The Sun.
London, England, 1835-01-31 00:00:00

DINNER. TO MR. HUME.

About 120 of the freeholders of Uxbridge and its vicinity,
met yesterday at the Town Hall, Uxbridge, to celebrate the
return of Mr. Hume as their representative. The Town Hall
Was very tastefully decorated for the occasion, with laurels and
ribbons, and the sides of the room were graced with several
appropriate mottoes—such as " Home and Reform"—" The
glorious 3096"—." Civil and Religious Liberty"—" Reform
In Church and State"—" Education to All." At the end of
the
sril room
immediately behind the Chairman, there was a
bent star, circumscribed with the name of " Hume and
the 3096" electors by whom he was returned. At three o'clock
nt • Hume arrived, and the dinner was shortly after served up.
a. As soon as the cloth was removed,
Ring,
CHAIRMAN, Mr. T. Murray, rose to propose " The
n-ng• and may he never forget the principles that placed his
family upon the throne of these realms." If they had not a
reforming King, they could never have a reforming Ministry.
The late Reform Ministry his Majesty had been pleased to
dismiss, and had taken to his ceuncils men in every way op-
posed to Reform—but with the franchise which the people
now enjoyed, if they did not get such measures as they
Wanted, they would soon turn any Ministry to the right about.
--(Cheers.) If they wanted good measures they must choose
men who
would support them—men who would obtain for them
a good, cheap, and efficient Government.—( Cheers.) Toast
drunk with three times three.
Song..."
God save the King."
, The CHAIRMAN then proposed " The people, the only legi-
timate source of political power."—( Great applause.)
The CHAIRMAN next proposed, " Civil and religious liberty
over the world."—( Great cheering. )
The CHAIRMAN said he rose with great pleasure to propose a
toast wh.;ch he was sure would be drank by every one present
with equal pleasure ; namely, " The health of their worthy
representative Joseph Hume."—(Tremendous cheering.) His
Past conduct was the best pledge of what his future conduct
would be.---( Cheers.) He regretted to say that Mr. Hume
had lost several votes in this district, but he himself could best
explain the cause. He had lost many from the farming in-
terest, because he was supposed to he their enemy, and wished
for a free trade in corn. He had lost many an honest and
ird supporter from his occasional opposition to the late
inistry and he had lost many among the innkeepers and
Publicans,; because he was supposed to be the means of placing
very oppe essive tax of 50 per cent. on their licenses. He
doped to be allowed to say a word or two of the late candi-
te—the sapling Wood—( Great laughter)—whom the 3,096
_° nobly lopt from the Torybranch. and who, as a Tory, would,
?e hoped, be alwa.i's kept for under-Wood—( Cheers and
laughter)—so that he quid never supplant the British heart
°f oak, Joseph Hume.—(lornense cheering.)
Mr. HUME rose amidst loud and repeated cheers, and said—
entlenssa, I assure you it affords me much pleasure at any
time to meet any portion of the commnity, but on no occasion
more so than I do on the present. I say so, because in this
district I have been comparatively weak in the number of
totes, at which, however, I am not much surprised when I
Consider the nature of the suffrage, and the influence used
against me. With all this, I consider that this district has
done well.--( Great cheering.) You have brought me more
'sport than I calculated on, and consequently I feel grate-
`nt to those who have laboured so zealously in my cause.—
(Great cheers.) There are times when a man is compelled
to speak of his own actions, and this is one where I am called
neon to speak of subjects connected with myself, but also
Connected with the great questions you and I support. I
conside; the struggle that is just past not one in which Jo-
seph Hume individually was concerned, hut one which was
to decide whether a reaction had taken place in the coun-
try---( Much cheering) whether those who so nobly sup-
Ported the late Ministry in the great struggle for Reform
ligainst the united efforts of the Tories, were now to be
ea.st aside—whether, in fine, you had changed your opi-
li
of °l,ls• as has been alleged, and, as I believe, the ears
nis Majesty have L'een poisoned with the tale. The
struggle was to ascertain whether all this had taken place. I
believe there is not an indieidital in the kingdom whose defeat
Would gratify the Tories more than` that of your humble servant.
