The Sun.
London, England, 1835-02-25 00:00:00

No. 13,248.

LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 25, 1535.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

of the utmost importance. I believe, my Lords, there
never was a time when it more behoved every Englishman
to stand forward and assist His Majesty to carry out his good
intentions—( Cheers.) If ever there was a time at which his
Majesty stood in need of their support it is the present,
and every man ought to stand forward and support him, what-
ever political differences might exist.--( Cheers.) On such
an occasion; all party feeling and tactics should be put an end
to, foi• the purpose of approaching the Throne, and thanking
his Majesty for the speech he has this day delivered in Parlia-
ment. The subject alluded to in his Majesty's Speech, with
respect to the commutation of tithes, is one of vast importance
to the country in general, and I have no doubt if a voluntary
commutation of tithes be effected, it will be productive of the
best and most efficient results. My Lords, I stand a living
specimen of the advantage of the commutation of tithes, for on
the estate to which I have lately come, and which I believe
runs into some eight or ten parishes. the clergy are entirely
paid by the landlord, much to the satisfaction of the
tenants and the clergy themselves--(Loud cheering. )
I next wish to address a few words to your Lordships on the
subject of dissenting marriages, for it is a question of great
importance, involving as it does the foundation of the domestic
happiness of an influential portion of his Majesty's subjects. It
has therefore been considered necessary to -issue a commission
for the purpose of bringing about a settlement of this delicate
question, so that the marriages of Dissenters may be cele-
brated in consonance with their feelings, at the same time
ensuring as much publicity as possible, and removing their
conscientious scruples on the subject. On the question of
Church Reform, as it is one to which the country looks for-
ward with great anxiety, I am confident all of your Lordships
will enter into the views entertained by his Majesty's Go-
vernment, and are with them prepared to extend the foun-
dations of the Church, so as to make them commemorate
with the wants of the people—( Hear, hear)—and all ' those
who are disposed to conform to its doctrines and discipline.
It is easy to be computed that the present Church Establish-
ment is not equal to the wants of the people, and that cannot
be better proved than from the retut n of the town of
Merthyr Tydvil. It was formerly a small place, and
now it contains a population of 60 or 70,000 inhabitants.
This shows the impropriety of confining the foundations of the
Church to the wants of its present adherents, and demon-
strates that the establishment is now d:sproportioned to
the population of the country.—(Great cheering.) The
Church is not so rich as people out of doors are disposed to
imagine. A question of difficulty therefore remains to be settled
—how far the incomes of the higher orders of the clergy can
be reduced, and those of the working clergy increased. How-
ever anxious your Lordships may be to act in improving the
the institutions of the country, I am sure that all will agree
that we should proceed with the greatest caution, and ascertain
beforehand, if the practical grievances really exist that are
complained of. He hoped that their Lordships would forgive
him if, in elucidating his meaning, he quoted the words of Mr.
Burke :—" We shall find," said Mr. Burke, " employment
enough for a free and independent spirit in guarding what we
possess from violation. I would not exclude alteration nei-
ther, but even when I changed it should be to preserve. I
should be led to my remedy by a great grievance. In what I
did I should follow the example of our ancestors. I would
make the reparation as nearly as possible in the style of the_
building. A political caution, a guarded circumspection, a
:noral rather than a constitutional timidity, were the ruling
principles of our forefathers, even in their most decided con-
duct." He would only further say, that it was their duty to do
every thing, consistently with the safety of the state, to satisfy
any call that might be made on them ; but that, if they were
asked to take a step which seemed likely to endanger the wel-
fare of the country, then they ought, by every means in their
power, to oppose, and, if possible, prevent it. His Majesty
said in his speech—" I rely with entire confidence on your
willing co-operation in perfecting all such measures as may be
calculated to remove just causes of complaint, and to promote
the concord and happiness of my subjects." That they would
pursue that, course he doubted not; and thanking their Lord-
ships for the patient attention which they had given him, he
should conclude by proposing a dutifnl Address to his Ma-
jesty, in answer to his gracious Speech. The Noble Earl
then read the Address, which was,
_as usual, an echo of the
Speech.

