The Sun.
London, England, 1866-07-24 00:00:00

SUPPLEMENTARY ESTIMATES.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The sup-
plementary estimate that has. been laid on the table has

changed the position of the public accounts since the finan-
cial statement of the right hon. gentleman opposite, and I
feel it convenient that I should place exactly our position
before the house, and state the course whic'i on the whole
we think it expedient the house should pursue in conse-
quence. The house will recollect that when the right
hon. gentleman brought forward his financial statement he
estimated the revenue at £67,013,000, including £500,000
to be paid by New Zealand bonds, and the right ion. gen-
tleman stated his expenditure at £66,727,000, including
£502,500 for the creation of terminable annuities. The
result of that estimate of revenue and expenditure left a
surplus of £286,000. Now, the amount of the supplemen-
tary estimates that we have placed on the table is £495,000,
and the result of that, as the house will see in a moment,
has been that the surplus of £286,000 has been changed
into a deficiency of £209,000. The question, therefore, is
what, under these circumstances, is the best course that
her Majesty's Government can pursue. We might, in the
first place, of course, propose a new tax to supply the defi-
ciency; but I should think that there would be an almost
unanimous opinion in the house that that isa process which
it is not expedient to have recourse to. (Hear, hear.) Under
ordinary circumstances the obvious course would probably
be to ask the house to grant a supply to complete the ser-
vice of the year, which would be raised by Exchequer
bonds or Exchequer bills. But thera are objections to that
course ; and, in the first place, I need not remind the house
that under the present circumstances which prevail in the
monetary world it is not very easy to place securities of
that description ; in the second place, it must be recol-
lected that with these difficulties prevailing we have not
yet floated our £500,000 New Zealand Bonds; and in the
third place, I must remind the house that by the existing
law Exchequer bills are payable for taxes, and the holders
of Exchequer bills may always require payment of .the
security at the termination of the current year. Now, of
course, in:times of extreme financial pressure like those
which we have experienced, and I am sorry to say still ex-
perience, it is not wonderful that holders of Exchequer bills
should have availed themselves of this term in the security.
At the present moment Exchequer bills to the amount of
£BlO,OOO have been discharged by balances in the Ex-
chequer. It is very true that we have the power granted
to us by Parliament to issue bills to a similar amount, but
the difficulty to which I have alluded is an obstacle in our
way. And considering that we have not yet placed the
New Zealand bonds, that we have yet, in order to square
our accounts, to issue £BOO,OOO of Exchequer bills, I trust
the house will hardly be of opinion that a recurrence
to a fresh supply granted by the house in the shape of
Exchequer bills or Exchequer bonds would be an expe-
dient course to_meet the difficulty in which we find our-
selves. There is a third mode by which we might remedy
the inconvenience and bring our accounts into that state

which the house I am sure wishes they should be in ; and
that is by considering the propriety of relinquishing pro-
ceeding with a bill for the conversion of permanent

