The Sun.
London, England, 1832-07-02 00:00:00

BRUSSELS PAPERS.

BRUSSELS, JUNE 27.—YesTerday the King gave
private audiences to Sir R. Adair, General Desprez,
Baron Evain, and other persons. His Majesty
afterwards transacted business with the Ministers of
:it,ance and Justice, and in the evening presided in
a Council of Ministers.
The project of law on the order of the union has
been examined in the sections of the Chamber of
Representatives; the military order was unani-
mouiy adopted. One Member proposed to call it
the order of Leopold. The plan of a civil order
;;as adopted by one section, and rejected by five
others. .

v _fin
English Cabinet messenger passed through
this city yesterday morning, on his way from St.
Petersburgh to London with despatches. General
•Duvinier, commanding the third military division, is
now inspecting the troops under his orders.
In the sitting of the Chamber of Representatives
to-day, various questions were put to the Minister
of Foreign Affairs, respecting the use intended to
& be made of the army of reserve, and on the state
of the negotiations. He repeated whst he had said
on the army of reserve when it was first proposed;
and added, that since the note presented to M. Gob-
let to the Conference, several others had been ex-
changed. The Minister, in reply to M. Dumortier,
(who said, that in the secret committee he had
drawn a brilliant picture of the state of the
negotiations), said he had merely read two
papers, and that it was not till called upon that
he had drawn some inferences from them. If
there had been such a brilliant picture to draw,
he would not have done it when the Government
was going to ask for an army of reserve; and if he
had such a firm faith in diplomatic proceedings, he
would not ask. for men and money. He asks them
to support the negotiations. The only way of ob-
tammg d satisfactory result is. by having a force
equal to that of Holland, and by showing to foreign
countries that Belgium will, if necessary, assert its
rights by arms "As for the refusal of the King of
Holland," said he, " I know nothing of it. It has
been said that William will quit Antwerp. I
think he will always refuse, for it is the most valu-
able guarantee to Holland. It is because new dif-
Acuities are to be expected that the C m
haber ought
to grant an army of reserve, which will enable the
Government to act on the offensive."
M. 01 insisted on the production of General
Goblet's note, but the Minister refused, because it
was connected with other no es to which no answer
had been given. He wished the time might
soon come that all the papers might be pub-

~:›

I,lled, but several of the papers for which he had
applied have not been communicated to him by the
Conference.

An army of reserve of 30,0(10 men was then voted
by a majority of seventy-one votes to four. Four
Members refrained from voting.

The Minister of War presented a project of law
for a vote of credit of 5,000,000, for the expenses
of the army of reserve.

JUNE 28.—Last Friday three English ships of
war pissed Blatikenbeig, apparently steering toward.
the Scheldt.

JUNE 29.—General Desprez set out yesterday
morning for Limburg with the officers of his Staff.
The object of this is to reconnoitre Maestricht and
its environs, and to make the arrangements for the
blockade of that fortress, which is at length resolved
upon.
To-day the Chamber of Represen►atives adopted,
by a majority of 57 to 18, the law for an organiza-
tion of the Courts of Justice. It also agreed to the
vote of credit by 73 votes to 4.
The Ministers fir Foreign Affairs and Finance,
in answer to various questions, said there would not
arise any deficiency in the treasury, if Halland paid
the expenses of the state of war since the Ist of :re
nuary last; that the first of the Ministers had never
been spoken to on a plan for the partition of Bel-
gium; that all transactions after the evacuation of
Antwerp will be arranged by common consent ; and
that the 24 articles will be abided by.—Brussas
Papers, June 30.
[ rhe cause of the original editor of the Moniteur
Beige against the Minister is commenced.]
BERLIN, JUNE 17.—We have mentioned on
former occasions that a feeling of dissatisfaction pre-
vailed here towards the French Ministry, and espe-
cially on account of the arrogant language which it
employed on various occasions respecting the
measures which the German Governments migh
think fit to employ to defeat the illegal attempts of
uncalled for and unauthor zed reformers. Since the
late sanguinary scenes in Paris, the French Cabinet
appears to have become sensible that bounds must
be set to the intrigues of a party which desires to
overthrow all existing relations ; it seems to per-
ceive that it is no less necessary for the maintenance
of the new dynasty in France than for the German
states and Princes to put an end to the revolutionary
intrigues in Germany. It has issued a note in
which it declares that the measures to be adopted
either by the Diet, or by the several German Go-
vernments, against the demagogues will meet with
no further disapprobation on its part ; that, on the
contrary, it must be agreeable to every govern-
ment, and to it (the French Government) in
particular, to be relieved from the state of con-
tinual anxiety an uncertainty in which they were
placed by the doctrines and attempts of those per-
sons. The note is said to declare that it would
give great pleasure at Paris to see the intentions
of the German Princes crowned by a successful
result, because nt this moment the preservation of
tranquillity clvefly depends on the internal situation of
Germany, where a focus for all the discontented is
beginning to be formed, and where, by a longer
continuance of the abuse of the Press, by a longer
toleration of dangerous assemblies and associations,
there would be reason, sooner or later, to expect an
explosion which might plunge all Europe into ruin.
The French Government, therefore, wishes that the
agitators in Germany may be be proceeded against
in the most energetic mariner, and by common con-
sent ; at the same time the Court of the Tuileries
intimated to the other Courts how difficult it is to
establish order and security in France, so long as
such dangerous elements are at work unrestrained in
Germany, and the sprit of discontent is systemati-
cally maintained and propagated in that country. In
one word, the French Government itself calls for
measures to repress the liberals, and sees things now
in a very different light, though it so lately protested
against resolutions and measures adopted by the
Governments in concert with each other, and pre-
tended to see in them an indirect hostility of the
German Governments towards the institutions
originating the French revolution of July. It is
now very different,—a proof that the Government
of Louis-Philippe has gained strength at some by the
late events, and has nothing to fear from without,
since it renounces the apprehensions which it lately
entertained.