opposite first of all took upon himself the whole of
the offices himself. He then became First Lord
of the Treasury, and held the Seals for three departments
of the State.—( Hear, hear.) Now my Lords, Ido not mean
to state this, or any thing else, stronger than the case itself
warrants. The Noble Duke knows as well as I do, that ac-
cording to the purest practice of the Government, those
offices are in fact, if they were but merely assumed
with a view of exercising their functions, entirely incom-
patible with one another ; ..that if they were possessed
by any one person—for instance if any person was to be-
come First Lord of the Treasury and Secretary of State
for the Home Department, he would have placed in his
hands, without control, the appointment to every great office
in the State, that it would give him the power over the
whole pecuniary resources of the State, without check,
without controul, without investigation—( Hear, hear)--
and therefore, my Lords, I do not conceive that the
Noble Duke would have any intention undoubtedly of ap-
proaching that power, which if he had, would have been at
least a high and culpable misdemeanour.—(Loud cheering.)
But allowing it was done only provisionally, in consequence of
difficulty, necessity, and emergency, I say it is for the Noble
Duke to show the necessity and emergency ; and even if it should
be shown to your satisfaction, I say it is a most serious subject
for your deliberation and consideration, whether means should
not be taken to specify the extraordinary circumstances un-
der which that act was done, in order to take care that
so great a breach of the privileges of the Constitution
should not be drawn into a precedent in future times.—( Great
cheering.) My Lords, this state of things continued until
the present Prime Minister returned from the Continent,
and the Ministry was formed ; and then, my Lords, that
decision was carried into effect, which I say, looking to the
recent events that had occurred, it was most dishonourable
for the present Ministry to have come to. The decision I refer
to is, my Lords, the dissolution of the late Parliament--( Cheers. )
Now, your Lordships will observe that all this took place
while the country was in a state of admitted peace and
calmness.—Great cheering.) I will not trust to my own
memory, or my own inventive powers, to describe the calmness
in which the country then was; but I will borrow the words
of a person in possession of greater talent and authority than
myself. I will read to your Lordships an extract from the speech
of the present Prime Minister, at a dinner given shortly after the
construction of the present Ministry.—( Hear, hear.) Upon
that occasion Sir Robert Peel addressed the company
as follows :—" It is impossible to deny, since the im-
portant events that have taken place within the last
six weeks, that there is a state of calmness and tranquillity
in the country, which, after the political excitement that has
prevailed, could hardly have been anticipated." Now it might
be supposed by that sentence, that the worthy Baronet
meant to say that the change had produced the calm,
That, I don't think, can be considered to be what the Right
Hon. Baronet meant ; but what he intended to convey was,
that he was astonished that the change had not removed the
tranquillity. Then, my Lords, the worthy Baronet goes on to say
I believe if the opinions of the people were taken, three-
fourths will be found to say we are tired of agitation—
( Great cheering)—we are tired of that state of continued
excitement, the effect of which is to withdraw the labourer
from his proper business and avocations in life, and cause
public men to exercise their energies upon matters to-
tally different to those which their duty required.
We hate the pressure from without.--( Loud and
protracted cheers.) We arc content that the public will
should be expressed through the agency of the authorized or-
gans." Now, my Lords, is it possible that any man with these
opinions in his mind—with these feelings in his heart—
and with these expressions in his mouth, should at that
very time be adopting a course that would effect all the
agitation that had taken place in the country. That,
my Lords, is the strongest argument, in my opinion,
against the course pursued by the Right Hon. Baronet
in advising his Majesty to dissolve the late Parliament.
What, my Lords, I would ask, is the effect of the dissolution of
the Parliament, but the pressure from without? It is precisely
that pressure from without which the Right Honoiirable
Baronet stated the people hated.—( Hear and cheers. )
My Lords, if ever there were reasons stated against
the dissolution of the 14e Parliament, those reasons were
put forward by the RighT'Hen. Gentleman upon the occasion
to which I have alluded.—(Cheers.) My Lords, we have
now had one dissolution, and we are menaced with another.
The Duke of WELLINGTON—No, no.
