The Sun.
London, England, 1859-12-22 00:00:00

" 111.

" The necessity of the temporal power of the Pope in
the double point of view of the interests of religion and
of political order in Europe is, therefore, clearly proved.
But what is this power in itself How can the Catholic
authority, founded upon dogma, be reconciled with a con-
ventional authority, founded on public morals, human in-
terests, social wants ? How can the Pope be at the same
time Pontiff and King ? How can the man of the Gospel,
who forgives, be the mtul. Ai the law, Rho punishes? How
can the head of the Church, who excommunicates heretics, be
the head of the State, who protects freedom of conscience I'
Such is the problem to be solved. Doubtless the problem is
difficult. There is, in some measure, antagonism between
the Prince and the Pontiff confounded in the same personifi-'
cation. The Pontiff is bound by principles of divine order
which he cannot discard. The Prince bas to respond to the
claims of society which he cannot disown. Where, then,
are the means to be found that the mission of the Pontiff
may find in the independence of the Prince a guarantee of
his authority, without finding therein at the same time an
embarrassment for his conscience ?
"If we were to seek for the solution of this problem in
the customaryforms of tho government of peoples we should
not find it. There does not exist in the world a constitu-
tion of a nature to conciliate exigencies so diverse. It is
neither by monarchy nor by liberty that this end can be
obtained. The power of the Pope can only be a paternal
power; he must rather resemble a family than a State.
Thus, not only is it not necessary that this territory should
be of large extent, but we think that it is even essential that
it should be limited. The smaller the territory, the greater
will be the Sovereign.

" In fact, a great State implies certain requirements (exi-
gencies) which it is impossible for the Pope to satisfy. A
great State would like to follow up the politics of the day,
to perfect its institutions, participate in the general move-
ment of ideas, take advantage of the transformations of the
age, of the conquests of science, of the progress of the human
mind. Ho cannot do it. The laws will bo shackled by
his dogmas. His authority will be paralyzed by traditions.
His patriotism will be condemned by faith. Ho must either
resign himself to immobility, or rise even to revolt. The
world will advance and leave him behind. Then, of two
things, ono will happen,—either everything will be extin-
guished in that people, and nothing will remain in it of the
generous activity of public life, or else the noble aspirations
of nationality will burst through, and it will become neces-
sary, as we have witnessed already, for material force to
supply the deficiencies of moral authority. The temporal
power of the Pope under those conditions cannot maintain
itself unless protected by an Austrian or French military
occupation ;—a painful resource, for every Power that does
not exist upon its national strength and public confidence is
simply an institution—is but an expedient. The Church,
far from finding therein a condition of independence,
would only find a cause of discredit and incapacity. This
is not what France can wish. This is not what truly reli-
gious men can desire.