nto terminable annuities which has been read a second

,ime. By that bill there is an increased charge upon our
resources of something exceeding £1,000,000 a year. The
exact sum is £1,005,000, but only a moiety of that amount
would come into charge during the present year, so that if
we do not at present proceed with that bill the account will
thus stand : —That £502,500 would be added to our
revenue, and deducting the present deficiency of £209,000,
there would remain a surplus of £293,500, a surplus almost
identical with that which was contemplated by the right
hon. gentleman in his financial statement. Under these
circumstances we are of opinion that, on the whole, the
wisest course is not to proceed with the bill for the con-
version of permanent into terminable annuities. If that
suggestion meets with the general concurrence of the
house, I will, with the permission of the right hon. gentle-
man (Mr. Gladstone), when the order of the day for that
bill comes on, move that it be discharged. (Hear, hear.)
There is one observation that I cannot refrain from making
on the present occasion. I confess it is with unaffected
concern that I find that my first act as minister of finance
should be to propose an addition of the public expenditure
of the country. If, indeed, supplementary estimates to a
much greater amount than those that we have laid on the
table were required by the necessities of the State, I trust
that I, and I might trust that any one who occupied the
position which lat the present moment fill, would never
shrink from the responsibility of such a proposition, but at
the same time I feel it my duty to state, in order that there
may be no mistake on the subject, what are the principles,
so far as the public expenditure is concerned, upon which
the present administration is founded. Four years ago,
when we were upon the benches opposite, at the time
when the expenditure of this country had reached its cul-
minating height, I felt it my duty, after as complete an in-
vestigation of the subject as could be made by a man who
was not assisted by the advantage of official information, to
call the attention of the house on repeated occasions to the
necessity of a reduction—a considerable reduction—in our
expenditure. (Hear, hear.) The scale of expenditure that
then obtained appeared to me not consistent and compatible
with the condition of national prosperity. I took that course
with the entire concurrence of Lord Derby, and of many
eminent persons whom I now count among my most in-
fluential colleagues. And the view which on repeated
occasions I then brought before the house having found
favour in the house, the Conservative party assembled and
came to the conclusion that the opinion of Parliament
should be asked upon the question, and that they as a
party would support that reduction in our expenditure
which they deemed necessary for the welfare of the country.
In consequence of that determination a resolution was
drawn up and placed in the hands of my colleague, the
present Secretary of State for the Home Department, but
in consequence of the declaration of Lord Palmerston that
he should consider such a resolution, if passed, a vote of
want of confidence in his Administration, the resolution
was not pressed to a division, but it was met by the Go-
vernment by an amended resolution, which so far as I in-
terpreted it contained a specific, and I will say, under the
circumstances, a solemn declaration that the reduction
which we advised should be made in the expenditure of the
country. There were some who distrusted the sincerity of
Lord Palmerston on that occasion, but I am bound to say
that, in my ()Onion, the pledge then given by the Govern-
ment was sincerely and completely carried into effect, to
the amount and in the gradual manner which the house
wished that those reductions should be effected, and which
I for one deemed necessary to the welfare of the country.
Well, I wish to state that, sitting on these benches, it is our
intention in spirit and in truth to carry into effect that
policy with respect to the expenditure of the country which
we recommended to the late Government. Sitting on these
benches we are still of opinion, as we expressed op the
benches opposite, that although we acknowledge that the
first duty of a Government is to arm our soldiers with the
most efficient weapon, and to make provision that her Ma-
jesty's seamen should float in ships which, either for defence
or aggression, should be equal to any vessel they might
have to encounter ; it is still our opinion that these results
are consistent and compatible with a prudent and econo-
mic administration of our finances. Sitting on these
benches, we are still of opinion, as we expressed on the
benches opposite, that in an epoch like the present, which
is an epoch of speculative armament, of discovery, of ex-
periment, and rapid vicissitude of practice, that foresight
and scrutiny, and vigilance, are qualities as valuable in a
minister as that precipitate zeal which, squandering the
resources of a country, often does not even accomplish the
public end proposed. Sitting on these benches we are still
of opinion, as we expressed on the benches opposite four
years ago, that one of the principal sources of the strength
of England is her financial condition ; that her financial
reserve is far more important than those military reserves
of which we so often hear such boastful accounts. (Hear,
hear.) If it be true, as has been said by the highest
authorities on such subjects, that there are few powers in
Europe, however fond they may be of war, who can enter
into a third campaign, it may be some consolation to

England when she is taunted for not entering into quarrels
in which she has no interest, to recollect that if ever her

honour is assailed, or her interest is attacked, her financial
condition is such, that if she enters into a contest, she
can pursue her inexorable purpose, whatever may be the
amount of the expenditure, or the duration of the war,
until her rights are vindicated, and her honour is placed
in the position which she desires. Under these circum-
stances I need not assure the house that the principle that
will govern us in the administration of our finances is the
principle of economy. (Cheers.) But by that word Ido
not mean negligence, inefficiency, imperfection, but I mean,
as I have presumed to state before on the benches opposite,
that wise application of our resources which engages itself
in nothing but what is necessary for the public welfare,
but takes care that it shall be accomplished in the most
complete mtnner. I thought it better before we entered
into committee of supply, when we are about to propose
an increase of expenditure—a not very graceful act—to
make this explanation, and I trust that the house will
pardon me for making these few observations. (Hear,
hear.)

