The Sun.
London, England, 1835-06-30 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 30, 1835.

seeds and clothes him. Lord Morpeth is a person of poeti-
cal fancy ; has. his imagination ever conaucted bins to :take
a view of the inside of a debtors' prisonPwith the penny-
less curate on his bed of straw, torn from his suffering
family and his vocation, on account of debts incurred for
the actual necessaries of life ? Has he ever . seen, or
fancied he saw, the prisoner looking towards, his grated
Window, and numbering the days of his captivity? .Has
he ever seen the " iron enter his soul," and his prospects in
life blasted, because the great maxim is violated, that
" those who minister at the altar should live by the altar ?"
But that this can be done upon Si. or 75/. stipends, is
perfectly ridiculoui. Lord Morpeth's Factory Bill was less
illiberal, than this pretence of liberality. We have expressed
our opinion of the report of the Commissioners of Ecclesias-
tical Inquiry in Ireland. The Bishop of Exeter has shown,
and unansvierahly.shown, that. the Commissioners being ap-
pointed to coad.ece an inquiry partly moral and mealy! sti-
tistical, threw, tin moral part of the inquiry o.verbazieci ; it
did not suit the purpose of the Government.' Nl*, it ap-
pears that the statistical part of the inquiry does not Suit the
purposes of the Government either. Lord Morpeth dis-
claims making the returns therein set forth the basis of the
confiscation of Church property in the parishes which are
to be put out of the. pale of Protestantism. He says the
numbers are.to be taken-from the census of 1831, -and not
from the Report of the Commissioners: For what•pur-
poee, then, was the Commission wanted at all ? : Last ;year
the Whig-Radical Ministers declared that they could not
legislate without it. This year they show that it is not at
all necessary to their plan of. legislation, which has for its
basis the census taken four years ago. The Commission
was consequently a source of superfluous expense to, the
country. But with regard to Protestants, is ParliaMent
in its omnipotence to arrest the laws which govern the
The vacating the -appAtilent of Leini lleyteshury Ives increase, of population? If not, what is to be done in
brought before the House last night by Mr. Praed. The the very natural event of the forty-nine Protestants in
motion for the production of papers was resisted by Sir the condemned parish increasing their numbers in, the
John Hobhouse in an admirable speech. The motion was course of a few years ? Are there not parishes in which
lost by a majority of 254 to 179. By shrinking from the the Protestant population were under fifty when the cen-
responsibility of appointing a person themselves to the high sus of 1881 was taken, where the Protestants are above
office, Ministers might, as Sir John observed, '` have con- that number now ? Do the Whig-Radicals legislate
ciliated their political opponents under the- mask of can- upon the notion that the members of that religion only
dour, and might have taken credit for forbearance, but " increase and multiply," whose priests live in a state
which, when the truth came to be told, would only have of perpetual celibacy ? We leave increase by conver-
been imputed, and fairly imputed, to the fear of giving sion out of the question. It is quite evident the authors
offence." He added, that the delegation of duties of
of this Bill (unconsciously we admit) have held out an in-
the highest importance to any, but men who had not
ducement to the application of the most direct " preventive
only a political, but a personal attachment to them, check" upon the increase of the Protestant population
was a feebleness, not only foolish, but fatal—and among enemies, who rely more upon the efficacy of " epos-
" that, after having yielded—(as had been formerly tolic blows and knocks" in diminishing heresy than upon
the case)-1-at• the outset of the grand struggle in which theological syllogisms. But we feel satisfied this Bill can
they had engaged, to difficulties of their own creation, in a never pass into a law—not, at least, until the monarchy be.