Lord MELBOURNE—Oh, you do not I don't know
whether you do or not, but it was only yesterday that I read
from the Speech of the Noble Lord, the Member for Buck-
inghamshire, a hint of that intention on the part of the Go-
vernment.—( Great cheering from the opposition.) From such
statements as those, the opinion is generally spread through-
out the country that such is to take place, and I say that such
being the case it is necessary that the people sh,-,ald be unde-
reived. I ..riuw tb-ec haw.: been dissil'utions of this nature.
I know that there was a precedent in the years 1784,
1807, and 1831, but they were bold, daring, and desperate
measures ; they were all admitted to be so by
those who advised them, but they were cautious, care-
ful, and well advised measures, when compared with the
dissolution which the Noble Lords opposite have advised.
What was the justification of that measure ?—Success,
and complete success.—(Loud cheers.) It depends en-
tirely upon that fact. You have met with success.
You have met with more success than you expected ;
but you have not met with success enough, and therefore
you have put the country into that state, the consequences
of which you, and you alone, will be answerable for.
%Iy Lords, you will bear it in recollection, that at the time of
the dissolution of Parliament the greatest tranquillity prevailed,
and all was repose, and upon that dissolution the greatest
anxiety prevailed as to the cause—( Hear, hear.) Your
Lordship* cannot forget that at the previous dissolution in
1931, the people then gave the strongest expression of
feeling as to the materials of which it was composed.—( Hear. )
Your Lordships cannot doubt but that was the feeling recog-
nised by the country. And what does the present Speech
promise ? Why, it professes and promises all the Reforms which
the late Administration had promised to carry into effect. The
policy which dictated the dissolution of 1831, and which was
then repudiated as destructive to the best interests of the country,
and which had for its objects extensive measures of Reform, is
now the subject matter of his Majesty's speech, and to effect
which they have got some 30 or 40 in the other House, to
endeavour to drag them through the mire, which the want of prin-
ciple has plunged them in. Was there ever such an abandonment
of principles? Can your Lordships tolerate the adoption of
measures under such circumstances ? They may threaten dis-
solution after dissolution, contest after contest, in the hope
to drive the country into that condition which they had pre-
viously predicted from the adoption of the very measures which
they now bring forward, and which are promised in the King's
speech, of which they were framers—( Loud cheering. )
My Lords, I might go into many personal matters, but
from these I shall abstain, as they are merely of an
individual character.—( Hear, hear.) But I will put it to
your Lordships whether there can exist any honest intention
of carrying those liberal measures into effect with which the
speech is pregnant, and whether they are not those precise
measures which had been proposed by the late Administration,
and which met the approbation of the people ? If so, is there
no abandonment of principle ? Their Lordships would judge
of it. Without questioning the prerogative of his Majesty
and in the most respectful mariner, he would propose an amend-
ment, and which had for its object to characterize the measures
of Reform promised in the speech more distinctly. With
regard to the tranquillity of the country, their Lord-
ships were aware that nothing was more requisite than a Re-
form in the municipal law ; it was one of the bonds which the
inhabitants recognised as holding together the common inte-
rests of the people, and therefore the amendment, my Lords,
which I intend to move, will commence at that part of the
speech after the third paragraph. The Noble Viscount con-
cluded by moving an amendment, to be added to the original
Address, for which see conclusion of Lord Morpeth's speech
in the Commons.

HOUSE OF LORDS, FAR. 28.
Long before five o'clock, there was a very full attendance of
Peers, more especially on the Treasury side of the House.
Amongst the Noble Lords whom we expected to see
filling those Benches, we were rather surprised to see
the Duke of Richmond and the Earl of Goderich sitting
on the bench immediately below the. Treasury one ; immedi-
ately behind whom sat, respectively, the Earls of Roden and
Wicklow. The appearance of the Noble Duke and the Noble
Earl in such places caused considerable sensation in the gallery.
On the Opposition side we noticed the Duke of Sussex, the
Duke of Cleveland, the Earls of Radnor and Durham, &c.
The Earl of SHAFTE SBURY moved the first reading of
the Bill for the better regulation of Select Vestries.
THE KING'S SPEECH.

