The Sun.
London, England, 1832-01-26 00:00:00

ANATOMY BILL.

Mr. PLACE had been requested by Mr. Warbur-
ton to ascertain whether any and how many of the
members of the Union or their friends would be
willing to sign a petition in support of the Anatomy
Bill, or of the progress and improvement of ana-
tomy; and what were their sentiments concerning
it ? He, thinking Mr. Bowyer had much experience
among the lower orders of society, and was there-
fore intimate with their sentiments, had written to
Mr. Bowyer to know how far such an object as a
petition could be procured, or an elicitment of feel-
ings upon the science or Bill of Anatomy could be
acquired, or a knowledge ascertained ? He now
read Mr. Bowyer's letter in answer, stating that the
endeavour to get a petition would be hazardous;
for the people were more willing to make subjects
of the physicians than become their subjects. But
Mr. Bo,Nyer in his letter recommended a meeting of
some kind to be held, under the cognizance and
controul of the Union, to which might be invited
for discussion of the merits and details of the science
of anatomy, so far as procuring subjects, as many
medical gentlemen as could be prevailed on to at
tend, in order to remove the prejudice against the
subject, at present so prevalent among the lower
order of people.
After some discussion (wherein Messrs. Smith,
Perry, C. Thomas, Howel, Murphy, Detrosier, and
Bowyer, bore a prominent part), the subject was
thought worthy the consideration of the Council at
a future meeting.
It was then resolved, that all the Members of Par-
'lament who might choose to attend their meetings
should be considered honorary members pro tern-
pore, and be permitted to speak, though not to vote.
Mr. GEORGE ROGERS then said, as he could not
but feel anxious concerning the Reform Bill—and
as it was rumoured that the Irish Members were
hostile to the English Bill, on account of not having
a similarly extensive Bill brought in for their own
country, he would move that Mr. O'Connell be re-
quested to state to the Council his views on that
subject.

This being warmly seconded and supported,
Mr. O'CONNELL rose amidst unanimous cheering.
The object of the Irish as well as English Reformers
is to procure free institutions and cheap Govern-
ment—(Cheers)—and even if this object could not
be obtained by the Irish, he saw no just grounds
for endeavouring to previ nt its being obtained by
the English Ti,e only ground of dissent or dis-
satisfaction he had to the Irish Reform Bill was,
that it had not that extent necessary nor justice de-
sired; or could identify the idea of self-government
with the Itish people, or with the enlarged ideas of
freedom and propriety that are abroad through the
nations of the world. The English people have
greatly mistaken the Irish, if they suppose that the
Irish Members will shrink from their duty in en-
deavouring to disencumber them from the trammels
in which the Irish have been so long mutually held,
and which the Irish have beheld with equal sym-
pathy and chagrin. At the meeting of the Irish
Political Union in Dublin, there was indeed one
il/ernber who spoke of withdrawing support from
the English Reform Bill, till a pledge of mutual
support for a similar Bill should be given to
the Irish by the English; but to this he de-
cidedly and immediately objected ; and after he
had so spoken there was that one, and only that
one, who stood opposed to supporting, by every
means in their power, the English Reform, whether
the Irish were or were not granted. He did not
certainly approve wholly of the English Bill; for he
did not think it went to that extent it might, or
might be considered practicable, as well as fair• and
just. Every man in England is taxed more or less,
and every man paying taxes, of whatever kind,
should have a vote in the taxation, or in those who
imposed the taxation on him ; and every man who
is liable to be called out On any service, should have
a vote in the election or choice of those who pos-
ses. the power of that liability. He was, therefore,
a friend to universal suffrage—(lmmense cheering)
—and to short Parliaments—(Cheers)—and' he
considered it necessary that the right of voting
should be protected and secured by ballot.—(Con-
tinued cheers.) So far, then, as these three went,
he considered the English Reform Bill scanty—and
his objections to it were not wholly theoretic, but
were founded oil common sense. He then drew a
cun'rast between the Reform Bills proposed for
England arid Ireland—i❑ England the right of fran-
chise is given to 40s. freeholders in perpetuity or in
fee, arid to those who hold the freedom or lease for
their own lives ; to these it adds the 101. copy-
holders, the 201. for a term of years, and the 50/.
freehold far a year; so that between the lessees
and assigns, 11 out of every 12 persons may pos-
sess the right of voting. And in Ireland, where
the tenures are the same, why should riot the right
of voting be the same ? He wanted nothing more,
and would not be sari•f►ed with less.—(Great cheer-
ing, and cries of " You shall have it.) In Ireland
(lie said) the right of franchise was ❑ot allowed to
any scale less than the 10/. copyholder ; and the
interests of the 40s. freeholders were wholly annihi-
lated. He then vindicated himself from the calum-
nies (as he said) thrown on him in the respect or re-
port of his having concerted or connived at the aboli-
tion of the 40s. freeholders in Ireland—a rumour he
considered base as well as false, and one of the
worst of the many calumnies which it had been his
lot in his political career to have had inflicted on
him. By this system of representation, electors in
Ireland will be one in every tell, while in England
it may be eleven out of every twelve—and why
should not Ireland have eleven out of twelve a•
well as England ? And if Ireland assists in pro-
curing this representation for England, why should
no: England assist in procuring the same represen-
tion for Ireland ? He then referred to the incon•
vettiences and privations of himself arid many of the
Irish Members who were obliged to shut up shop
while they have to come over here; but still air)