manner not only injurious to their interests, but also to overturned, and a democratic and Popish tyranny estab-
their characters, they would, in all probability, have dropped lished on its ruins. We want, and all constitutional Re-
from concession to concession, until at last, after losing formers want, the Church reformed by the abolition of
every remnant act only of power but of character, they sinecures, pluralities, and non-residence, and by such an
would have fallen, and deservedly fallen, under the bitter equitable distribution of its revenues as may provide a dc-
scorn of their enemies, and the contemptuous pity of their cent and adequate maintenance for all the working Clergy,
friends." These sentiments were loudly cheered by the When that is done it will be time to raise the question of a
supporters of Ministers. The men who hold their places surplus, but not till then. In the mean time, the Legisla-
at the good pleasure of their opponents will not hold them ture, which has passed so many severe laws against those
long ; and the idea, therefore, of conciliating opponents is petty delinquents who invade the rights of property in
comparatively small matters, will never sanction the me&-
the most absurd that can possibly enter into the head of
any politician. •We rejoice to find that Ministers are tho- tated act of sweeping and sacrilegious spoliation.—Mora-
ing Herald.roughly impressed with views which will give confidence to •
their supporters. To conciliate political opponents is the sure The sage who introduces himself and his political opi-
way to add to their number. Such a policy never fails to nions to the public under the signature of J. A. Roebuck,
produce an impression that they who are thus conciliated M. P., has been twice compelled to acknowledge, retract,
are the most powerful ; and whatever looks like an ad- mid express contrition for the falsehood contained in
mission of weakness leads to want of confidence and de- one of his
,three-halfpenny pamphlets. This proves that
sertion. It is due to the principles professed by a party where
,men are not actuated by correct feeling, or in pos-
(and professed because believed to be true), that when in session of solid information, the addition of their signature
office the 'powers of Government should be exercised only is but a slight voucher for the
,veracity of their writinge,
by persons who share their views. Hence we would give It is to be regretted that a good cause should be afflicted
the most extensive application to the doctrine advanced by by the meddling of a personage whose personal pomposi-
Sir John Hobhouse. We say, therefore, that if the powers ties protrude like excrescences on the political principles
of the Crown are too extensive, let them be curtailed ; but which have gained him notoriety—and do an injury to the
if they are not too extensive, they should be confided only cause of which we believe him to be a sincere, though an
to those who share the political opinions of his Majesty's imprudent advocate. What but ignorance of the conduct,
servants. All who represent the Crown throughout the character, and principles of the conductors of newspapers
country should be prepared to support the Ministers of the could have induced Mr. Roebuck to write such nonsense as
Crown. It is most preposterous to see men, deriving in- is to be found in the following paragraph, which we ex-
&tepee from the powers delegated to them from Govern- tract from his pamphlet on the "Stamped Press :"
meat, using that influence against his Majesty's Ministers. " There is another circumstance," says he, "connected with
On this subject there should be a clear understanding. our manners which also contributes greatly to degrade the
But we will reserve what further we have to say on it to a
morality of the writers for the periodical press. • In our aris-
pace at our
tocratic country a newspaper editor is not deemed a gentle.;
future occasion, when we shall have more s
man ; and, if any person be generally and avowedly known to
co mman d.-3-ferning C7hronicle• be the editor of a paper, he would lose caste if he were pre-
The Bill which Lord Morpeth moved for leave to hring viously considered of the class gentleman. This renders it
in on Friday night, for the purpose of carrying into effect incumbent on gentlemen, who become editors of newspapers,
Lord J. Russell's " appropriation clause," is worthy of the , carefully to keep from the circle in which they move all know-
fatal influence that presides over the councils of the Mel- ledge of the fact, and though it may sometimes be whispered
bourne Cabinet, and urges it on with unrelenting compul- that Mr. A. is the editor of such a paper—men avoid alluding
sion to the overthrow of our Protestant institutions. It is to it, as they would avoid alluding, in the presence of his bro-
a Bill which, if the Irish Agitator were installed in his ther, to a man who had been hanged."
