The Sun.
London, England, 1832-03-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TIIE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

It would have been better for Greece, and better
too for humanity, if that country had remained under
the Turkish power, instead of being placed under the
yoke of the more insidious and malignant barbarism
of Russia. If the battle of Navarino were not fought
to secure the independence of Greece, it was not
only one of the most unjust, but one of the most
senseless acts of massacre on the part of England
and France that was ever committed in the world.
By that battle those two Powers joined in the de-
struction of the naval strength of Turkey for no
other apparent purpose, as far as is yet seen, than to
increase that ascendancy which renders the ambi-
tious despotism of Russia formidable to the peace of
both the Eastern and Western world. It is true that
Turkey had assisted in her own conquest by cutting
off the right arm of her military force—the Janissa-
ries ; but she could not have been so easily subju-
gated if England and France had not, contrary to
their obvious interests, united with the Muscovite
Government to annihilate her naval power. Thus
the deep-laid treachery of Russia procured the de-
struction of the chief military and maritime
strength of her ancient rival before she poured
her savage hordes over the Balkan, to seize the
prize for which she had contended for centuries,
and which not her own prowess, so much as the
weakness and folly of other States, delivered into
her hands. If we had not thus assisted Russia in
destroying Turkey she could not have so easily opened
herself a way into the East, by breaking down the
Persian barrier on that side, nor removed the check
to her schemes of military aggrandisement in Europe,
by heating down the Polish barrier on the other.
In the mean time, mindful of the promotion of her
interests in the South, and coveting the naval re-
sources of Greece and the maritime stations on the
Meditterranean, she has, while keeping our Foreign
Minister engaged in the foolery of the Belgic pro-
tocols, and in the solemn farce of settling the dis-
putes with Holland, which she never intended to
have settled but according to her own arbitrary will
and pleasure—she has, we say, while keeping our
Foreign Minister engaged in those matters, been
straining every ne, ve of wily policy and tyrannic
force to get Greece completely under her own pos-
session and control. Had we not some time ago
to call the attention of the British Parliament and
the public to the monstrous circumstance of the
Russian Admiral demanding the assistance of the
English and French naval commanders in the
Archipelago, to enable him to effectually blockade
and finally reduce the island of Hydra, where a
handful of brave men had raised the standard of re-
volt against the tyranny of Capo d'lstrias, and gal-
lantly struggled for the liberties of Greece ? Whether
our ships had really given the Russian fleet any suc-
cour before the news reached England we know not;
but, supposing even that they did not, yet it is dif-
ficult to excuse our Government for the criminal
supineness which it displayed while the Russian
myrmidon, Capo d'lstrias, was indefatigably engaged
in the work of intrigue and civil slaughter—pre-
paring the chains for Greece that would bind her
spirit down to worse than the debasement of Otto-
man bondage. The designs of Russia were inter-
rupted, though not put down, by the unforeseen
event of the act of tyrannicide which immolated
Capo d'lstrias on the altar of national revenge.
But his brother was allowed to step into his seat.
With all the inclination possible to serve the views of
the Northern Autocrat, he has not the abilities, such
as they were, of the deceased President. He is
found incapable of coping with the growing spirit
of Greek resistance. Hence Russia, which is not
yet prepared to throw off the mask, and seize on
Greece by open force, as she did on Poland, has
contrived another scheme to assist her ambitious de-
signs. Hence has Prince Otho of Bavaria been
proposed for the throne, because Russia thinks that
will lull the jealousy of the other Powers : and the
Prince being but a boy, she expects during his mi-
nority so to settle matters as to be able to establish
her own influence on a firm foundation, and to dis-
miss the German substitute for a King when conve-
nient. Will England assist in this project after her
experience of Russian good faith in her Belgic ne-
goci a t ons ?—eibreing Herald.

