The Sun.
London, England, 1832-10-12 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TTIF. runT,Te JOURNALS.

- -
The Cabinet which met yesterday had abun-
dant matter for deliberation, foreign and do-
mestic. We are still persuaded, notwithstand-
ing the ominous paragraphs in the French
Papers, that a general war in Europe may and
will be avoided. The unsettled state of Italy
and Germany gives to both Austria and Prussia
a deep interest in the continuance of peace.
We wish this country could have kept itself al-
together clear of the Belgian question ; but as it
has mixed itself up with that question, and the
King of Holland seems determined to ruin both
his own country and Belgium, rather than aban-
don his pretensions to the latter, something
seems due to a people like the Belgians, suffer-
ing under a long-continued expenditure beyond
their means, and whom we have not allowed to
pursue their own course. We do not believe
that any steps taken by France and England in
conjunction would lead to war. But we are
almost certain, that if the King of Holland is not
soon brought to his senses, disturbances will
take place in Belgium, which may gradually in-
volve the other Powers. We wish, there-
fore, the Belgian question were well set-
tled ; and we think that the King of Hol-
land has no reason to complain of any want
of patience on the part of the Conference. With
respect to the other ()Eject of Lord Durham's
mission—the endeavour to obtain from Russia
a mitigation of the oppression of the poor Poles
—we fear that there is but too much truth in
the reports in the French Papers—that he has
not been successful. We have no doubt that
his Lordship's heart was in the cause; but Rus-
sia knows that, in the case of Poland, she has
nothing at present to fear from the rest of Eu-
rope. So long as Austria, Prussia, and Russia
are agreed on the subject of Poland, there is
no hope for that country, except a general war
were to take place. But the most momentous
subjects for deliberation are of a domestic nature.
The planters of the Mauritius have done what
amounts to rebellion, and they are prepared, if
reports may be trusted, to maintain the ground
they have taken, by force if necessary. They
calculate on the impossibility of Government
sparing so many troops as would be necessary to
reduce them, in the present state of Ireland. The
other sugar colonies are all in a state little short of
rebellion. A very large proportion of the people
of this country, and a proportion continually in-
creasing, are determined that slavery shall be
extinguished without delay throughout the Bri-
tish dominions. They say, let abolition. be the
first step, and we shall then he prepared to dis..
cuss the question of compensation. To all mea-
sures of interference between master and slave,
the planters have decidedly opposed themselves,
and it must be owned that slavery admits of no
mitigation through the medium of third parties.
The abolitionists, therefore, are satisfied from the
resistance to the orders in Council, and the treat-
ment of Missionaries (the only instructors who
set seriously about the improvement of the ne-
woes), that the evils of slavery admit of
no remedy short of abolition. A strong
party in the next Parliament will give effect to the
views of the abolitionists. Here, then, the Colo-
nies and the Mother Country are at issue. The
Government have a most difficult part to play.
With regard to Ireland, again, whichever way
Ministers turn, they are surrounded with diffi-
culties. They are called on to enforce laws, of
the injustice of which they must, in their own
hearts, be convinced. The people of Ireland
are forced to support a Church to which they do
not belong, and from which they derive no be-
nefit—a Church too, so full of abuses, that
even in Protestant England, it cannot maintain
its ground against the Dissenters. But then
know that the Aristocracy of the country iden-
tify themselves with the Church on account of
the very abuses which impair its efficiency, be-

cause they profit from them. They know that
Ministers are so far impeded by this connexion
between the Aristocracy and the abuses of the
Church, that inability to execute the law would
form the only justification of an attempt at an
effective alteration. Hence the impossibility of
any approximation to an understanding between
Ministers and the Catholics of Ireland. So
long as the Church of England is forced on the
Irish, so long will Ireland be a prey to anarchy.
And he must be a bold Minister who would
think of proposing—what yet will be effected,
ere long—the freedom of the Irish Catholics
from the ignominious yoke of subjection to a
Protestant Church. .Ministers must be go-

