The Sun.
London, England, 1832-12-25 00:00:00

TO THE CLERGY OF THE CITY OF BRISTOL AND ITS

VICINITY.

"My Rev. Brethren,—l am much gratified by the
sentiments expressed in your address.
" The reverence for the ordinances of the Apostolic
ages, which has bound you in attachment to the constitu-
tion of the Established Church, affords a strong assurance
of your faithful adherence to the solemn obligations of
your ministry.
" Having been precluded lately by painful circum-
stances from residence among you, I have heard with much
pleasure of your exertions for the erection and enlarge-
ment of churches, for the encouragement and right direc•
tion of diocesan and parochial schools, and for the convey-
ing of instruction, by the aid of the district visiting so-
cieties and other institutions, into the houses of the poor.
" These exertions cannot but have proved beneficial in
counteracting the mischievous publications of the day, and
in renewing that humble and contrite spirit which has of
late occasionally appeared under the awful afflictions with
which it pleased God to visit your city, and that just
sense of his mercy which was testified when he mitigated
the severity of his displeasure.

" The avowal of your sentiments at a period so im-
portant to the interests of the church is both natural and
becoming. Nothing can be more just than the confidence
you repose in that Providence which has so long and
so signally protected it, and which, we trust, will
calm the agitation that now prevails ; enabling us to
preserve our constancy, to whatever trials it may be ex-
posed, and drawing forth those principles which will most
effectually secure its stability.
" I am fully persuaded with you, that the investiga-
tion which has taken place as to the extent of our revenues
must correct the misrepresentations which have gone
abroad.

The episcopal rulers of our Church are anxious to
remove every cause of just complaint. They are sensible
of the ancient and confirmed titles on which its ministers
hold their possessions, granted as they have been for the
benefit of the community, and for the participation of all
who are duly qualified to administer in its appointed
offices ; and they are the more anxious for the preservation
of these "rights because they are sure that any infringe-
ment of them cannot but be productive of a precedent
which must tend to the subversion of all property, the pro-
tection of which is one of the first principles of all good
government.

" They yield, moreover, to no descriptio❑ of persons in
the earnestness of their wishes that these revenues may at
all times be applied to their original and legitimate objects.
And while they look with anxiety to the improvement of
the small livings, they are convinced that the resources of
those other departments which have hitherto given weight
and influence to the establishment, and have contributed
greatly to the interests of religion, as well as of learning
(the best investigator and propounder of the Christian
evidences and doctrines), will best operate under the di-
rection of their possessors by the adoption of such uniform
and progressive measures as will tend to the improvement
of benefices and other appendant offices subjected to their
care. It may be added, that the means which these afford
of largely contributing to the furtherance of many objects
of religious importance are such as cannot be expected
from any other quarter.

"United cordially in that supplication for the Divine
aid which we should never cease to employ, and in those
petitions to the Great Head of the Church with which
you have closed your address, I have only to add my
humble prayer for the welfare of that diocese in particular
for which I feel an especial solicitude, and over which I

am permitted (however unworthy) to preside.
" With a grateful sense of that esteem which you have
so kindly expressed towards me, and with every feeling
of regard, I remain, my Rev. Brethren, your faithfu-
friend and brother,
" Durham, Dec. 15."

"R. BRISTOL.

DEATH OF TWO CHARACTERS.

James Fraser, known through all Strathspey,
Morayshire, and good part of Inverness, by the
appellation of" Jamie Blin," and " the Solicitor-
General of Grantown," died at the latter place last
week. Poor Jamie was a sort of wandering
innocent, with a prodigious memory, and an
insatiable desire for political discussion, speechi-
fying, and newspapers. He was born blind,
and hence his first cognomen ; but he contrived,
when a mere boy, to grope his way to the Post-
office at Grantown, where he used to linger,
catching the conversation of the gentlemen of
the district, and picking up scraps of intelligence
concerning public events. His attention and
ambition soon led to his employment as a poli-
tical " caddy" or newsman, in reward for which
he got his victuals, with now and then a new
coat and an old newspaper. The latter he
prized fully as much as the former, and
his pockets were generally filled with
the " folios of four pages, " the names
of which he had learned, and could dis-
tinguish partly by touch, and partly by the
glimmering of eyesight he possessed. Boys,
and village politicians, were always willing to
read to him, in return for which Jamie enlight-
ened them with dissertations on the state of
parties, and the merits of the daily Journals.
From political questions Jamie in time aspired
to science, law and divinity ; with the help of
friendly eyes he studied hard ; he wrangled with
lawyers, ventured to dispute with Ministers in
their own bounds, and was an overmatch
for most elders. Jamie now extended his
visits to Elgin and Inverness, particularly
at the time of the Courts of Justiciary and con-
tested elections. His eccentricities and desire

knowledge having been reporte.l w the Lae,
Amiable and benevole:t La.:), Margaret Grant,
Grant, he was sent to London, and placed
tinder the charge of the most eminent oculivs,
but their operations afforded him but very partial
benefit He returned still " Jamie Blin,' while
his tas to and morals were by no means ity
proved by the journey. Having exhausted all
the means of oral information in the Northern
towns, Jamie occasionally fought his way to
Edinburgh, where he used to hang on for several
weeks together, subsisting nobodyc' could tell
how, and listening to the eloquence of our cele-
brated Scottish advocates. The phrenologists of
the metropolis laid their hands upon him, but
even Mr. Combe, it is said, was at fault in
illustrating Jamie's peculiar talents and dis-
positions from the strange nondescript cha-
racter of his exterior development. Through-
out his whole life, the memory of poor
Jamie was most extraordinary. He could re-
peat speeches of an hour's length almost verbatim,
after once hearing them ; and as he generally
copied tone and gesture as well as words, he
appeared occasionally, when in the vein, a most
imposing orator. His outer man, it is true, was
seldom in keeping with the character he assumed ;
for Jamie was never solicitous about the busi-
ness of the toilette, and his tattered vestment,
with newspapers bulging out in all directions,
sometimes contrasted strangely with his eloquent
exordiums and perorations. In all parties the
rustic politician was generally welcome, and it
may be truly said that the stock of harmless
mirth has in many districts been abridged by the
death of the Solicitor-General of Grantown.—
Inverness Courier.