Mr. GLADSTONE, whilst offering no opposition to
the withdrawal of his Terminable Annuities Bill, did not
abandon the policy of which that bill was an indication ;
but he reserved his judgment with regard to a portion of
the supplementary estimates. He did not object to the
proposed vote for small arms; but he thought that the

. . -
War-office was acting with premature haste in incurring

such a large expenditure for conversion, with the prospect
of a new arm having to bo substituted for the weapon so
converted. He had heard what had fallen from the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer with groat satisfaction. If the
Government were determined to enter into an honourable

rivalry for a reduction of expenditure, the country was to

be congratulated on the fact ; for he knew of no monopoly
that the Liberal party possessed with respect to public re-

xenchment. He admitted that they had been the principal
nstruments in giving it effect ; but whilst he made this

admission, the just historian must give to the Government
of the Duke of Wellington the honour of having firsttaken
the matter in hand with earnestness of purpose. The field
was still open, and there was encugh in it for all to do :
and ho heartily rejoiced that the right hon. gentleman had
made this declaration, if he understood him to mean that
he considered the expenditure to be still susceptible of con-
siderable reductions.
Sir S. NORTHCOTE remarked that the object of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer was not to throw any reproach
upon the late Government, but simply to state that the po-
licy which Ministers had announced in opposition they in-
tended to pursue now that they wore in office.
After a few words from Mr. SAMUDA,
Mr. WHITE tendered his hearty thanks to the Chan-

color of the Exchequer for the declaration of an economical
policy which he had just made, and he assured the right
hon. gentleman that he and many of his friends "below
the gangway" would be happy to co-operate with him in
carrying out his views.
Mr. B. HOPE then rose, and directing attention to the
subject of the National Gallery, invited the house to agree
to the resolution which he proposed, that it was desirable
to erect a new gallery on the site of Burlington House
Gardens.

Mr. H. SEYMOI7R opposed the motion, on the ground
that it was made at the instigation of the Royal Academy,
who were anxious to get possession of the National Gal-
lery, and to that end were using their utmost efforts to
turn out the national collection of pictures.
Mr. LAYARD, speaking in the name of several of the

trustees and directors of the National Gallery, said that the
question had nothing at all to do with the Royal Academy.
He added, that the majority of the trustees and directors
were of opinion that Trafalgar-square was not the best

site for a gallery, the atmosphere being injurious to the
pictures and detrimental to the health of the students.
The hon. gentleman also described the class of persons
who constituted the bulk of the visiting public, and made
it matter of complaint that he had seen whole rows of
mothers nursing their children there, whilst many opened
their wallets, and turned the rooms into a great eating
house.

Mr. Axrton spoke in support of retaining the pictures on
tho present site, Mr. Tite favoured Burlington House, as
did Mr. Baring, because he considered they would there
secure more rapidly and economically a suitable gallery,
and Mr. Cowper declared that if the motion were adopted
it would be a retrograde step, and the violation of an en-
gagement entered into by Parliament to appropriate a
portion of Burlington House to the University of London.
Observations followed from Mr. Gregory in support of,
and from Mr. J. Goldsmid against, the motion.
Lord J. MANNERS said that after consideration of the
whole subject he had determined to abide by the former
decisions of Parliament respecting it. He regarded the
objections to the present cite of the National Gallery by
reason of atmospheric and other influences as simple ex-
aggerations. There was no reason why a grand and fit-
ting building should not be erected there, and he thought
that the best course would be to to raise an entirely new
structure on that magnificent site.
The house having divided, the motion was negatived by
94 to 17.

Mr. D. GRIFFITH inquired whether the Porte had
consented to the recognition of Prince Charles of Hohen-
zollern as Hospodar of the Danubian Principalities, and
referring to the speech of Earl Russell at the dinner of the
Cobden Club on Saturday last, asked for an explanation
of the part taken by the English Government in the nego-
tiations for an armistice between Prussia and Austria.

Lord STANLEY, in answer to the first question, said
that the Porte had not yet recognised Prince Charles, but
negotiations were in progress which he ' hoped would
shortly be brought to a satisfactory conclusion. To the
other inquiry he replied that he had already fully explained
to the house the course which the Government had pill.-
sued. It was not the fact that they had either proposed
or accepted any position in the negotiations. An armistice
had been concluded between Prussia and Austria, he be-
lieved, but was not certain, with the adhesion of Italy ;
and though it was impossible to say what would be the
result, we might hope that that temporary armistice would
be prolonged.
A question from Mr. BROMLEY relative to the defec-
tive operation of the Metropolitan Houseless Poor Act, and
the great number of professional vagrants who have beet
thereby attracted to London, elicited from Mr. Hardy an
assurance that the matter should receive his serious atten-
tion during the recess.