VIEN'SA, JUNE 19.—Five per Cents., 87 7-16 ;
Four per cents., 77; Bank SliareF, 1,140.—.411-
gemeine Zeitung, June 24.

POLAND.

(From the Times.)
The striking and damning manifesto voted by the Polish
Diet in December, 1830, has been translated as an appeal
to the civilize,l world against Russia ; and in the same
pamphlet wbitilr contains it is subjoined an address of the
Polish refugees in France to the British House of Com-
mons. This is a document which no Englishman can
read untouched. It is one which no body of men affect-
ing to represent the British nation can dare to disregard.
It is one so founded i❑ reason, as well as inspired by
patriotism and virtue, that no European Statesman will
refuse it his deep and diligent meditation. We present it
here entire:—

ADDRESS OF THE POLISH REFUGEES IN FRANCE TO THE
HOUSE OF COMMONS OF GREAT BRITAIN, DATED
MAY 29, 1832.
" The Poles, driven from their country, and dispersed
all over the continent of Europe, appeal to the represen-
tatives of the people of Great Britain, not to crave their
pity, but to claim their rights—the rights of nations and
of humanity, which Europe suff-red despots for the last
sixty years to violate with impunity, and which Poland
struggled sixty years to vindicate, protesting all the while
against a political crime. and against every attempt having
for its object to annihilate the independence of a popula-
tion of 20,000,000 of souls. Wh,n Napoleon's sway ex-
tended over Europe, Mackintosh said, that ' England was
the last refuge of liberty.' We maintain that it is so still.
Driven towards the west, exposed every where to persecu-
tion, we call upon the representatives of the British nation
to decide whether the crime of the partition of Poland shall
ever remain unexpiated, and whether free Europe shall
sanction the power in despots to cancel from the map of
Europe such a country, to annihilate its independence, and
even to deprive it of existence, after it has held during ten
centuries a distinguished rank among nations.