Died at Duncow, in the parish of Kirkmahoe
on the 9th ultimo, Mary Lindsay, at the ad-
vanced age of 85. This singular and useful
woman, during the long period of three score
years, evinced the most marked and disinterested
affection for little children, and voluntarily took
upon herself the duties of a protectress. These
chosen buds of promise, during their daily
attendance on the village school, made greater
progress than by the master's lessons, in availing
themselves of Mary's goodness of heart ; and
hence her humble cot became the common de-
pot of plaids, coats, Josephs, and that most ne-
cessary and valuable appendage, the scrip, stored,
we shall say, with a couple of scones and a soli-
tary egg—the sweet though frugal elements of
the mid-day refreshment. In an olden pot, of
curious dimensions, more than twenty eggs were
boiled every day, and not unfrequently the bene-
volent woman banned the parish hens for not
laying them a " wee thought bigger." As pro-
perty is property even in an egg, to distin-
guish each urchin's share in the joint-stock
boiling became a matter of no slight diffi-
culty; but Mary's genius was equal to the
task ; by the application of her finger to
the bottom of the pot, and certain other
ceremonies not so easily defined, she pro-
duced a sort of hieroglyphic mark, which was as
final as the court of last resort, although, it must
be confessed, nobody knew the key to the cy-
pher but herself. Occasionally, certain side-long
looks revealed pretty plainly that the gazer would
have preferred the biggest egg in the pot to his
own ; and it was always with reluctance that
honest Mary asserted the rights of equity, and
insured subordination, by applying, or flourish-
ing vigorously, the pllff—a sort of substitute
for a pair of bellows. But her strokes fell
gentle " as from a parent's hand," nor did her
acts of benevolence end here. When rains
flooded the plain, and the burns ran wild on
their way to the sea, or when frost and snow
crisped every wood and fell, honest Mary was
always at her post, displaying her Meg-Merri-
lees-like figure to advantage, in handing her
scholars over an intervening stream—often in
threes and fours at a time. Indeed there are per-
sons still living who have been honoured with a
seat on Mary's shoulders. Latterly she was sup-
ported almost entirely by what she called " her
boys," who are now scattered over various parts
of the globe, and all of whom will heave a sigh
or drop a tear when they learn that their early
protectress is no more. One of the proteges
requested Mr. Allan to put forth all his strength
in painting Mary's picture, no matter at what
cost : and the artist produced a correct likeness,
which the owner, much to his credit, says he
would not barter for the portrait of Mary Queen
of Scots. Another friend, in consideration of
the miserable hovel in which his early ac-
quaintance wonned, pressed on her acceptance
the best of his numerous cottages in Duncow,
and the answer he received was quite charac-
teristic. " Na, na, Sir, my mither leeved here,
an' deed here ; I myself hae leeved here, and I'll
dee here ; and for as little as ye may think o' the
bit, I wadna chang't for the bonniest gilt room
in a' Dalswinton.—Dumfries Courier.

The rehearsal of the Drury-lane pantomime
went off splendidly last evening. STANFIELD'S
Diorama of the Falls (21. Niagara is on the
grandest scale, and its machinery has cost more
than 3001.

On Sunday evening a young woman engaged
a waterman on the Surrey side of Waterloo-bridge to con.
vey her across the river, and when he had proceeded about
half the distance she, in an agitated manner, requested him
to take her to Blackfriars, and when near the Temple-
gardens she began to untie her cloak, and whilst he was
looking at the barges be had to pass she threw herself into
the river. The waterman instantly seized a part of bet
dress which was above the water, pulled her into the boat,
and rowed to shore. She then consented to his taking
her to her residence in Clare-street, Clare-market, but
would give no account as to the cause of her attempting to
drown herself.
Lord SEGRAVE'S fox hounds killed a brc,ee
of foxes in the Broadway country on the Bth inst. The
first killed was near Colonel LyaoN's, of Spring Hill ; be
was an old warrior with three
ree
pear
B
oorloya,dwanady,bethiengre.a
cripple, of course could not be expected to show much
sport. The second led them a tremendous gallant chase
of nearly an hour, and was evidently killed in the ale cellar
wager Lady Elcho : it be-
ena;llllr7ynard being hard pressed,
tsiaonitdog ekt nha
cet
oem toahfne
theino high-scentedna n
Right
sh house, un sd e ,
day,
and made his way
into the
gh a small aperture of bars, used to admit
the huntsman and others entered the cellar
awceiirlt.lahr,aWthhn
lightedreou candle, reynard was seated on a butt of ale.
Worcester Herald.
DANGERS OF ANATOMICAL SCHOOLS.
In the summer of 1783, M. FAURE, of Narbonne, in
--
France, bought a house, previously occupied as an anato-
mical ball, and employed three men to dig a cave in the
cellar. In digging, they came to a wall of a covered ne-
cessary, which had been the common receptacle of the
remains of human subjects, and, on extracting a few stones,
an offensive putrid matter rushed through and suffocated
them.
or th FAtrax, going to see the workmen, descended
but two ree steps before he fell senseless. Of nine
persons who entered to bring out the sufferers, six died.
FAURE died in four days, and the unfortunate la-
bourers survived bat a day or two. In the mean time the
smell increased to such a degree as to create a pestilent*,
and the neighbours were obliged to remove, but a,great I '—' •
many of them died. The Mayor of the city being,in-
formed of the circumstance, had the cellar filled up and
the house closed ; but the malignant effluvia had pervaflid
the town, sad a great many died of the jtis. The disease was attended with the black vomit, l!Ae not -
municated la/ contagion.—Parsons Dsk•onsiL
111 11031 to

'4IP,

:SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The speech of Mr. Stanley, at Lancaster, has
filled the Conservatives with joy, and the Re-

formers with indignation. The Conservative
.Tournais chaunt his praises "as an exceedingly
abfe and honourable man " (vide Standard of
yesterday), and obviously, in addition to his
achievements in Ireland, count on his ability to
break up the Cabinet. Their hopes, which had
been almost extinguished by the turn which the
elections had taken, revived the moment the
Right Hon. Secretary threw out his pledge at
Lancaster.

