE.

The Earl of COVENTRY presented a petition from
Worcester, signed by 2,200 artisans engaged in the glove
trade, against the importation of foreign gloves.
Viscount STRANGFORD said, in rising to bring
forward the motion of which he had given notice, had
disavowed any opposition upon the question, and he
taken it up as one of bare justice and humanity. The
British glovers had fallen from a state of great prosperity to
one of great suffering, and they were of opinion that
the free trade system had been the cause of
all their distress. He would not say that they were
right in such opinion, neither would he say that they were
wrong ; all he wished fur was an inquiry into the
subject, for be believed that a Parliamentary inquiry
only would lead to a satisfactory settlement of
the trade. He did not intend to preach his own ideas
and notions upon the free trade system ; be was most
perfectly aware that they would not he favourably
received ; hut he was of opinion, that the lights which
had led us astray into this free trade system were not
lights from Heaven. Why should Ministers refuse the
same indulgence to the glove trade that had been extended
to the silk and wool trades ? Instead of being worse
treated, the glove trade had claims to be better treated,
considering its intimate connection with some portions of
agricultural produce and industry. Formerly, the glovers
had purchased a million and a half of British skins, at 70s.
for every ten dozen, and now they were selling at 335. or
325. 6d. for every ten (It zen, and mere gloves were made
from British than from the whole of the foreign skins.
But the trade had other claims to consideration. It af-
forded employment to 10,000 women and children, and
the districts in which it was carried on were distin_
guished as being loyal and peaceable, and exempt from
the riots and incendiarism which had prevailed in some
other districts. The persons employed in this trade were
also distinguished for their domestic and social habits...—
No children were there employed in pestilential manufac-
tories, or exposed to contamination as to their morals and
religion. There were no assemblages there of ienorant
mechanics to be excited to riot and tumult by demagogues
and agitators. It was the duty of Parliament ❑ot to re-
fuse inquiry when a prima facie case for it was made
out, and it would be easy to show that such a prima facie
case did exist. Let them look at the description given of
the state of the glove trade in the petitions presented dur-
ing the last and the present Sessions from the towns i❑
which glove trade was chiefly carried on. They would
find that the inhabitants had, from their earliest years,
been brought up in this most peaceable and orderly busi-
ness, and had formerly been enabled to earn a com-
fortable subsistence for themselves and their families,
while now they were reduced to a state of extreme distress.
In one of these towns (Woodstock, as we understood),
the rates in 1825 were 684/. ; in 1831 they had increased
to 1,200/. At the former period the glove trade was its a
flourishing state ; at the latter period it was in a very de-
pressed condition. He might mention that in some of the
towns where the glove trade was carried on, the poor rates
bad trebled between the years 1825 and 1832. Previous
to the admission of French gloves into the competition,
the glove trade of Yeovil had maintained not merely the
greater proportion of the inhabitants of the town, but also
great numbers in the districts around ; but since the new
system prevailed, the trade had fallen off, as it was found
impossible to support it against the competition to which
it had been exposed. The consequence was that the poor
rates of Yeovil, which in 1829 were 300/., were in 1831,
9961. Without entering into further details he believed
he might say that a prima facie case for inquiry had been
made out. Perhaps it might be said that he laid too
much weight on the increase pf poor rates, since these
would necessarily be increased with the increase of the
population. But he was prepared to show that the
increase in the poor rates had been much more rapid
than the increase in the population, and that the
poor rates had increased in a much greater degree. It
might be said that the statements contained in the peti-
tions, and referred to by him, were ex parte ; but then it
might also be said that the statements on the other side
were ex parte ; and the only way to settle the question
was to go into the inquiry. One word as to the quantity
of French gloves. He found that on an average, of late
years, the importation had been at the rate of 96,000
dozens of pairs in a year. The consequence was, that a
vast number of British artisans were deprived of employ-
ment, which was thrown into the hands of French arti-
sans. He would take the quantity imported for a series
of years in the shortest month in each of these years :
Gloves imported in February, 1829, 4,688 dozens of pairs;
in February, 1830, 6,036 dozens of pairs ; in February,
1831, 6,748 dozens of pairs; and in February, 1832,
9,162 dozens of pairs ; being an increase in February,
1832, as compared with February, 1829, of no less than
4,474 dozens of pairs. Surely this was a case which
called for inquiry, to see whether the importation was
not such as would soon swallow up the whole of the
trade, and whether some remedy might not be applied.