" Poland, at its admission into the family of Christian
powers, was formed by the union of neighbouring nations.
Neither compulsion or conquest presided at their organi-
zation into a republic; it was the result of their own free
will. Moreover, that republic, free from ambition, never
waged war but to defend its own existence, and to shield
Europe against the irruption of despots and their savage
hordes. In 1241, Polish valour crushed the power of the
Tartats, at the memorable battle near Lignitz. In 1683
John Sobieski destroyed the Osmanlie, who threatened
Vienna, and were preparing chains for the whole of
Europe. The same Poland maintained incessant conflicts,
for the purpose of drivin back or stopping the Muscovites,
who have at last accomplished their projects of invasion,
and pitched their tents in the very heart of Europe.
" Thus did the Polish nation, in all its ware, merely
confine itself to the defence of its territory and unprotect-
ed frontiers, and never attempted to encroach upon the
rights of others. The stranger setting his foot upon Po-
lish ground was protected in his person and property, and
enjoyed the tree exercise of his religious worship. The
produce of the rich soil of Poland was sent in profusion
to all parts of civil zed Europe, with which she lived in
peace and harmony. Poland was the first nation in nor-
thern Europe which possessed political rights, the liberty
of the press, religious freedom, and security ofs person
and property. Her institutions rested on the great prin-
ciple of the sovereignty of the people; and the legislat►ve,
executive, and judicial powers of the State, were conferreo
by popular election. Poland never kept up permanent
armies, her Kings were not allowed to levy or raise taxes,
and the people nad secured to themselves the right of rt-
sisting usurpation and oppression.
" But the neighbours of Poland envied her prosperity.
They rested their rights on rapine and conquest, and sup-
ported their authority by violence. They coalesced to sat
the foundation of every principle different from their own
and in order to overthrow the Polish republic, they hat:
recourse to all sorts of intrigue, treachery, and corruption.
Poland soon became aware of the infamous machinations
of her neighbours; but the confederates of Bar, after b
long and memorable struggle, were worsted in their efforts
to defeat them. The three co-invading powers deluged
the country with their troops, insisted on obtaining an
indemnity for their unjust aggression, and alleging th,
most wily pretences, they allowed to each other a porti, n
of Poland, and gave the worl t an example unheard of till
then, by the first partitive of PM. This political crin.e