" The Right Honourable Secretary for Ireland (says
the Standard) plainly, and without securing any loop-
hole for after evasion. avows his resolution to maintain the
Bill inflexibly, as a final measure. His colleagues, even
those who come nearest to him, all treat it, on the other
band, as but a step to ulterior advances towards a demo-
ermy. The union between them must, therefore, end
upon the first concession which the Cabinet shall he com-
manded to make to its allies of the Political Unions.
Lord Brougham's sentiments are known to coincide mote
neatly with those of Mr. Stanley than with the senti-
ments of any other member of the Cabinet. And the
mere retirement of Lord Brougham and Mr. Stanley
would at once sink the Administration. With the disso-
lution of the present Ministry, of which the foundations
are so clearly laid here, were there ❑ot as there are a thou-
sand other elements of dissolution, must begin in :form
what we are happy to say has long since commenced in
fact—a new cast of parties. The division between ' Con-
servatives ' and 'Destructivea,' or the ' Movement,' no
longer disguised by the abuse of obsolete names, will then
become unequivocal, and we are greatly mistaken if the
result will not be on the whole more beneficial than per-
haps the Bill had hitherto given to either opponents or
supporters any just tight to anticipate. The only danger
;s of the formation of a Juste-milieu' party."
The Quarterly Review, too, for December,
published yesterday, trusts equally to the ability
of Lord Brougham and Mr. Stanley to break
up the Ministry;-and these two individuals are
all that is wise and elevated—destined to be the
regenerators of the country:—
" The ballot (says the author of an article How will
it work ?') against which all the Ministers (with one ex-
ception) have spoken and written—at least all who can
speak or write—the ballot, to which not even the Re-
forming Parliament would afford so much countenance as
to discuss it—the ballot, in short, which (whether rightly
m• wrongly, we will not now inquire) is supposed to be a
direct and immediate step to a republic—the ballot is to
be inflicted on the empire at large, because Lord John
latteeell doubts whether he is to be Member for Devon-
shire, where he has not one inch of land, and for which
none of Itia family have ever been returned ! That the
narrowest private partialities—that the most paltry indi-
vidual interests directed the secret Councils of the authors
of the Reform Bill, is sufficiently notorious ; and Appleby
and Midhurst_Plympton and Tavistock—Amershatn and
Melton, and fifty other towns which do appear, and fifty
ethers which do not appear in schedules A and B, will
attest to a wondering posterity, the flagrant favouritism
which guided the dark manufacture of the Bill. But
really we were not prepared for this bold and barefaced
avowal of a spirit so entirely personal, so exclusively selfish
—so paltry--aso peevish, as this at first sight appears to be.
We should he curious to know how Mr. Stanley, who so dis-
tinctly pledged himself to the finality of the Bill, is af-
fected by seeing his colleague thus rashly re-opening the
question in its most serious point, and menacing the
eraintry with the most radical change that the wildest
anarchists have ever imagined. Lord John Russell, how-
ever, though a man of very small ability, and still less
temper and discretion, may not he so entirely and exclu-
sively to blame as be appears. He may have spoken on
this occasion the sentiments of other Members of the Ca-
binet, as well as his own. Lord Althorp, we know, has
l.een, and we believe still professes himself to be, friendly
an the ballot. Has he made converts to his opinion ?
Conscious of their imbecility and impotence to resist any
popular dictation, are the Cabinet beginning to hedge on
the subject of the ballot ? Are they affecting a voluntary
change of sentiment, because they see the approach of po-
pular coercion; and has Lord John Russell, in the appa-
rent indiscretion,of an election speech, been artfully pre-
vtring the public mind for another coalition between the-
Kieg's Ministers and the mob ?"
But the Lord Chancellor is still more be-

praised than Mr. Stanley. Indeed (credal .lu-
dees Apelict!) the founder of the London Uni-
versity is now in such odour of sanctity, that he
is even held up as likely to heal the wound,
which the Church received from old Eldon :

~.....___ _
" For as no motives (says the Reviewer) concurred to

_ • .
his own advancement (alluding to Eldon)—as no profi
ciency in piety or theological acquirements led to his own
elevation—such a man is little likely to regard such con-
si.lerations in the disposal of his own preferments. But
we have hopes that these things v.)01 be mended hereafter
hopes that something may be learnt from those who have
',tone before ; still greater hopes that the bright example of
the only intellectually distinguished member of the pre-
sent Ministry may excite others to a tardy imitation.
The present Chancellor of England has placed the patron-
age of all his livings beloiv the value of 2001. per annum
t the disposal of the Bishops in their respective dioceses.
When one of the richest pieces of preferment In his gift, a
Prebendal Stall at Bristol, worth perhaps five hundred
pounds per annum, became vacant, he sought out an hum-
hie, learned, p'ous man, without birth or interest ; a man
svhom all other Ministers and Chancellors had overlooked,
and permitted to remain in obscurity and indigence—a
man, nevertheless, whom all Europe had delighted to
honour (Profes.or Lee), and on him he bestowal it. Nor
is this a solitary instance of his care to discover and re-
and distinguished merit. Mr. Croly, so eminent amonv
his multifarious accomplishments, for profound theologi-
ell learning, has received in (we are told) the 50th year
of his age, his first benefice, at the same band ; and we
easily give more examples."
It is a pity, by the bye, that Theodore Hook
is not in the Church, though so long its avowed
organ, for the Chancellor might have discovered
his merits also, and then, perhaps, we might have
been spared the offensive article in the John
Bull of Sunday last, in which, after inserting
from the Standard, of Friday, the report of the
successful calming of a man labouring under
mental aberration, the writer remarks, " It is
quite surprising how this sort 2f persons contrive
to tranquillise one another." A Prebendal Stall
would have given the writer a new light. Thus
we see what it is to play a separate game. Lord
Brougham, by his abandonment of the patronage
of the 11 v in gs under 200/. to the Bishops—that
is, to the deadliest enemies of Reform—threw
the clergy, to a man, into the hands of the
Anti-Reformers, and placed the Reform Bill in
the greatest jeopardy. But, therefore, is he
lauded in the Quarterly Revieze, while the
declaration made by Colonel Grey; the son and
Private Secretary of the Prime Minister, to the
electors of High Wycombe, that a Bill for a
full and efficient Church Reform was already
drawn up by Government ; not a bit by bit Re-
form, like the Pluralities' Bill of last Session,
but a measure that will be full, and efficient
and final,'" exposes his Lordship to the sarcastic
observation from the Reviewer, that such a Bill,
" may once again cause that venerable friend of
his, Mr. Thelwall, to declare, with tears of
gratitude, that the performances of Lord Grey
Is his old age have surpassed the promise of his
youth." So the hopes of the Conservatives are
founded on the desertion of the Cabinet by Mr.
Stanley and the Lord Chancellor. No, though H.
Brougham be not without weaknesses, he never
can descend to act the part here imputed to him.
As for Mr. Stanley, he is a clever but conceited
young man, who affords a fresh proof of the
position, that a smart debater is not always a
sagacious politician. But we do not even attri-
bute to Mr. Stanley a settled design to anarchise
Ireland, or to break up the Grey Ministry. But
the speech of Mr. Stanley, coupled with the
absurd proceedings of the Whigs in a number
of places—and we refer to communications from
Leicester and Carmarthen, under our Election
head, in this day's Chronicle, for fresh illustra-
tions—have already produci'd the worst effects

