The Sun.
London, England, 1859-03-12 00:00:00

AUST.RIA AND SARDINIA

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The .Frankfort Journal of the Bth inst. publishes
the following despatch, which was forwarded on
the 28th of February last by the Austrian Minister
of Foreign Affairs to Count Apponyi, the. Austrian
Minister at London :
"Loird A. Loftus has confidentially read to me
a despatch. in which Lord Malmesbury states that
the British Government cannot, to its great regret,
regard! as dispelling the fears of war spread since
the commencement of the year, and that he conse-
quently feels himself obliged not to relax his efforts
to prevent a conflagration which certainly would
not remain limited to Italy.
" The circular despatch addressed by Count
Cavour to the Sardinian missions on the subject of
the loan which the Piedmontese Government wishes
to contract, with a view to military preparations,
offers, according to the opinion of Lord Malmes-
bury, a favourable opportuntty to renew friendly
counsels to both parties.
"The British Cabinet, without adopting the
grounds of that circular, which tend to justify the
loan on account of the threatening attitude Austria
is said to have assumed on the Piedmontese fron-
tier, seems to attach importance to ascertain the
view we take of that document, and to acquire the
conviction that we have no intention of attacking
Sardinia ; and that, on the contrary, we should feel
inclined to give our hand to the Piedmontese
Government, so as to allow both parties to with-
draw their troops from the respective frontiers.
" We are fully able to appreciate these friendly
overtures, and we willingly unite ourselves with
the British Government in its endeavours to spare
the world, if it be possible, the horrors of a general
conflagration. We arc glad,C therefore, to have the
opportunity of entering into the subject at length,
and we hope to make our pacific intentions per-
fectly clear.
" What are the complaints brought against us in
Count Cavour's circular ? They are to be found in
the protests issued by that Minister against the
preponderating influence, which, according to him,
Austria exercises in Italy beyond the limits which
treaties have assigned her, and which constitute a

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permanent menace against Sardinia.
" Let us examine closer this strange accusation.
I may be wrong, but I believe it to be in the nature
of things that great political bodies will always be
called upon to exercise a certain influence on neigh-
bouring States. What is important to the general
interests is that such influence should never be
usurped or abused to the detriinent of the inde-
pendence of another State.

"Austria has more than once been in a position
to offer a helping hand to the Italian Govern.
ments overthrown by a revolution. That assist-
ance has never been forced upon any one ; on
the contrary, it has only been accorded at the
request of legitimate authority, and with the dis-
interested view of maintaining public order and
tranquillity. Our troops have always been with-
drawn as soon as the legitimate authority has been
re-established with sufficient firmness to enable it

to dispense with their assistance. Count Cavour
need not go far back in the history of his country
to find an example of services like these rendered
by Austria to the dynasty of Savoy. At that time,
it is true, the modern theories of public right which
Count Cavour has introduced had not yet taken
root in Piedmont.

"We will not stop to examine in detail the ab-
surd reproach that has been urged against us as to
the confidence which it is safe for our neighbours
to feel in the integrity of our intentions ; and what
has been added with regard to the treaties which
exist between ourselves and certain Italian States
does not appear to us to be worthy of any more
serious consideration.
"What can there be to find fault with in, or
what can be more unavailable on the score of
popular right, or more conducive to the general
interests of order and peace, than the existence of
treaties between independent States exclusively in
the interest of legitimate defence, imposing reci-
procal obligations on both the contracting Powers,
and not influencing in the slightest degree the
rights of any third Power ? But, although these
treaties are not in any way opposed to the prin-
ciple of public right, we can well understand
that they are of a nature most obstructive to the
ambitious views of a Government which,• not con-

tent with being absolute within its own dominions,
endeavours to assume the character of the privileged
organ of the pretended sorrows of Italy, and arro-
gates to itself the right, disavowed by every other
Italian Government, of speaking in the name of the
whole Peninsula. Although Count Cavour admits
the right of appealing to foreign aid when that aid

(From the Times.)