One word as to the state of the smuggling trade in
gloves. The Noble President of the Board of Trade
had referred to the evidence of smugglers, and
to the testimony of office's of the Preventive Ser-
vice. Bet he (Lord Strangford), too, had put himself in
communication with smugglers, and the evidence of his
smugglers was, that the smuggling of gloves hail increased
instead of diminishing ; that it had increased, was increas-
ing, and, as they said, ought not to be diminished. The
testimony of his smugglers was, that 'muggling bad in-
creases in gloves as well as in silks ; and the evidence of
his smugglers was as good as that of the smugglers of the
Noble President of the Board of Trade. Another reason
for the inquiry was, that the French sold their gloves at so
low a rate that it was impossible for the British glovers to
compete with them, and the tradesmen on the coast found
it touch more for their advantage to supply themselves from
the smugglers of the Noble President and of him (Lord
Strangford), than from the British manufacturer. He
now proceeded to the only argument which could he urged
against his motion with any show of reason, and that was,
that an inquiry could end in no beneficial result, and that,
therefore, there was no use in going into it. But he would
tell Ministers things could not remain as they were. Did
they know so little of human nature as to imagine that it
was no consolation to those who were labouring under
such distress and hardships that their condition was sym-
pathised, and had met with ready attention and investiga-
tion ? A middle course !night be taken between absolute
freedom and absolute prohibition. He would recommend
an ad valorem duty, instead of one uniform duty; an
alteration in the mode of proof as to smuggling ; and that
smuggling should be punished by imprisonment, instead
of by a penalty in money ; fur there were many ladies
who cared little about the payment of money, but who
would teel considerable annoyance at being thrown into
prison. There was no part or the vituperation against the
House of Lords which he would regret so much, as that
it might be said with justice that they had exhibited an in-
difference to the prayers of the people when called upon to
inquire into the cause of their distress. He called on their
Lordships to show that they were what they ought to be,
and that they were always disposed to pay every proper at-
ten ion to the prayers of the people, when they beseeched
them, in the words of one of the petitions lately presented
by a Noble Earl, to save them from the depths of despair.
He coneiuded by moving " that a Select Committee be
appointed to inquire into the causes of the distressed state
of the glove trade."
The Bishop of BATH and WELLS rose merely to
confirm the statement as to the distressed state of the
gloveis of Yeovil, in Somerietshire, without eutering at
all into a discussion of the policy or impolicy of the free
trade system generally.

Lord AUCKLAND felt it to be his duty to oppose the
motion of the Noble Lord, although he did so with much
pain and reluctance ; for it would have been much more
agreeable to him to be able to accede to it. He did not
yield to the Noble Lord in feeling deeply for the distress
under which those engaged in the glove trade at present
laboured. But he opposed the going into a Committee,
because the inquiry would be attended with no practical
result, and the inquiry, unless it could be made the foun-
dation of some legislative measure, must be productive
of evil, and nut of good.—(Hear.) It could have no
other effect than to create excitement and agitation among
those engaged in the trade, and to unsettle their minds by
expectations of changes which could not be realised.
Ha was persuaded, that neither the majority of
their Lordships, nor even the Noble Lord himself, would
thick of adopting the remedies suggested in these petitions,
and where could be the advantage of going into an in-
quiry on a mere c: se of distress, without a hope that a
remedy could be applied ? The reason on which those
concerned in the glove trade rested their petitions for in-
quiry was the effect of the foreign competition, while the
reasons for which a Committee had been granted in the
silk and wool trades were of a different description. The
glove trade was regulated on as favourable terms as it
could be. France came into the market on equal, or
rather, be should say, unequal, terms of competition with
our manufacturers, for her gloves were not introduced into
enabled
l e
d to
obtain a certain the market except upon a duty of 22 per cent. We pur-
chaseodrlabour
the material market
; but by superior
skill
de-
gree of superiority in the finer branches of the trade, but
in the great hulk of the trade they were inferior.