throughout the country. In the Caledonian
Mercury of Saturday last, there is an article on
the State of Parties, in which the superlative
folly of the system of sneering at Radicals, and
affecting to confound with the wild portion of
that party the great body of Reformers, is ex-
posed in a very masterly manner. After observing
that the Conservatives have been beaten at almost
every point, the writer in the Caledonian Mer-
cury proceeds thus :
" But how has this revulsion been effected? What
conjuration and what mighty magic have worked a trans-
formation so wonderful ? Have the Whigs done it ? or
is it the triumph of party against party in the ordinary
competition for place and power ? By no means. The
Whigs, considered as such, were immeasurably less pow-
erful than their immediate opponents ; and if they had
stood aloof, as they were too long accustomed to do,
crom the people, or continued merely to coquette with
them at intervals, they would have still been serving un-
profitably as his Majesty's Opposition. But, in a fortu-
nate hour, discerning the signs of the times, they thought
oroper to obliterate the narrow and exclusive circle within
which they had formerly confined themselves, to enlarge
the sphere of their action and influence, and to tender the
right hand of friendship and fraternization to the people ;
a powerful, an invincible alliance, was thus formed with the
greatbody of the nation, weary and exhausted with Tory
domination. The Reform Bills followed, and by means
of the new power thus called into existence, were
carried through in spite of all opposition : and now we
are in the heat of the consequent elections, which are des-
tined to consolidate the political influence of the people,
to destroy the anti-national faction which has so long op-
pressed them, and to secure the inestimable benefit of
good and cheap government to the country. But although
one political nickname be now applied to all those who
have united together upon this great anti decsive occasion,
let not the old Whigs deceive themselves by supposing
that their right hand alone has gotten them the victory.
Upon the whole, they have acted nobly, and well deserve
ihe high and vantage positio❑ which they at present
occupy; but if, like Jeshurun, they wax fat and kick—if,
forgetful of their allies, they exalt their horn in mighti-
ness and exclaiming, "We have done it," proceed to rule
in their own strength and for their own ends, the day of
their overthrow will not be distant. Some of them have
begun to sneer at the Radicals, as they are called ; and,
assuredly, the wild portion of that party has been proved
to be formidable in nothing but noise. This, however,
is a mere section of fanatical separatists, who, intoxicated
with the first large draught of political liberty, have
caught a temporary brain fever, and in a state of delirium
tremens have run bellowing and half frantic into the
streets ; but there are vast multidutes of men on whom
the dose has produced no such maddening effects ; and
we would just ask the Whigs, strictly so called, to reckon
iip calmly and coolly how many moderate Radicals are at
present marshalled in their own ranks, and to calculate
where they would have stood at the present moment but
`or the support of these men.

" A Whig Minister is reported to have said that the
Reform Art is a final measure. If he did so, however,

