The Sun.
London, England, 1866-02-07 00:00:00

committed any error at all, it was that of going into
the opposite extreme, and rightly or wrongly defend-
ing the conduct of those who acted under him." The
noble lord appropriately alluded to the language
held by Lord PALMERSTON in the House of Com-
mons respecting Sir J. ROWRING'S conduct in
China. Very strong was that passage of the noble
lord's speech, in which he showed the inconsistency
of the course pursued by the Ministers in sacrificing
one who has served his country to idle clamour.
The attack was all the stronger, because Lord
DERBY admitted there might have been a case for
•• inquiry. But what would justify their course in
• sending for a Governor from another colony to
supersede Mr. EYRE, and place him in a false posi-
-1 tion ? The most awkward of all the noble lord's
remarks, however, was that in which he said he was
afraid this step was " contrary to the original in-
tention of the Government, whatever the reasons
might be which led to the alteration of this inten-
tion." As we dwell upon this observation, do we
not see rise up before us the long lines of deputa-
tions which threatened to last till the crack of doom,
and which certainly frightened the Colonial-office
out of its propriety, and hear the denunciations of
Exeter Hall and the diatribes of the Radical mem-
bers ? Who can deny that the fatal course pur-
sued by Earl RUSSELL is what it is here called, " a
step neither just to Governor EYRE, nor likewise to be
otherwise than most unfortunate in its effect upon
the minds of both populations." Ministers have sent
out a " roving commission which will pick up
rumours, and has no real power to compel evidence
on oath to be taken." We are the more gratified
with the remarks of Lord DERBY upon the Jamaica
affair, because it rests with him and his party in
both Houses of the Legislature to take a decided
stand upon the question, and protest against the
unwise and unfair conduct of the Government
upon the matter. It will never do for the honour
of the country and the best interests of our colonies
that public servants of the Crown shall be sacrificed
to the prejudices of factions and the clap-trap of
party schemes. J

How unequal is Earl RUSSELL'S reply to Lord
DERBY'S spirited remarks ; the only sign which he
gave of appreciating the real importance of the sub-
ject was, that he addressed himself to it at the
outset of his discourse. He made an unmeaning
assertion about the necessity that there was for an
inquiry, and then went on to state that it was:quite
impossible for them to have allowed Mr. EYRE to
retain his position as Governor. The reasons he
gave for this were quite inconclusive ; but if he
really thinks them sound, he had better, for con-
sistency's sake, retire from office while the inquiry
concerning his treatment of Mr. EYRE and the
course he has pursued towards the colonial autho-
rities is proceeded with in Parliament. The noble
lord said that Mr. EYRE could not hold his autho-
rity while that authority was shaken as the inquiry
proceeded, and also that if he kept his place, "no
one would have believed that there would have been
a fair inquiry." A Prime Minister has never held
language more unfitting his high position than that
used by Lord RUSSELL last night in his place in the
House of Lords respecting the course pursued in
this Jamaica business. When the noble lord says
that "I do not think it right to say that we do not
care whether 500 persons have been put to death
without necessity, but we will support the Governor
whether he is right or wrong, and we care nothing
about these persons' lives because they happen to be
black," we must say that he is treating the matter
in quite an inappropriate style; and further, we may
retort upon him that neither is it necessary to make
unwarrantable assertions because those persons
were black. In this lay all the secret of the affair,
because it offended the feelings of some so. called
Liberals and philanthropists in this country that
their protegees should suffer, and, therefore, they
sought to turn criminals into martyrs. At any
rate, we are glad to find that the tide has
turned, and that the fanatics have had their triumph,
such as it is, and that the Government will have to

give an account for the manner in which they have

pandered to the fancies and accorded the requests
of those unscrupulous and inconsiderate parties.

It was not to be expected that the first night of
the actual session would be suffered to pass over
without some allusion to the alarming prevalence
of the cattle plague. The extent and the severity
of the national misfortune was clearly evidenced
by the numbers of speakers in both houses who
addressed themselves to this question, and the
unanimity which they showed in condemning the
inaction of the Government was also not a little
remarkable. In the Peers and in the Commons
alike the general anxiety and regret found vent in
heartily abusing the Executive for its hesitation
and its delays, and its total incompetence to deal
with so formidable an adversary. The general
impression appeared to be that a great error was
committed in not at once stopping the traffic be-
tween London and the provinces immediately on the
outbreak of the cattle plague. If this had been
done there would certainly have been less reason
for complaint, and less cause to suppose that by our
own negligence we had fostered the evil. The ex-
cuse put forward on the Ministerial side was that,
although in continental countries the plague had
been at once stamped out by vigorous measures,
among ourselves the executive had not sufficient power
to pursue the same course. This plea was at once
negatived by the reply that if the Government
were really unable to deal promptly and decisively
with the matter they should have called Parliament
together and obtained the necessary powers. We
can easily imagine that no course would have been
less welcome to the tottering Cabinet, not quite
clear about either its own policy or the relative
positions of its own members, than to forestall the
evil day, and bring down upon themselves the
whole shower of questions, attacks, and criticism,
which attend a regular Session. But the accusa-
tion was certainly more just than pleasant, and they
are now likely to suffer for having shrunk so long from
the inevitable danger. Their hesitation and per-
plexity have certainly contributed in no small de-
gree to the spread of the disease, since whatever
doubts or differences may arise as to the origin of
the rinderpest, or the best means of treatment, one
thing is perfectly clear—it is decidedly and dange-
rously contagious. The first thing to be done, then,
was to stop communication between infected and
non-infected places ; and as London was the great
centre and focus of the evil, the removal of
living animals from the London markets to
the provinces should have been peremptorily
arrested. It is very well to make an excuse of the
inconvenience and loss attending such a proceeding,
but what inconvenience or loss could be greater
than that occasioned by the cattle plague ? Epi-
demics will not wait for routine ; and if their pro-
gression be arrested by any barriers it will certainly
not be stopped by those made of red tape. The
weakness and want of character in our Executive
seems to be the general complaint, and justly so ;
for when Englishmen talk about self-government
they do not mean that men are to hold official
positions who have no policy of their own. The great
body of the representatives of thepeople are indeed to
suggest, to control, to express their approval or dis-
approval of the Ministerial policy ; but that is a
very different thing from the Government waiting