In Committee of Supply General PEEL moved a sup-
plemental estimate for the conversion of Enfield rifles into
breech-loaders. He explained that the proposal to arm
the troops with the new weapon had come recommended
by a committee of officers, and he was only doing what his
predecessor would have done in taking measures to expe-
dite that object and considerably increase the number of
converted rifles to be supplied during the present year.
After consulting the authorities at the small arms factory
ho found that, by great exertions,loo,ooo Snider rifles could
be converted at an additional charge of £45,000, and that
50,000 could be' supplied by the trade of the:country. The
whole cost, including the requisite supply of ammunition,
at the rate of 200 rounds for each gun, would be £245,000,
and the converted weapon would be in no degree inferior
to the original Enfield. The right hon. gentlemen con-
cluded by moving a vote of £140,000 for the proposed con-
version..

Mr. REARDEN thought this expense would be uselessly
incurred, as improvements in rifles were daily introduced,
and the hon. member for Stockport had brought down to
the house a breech-loader which repeated its fire 20 times
in a minute.

Col. SYKES, for a similar reason, saw no ground for
haste, and believed that the Snider gun would very soon
be superseded.

Mr. BAILLIE reminded the hon. member that the ques-
tion had been under consideration for at least ten years,
and that therefore there had not been any precipitation.

Mr. OLIPHANT remarked that if we were to wait for
the last improvement.our troops would never be efficiently
armed and the country never in a fit state to go to war.
Mr. MAGUIRE recommended caution. There was no
danger of England being drawn into hostilities, and there
were better weapons than the Snider iti existence.

Major WALKER was of opinion that by agreeing to this
vote they would put into the hands of the army a rifle
pperior to that of any other country.
In reply to Mr. WHALLEY,
General PEEL said he could not propose to arm the
volunteers with the new gun during the present year, nor
until the regular army had been supplied.
The vote was then agreed to, as was also the sum of
£105,000 for ammunition for the new arm.
Mr. CORRY moved the sum required to complete the
vote for education, amounting to £694,530, which is an in-
crease upon the sum granted last year of £1,452. This
amount is distributed as follows :—Annual grants for
schools in England and Wales, £431,694 ; for Scotland,
£75,900; pensions to retired schoolmasters £650; building,
enlarging, and improving schools, £30,000; maintenance of
training colleges, £75,000 ; administration and inspec-
tion, London, £78,656; and poundage on post-office
orders £2,630.

A long discussion ensued, relating chiefly to questions
of detail connected with management and the system of
instruction, and ultimately the vote was agreed to.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER proposed
the second reading of the Railways (Ireland) Temporary
Advances Bill, which authorised the Commissioners of the
Treasury to advance to the Loan Commissioners a sum of
not more than 4500,000, for a period of three months, with
power to increase the term for 12 months, the money to
bear interest at the rate of 4 per cent. By this means the
Irish railway companies would be enabled to meet the de-

bentures now accruing due, notwithstanding the pressure
existing in the money market.

After some remarks from Sir F. Hoygate, Mr. Childers,
Mr. Hunt, Mr. Henley, and other hon. members, the bill
was read and ordered to be committed.

The other business on the paper was also disposed of,
and the house adjourned at a quarter tO two' o'clock.

How Shall England Repay America.

The following letter appears in the Anglo-American
Times :

Sir,—If I justly estimate the character of your paper,
its purpose and object is to harmonise the relations between
England and America, by pointing out the errors which
a violent and partisan press may promulgate, and, by well-
timed explanations, throw oil upon the troubled water ;
and thus, by earnest words and kindly advice, endeavour to
instil a spirit of perpetual good feeling in the minds and
hearts of both Peoples. That being my interpretation, I
trust you will pardon me if I occupy a limited space in the
forthcoming number in considering our present mutual
relations and future policy.