I.e was guilty of great imprudence, not say folly. The
Reform Act is merely a means for the accomplishment of
In end ; and if experience shall prove that these means are
insufficient, or that the end desired and contemplated has
not been attained, will any man say that further legisla-
tion is unnecessary? The extension of the elective fran-
chise is absolutely of no value whatever, excepting in as
fir as it tends to insure other and more immediate reforms
in all the departments of the State; and if, owing to the
defects inseparable from a first measure, no less than from
the desperate attempts made to defeat its objects, it shall
he found imperfect and limited in its operation, will any
man say that it night not to be improved and extended ?
The Minister in question, however, seems to think that
the Reform Act came from the hands of his colleagues,
like Minerva from the head of Jupiter, full-grown, fully-
drmed, and perfect in all its proportions ; that it is a crea-
tion of absolute wisdom, which it would be little short of
sacrilege to touch with the :hand of improvement. But
this in every view is utterly absurd and preposterous. Is
not the franchise clogged with a vexatious condition con-
nected with an odious and oppressive impost of the direct
and consequently worst description ? Do not the great
body of the voters require protection against the infamous
attempts made on their honesty and integrity—attempts
of which, even in our humble sphere, we have already
published many instances, and shall yet give mere? Is
the question as to the duration of Parliaments, anti whether
they shall he septennial or triennial, to be placed in an
index expurgalorions? Are the Ministers of the Crown
prepared before answer' to cay that they will resist a
further extension of the franchise, even if it should after-
wards be shown to he necessary ? Are we to understand
that even the practical evils which have developed them-
selves in the working of the Reform Act are not to be cured
by any remedial application ? Is a large and important
domain in the territory of legislation to be laid under a
perpetual interdict? Will a Reformed Parliament submit
to have the law thus dictated to it ? And will the country
tamely acquiesce in such dictation? By no means. We
wish this point had not been mooted ; but as it has been
so, we do not shrink from avowing our conviction that a
more imprudent declaration than that ascribed to the
Noble Lord to whom we allude could not possibly have
been made at the present moment; and that he deserves
the censure of his colleagues for having heedlessly rushed
in where even angels might fear to tread. We must have
no law of exclusion. We are willing to wait, because our
hopes are high, and because the new Parliament will not
disappoint the expectations which the country has
formed of it ; but we must have no huckstering or truck-
ling either to Conservatives or Coteries, no prohibited list
placarded on the doors of St. Stephen's, no anticipated
condemnation of exclusion, no compounding of great ques-
tions with the enemy; and we know not what right
any Minister can possibly conceive himself to have in his
proper per-on to pronounce beforehand as to the course
which a freely-elected Parliament may deem it necessary
to pursue. What we desire is, that all questions should
he left open to the fullest and fairest discussion, and that
each, when duly inquired and investigated, should be dis-
posed of on its own merits."
It is observed by one paper (the Leicester
Chronicle) that Mr. Stanley "is a very young
statesman," but that, "be the notions of Mr.
Stanley, or those of his colleagues in the Minis-
try, what they may, the electors of England will
ultimately have the ballot." But really Mr.
Stanley places the Reformers in a very awkward
position by his declaration of the pledge given
by Ministers—that the duration of Parliament
should not be altered, and that there should be
no ballot. When Lord John Russell intro-
duced the Bill to the House of Commons, after
going through its principal provisions, lie ex-
pressly reserved the subjects of duration of Par-
liament and the ballot for after consideration.

" I cannot," he said, " but take notice of some parti-
culars in which, perhaps, this measure will be considered
by many to be defective. In the first place, there is no
provision for the i.hcrter duration of Parliaments.—
(Hear, hear.) That subject has been considered by
his Majesty's Ministers ; but, upon the whole,
we thought that it would be better to leave it to be
brought before the House by any Member who may
choose to take it up, than to bring it in at the end
of a Bill regulating rnatte:o totally distinct.—(Hear.)
Without saying, therefore, what is the opinion of his Ma-
jesty's Ministers respecting that question, which I myself
think to he one of the utmost importance, and to deserve
the utmost care in its decision, we shall keep the large
measure of Reform, which this Bill comprehends, separate
from every other question, and leave the subject of the du-
ration of Parliaments to be brought before the House by
some other Member at a future time.—(Hear, bear.) For
my own part, I will only say, that whilst I think it de-
sirable that the constituency should have a proper control
over their representatives, it is, at the same time, most
inexpedient to make the duration of Parliament so short,
that the Membars of this House should be kept in a perpe-
tual canvass, and not be able deliberately to consider and
to decide with freedom any great question.—(Hear.)
Sir, I do not think it behoves the people of a great empire
to place their representatives in such deper.dence.—
(Hear.) What the point then is, at which we may fix
the proper control pf the constituency, I do not think i•
necessary to discuss at present. When the question comes
under the consideration of this House, I shall be re ,dy to
deliver my opinion. I have now only to state, that the
King's Government are satisfied that, in providing a po-
pularly-elected representation, they ought to abstain from
embarrassing that question with any other, which is en-
cumbered with its own doubts, diificulties, and obstacles.
(Hear, hear.) There is another question, Sir, of which no
mention is made in this Bill, although it at present occu-
pies very much the attention of the country—l mean the
question of vote by ballot. Sir, there can be no doubt
that mode of election has much to recommend it.—(Cries
of " No, no, no," " Hear, hear.") The arguments which
I have heard advanced in its favour are as ingenious as any
that I ever beard on any saliva. But at the same tiyne I

am bound to say, that this ROUSE' ought to pause before it
gives its sanction to that measure."
'The country, by acclamation, hailed the state-
►uent of Lord John Russell, which might be
termed the compact with the nation. Not a
word here about the Bill being a final measure.
On the contrary, Lord John expressly leaves the
two subjects of duration of Parliament and the
ballot for subsequent arrangement. Here, then,
we have Lord John, the father of the Bill, and
Mr. Stanley directly at issue. " Who shall de-
cide when Doctors disagree ?" Be this how-
ever as it may, Mr. Stanley, by his unspeakable
folly and presumption (for, notwithstanding the
praise of the Conservatives we acquit him of
treachery), has sown the seeds of jealousies
which will add greatly to the difficulties of Mi-
nisters. They are not, we presume, such egre-
gious blockheads as to close with the proposition
of the Standard, and become Conservatives ;
but between this and disgusting the great body
of Reformers we really see no middle course. If
deserted by the Reformers, their doom is sealed.
The Whigs form but a small section of the aris-
tocracy, and they cannot afford to affront the
Reformers.—Morning Chronicle.
Political parsons, generally speaking, are our
aversion ; and we consider it one of the most
disgraceful proofs of the evil consequences
which flow from the old corrupt connection be-
tween Church and State, that the clergy attach
themselves with such impetuous eagerness not
only to the affairs of temporal politics, but al-
most invariably to that side in politics which
would uphold the interests of vicious and arbi-
trary government to the overthrow or injury of
popular rights. If the best of all conditions of
the Church were that in which the clergymen
devoted themselves to the religious and moral
instruction of their flocks, and in which they in-
culcated a knowledge of political duties as one
branch only of' the moral ; so, likewise, that is
an unwholesome state in which duties ex-
clusively religious are themselves discharged by
the clergy with but moderate zeal, and in which
the pursuit and maintenance of worldly interests
are the moral lessons which churchmen appear,
by precept and example, most careful to instil
into their parishioners, The Tory policy of the
great bulk of the clergy would be, as it ever has
been, when successful, exceedingly unfavourable
to the general interests of that reverend body,
but it favours the selfish objects of a few active,
intriguing, pushing adventurers among them,
who look to great men's patronage as the means
of their own ascent in the world; it alsoserves the
purposes of those among the clergy who happen
themselves to be members of the aristocracy, and
the political influence of whose families is in-
volved in the prolongation of the Tory reign.,
Under this prevailing dishonourable and, taken
in reference to the whole establishment, this
blind and self-defeating spirit, since we cannot
cure clergymen of all propensity towards elec-
tioneering politics, it is at least a satisfaction to
find that they do not all enlist themselves on the
side of misgovernment and corruption. In some,
though not many, of the recent election contests
there were ministers of the Church who showed
no repugnance to promote the ends of civil
iberty. Even Essex—Essex, disgraced and
sampled as she is beneath the hoof of Toryism in