were willing to act as Apostles in the infancy of the
promulgation of freedom, to obtain cheap govern-
ment and the best laws, and to perform the duties
they owed to their country and humanity. He then
referred to the state of parties in England—to the
selfish Tories and not unselfish Whigs, and said that
formerly the country was under the watch and sur-
veillance of shepherds' dogs and wolves; but would
now be better when the wolves were removed, andl
the country protected by the shepherds. Every
country in England having one hundred thousand
inhabitants was to send one Member, and having
150,000 was to have two Members, and having
00,000 have three or four—and why should it not
be so in Ireland, where there was scarcely a single
county with less than 200,000? In Cork there area
million; in Tipperary 360,000; in Tyrone 300,000;
in. Down 315,000, and so on throughout the country;
yet Cork, with its million, is to have only two Mem-
bers, while a county in England, with the same po-
pulation, is to have eight or nine. The men are mad
who think such a system can please or satisfy—or
that the Irish are children who will be frightened
by nursery stories of raw-head and bloody bones—
and who think they will not demand their rights
when they know them to be their due. By the
census of 1821, England had twelve millions, and
by the Bill she was to have 512 Members. .11,rthe
same census Ireland had seven millions. The rent-
roll of Ireland is one-tenth that of England ; but if
twelve millions gave 512, seven millions ought to
give 291 ; but considering that property as well as
population is an ingredient in the principles of the
Reform Bill, Ireland ought, by the ratio of popula-
tion arid property, to have in justice, according to
the principles recognised in the English Bill, 170
Members. Yet he did not ask for more than 125,
and by the Union of Lord Castlereagh Ireland
should have had 124. England may rely on the
support and cordial assistance and sympathy of Ire-
land.—(Great cheers.) The forty-shilling free-
holders hare been so heart-broken from their op-
pressions and justice denied, that, net seeing any
hope of legislative relief, they have forborne to ask
it ; but being denied relief, they have not paid
tithes—(lrnmense cheering)—and being distrained,
they have submitted; but they have mutually for-
borne purchasing the goods of such distraints. And
who can compel them to purchase ? and of what
use will then be the distraints ? and then what use
will there be in laws that will not and cannot be
executed ? He next referred to the late revolution
in France, in Holland, and in Poland, and depre-
cated any appeals in the struggles for freedom, to
righting, to force or violence of any kind. Nothing
could justify the three days of July but the conduct
of Charles the Tenth; and nothing could justify the
conduct of the Belgians but the stupid oppression
of the Dutch tyrant. He then took a survey of the
English mode of administering law, which, he said,
was wholly at the discretion of the Judges. He
adverted to its expenditure and uncertainty. Hr
then warmly reprobated the criminal code, and said
a code f laws should be devised for the country.
lie then adverted to sinecures, and all the thousand
ills the State is heir to—which he trusted to see
eradicated; a consummation devoutly to be wished !
He then spoke of hereditary succession, which he
considered hereditary protection—but he did not
advocate hereditary power with property, nor places
and pensions with birth or rank—and said he trusted
no exertions would be spared and no endeavours
suppressed, till the whole world should be enligh-
tened, and all ascertain the fruits and sweets of free-
dom, despite the efforts of the despot of Russia, of
the whiskered Austrian, or the paltry Prussian.—
(He ceased amidst immense cheers.)—The meeting
adjourned about half-past ten o'clock.