verned by events ; and events will teach those
who would now be refractory, to yield with a
good grace to what is inevitable. We had
omitted the contest in Portugal, which Minis-
ters will find a source of no small difficulty to
them, should Don Pedro fail in his object.. We
almost shudder to think of what the consequences
would be to an influential part of the merchants
of this country. Ministers have a deep interest
in the success of Don Pedro ; for misfortune is
seldom just, and the sufferers would be loud in
their complaints. The time has at length come,
too, when it must be decided whether the pre-
sent Parliament shall be re-assembled, or a dis-
solution shall take place. Enough has already
transpired with regard to the probable composi
Lion of the new Parliament to enable Ministers
to be prepared for the policy from which no Mi-
nistry can hereafter deviate with safety.—Morn.
ing Chronicle.
Many of those who advocate what is termed
the fitting the negroes for freedom, and exclaim
against immediate abolition as the dream of fa-
natics, can hardly be aware of the state of opi-
nion throughout the, country on this question.
Are they aware that, at a special meeting of de-
puties from the several congregations of Protes-
tant Dissenters of the three denominations in and
within twelve miles of London, it was resolved,
" that the principles of Christianity and slavery
are so opposed to each other, that the only re-
medy for these evils is the immediate and corn
plete extinction of slavery ; and that it is the
opinion of this meeting, that, in the approaching
general election, it is the duty of every friend
ty humanity and of the Christiam religion to
give a decided preference in his vote to those
candidates who will support in Parliament
such measures as shall have for their end the
accomplishment of this desirable object."---
The three denominations represent the great
body of English Dissenters. The Metho-
dists are equally determined in favour of imme-
diate abolition. The Quakers soon began to
see the incompatibility of slavery with Chris-
tianity, and emancipated their slaves. In the
year 1787 there did not remain a single slave in
the possession of any Member of the Society of
Friends. They were actually persecuted for
their endeavours to instruct their own negroes.
It is curious that the Quakers, so far from seek-
ing compensation for the loss of their slaves, ac-
tually gave compensation to the slaves for the
injury which had been done to them by holdi:ig
them in slavery. They calculated what would

have been aue to the slaves as wages over and
above food and clothing, from the commence-
ment of their slavery, and paid the debt, thus
clearing their conscience, as far as they could, of
this deep offence. The Friends are determined
advocates of immediate abolition. The United
Secession Church in Scotland, forming a large
part of the population, are to a man for imme-
diate abolition. If anything, the feeling in favour
of immediate abolition is more universal in
Scotland than in England, as might be expected
from the people being more generally religious. A
meeting of the Edinburgh Anti-Slavery Society
takes place this day, at which one of the Baptist
Missionaries from Jamaica is to give a narrative
of the extraordinary treatment received by the
missionaries. The result of this meeting will
afford a proof of the feeling of the Scotch re-
specting slavery. But are the Dissenters and
Methodists alone bent on immediate abolition ?
By no means. The members of the Establish-
ment, in great numhers, show their views.
When we consider that the Dissenters alone
form a majority of the middle class in all our
towns, and that they are determined to support
no candidate who is not prepared to vote for
immediate abolition, we can have little difficulty
in arriving at a conclusion with regard to the
sentiments of the next Parliament on this ques-
tion. Those candidates who endeavour to tem-
porize, will find that they have to do with shrewd
men not easily deceived, and who are not to be
captivated with-unmeaning phrases. We believe
a number of candidates are now sufficiently sen-
sible of the mistake they committed, in believ-
ing that their adroitness would enable them to
steer between opinions with safety.—Morning
Chronicle.