its filthiest form—contains a few ministers of the
Church of England who are worthy to rank with
the citizens of a free and enlightened state. We
have the name of one gentleman, the Rev. Mr.
Jee, vicar of Thaxted, whose influence over his
parishioners was liberally exercised in helping
them to resist the threats of the Conservatives
and the still more formidable " breeches-pocket-
of Mr. Baring. From the parish under the
care of this reforming pastor 80 voters polled
at Saffron Walden for Messrs. Western and
Brand, without putting the candidates to a single
shilling of expense. There was not a pressed,
a bribed, or unwilling vote among them. The
Rev. Vicar rude into the above-mentioned
polling-town on Friday last at the head of 200
good and true Reform electors-70 of his own
parish, and the remainder neighbours and friends.
It was greatly through his exertions that the
gross poll at Saffron Walden exhibited a majority
for 'Mr. Western over Baring of 130 votes.
We wish there were many of the cloth who
understood as soundly and clearly as the Rev.
Gentleman wherein the true welfare of the tem-
poral Church consists.—Times.

Among the circumstances connected with the
results of the present general election which are
calculated to excite a marked attention, none is
more worthy of ob.ervation than the singular fact
that the towns and Universities of Oxford and
Cambridge have each returned Members of di- •
rectly opposite principles. While the two seats
of learning, clinging to abuse, have selected as
their Members four Conservatives, the electors
of the towns have, after severe contests, returned
four Reformers as their representatives. In the
abstract, no influence appears to be so legitimate
as that which of necessity belongs to a seat of
religion and learning. In places peopled by
ministers of the Gospel, and where the bell of
prayer is incessantly summoning to offices of de-
votion, it seems natural to suppose that piety
and peace, directing the mind to rectitude,
must produce a coincidence of opinion and ac-
tion in all that have the happiness to fall within
its influence. But, alas ! these are mere Utopian
notions, and it is fit that we should avow them as
such in the outset, lest our readers in the Uni-
versities laugh outright at our apparent sim-
plicity. The truth is, if there are any places
where, more than in any other, corruption
in all its deformity stalks unabashed, and
Reform is, more than in any other, at once
called for and dreaded, those places are our two
Universities. Of this fact the result of the late
elections has given the most convincing proofs.
Between the Colleges and the towns, in both in-
stances, no kind of sympathy appears to exist.
The Uniyersities send Members pledged to sup-
port their abuses, while the towns virtually de-
clare that those abuses ought to exist no longer.
The time is gone by when any doubt can rea-
sonably exist as to the issue of this contest.
Schedule A has happily decided the question,
and a Reform of the Church, including the Uni-
versities, is as sine to follow Parliamentary Re-
form as day to succed to night. Such being
evidently the case, how strange is it that those
who have the control of the Universities do not
see the policy and necessity of anticipating a
change of system, which, if not brought about
by voluntary means, must ere long be produced
by a hand which four Conservative Members
will in vain endeavour to resist ! That nothing
hke Reform has yet been attempted in Oxford
is manifest, if the statements are to be cre-
dited which have just been given to the world
in a pamphlet, entitled " Oxford Academi-
cal Abuses discussed, by some of the Ini-
tiated ;" and that they are, for the most part, to
be credited we think the pamphlet offers strong,
internal evidence, in spite of a strain of invec-
t tive in which it is written, not the most favour•

Ale :to the development of truth. At present
we have only space for the following description
of what the uninitiated Undergraduate will wit-
ness on the Sunday afternoon :—" 7n the after-
noon (say the writers) he either goes to St.
Mary's, where he may see some of the dons
locked in the arms of slumber, or walks about
the town, where he will be shocked to see the
way in which the Sabbath is here profaned.
The gambler still plies his desperate die ; the
debauchee still sallies out in quest of his illicit
pleasures ; the stillness of the evening is broken
by shouts of uproar and oaths of blasphemy,
proclaiming where the inveterate drunkard still
keeps up his unhallowed revelry." There are
in this short pamphlet other pictures of the or-
gies and the plunder connived at by those whose
duty it is to suppress them, which, though at
first scarcely credible, will be found, we fear,
upon examination, to be but too true. To every
Christian parent they must bring feelings of
poignant grief snd alarm ; but if it be necessary
to cauterize the wound to effect a cure, the
sooner the pain is produced, and the more deeply
it is felt, the sooner will the salutary effects be
witnessed. We would, in the mean time,
counsel Reform from within, or from without it
may come in a sweeping and more indiscrimi-
' liming shape than those who know the real value
of our Universities may contemplate or wish
for.--Morning Herald.