--(Tremendous cheering.) I consider, therefore, that the
struggle was not a personal affair between individuals, but I
should be so indeed to think that thresugh me any injury
should be done to that cause which for many j'ears I have for-
warded, and which is now at the point of comp2etion, to an
laxtent which cannot be at present estimated. I stl'ould be
turrY if through my individual person any injury shouLl be
voile to that cause.—( Cheers.) It was therefore with greas
satisfaction I saw myself supported by so numerous and inde-
teodent a body of the electors of Middlesex.—( Great cheer-
mg.) The struggle just past shows the necessity of rallying
round those whose great aim is the happiness of the country,
°ridwhose great object is to defeat the monopolising power of
re aristocracy. Nothing but union amongst reformers can
any way frustrate the attempts that are now made to retain
the
e helm of the country.—( Cheers.) It is true, as stated by
the
worthy Chairman. that I have lost a number of votes in this
strict, but why ? Many of those who enjoy the suffrage believe
ist, to be a right—something connected with themselves, which
then
may dispose of at their pleasure, which they may give
away at the request of a friend or by favour. This is the
light in which many view their suffrage, instead of consider-
mg it a trust reposed in them by the Constitution, not for
laeir owl/ sakes, but for the benefit of the unrepresented mil-
-504.-4 Great cheering.) A man is no more at liberty to
grant his vote to A or B, if in his conscience he does not con-
sider him to be the fittest person to represent him, than a man
would be at liberty on entering a jury-box, to pledge himself
t° give a verdict for or acminst the prisoner.—(Cheers.
What could be said of an individual who would thus solicit
a jury_isi,sn, who would Say to him, " the case before
You is one in which I am interested, and I request as
4 particular favenr that you will attend not to the evidence or
to the fitness of ti•se object, but that jou will give your verdict
rMY personal accoost, either as a favour, or for the favours
b;w111 do you." I wouls! ask any man with English feelings in
-‘3 bosom, what would be iris conduct if such a request were
Made to him before entering a jury-box? If his indignation
would allow him to speak, ;vossld he not say, " I am
flint a traitor ; I will not violate the sacr,'d trust reposed in me ;
not vote for or against any indivic;::al ; I will hear the
evidence,
i I will judge upon it, and I will then give my vote
honestly and according to my conscience."—( Groh' cheering.)
maintain that the nature of the suffrage is not wet: tinders
it
s°°d• There are many men—but I am sure there is tios °n,e
here Present—who are induced to vote against their own fees.
lags, merely because they say they cannot help themselves.
seneh men are unworthy of the name of Englishmen, unworthy
ai the franchise they abuse, and only worthy to be, what they
are, slaves.—( Great cheering.) We have had too much
014UChing to Tory power. We have borne too long the burden
the Tories, and can only blame ourselves for the manner in
hleh we have done so.—( Great cheering.) I regret to see
ss° country oppressed with taxation to support such men—
men who are called upon by their own individual interests to
buP'anncort nsions, and sinecures, ad all other extravant
the
pe
of expenditure. We haven borne this too long, and
e sense of its injustice, I rejoice to say, is one of the
tfiln its of the Reform Bill.—( Immense cheering.) Before
that
Bill little importance was attached to individual votes.
"ere
was not recollected that it was by units that great numbers
"era made up, and that it was only by union we can carry any
fveat7enterprize.—( Cheers.) Many persons, not understand-
lAg the object I had in xiew, disapproved of my occasional op-
POt'ition to the late Ministry. I am confident that I have lost
Many-
votes in consequence of this ; but I am proud that I
have lout many votes on that account. I went into Parlia-
. Tent, not support any one set of men.—(Cheers.) My
to
was to atimd to the interests of say constituency, but not
r allow their inte'Yests to stand in the way of the general in-
terests of the country; and consequently, my vocation was to
Put down all monopolies which were held for the advantage of
afese at the expense of the' country. Monopolies are the bane
‘3..f this country.---( Cheers.) It was the monopoly of the
peers, in the British Parliament, that enabled them to pension
',!Fmselves and their relatives on the public.—( Cheers. )
quit prevents the spread of commerce, but monopoly ? My
first act was to raise my voice against monopolies. I look upon
them, not as the representative of Middlesex, but of the peo-
te of the United Kingdom and of the colonies of Great Britain.
any of those Colonies have any complaint to make, it is as
much my duty to protect them as any of yourselves.—
(Cheers.) With these opinions I am not surprised to find that
several important bodies of men consider me their enemy. But
there are questions to which I am considered hostile because
tileY are not rightly understood. I come for instance to the
ttestion of the Corn Laws. Men are actuated by two mo-
'yes, either by the love of notoriety, or personal considerations.
48 a landlord my income depends 'upon the amount of rent I
receive, Is it to be supposed, therefore, that a man gifted
with an ordinary portion of common sense—and I am said to
took to my own interest to a great degree—(Laughter)—
would support a measure :vhich could so deeply injure himself?
