The Sun.
London, England, 1835-04-09 00:00:00

THE CLERGY AT ELECTIONS.

Mr. C. BUL LE R had a petition to present from Canter-
bury, respecting the interference of the Clergy at the late elec-
tion. A similar one had been presented by the late Member
for that city before he had been unseated. The Right Hon
Baronet, the Paymaster of the Forces, had denied the state-
ments that had been made by Mr. Villiers respecting the im-
proper interference of the Clergy; but it appeared that these
petitioners considered those statements to have been perfectly
true. The petition was signed by one thousand and forty-
four inhabitants of Canterbury, who prayed that the
House would appoint a Committee to enquire into the case.
He would not ask the House to enquire into individual cases
of anything so common as the interference of Clergy in
elections. If they enquired into every case of improper inter-
ference on the part of the Clergy, they would have nothing to
do but to enquire into all the elections where a liberal
candidate was opposed.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")
The exertions of the Clergy were not merely confined to can-
vassing, in the most indecent and disgraceful manner, before
and during the election ; but they had, since the election,
exercised an intimidation disgraceful to any class of men, but
more particularly disgraceful to Ministers of Religion. One
Dignitary of the Church had paid off his butcher, because he
would not vote as he thought proper—another had paid off
his grocer—and intimidation had been carried on to a
most frightful extent. He did not refrain from mentioning the
names of those persons from any delicacy or fear ; they were
Archdeacon Cross, the Rev. Mr. Molesworth, the Rev. Mr.
Peel, and the Rev. Mr. Crowther ; nor did he do so, because no
persons were present, and it was therefore his wish not to occupy
the time of the House. The petitioners wished for vote by bal-
lot, which they believed was the only remedy that could be de-
vised. The Clergy in the City of Canterbury had applied the
wealththat had been given them, not for the purposes of religion,
but for the purposes of faction.—( Cheers.) The City of
Canterbury was not singular upon this paint, fur in almost
every town and city in the country, Clergymen bad been not
only the most active electors, but the most unscrupulous
agents of the parties : the indecency of such conduct on the
part of the Clergy had been admitted on all sides of the House.
He (Mr. Buller) considered it most unbecoming on the part
of a Clergyman to interfere in election matters. It was their
duty, whatever right the Legislature had given them, to exer-
cise them in a manner becoming a Christian minister. He
trusted that petitions like the one he had presented would
make an impression on the Clergy of this country, and induce
them to pursue a very different course from that which they had
adopted.—( Cheers.) While he was upon his legs, he would
just state that he had received a handbill, which had been cir-
culated in the City of Canterbury, calling upon the citizens to
do everything in their power to oppose the course pursued by
the Members who sat upon the Opposition side of the House.
—( Cheers.) He was sure that the proceedings which had
taken place in the City of Canterbury would excite the disgust
and animosity of every well-thinking man in the community.
Mr. PR AED said that he believed the instances of unfair
interference were more numerous on the part of those who
sat on that side of the House, occupied by the Hon. Member
who presented the petition, than on the part of those who sat
opposite to him. He had actually written to the minister of
the place, who was a relation of his by marriage, requesting
him to take no part whatever on his behalf in the election, and
the consequence was that he had not even given him his rote.