A long discussion took place last night on the
question for enfranchising Gateshead. An amend-
ment was moved by Col. Wood and seconded by
Lord James Stuart, to substitute Merthyr Tydvil
(now nrCred to Cardiff) for Gateshead. It may
be true, as was stated by the supporters of the
amendment, that Merthyr Tydvil is a more im-
portant place than Gateshead. It is, indeed, the
chief seat of the iron manufacture of the kingdom,
and the centre of a populous district, itself contain-
ing a population of 24,000. Perhaps it would have
been better to have given a separate franchise to
Merthyr Tydvil as well as Gateshead, for both are
places of importance, though the former be the
more important. But the Reform Bill is not a
measure which can fairly be tried by the test of an
uniform principle. Ministers have to steer their
way as well as they can between the shoals in their
course presented by existing interests of various
kinds. Of course the Opposition will lay hold of
all apparent inconsistencies, and make the most of
them ; and pretended Reformers will, in like man-
ner, fasten on such inconsistencies, in order, by
swelling the numbers of the Opposition in a divi-
sion, to encourage opposition to the Bill. The
Americans have an excellent plan for proceeding
under such circumstances. The leading individuals
agree in a private meeting as to the leading points,
and having agreed as to essentials, they then give
the measure all possible support. In like manner
the friends of Reform ought to have considered in
the outset whether the Bill, taken as a whole,
would be beneficial to the country, and having
arrived at the conclusion that it would, they
ought then to avoid, above all things, giving
such opposition to details as may endanger the
success of the whole. It may be easy to find
objections to parts of the Bill—and the opponents of
the Bill will naturally start objections; but these
very objectionable parts may be among the means
for ensuring the success of what is highly beneficial;
and the friends of the Bill ought to view them with
a liberal allowance, instead of swelling the ranks of
the Opposition. As for Lord Sandon, he is evi-
dently a wolf in sheep's clothing, and no friend to
Reform in his heart, and we expect to find him on
all occasions acting the part he has hitherto acted,
eagerly availing himself of every opportunity of ob-
jecting to the parts of the Bill, that the divisions
may appear to tell against Ministers. We have
long given him up and only regret that the Lord Chan-
cellor should have taken him up at the expense of a
better man. But why did Mr. Labouchere lend
himself to this silly policy ? Mr. Labouchere nay
be an independent Member, but he did not prove
himself a wise Member by joining Sir Charles We-
th'rell, Sir Robert Peel, and Mr. Croker. A mail
with good intentions should pause before he join in
any act which gives satisfaction to the enemies of
the people. They are now fighting a great Consti-
tutional battle, not discussing a Paving Act, or En-
closure Bill. In such a case let a Member remon-
strate with his own friends, but, above all things,
let him avoid -endangering the good' by a silly pre-
ference of details to large views. As far as results
are concerned, it matters little whether Merthyr
Tydvil or Gateshead be separately enfranchised ; but
it matters a great deal that the Bill should be car-
ried. The majority in favour of Ministers was 214
to 167, giving 47. A warm scene occurred be-
tween Mr. Ewart and Mr. Croker. Strangers
to Mr. Croker, when they read the following
passage
of his speech-," I.Vould the lion. Gentle-
man take this lesson from him—to learn to scorn
low insinuations, and mean and calumnious sarcasms"
—might be apt to picture to themselves a bluff
gentleman of the old English stamp, open and in-
genuous to excess, and erring only in excess of can-
dour and milkiness of disposition. It might astonish
them to learn that this enemy to calumnious sarcasm
never, perhaps, in his whole life, wrote or spoke a
sentence of which the object was not to give pain
to some human being. His sarcasm, we allow, is
keen, but the gall predominates too much in it to

t Pim" A "oat ittif of • • - - -
allow it to give unmingled pleasure to third parties.
No man, wiho ever listened to any of his sarcasms,
whatever he might think of their cleverness, would
wish to be the author of them. It is an exhibit:on
which calls to mind the throwing vitriol on the face
of an opponent to destroy him.-31orn. Chronicle.