Among the curiosities of the time, a corres-
pondent has pointed out to us one which pro-
bably few of our readers the most conversant
with clerical abuses are yet prepared for. Bene-
ficed clergymen of the Established Church are
either sinecurists, and ought to have some pro-
fessional work cut out for them, or, having
parochial duties to fulfil, they ought, assuredly,
not to be withdrawn from such a forced attention
to other than spiritual employments. The days
are long past when priests were allowed to be
openly Lord Chancellors of England ; or Arch-
bishops notoriously, even though not ostensibly,
Prime Ministers to Irish Viceroys. The days,
indeed, are past and gone when clergymen of
the Church of England could exercise the
powers of justice of the peace, and sit upon the
unpaid magistrate's bench with impunity, at least
in so far as the heaviest visitations of public
censure can be regarded as a punishment for
unbecoming and indecent acts. But the Church
has lately out-mountebanked herself. Because
" justice of the peace" is a judicial and admi-
nistrative office, and being so has never of late
had a clergyman for its occupant without excit-
ing the uneasiness, if not the indignation, of all
who felt for the dignity of the Church, or for
the unsuspected administration of the laws, it
has seemed fitting to certain high functionaries,
that the pastors of our establishment should
carry their extra-professional incursions into
fields which have hitherto been exempt from
clerical encroachment. The last Gazette
contained the promotion of " the Reverend
Samuel J. Goodenough to the office of Deputy
Lieutenant for Cumberland !" " What next ?"
may very well be asked by our alarmed corres-
pondent,—" what will our parsons become
next ?" The Deputy-Lieutenant is purely an
executive office, as is that of the Lord-Lieute-
nant himself. But what ecclesiastical services
does he perform ? Why, he is in some respects
a military officer. He calls out the militia, we
believe, upon occasion : upon occasion, it may
so happen (may it not ?) that he will command
the militia of the county, or a portion of them.
He wears, moreover, a scarlet embroidered uni-
form, with a regulation sword and epaulettes !
This Reverend Samuel Goodenough ! We do
protest it appears to us that some Birmingham
church-rate recusant must have secretly jumped
into the boots and spurs of the Lord-Lieutenant
for Cumberland county. If it were necessary
for objects the most subversive of the church to
augment that heap of obloquy under which her
servants unfortunately labour, we can imagine no
freak of malice more dexterous than that of
encouraging them to arm their breasts with a
cuirass not resembling that of faith, and to gird
on their loins a sword far different from that of
righteousness. It would not be one atom more
preposterous to make Parson Goodenough a
Colonel of militia. This is not Church and
State ; it is Church and broadsword. As-
suredly, we need do no more than bring
such an appointment under the eye of autho-
rity to have the nuisance abated. What more
efficient handle could the Dissenters wish for as
an engine wherewith to assault the character and
functions of our clergy, or to wrest from them
the means of their actual maintenance, than such
an exchange of spiritual for carnal weapons ?
What will Mr. Goodenough's parishioners (for
there can scarcely be a Goodenough unbene-
ficed),—what will they say to the Rev. gentle-
man's abandonment of his pastoral, and assump-
tion of a politico-military charge, while he still
retains (for who but a fanatic would not ?) the
pastoral privilege of tithe-getting ? Here, then,
is,another bone to pick for censorious dissidents
from the mother church. An evening paper, in
alluding to the Dissenters, dwells much upon
the difference with respect to tithe between re-
pealing the tithe laws, as an impolitic and irreco-
verable system, and resisting those laws, on the
plea that their validity is impaired by the odium
into which they have fallen. There needs no
learned jurist from Padua to remind the world
of:a distinction to which every new act of Par-
liament bears witness, for if popular disobedience
to a law were equivalent to the repeal of it, we
see little use in any corrective legislature. But
the truth is, that a law or class of laws which
cannot be enforced except in the teeth of great
national repugnance, is sure to be repealed if the
legislative body be in its sound senses. And so
universal is the clamour against the existing
Church, that it can no more go on without a
thorough reformation—financial as well as per-
sonal—than a clock would go forward after the
pendulum had stopped.—Times.
Several of our contemporaries have copied
a report from the Constitutionnel to the effect
that " a new alliance is about to be formed by
the absolute Powers in support of the monarchi-
cal i principle, the Count Pozzo di Borgo being
he principal agent in the negotiations." It is
not a little curious that almost the whole of the
Press of London should now publish this re-
pok as a novelty, and that too as upon a French
authority, seeing that this identical report ap-
peared so long ago as the 2d of September in
a Berlin Paper, whence, if we mistake not, it
was copied into the Allgemeine Zeitung of the
12th ult , and, on the 19th of the same month
appeared in our columns, having been published
by Fotne of, our evening cotemporaries on the
18th as part of the contents of the German