COURT-MARTIAL ON CAPTAIN W. H.

WARRINGTON.

BRISTOL, JANUARY 25.

This morning the Court was crowded to excess
by those who gained admission by privilege of
tickets. A great number of elegantly dressed ladies
were present.
Shortly after ten o'clock the President, Sir HENRY
FANE; the Prosecutor, Sir CHARLES D'ALBIAC,
and the other Members of the Court, which is con-
stituted of the same distinguished Officers who pre-
sided at the trial of the late lamented Colonel Brere-
ton, entered the hall, and having taken their seats,
The JUDGE-ADVOCATE (Captain Thompson, of
the 81st Regiment) read his appointment.
Captain Warrington was attended by several mi-
litary friends, and took his seat on the left of the
President.

The charges, three in number, were then read
over to him serialim—to all of which he pleaded
Not Guilty.
Sir CHARLES D'ALMAC then rose, and in a man-
mer evincing—at the intervals to which he alluded
to the unhappy termination of the previous Court-
martial on Colonel Brereton—considerable feeling
and emotion, delivered the following address :
Mr. President, and Members of this Honourable
Court—lt is with feelings of an afflictive nature
that I present myself for the second time before a
General Court-martial in the character of a public
prosecutor. I appear at the suit of the King, to
conduct the prosecution in the trial of Captain War-
rington, the prisoner at your bar. I say it is with
feelings of an afflictive nature that I find myself
once more engaged in this most inviduous line of
duty ; nor is the; e, I am persuaded, a single member
of the Court who will affirm that this expression is
too strong for the occasion. The office which I
have to sustain is attended, at all times, and under
any circumstances, with infinite pain and embar
ras:ment. What, then, must it be when carried
on, as it were, under the very shadow of that awful
catastrophe, with which all who now hear me,,
scarcely less than the prosecutor in this trial, have
been so recently and so painfully affected? What
must it be when every step we take—every
witness we examine—every fact we touch upon, may,
peradventure, call up the remembrance of events,
which, as connected with the proceedings of a for-
mer Court, every generous heart would willingly
consign to oblivion ? And yet, under these over-
whelming recollections, my duty calls upon me to
proceed right onward. I must tread the very same
ground which is stamped with images of sadness;
I must inevitably revert, at times, to those very pro-
ceedings which have been brought to so calamitous
and so tragical a termination. I need hardly add,
however, that my own feelings will irresistibly
prompt me, throughout this trial, to spare the Court,
the public, anti myself, but especially those, who,
through friendship or consanguinity, are more inti-
mately concerned, the pain of any reference to a
General Court-martial recently held within this hall,
whenever the course of our proceedings will, by pos-
sibility, enable me to abstain from it. But I will
dwell no longer on the emotions which oppress wit
under this renewed demand upon my exertions, welt
assured that they must be fully understood by every
member of the present Court. I will address my-
self at once to the task which lies before me, form-
ing, as it does, a series of painful but unavoidable
duties, closely connected with each other. The na-
ture of this connection with respect to the present
case will be best understood from a brief detail ot
the circumstances which have led to the trial of
Captain Warrington, as well as to my being com-
manded to conduct the prosecution ; whiter circum-
stances I will accordingly submit for the information
the Court. General Lord Hill had commanded a
Court of Inquiry to assemble at Bristol on the ati;