On the sth of November last, Lord Goderich
sent a circular despatch to the Governors of our
different slave colonies, with the most peremptory
orders to proclaim the Order in Council of the 2d
of the same month. The West India Committee
in London drew up remarks at the time on the
despatch, a considerable portion of which we insert
in our columns this day. It appears, from the fol-
lowing extract from a letter from Demerara of Ja-
nuary 12, that the Order will be resisted:—
. DEMERARA, JAN. I`2•—The Order (in Council), it
appears, is to be published in to-night's Gazette. It was
not till the day before yesterday that a copy reached those
most deeply interested in its operation, although printed
remarks upon part of it by the Committee in London bad
been received here some time ago. Having obtained a
copy of that order, the Colonial Members of the Court
of Policy yesterday waited upon the Governor to know
what his intentions were regarding it; when they were
informed that the orders for its publication were
peremptory, no option being left to him ; and that
he deeply regretted that it was so, being perfectly
sensible of the evil tendency of the measure. Find-
ing this to be the case, the gentlemen presented a me-
morial, or rather a strong remonstrance or protest,
against its being passed into a law, and, I am informed,
assured the General that they would all, individually and
collectively, oppose the Order heing carried into effect; in
which they will no doubt be joined and supported by the
whole community. The Colonial Members of the Com-
bined Court, which meets annually in February, for the
purpose of granting the usual supplies for the year, are
determined not to grant a shilling. Thus the matter at
present stands. When anything further is gone into, I
shall inform you."
We shall in the Chronicle of to-vnorrow enter
more at length into this subject. In the mean time
we cannot help remarking that the Committee have
shown, in the clearest manner, that the borough-
mongering system of this Government has pressed
most heavily on them of late years. Behold the
_ .

fruits of Aristocracy !—of the necessity of providing
for cadets of noble families, who cannot earn their
livelihood by their industry or talents :
..

"6 In Trinidad the expenditure in 1894 was 37,587/.
In 1827 54,015
In St. Lucia the expenditure in 1884 5,380
In 1830 10,7:0
In Demarara the expenditure in 18113 --. 42,857
In 1830 70,43"
This increase has taken place, while the ability to
pay has been greatly diminished. Grenada, with the
same population as Trinidad, pays only 16,9401.;
but then Grenada is a chartered colony, and the lo-
custs from this country were thus prevented from
devouring it.—Morning Chronicle.
We give this day the conclusion of the Observe.
tions of the West Indian Committee on Lord Gode-
rich's Circular Dispatch of the sth NOvember last,
transmitting the Older of the 2d November. From
the tone of these observations, the effect to be pro-
duced by the Order in Council, and Circular Dis-
patch on the Slave Colonies of the Crown, may be
easily anticipated. It will be seen that the Go-
vernment and the Colonies are at issue on almost
every article of the Order in Council. On one
point it strikes us that Lord Goderich—from the
best of motives, no doubt—has laid down a rule in-
compatible with the law of the Colonies. Slaves
are chattel. by the laws of the Colonies, and, as in
the case of all other property, property is to be
inferred from possession. Lord Goderich has, how-
ever, thrown the proof of property on the possessor.
In this country, where all are free, any limitation of
that freedom, through apprenticeship or otherwise,
must be proved. But in a slave colony, slavery is the
common condition, and by the law the possession of a
man is placed on precisely the same feoting as the
possession of a domestic animal. The colonists are,
therefore, exceedingly indignant that a Minister of
the Crown should, on his own responsibility, issue
an edict subversive of the existing law of the
Colonies in so essential a point. We fear that all
attempts to improve the condition of the slaves in
our Colonies will prove abortive. The slave owner
will always be jealous of the infringement of what
he calls his right, to make his property as available
to him as possible. One paragraph in his Lord-
ship's circular has been the subject of much ani.
madversion with the Weit Indians. " Whatever
property exists (says his Lordship), or has ever ex-
isted, in the Colonies, is the direct fruit of the labour
of the slaves. That their labour has never received
its due compensation, is matter of absolute certainty.
Slaves still bear, and have always borne, a high
price in the Colonies. Why is it that any man finds
it worth his while to purchase a labourer ? The
answer plainly is, because his labour is worth more
than the cost of the maintenance he is to receive.
The price paid is a fair criterion of the amount of
the wages which have been kept back, and of the
loss sustained by the labourer. I cannot be a party
to so gross an act of injustice as to refuse the slaves
from the property created at their expense, what-
ever may be required for their adequate protection."
It is impossible that the Colonists should ever sub-
scribe to a doctrine, which decrees the price of the
slave a fund from which the condition of the slave
may be improved. The consideration in purchasing
slaves is, whether their labour will return the market
rate of profit. Every deduction from this rate, on
the ground of the whole of the return being with-
held from the labourer, will be viewed by the Colo-
nists as an infringement of property. We hold
slavery in abomination, as being a state of things
utterly irreconcileable with justice; but it is for
this reason the Order in Council will fail. The
planters are quite aware of the nature of
their property, and foresee with sufficient clear-
ness, that the establishment of an efficient check
on their treatment of their slaves will be at the ex-
pense of their value as property. Resistance, there-
fore, may be confidently calculated on. The fol-
lowing extract from the Circular will show how
much more consideration is bestowed on the chil-
dren of the negroes than on the children of
the poor in England :—" Children under the age
of fourteen are required not to be worked more
than six hours daily. The remonstrant& against this
order state that children of ten years of age are ca-
pable of working as long at their employments as
adults. I cannot venture to adopt an opinion, of
which the practical effect would be, to subject chil-
dren of this tender age to the existing rule, which
requires only eight hours of continuous repose out
of the twenty-four. If, it is added, a child of ten
years be allowed the food of an adult, it is incon-
sistent to give it more repose. Every father of a
family—every keeper of a school—and every work-
house keeper—is, I believe, aware, that the appetite
of children is mature before their strength, and that
a boy will never attain manly vigour whose natural
cravings:for food are not satisfied. For the great
work of education, also, leisure would be certainly
wanting if such exertions were exacted from the
young." These observations are highly creditable
to the feelings of Lord Goderich; but were he to
apply them in the case of children in our factories,
what an outcry would be raised ! The problem
remains yet to be solved of reconciling property in
human beings with the means of enabling these
human beings to call their owners to account.
Against all attempts to place such means within the
reach of the slaves, the masters will be sure to set
their faces. The moment you give a slave a tri-
bunal to which he can appeal, that moment he
ceases to be a slave; and this the owner knows.
However, be this as it may, the West Indians are
at all events ju'tified in their complaints against the
''Ystein of adding enormously to their burdens by
expenditure in the Colonies, and creating monopolies
at their expense, while their profits are so much di-
minished.—Morning Chronicle.