of those affairs as long as it is possible. Ido feel that no in-
terference with public life--that no disgust to the labours it
imposes that no personal mortifications—no reference to
private feeling, should sanction a public mass on lightounda,
in withdrawing from that post to which the favour of his So-
vereign had called him; but, at the same time, there is an evil
in exhibiting to t 1 e country the want on the part of Government
of that support in the House of Commons which shall enable it
satisfactorily to conduct the public business—which shall
enable it to exercise a legitimate and necessary con-
troul over the proceedings of this House—( Hear, hear)
a controul conferred on it by the position of that confidence.—
( Cries of " Hear, hear.) I repeat, Sir, there is an evil in that
exhibition of weakness to which limits must be placed.—
( Hear, hear.) I must say that, reverting to all that has
occurred since the commencement of the present Ses-
sion—looking to the little progress that we have been ena-
bled to make from the want of that support and confidence—
looking to what has occurred on each of the last four nights, in
which his Majesty's Ministers have had the misfortune to be in a
minority on each occasion—on Thursday last, on Friday last, on
Monday, and on last night, although that minority was a smaller
one than that with which we commenced this Session--advert-
ing to the fact that on that occasion we received the support
of those who not having general and unlimited confidence
in the Government, yet still have given to that Govern-
ment a cordial and honourable support—( Great cheers)
on every question on which it was necessary to give it7-ad-
vesting to all these considerations, I must say, in my ?pinion,
the time is come, when it is incumbent upon us to withdraw
from office. In addition to these considerations, the vote of last
night--that vote I conceive implied a want of confidence
in his Majesty's Government, because it was not necessary, in
my opinion, for any public purpose to come to that vote.—
—( Great cheering.) It was tantamount to a declaration
on that part of the House, that the House had not that con-
fidence in his Majesty's Government which entitled the Members
of the present Government to submit to the consideration of
the House the measures of which it had given notice. (Ch eers. )
The Noble Lord had signified his intention, if the vote the
House had came to last night should meet with its
approbation, that he would follow it up with an address to the
Crown. Sir, I conceive, as great embarrassment of the public
affairs would have arisen by the presentation of that Address,
and as I had no right to think the House would take a different
view with respect to it, I thought it incumbent upon me—and in
that view I have acted exactly in conformity with my col-
leagues—l thought that my public duty was—l thought that a
public duty was imposed upon me, which I sincerely felt—l
thought that -the time was fast approaching when resig-
nation was inevitable, and that I ought not to persevere
in a useless struggle, which might involve his Majesty and the
country in additional difficulties and inconveniencies. Sir, we
consider that vote was not merely tantamount to a declaration
of a want of confidence, but the vote of last night
implied the necessity of a full change of the system in Ire-
land, so far as the Church revenues were concerned. Sir, we
considered that that would impose such difficulties in the way of
the practical administration of the Government in Ireland, as to
render it incumbent on us to enter no farther into the consi-
deration of that question. In addition, Sir, to the fact of the
vote being tantamount to a want of confidence, it also
imposed on us the necessity of undertaking the practical
execution of the laws in Ireland, when a majority--a con-
siderable majority of the House—had approved of a prin-
ciple at variance with the principle with which he set out.
Sir, the vote of last night is not an abstract principle, the
practical execution of which could be carried into effect by us.
—( Loud cheers.) There may, Sir, be points on which
the House of Commons may come to a different opinion
to that of the Government upon some abstract principle of
great importance, but still there might be such a case
wherein the Government might govern even in opposition to
the House.---( Cheers.) But, Sir, the vote of last night places
things in a very different position. You cannot leave the
question of tithes in its present state. At present you are
in a position in which you cannot remain. In the uncer-
tainty which prevails, you cannot by any possibility enforce
the collection of tithes.—( Cheers.) Nothing would be more
dangerous than to leave the question in its present state. Pro-
perty of all sorts would be placed in the utmost jeopardy. We
could not carry out your principle—( Hear, hear)--and there-
fore we considered your vote of last night as tantamount to
a vote of no confidence. Sir, under these circumstances, if
we had remained in power—if we had continued in the Govern-
ment—we would have been pressed for an immediate settlement
of that question upon the Tithe Bill of which we have given
notice, one of the principles of which was to be the remission
of our 'claim upon the Irish clergy, for the instalments due
under the Million Act.—( Cheers.) Sir, I cannot see—l can-
not for a moment suppose—that the House would' have
come to a different conclusion. I cannot anticipate that
the House would have sanctioned that principle—that it
would have given up its right to those instalments without the
recognition of the principle of the vote of last night.—
(Hear, hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, and
having reason to apprehend the delay of a few days,
would make no material difference; considering also that we
must have shortly proceeded with the Tithe Bill, on which
we must have again clashed with the House, we
did consider that the vote of last night was
tantamount to a resolution of no confidence in the Ministry.—.
( Cheers.) Being firmly resolved to adhere to the principle of
that Bill—( Loud Ministerial cheering, continued for some
minutes)—.being firmly resolved not to admit the principle ,
of the vote of last night, under any circumstances—( Reite-
rated cheering)---under all these combined considera-
tions, we feel it to be our duty—to be incumbent on us
as public men, respectfully to request his Majesty to accent:.
the resignation of our various seals.--( Great cheering from the
Opposition.) Sir, I have therefore to state that we hold our
offices for the execution of public business only—and to pre-
vent public inconvenience—until our successors are appointed.
Perhaps the best course I can take will be to propose a short
adjournment. I shall not propose it beyond Monday. I should
have made the motion for adjournment at once, but that
there would be an objection to it until another matter had been
disposed of. Perhaps the House will feel at this present
moment, and in the existing state of public affairs, that
any public discussion of other business will be unnecessary,
and I trust that the motion will be agreed to almost, if
not quite, unanimously.—( Loud cheers from the Opposition.)
If inconvenience should be likely to arise to the par-
ties interested in the Election Committee, for which
a ballot is fixed for to-morrow, the House will, perhaps,
meet for the purpose of making that ballot in order to prevent
such inconvenience, consenting at the same time to the ad-
journment till Monday. It is with a vies:, to preserve
the public interests that I move the third reading of the Mu-
tiny Bill, which I hope will be as unanimously agreed to as the
motion for adjournment.—( Hear, hear.) I wish to give this
explanation as briefly as possible, and in a manner the least
likely to excite any angry feelings.—( Tremendous cheering.)
The whole of my life has been spent in the House of Commons,
and I desire that the remainder may be spent there ; and what-
ever may be the conduct of others, I shall always be anxious to
stand well with the House, whether in a majority or in a mino-
rity.—( Renewed cheering.) I well know that under
no circumstances of censure or difficulty would I ever
have advised the resignation of that great source
of moral strength, which consists in a strict adherence to the
principles of the spirit of the Constitution of the country ; for I
am sure that adherence will be the surest safeguard against
any impending danger, and that is why I believe myself and
my colleagues ought not to persist in carrying on public affairs,
after a fair trial, and against the decided opinion of a majority of
the House of Commons. It is because I have that conviction
deeply rooted in my mind, although I do sincerely regret the ne-
cessity which has compelled me to abandon the King's service at
this moment. Yet upon the balance of public feeling, I con-
fess that I shall most directly promote the ultimate interests
of the country by retiring, than by persisting in a fruitless attempt
to carry on public affairs. The Right Hon. Baronet sat down
amid reiterated cheering from all sides of the House.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL wished only to state that, with
regard to the course which the Right Hon. Gentleman had
proposed to pursue with respect to the adjournment,
ho believed there could be no objection to that. With regard
to the rest that he had stated, he believed that the Right
Honourable Gentleman had only acted in uniformity
with those feelings which had actuated the gentlemen on his
(Lord John Russell's) side of the House.—( Hear, bear, hear.)
The Mutiny Bill and Marine Mutiny. Bill were then passed,
and the House adjourned at half-past five till to-morrow.