they
the
n same
Thriingbont the discussion of this question a much greater,

portion of distress. had been stated to arise from She im-
portation of foreign gloves .than was really capable of
being traced to that source. During the last four years,
the importation of foreign gloves had only increased in
a small degree. In 1831 it was somewhat more than in
1828, though there was some falling off in 1829 and
1830. The whole annual manufacture of this country
amounted to 15,000,000 of pairs, and the whole
importation during the last year was only a little above
one million. Surely that could not be said alone to
have produced such overwhelming distress in the glove
trade. The House must therefore look to other causes
to account for that distress, and he believed that they could
easily be found. They must see whether more capital
had not been invested—whether more persons had not
been employed—whether, in fact, the trade bad not been
too much extended ; and then, whether, upon that exten-
sion, there had not been a change in the fashion, a choice
of another article for wearing ; and whether these, with
other internal circumstances, had not produced the dis-
tress. He thought he should easily satisfy their Lordships
that such was the case. The glove trade had not posi-
tively declined, as might be seen from the fact that the im-
portation of skins had much increased. In 1829, the
number of skins imported was 2,029,000. In 1830 the
number was increased ; and in 1831 it amounted to nearly
four millions.—(Hear, bear.) But at the same time that
this increase of importation of the raw material took place,
there was an increase of the number of those who were to
manufacture it. The population of Yeovil, which had
been so often mentioned, amounted in 1821 to 4,659 ;
while in 1831 it was as high as 5,921, showing an in-
crease of 25 per cent. In Chard, the population in 1821
had been 3,000 ; in 1831, it was 5,000. In another
place, the population had, in the same period, increased
from 1,440 to 2,072 ; so that, in all these places, the
number of those engaged in the manufacture had so much
increased as sensibly to affect the amount of the profits
to be divided between them. That increase of po-
pulation was not, however, the only cause of the
distress now complained of. The consumption of
cotton gloves and of linen gloves had materially increased
within the last four years ; indeed, before that time, there
was scarcely anything of that kind used. By a return
which he held in his hand, it appeared that there were
three hundred looms applied to the manufacture of cot-
ton gloves, and that the looms produced 187,000 pair of
gloves. Besides these looms, there were manufactories of
gloves, of which no return had been made ; and then
there were the linen gloves—so that the whole number of
that kind of gloves was 200,000 pairs. The effect of
this manufacture upon the trade of Worcestor was, that
within these four years it had fallen off neatly one-third.
It had produced seven millions of pairs ; but there was
now a falling off to the amount he had mentioned. Then,
too, there had been a new manufacture established at
Leicester; so that the extension of the trade in that di-
rection must have affected it, among those who had before
carried it on. It was clear, therefore, that by a legislative
enactment, this distress was not to be removed. But sup-
posing that the distress could be possibly removed by le-
gislative interference, was the Noble Lord prepared to
point out in the Committee the measure that should be
adopted ? The Noble Lord had mentioned an ad valorem
duty. With respect to that he should only observe, that
he had seen a great many of the leading manufacturers,
and had asked them their opinion as to the regulations
on that subject, and whether they wished any alteration
of the duties ; but they all answered, that the duties were
fairly placed, and they desired no alteration in that respect.
He should, therefore, say for himself, that if a re-consi-
deration on the duties could be of any use or advantage to
the glove trade, the Government would not for a mo-
ment hesitate to take them into consideration ; but such
did not appear to he the opinion of the manufacturers,
and he himself believed that the duties were fixed as
exactly as they could be. There could be no advantage
in raising the duties to a higher scale, for it was notorious
that high duties only encouraged smuggling. The amount
of smuggling in silk was considerable, because the duties
were high, while in gloves there was no systematic
smuggling whatever; the only smuggling of gloves was
that of individuals. Another plan that had been referred
to, for the purpose of relieving the manufacturers, was
the affixing a stamp on the gloves. That plan had been
tried with respect to silk anti lace, but it had failed ;
and he believed it now existed with respect to paper;
but the effect was, that the stamp in all these cases
was invariably forged on the other side of the water. He
bad taken evidence on that subject before the Custom-
house, with a view of seeing what time would be taken
up in examining gloves, if they were to be stamped, and
he found that the same quantity which it now took half
an hour to examine, would then take a day and a half. It
appeared to him, therefore, quite impossible to apply a
stamp duty as a protection. But it was also unnecessary, for,
as he had before said, there was no systematic smuggling in
gloves. The authority he quoted for that assertion was a
very high one on such a point—it was that of the under-
taker and insurer of smuggling at Calais. That person
stated the prices at which smuggling might be carried on.