The great danger incident to constitutional
change is, that the habits and temper of consti-
tuent bodies should survive, both in the Legis-
lature and among the people, the evils, whether
real or imaginary, which first gave rise to the
corrective or alterative process, and that thus,
while the nation is struggling in vain to over-
take some phantom of chimerical profession in
the constitution of its Government, the real in-
terests of the State should be neglected, or sa-
crificed to the sordid purposes of venal or un-
principled agitators. Uncertainty as to the cha-
racter of the institutions by which a nation is for
the future to be governed must always of ne-
cessity be fatal to the prosperity of a commercial
community, and it must be so simply because
political agitation is incompatible with that
sense of security which is the most essential of
all things to the vigour and activity of commer-
cial enterprise. Hence the danger that, when
constitutional change has once begun, the
demand for it will become more and more
urgent and insatiable, from rite reciprocal
and progressive action of national distress,
and the morbid desire of excitement upon each
other. All history bears witness that when
established institutions are overthrown in any
country commerce and industry languish and
decay, and that when commerce and industry
languish and decay a renewed and exasperated
desire for still further changes are sure to super-
vene ; that in every country where revolution
has once commenced it has been urged for-
ward by public distress and insanity, until,
wearied and exhausted by misery and anarchy,
the nation has at length sought refuge in the
repose of despotism. The people of Eng-
land are about to constitute a splendid excep-
tion to this general rule, founded upon all past
experience, or to show by their conduct and
their fate that it is universal and invariable. If
the new Parliament is to be a Constituent As-
sembly like the last—if the proper business of
legislation is to be suspended or postponed in
favour of questions relating to the structure of
the Legislature—if; instead of discussions upon
matters of practical policy immediately interest-
ing to the general welfare being undertaken
and conducted to their legitimate conclusion
by the supreme authority of the State, the
supreme authority of the state is itself to be
the theme of discussion, and its several parts to
be subjected to impeachment and trial at the Bar
of the House of Commons, or before the more
agitated tribunal of public opinion, it will then
become certain that Great Britain is destined,
like other countries which have once entered
upon the revolutionary career, to pass through
a series of convulsions, of which anarchy will be
one of the successive stages, and despotism the
inevitable end. When we reflect upon the list
of Members returned to the new Parliament, we
cannot regard this question, in comparison with
which all others sink into insignificance, with-
out the most lively alarm. It is now quite clear
that the movement party will have representatives
in the House of Commons in sufficient numbers
to make them bold, and stimulated by sufficient
zeal in the cause of revolution to render"
them persevering and active. It is evident also
that a large proportion of the House will
consist of Members devoted to the Admi-
nistration of the day, which, if we may
judge from its past conduct, will be with or
against the movement, as either course may
seem the most conducive to its immediate
power ; while of the Conservative party it is to
be feared that the numbers will be comparatively
inconsiderable. This is an alarming fact, but it
would be idle and mischievous to attempt to
conceal it. Do we then despair of our country ?
wou would be
equally s ha
o
Far from it. We feel, and, so long as an effort
en remainscontinue
e to fei, t
t o i ieernat
de
for itsdespair d
preservation,sp
pernicious and disgraceful. The constitutional
cause, the cause of public order and of national
prosperity, although much weaker than we had
hoped in the number of its Parliamentary ad-
herents, could scarcely be stronger than we have
the satisfaction to know it will be found in the
character and talents of its supporters, who
possess, as they and their cause abundantly de-
serve, the full confidence and entire sympathy
of the most valuable and respectable classes
of the community. It will be the business
of this important party in the House of
Commons to struggle against popular de-
lusion, to strive to dispel the errors which
pervade to so great an extent the public
mind, to maintain to the utmost of their
power the integrity of our remaining institutions,
to keep vigilant watch over the national interests,
to cause the evil day to pass over with the least
possible amount of injury to the country, to
lend the Ministers of the Crown their zealous
assistance whenever they shall be found pursuing
with apparent sincerity any of these objects, and
to offer them a manly and determined, although
it may seem at the moment to be a hopeless,
opposition, whenever they shall seem disposed,
as we fear will be too often, to betray or aban-
don their duty to the Sovereign and the country.
We see in the result of the elections too much
reason to believe that the nation is not yet re-
covered from the intoxication into which it was
seduced by the Ministers of the Crown and their
exciting nostrum of Reform. But time will do
much ; and we feel assured that such individuals
as compose the Conservative phalanx already
elected into the House of Commons cannot long
labour in unison and in vain to restore the
country to a sober perception of its true in-
terests, and to the faculty of estimating accu-

rately the character of public men and the ten-
dency of legislative measures.—Morning Post.

Nothing can be more certain than the fact that the
Tories or Conservatives, or whatever else we please
to call ourselves, have been beaten beyond calcula-
tion at this election. We were well prepared for
a majority in favour of the Destructives of one de-
nomination or another; indeed, if we were not, we
must have forgotten all that we had written on
the subject—for we have been for nearly two years
contending that such would be the result of putting
three-fourths of the power of returning into the
hands of the most rascally part of the population—
but we did not expect that the number of Tory de-
feats would have been so great. After carefully,
looking over the list of those returned, and calcu-
lating as well as we can those who still remain to be
returned, we do not think that the Tories in Parlia-
ment will muster much beyond one hundred and
fifty. The Radicals, including the Irish Repealers,
will not be far from the same number. The re-
mainder will be Whigs of one sort or another. The
Tory body must therefore content themselves with
forming an Opposition ; and we must be satisfied
with consoling them by saying what is the fact, that
an Opposition so re,pectable, even in mere numbers,
has never made its appearance in the House. In
one respect they will find themselves the better for
the loss of some of their former allies—they will be
able to identify themselves more closely with the
people; frnm whom nothing but the aristocratic
morgue of some of their natural chiefs, and the office
bred impertinence of their principal intrusive leaders,
had separated them. What is, after all, to thet
great Tory body, the support of salaries, pensions,
&c. &c.? These things, we have always main-
tained, were in a public point of view, matters of
the most trivial importance; and none but knaves
or asses clamoured against them, on the ground of
their adding any thing material to the burdens of
the country. They did not act, in fact, a farthing
in the pound. But Black Books, and other mis-
chievous rubbish of the same kind, had so instilled
it into the minds of the populace that they were
the standing grievances of the nation, that their
defence was a real injury to the independent Tories.
The persons who benefited most by them were,
with some honourable exceptions, a decided injury
to our cause—an injury on account of the odium
which they drew upon us at the hands of the oppos-
ing faction—an injury on account of their general
impertinence—and an injury as exciting in the bo-
soms of others who knew and felt that they were a
real service to the cause, a feeling of jealousy on
finding sham services of incompetent or disgraceful
persons honoured by the rewards of the party. The
present Tory opposition starts clear of all this, and
it will—