is invoked in the interest of discord, he denies it to

legitimate Governments which really have a mis-
sion to watch over public tranquillity and guard
the interests of their peaceable subjects ; and these

stra*ge principles are proclaimed by the Cabinet of
Turin at a moment when relying for support in its
aggressive designs on a great neighbouring Power.
" These contradictions are too self-evident to allow
the slightest doubt to obtain that the complaints of
the abuse of Austria's influence arc but vain and

empty pretexts. What may be true in these de-
clamations is this :—ln 1848 the King of Sardinia
invaded Lombardy without a declaration of war,
and without being able to justify that rupture of
peace except on the grounds of the national senti-
ment, which urged him to come to the aid of his
oppressed brethren. The unjust aggressor was re-
pulsed in two victorious campaigns. Austria took
advantage of the fruits of her victory with a mode-
ratien which Europe has rendered justice to. Peace
once signed, we took it for granted. On the other
hand, a third attempt never left the programme of
the Turin Cabinet. While awaiting a favourable
moment to invade us again, Piedmont kept up an
underhand war against us by allowing free vent to
calumny and insult in a licentious press, which
made appeals to revolt addressed to the populations
of other Italian States, and by hostile demonstra-

tions of every description.
" When, only two years after he had ascended
the throne, our august master, the Emperor, visited
his Italian dominions, marking his way by acts of
grace and benevolence, the Piedmontese press re-
doubled the fury of its attacks, and in its madness
even offered a defence of regicide. It was then that
we asked of the Turin Government the simple

question, what guarantees it could offer us against
the continuation of a state of things so destructive
to the good feeling which we wished to subsist be-
tween the two Governments ; and it is this moderate

language which Count Cavour speaks of as an
attempt on our part to force upon his Government
a modification of the institutions of his country.
" The Emperor's Chargé d'Affaires was recalled
from Turin that he might no longer be an ocular
witness of an abnormal state of things which the
Piedmontese Government declined to remedy. But
this suspension of diplomatic relations flid not pre-
vent us from continuing, as before, to concert such
measures with the Piedmontese Government as

were of a nature to favour and develope intercourse
and commercial relations—in a word, friendly rela-
tions between the two countries.
"Despite these good intentions and constant
moderation, despite our inexhaustible patience,
fanatical cries of war were shouted across the
Tessin, especially since the commencement of the
present year.
" In consequenee of the agitation produced by the
warlike tone of the Royal Speech on the opening
of the Piedinontese Parliament —an agitation
which the subsequent Ministerial explanations
were certainly not ealculated to allay—the Imperial
Government 'decided upon sending reinforcements
into the Lombardo•Venetian kingdom. This mea-
sure, dictated by the most common prudence, was
one of a purely defensive nature. The assertion of
Count Cavour that it was a hostile movement
directed against Sardinia has as little foundation as
his other assertion that the garrisons of Bologna
and Ancona had been reinforced.

" This is, in a few words, the present position of
affairs. In all honour we ask what can we do to
improve it ? Would it be possible to carry mo-
deration and forbearance further than we have
done ? And Powers such as Great Britain, who
strive for peace so anxiously and so honourably,
will they not feel themselves called upon to stop
the source of the evil by bringing Piedmont to a
more sane appreciation of her rights and interna-
tional duties ? Let their united efforts prevent the
Cabinet of Turin from continuing its aggressive
conduct in which it has for some years persisted,
abusing the good nature of Europe, and, we do not
doubt it, the result would be tranquillity and peace
in the rest of the peninsula, now banished by the
continual irritation caused by the Cabinet of Turin.
" Let us at once anticipate an objection which we
foresee. The discontent of a portion of the popula-
tions, especially in Central and Southern Italy, has,
we shall be told, its principal source in the mal-
administration of the Governments.

"While denying the thousand calumnies by
which attempts are made to excite public opinion
against those Governments, we do not mean to say
that everything is perfect in the organisation and
administrative system of those counties. Even
where the institutions are most excellent, we must
allow a wide margin for the imperfect manner in
which they are carried out. The most different
systems have been practised in turn. In con-
sequence of the introduction of institutions which
operate admirably where they have been deve-
loped and matured by centuries, but which do not
seem to be homogeneous to the mind, traditions,
and social condition of the Italians, the most deplor-
able scenes of anarchy and disorder have occur-
red in the Italian peninsula. It was not the coun-
sels of Austria which led to those sad pages of the
modern history of Italy. On the other hand, we
have always frankly applauded every marked

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 12, 1859.

