The Sun.
London, England, 1866-05-09 00:00:00

WINDSOR

Yesterday, in accordance with the notice issued
by the Mayor, Mr. J. Jones, a meeting of the magis-
trates of the borough was held at 11 o'clock in the
forenoon at the Town-hall. The Mayor presided,
the magistrates including Mr. llarris (ex-Mayor),
Messrs. Blunt, Bedborough, Driver, Hanson, Pearl,
and Holderness. Sir H. Wolff and Col. Gardner,
the Conservative, and Mr, R, Eykyn and Mr. C.
Edwards, the Liberal candidates, were all in attend-
ance, their respective agents, Messrs. Long and
Phillips, Mr. Darvill and other gentlemen, being
also present.

The MAYOR stated, as his reason for convening
the meeting, that he had received letters from elec-
tors stating that prize fighters had been engaged by
one of the parties for the purpose of causing a dis-
turbance on the polling day. He wished to have
some guarantee that endeavours would be made to
preserve the peace from both sides.

Mr. C. EDWARDS repudiated any complicity in
such an intention. He had not, and never would,
authorise such a course of proceeding as that which
had been stated. Two gentlemen of the class named
came to him at the committee-room and offered
their services at the election, and he advised them
to put themselves in the train and go back again.
Mr. LONG thought that was far the best advice
that could have been given to the men. Some of
them had put themselves in the train and had gone
back.

Sir H. Worm' said that to the best of his belief
the men had never been near the Conservative
committee-room.

Mr. EYKYN inferred from the men calling upon
them that they had been rebuffed at the Conserva-
tive committee-room and then came to them.
The MAYOR trusted that all the candidates would
give their attention to the matter. The magistrates
could, of course, swear in any number of constables.
He wished, however, to avoid unnecessary expense.
Mr. LONG, on the part of the Conservatives, and
Mr. DARVILL, for the Liberals, having agreed that
no boardmen or bands should be engaged, the pro-
ceedings, so far as the candidates were concerned,
terminated, and they left the room.
Several more special constables were afterwards
sworn in.

Tuesday Night.

At a meeting of Conservatives, held at the White
Hart, this evening, Mr. Hanson presiding, Sir H.
D. Wolff and Colonel Gardner retired from the con-
test, as, after a review of their canvass by Mr. Long,
their agent, and the committee, it was found that the
Liberals would upon polling have had a large ma-
jority. Mr. R. Eykyn and Mr. C. Edwards, there-
fore, at present remain unopposed,