The war in America has ceased—the nation is recuperat-
ing its strength—wounds are being healed—reconstruc-
tion is creating harmony out of chaos—the loom, the
anvil, and the plough are unceasingly moving. In the
North and in the East, the manufacturer and merchant
are pursuing their vocations with increased success and
accumulation of wealth. The great West and North-
west • are pushing and spreading with resistless
force their civilising sway over plain,, prairie, moun-
tain, and valley to the Pacific. The wild belts
of prairie that have been regal for ages in their match-
less splendour of luxuriant, uncultivated flowers are
disappearing; the mighty forests, bearded with aged
moss, are melting Away ; corn, wheat, and rye are clothing
all the valleys, while unnumbered flocks of sheep and herds
of cattle find pasture upon a thousand hills and plains ;
the lakes and rivers are dotted with vessels, transmitting
the wealth of the interior to the ocean ports ; the slopes
and base of the Rocky Mountains, and the range of Sierra
Nevada, are gross with their quartz-bound riches of silver
and gold. Looking at the South, we find, indeed, the
simoom of battle dealt hardly with her : that long war
fever has left her depressed, weak, and sad, but the innate
vitality has not been blotted out—the•great cancer that
was eating her heart-life away has been excised, eradi-
cated, utterly destroyed, and now fresh, healthy blood will
soon give her a constitution that will carry her through
many a day of coming prosperity. her ports are already
crowded with shipping; her cities present incontrovertible
evidences of a revival of trade and commerce; her bridges
are being re-built, her railroads repaired ; the master is
returning to his home, the freeman to his labour ; her
plantations will soon smile again, and the white-plumed
cotton will adorn her fields. Emigration will soon fill up
the gap which the past conflict made, for millions of acres
of splendid lands invite him to their possession. One de-
oade ! Ten years of patient waiting, but earnest working,
and the South, like the Phcenix, will arise from her ashes
anew, strong, prosperous, and great—proud of her own
redemption and the victory achieved over self. Thus
stands the United States—high, bold, confident, and aloft,
resting on the granite base of union. Who that loves pro-
gress, the advancement of intelligence, liberty of speech,