After mentioning the prices as to figured silks and similar
articles, he said to his correspondent, " But I should advise
you to try nothing in gloves—they do not pay."--(A laugh.)
Another authority which he could quote to the same
point was, that of the Board of Customs, who were satis-
fied that there was no smuggling in gloves; but besides
these authorities, there were those of the great dealers in Lon-
don, one of whom, an importer during the last year to the
amount of 133,000 pairs, said, that if there was smuggling
in glovt s, it would not pay him to import gloves on a hich
the duty was paid, as the smugglers would undersell him
in the market. The Noble Lord seemed to press for the
adoption of a principle of retaliation. He trusted that the
Noble Lord did not mean to hold out that as a means of
encouragement of national trade and industry. If that
principle were adopted, the evils of it would fall princi-
pally on ourselves. France had been referred to. There
was no country on the face of the globe, in which so com-
plete a commentary was furnished upon the prohibitory
system as in France. No country had been gifted
by nature with more advantages—she had tried the
prohibitory system in every respect in which it could
possibly he applied, and yet it was notorious that in that
country there was scarcely one manufacturer that was in
a prosperous condition. He referred for proof of this
to their silk trade, their cotton trade, their iron, which,
by the way, on account of the prohibitory system,
cost the inhabitants of that country double what they
might otherwise get it for, and he might even refer to
their vineyards, in which, as in others, the restrictive
system led to nothing but to poverty. They had applied
in France the protecting system to all the articles he had
mentioned, and also to the manufacture of beet-root
sugar, in order to force the cultivation of one particu-
lar kind of produce at home, and the result was highly
hunfavourable
,tiwgh to thetthattiiepeoyuiple. From
rust
look to
all these
circumstances,
toothercausesforrelief
from this distress; they must look to the effects of an im-
proved commercial intercourse with France, and not to
those of a violent retaliation upon her; they must look to
the greater diffusion of knowledge on this subject, to the
greater power of public opinion, and to the effect which
the later conduct of this country must produce on the
minds of those who observed it. The Noble Lord had
spoken as if the importation of French gloves was a pure
la's to this country. He must declare himself opposed to
that supposition, since it was evident that either they
came here for nothing, or else in exchange for some of the
products of our own industry; for, notwithstanding the
old story about the balance of trade and the prohibition
laws, it was the fact that our goods found their way into
France. It was clear, therefore, that they could not check
the importation of foreign gloves without injuring some of
the other interests of the country ; and they must carry
prohibition into complete effect, if they carried it into effect
at all. He should deprecate such a course, convinced as
he was that it could not be adopted but at the cost of our
advantage.
The Duke of WELLINGTON should be the last man
to propose an alteration of the existing system to produce
any such effect ; but lie wished to say, that when free
trade was talked of as existing in this country, it was au
absurdity. There was no such thing, there could be no
thoisurcomunattraiyiactlYsir'ees praoncdeeoduedr
e
produce,—the o suchn t
he thing
_he s
system freepro,du
of protecting
tradeeeof in
our labour and our soil,—of pro-
tecting them for importation and protecting them for home
consumption, and on that universal system of protection it
was absurd to talk of free trade. He should be sorry to
give his a nction to any other system than that which
now existed. He concurred with what the Noble Lord
opposite bad said as to the intercourse between this
country and France. Ile was most desirous of not check-
ing that intercourse ; hut that was not the question
which had been brought forward by his Noble Friend.
The question was not whether they should have an inquiry
or not for the purpose of substituting prohibition for a
duty—which, by-the.bye, was a prohibition to a certain
event—but whether some alteration in the present system
could not be male so as to give the manufacturers protec-
ti.as better than the duty now gave it them ; and whether
,oirie satisfaction ought not to be afforded to the glove
manufacturers, that the distress they were suffering was
not the result of the measures of the Government.
(Hear, hear, hear.) He thought they ought to have that
inquiry. Some said the duty was too high, and there-
fore there was smuggling; some said it was too low,
and therefore the importation of foreign gloves was too
great. The only means of deciding between these opinons
was to grant a Committee, When he was on the other

aide of the House, two Committees had been granted un-
der similar circumstances. The first was upon the wool
trade,the other on coal trade. At the time those Committees
were moved fat, he declared the opinion of the Govern-
ment, that after the fullest consideration of the question
relating to the wool duties, they should not be able to al-
ter those duties; and after the Committee had sat, no al-
teration did take place. In the same manner a Committee
had been granted to inquire into the state of the coal trade,
although he stated at the time that the Government could
nut consent to any alteration either in the King's duty or
the city duties, in conseqence of the result of that inquiry.