provement in a practical point of view ' • we have
always welcomed with satisfaction, and favoured
to the most of our influence, every well-meant pro-
gress. When consulted we have given our opinion
conscientiously, after a mature examination of the
circumstances.
" Those measures may not always have produced
all the good which might have been expected from
them. But who dare throw the whole responsibi-
lity upon the acts of the Government ? It is an
established truth that in the present day every
Government, great or small, has great difficulties to
contend against. We have shown above that
liberty, as understood in Piedmont—a liberty which
borders upon licentiousness and a total disregard of
the rights of others—is not without serious incon-
veniences for the neighbouring States. We do not
the less admit that Piedmont is the best judge of
what system of government is best suited to her.
But, however much we may respect its indepen-
dence, we should not think' ourselves justified in
imposing on other Italian States a system of go-
vernment or pointing out the proper moment for
introducing improvements of which that system
might be susceptible.
" However this may be, the great argument
brought forward against the Papal Government is,
that it is unable to support itself, and is obliged to
rely on foreign assistance. To this we reply that
the Cabinet of the Vatican has already entered into
negotiations with both Austria and France with a
view to the evacuation of the Papal States by the
troops of their countries, and the gradual regenera-
tion of the Pontifical army.
" By giving armed support to the Sovereign Pon-
tiff, driven away by the revolution, Austria and
France rendered a great service to the interests of
social order. The temporal sovereignty of the Holy
Father is one of the guarantees of the free exercise
of his apostolic mission, and of the independence of
the spiritual head of the Catholic Churoh. But
when the Pontifical Government shall declare that
the reorganisation of its army has made sufficient
progress to suffice for the wants of order and inter-
nal safety, the Emperor, our august master, will
be happy to be able to recall his troops, because he
will see in this result a new pledge of the paternal
solicitude which the Holy Father will devote to
the successive improvement of other branches of
the public service.
" Let us, however, not overlook that the difficul-
ties which the Pontifical Government will meet
with in the accomplishment of its task arise far less
from internal causes than from revolutionary ele-
ments, influences, and excitements from abroad.
To entertain a hope for a prompt and happy result
in this quarter, nothing is so indispensable, I repeat
it, as to make Piedmont respect the independence
of other Italian States, as its own independence is
respected by them and by us within the limits pre-
scribed by treaties.
" It will only be when this result has been ob-
tained that the Pontifical Government and the
other Italian Governments can seriously occupy
themselves with reforms in their internal admini-
stration. And then the friendly advice of Austria,
who is more interested than any other Power in
the welfare and prosperity of the Italian Peninsula,
shall not be found wanting in the right direction.
" I charge your Excellency to submit these con•
siderations to the enlightened appreciation of the
British Cabinet. We feel too much the immense

responsibility which in the eyes of God and man
will weigh upon those who, without legitimate
cause, should disturb the peace of Europe not to
attach the highest importance that a friend and
ally like the Government of Great Britain should
be fully made aware of our pacific intentions.
" Austria does not entertain any hostile project
against Piedmont. She will abstain, despite the
just grievances she might advance in justification,
from any aggressive action, so long as, on its part,
the Sardinian Government respects the inviolability
of the Imperial territory and that of its allies.
" Your Excellency is authorised to assure Lord
Malmesbury that the Emperor, our august master,
will not unsheath the sword except in the defence
of his indisputable rights, and for the maintenance
of treaties which, like the British Government, we
consider the only safe guarantee of public order.
" You will please, M. le Comte, to read this de-
spatch to Lord Malmesbury, and leave him a copy
should he wish for one."