But the farmers are preposseesed with the idea that I am the
there
of the farmer and the lentil:SS). interest. It is true that
ere would be no mistake if the ) said the "landed interest"
°ink
.• I am an opponent of the landed interest, but it is equally
true that I am the friend of the farmer. I l'Cfer you to the
Periods of 1819, 1820, and 1821, when I warned tit 4 country
against Peel's Bill, and said that as they were about to alter
:be value of property, and unless they reduced the expendi-
ty'e of the estate according to the rise in the currency, they
would to that extent increase taxation. I said that with
Europei to compete with us, we could not go on as we were ;
but the isnly object of the landlords then was to keep up false
fl°Pes, in order to get a higher rent. The prices came down
Spite of all their efforts, and the consequence was, that the
farmers were ruined by their contracts. Was this the case or
re?---( Cheers.) Let the farmers look back, and say if they
:se prosperous. There was a succession of ruinous attempts
to obtain land, in the hope of higher prices ; but experience
'iloved them that they must come to the same price that corn
fetched in 1792, before there were any corn laws at all. , I
Call upon- those who arraign my conduct to look back and say,
if I did not foretell what would be the consequence of those
laws, and if t:',ey would not have been better had they followed
a,Y advice ?—( Cheers ) For the last five years I have annu-
tY brought forwa."d a 1114601) for the repeal of the Corn
1.'4%.v5• I call them irsiudiciossa, Upon the communication
Isith other countries mainly depends the prosperity of Eng-
nnd• The power of the land is limited-sahat of commerce
is
unlimii ed ; and with the enormous debt, of wieieh we must
PaY, the interest, it is the interest of every man that the end
oould be epread as lightly as poseible. If, therefore, I can
Ppr,ove, that by- every extClsion of commerce we increase em-
'°Yinent at hol.ne, and that the
consumer of property abroad
!e
ontributes half the value of that
prol, load we have to
-erty to the taxation of
'4 country,
Pay. clear that they lessen the •
The it is
Corn Laws could not keep up the prices-
thus* am
acre
ainjurious on both hands, and the country suffered.
~eocito for the repeal of those laws-1 would place the
in corn on the same footing with other trades. Any
far'lligent person must see that I am the best friend to the
'ner• I would have steady prices at all times; not " ups

and downs," whieh must eventually prove ruinous. Thus, in
advocating a change, I have shown that it would net injure the
farmer, and I come to the persons who would be injured—
the landed proprietors. They have in extreme circumstances,
had the prices raised to an unnatural state, and rent in pro-
portion. They are unwilling to come to that state they must
come to at last, and which I know they must- &Mae' to. It is
therefore, that they represent me as the enemy of the farmer—
an assertion as unfounded as others which have been issued
against me.—( Great cheering.) There was a charge made
against me by the Innkeepers. If any man is more
ill-used by the Innkeepers than another, I am that mare—
( Hear, hear, hear.) From the year 1818, I have taken their
part On the Committee of that year, I endeavoured to relieve
public-house keepers from the interference of the Magistracy.
Upon that Committee I advocated the relief of the innkeepers,
and instead of being blamed for what has taken place, I ought
to receive credit. I was not about to interfere with the finan-
cial arrangements of adding 50 per cent. to their licenses, in
consequence of the reduction of another tax ; but I thought it
better that there should be a system of licensing in proportion
to the business done, and that the man who received 101. and
he who received 100/. annually, should. not pay the same.
( Cheers.) I expected much opposition from the innkeepers,
in consequence of those ungrounded accusations, but there
were many brilliant exceptions, and some in whose houses
were the Committees of my opponent, gave me plumpers.—
( Cheers.) The opposition, therefore, was not general, though
to some extent. I will next come to the opposition I
have given the late Ministers.--( Hear, hear.) I never
gave any opposition for which I could not account.—( Hear.)
