The Sun.
London, England, 1859-05-31 00:00:00

M. KOSSUTH ON GERMAN NATION:A-

LITY AND THE WAR.

At the non-intervention meeting at Bradford on
Wednesday M. Kossuth, after referring to the
strivings of the German nations for liberty and
national unity against Austrian domination, and
expressing his surprise that any German liberals
should consider it their interest to support Austria,
went on to say—At the very moment when the
bloody dice of war was cast, Francis Joseph
solemnly declared that he draws the sword against
revolution—you know that by the despots the
aspirations for liberty and national independence
were always designated by that name—(cheers)—
and with that declaration we have heard him boast
that, true to the mission of his house, he goes forth
to battle for order and his society. Order, indeed !
(Laughter.) His order is oppression. His society
is the passive obedience of the slave. Freedom is
order, sir. (Hear, hear.) Oppression is disorder.
(Hear, hear.) It is the anarchy of revolt against
the laws of nature and of nature's God. (Loud
cheers.) The mission of his house ! Who should'
not know that bloody mission ? It is the never-
ceasing war against liberty, both civil and religious
—war against culture and enlightenment, and
Protestantism—against free investigation into the
mission of the house of Austria. (Cheers.) In two
words, the mission of the house of Austria is
despotism and cowardice. (Cheers.) Shall the
friends of murdered Robert Blum go forth to battle
under the guidance of his murderer, Windischgratz ?
Shall the countrymen of Guttenburg follow the
standard of Metternich ? And shall Schleswig-
Holstein be led by a Schwartzenberg ? (Hear
hear, and cheers.) An Eastern maxim says that if,
in a difficulty, we do not know exactly what route
to follow, we should mark what course our enemies
take, and never be guided by them. (Laughter.)
Now, if the German democrats would follow this
simple reasoning of the East, then the flying
of the Gotha Almanack men to the rescue of
Austria might at once warn them that the
solicitude for Austria's safety may be a proper
logio for petty despots and aristocrats, but it
is not exactly a commodity in which the German
nation should deal. (Cheers.) Neither is there an
excuse for this delusion to be found in the plea that
Austria may help them to defend the Rhine.
(Hear, hear.) Besides, I cannot think that even the
paternal rule of their princes could have made the
gallant Germans so effete that they should not be
able to defend their own hearths unless supported
by unwilling Hungarians, Croats, Poles, and
Italians, who hate Austria as their oppressor, and
might transfer their hatred to Germany if they see
that even German democrats advocate the suppres-
sion of all nationalities except their own. (Hear.)
Is it not a strange sight that German liberals, nay
late Republicans, should conjure from their graves
the s pirit of General Redovitz, their greatest, their
bitterest enemy, in 1848, and accept as an oracle his
paradox that the Rhine must be defended on the
Po ; in other words that Italy cannot be safe unless
Italy be kept in Austrian bondage ? (Hear, hear.)
Oh ! that a spark of the genius of Frederick 11. of
Prussia could enlighten the minds of Germany, that
they could see how, during a long life, he urged war
against Austria, because he saw that Germany was
rotten to the core under the ultramontane misman-
agement of the Hapsburgs, and needed a resuscita-
tion under the guidance of Prussia. His policy
was forsaken by his successors, and Prussia sank
down into Jesuitism so deep that even at this pre-
sent day it has not quite recovered from it. Let
Prussia remember her mission. Let her understand
her mission, and her legitimate ambition to be
legally at the head of Germany, and the re-construc-
tion of the unity of the German:nation will soon be ful-
filled. Let the German patriots feel that the only
barrier against their national unity, was to
be found in the fact that the House of Austria was
the hated ruler of thirty millions of people who
neither are Germans nor ever will submit to any
princes of Germany. As soon as these are liberated
from the yoke of Austria, she, reduced to her pro-
per share in Germany, will have no other but
German interests, and will nie longer stand in the
way of Germany becoming a united nation—(hear,
hear)—strong enough to withstand the combined
forces of France and Russia, if these powers should
ever be reckless enough to attack a nation fighting
for liberty and independence, and not, as now, for
the concordat and the oppression of the nationali-
ties. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) The care of
Germany is plainly this :—Germany, from want of
national unity, is a mere geographical denomina-
tion ; it is the dwelling-place of a nationality, but
it is not a nation. Therefore, to become a nation
of unity is the hereditary aspiration of the Ger-
mans. (Hear, hear.) That unity of Germany
may be accomplished either under republican or
monarchical forms. To the first every German
prince of course, but especially Austria, is the chief