'proper person as Chief Minister of the Crown he would Now, we believe it to be as new to the public as it is to
'not have had the courage to propose. To lift,the Papal
us, to be informed that "in our aristocratic country a news-
axe himself, so visibly to strike at the root of the Reformed paper editor is not deemed a gentleman," &c. God knows,
religion in Ireland, would at once excite the alarm, and call .the press has nothing to boast of in the way of indulgence,
up the indignation of the people of England. The im-
or partiality on the part of the public ; but the degra-
plementdation of the people of England, thank God, aristocratic
of destruction is therefore placed in the feeble
hands of Lord Morpeth, to be directed in its aim by the as are the feelings of no inconsiderable number of them,
more brawny sinews of the champion of R has not yet proceeded so far as to brand a class of gen-
-theeineish intolerance
tlemen as outcasts from society, because they happen in
man whom the Whig Ministers, not very long ago,
general to be better read—to 'be better informed—to be
described in a speech from the Throne as the enemy to
more public-spirited—and to be more laborious in their
the repose and prosperity of Ireland. For the reform
vocations than the ' generality of their countrymen are.
of abuses in the Church Establishment, both here and
Were the Member for Bath but to think for a moment
in Ireland, we have long been, and still 'are, earnest
that every newspaper establishment is a large menu-
and strenuous advocates ; but we have always care-
factory—to speak of it in the lowest terms—that a large
fully distinguished between reform and destruction. Does
capital is embarked in it—that the proper management of
the Bill of Lord Morpeth make that distinction ? If
that manufactory is a task which few have succeeded in
it do, it is only to show bow much more friendly the
discharging satisfactorily, and which requires a rare combi-
authors of the Bill were to the principle of destruction
nation of skill, tact, discretion, and experience of men, prin-
than to that of Reform. With the exception of that part
ciples, and things, and further, that the conductor of the
of it which relates to the commutation of tithe, by con-
said manufactory may in one day damage the value of the
vetting it into a rent charge, it is a measure of destruc-
property entrusted to his safe keeping to the extent, not of
tion, attempted indeed to be disguised by ridiculous pall-
atives, or only sneakingly avowed, but still destruction. hundreds, but of thousands of Pounds—we say, that were
And as to the commutation of tithe, it, is only a clumsy Mr. Roebuck but to reflect for a moment upon these un-
deniable facts, we hope, in charity, notwithstanding the hard
plagiary of the Bill of Sir Henry Hardinge, adopting the
principle of that measure, but destroying the simplicity of things which he had said of us, the directors, es he allows
u s to be, of the political and moral opinions of a great ma-
its operation by a sort of hocus pocus contrivance worthy
of a dishonest ingenuity, so accustomed to crooked ways as jority of the people of England, that he would have been
the last man to have designated us as base, cowardly, and
to be utterly incapable of moving towards any object in a
unprincipled. He has now, we trust, discovered his error.
straight line. -When the question of the appropriation of a
surplus from the funds of the Irish Church was Let him, as a man and a gentleman, confess it—and we
first agitated, we advised that the preliminary question forgive him. To persist farther in his error may be injuei •
should be first settled, viz., whether, upon such a distri-
ous to him, as well as to the cause which, in common with
him, the advocate ; but after the exposures and retractations
bution of the Church 'revenues as would provide - for
every working -Clergyman a decent maintenance, there which have taken place cannot possibly be so to the press
would remain any surplus whatever? The Whig-Radical which he affects so much anxiety to purify, but which, let
and Popish faction were, however, resolved to dis-
us assure him, is just as little influenced by base and corrupt
pose of a surplus before they had it, relying upon their ta-
motives as the immaculate Member for Bath himself.—
lents at confiscation for making a surplus afterwards. Lord Morning Advertiser.
John Russell's clause, under Irish influence, appropriated, The discussion which was last night opened by the Hon.