It would appear,from the French papers of Sunday,
that the question of a French expedition to the
Papal States, so much discussed of late, has been
finally settled by the news of the arrival of a French
ship of the line and two frigates, with troops on
board, at Ancona, on the 21st ult. The number
of men disembarked from these vessels on the 22d is
stated to be 1,000,—a number which, though small,
makes no difference in the application of the prin-

y !Mt ptT 'Mr,/ ITlff A VnTIVP
ciple of iriterventiOn on which they are sent, or in
the political objects contemplated by their mission.
The Austrian General, who bad already pacified
that part of the Legations, and who consequently
did not require any assistance from France for this
purpose, published, nevertheless, on the 23d, an
order of the day, in which he declares, that though
he did not expect such allies,he had been apprised by
his Government that if they did come, they came on
the same principles as the Imperial troops, " princi-
ples the object of which was neither rebellion
nor anarchy." " The Great Powers," he said,
"had agreed upon this point ;" but they evidently had
not agreed upon any other, or at least they had
not instructed their agents respecting their plans; for
General Grabowski is unable to say whether the
facts on which his order was issued " were likely to
be true or false." We have before so fully expressed
ourselves (Ire the policy of a French intervention in
Italy, and on the new principles- of interference
which a French expedition to the Papal States would
establish, that we need say nothing more, till we
hear the explanation of the Perier Ministry, or ob-
tain an authoritative statement of facts from the
French Government. According to present ap-
pearances we have no hesitation in saying, that, in
the first place, no enterprise was ever more uncalled
for; 2dly, that none was ever more likely to be
either useless or injurious ; 3dly, that none ever
manifested a greater departure from the under-
stood laws of national independence; and 4thly,
that none was ever more likely to lead to that
collision which all parties deprecate as the signal
for a war, which all profess to deplore. Ist. We
say that the French expedition was uncalled
for, because the Austrians had entered the Papal
territory, and had established order in the north of
Italy, before the French expeditionary troops had
embarked at Toulon. The French Government,
though its able ambassador, Count St. Aulaire, had
strongly censured the conduct of the Liberals of
Bologna, Ferrara, and the other Legations, for resist-
ing the execution of the Papal ordinances of ameli-
oration, and had allowed that the Pope had just
cause for sending his troops to establish his autho-
rity, and to restore order in his northern states.
The Ambassadors of the other three great Powers
had agreed in this declaration, and Austria, as the
one most interested, from her vicinity, in maintain-
ing or restoring tranquility in the Legations, had
yielded to the solicitations, or procured the consent,
of his Holiness to pass the Po fur that object. Last
year a proposition to this effect had nearly led to a
war between Austria and France, but the very cir-
cumstance of the retirement of the Austrian troops on
that occasion when the object was accomplished dis-
armed their present interference of a part of its ter-
rors. Last yeer the French Government talked loudly
about pushing forward an army to Bologna, and only
pushed forward an Ambassathr to Rome; this
year, when its Ambassador was already at Rome,
and its power acknowledged at the Vatican, it sends
a few thousand men to the Adriatic, after the Papal
Legate and the Papal troops had effected their ob-
ject under Austrian banners ! 2. In such circum-
stances, a French force must be either useless or in-
jurious. If the French Government agrees with
the arrangements proposed from Rome, and sup-
ported by the united diplomacy of the four Powers,
its tricolour may peacefully wave, like any other
flag, at Ancona or Civita Vecchia; or its gallant
officers may grace the balls or enjoy the antiquities
of the Roman States. In this case, no harm is done,
but no good can be expected. If, on the other
hand, any difference arises between its Ambassador
and the projected conferences at Rome, then the
French troops must take one side, supporting
the Italian Liberals, and the Austrian army an-
other, supporting the absolute party of the Va-
tican. Is the peace of Europe likely to be thus
maintained by the discovery of a new arena of con-
test between absolute and constitutional Govern-
ments, whose forces are thus brought into hostile
encampments, and whose opposing banners are dis-
played in the very presence of each other ? 3.
Bat we have, moreover, said that no expedition
ever manifested a greater departure from the general
principles professed by any Government, than this
does from the professed doctrines of the French Mi-
nistry. The Government which sprung from the
barricades very properly proclaimed that it would
permit no attack on Belgium by foreign Powers to
restore the authority of the Orange family; because
an attack on the Belgic provinces, by foreigners, for
the purpose of a restoration, would be, in existing