A PROLIFIC FOXHOUND.--A few days ago, at the
Southdown kennel; Ringgier, the foxhound bitch Sing-
well gave birth to no less than eighteen whelp; 15 of which
are still alive and doing well.
[ADVERTISEMENT.] Dyspepsia (indigestion), constipa-
tion, debility, consumption, and all nervous, bilious, stomach
and liver complaints in every stage, are only aggravated and
accelerated by drugs of every description, but perfectly cur-
able by Du Barry's health-restoring Revalenta Arabica
Food, as proved by thousands of cases which had been con-
sidered hopeless, such as - cough, asthma, also diarrhoea,
haemorrhoids, liver complaints, flatulency, nervousness,
biliousness, fevers, sore throats, diphtheria, catarrhs, colds,
influenza, no'scs in the head and ears, rheumatism, gout, im-
purities, eruptions, hysteria, neuralgia, irrit ibility, sleepless-
ness, acidity, palpitation, heartburn, headache, eebility,
dropsy, cramps, spasms, nausea and sickness, even in preg-
nancy or at sea, sinking fits, bronchitis, scrofula, tightness 01
the chest, pains in the
pit of the stomach and between the
shoulders, &c. We quote a few :—Cure No. 46,276. Mr James
Roberts, limber merchant, of Fernley, Surrey, of 30 years'
diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangement, and par-
tial deatness.—Cure No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth Jacobi, of ex-
treme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings; low spirits, and
nervous fancies. -Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decies, lord
Heat. of ateriord, of many sears' dyspepsia,-No. 49,832.
Fifty years' Indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness,
asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness, and
vomiting—Maria July.—Cure No. 54,8:6. The Rev, James
T. Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, of indigestion and torpid-
ity of the liver, which had resisted all medical ti eatment.—
In tins, 11b, 2s 9d ; 21b, 45 03 ; 51b, 11s ; 121 b, 22s ; 241 b.
IN.—Barry Du Barry and go., No. 77, Regent-street, London;
also Phillips, tea dealers, 8, King William-street ; likewise
at 61„Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 49, Bishopsgate-
street Within ; 63, k
1.,0, and 298, Oxford-street ; 330, Strand;
54, Upper Baker-street; 103, Tottenham-court-road; 96,
Upper-street, Islington, N. ; Harvey, Notting-hill; Close
Brothers, 65, High-street ; and Stubbs, Queen's-terrace, St.
John's-wood, London; and all respectable grocers and che-
rntsts.—Beware of spuriqus imitations.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—At this momentous crisis in the affairs of
Europe it is well that the position of the British Go-
vernment should be strictly defined. No one, in-
deed, will suspect that this country has been con-
cerned, directly or indirectly, with the disputeswhich
now endanger peace. The errors of two years since
have not been repeated. The parties to the
Treaty of Gastein have been left to keep or break
it at their pleasure. The military occupants of the
Duchies are free each to expel the other according
as their strength may lie. Though the sympathies
of this country are with Italy, not one voice
has been heard in favour of an aggressive war
on her part, and certainly no British statesman
has suggested or would encourage an attack on the
Quadrilateral. So far the lesson of 1864 has been
well learnt. We have lectured nobody, we have
given much less advice than usual ; there has been
no appeal to treaties which we do not intend to
support, no hints of assistance which are afterwards
to be retracted or explained away. Lord Clarendon
could, therefore, last evening meet the questions
of an Opposition Peer with entire equanimity. His
answer was simple, and as far as British interests
and credit are concerned, satisfactory. Lord
Cadogan, after some prefatory rem arks, asked whether
her Majesty's Government had made an offer of
mediation, either alone or in concert with the Em-
peror of the French and the Emperor of Russia, to
the Coart of Austria, Prussia, or Italy, with a view
of assisting the Governments of those countries in
arriving at a pacific settlement of the questions at
issue between them. The answer of Lord Clarendon
was in the negative. He said that if there had been
the least reason to suppose that the good offices of
the Government would have been accepted they
would have been freely offered and conscientiously
employed. " But, my lords," said the Foreign Secre-
tary significantly, " we have stood alone, and alone
we could do nothing against the determination that
war is the most effective means—the only effective
means—of accomplishing an ambitious policy."
Lord Clarendon went on to say that war is not
actually declared, but more than a million of men
are now armed and prepared -for the conflict.
Europe is menaced with a war for which there is no
cases belli, and for which there is no justification.
We are glad that at such a moment the British
Government is able to make such a declara-

tion. The country will approve Lord Claren-
don's reprobation of the war ; but it will also ap-
prove his refraining from importunate solicitations
of the rival Powers. The wilful will have their
way. It is useless to expect that princes, or states-
men, or nations, mad with ambition and hunger-
ing after a frontier, or a maritime territory, or a
completed nationality, will be dissuaded by any
cold scraps of morality about the wickedness of war
and the folly of wasteful armaments. A time, in-
deed, may come when wars will cease from the face
of the earth, but that will only be when nations
know their own interests so well that one will
not desire to keep what it is for the general interest
that another should possess. So long as one Power
covets what another will not yield, no considerations
of morality or economy can secure a permanent
peace. The nation is in a state of political unease;
at any moment the fever fit may seize it, and
slaughter and bankruptcy lose their terrors. The
only thing, then, that can prevent hostilities is the
dread of defeat. This is the wholesome fear that
prevails when every other is cast away. It cools
the enthusiasm of the people, and fills the minds of
their rulers with scruples which conscience could
never raise. If it were now to become clear to
Count Bismark that a union of the minor German
States with Austria would put such an army into
the field that the Prussian levies would infallibly be
crushed in Silesia, if the Italian Court and nation
could be convinced that the war would bring an
Austrian army to Milan, and that no ally would in-
terfere to drive it out again, we might count on
more pacific counsels at Berlin and Florence. The
prime movers of war would then soon begin to dis-
cover that religion, humanity, and the rights of
Treaties forbade them to use force for the gaining
of their ends. But the two Powers which in the
event of a war would now be the aggressors have no
such apprehensions. They believe in their success,
and look forward to substantial gains from a short
campaign. They think that Austria will be over-
matched, and that she will have no choice but to
yield. They trust they have the sympathy, to say no
more, of the first military Power on the Continent.
Each has a definite purpose, the first. step to which
must be an extension of territory. The confidence
of the Prussian Minister and of the whole Italian
people is ominous of a convulsion. They have long
had their schemes, and they now think the accom-
plishment of them is near. Hence military prepara-
tions and financial prodigality which astonish the
world, accustomed as it is to the extravagance of later
days. Only one power exists which can check these
two ambitious States. It is the strongly expressed
will of the French ruler and his people. The an-
tagonists have almost lost the ability to check them-
selves ; but if Napoleon were to bid them pause, if
he were to utter a warning which should be a
menace to whoever struck the first blow, peace
might yet be preserved. Unfortunately, the arbiter
of the Continent speaks only to spread dismay on
every Exchange by some doubtful utterance. What
he may do none can tell ; what he is doing is plain
to every beholder. his is a case where inaction is
interference. The whole world is beginning to
think that some great scheme of European change
has been formed which is to be effected by a war,
and of which Austria is to be the first victim. If
they are wrong, they may be set right in a day.
Napoleon has only to disclaim complicity with the
designs of his neighbours, and Europe will be dice
more tranquil ; public waste and private ruin will
be checked, at least for a time. This happy an-
nouncement is, we fear, not to be expected. We
must be content to look on the saddest spectacle that
the world has seen in our time. If the accounts we

