The Sun.
London, England, 1866-03-16 00:00:00

AMERICA.

The steamship Allemania, belonging to the Ham-
burg and American Company, arrived from New
York off Southampton yesterday. She left New
York on the 3d inst. Having delivered the mails,
she passed on for Hamburg and Havre.
Numerous delegations had visited President Johnson, to
offer him their support. To one of these, coming from
Baltimore, the President spoke as follows :
"Gentlemen, —I cannot make any formal speech in reply,
but, in response to what has been said, I will simply re-
mark that my policy, to which you have alluded as before
the country, was not announced as the result of impulse,
nor was it thrown out for any ad captandum purpose. It
was announced as the result of convictions after mature
consideration as a necessary construction of the principles
upon which this Government rests. That policy, which I
honestly regard as being the best for the country, will con-
tinue before the people without the slightest deviation, and
without being swerved from on my part. I do not say this
in a spirit of threat or menace to anybody, but simply to
give assurance that there shall be no abandonment of, and
no shrinking from, that policy, because it is believed that
the very existence and perpetuity of the Government de-
pend upon the maintenance of the principles which have
thus been enunciated. I am not insensible to the remarks
which have been made accompanying the presentation of
these resolutions. The mind and soul of a man who would
not feel more or less inspired and impressed by what you
have said must be extremely dull and barren. I feel the
full force of what you have spoken, and I think I know
how to appreciate it ; and thus feeling, I am impressed
with the conviction that my duty must be performed
without regard to consequences. Your encouragement
at this particular time seems particularly appropriate ;
your countenance and proffers of support under the pre-
sent circumstances inspire me with a confidence, and a
strength, and a hope that the country will ultimately
triumph, and those great principles will be sustained. It
is not necessary for me to remark to you that I entered
this contest at its very incipiency, and I have not deviated
a single hair's-breadth from the line of policy I then laid
down. I stand now precisely on the same ground that I
stood on in the Senate on the 18th and 19th days of De-
cember, 1860. I know that it has been said, and no doubt
by many designedly said, that here is a President who was
elected by a party, and who on coming into power aban-
doned that party ; that he has Tylerised ' his Administra-
tion, that he has joined the Copperheads, and things of
that kind. Those things have no influence upon me; they
fail wholly to drive me from the discharge of my duty.
But if you and I, with others, have been employed for four
years in resisting a separation and dissolution of the Union,
and now have reached a point where resistance has ceased,
and if wo can be instrumental in conciliating and bringing
back all the people to an earnest, and loyal, and thorough
support of the Government, it seems to me that we are
doing a great deal towards accomplishing the work we
undertook. It happens sometimes in the history of fami-
lies, if I may be permitted to use the illustration, that there
aro differences and feuds, but when those differences are
understood and arranged, and when the feuds subside, the
parties can approach each other, feeling more kindly to-
wards those from whom they had been estranged than
they did before. Then, Ido think we are doing wrong
if, while maintaining principle, while trying to preserve
the Government, wo have succeeded in convincing of
their error and bringing to the fold of their fathers
those who have strayed. I think this is a result of
which we all should be proud, and for which we should
not be taunted. If I know myself, my only object is to
preserve the Government. I want it to continue in loyal
hands, and in none others. I hope that the time will
soon come when the country will be thoroughly recon-
ciled ; but to secure all that is necessary for this purpose
will require a severe struggle, for I am free to say to you
that it is not worth while to disguise the fact that the vary
same spirit which animated the rebellion at one end of
the line now exists at the other to some extent. Before
thr, rornnt robollion thoro wore ono sol, of gentlemen who
were trying to dissolve and break up the Government for
the purpose of preserving the institutions of slavery, and
they so avowed. Though these respective parties disagreed
in tho object they wished to accomplish, they agreed in one
thing, and that was the destruction of the Government, and
so far as that point is concerned the one was as culpable as
the other. The blow was first struck at the Southern end
of the line. It being struck there, the other principle that
was making war upon the principles of the Government
must have something to vent itself upon, and it joined with
those who were for the Union against those who were for
the rebellion. But now, when the rebellion is put down,
if we find an attempt to change the character of the Go-
vernment, we must equally resist. The attempt now is to
consolidate, to concentrate power here. It is the destruc-
tion of the Government and it is a manifestation of the
same spirit which attempted to break up the Government.
I stand opposed to both ; I stand with you for the Govern-
ment, for the Constitution, for the supremacy of the law,
and for obedience to the laws of the Constitution. Let it
be understood that, so far as making candidates for the
future is concerned, I have nothing to do with it. If I can
be instrumental in accomplishing the great work we have
undertaken, to bring about peace, and harmony, and recon-
ciliation among all our people, and again place this Go-
vernment upon its firm basis, I shall feel that I have
reached the summit of my ambition. I have no other ob-
ject in view, if I know my own heart and my own feelings.
Gentlemen, permit me to thank you most sincerely for the
encouragement you have given me, and for the countenance
you have shown by thus timely coming forward in the
great struggle, for the first principles of free government."

