The Sun.
London, England, 1832-01-27 00:00:00

force, it was necessary that the whole of the Five Powers
should agree. If one of them dissented, and particu-
latly if that dissentient should happen to he France,
what would be the consequence of resorting to force?
Immediate war ; and at that time the general
circumstances of Europe, the condition of Russia with
respect to part of her former subjects, the condition of
the general aspect of affairs, were such that he
thought he might safely ask whether, for the sake of what
the Noble Earl called an honourable consistency, he
would have incurred the risk of a general war? It had
heel, said that the Gordian knot might have been cut, but
it could only be cut by an immediate and inevitable war.
The Noble Earl had said that he (Lord Grey) had been
compelled to relinquish much of what he had at first as-
serted lie would insist upon. He should wish the Noble
Earl to tell hint what treaty had ever been concluded ex-
actly in the terms in which it had been first pro-
posed—what terms had ever been offered that had not
afterwards received some qualification, and some of which
hail not been afterwards conceded, and these conce,sions
made on both sides, and in a spirit of mutual accommoda-
tion, not to favour this or that Power, but to avoid that
evil-which the world had so much reason to fear—he
meant time evil of war? He asserted that the only ob-
ject the Ministers hail in view in conducting these ne-
gotiations was to effect, by their means, the arrangement
of the difference of these two parties, and the bringing of
them to an understanding, without incurring the risk—at
all times, but more particularly at present, to be avoided—
the risk of a war. Much stress appears to have been laid
upon the part which the British Government took in re-
ference to the acceptance of the Crown of Belgium by
Prince Leopold. In his opinion there could not have been
made a better choice. The virtue and the talents of that
Illustrious Personage entitled him fully, under the cir-
cumstances, to that preference over others which even-
tually he received ; and he could not repel, as in-
jurious to his character, and unworthy of the Noble
Lord who made them, the imputations sought to be
cast upon the Kiag of Belgium ; and he would also
repel, as equally unfounded, the charge made against him
and his colleagues, of seeking to make Belgium subservient
to France. Thus, then, he trusted that he had made it fully
apparent to all whom he had the honour to address, that
the responsible advisers of the Crown had, throughout the
whole of those transactions, proceeded upon the principle
of non-interference, and that they held that principle
of non-interference as strongly as any of the Noble Lords
opposite, and as strongly as at any time they had them-
selves ever professed. There was, he would repeat it, in
those transactions nothing like an interference with the in-
ternal affairs of Belgium. And now he would beg the
House to turn its attention to what bad been one of the
first consequences of that negociation ; and one of the most
important was, that the five Powers now recognized the
right of the people of Belgium to choose their own Go-
vernment, and to establish it upon a sound foundation.
He would ask the House, had not the British Government
a right to object to the occupancy of the throne of Bel-
gium by the Duke of Nemours? and if that were so, he
would put another question—did not that, coupled with
the other circumstances of the negociation, show the diffi-
coltiea with which the Government had to contend?
They were in the situation to which he had adverted when
the eighteen articles came before them ; and upon them a
long negociation took place, which the invasion of Bel-
gium by Holland interrupted. He had not the slightest
hesitation in asserting that that invasion was as unjustifi-
able as it was unexpected. It was contrary to the
engagements which had been contracted with the
Five Powers—it was done without notice—nay, he
would add, it was dune under circumstances of conceal-
ment—it was done wiltuut the knowledge of Sir Charles
Bagot. It must be well known to every Noble Peer, that
when explanation was demanded none was given ; and it
was under those circumstances that a British fleet was as-
sembled in the Downs ; and he was sure that every impar-
tial man in Europe would admit that, under the circum-
stances, the Government of this country could not have
done otherwise than take such measures as might compel
the Dutch to resume the armistice which they had so im-
properly abandoned, and in the meantime the French army
made its appearance on the frontiers. It might, perhaps,
be no matter of surprise to some Noble Lords that the
Noble Earl should arrive at different conclusions from these
which naturally presented themselves to his mind ;
per haps be was in possession of better information—
perhaps be obtained from Holland a knowledge of facts
which was not possessed by the British Government ; but
with the information which they did possess, and he be-
lieved they had obtained all that a Government could ac-
quire, he was sure they would stand confessed before their
Lordships of having acted in the hest manner which the
circumstances of the case permitted. From Belgium, he