' Nov.,. to investigate theeonduct of the officer who held
the command of the troops during the unfortunate oc-
currences which took place in this city on the 29th,
30th, and 31st October, which Court was com-
posed of the following officers:—President, Major_
General Sir Charles Dalbiac—Members, Gdonel
Sir E. Miles, 89th Regiment ; Ferguson,
.52e1 Light Infantry; Lieut.-Colonel Lord Lough-
borough, 9th Lancers; Major Walcot, Royal Horse
Artillery. Captain Warrington's Troop of the 3d
Dragoon Guards had formed a part of the farce
which was placed at the disposal of Site tnunicipal
authorities of Bristol upon the occasion above re-
ferred to, Captain Warrington being himself
in command of the troop; his evidence, therefore,
was deemed essential to the investigation, to which
the proceedings of the Court of Inquiry had been
directed—and he was accordingly instructed to re-
pair to Bristol, to attend the Court, when it as-
sembled in this Hall on the 17th November. Pre-
vious, however, to the examination of Captan
uVarrington, the Court was in possession of other
,vidence, touching the events of the three last days
of October, which appeared (in the Court's opinion)
to reflect, in a serious manner, upon the conduct of
Captain Warrington; and the Court came to the
decision, that it was out of their power to receive
his evidence, lest, in many very important points
upon which that evidence had been deemed essen-
tial, his replies to questions to be put by the Court
(night implicate his own conduct. A minute to
that effect was entered upon the proceeding,. Cap-
tain Warrington was required to attend in Court;
the minute which had been entered upon the Pro-
ceedings was read to him, and he was informed of
the circumstances which bad led to the Comes de-
csion. Captain Warrington very properly addressed
a communication on the subject to the Commanding
Officer of his regiment, and, with equal propriety,
submitted to the Adjutant-General, for the consi-
deration of General Lord Hill, a request that his
conduct might undergo investigation. This re-
quest of Captain Warrington accompanied a re-
port explanatory of the circumstances which, as
President of the Court of Inquiry, I forwarded
to the Adjutant-General, to be laid before the
General Commanding-in-Chief. An investigation,
however, before a Court of Inquiry could afford no fur-
ther information relative to Capt. Warrington's case
Alan what had already been recorded in the pro-
ceedings of the Court then sitting. The General
Commanding-in-Chief directed, therefore, that
Capt. Warrington's case should be submitted to
the decision of a General Court-martial. Such
are the circumstances under which Capt. Warring-
ton has now to answer before you to the charges
which have been preferred against him. With re-
spect to the general character of those charges, the
collective judgment of this Court will form a far
more correct estimate than any I
could presume to
submit. It is also unnecessary that I should go
into detail of the circumstances upon which each
particular charge is grounded. There is no
lengthened chain of incidents to unite—no intri-
rate thread of events to unravel. Conviction upon
each charge may be said to rest, fur the most part,
upon the mere proof of certain alleged and distinct
facts : according to the completion of which proof,
or otherwise, the Court will have to pronounce.
There are two or three points, however, which bear
upon the charges generally, to which if may be HD
well to allude at the present moment, although they
will be brought out separate!y in the course of the
evidence to be produced. I wish the Court to
bear in mind that the quarters of Capt. Warring-
ton's troop, during the Bristol riots, were at Leigh's
Bazaar,Capt.Warrington's own quarters being nearly
contigtious thereto at Reeve's Hotel. From these
quarters the Bishop's Palace, the Recruiting-oflice iii
College Green, and No. 2, in Unity-street (iii which
the officer then commanding in Bristol resided) are
severally distant about 200 yards. Berkeley-square
( whence the Mayor despatched a letter to the officer
commanding his Majesty's troops, at three o'clock
in the morning of the 31st October) is di-taut em
the said quarters about three hundred and fifty or
four hundred yards, and Queen-square (in which
stood the Custom-house, and where the great de•
si ruction of property took place) about half a mile,
a trifle mere or less. It is necessary I should re-•
mind the Court, that a portion of the testi:hotly to
be produced will relate to facts and circumstances
which occurred during a period of extreme disorder
and alarm. Some discrepancies in that testimony,
as far as relates to questions of time, and certain
other subordinate matters, must consequently be
expected; but I do not apprehend any d•ffieulty
whatever in reconciling these slight disagreements
as to every essential point. I have also to express
my desire—and, in so doing, I beg to be understood
as speaking with the most perfec, sincerity—that
whenever, in the course of these proceeon.p, a
doubtful point may arise, whether as to the ad-
mission or the effect of evidence, or any other mat-
ter whatever, such doubt may never be turned to
the disadvantage of the party accused; but that, on
the contrary, the decision of the Court, in all such
trs.ances, may invariably be in favour of the pri-
s.iner. Having thus submitted to the Court