circumstances, an attack on France. The movement

party, generalizing this doctrine of non-interference,
and making their country the knight-errant of the
abstract principle, preached a crusade against Aus-
tria and Russia for their interference in the affairs
of Italy and Poland. The ready answer of the Go-
vernment was, that though France disapproved of
all intervention, she was not always bound to ex-
pend the blood and treasure of her subjects
to prevent it, when her own immediate in-
terests were not at stake. But it could never
occur to the most decided enemy of non-inter-
ference, or to the greatest advocate for the contrary
doctrine, that France, in present circumstances,
could have any pretext for an Italian expedition.—
She has not, as she had in the case of Belgium, or
as Austria has now in the case of Italy, any imme-
diate or direct interest in the question of the Lega-
tions. She evidently has not been invited by the
Court of Rome, as Austria has been, to assist in put-
ting down the Bolognese insurgents. If she, there-
fore, interferes, it must either be in hostility to Au-
stria, which she does not profess, or in breach of one
of the most settled principles of international law,
which she has sworn to maintain. 4. We need
scarcely add, in the last place, that nothing is more
likely to lead to that general war which all profess
to deprecate, than the interference to which we
have adverted. Here are two armies despatched
from two different nations, arrived on the Italian soil,
to keep the Pope's subjects in order. The one has
been invited by his Holiness, and is supposed to be
penetrated with the necessity of supporting the Papal
supremacy. The other has been invited by nobody
(unless the insurgents have their emissaries at
Paris), and, if it supports any party not already in
sufficient preponderance, must support the Bo-
lognese malcontents againstitheir Pontiff. The one
has inscribed on its banners " Legitimacy and ab-
solute power !"—the other " Revolution and po-
pular sovereignty The cne represents old abuses,
the other excessive innovations. Are such rivals
mere likely to agree in the middle course of mode-
ration, or to find, in their difference of principles and
the different factions by which they are surrounded,
causes of collision and quarrel? We are afraid of
the latter part of the alternative, more especially
when we see some of the partisans of the propa-
gandist or movement party approving of the exped,-
tion, and declaring that if France had sent a squa-
dron to the Baltic last summer, as she has done to
the Adriatic this spring, Warsaw would not have
faller.— nines.