'b `r

'
I

ea% moreover, accompanied by cruelties and barbarities
of the most shocking nature; and, finally, the represen
tatives of the Diet of 1773 were compelled to sign the
treaty of partition.
" Poland, thus curtailed and oppressed, was unremitting
io her efforts to recover her independence and reform her
institutions. Encouraged at the time by Great Britain,
,he undertook with redoubled confidence the work of her
regeneration. In the course of the first four years, her
Legislature framed the Constitution of the 31 of May,
1791, which was grounded on the principles of her former
institutions, and obtained the approbation of the enlight•
ened political writers of Great Britain, who praised its
moderation and wisdom. Poland naturally prided herself
on the interest taken by England in her cause, and now
that she is abandoned to her own fate, she renews her
expectations from Gri at Britain. The neiehbours of our
republic, uniting violence to treason, had the audacity to
assert that our institutions were anarchical, jacobinical,
and contagious ; and seeing no better mode of remedying
those evils, .ins restoring happiness and tranquillity to her
peopl-, than by sir iitening the limits of the republic, they
then jointly invaded it a second time, and perpetrated the
partition of 1793.
" The liberty of discussion was violated in the most
revolting manner at Grodno, in 1793, in order to silence
the members of the assembly, arid to extort their consent
to this second partition. Poland, indignant at so much
shame and atrocity, took up arms under the immortal
Kosciusko; hut her noble efforts again proved unsuccess-
ful : the last crime of the three neighbouring Powers was
then committed, and the ancient republic, torn to pieces,
disappeared from the map of Europe. Those successive
partitions of Poland subverted the system of the European
states; they checked the progress of the emancipation of
the people, by considerably increasing the material force
of the depotic powers ; they were the cause of a long,
difficult, and bloody struggle for independence and political
liberty in the West; they gave birth to a new system,
contrary to public right and justice ; they afforded addi-
tional power to despo-a to turn to their ova profit the an-
nihilation of the independence and exlatence of nations;
they enabled them to interfere in the domestic aff Ors of
other states; and, under the pretence of benefiting the
people, and curbing the spirit of rebellion, they overturned
and dewroyed the liberty or 20,000,000 Poles. It wes
then that the str ggle between the two principles begare......
a struggle which, after having brougst on the dismember-
anent or Poland, ought to end by her comple re-establish-
ment, which is the only measure capable of securing liberty
against the violence of despotism.
" The very day of tire fa 1 of Poland, the nation began to
vindicate its rights. In her anxiety to profit, in every
part of the globe, of all possible means to recover her in-
dependence, she joined her fate with th at of France,
which she supposed to he engaged in a struggle for liberty.
Polish emigrants have fallen in the four parts of the
world, fighting the battles of the French, and the death
of 200,000 at them proved to France and to the world
their inviolable attachment to their national cause. They
imagined that the hers of the age, who so often led his
eagles to victory, was the Messiah who was to accom-
plish their patriotic hopes. He conducted them trium-
phantly, in 1807, to their country; established the
Grand Duchy of Warsaw, which was a mere shadow of
ancient Poland ; secured to Lithuania and Volhynia the
enjoyment of a momentary independence (1812) ; and at
the same time that he refused to sanction the late par-
titions, Ire perpetrated and signed new ones. Thus he
yielded to Russia, in 1807 and 1809, the province of
Bialystock and the circle of Tarnopol, allowed Prussia and
Austria to preserve some of their usurped provinces in
Poland, and even wrested from the Poles those which
they had conquered at the expense of their blood, in the
glorious campaign of ISO 9.
" The sixth partition of Poland was decreed seventeen
years ago, by the Congress of Vienna. Austria and
Prussia took possession of a part of the Grand Duchy of
Warsaw, and the remainder passed under the Russian
yoke, with the title of kingdom. It was natural that this
should have been the case, since the fate of Poland was
left to the decision of the three Powers, who had joined
during many years for its annihil ition. What other re-
sult, but a new dismemberment of a fallen nation, could be
expecteo from their delieerations ? Nevertheless, in the
language of diplomacy, it was called the teworation of Po-
land, and said to be fully calculated to satisfy the wants of
the Polish nation. But the Pole who fought for his
country could not be induced to think so.
‘• Tire Republic formerly contained about 12,880 Polish
square miles, and 20,000,000 of inhabitants. Poland,
as it was formed by the treaty of Vienna, separated and
removed from the seas and mountains which once consti-
tuted its natural limits, scarcely consisted of one-fitth of
ancient Poland. Prussia now owns 1,000 square miles,
and 2,000,000 of her inhabitants; Austria, 1,500 square
miles, and 4,000,000 of her inhabitants; Russia, 8,000
square miles, and 9,400,000 inhabitants; the tree city of
Cracow 120,000 inhabitants. The late kingdom merely
comprised 2,300 square miles, with less than 4,000,000
of s ruts ; and even this was annexed to Russia.
" We shall not attempt to draw the picture of the suf-
ferings which the nation has had to endure in that new
condition. The manifesto of the Diet, dated December
20, 1830, has proclaimed them to the world. It showed
bow the Russian autocrat, so tar from having fulfilled tle
conditions of the treaty, to the observance of which he
was strictly bound, has shamelessly violated them all ; and
the same manifewo held up to the world the inalienable
rights of a nation which has never ceased to vindicate
teem. The recorded sentiments of Pitt and Fox, on the
subject of Poland, are in perfect accordance with our
wishes and with our rights. Rely tin your patriotism,'
said Fox, 'on your energy, end on the spirit of the times,
and you will succeed in establishing your liberty and in-
dependence.' ' You cannot prevent their swallowing you,
hinted the Geneva philosopher, Jean-Jacques Rousseau,
' but contrive at least that they shall not digest you.' The
revolution of the 29th of November cle lay strewed that
+he na,ion relied on its own strength, and was able to
burst its fetters. Though 6,000,000 of Poles, placed un-
der the dominion of Prussia and Austria, were compelled
by an unfortunate policy to remain quiet, yet thousands of
them overcame every obstacle, to join their brothers in their
struggle far liberty. The insurrection which tnanilested
itself on the banks of the Vistula, in the kingdom permitted
by the Congress, was an appeal to the whole nation to take
part fur the common cause. This appeal was responded
to in Lithuania, as well as in the most distant provinces
of Old Poland, where thousands simultaneously rose with-
out arms and ammunition ; they being the one and the
same nation, protesting against a partition renewed at the
Congress of Vienna, and calling for the entire re-esta-
blishinent of Poland. The sacred fire, which it was long
turbid to kindle on the altars of the country, burnt se
cretly in the hearts of virtuous men, united in one com-
mon sentiment. The nation only awaited a favourable
opportunity to rise and shake off the yoke ; and even in
this disastrous period, ready again to fly to arms, they
trust, Representatives of Great Britain, that you will
afford them that opportunity.
" To you we appeal in our misfortune ; a free nation
may reasonably found its hopes on the support and alliance
of another free nation, Great Britain has carried to the
remotest pars of the globe the blessines of civiliz tri in,
which she knows how to defend. In her Legislature, men
are always found disposed to plead the cause of humanity ;
to England belongs the glory of having abolished the
odious man-trade ; it behoves her to-day to put an end to
the far more odious traffic of nations.
" Killing a man--loading biin with irons—is a crime in
our social institutions. Can there be a greater outrage
against humanity than that of attempting the liberty and
independence of a whole nation, dismembering it, annex-
ing it to other nations differ, nt from it in manners, lan-
;,uage, and government, loading it with chains, and doom
ing it to extermination ? The vocabulary of human in-
stitutions does not contain an appropriate expression to
qualify so atrocious a clime. Poland fell, nevertheless, a
victim to such a crime, which is not likely to satiate Rus-
sian despotism.
" The Cabinet of St. Petersburgh extends its views
much further. Faithful to its system of conquest, it
pluses itself at the head of every alliance which has for its
object the extinction of the liberty and independence of
mankind. Triumphant on the banks of the Danube,
Russia could easily overthrow the Ottoman empire ; vic-
arious in Persia, and the countries bordering on the
Caspian Sea, she will extend her lett to the East Indies,
arid threaten the colonies of Great Britain ; once Poland
annihilated, she commands, we may say, the rest of the
continent of Europe. The preponderancy which Russia
ias acquired in the Baltic and Black Sea will enable her to
xe ude the produce of British manufactures from the
ountries bathed by those seas. Exercising all over
:he continent, through her Embassies and Legations,
he same power she possessed in Poland at the time
f its decline, her despotism and pernicious influence
,re felt in all the States of Europe, both large and
wail. She sows discord and disaffection every where,
lebases in the eyes of the people the Gov-rnments
oo subservient to her wishes, destroys their liberal
nstitutions, and disposes at pleasure of the liberty
E individuals.interfering on behali
:f Poland, twiceGremeatt Britain,
wit with an
in n
insulting
refusal from
ire ambitious Cabinet of St. Petersburgh, in 1789, as
veil as in 1815, when Russia scornfully rejected the ener-
etie dement, made by England, for the absolute lode
endence of Poland, which Great Britain considered as
onlyne
means of checking the progressive encroachmen's
of the power of Ruseia. On this occasion the autocrat