in truly Irish style, the non-existent surplus, and Lord and Learned Member for Yarmouth must have convinced
-Morpeth's Bill now creates the surplus previously disposed every impartial person in Great Britain that his Majesty's
of, so that the blunder is backed up by gross injustice, Government cancelled the appointment of Lord Heytesbury
and ridicule is converted into indignation. We have al- to the office of Governor-General of India, not on account
ways regarded as one of the great practical abuses in the of his unfitness for than appointment, but in order to secure
Church of England, b, tip in this country and Ireland, to themselves the opportunity of disposing of an important
the- unequal appropriation of its revenues, from which and valuable piece of patronage—not with a view to the
some of the higher Clergy derive great wealth, while the public welfare, but to the promotion of their own private
inferior, as they are called—or as we would call them, the ends. The defence of the conduct of Ministers upon this
working Clergy—are left without an adequate maintenance occasion, attempted by Sir John Hobhouse, was of the most
to struggle with privations, and to endeavour to eke out a shadowy character imaginable. It was a defence which
livelihood by other avocations than those of the ministry to consisted not in the statement of reasons so much as in the
which they are ordained, and which ought to have all their assertion of authority. The Executive Government had
attention.. Does the Whig-Popish Bill remedy this abuse ? the power to do what it had done in this instance, and
Not in the least. It confiscates the Church property in to do it, if it pleased, without advancing any reason,
upwards. of 850 parishes, which Church property, after all and, therefore, no reason should be given. Now this
that has been said about the enormous wealth of the however properly it might have been said in reply to
Church, does not amount to 60,0001. per annum, or about Lord Heytesbury, had he been the complaining
one-third of the property of some Whig Nobleman. Is party—however properly it might have been said even to
this property so seized in parishes having less than fifty the East India Company—could, not, as it appears to us,
Protestants each to be applied to augment the value of be said without the greatest impropriety to one ofthe Houses
small livings, and to increase the miserable stipends of of Parliament, which has a title to expect. that, in return or
curates ? Not at all. If it were, Lord John Russell's exchange for its confidence, all' the explanations shall be
boasted surplus might be looked for in the moon, or in frankly and freely given, in every particular instance, of
any other depOsitory of the riches of visionary speculation— which the case admits. The strength of the minority on
no where else could it be found—and so the maximum of Mr. Preed's motion is a proof that the House of Commons
the 'new curacies is to be fixed at 751. per annum, that there was not satisfied with the defence offered on the part of the
may be some surplus for Lord John Russell's clause to Administration. A motion for papers, resisted by Ministers
operate upon ! or where no curate is appointed to parishes on the groUnd that to grant them would be detrimental to
having less than 50 Protestant inhabitants, the munificent the public service, or a violation of established rules, is
salary of 5/. is to be settled on the incumbent of an ad- seldom supported by so formidable a minority as.that which
joining parish for attending to the spiritual wants of 49 voted for the motion of Mr. Praed ; and it is quite certain
Protestants, or any number below the required 50 during that the motion of Mr. Praed would not have met with
the year ! This is " cheap religion" with a vengeance ! such powerful support but for the general convic-
We wonder would Lord Morpeth offer such a salary to a tion, which gathered new strength as the debate
helper in his stables as he liberally
.bestoth upon a gen- proceeded, that Ministers had acted, in the affair of
tleman of education, and who has a respectable station Lord Heytesbury, with injudicious and narrow-minded
in life to maintain, for attending to the spiritual wants of selfishness. The appointment of a Governor-General of
any number of
.Protestants under .50, and scattered India is not, in the ordinary sense of the words, and was
over a whole parish, in addition to whatever Protestant never intended by the Legieature to form, part of the pa-
strangers in a state of temporary sojourn happen to re- tronage of the Administration of the day. The appoint'.
quire his spiritual assistance. Compare this " liberality " ment was vested in the East India Company for the ex-
of the Whig-Radical Government towards the Ministers press purpose, among others, of keeping the patronage of
of the Protestant religion with their munificence towards this important office out of the hands of the Ministers of
the.-pauper-squeezing Commissioners—giving one 2,0001. a the Crown. And although the Act of Parliament has
year, and others 1,500/., 1,0001., &c. Compare, we say, conferred upon Ministers a veto upon the appointment, and
these instances of liberality emanating from the 'same source 1 a power of meal, it is universally felt•that to employ those
together, and it will be seen whether the religion of Christ, l powers in such a manner as to draw thiaimportant office
the source -of all genuine civilization, is not at a miserable ' within the vortex of Ministerial patronage," is' to 'abuse 'the
discount when compared
,with the heartless and man-de- power gr44ed by Parliament with a view to
.objects of an
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SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

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