The Sun.
London, England, 1835-12-26 00:00:00

quence of the proximity of the point, it ought to be consi-
dered as the inevitable consequence of the blockade of the
Dardanelles. Besides, we explained, that in reality this
blockade was not a blockade in the strict acceptation of the
term, and that it did not impose any loss on commerce ; in-
fact, the commerce exported from Turkey continued with
unrestrained liberty ; and never, or hardly ever, had any
corn been imported into it from the Mediterranean. Such
importation could only rake place durinc, war, but the com-
merce of peace, the usual commerce of the Levant, would
not be subjected to any restriction in consequence of our
blockades aL therefore offered no motive of legitimate
,
of commercial interest were
objection. The considerak..!
not therefore titiOieable to our measurei; we confined them
nu reste to the narrownt circle ; and we bad everyr reason
to believe the so moderate, so generous a policy, be
appreciated by w C4overnment like that of Great Britain.
To this declaration, which the Duke of Wellington
seemed tti flint to 'employ as a bugbear (epouvantait), we
opposed a deduction from the policy of the Emperor,
founded on his acts and sverd:l. We repeated what his
imperial Majesty had not ceased fo gay respecting the fall
of th (*Oman empire. His language, full of moJeration ;
his measures tilwayA adopted under the same influence ; the
concessions made by him to even the most gratuitous
alarms ; the guaranteeS offered even by the last communi-
cations of his Ministers ; and the necessity under which we
should be to interpret in an unpleasant manner the uneasi...
ness, the fostering of which was persited in, notwithstand-
ing so many motives of confidence. Resuming then, the
question of the blockade of Enos, and allowing the care to
be appreciated which the Emperor took to discuss it with
his allies, and to make known the true aim of his determi-
nation, we applied ourselves to reproduce, &c.

" We then thought it useful to let him perceive, without
any reserve, that much as the Emperor was disposed to con-
cert with his allies, and much as he was desirous of sponta-
neously making every sacrifice compatible with his interests,
when asked of him in friendship, he was equally resolved
never to suffer any compromise of his dignity—never to
yield to threats, and never, indeed, to admit them. We
added, that such means, united with unjust suspicions, would
lead to incalculable consequences.

" I know, I replied, the weight of public opinion in Eng-
land, and I have seen it change in a few days. It is against
us in our wars, because it thinks us aggressors, whilst we
have been attacked ; because it imputes to- us the idea of
overthrowing the Ottoman Empire, whilst we declare that.
such is not our object, because, finally, it believes that we
pursue an ambitious policy, against which we protest. To
91ighten it on this poinf would be the surest way to cor-
rect it.

'fft
" I replied, that in no i',ulT in the world he) all the results
►een calculated beforehand, rof they depended on the for-
tune of arms. But the declarations of the Emperor suffi-
ciently made known the views which animated him. The pe-
cuniary indemnities which he should claim would be nothing
exorbitant—nothing surpassing the means of accommodation,
which the Porte could reasonably offer. With respect to the
guarantee of the free passage in the Bosphorus, it constituted
one of our necessities, for, in fine, the free navigation of the
Bosphorus, and the prosperity of a part of the domains of the
Emperor, were united by an indissoluble link. We could not
permit the caprice of a visier* of a favourite sultana to arrest
at will the whole movement of commerce, the whole pro-
gress of public and private industry in many of our pro-
vinces. We could not place such interests at the discre-
tion of it barbarous Government, but these interests are not
ours. The liberty of commerce in the Black Sea was
equally important to all other European Powers, and espe-
cially to England. Thus, fir from having to object to
our demands; ore could not help finding them, on examina-
tion, both useful and just.
* # # * *
"It was to be apprehended that events would carry
the Emperor beyond the limits which he had prescribed
to himself, which would occasion a convulsion in Europe.
My replies had for their object to prove that the case
was inadtnittible. I declared that I could only ima-
gine such events by. pushing suppositions beyond all
probability. Lord Aberdeen was not ignorant that the
Emperor would then be under an obligation to consult
his allies, and that a definitive state of things would
not be established Without their assent and concurrence.
I took advantage of this opportunity to remark to Lord
Aberdeen, that from the moment that justice was ren-
dered to our policy, it would be right to manifest it publicly,
and to abstain from all the direct and indirect measures,
which make people believe in {no favourable a disposition
towards the Porto, and which encourage its' resistance. We
had never uttered a syllable of complaint oti this head, but
it would be easy for us to prove that more than cane step
had necessarily produced this effect, and we bad at leaLl,-
right to expect these incidents would not be again renewed.