Mail of that day. On the following day we ad-
verted again to the subject, and we spoke of it
in the following terms There is another
topic touched upon in the article from Berlin,
which is deserving of some observation. It re-
lates to an incipient design for a confederacy of
the Governments against the political rights of
the people of Europe. Perhaps the apparent
success which has attended the tyrannic decrees
of the Germanic Confederation has still further
disposed the despots to _

-I Play those fantastic tricks before high Heaven
That make the angels weep.'
However this may be, there is no mistaking the
tendency of the following passages But the
work (of general pacification) would be only
half done if the Conference did not pursue its
labours, and secure the still precarious state of
Europe against contingencies that might sud-
denly occur, and, in spite of all that has yet
been done, might again kindle into a flame the
passions that have been scarcely allayed. With
this view it is affirmed that the Cabinets are re-
solved to co-operate with each other, that the
predominant political system may not only he
consolidated, but extended ; which would lead to
the revival of the monarchical, and the slow but
certain extinction of the revolutionary principle,
which constantly degenerates into anarchy." Then
an intimation is given of all the advantages that
would result f all the Governments can unite
to solve this problem ; and it is added that
" one of the most distinguished diplomatists of
a Northern Power is said to be commissioned to
open a way to arrangements on this head." In
reference to this last passage we said, " Whether
this personage be Pozzo di Borgo we know
not, but that diplomatist is at present at Vienna,
concocting some design, certainly not favourable
to the liberties of Europe." It now turns out
that Pozzo di Borgo was the person socautiously
alluded to. A few days after we published those
remarks a communication appeared in our paper
from one of our Paris correspondents, throwing
some additional light upon the subject ; so that
it is quite clear the report which several of our
contemporaries have copied from the Constitu-
tionnel, as an original one, is but a reflection of
what appeared some weeks ago in the London
Press, affording one of those instances which
one sometimes meets of the truth of the para-
doxical adage, that " All knowledge is but obli-
vion." It is only about a week since that a
Morning Journal, which favoured its readers
with the exclusive intelligence of Lord Durham
having" made a Liberal of the Czar," accounted
comically enough for the journey of Pozzo di
Borgo to Vienna on the ground of his being
appointed diplomatic Missionary to propagate
the new political faith of the converted and peni-
tent destroyer of Poland. " What would appear
almost incredible," said our contemporary,
were there not some ground for believing in
this conversion, his Imperial Majesty has-de-
spatched Pozzo di Borgo both to Berlin and
Vienna, to enforce the new views both on An-
cillon and Metternich." We then hinted that
what the new views were had been snore satis-
factorily explained in the Berlin article, which
stated that he had gone to concert measures
for the more effectual preservation of the
monarchical, i. e., the despotic principle,
and the success of counter. revolutionary
projects in Europe. As to Lord Dur-
ham's mission, if anything good had come
of it, the result would not have been so
closely kept from the trumpet of Fame as it
has been. So far were we from auguring any
thing favourable in a political point of view
from the elaborate and ostentatious civilities of
the barbarian Autocrat to our Ambassador Ex-
traordinary, that we looked upon them as but
the hypocritical blandishments of the deep de-
ception of the Russian Court. It is not a
stately inexperienced Lord, so fond of the ex-
ternal trappings, and pomp, -and costly parade
of diplomacy, as to travel with six carriages and
22 post-horses, who is qualified to penetrate the
designs of the wily and circumventing politicians
of the Cabinet of St. Petersburg. For such a
man, especially when accompanied by the fairer
members of his family, the splendid hospitalities
of a gay and brilliant Court have a dazzling
charm ;—it is natural enough. It is only men
of " sterner stuff," and whose habits of life set
them above such temptations, that ought to be
exposed to them. What would such statesmen
as Cromwell, or Chatham, or Pitt, care for the
courteous magnificence of banquets or balls, or
the glozing civility of smooth words, lavished
upon their Ambassadors ? Their only consi-
deration would be, was the business done ?
all the rest would seem to them " but leather or
prunella."—Morning Herald.