,gain showed how little he valued British interference.
lbe Congress of Vienna disposed of the fate of nations in
favour of the three despotic Courts. The people who
contributed so strenuously to :Napoleon's downfall, derived
uo real benefit from their decisions. Great Britain wasted
her blood and treasures fur the sole advantage of the Holy
Alliance. States and dominions were allotted to Kings,
who were dispossessed of their thrones, but the rights of
the people were openly disregarded. The treaty of the
Congress of Vienna is not binding on the outraged peo-
ple, neither did it bind the oppressed and persecuted Po-
lish nation. The high mission of Great Britain, at this
moment, is to plead the cause of nations.

" The revolution of July in France—the establishment
of the kingdom of Belgium—the insurrection of Greece—
the conquests of Russia over the Turks—the conduct of
the Russian Emperors towards Poland, both before and
after the revolution of the 29th of November, 1830, have,
de jure et de facto, annulled the treaty of 1815. The
Polish revolution was the commencement of the bloody
contest between despotism and liberty. Every good
Pole,' says the manifesto of the Diet, who shall fall in
the field, will have died with the consolation of having
saved for a moment the liberties of Europe, if Heaven
does not grant him the satisfaction of rescuing his own
country from bondage.'
" When commencing a struggle which lasted during ten
months, the Poles were persuaded that policy and humanity
would induce the Powers of Europe to interfere in their be-
N-vertheless, those Powers remained silent. The three
neighbouring Monarchs, acting in concert, succeeded, either
by open war, or by secret and hostile manoeuvres and in-
trigues, in paralysing and defeat►ng our efforts, and nobody
has since thought of paying the debt contracted towards
Poland. I•t vain did the National Government endeavour to
unravel, through its diplomatic agents, the mysteries of the
Cabinets : a profound silence, or deceitful promises, stifled
the sympathy of the people ; the time went by, and we
were overpowered. We alone entertain a hope, a cer-
tainty, that Poland shall not perish as long as we live,'
and that ere long it shalt be restored to its ancient state of
p •wer, liberty, and independence. Our motto, horn
Shakspeare, To be, or not to be,' shows our firm de-
termination to ac :omprish the object we have proposed to
ourselves. It is with that intention we now claim the
protection of the people of Great Britain, and their repre-
sentitiv.s. We are ready to undergo the most trying
hardships and suff rings, and to make the greatest sacri-
fices, to re conquer our independence, and restore our
country to its Fri•nitiee state. The efforts we have made
for the last sixty years we set forth as our title to the
interest of tile representatives of Great Britain, at a moment
when the liberty of mankind is in danger, and requires their
attention and particular solicitude.
" Signed by 1,622 S•nators, Deputies, Generals, and
ether public functionaries of Poland.
" Conformably to the original—
" VALERIAN PIETKIEWICZ."
" The Secretary of the Polish National Committee.