Now his Noble Friend only asked for a Committee of In-
quiry, without pledging the Government to make any al-
teration when that inquiry had taken place. Under these
circumstances, without feeling a strong hope that any-
thing would or could be done for the glove manufacturers.
he should vote for the Committee.

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE should oppose the
motion, which, he thought, could be attended with no be-
nefit, and which would only excite the hopes of the ma-
nufactarers, when the able statement of his Noble Friend
below him had satisfactorily show❑ that there could be no
legislative interference.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH did not wish to encourage
the glove-manufacturers, in the hope that the prohibitory
system would be re-enacted ; for he thought no measure
could be more prejuJicial to the interests of the country.
He had heard with the greatest satisfaction, the clear,
plain,: and statesmanlike speech of the Noble Lord op-
posite—(Hear, hear;)—but while be admitted the state-
ment of that Noble Lord, he must say that he differed
from the conclusions at which that Noble Lord had ar-
rived. The Noble Lord admitted the existence of the
distress, but said he did not see the means of remedying it
by a legal enactment. That might be true enough ; but
did that form a sufficient reason to refuse an inquiry? He
recommended the Government to agree to a Committee,
which would have the effect of tranquillizing the minds of
tho e who now conceived that their distresses arose from
the importation of a foreign manufacture, and who looked
for relief to an inquiry, in which they hoped to show the
true cause of the evils they suffered, and the remedy that
ought to be applied to them.
E al GREY fully agreed with the latter observations of
the Noble Lord who had just addressed them—that, de-
pending as this country did upon foreign commerce, no-
thing could be more unwise or more dangerous than to
consent to reverse those principles, which had only been
too partially acted upon, but which, as fir as they had
hitherto been adopted, had been productive of benefit. He
should not at present go into a consideration of the prin-
ciples of free trade, but he must say, that as far as they
had been acted on they appeared to him to have been wise
in themselves, and beneficial in their effects. In the ex-
aminaiiin of the state of the exports and imports of
this country, it appeared that these principles had
contributed to the improvement of both. He trusted that
circumstances would enable this country to proceed in ad-
vance with these principles, but he should net consent to do
so without a cautious and careful attention to the varied in-
terests of the country, and the artificial state of society
which was now in existence. It might be impossible to
do at all times what was wished, for the faculties of man
were limited, so that he could not always foresee the con-
sequences of what he did. The principles on which he
acted might be well founded, but be must look most care-
fully to the application of them. It was true, as the No-
ble Duke had stated, that the system of this country had
been to protect its manufactures to a certain extent, and
be agreed with him that it would be inexpedient to depart
at once from that system ; but the amount of that protec-
tion must depend- on what were likely to be the effects
produced by it—and in the same manner the principle of
free trade ought to be adopted only so far as it was seen
to be likely to conduce to the general improvement. With
respect to the motion now before the blouse, he disclaimed
the aseertion that had been made, that this was to be
treated as a question of charity to the manufacturers. He
trusted he and all around him felt as much regret at the
distresses of the glove-manufacturers as did the Noble
Lard who had proposed this motion, or as any other Mem-
ber of that House, and that they were fully as desirous of
improving their condition and removing their distress;
but had any one stated any one view in which he thought
the result of that Committee could be to improve the
condition of the manufacturers ? The Noble Duke had
said that no alteration was to be hoped for—that nothing
could be done, hut then he thought the Committee ought
to be granted, as there were conflicting statements as
to the causes of the distress, and the Committee would
ascertain which was true. He had always understood that
it was the policy of Parliament not to enter upon an in-
quiry without knowing that the result was likely to be ad-
vantageous. Such a result was not likely in the present
instance. It was proved that the importation of gloves
had been increased, but to a very small extent, during the
last four years, and that the importation of raw skins
had been most materially increased—a fact which proved
that the distress could not have arisen from the great and
ruinous amount of the imported manufacture. It was
shown, besides, in the very able and convincing speech
of the Noble Lord the President of the Board of Trade,
that there had been a very considerable increase of other
manufactured articles worn instead of kid gloves, and that
that had been one of the causes of the distress now com-
plained of. It was clear that a Committee of Inquiry
could not propose to put an end to that rnanu'acture. But
then the Noble Duke said that he had granted two Com-
mittees of Inquiry, though at the time he stated that the
result of their inquiry could not alter the measures of the
Government. The first of these was upon the wool trade.