receive be correct, Lord Clarendon's estimate of a
million of men in arms falls very far short of the
truth. Prussia has placed five Army Corps in her
central and south-eastern provinces on a Aar foot-
ing, and four more in other parts of her territory,
the whole amounting to 365,000 men. Reserves,
which may be called out at any moment, would add
210,000 to this force, so that the Prussian Army, in
case of war may be made to reach the enormous
number of 575,000 men. On the morning of the
2d instant an order to place all the Austrian armies
on a war footing was issued, and 630,000 men
will soon be under arms. The levies of Italy will
probably amount to 400,000 men. The minor
German Powers have considerable armies. Such
are the forces about to be marshalled in this

strife. The wars of former times hardly bear com-
parison with that which threatens us. Germany had
not half this number of men in the field when she
fought for her national existence in 1813. We can
only hope that at the last moment France will in-
terpose to prevent this fatal war. Perhaps it may
be in vain to speak to Austria of the cession of
Venetia, but if the Imperial pride could so far
stoop, all pretext for the conflict would be taken
away, and the sympathy of the world would be
completely on the side of Austria and its German
allies. The designs of Prussia can only be repro-
bated by all just men. It may be that Count Bis-
marck has in view a sort of unity for Germany ;
that he wishes to complete the work of the Prussian
Kings, by making his master the ruler and consoli-
dator of the Fatherland. But even union and
nationality are not to be forced on a people at the
point of the bayonet. The Prussians may be
tempted by the prospect of aggrandisement to ac-
quiesce in the policy of their Minister, but it is evi-
dent that the rest of Germany distrusts and fears
him. There is nothing in the cause of the aggressor
which can make us willing to excuse the aggression.
HERALD.—The bill introduced by Mr. Chichester
Forteseue " for the Amendment of the Representa-
tion of the People of Ireland" has been met with the
all but unanimous disapproval of the Irish members
belonging to all shades of political parties. The
member for Athlone professed his determined oppo-
sition to any connection of the immaculate borough
which returns him with Portarlington—not, we are
sure, because the hon. gentleman at all fears that
the small admixture of Conservatism resulting from
the junction will in the slightest degree influence
the Liberal opinions of his constituents, but because
he perfectly, well understands that the fusion will
raise the value of their votes, and considerably in-
crease the trouble and expense of his election ;
while Dr. Brady and Mr. Kennedy, going ahead in
their demands, as Liberal members are accustomed
to do, declared " That the changes proposed would
be of no value to the people unless they had the
ballot to protect' them," the latter gentleman assert-
ing, " That the elector in England was a free man,
but in Ireland he was a serf, liable to be turned out
at six months' notice after voting for the man of his
choice, and liable to be distrained, as of tent happened,
within .a few weeks after he had recorded his vote."
Now, if proof were needed of the perfect freedom
from restraint on the part of the landlords with
which the Irish electors are accustomed to exercise
their rights, it is to be found in the very cases of
those members themselves, who,' for the sake of
acquiring popularity, demand further protection,
in the face of facts which conclusively prove that
it is not at all required. Both absolute strangers,
previously unknown and unheard of, and quite
undistinguished by any peculiar qualifications to
recommend them, they were originally returned for
the counties they represent without possessing a
particle of property in either. The former gentle-
man has, we believe, since acquired a small estate
in Leitrim ; but the latter does not possess as much
land as would sod a lark in Louth. Yet both
were chosen at the last general election in opposition