and the extension of great principles, cannot afford to say
in the glowing language of Longfellow,—
" Thou, too, sail on, 0 Ship of State !
Sail on, 0 Union, strong and great,
Humanity with all its fears,
With all the hopes of future years,
Is hanging breathless on thy fate !
We know what Master laid the keel,
What workmen wrought thy ribs of steel,
Who made each mast, and sail and rope;
What anvils rang, what hammers beat,
In what a forge and what a heat
Were shaped the anchors of thy hope."
On the north of the 49th parallel, the lakes and the
River St. Lawrence, the United States, as we are all aware,
is bounded by the British North American possessions,
which stretches across the Continent from ocean to ocean,
and contains a population of over four millions. On the
the south lies Mexico, a nation whose history for the past
half-century has been a story of revolution, anarchy, bri-
gandage, and bloodshed. The present attempt to foist a
monarchy, supported by European arms and monarchical
protection, will inevitably result in a disastrous failure.
Its annexation to the United States would probably be the
greatest boon that could be conferred on the people ; its ulti-
mate absorption and redemption by her is only a matter of
time. The throne of Maximilian is being undermined,
and his power scattered by the echoes of the Prussian guns
at Koniggratz. He passes away as a Kaiser.
What is the lesson that Europe must learn from the varied
incidents of the past five years ? Why, they must be con-
vinced that America, has established her position as one of
the first powers on the earth —that their people are giants
in arms—their battles have evinced their bravery, their
patriotism, their endurance, and their greatness ; all these
qualities have combined to draw a tribute of respect from
the first of living warriors. Look at her navy !—it has
no parallel ; to-day it is the best and strongest that floats
upon ocean, sea, or river. Again, their Government has
proved its solidarity, their people their homogeneousness,
their land its inherent vitalisation. Aware of their colossal
power, capable of 'advancing their policy, extending their
territories, and alike capable of defending friend or punish-
ing foe. Like Cincinnatus, we see them retiring from the
smoke of battle and the field of carnage to devote their
best energies to the arts of peace. Have they not digni-
fied themselves in the eyes of the watching world ?
During the unfortunate civil war there was of necessity
a diversity of opinion in reference to the aim and purpose
of those in arms. Englishmen are by instinct, sympathy,
and education Abolitionists ; the mass, not waiting to argue
or reason, cannot comprehend the holding of a fellow-
creature in bondage. They will not listen to the defence
of a necessary evil ; they unhesitatingly sided with the
Union, and not only on that ground, but on others. Eng-
lishmen love peace; they like events to come along life's
path regularly, not roughly. The daily salutes that echo
through the City Hall Park in New York would disturb an
English merchant out of his usual equanimity—he doesn't like
change ; even the peaceful departure of the Gladstone Go-
vernment from power was a source of nervousness for
weeks for fear of a general election and its attendant ex-
citement. Much more does it affect him when bloodshed
accompanies a revolution in a country with which he has
extensive mercantile relations. Violent change in the form
of Government and the disruption of an empire is horrible
in his eyes. History records the sad memorial of civil war
and the terror of revolution among great nations—the
breaking up of Alexander's Empire—of the Roman Empire
—of Mahomedan unity—of Papal unity at the Reformation
—these are the only parallels to the drama that was open-
ing on the American continent. John Bull comprehended
it at a glance, and took sides with the attacked. The
Hon. D'Arcy M'Gee, Minister of Agriculture for Canada,
in one of his speeches delivered in September, 1861, says :
"In the first stages of the contest it seemed tome and others
that the public sympathy in this country was altogether
with the North, the newspapers did much to turn back
the genial currents of that sympathy." There can be no
doubt that he uttered the sentiments of an immense majo-
rity of the people of the Canadas. In England I know that
the universal sympathy was with the North. I remember
well how the volunteers poured across the Canadian fron-
tier by thousands, not only men but officers of high grade,
with their horses and equipments. Many of the latter
waited upon the President and offered to raise British
legions ; at least three thougand men were enrolled in the
city of. New York for the defence of the Union. I speak
knowingly, as one of my eons, who gave his life for the
cause, assisted in the formation of one of these regiments.
Unfortunately an occurrence took place which revolu-
tionised this friendly feeling and changed the sympathy
of many. The Trent affair fell on the heart of England
like a thunderbolt ; passion overcame judgment ; the press
fanned the flame ; the old traditional policy of America,
which in 1812 she had fought for, was violated by her own
officers ; they seemed supported by the people and the press.
On this side of the Atlantic they did not understand
America; they did not seem to realise that the people
across the ocean were engaged in a life-and-death combat ;
they did not know that men, maddened as they were by a
whirlwind of passion, forget nice boundaries, and failed to
recognise the law of Vattel or the treaties of nations.
England looked at the fact and acted accord-
ingly ; she prepared for war ; the dockyards dis-
played vigour and activity ; the Guards left for Canada ;
the Secretary of State of the United States saw the error
at a glance; the remedy was at hand; the anger of the
British lion was appeased. But during the time which
elapsed from the forcible removal of the Southern Com-
missioners and their rendition, the opportunity offering, it
was seized at once, and the subtle poison of opposition was
allowed to permeate the public mind ; while a portion of
the press inflamed their partisans, public opinion was di-
vided, and their views soon took shape. The over-to-be-
remembered serio-comical battle of Bull Run made the
American soldier the laughing-stock of Europe. Fort
Donaldson, Corinth, Shiloh, Antietam, Fredericksburg,
South Mountain, Spottsylva,nia, the Wilderness, Rich-
mond, and Petersburg had not been fought. What a glo-
rious redemption were they !
The thunder of Dahlgren's, Parrott's, Wier's, James
Brook's, and Rodman's guns, from turret ship, from para-
pet, from casemate, in barbette and from iron monster,
had not as yet sent their thunders echoing to the walls of
the universe.
The tale is all told now, in blood and glory.
Never did attentive eyes watch or eager ears listen with
more solicitude for the sight or sound of peace than the
people of this isle. •
But America has a complaint against England; they
charge her with a want of neutrality. It must be granted
that her position was a delicate one. The European
Powers had declared a state of war, and acknowledged the
South possessed belligerent rights. There is no doubt
that the manufacturers here did supply the South with an
immense amount of war material, but the Government
could not be held responsible for the operations of indivi-
duals when they had law on their side. If it had not been
for the purchase of 276,000 rifles at Birmingham and Lon-
don during the year 1861 the North would have been
without arms. When General M'Clellan took command of
the Ohio Volunteers there were no muskets to be had to
either drill or arm them. The Government of the United
States sent agents over here for the purchase of muskets,
rifles, sabres, cartridges, caps, saltpetre, accoutrements,
artillery, and even steamships and launches, besides cloth
and blankets. So great and so pressing were these orders
that the rivalry between the North and South ran rifles up
from 40s. sterling to 70s. It must be remembered that
during the war there were many, many houses in
New York and Boston who loudly proclaimed
their attachment to the Republican party, but were
engaged in furnishing boots and other things by way
of Halifax and Bermuda to the Confederacy. Business
men put national principles in their pocket when profit is
in question, and having the articles for sale they asked
not the object of the purchaser.
But America evidently recognises this fact. The great
bone of contention is in reference to the Florida, the Ala-
bama, and the Shenandoah. That the Rritish Government
ought to have stopped them there can be no doubt, if they
were aware of the character of the vessels. It is assumed
that they could not interfere with the business of a private
firm upon mere suspicion, but that they must have posi-
tive proof. I care not what may be the argument, what
may be the line of defence, or what legal technical excuses
may be made. The ships which destroyed so much American
commerce, and almost drove it off the ocean, were built by
British ship-builders, were partially manned by Englishmen,
and sailed from English ports upon their errand of desolation.
These acts lie heavier upen the American heart than any
committed during the war : they will remain there till
reparation in some form or other is made.
England had the courage to refuse to co-operate with
France in recognising the South. America owes her a
debt of gratitude for that.
But how stands the position to-day ? A plot, whose
ramifications extended from the centres of great cities to
the remotest villages and hamlets, whose members were
bound by the most sacred oaths—whose supposed wrongs
had imbued them with a terrible earnestness to free their
country, was organised in America. Every evil passion
was aroused by exaggerated stories of misgovernment and
oppression ; the minds of the ignorant were inflamed with
great promises never to be realised, and secret agents were
scattered on both sides of the Atlantic to encourage the
dissatisfied, and with bribes to purchase the loyalty of the
wavering. Ido not exaggerate when I say the people of
England never comprehended what a danger was at one
time hovering round us ; they do not know to this day how
widespread Fenianism was in the very metropolis. In London
there were hundreds of men who had joined the circles, and
in every city, both small and great, its agents were
busy at worldrAt least Three Hundred Thousand men
in America were ready at the first sign of victory to rush
into the mad conflict for the " Green." Money poured in
by millions of dollars. Officers tried in war, and under-
standing its science, were ready to lead" them on. The
United States never had a better opportunity of taking
signal vengeance for the raids of Canada into her towns ;
she never had a better opportunity of reciprocating the
Alabama policy. Her day of triumph had come. I care
not what people may say. I know that the Canadas would
not have been ours a fortnight if America had willed it.
British power exists upon that Continent only on suffer-
ance. So long as there is peace, the British North Ameri-
can provinces may flourish ; but let there be war, and the
retired soldiers of the past campaigns would gather, thick
as the Huns, sweeping with resistless Power everything
before them. How nobly, then, has the Government of