" We have been anxious not to leave your Excellency in
ignorance of the details of those interesting conversations.
" Persuaded that at the present moment our first interest
is to preserve as long as possible the last remains of the al-
liance established by the treaty of July 6, to gain time, and
to strengthen the security which our military operations re-
quire, we have not hesitated a moment to take advantage of
the powers with which we were furnished in order to obtain
these major results by the sacrifice of a blockade of no relative
importance.
" We shall add, that, in meditating this language of the
Duke of Wellington and of Lord Aberdeima it reveals the
apprehension of the embarrassments which would be raised
by any Parliamentary discussion, and the not less real fear
of seriously indisposing us. The Prime Minister made the
amende honorable as soon as he perceived that his words
and his bravadoes would only serve to trouble that peace
which is necessary to him. It is perceptible that he avoids
and even dreads the examination of the situation in which
he stands, and that, according to his custom, he charges
events with the care of overcoming difficulties. But e
more this situation is critical the more it would enter into
his character to turn to profit the slightest incident to
emerge from it by a coup d'cclat. Singular combination of
timidity and audacity—the Duke of Wellington provokes
often the chances which he apprehends, and thenceforth he
confronts them without calculating the real consequences
of his determinations. It would have been the more im-
prudent to irritate him, after his protestations and his ex-
cuses, in refusing him this puny concession, as the question
of the blockade really does excite the opinion of England
against. us, wounds the national pride, and imposes silence on
those who are disposed to defend us. The news that Count
Pozzo di Borgo has sent us on the position of the French
Ministry, which is every day more and more uncertain, has
also led us not to alienate from us completely the Cabinet
of London before the epoch when' the answers from Con-
stantinople would relieve us from nll anxiety, Finally,
everything proves more than ever that the general tran-
quillity will be maintained in spite of t'sc faults and the
passions of the Duke of Wellington. The cry of peace
has resounded in the Lower House, and has been unani-
mously repeated there by the Tories as well as the Whigs.
Your Excellency will have remarked that the Ministry has
not dared to answer either to that part of the observations
of Sir James Mackintosh relative -to the danger of any
guarantee in favour of the Ottoman territory, nor to the
speech in which Lord Palmerston, whose name is hencefor-
ward associated with those of the first orators in Parliament,
has insisted on the preservation of the general peace, and
proved that an Austro-Turkish policy would only serve to
disturb it. Messrs. Broughatn and Baring have, spoken
in
the same sense, amidst- the hears' of the Ilouse ; and it
is probable that, aided by our moderation, this salutary dis-
position will make every day new proselytes.
" It will not escape your Eacelleney that the Duke of
Wellington and Lord Abet dean have put every thing in
motion to wrest from us confidence as to the conditions of
our future peace with the Turks. It appeared to us use-
less to repeat the assurances which on this point all the de-
clarations of the Emperor contained, or to add even any
developement of them. We shall confine ourselves to these
generalities, for every circumstantial communication on a
subject so delicate would draw doWn real dangers, and if once
we discuss with our allies the articles of a treaty with the
Porte, we shall only content them when they would have
believed that they had imposed upon us irreparable sa-
crifices. It is in the midst of our camp that peace must be
signed, and it is when it shall have been concluded that Eu-
rope must know its conditions. Remonstrances will then
be too late, and it will then suffer what it can no longer
prevent.t
" We cannot doubt that such will be the result of our
campaign. The British Ministry can undertake nothing
without our furnishing it with motives by alarming opera-
tions in the Mediterranean. Our security is complete—our
forces are immense. It remains, therefore, only to combine
them all, and to employ them with energy on the theatre of
war. It will be there that we shall conquer all our known
and secret foes—there we shall obtain that consideration
which is our due—there, finally, we shall confirm the in-
fluence of Russia on the internal and external repose of the
rest. of Europe. It would be dangerous, on the other hand,
to dissemble to ourselves that these ends, easy of acquisi-
s " If for none of these reasons, each by itself sufficient to
justify all her efforts, the possession of the Dardanelles were
desirable, still would it be necessary for the security of the
actual commerce of Russia, and must be possessed, before the
Government can peimit the extensive development of industry
which night, at any moment, convulse the empire and over-
throw the Government, in consequence of a verbal order-of the
Reis Effendi to the port captain of Constantinople.' "
England, Franc; Russia, end Turkey, p. 26.
" Eve ry line of it is fraught with the deepest meaning—
and we ebs twin from all comment; but cannot refrain from beg-
ging those who are 'not accustomed to believe in such turpi-
tude. as tlsrs, to compare these lines with the declaration
made to I.,(1.1 Aberdeen—ts 179. —Ed."