I belong to no party, but I have generally been able to vote
with the late Ministers, because they were the friends of the
popular rights. I have therefore generally associated with the
Whigs and opposed the Tories.—( Cheers.) After the pass-
ing of the Reform Bill, the people expected to derive the ad-
vantages from it that were promised.. Year after year passed
and the Whigs were dallying with the Tories—on the con-
trary I had sufficient knowlede to believe that no terms could
be used to make the Tories support liberal measures.--(Loud
cheers.) I considered that Earl Grey was not a Minister in
favour at Court—that there was not in the whole Court a
single individual who was not hostile to his Adm;nistration—
the Clergy and the Aristocracy held the ear and counsel of
Majesty—l knew that Earl Grey's Administration was kept
up by the people—that they were carried back in the month
of May, 1832, on the shoulders of the people, and I considered
that they ought not to slumber in their duty to the peeple.—
( Great cheering.) Their pusillanimous conduct encouraged
the Tories, and I will ask, do they not now find themselves
opposed by many of the' very men whom they themselves pro-
moted. When I saw Earl Grey forcing Coercion Bills upon
Ireland, instead of giving good government, and abolishing a
sinecure Church—when I saw him passing a Bill by which the
civil rights of all Ireland were superseded by the voice of one
man, and the Courts of Justice were superseded by Military
Courts' Martial—was it not time to raise my voice against such
abuses ?—( Cheers.) I did so, and lam ready to avow my
reasons. Ireland was misused—she had been suffering under
the rod of arbitrary power for ages, and the people of this country
are called upon to maintain 30,000 soldiers to keep her in sub-
jection, instead of conciliating her by doing justice, and making
the people of Ireland as good and quiet subjects as those of
Scotland. If I raised my voice against Ministers, it was from
the honest conviction that they were pursuing a bad course.
They were dilly-dallying, till they were kicked out by the
Tories. I told the late Ministers what would happen, but
they would not attend to the warning. We are called De-
structives, and it is said that we wish to destroy the constitu-
tion. We wish no such thing ; but we wish that the sinecure
Church of Ireland should be put down—that those who do no
duty should receive no money—( Cheers)—and that those who
work should be amply paid.—( Great cheering.) We do not
wish that two men should be employed to do the work of one.
—( Cheers.) If this is to be a Destructive, we are Destruc-
tives—we are Destructives of all abuses.—( Cheers.) The time
was when to be a Reformer was considered a disgrace, but
now we are all Reformers—( Cheers and laughter)—it will be
no credit soon to be a Reformer—even the Tory Administra-
tion are reformers, some of whom even from their cradles
hated the very word Reform.---( Great laughter.) These men
are now coming round, and sailing under the wing of Reform.
They say they only ask for a fair trial.—( A laugh.) They
have been tried and found wanting. I am willing to leave
their character to any tribunal in England, and I will be guided
by their opinion,. only let it be an open Court.—( Cheers. )
The Whigs were not consistent—even Lord Brougham and
Lord Althorp, who opposed the Six Acts when out of place.
Why did they not repeal them ?—( Great cheering.) On the
conti",‘FY,
they showed themselves zealous to support them—
but I tote them, over and over again, that they were negligent
of their duty, and I told them to what such proceedings would
lead. They delaj7d Corporation Reform, and now the To-
ries were the gainers by their delay. Look at Exeter and
Leicester, and Ipswich am; Yarmouth, and other places. Why
take two years to inquire into tit: state of the rotten corpora-
tions ? They passed a bill fi Scotland, by which 67 rotten
corporations were swept away, and what Vas the consequence ?
At the last election, with only one excei.:lion;—that of the
Elgin burghs—Scotland had done its duty.—(tereat cheer-
ing.) I therefore think it a just ground of complaint that they
should take two years to make an inquiry, when everybody ,
knew that no inquiry was necessary. The last House of Com-
mons was the m ust subservient I was ever in ; and if qiirl
Grey desired to carry efficient measures, he might have done o.
But he was afraid of the -House of Lords—and I ask whether
it was in the power of the Peers to stop: reform ?—( Great
cheering.) There is another point I wish to allude to—
namely, the course I took on the question of the Russian'
Dutch Loan. If I had been fool or hypocrite enough to be
led into the noose laid on that occasion, I would be unworthy
to be your representative. They should recollect that tho
treaty under which that payment was made, had been entered
into by the Tories, and was conditional upon the union of
Belgium and Holland. By the separation of those countries,
the condition was destroyed, and I w-as of opinion that the
treaty ought not to be renewed. Lord Grey's Government
preferred to pay the money rather than risk the peace of ELI—
rope by a quarrel with Russia and Austria, and perhaps they
were right. When the Tories found that I blamed them
for renewing this treaty, they brought forward a motion to
discontinue the payment. I asked Sir Robert Peel if
he were Minister would he save this money ? What did he
say ? He would not promise.—( Great cheering.) This was
the touchstone by which to try him.—( Renewed cheering.)