" Be sport to see the engineer
Hoist with his own petard"—
or, in other words, to find the Greys, and their
places and pensions, assailed by the same weapons
as those which they so long wielded against the
Tory red-tapery. Hume, who, to the disgrace of
Middlesex, is returned to Parliament, must not be
allowed to mix black and white, in order to favour
a Grey, in another Parliament, or else he must be
handed over to the tender mercies of the rabble.
The first war of the new Opposition should
be against what Cobbett calls " the public plunder ;"
and Cobbett himself, now that he is in for Oldham,
must work in the same cause—or if he does not,
must at the next election be flung out, like his
quondam friend Hunt, without a character. This
war may be called petty—it is so—but it will be
found to be annoying—a very distressing mode of
guerilla warfare to all concerned on the Treasury
bench. Who is to be the leader of the new Oppo-
sition ? Sir Robert Peel ? Well, be it so. Let
him be tried once more. He now goes into the
House much shorn of his former strength. Croker,
Sugden, his own brothers, his brother-in-law Daw-
son—alas ! for our excellent and well-beloved friend,
lscariott, who ratted again half a dozen ways at
the last election, and was at the end most satisfac-
torily kicked out, never to get in again—Holmes,
poor Billy I and Planta, and many other working
men—Praed, Wrangham, and several other illus-
trious members of the cub school—these, his nearest
and dearest friends and allies, have been ousted.
He is now, in a great measure, in the position of a
noun substantive, and we must see how he will
stand alone. If he succeed, well—if not, we know
the rest. Of the honest out-and-out Tories who
figured in the last Parliament, we remember but
three who have been beaten—Sadbr, Wetherell,
and Gordon. We should much desire to have these
returned. There are also a dozen or so others, who,
though not distinguished as speakers in the House,
are useful and valuable men, whose success
we should wish ; but if we cannot have all,
le: at least a trial be made for Sadler and
Wetherell. We contend for it that the party to
which they belong is the honestest in the State,
and we also believe that those among them who
arc returned will.not be found stanch supporters of
Sir R. Peel, unless he be found honest, and in-
clined to forget many of the tricks with which he
was inoculated during so long an acquaintance with
the letter-folding gentry of the bureaux and the
rising talent of the day, the two sets of hounds
which have brought the ruin on our party. We do
not well know what is to be the first great ground
of division in the House. The ballot, of which we
hear some talk, is too speculative an affair to make
any great split among sensible people. In fact,
none but paltry cowards will call for such protec-
tion—which, by the way, will be no protection at
all in the end. Septennial Parliaments need not
trouble anybody's head just now, because we shall
never see a Parliament again which will last three
years, unless some republican House of Commons,
after voting the House of Lords a nuisance, may
wdeclareork b
etheire,siint titrhiges
mannerpermanent,
o of
u t
heliirt until
predecgoodessors
i‘nvatyh,e days
that remarkelybytle
fixedr
o Mini shrserrlse g have (v\eVrey ma
papyr o priat
the first sitting of the new House for the eve of the
beheading of Charles—an agreeable omen !) The
corn laws will be fought about; and for a Session,
it is possible that the agricultural interest may be
able to keep the farmers from the decree which will
reduce them to the bondage and starvation of the
Pomeranian serf—to the houseless and unbreeched
condition of the Spitalfields weaver. The Irish Re-
pealers will endeavour to force on their favourite
project of dismembering the empire; but that can
scarcely be a practical question for a while. On
the whole, it appears to us, that what the Tory
opposition will have first to defend is the Church,
subjected as it will be to a Bill devised by Afother
Partington Smith. A most mischievous paragraph
appears in the Morning Post on this momentous
subject, intimating that the Bishops have some idea
of leaving the House of Lords if they be attacked.
This is precisely what their enemies wish; and if
the Bishops do any thing of the kind, they are play-
ing the game of those who seek their destruction.
They should remember that it was the pernicious
counsel of Archbishop Williams in the days of
Charles—the very counsel, to leave the House of
Lords—that was the proximate cause of the ruin of
the Church in those days, and they should not be
deluded into the same mistake a second time. The
Church, we say, will, in all probability, be the first
object of defence—the first object of (fence should
be the unnatural war, and more unnatural alliance,
into which the Whigs have driven us. Matter of
attack can never be wanted there ; and the Tories
must be greater bunglers than Marshal Gerard, if
they do not well batter Grey and Palmerston from
that vulnerable quarter.—Age.

It is stated in the latest accounts from the
Cape de Verds that several persons engaged in the coun-
try in the sale of provisions had been murdered by par-
ties organized for that purpose. The islawls were still
suffering dreadfully for want of rain.

We find by the accounts from Boston that
the cholera was raging among the Indians of the Sara and
Fox tribes. KEOKUCK, their newly-crowned Chief, was
among the first victims.

PRICE OF SEEDS.-Dec. 24.
New Englishßed Clover Seed (per Cwt.) -s. --s. fine -s. -4.
Old Ditto Ditto -s. 60s. fine -s. 725.
Sew Foreign Ditto.-----...-- -s. -s, fine -8. --a.
Old Ditto - -s. 60s. fine -s. 725.
Sew White Clover. . -s. -5. fine --s. .1i•
Old Ditto Ditto
'few Trefoil
..--.... - .
31d Ditto ---... -s. 20s. fine 26s -S.
Rib Grass ----
____ --s. 375. fine -s. 428.
English Carraway Seed -a. -s. 655. fine 731.
Foreign Ditto . -s. -s. 645. fine 70s.
Woriander --
St. Foin (per Quarter)---.- 40s. 445. fine --s. 48s.
Rye Grass
Pacey Ditto „ ... 4os. 565. new -s. -11.
Linseed, for feeding -s. 50s. fine -e. 068.
Ditto, for crushing 46s. 565. -s. fine -s.
Canary Seed, New -s. -s. 6.5 s fine 765.
, .
' 'Mc, Old -s. -s. -s. fine --.8.
...
White Mustard Seed-(per Bushel) -s. Rs. Os. fine -S.
Brown Ditto -.- . -s. 20s. Ms. fine --s.
- -s. -s. 18s. tine 211 a.

l'urnip Seeds, Round,
Green and Red Ditto
Pares, Old