PRIVATE COR E S PON DENCE.

(From the Morning Herald.)

PARIS, JUNE 29, Six O'CI.vCK, F.M.

‘' If you have tears prepare to shed them now."

The Court of Cassation has just pronounced the incom-
potency of Courts-martial to take cognizance of offences
cominitted by individuals not included in the description
" military pers,ni,." The stage of siege must in conse-
quence be raised
Equally inevitable is deemed the retirement of the able
Ministers who, without first ascertaining its legality, ad-
vised that soothing—merciful—humane—wise—just and
constitutional measure. No more shall Colonel

although the godson of the Citizen King, and although
he served ten years in the Cents• Suisses (Infantry Body
Guards) of Louis XVIII. and Charles X., decide upon
the fate of old women, school-boys, market-porters, and
and er.:zy half-pay officers, taken with arms, or with
nothing but their fists in their hands. Ah ! woe is me !
The " state of siege is over."
When the decree of the Court of Cassation annulling the
p roceedings before the Councils of War was pronounced
this evening (I drop badinage) the enthusiasm of the
crowded audience who heard it knew no bounds. Cheers,
shouts, and cries of " Vive la Cour de Cassation!" rent
the air. These announced to the thousands assembled in
the outer hall the victory of the Constitution. Tears of
joy, such as I saw shed on the evening of the 29th of
July, 1830, glitt, red in the eyes of the delighted crowd,
and mutual embraces proved the rapture felt at the triumph
of consiiintional principles. You are told that the com-
mon people if Par s, viewed the state of siege with apathy,
and that the shopkeepers contemplated it with complacency.
I assure you, neverheless, that the snob assembled in the
Place de la Palais de Justice responded to the cheers of
the crowd in the Salle des pas perdus,* when the decree
of the Court of Caseation was pronounced, and they sepa.
rated for their respective quarters, singing with more of
real spirit than I have witnessed since the time whe❑ the
King was in the practice of jai ning in it, the eternal chorus
of the Parisienne

" Marchon Marchons! contre leur cannon!"
Of the feelings 01 the shopkt,epers the following observa-
tions of a National Guard—one of those who fought
air oust the rioters on the sth and 6th instant—will afford
you a fair specimen, for I pledge myself for its accuracy :
—" 'Tis abominable ! What have they been committing ?
Nothing but illegalities. Was it for those that we con-
tended? No! 0 iillnn B irrot give it them in style.
The truth coming from such a man .vas irresistible," &c.
I feel that I am excited by the subject, so shall abandon
it for the present.
Satnrd iy, June 30.

The sta'Le of siege is over. The Illoniteur of this day
contains a report of M Montalivet recommending its
recall, and in compliance with it the Royal Oidinance for
that papist.. The vine and language of Al. de Alontali-
vet are olorous to criticis.n ; hut this is no time for com-
ments. Events dem ind all our att.•ntion.

The rumoured displ.astire of Marshal Sault, and the
alleged (characteristic) brusquerie of his manner towards
the King Citizen, I am unable to vouch—hut I know that
amon2 his friends the tenacity with which that truly great
Ciptain has held on to office is viewed—not as a proof of
the Marshal's love of place and power, but ,f his profes-
sional enthusiasm—of his hearf-lt conviction that war is
probable, and of his laudable, uneztinguishab!e desire that
France should possess the means of entering upon one with
a chance of succe-s. To others, it is said, belong to
the horrors of " the state of siege," from which we have
been delivered :—in the glory of creating the finest army
of 412,000 men that ever fought, M irshal Sault has no
participation.