obstacle. To the second the only obstacle is the
house of Austria. In 1845 the German nation
offered the Imperial Crown to the King of Prussia.
He answered, he would gladly accept it provided
the other princes gave their consent. Out of 32
princes Wurtemburg alone refused. That was a
small matter of no import. The project of the
unity of Germany broke down under the opposi-
tion of Austria, because she said sho would not
submit, so long as she was a first-rate power, to
another German Emperor. (Hear, hear.) As to
the Hapsburgs, the German nation had had enough
of them already. If, forgetting all the lessons of
the past, they should elect a Hapsburg to th% im-
perial throne of Germany, the consequence would
be that the house of Hapsburg would bring them
a force derived from dominion over upwards of
thirty millions of people who did not belong
to the German race ; and where then would Ger-
man nationality be ? Where would German liberty
be ? With the thirty millions of non-Germans they
would hold in bondage the Germans. By the
Germans they would hold in bondage the non.
Germans, and there would be slavery everywhere.
(Hear, hear.) I trust you will excuse me for not
delivering to you an eloquent oration. Really., I
have no time for it. I have quite other business on
my hands. (Cheers.) From this exposition you
will understand that it is really astonishing to hear
how and by what process of reasoning the German
nation has arrived at the conclusion that it is their
duty and interest to protect the Emperor of Aus-
tria. (Hear, hear.) Prussia is the real power of
Germany. The Queen of England must feel a very
deep interest in the future of Prussia, since she
couples the fate of her grandchild in the future fate
of the Prussian dynasty. (Hear, hear.) Now,
gentlemen, I do not know whether in this country
there exists a court party ; but supposing there is
one, if they are really attached to their Queen per-
sonally, they should inform her that in Prussia it
is suicide to support Austria. As one rises in the
balance the other sinks. If Germany were really
in danger of an attack, I must say that I should re-
gard with great admiration the fact that the Ger-
man nation, which scarcely ever are united in any
single purpose, should appear ready to sink all
their past dissensions in the determination to pro-
tect their fatherland from foreign invasion. But
there is absolutely no danger of such an attack
now, unless it be supposed that the Emperor of
the French is entirely out of his senses. (A
laugh.) He cannot but be anxious to avoid a
wor with Germany, since he has already a great
war on hand. There are facts to show that
that is his opinion. The 47th article of the
Act of the German Confederation says that if
any member of the German Confederation is en-
gaged in war, not as a German, but as a European
Power, with that war the Germanic Confederation
could have nothing to do. France being at war
with Austria, Napoleon would certainly have a
right by the law of nations to attack Austria in
any part of her territory, whether belonging to
Germany or not ; yet, though he blockades every
port in the Adriatic, he spares Trieste, out of regard
to the Germanic Confederation, to which Trieste is
reputed to belong. This shows he is not anxious
to make an attack upon Germany. The fact is that
mighty influences are at work to divert the patriotic
feelings of the German nation to the profit of the
house of Austria. Well, but believe me, the Ger-
mans will not rush into the danger, unless they are
made to believe that if they do so they will be sup-
ported by England. There, therefore, is your
danger. Therefore press upon your government
that they should tell the German nation that if they
choose to plunge into a war they will not be sup-
ported by England, and be sure of it they will not
move. But if upon the supposed support of England
they more, then be sure of it England will be
dragged into the war under the pretence that you
cannot forsake Prussia, which is your natural ally.
The result will be a general, long, bloody European
war; because if Germany, with England, sides with
Austria, then Russia will likewise step in on the
opposite side, with France. (Hear, hear.) Nation
would then be set against nation, brother against
brother, and Europe would be once more exposed
to the repetition of that terrible havoc when you
poured out your own blood like water, and loaded
your country with an eternal debt of 800 millions
sterling, for not so much—(snapping his fingers)—
good or profit to human;ty. (Cheers.)

OPENING OF GALLERIES OF ART IN THE EVEN-
ING.—The Secretary of the Society of Arts has received a
letter from the Secretary of the National Gallery, which
says :—" In reply to the suggestion that the national pictures
should be exhibited to the public in the evenings, as well as
by day, I am directed to state that the pictures which are
about to be deposited temporarily at South Kensington,
being totally distinct from the collection of the South Ken-
sington Museum, will necessarily continue subject to the
arrangements which have hitherto been observed at the Na-
tional Gallery."