the circumstances which have brought the pri-
soner before them, as well as a few observations
with respect to the evidence to be produced, I have
to solicit the attention of the Court to a few words
respecting my own personal acquaintance with
Captain Warrington, and my own personal feelings
towards him. My acquaintance, indeed, is one of
no long standing, or of close intimacy. We were
brought together by a single occasion of professional
duty ; which was the only opportunity ever afforded
me of acquiring any knowledge of the prisoner,
prior to the assembly of the Court of Inquiry in this
Hall on the 17th of November last. It witl, there-
fore, hardly be suspected that I can be under the
influence of any deep or overpowering solicitude
concerning Captain Warrington as an individual ; and
yet, in truth, I should be conscious of something
little short of downright hypocrisy, were I to affirm
that my own feelings on this occasion are absolutely
neutral. Captain Warrington belongs to that parti-
cular branch of our mil Lary service to which I have
been devoted through a long professional life of
almost forty years. Captain 'Warrington is attached
to that particular portion of the British army oter
which, by the most gracious favour end confidence
of his Majesty, I hold a proud, a distinguished, a
comprehensive superintendance, as the Inspecting
General of the cavalry of Great Britain ! I may,
therefore, with strict Propriety, regard Captain
Warrington as an officer under my own im-
mediate command. Furthermore, Captain War-
rington belongs to that particular regiment which
was brigaded with my own corps, the 4th dragoons,
when I had the good fortune, for the first time in
my life, to draw toy sword against the common
enemy of Europe, in the field of Talavera, under
the auspices of that gallant General who pre-
sides over this Court. Now, there cannot be
a Member of this Honourable Coen but must
have felt the magic of that sympathy which binds
those corps which have fought and conquered to-
gether, as it were, in a bond of sacred brotherhood.
would fain appeal, therefore, to the gallant General
—I would fain appeal to the gallant officers who
compose this Court—is it likely—is it natural, is it
possible that I should !oak with indifference to the
issue of this investigation, which involves the honour
of that distinguished corps, or of any individual be-
longing to it ? Honestly and distinctly do I de-
clare, that my own personal inclination is in favour
of the prisoner at your bar. In making this frank
.avowal, however, it cannot cutely be needful that I
should employ many words to protec, myself against
perversion or misconstruction. It wll not for a mo 7
went, I trust, be suspected that my regard for !he
lonour of a distinguished corps, or of any iodiv!duat
sitached to it, will cause me to halt HI the straiglit,
though rugged path of duty. If openly confessitnr,
h,t feelings of solicitude for the.prismter,aroen ga
ei my own breast, %%hat is this confession
secret
ut
miblic pledge to guard myself against
What
s it, but to call down upon my own proceedings
watchful and rigorous controul on the pare
Lite most
of those who are to pronounce judgment between
ietluence with the most jealous vigilance .