A kind of dead set is at this moment made
against Mr. Hume, and that by parties so op-
posed to each other upon all subjects, that it is a
rare thing to find them agreeing upon any one.
These parties are the Tories and the Whigs.
The Tories hate Mr. Hume for being a Re-
former at all—the Whigs for being too consistent
and uncompromising a one to their taste. Now
of Mr. Hume, any more than of any other public
man or party, we have never been the thick-and-
thin adherents or apologists. We admit that
Mr. Hume, like most other men, commits mis-
takes, and those generally ill so unguarded a
manner as to give his adversaries an advantage.
As an instance, we would advert to his indiscre-
tion in dividing the House upon the proposed
reference to God's Providence in the Scotch
Cholera Bill, which is now insidiously and un-
justly urgcd against him as a proof of blasphemy
and infidelity ; an inference, we will venture to
say, the most far-fetched, overstrained, and pre-
posterous, that even party hostility ever invented.
At the same time Mr. Hume was, we think, to
blame for giving his adversaries even the slight-
est handle for this imputation, knowing, as he
well must, that he is opposed by an evil spirit,
which, like another alluded to in Holy Writ,
" seeketh whom it may devour." But, passing
by the faults of Mr. Hume, and the reckless ve-
nom of his adversaries, will the Whigs or Tories
produce from among their ranks any one indivi-
dual who, as a Member of the Legislature, has
any thing like the claim to the gratitude and
confidence of the country that Mr. Hume has?
Can they produce a single individual from their
ranks whose paid services have been of one-
tenth the value of his, or who has given up any
thing like the portion of his time to the public
which Mr. Hume has done ? No wonder that the
whole tribe of office-bearers, and of the hungry,
Lay, aspirants for office, are leagued against such
a maw. His presence is naturally wormwood to
them. But then the very ground of their ha-
tred is that which should produce, and we have
no doubt does produce, a totally opposite feeling
in the minds of a great majority of impartial
lookers-on. To that majority these remarks can
be hardly necessary. We will not believe that
the electors of Middlesek, or any other large
constituency, can be so weak or besotted as to
be worked upon by
such engines as are now in
operation to decry the
public services of Mr.

Hume. But we would recall even the stragglers
from the camp of reform, if there are any, who
have allowed themselves to be the dupes of his and
their adversaries. Mr. Hume, as we have hinted,
is not without his weaknesses and defects ; who
is ? but as a Member of the House of Commons
he has been, and is likely to be, more valuable
to the country than the whole race of those who
enter into an unnatural union to decry him.—
Morning Herald.