How providential that your Reform Bill has passed !
You have time to attend to your foreign relations, and to
the assertion and maintenance of your influence abroad.
The mission of Lord Durham can hare hut one object—
to obtain mercy, and, I trust, something more fur the
Poles. In your service 200,000 Poles bled not; yet you will
extort for them, from their cruel conqueror, justice. This
is worthy of England. Fraying, as I assume, formed th ,t
resolution, how provid,ntial your choice of time ! The
urger of the juste-milieu and its detestable system in
France, was still believed to promise longevity when you
adopted the determination to interfere on behalf of ago-
nised Poland. You have thus taken what is called here
" the initiative," and with it for ever assumed the envi-
able anti all-important position formerly occupied. (Hea-
ven only knows how) by France. The destinies—the
liberties—the happiness of continental Europe, are in
your bands. Laus Deo !—England will not abuse her
power.
Every lover of peace and freedom is in ecstacy at these
two great events—the overthrow of the juste-milien (for
it is believed to have been overthrown), and the mission
of Lord Durham, which we fondly flatter ourselves has
the object just referred to. I confess, at the same time, that
some (with the timid I shall call
tliem
de
connected
reason-
ing,.—" Russia is arrogant, and may be contumacious.
i
)ge of
' t"
with this belief,is founded on this reason-
k to recover some portion of the influence which, by the
/n ultra-liberal Government in France would naturally
see
conduct of their rredecessors, France has forfeited (I think
for ever) on the European Contimmt. War is, therefore,
probable." You will receive this argument for what it is
worth. I shall only assure you that it represents the
feeling and the conviction of a very large and a very tern-
nerate class of Parisian speculators.
The defeat of the juste-milieu may possibly produce
their instantaneous ejecti,,n from office ; but it is more
probable th it the Guizots, the Tillers, the Montalivets, the
Girods de l'Ain, the Royer Collards, the Salvadis, have too
much influence, or are too high in favour with the King
to warrant the belief that those among them who are in
office will retire without a struggle. When we recollect,
however, that your Wellingtons, and Lyndhursts, and
Baring., failed in England to construct a Ministry who
could reckon on the success of the parties I have mentioned
in a similar undertaking ? They m iy, I admit, continue in
power until the Chambers shall have pronounced on their
fate, an opportunty fur which will, very early in the Session,
wise out of a motion fur their impeachment. It would
e going too far, however, to assert that, although
chat motion may be negatived, they will, nevertheless, in
all other respects, inherit the favour of the Chamber which
their leader died possessed of. I know that Marshal
Sault, General Sebastiani, and Admiral De Rigby are ne-
cessarily mixed up in the formal guilt of advising the late
illegal ortionnance, but not in the estimation of the public.
The Westminster Hall of Paris—to which the above signi-
ficant title is given—" The Hall of the lost footsteps."

~ + `r ~ ~tea`

Messrs. Montalivet, Girod de I'Aain, and D'Ar-
zout, are those on whom the charge is said to rest. Baron
Louis is not mentioned. We shall soon see how much
truth there is in these rumours, for the Chambers are!
about to be immediately convoked.
The reason suggested for this extraordinary degree of,
haste in calling together the Legislature of France, is, that
Ministers may be able, before the affections of the Depu-
ties for the founder of the Ministry shall have cooled, to
command the support of the majority in their Chamber,
which was ever at the service of M. Casimir Perier. Ir
doing this, they act wisely, but without calculating on the
possibility of their conviction in case of impeachment.—
They are said to have little chance of being able to ensure
to themselves the continuance of the unbounded confidence
and support which their late leader had the address to
secure at the hands of the Deputies.

Three o'clock.

We have no foreign news. The general prevailing im-
pression is, however, that war is more probable than at
any recent period. I ought to add, at the same time,
that no ground for this apprehension is stated, beyond
what you will have found in the above. The fall in the
Fund., which up to this hour has taken place, is, however,
more to be attributed to the state of public feeling respect-
ing the decision of the Court of Cassation. The troops
are ordered not to quit their barracks, and the drummers
of the National Guards to be in constant attendance at
their respective municipalities, in order to be at hand to
beat the rappel, should any tutnu't occur. Such an event
is not likely for yet four weeks more. The precaution is
ordered in consequence of the illumination of last night.

MAGAZINE DAY.

TAIT'S EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.