What was the answer to that? Why that Committee, so
granted, with such a previous determination, had only
produced inconveuience, which no one could wish to see
produced with respect to this trade. As to the Commit-
tee on the toal trade, the subject of inquiry there em-
braced not only the amount of duties, which the Govern-
ment had determined not to alter, but the mode in which
the trade was carried on. In the present instance there
was no reason to think that they could alter the evil
of which the glove manufacturers complained.—
(Hear, hear.) The imposition of higher duties, or
the etiactiment of prohibition, would but occasiim smug-
gling. No obj?etion was made by the manufacturers
to the arrangement of the duties ; if those duties were
badly arranged, the Government would be willing
to alter the arrangement, but no alteration was required.
There was, therefore, nothing but prohibition to have re-
course to, and that was acknowledged on all hands to be
unadvisahle. Under these circumstances he believed that
the granting of a Committee would only excite hopes
which could not be realised, while at the same time they
were perfectly satisfied that there was no human prospect
of a Committee affording the manufacturers any relief.
The Committee on the Silk Trade had, he was informed,
already produced some of these evils. Under all the
as
now 1
of,idid x
itheu sa evilss he which
the i h ch
cir-
cumstances
relieve them, he trusted they would see that in the re-
jection of the petition, their Lordships were not actuated
ctlnces of
manufacturersti case,deploring
complained
a o
uwas
byt
any syeinpat
causeshy forof t theirheir
sufferingssufferings,
wereb lt t
beyondfrom a
convictionrelief, avdn hte of h
a that
aoped that the House would not grant the
motion.
Lord STRANGFORD, in reply, said that the peti-
tioners did not want the re-enactment of prohibition, but
Gni), a Committee to inquire into the cause of their dis-
tress, and the remedy to be afforded.

The House then divided—
Non-Contents 4l
Contents
Majority against the Committee —43
The other Orders were disposed of, and the House ad-
journed at a Quarter to Eight.

In the commencement of Mr. Elliott's Tra-
vels in the North of Europe, of which so interesting a narra.
the has just been laid before the public, the greater part of
Holland was visited by that gentleman, who has presented to
the reader, in the most striking and graphic manner, several
sketches of the peculiar aspect of that country, particularly as
regards the gigantic dykes which protect the land and its inha-
bitants from the sea. The account given, too, of the silent city
of Brock will be perused with great interest.

ry
hsl
Minister, we
wouner
idsdtuoi
cucbtotf
whetherbt te,
efodrigen
ity of ~nftne
eh
fle
chleafswtSaaski reunniblseiecnrocl the
e is more
independent man. We understand that he is encouraging the
Irish Members at meetings, where he has taken the lead, in all
their jealousies and supposed or real grounds of dissatisfaction
with Minister,. The Irish Members have hitherto behaved nobly
in the cause of English reform : we confide in their continued sup-
port of that great measure. And surely they must see that the
Irish tithe question is troublesome and difficult enough, and
likely enough to provoke inconvenient disputes and collision,
without any manoeuvring being resorted to as a means of ag-
gravating that inevitable evil. He is no friend to Parliamen-
tary Reform who would re-enforce the regular opposition in
Parliament by draughts from the standing army of Irish discon_
tent. But whoever was the adviser of the opposition of last
night, he had evidently not only chosen a blundering mode of
proceeding, but had made a very blundering estimate when he
spirited,hisas produc-
calculated on the support of the anti-reformers. So foolish an
expectation met with an appropriate disappointment. —Times,
ADVENTURES OF A YOUNGER SON.--We
believe the celebrated Trelawney to be the author of this
powerful work, and that it embodies a considerable portion of
ttahtee t o
eventsrronoaft,hnics
eeai
tr earlier rblei life.
wild,B t
it
we do not hesi.
tion, written as only an eye-witness can write of scenes he has
actually witnessed. It is just the wild and reckless journill we
•
could suppose kept by some bold buccaneer,