mold assure the House that they had not received any
information which was not already before Parliament ;
and lie would take leave to repudiate anything like a sus-
picion of the integrity and good faith of the King of
Belgium ; for nothing could be more loyal and high-
minded than was the conduct of that Monarch through-
out. It was one of the grossest mistakes into which any
mind could fall, to suppose that he had been at an)
time under the command of the French Ambassador ; it
was an assumption without the slightest foundation in
fact. From this observation the Noble Lord proceeded to
state, that some of the difficulties of the case having been
got over, the negociation proceeded. And here he begged
permission to stop, for the purpose of repelling the charge
that no attention had been paid to Holland. So far from
that being the fact, he would affirm, that from the com.•
mencement of those negociations to the present moment,
the interests of Holland had never once been overlooked ;
hut it was felt that Holland and Belgium, front the temper
displayed by both, could not be expected to negociate with
each other upon any terms likely to be productive of
peaceful relations ; and what, with such persuasion acting
on the minds of the Ministers of the Five Powers, could
they do, but take that into their own hands which could
not be amicably arranged without their interference ? That
they certainly did ; and after touch pains taken on all sides,
:ind after a discussion carried on in the strictest spirit of
impartiality and justice, they arrived at a conclusion, in
which, if there was any favour at all, it was rather to
Holland than to Belgium that it was shown. Acting,
then, upon the principle already adverted to, the statement
of the 24 articles was produced. He would put it to their
Lordships, could they, under such circumstances, revert to
the ancient political system arid principles? No such thing,
—even the Noble Duke opposite never for a moment at-
tempted to say they could. Nothing remained fur them
hut to erect Belgium into an independent State. He was
sure, that time more the House reflected upon the subject,
the more would they become convinced that, under
the circumstances, it would be impossible for the Mini-
sters of the Crown to have adopted any better course than
in the present time to substitute for the arrangement of
1815 a condition of affairs suited to existed circumstances,
and calculated to meet the difficulties which now presented
themselves, and calculated to promote the general security
and peace of Europe. With these views, then, they en-
tered upon those negociations. But it was alleged that
the result of those negociations was derogatory to the
honour of England, and injurious t the interests of Hol-
land. Such I ingnage as that, and, indeed, he alight add,
the general scope of the Noble Earl's speech, was calcu-
lated to produce an excitement in Holland neither favour-
able to time true interests of England, new of a nature to
promote tbe peace of Europe Especially theme was
nothing more likely to disturb, that peace than those objec-
tiona which had been made to the twenty-four arti,les,
whiA., in truth, were nothing more than a development
of that basis upon which Holland had her-elf agreed to a
separatism. He would put it to the candour and the corn-
soon sense of the House, could the three 'Northern Powers
with any consistency have adopted say other than arrange-
ments which had been made, and which he hail no doubt
would be eventually ratified. He had no doubt that the
Courts of Russia, Prussia, and Austria thought ass he
did, that it would have been extremely desirable
to have placed matters upon a different footing,
were any thing of a different kind practicable ; but
no alternative was left to those engaged in the negociation
and lie felt assured that the Courts of Europe could not
fail to regard the matter in that light. In fact, he could
not allow himself to doubt but that, sooner or later, the
expected ratifications would be renewed. The Noble Earl
then proceeded to enumerate these several stipulations of
the treaty which had been already stated relative to the
navigation of the Scheldt and its various branches to the
Heine, contending that in every case nothing had been
done of which Holland had a just right to complain, what-
ever might be time case with respect to Belgium. But the
Nubile Earl opposite would have the advisers of the Crown
in this country hazard every thing for the sake of certain
views of abstract justice, no matter what might be the
consequences ; he would have the Government negociate
not upon principles that were expedient or practicable, but
upon those which accorded with his own views of theo-
retic perfections, fiat justitia ruat ralum. Even though
war were the consequence, he should still adhere to his
principles.—(Ceeers.) But to the question of war or
peace there were two parties ; and above all, let it not be
orgotten that In this country the question of war depended
in no slight degree upon the feelings of the people of Eng-
land. He would ask this simple question—was the
Noble Lord perfectly sure that the House of Commons
as the guardians of the public purse, Would grant the
supplies for carrying ou such a war ? But he need
not content himself with resting the defence of the