Austria is the empire of legality, the native land
of divine right and international etiquette. The
Holy Roman Empire took the lead in founding the
public law of Europe, and it still stands by its prin-
ciples as if revolutions and reactions were unknown
in the world. An Austrian statesman is like one of
our hard-headed English lawyers, nourished on
digests and reports, who cares nothing for first
principles or analogy, or the eternal fitness of
things, but looks to positive enactments and deci-
sions as the only ground for a correct judgment.
In the eyes of such a man we are free from arbi-
trary imprisonment, not because personal liberty is
an inherant right of man, but beCause a certain
charter still unrepealed was granted in the reign
of King John, and a well-known Act of Parliament
was passed in the reign of Charles 11. This
method of viewing public and private lights is
perhaps more philosophical, after, all, than the
cloudy a priori mode of the metaphysical school,
and it enables an ordinary man to write a State
paper which a genius would find it difficult to
answer. When a Power stands on the defensive,
and shows that it has violated no treaty ; that it
has never moved a soldier across its frontiers,
except at the desire of legitimate authority; that
it is ready to withdraw from any territory it occu-
pies at the request of the Sovereign of that terri-
tory, and that it will gladly give its best advice on
administrative reforms when it shall be consulted
by the ruler who contemplates making them, the
result is a provokingly logical and argumentative
despatch, not to be dealt with by commonplaces
about nationality and the duty of trampling on op-
pressive treaties. The Minister of Foreign Affairs
at Vienna has addressed such a despatch to Count
Appony, Austrian Minister in London, and
we publish a translation of it elsewhere. It is
in answer to the Sardinian circular, which justified
the contracting of a loan on the grounds that
Austria had concentrated a large force in Lom-
bardy, and seemed to threaten a march on Turin.
Count Buol, after acknowledging the friendly
intentions of the British Government, enters into
an explanation of Austrian policy past and present.
The first ground of complaint which M. de Cavour
puts forth is, says the despatch, that Austria exer-
cises a preponderating influence in Italy beyond the
limits which treaties have assigned her, and that
this'eonstitutes a standing menace against Sardinia.
This charge, says the Austrian, is without founda-
tion. It is certainly in the nature of things that
great empires should exercise a certain influence on
the neighbouring States. All that the world may
fairly demand is that this influence shall never be
usurped, and that it shall not be employed to the
detriment of another State's independence.
Austria has indeed given assistance to legitimate
Governments overthrown by revolution, but this
assistance has never been imposed on any one; it
has only been accorded to rightful authorities, and
with complete disinterestedness, for the sake of
order and public tranquillity. The Count de Cavour
has not got back far into the history of his country
to meet with an example of this kind of service
rendered by Austria to the dynasty of Savoy. At
this epoch, it is " true, the modern theories of public
right brought into fashion by the Count de Cavour
had not as yet taken root in Piedmont." This
sally is, of course, intended as a blow to the vanity
of Victor Emmanuel, who has placed himself under
the protection of the Sovereign whose uncle de-
prived the House of Savoy of dominions which
Austria bore a great part in restoring ; and it cer-
tainly is not out of place for Austria to recall atten-
tion to the struggles she has carried on with France
for the national existence of Italy. The Royal
Houses, at least, of that country have every cause
to be grateful to the Power which has shed its
blood for them in so many wars, while the people
may reflect that they are not worse off than they
would have been under a French Viceroy. But
Count Buol does not dwell on this part of the sub-
lect. He stands on the strict letter of international
aw, and declares that Austria has a right to con-
elude treaties with foreign sovereigns so long as
they do not threaten any third Power. What is
there, he says, more inoffensive, more unassailable,
more in conformity with the general interest, than
treaties of alliance concluded between independent
States, and imposing reciprocal obligations on the
contracting parties without in the least affecting
the rights of other Powers P It is possible, indeed,
that "they. may hamper the action and the
ambitious views of a Government which, not con-
tent with full authority at home, assumes to be the
Italy,Pri vi
1 e andged claims organ
of
f a mission,tlthe
pretended
ot the et
the
other
whole Italian
p ePeninsula."
Sovereigns,u l
a .loudly
disavowed grievances
by
k in
on to detail the misdeeds of Sardinia—how, when
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Francis n cpi e JdomsenepthesireisijtoeudrniNalillsans,tibrreendt ounpctohnecilpiaetzle,
ths
t him
concealed; how,b etihrteh eSardiniansdeterminationlaurelslohsai
oienhf oatrvhteeenafoytrhemairerdsr
never
campaign to recover
two ; and how, so far from Austria threatening the
Sardinian frontier, her troops had only been sent
into Italy when the Royal Speech of Victor Em-
manuel announced in no vague terms that hostili-
ties were at hand.
As to the Governments of Central and Southern
Italy, and the discontent of their subjects, the
Austrian Cabinet does not affect to say that all is
perfect and change uncalled for ; but it asserts
that the best institutions sometimes suffer from
the Imperfection of the iumtruments. By the in