In the Senate, on the 28th ult., the concurrent resolu-
tion, that no Southern representatives shall be admitted
until Congress shall so decide, was taken up and debated
without result, and on the following day was again taken
up, when Reverdy Johnson delivered a long speech oppos-
ing the resolution, on the grounds that any measure to ex-
clude States from representation was a direct violation of
the Constitution, and could only result in anarchy. The
Southern States were now in the Union, and being there
were fully entitled to representation ; and yet the creden-
tials of a number of Southern senators were now lying re-
pudiated upon the table. With regard to tho taint of trea-
son, many Northern States wore not free from it. Massa-
chusetts, during the war of 1812, refused to allow her troops
to leave the State, which was a clear act of treason. In
1859 Senator Wade presided over a meeting at Cleveland,
Ohio, and the Fugitive Slave Law was denounced and
secession distinctly recommended. Tho Southern States
were now loyal States, and as such were entitled to their
rights. On the 2d inst. the concurrent resolution was again
brought up in the Senate, and was passed by a vote of 29
yeas against 18 nays, after a lengthy and elaborate debate,
during which Mr. Doolittle (Republican), of Wiscon-
sin, entreated the controlling party to abandon extreme
measures and factious legislation and sustain the Presi-
dent's policy; while Mr. Davis (Democrat), of Kentucky,
argued with great warmth that Congress was acting in
violation of the Constitution, and he declared the Presi-
dent had the right, and he hoped he would exercise it, to
proclaim the disloyalty of the Radicals, and declare the
rightful body of Congress to consist of the representatives
from the Southern States, and those Northern members
now in Congress who favoured their admission. These
united formed a majority of both houses.
The resolution as passed declares that no members from
the recently seceded States shall be admitted to either
house until the State in question shall be declared by Con-
gress entitled to representation. This simply amounts to
an emphatic assertion of the exclusive authority of Congress
over the subject.
Eight of those voting " nay" were Republicans.
In the House of Representatives, on the 28th ult., the
bill to amend the Constitution so as to secure citizens of
the country equal rights in all the States, was brought
up and debated at length. Messrs. Bingham and Wood-
bridge (Republicans) advocated the measure on the
grounds that the condition of public sentiment at the
South was such as to requiro.the constant supervision of
the national authorities. Several Democratic and
Del-m.1,11(.1in members opposed the amendment as un-
called for, and as constituting too near an approach to
complete centralisation of power. A motion was finally
made and carried to postpone further consideration of the
subject till the 10th day of April, 1866. The postpone-
ment is regarded as a defeat of the Radicals, and virtually
as the defeat of the proposed amendment.
On the Ist inst., the bill to protect all citizens in their
civil rights without respect to race or colour was debated
at length. Mr. ilogers (of New Jersey) opposed‘the bill in
a long speech, in which ho declared that the Southern
people could be trusted. The masses of them fought in the
late war under honest convictions, and should now be
permitted to have a voice in Congress before measures 60
directly affecting their section were introduced. The pro-
posed bill looked directly to the protection of the four mil-
lions of freedmen who could be amply protected under

existing laws, and who, as a mass, were in no danger of
ill-usage.

William Lloyd Garrison, on the evening of the 27th
ult., delivered a lecture at the Academy of Music in
Brooklyn. His subject was " The North Victorious,"
in contradistinction from Wendell Phillips's address
" The South Victorious." Mr. Garrison, after briefly
reviewing the effects of the war, and expressing
his delight at having at last witnessed the
fall of slavery, proceeded to attack the policy
and character of President Johnson, who had,
Mr. Garrison said, "defiantly arrayed himself against Con-
gress and the popular will. This had caused general dis-
quietude and alarm among the loyal masses and general
satisfaction among Southern rebels. If the President de-
fiantly persisted in his downward course, he (Garrison)
hoped Congress would stand like an impregnable wall to
prevent his doing so. Come what may, Congress should
wipe out all that the President has done in relation to re-
construction and begin the work anew. Mr. Johnson had
attempted to bully Congress into servile acquiescence to his
imperious demands, and for whatever of violerce, tumult,
or confusion may grow out of his high-handed order, the
dread responsibility will rest exclusively upon his own
head." Referring back to the speech of the President on
Washington's birthday, Mr. Garrison said----" That speech,
for its indecency, bombast, malignity, and treasonable
leaning, no words can fitly characterise, and for that
and other weighty reasons, ho (the President) ought to
be indicted by that grand inquest, the Federal House
of Representatives, tried by the Senate, and, for the
peace and safety of the country, dismissed from office."
Mr. Garrison stigmatised the President's censure of
Sumner and Stevens as an artful attempt to imperil
their lives by assuming to be in danger of his own. Of
the President's censure of Congress, the speaker
said : "He dares to brand Congress as a disloyal body. He
means, if he dared, to perform a coup d'etat, and either to
insist at the point of the bayonet upon having Southern
rebels put into Congress or drive Congress out of the capi-
tal." Mr. Garrison was also severe upon Secretary Seward,
saying ho might bettor have died under the dagger of
Payne, the assassin.

The news of the suspension of the writ of Habeas Corpus
in Ireland has caused a great commotion among tho Fenians
throughout this country. Mass meetings are being called
in all directions, and circulars from all the various centres
are published appealing to the brotherhood to come for-
ward, as the hour for action has arrived. Most of these
circulars conclude with a notice to " Look out for secret
orders." It is understood that all members of the order
have been individually notified to hold themselves in readi-
ness for immediate action.

It is rumoured that on the lith of March, St. Patrick's
Day, an attack will be made upon some important points in
Canada and New Brunswick, and that for this purpose
Fenians are now collecting quietly in localities from
whence they can readily move for concentration.
Money is said to be abundant and arms also. But all
this is mere rumour, although great excitement is produced
thereby.