The improvement exhibited in the Official
Statement of the Revenue of the Quarter which
terminated on the 10th inst. is equally gratify-
ing whether we consider it as a renewed evi-
dence of the solid foundation and inherent vigour
of our national resources, or as a proof that the
abatement of political excitement, and the resto-
ration of the country to sobriety and good sense,
are the indispensable conditions upon which
alone any degree of public prosperity can be
attained. The total increase of Income in the
last Quarter, as compared with the correspond-
ing Quarter of last year (when the Reform mania
was at its height), is 696,8471. This surplus
has arisen under the heads of Customs,
356,388/. ; of Excise, 297,591/. ; and of Taxes,
116,3831.; which, after deducting the several
sums of 23,9861., 33,0001., and 16,5291., on ac-
count of the diminished receipts in the Stamp,
Post-office, and Miscellaneous Departments,
leaves the net balance as above stated. The account
of the whole year terminating at the same period
presents, as might be expected, seeing that the
first nine months of it was a season of convul-
sion and alarm, a much less gratifying aspect,
showing a diminution of the national income,
notwithstanding the comparative prosperity of
the last Quarter, of 327,576/. The increase of
the Customs Duties during the last quarter is
no doubt to be accounted for in part by the
removal of those impediments to commerce
which were interposed with the view of check-
ing the diffusion of pestilence ; while that
under the head of Taxes is scarcely so great
as might have been expected, from the
operation of that clause in the Reform Bill
which dexterously, and we think very prudently,
connected the acquisition of the franchise with
payments to be made by a day certain to the
tax collectors. Yet we feel no disposition to
invalidate the evidence which these facts, com-
bined as they are with that of a simultaneous
and considerable increase of the produce of the
Excise, undoubtedly afford, that the country du-
ring the last quarter has been upon the whole
in a condition of greater ease, contentment, and
prosperity than during the corresponding portion
of the year 1831. Whether this comparative
ease, contentment, and prosperity is destined to
prove a mere transient gleam of happiness, or to
continue and increase until once more the coun-
try shall be permitted to feel itself in its wonted
state of health, vigour, and security, is a question
the solution of which would be a difficult and
hazardous attempt ; but we shall make one step
at least towards its solution if we can succeed in
tracing the actual improvement in the condition
of the country to its true causes. Several causes
have, we believe, contributed to the favourable
change which seems to have occurred in the
situation of the country. In the first place, it
has become manifest that the constituency cre-
ated by the Reform Bill will be much less de-
mocratic in its character than the authors of that
measure intended, and than its opponents feared,
from the fact that a large proportion of those
upon whom in words the Act of Parliament
conferred the franchise have practically disfran-
chised themselves; have passed the severest cen-
sure upon the Bill, by rejecting the gift
which it offered them ; and have, whether
from ignorance, from apathy, or from pau-
perism, relinquished the power which it con-
ferred. In the second place, it has been made
evident, from the state of the canvass now going
on in different parts of the country, that the
party whose object it is to preserve what remain
of our established institutions have a much stronger
hold upon the esteem and affection of the com-
munity at large, and are much more likely,
therefore, to constitute an influential portion of
the new Legislature, than could have beet► ima-
gined during the delirium of the revolutionary
fever, when mobs and Ministers of State
seethed bent upon nothing but to urge each
other forward in the work of destruction. The
third cause which we venture to assign is one
which, whimsical as the opinion may seem, has,
we have no doubt, been eminently condu-
cive to the improved condition and prospects
of public affairs. Earl Grey, Lord Brougham,
and the rest of his Majesty's Ministers, with the
exception of the two nobodies, Lords Melbourne
and Palmerston, have been rusticating for a
great part of the last quarter ; consequently there
has been no ouportunity for midnight conferences
between Earl Grey and Mr. Place ; no scope
for the display by the Lord Chancellor of the
temper, manners, and principles which adorn
and dignify the discussions at Political Unions ;
no Cabinet meetings to alarm the country with
the apprehension of some new mischief. The
public have been permitted for a moment to for-
get who the Ministers are, and the influences
by which they are guided and impelled. Some
of these causes of augmented comfort and
prosperity are obviously temporary, but it is
pleasant to remark that there are also some of
them which will not fail to endure and increase.
Earl Grey and his colleagues rusticate no longer,
but it may reasonably enough be expected that
the three-and-tenpenny voters will neglect to
qualify next year in still greater numbers, and
that in the same proportion the constituency will
he still further purified ; while it is pretty certain
that the real friends of their country, the party
who desire to preserve and uphold its established
institutions and its permanent interests, will ob-
tain a progressive increase of power, as the pub-
lic mind gradually resumes its serenity, penetra-
tion, and good sense.—Morning Post.

BERLIN, OCT. 5.--The Minister of the In-
terior has just published the resolution of the Diet, by
which the Liberal, the Sentinel on the Rhine, and the
Universal, political annuals, are prohibited in all the
German States.