the United States behaved ! They not only prevented
bloodshed to any extent, but they acted as the watch-
guard to Canada; they used the strong power of the mili-
tary arm ; and not only that, they gave permission for the
Governor of Canada to supply himself with arms and am-
munition from the United States to defend the frontier.
Such conduct has saved this country millions of money,
and it has proved that the people across the water are
as magnanimous and as generous as they aro bravo and
heroic.

Thare never was a time when England could entertain
the claims of the Alabama and Shenandoah with a better
grace. America has asked for an arbitration. Surely a
great nation like this can afford to abide by the decision of
an impartial judge. What are a few millions in compari-
son with the inestimable blessing of a lasting peace and
an enduring friendship.

I earnestly hope, Mr. Editor, that you will continue to
enlarge upon this theme which I have so loosely treated.
In another week we may have the news of the success-
ful laying of the Atlantic Cable, and I trust sincerely that
it may ever bear messages of amity and good-will between
the two peoples. Tho dynasties of Europe are tottering
and tumbling about us ; the map of Europe will soon be
changed. England may ride her ship of State amid these
angry storms in peace. But let her remember that no
alliance can ever endure which is not founded on mutual
concession. Let her wipe out her indebtedness, committed
as sho is, by endorsing Messrs. Alabama, Shenandoah, and
Co., and then we shall have an alliance founded upon
honest, sincere, and lasting friendship.
Gresham House, London. T. RAWLINGS, F.R.G.S.