Then came the motion. I said I disapproved of the proceed-
ing, but knowing the object of the
knew
I would say, though
I siew it to be black, it was white, in order to keep the Tories
out of office.—( Tremendous cheering.) This was a trial of
strengt?' between two parties. When afterwards Lord Grey
retired anu Lord Althorp refused to continue in office, in order
again to keep Tories out, I wrote a note to Lord Althorp,
calling upon him to resume office, and telling him, that as the
author of the Reform tom. ill, he was bound not to retire till the
benefits expected from that Bill were carried into effect, which
could not be the case unless he remained a member of the
Government. In a few hours this note was signed by the ma,
jority of the House of Commons, Ws shows that I was not an
opponent of the late Ministry.—(Cheam) There are two other
points on which I wish to give some explanation. It is well
known that I am a friend to civil and religious liberty, and I
hold that no Dissenter, no matter what may be his creed,
should be deprived of the civil advantages of the other sub-
jects of the Crown. To deprive a man of his civil rights for
such a reason, I have always held to be tyranny in the highest
degree.—( Great cheering.) I hold that no roan should con-
tribute to the support of a Church of which he is not 4, Will-
ber ; and, further, that the Established Church of this coun-
try has ample means to support itself. I therefore opposed
the motion of Lord Althorp on the question of Church-rates,
the only question being whether we should pay them out of
our waistcoat, or out of our breeches pocket ? The Disseoters
themselves agreed with me in rejecting that measure. 'Rey
also agreed with me in rejecting the inefficient measure of
Lord John Russell, upon the subject of marriage. I said it was
omplexing and rendering more intolerable, by new regulations,
what: fould be more easily borne under the old rules, to which
people w,re accustomed.—( Cheers.) R. Peel is trying
to break the I;.t_talanzlitof the Dissenters, but ha will not suc-
ceed. They can,:,nt expect to get what they want frAin those
men who have all their ,:yes opposed them.—( Great ahegr-
ing.) The Dissenters -„I;: not be satisfied with less
than complete and entire emancipa:sion.—( Cheers.) For
25 years I have been a Reformer; I can searu's:'lv expect to see
;:.:
all accomplished that I wish ; but while I. LP.: I will
not let the progress of Reform stop.—( Cheers.) lst
keep advancing—nothing is more dangerous than to retire.
The question is, whether the Peers are to retain their power to
stop all Reform, or whether the people are to have measures
essential to their welfare ? The late Administration had mea-
sures in progress which would gradually have satisfied the
people.—(Great cheers.) Ere long I hope to see them again
in their places, determined with more energy and perse-
verance to carry those measures forwards. —( Loud cheer-
ing.) But we must not be too sanguine—our too
great confidence on the present occasion, risked the election.
We must be prepared for a contest, and perhaps sooner than
is expected, for be assured the Tories will die hard.—( Hear,
hear.) The Hon. Member again impressed upon the electors
the necessity of forming district committees, if they wished
to oppose the Tories successfully. The Tories had their
easnmittees, presided over by the clergy, and why should not
the Reformers imitate their example, in preparing for the
contest ?--( Hear, hear.) The struggle that was com-
ing would be a death-struggle, and every man should
consider that the fate of the country might depend upon his
single vote. After a few other observations, the Hon. Gen-
tleman concluded by thanking them for their support, and con-
gratulating them on the event of the election.—( Cheers. )
Sir JOHN SCOTT LILLIE, on his health being proposed, rose
to return thanks. He did not consider himself entitled to any
particular distinction more than any other elector—he had only
done what -he considered to be his duty. They were
met to celebrate q gr*t tFiumph—a triumph, in his opinion,
better deserving of celebratien than any foreign victory we
had ever gained.—( Cheers.) For what was the consequence
of all our victories, but the burdening us with a debt which it
is almost impossible can ever be honestly paid, and the cons
verting the free institutions of this country into one of a most
despotic character. This, on the ether hand, was a civil
triumph over corruption, bribery, and intimidation, and vvgg
more creditable to the country, he would repeat, than any fo-
reign victory that was ever gained. The Gallant Knight
trait commented at great length on the speech of the Rev.
Joshua peg, which was a speech of blood, unworthy of a
clereymen, and eenaltidel by returning thanks for the honour
the company had ilone.hir,o,
C. F. BARCLAY, Esq. on his health being proposed rose to
return thanks. He said that he bad not been sparing
exertions in the aq.use of reform, in which he had acted only a
-nberdinate, but he hoped a 7ealous part. Mr. Hume had riot
4 in any respect since he %VP 41st electp4 for kliddleses:
change, _ -^ continued true to his principles the elector 6
and as long as ua ^f expense, Thg Torie 4 wera
would return, him free