A good deal of merriment Was created in the
Glasgow police•court on Thursday, by a case which was
tried there. A respectable man, who, it appears, bad
been indulging rather freely with the bottle after dinner,
was charged with being in a gentleman's garden in Char-
lotte-street, and rapping at the window early in the morn-
ing, to the great consternation of the inmates. It ap-
was sot rounded by a wall 12 or 13 feet high, and
peared from the testimony of the principal witness, that
the garden
covered with broken glass in such a manner as to render
i
id tanextttimpossible to get over ; and how the prisoner
obtained) an entrance was altogether unaccountable.
When interrogated on the spot by the proprietor of the
dwelling, lie (the panel) told him that he had been pitched
over the wall oy a terrible tall man, about 10 o'clock the
preceding evening, after which lie had fallen asleep, and
did not discover his real situation until he found, on reach-
ing forth his hand, that instead of his wife, there was
nothing to lie found but his umbrella, and his hat on the
end of it. As no suspicion of criminal purpose was en-
tertained, the prisoner was dismissed, with an advice not
to indulge
ina
n Advertiser.y such harlequin propensitiesifor the
future.— Greenock

SECOND EDITION.

SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock.

[HE LONDON' GAZErrE

THIS EVENING.

At the Court at St. James's, the 12th day of October 1832,
PRESENT,
The KING'S Most Excellent Majesty in Council.
It is this day ordered by His Majesty in Council, that the Par-
liament, which stands prorogued to Tuesday the sixteenth day
of October instant, be further prorogued to Tuesday the eleventh
day of December next.

WAR-OFFICE, OCTOBER 12.
Ist, or Grenadier Regiment of Foot Guards—Ensign and
Lieut. E. B. Reynardson to be Lieutenant and Captain, by pur-
chase, vice Ricketts, who retires, Oct. 12.
10th Regiment of Foot—Lieut. W. Rawlins, from 13th Regi-
ment, to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Rannie, pro.
moted, Oct. 12.
13th Foot—Lieut. A. Stewart, from the half-pay of 84th Regi.
ment, to be Lieutenant, vice Rawlins, appointed to the 10th Re-
giment, Oct. 12.
16th Foot—Lieut. A. R. Evans, from the half-pay of 93d Re-
giment, to be Lieutenant, vice W. Murray, who exchanges,
Oct. 12.

21st Foot--J. B. Guthrie, Gent. to be Second Lieutenant, by
purchase, vice Ainslie, promoted.
27th Foot—Lieut. W. Elliott, from the 45th Regiment, to be
Lieutenant, vice J. S. Lyon, who retires on the half-pay of the
3d Garrison Battalion, Oct. 12.
45th Foot—Lieut. B. E. Stretch, from the half-pay of 3d Gar-
rison Battalion, to be Lieutenant, vice Elliott, apointed to the
27th Regiment, Oct. 12.

60th F'Oot—Second Lieut. A. Mundy to be First Lieutenant,
by purchase, vice Fitzgerald, who retires; C. W. Jebb, Gent, to
be Second Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Mundy, Oct 12.
67th Foot.—Gentleman Cadet C. S. S, Evans, from the Royal
Military College, to be Ensign, without purchase, Oct. 12.
73d Foot.—Lieut. T. F. Sandeman, from the half-pay, to be
Lieutenant vice J. Coane, who exchanges, receiving the differ-
ence, Oct 12.

OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, Oc'r. 11.
Royal Regiment of Artillery.
Captain and Brevet Major C. Gilmour to be Lieut.-Colonel,
vice Wilmot, deceased; Second Captain H. L. Sweeting to be
Captain, vice Gilmour; First Lieut. H. Palliser to be Second
Captain, vice Sweeting ; Second Lieut. H. S. M'Clintoch to be
First Lieutenant, vice Palliser; Quartermastei-Serjeant W.
Porter to be Quartermaster, vice M'Coy, deceased, Sept. 25.

Corps of Royal Engineers.
Major-General Sir Frederick William Mulcaster, K. C. H. to
be Colonel-Commandant, vice Sir Alexander Bryce, deceased.
Dated sth October 11532.

WHITEHALL, October 8.
The Lord Chancellor has appointed Richard Henry Rolls, of
Banbury, in the county of Oxford, Gent. to be a Master Extraor-
dinary in the High Court of Chancery.