A pretended correspondence between Lords
Wharncliffe and Harrowby, on the one side, and
the Duke of Wellington on the other, is much dwelt
upon in the Ministerial Journals, the subject of dis-
cussion being supposed to have been the policy or
impolicy of allowing the Reform Bill to be consi-
dered in Committee in the House of Lords. The
Duke of Wellington is represented as insisting upon
the utter and uncompromising rejection of the mea-
sure on the second reading ; his opponents as advo-
cating the propriety ofLconsidering it in Committee,
with the view of modifying and clipping it, and ex-
tracting as much as possible of its venom. That a
momentary difference of opinion may have existed
peen
the leaders of the constitutional party we
are not prepared to deny ; but that there has
no such variance as this alleged correspondence
would imply is quite certain. Now, at least, we
may assert confidently that they are fully agreed
upon the course to be adopted--that manly,
straightforward, and unbending course which did
them so much honour in the last Session. Any
other system of opposition would indeed be not only
weak and inconsistent, but illusory and fruitless. To
permit the Bill to be read a second time would be
to snbForibe to its principles. Those principles are

—firstly, to deprive the Aristocracy, of that mode-
rate share of representation which they have hitherto
possessed in the House of Commons ; and which
allowed their voice to be heard, as the voice of one
particular class of the community. For, as Lord
Mahon well observed in one of the late discussions,
" under the present Constitution all classes are re-
presented, though not all places; the new system
would give representation to all places, but only to
one class." The great leading principle of the Re-
form Bill is to exclude the Aristocracy, as a class,
from all share of representation in that Assembly
which is tilt inutely the supreme power in the State,
since it possesses the exclusive right of granting or
withholding the supplies. The second great prin-
ciple of the Reform Bill is to give an overwhelm-
ing moral influence to mere numbers; to con-
fer upon the lower class of householders, who
are of necessity the most numerous class, an entire
control over all the wealth, intelligence, and re-
spectability of the country. Such are the two essen-
tial principles of the Ministerial measure, to which
the House of Lords, by passing the second reading,
would record its adhesion ipso facto. But to dimi-
nish the number of boroughs in schedule A would
be to impair the first of these principles ; to raise
the elective qualification would destroy the second.
It is obvious, therefore, that no Member of the
House of Lords who votes for the second reading
will be able, with any show of honesty or cons
sistency, to attempt modifications in the most objec-
tionable features of the Bill. Suffer it to come be-
fore the Committee, and the aim of the revolu-
tionists is attained;—the most monstrous project that
ever was devised by an incapable and reckless Mi-
nistry, for the purpose of maintaining themselves in
office, will thenceforward be the law of the land.—
It can be thwarted only by another exertion of that
firmness and courage, arising from a consciousness
of right, which has already once saved the country.
Nor will that firmness be wanting. The Lords will
do, as they have done, their duty.—Morning Post.
If ever the people of England, always charitable
even in the consideration of the sins of their enemies,
were led to believe that the boroughcracy opposed
to their rights and liberties would be induced by
any conduct, however retiring on their part, to re
turn from the error of their ways, and become con-
verts to principles which are wholly indisputable on
any ground of reason or common sense—if ever they
were led to imagine that by any process, but one, the
Reform Bill could possibly find its way through the
House of Peers— the abstract of the correspondence
which has been published by a morning contemporary
us that which took place between Earl Harrowby,
the representative of the bit-by-bit Reformers, and
the Duke of Wellington, who is the representative
of all the anti-Reformers, must finally and for ever
undeceive them. There is now no more faith to be
placed in either as the friends of the people—there
is no reliance to be had on the one—there is no
hope of any good from the other. The Bills of
Reform which they sent forth through the medium
of well-paid agents must be set down as mere girls
and snares to entrap the unwary, and their dubious
speeches in the House of Lords as mere baits,
whereby they might entice the people of England
to believe that if they succeeded in throwing out the
present Bill, and in ousting his Majesty's present
Ministers, they would, if for no other sake but that of
obtaining office, propose another almost equally effi-
cient. No such thing, however—neither of the par-
ties have the slightest idea of granting a reform in the
representation of the people of England. 'Tis true
they differ as to the mode of defeating the Reform
Bill in the Lords—for while the one would do it by
stratagem, the other would strangle it in limine—
but there is no disunion between them as to the feat
to be accomplished—no difference in their hostility
to Reform. On this subject they are united heart
and hand; and when the Bill comes to be read a
second time in the Lords, it will be seen that their
hostility is as inveterate as ever, and that nothing
but the due exercise of the prerogative of the
Crown, or the enforcement of their just rights by
the people, by the means which Providence has
placed at their disposal, will ever secure to them
the restoration of their rights and liberties.—'Morn-
ing Advertiser.