to two of the largest and best resident landlords in
Ireland, one of them a Whig pur sang, and although
this remarkable success was achieved in opposition
to the almost unanimous wishes of the landed pro-
prietors of both counties, we challenge either of
them to name one solitary instance in which tenants
at will have been evicted for what (with the know-
ledge of the clerical influence brought to bear upon
them) we consider is most erroneously described as
the independence with which they exercised their
constitutional privileges in their behalf. But when
we come to carefully examine this at first sight ap-
parently fair redistribution scheme of the Govern-
ment we at once perceive that the Conservatives
must certainly lose four seats at least, while the
Whig gain will most probably be increased to six
by the returns from Dublin city and the county
Cork under its action. Portarlington, always here-
tofore returning a Conservative, but now designated
as a Whig borough, because it happens to be at pre-
sent represented by the Irish Attorney-General,
who succeeded there, according to Mr. Whiteside,
" because he had threatened the electors with dis-
franchisement if they did not return him," is sure to
be swamped by Athlone, containing a constituency
20 times more numerous ; while Bandon, exclusively
Conservative, will be swallowed up by Kinsale, and
a third vote will be lost in Ulster by the amalgama-
tion of Dungannon with Enniskillen, both Conser-
vative to the backbone. That the representative of
the Queen's University, increased as the voters will
be by the admission of those educated at the Catho-
lic University, must of necessity give his support to
an Administration pledged to the overthrow of the
Protestant Church and the destruction of all aristo-
cratic influence, cannot be doubted, as the religious
statistics of the students who will compose the future
electors show that a vast majority of them must be
under the spiritual guidance and political control
of the Roman Catholic bishops, who_now gratefully
receive the boon as a recompense for past and a
retainer for future services. Thus we find that
should the Ministerial proposition be adopted three
Conservative boroughs will be virtually disfran-
chised, and a fourth vote gained to the Whigs
through the representation of the Queen's Univer-
sity. Whether New Ross may not be lost to the
Conservatives by its amalgamation with Ennis-
corthy, and Coleraine by its junction with Bally-
mena, remains to be seen ; and although any fur-
ther influence the Whigs may acquire in the other
proposed amalgamations in the Munster boroughs
cannot be ascertained before the arrangement of
their boundaries, we think we have stated quite
enough to convince the Conservatives of the abso-
lute necessity of offering the most strenuous opposi-
tion in all its stages to a one-sided measure, which
must, if successful, so materially diminish the nu-
merical strength of their party.

The Civil Rights Bill.

We have been frequently asked about the pro-
visions of the " Civil Eights Bill," and the following
excellent synopsis will give an intelligent concep-
tion of the main features of the important docu-
ment

Sec. I.—All persons born in the United States,
and not subject to any foreign power, excluding
Indians not taxed, of every race or colour, are
declared citizens of the United States, and all alike
have the right to make and enforce contracts, sue
and be sued, give evidence, hold and dispose of
real and personal property—are entitled to full and
equal benefit of the law to these ends, and subject
to like punishment, pains and penalties, for offences
against law.
Sec. 2.—Any person who shall subject any in-
habitant of any State or Territory to deprivation of
any right secured by this act, shall, upon convic-
tion, be punished by fine not exceeding one thou-
sand dollars, or imprisonment not exceeding one
year, or both, at the discretion of the Court.
Sec. 3.—Provides that the District Courts of the
United States, to the exclusion of the State Courts,
shall have cognizance of crimes and offences against
this act, and also concurrently with Circuit Courts of
the United States of all causes affecting persons who
are denied or cannot enforce their rights in the
tribunals of any State or locality.
Sec. 4.—District attorneys, marshals, deputy
marshals, commissioners, officers and agents of the
Freedmen's Bureau, and others who may be spe-
cially empowered, are authorised and required to in-
stitute proceedings, &c.
Sec. s.—Said commissioners shall have concur-
rent jurisdiction with judges of the United States
Courts to issue warrants, and, upon examination,
to discharge, admit to bail, or commit for trial.
Sec. 6.—Defines the duty of Commissioners, and
imposes a penalty of SI,QOO on marshals who shall
refuse or neglect to perform the duties prescribed
by this act.
Sloe. 7.--Provides for punishment of persons who
hinder or prevent the execution of any process or
warrant.

Sec. B.—Prescribes the emoluments of officers
who carry out the various provisions of the act.
Sec. 9.—lt shall be lawful for the President to
direct the Judge, Marshal and Attorney of any
district to attend at any_ place at any time he may
designate, for the more speedy arrest and trial of
per6ons offending • and it shall be the duty of such
officers to attend requisition.
Sec. 10.—It shall be lawful for the President to
employ the land and naval forces of the United
States or the militia to enforce the act.
Sec. 11.—Upon all questions of law the final
appeal shall be the United States Supreme Court.