This is a jewel of a number, compared to
which all the former ones are as Bristol dia-
monds. There is a strength and heartiness in
its feelings, a soundness in its opinions, and a
grace and vivacity in its style, which deserve all
the praise we can bestow on it. It is essen-
tially, in the strictest acceptation of the term,
a popular Magazine, that is to say, a Magazine
written by, and for, the people. Blackwood's,
on the contrary, is written to console and cheer
the leisure hours of those astute politicians
whom Schedule A has crushed to atoms. It is
pretty summer reading for Mr. Croker, and
such small deer. The very first passage in the
very first page of Tait's present number has ar-
rested our attention, as it will doubtless that of
our readers. It commences an article entitled—
" The Tories, the Whigs, and the Court."

"There ate no men in the world comparable tothe Tories,
in resignation, excepting always the resignation of places
for which they are by no means remarkable. The Ca-
tholic Relief Bill was pronounced by the sage Eldon, the
extinguisher of the sun of England. Religion was to
cease with it; idolatry to begin. The Pope was to take
possession of Lambeth Palace ; O'Connell to seize the
Crown ; and martyrs to be broiled in Smithfield. But
hold : let us not falsify the prophets—it was not O'Con-
nell who was to seize the Crown, but the Duke of Wel-
lington, then charged with keeping George the Fourth in
duresse in Windsor Castle, for designs of a the loftiest
and the most atrocious ambition,' in which he was said
to be seconded by the arch•apostate end arch•traitor Peel.
Who can forget that memorable day, when one Mr. Ma-
comb set off for Windsor, with the orthodoxy of the em-
pire in a glass coach, and the hope of comforting and en-
couraging the enthralled Monarch to save the faith and
the Constitution ! But even that grand effort failed ; the
champions of Protestantism took nothing but the dust of
the road by their motion, and the faith and the Constitu-
tion were in due course destroyed. Yet the Tories sur-
vived ; and what is stranger still, three short years after
the utter demolition of the faith and the Constitution, they
took to themselves the name of the Conservative Party, and
set at their head the destroyers Wellington and Peel.
When we look back to the vaticinations of 1829, it is in-
conceivable what the Conservatives of the last year can
have proposed to preserve. H .ving bewailed the ruin of
all things, whet pretext had they for concerning them-
selves de quibusdam aliis in peril. But this is their
genius. One day they cry all is lost, and the next mo-
ment they are full of zeal to preserve. Before the passing
of the Reform Bill, chaos would follow it. Instant anar-
chy and revolution were in its train. A wild democracy
was to sweep away property and institutions. Nothing,
it was affirmed, could stem the devastating rush of those
most dangerous of human beings, the ten-pound house-
holders. But hardly had the Bill become law, before we
had again occasion to admire the resigned mood, the ac-
commodating temper of the Tories, who, instead of reckon-
ing on the coining together of heaven and earth, coolly
began to speculate on the next election, and to promise
themselves all sorts of advantage from it. Instead of sup
posing, now, that the new law must prove a besom of
destruction, they calculate on making it a very convenient
tool fur their peculiar purposes."

" The Bank Chatter" is a sound paper,
wholly of a practical character. Of the " Land
of Castes" it is enough to say, that it is by the
author of the "Corn Law Rhymes," to prove that
it is stern and impassioned in its tone of thought
and sentiment. " Mrs. Gore's Fair of May
Fair" is a general notice of the sketchy novels
of a smart but overrated authoress. " Society
in England" is the production of a man (perad-
venture woman) who well understands that odd
mixture of impertinence, assumption, talent,
sense, and self-humiliation which goes hereby the
outrj name of " good Society." The essay, we
perceive, is to be continued. So much the better;
sarcasm in this instance assumes the sacred na-
ture of a duty. " The Spring Day" is a charm-
ing little poem, sunny as May (not last May).
and as full of promise as this first day of
July. Life of John Bull" is a close imita-
tion of Arbuthnot's delightful allegory. But
where is the simplicity, the force, the pertinent
but subdued satire of the original ? Alas, it is
nowhere to be met. " The Undying One" is
an exquisite little snatch of arch humour. Punch
is the great " Undying," the hero of the essay,
and Mr. Leigh Hunt, we suspect, the bestower
of his immortality. At any rate the paper is
very much in that gentleman's sprightly style.
" Irish Yeomanry" is as dull and commonplace
as its subject. But he must be a wit of tran-
scendant genius indeed, who can derive anything
brilliant or striking from his recollections of an
" The Maid of Elvar" does
orange yeoman !
justice, in a generous spirit, to Allan Cunning-
ham's latest poem. " The Decline and Fall of
the Pitt system" is worthy the reader's strictest
attention.