The LORD CHANCELLOR then read his Majesty's
Speech from the Woolsack ; after which, it was again read by
the Clerk at the Table, the following of which is a copy :-
44 Mr LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,
" I avail myself of the earliest oportunity of meeting you in Parliament,
after having recurred to the sense of my people.
" You will, I am confident, fully participate in the regret whicti I feel at
the destruction, by accidental fire, of that part of the ancient Palace of
NVestminster, which has been long appropriated to the use of the two
Houses of Parliament.
" Upon the occurrence of this calamity, I gave immediate directions
that the best provision of which the circumstances of the case would admit,
should be made for your present meeting, and it will be my wish to adopt
such
.plans for your permanent accommodation as shall be deemed, in
your joint consideration, to be the most fitting and convenient.
" I will Five directions that there be laid before you the report made to
me by the. Privy Council, in reference to the origin of the fire, and the
evidence upon which that report was founded.
" The assurances which I receive from my Allies, and, generally, from
from all Foreign Princes and States, of their earnest desire to cultivate
the relations of amity, and to maintain with me the most friendly under-
standing, justify, on my part, the confident expectation of the conti-
nuance of the blessings of peace.
" The single exception to the general tranquillity of Europe, is the civil
contest, which still prevails, in some of the northern provinces of Spain.
" I will give directions that there be laid before you Articles which I have
concluded with my Allies, the King of the French, the Queen Regent of
Spain, and the Queen of Portugal, which are supplementary to the treaty
of April, 1834, and are intended to facilitate the complete attainment of
the objects contemplated by that treaty.
" I have to repeat the expression of my regret that the relations be-
tween Holland and Belgium still remain unsettled.
" GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMbtoNso
" I have directed the Estimates for the ensuing year to be prepared
and to be laid before you without delay.
" They have been framed with the strictest attention to economy ;
and, I have the satisfaction of acquainting you that the total amount of
the demands for the public service, will be less on the present than it has
been on any former occasion, within our recent experience.
."fhe satisfactory state of the Trade and Commerce of the country,
and of the Public Revenue, fully justifies the expectation, that, notwith-
standing the reductions in taxation, which were made in the last Session,
and which, when they shall have taken full effect, will tend to diminish
the exiting surplus of the Public Revenue, there will remain a sufficient
Balance to meet the additional Annual Charge, which will arise from
providing the compensation granted by Parliament on account of the
abolition of slavery throughout the British dominions.
" I deeply lament that the Agricultural interest continues in a state of
great depression.
" I recommend to your serious consideration whether it may not be in
your power, after providing for the Exigencies of the Public Service, and
consistently with the n aintenance of public credit, to devise a method for
mitigating the pressure of those local charges, which bear heavily on the
owners and occupiers of land—and for distributing the burden of them
more equally over other descriptions of property.
" MY Loans, AND GENTLEMEN,
" The information received from the Governors of my Colonies, toge-
ther with the Acts passed, in execu ion of the law for the abolition of
slavery, will be communicated to you. It is with much satisfaction that
I have observed the general concurrence of the Colonial Legislatures in
giving effect to this important measure; and notwithstan.iing the diffi-
culties with which the subject is necessarily attended, I have seen no
reason to abate my earnest hopes of a favourable issue.
" Under all circumstances, you may be assured of my anxious desire
and unceasing efforts fully to realize the benevolent intentions of Par.
!lament.
" There are many important subjects, some of which have already un.
dergone partial discussion in Parliament—the adjustment of which, at as
early a period as is consistent with the mature consideration of them,
would be of great advantage to the public interests.
" Among the first in point of urgency, is the state of the Tithe Ques.
tion in Ireland, and the means of effecting an equitable and final acijust-
ment of it.
" Measures will be proposed for your consideration, which will have for
their respective objects—to promote the commutation of tithe in England
and Wales—to improve our civil jurisprudence, and theadministration of
justice in ecclesiastical causes—to make provision fir the more effectual
maintenance of ecclesiastical discipline, and to relieve those who dissent
from the doctrines or discipline of the Church, from the necessity of ce-
lebrating the ceremony of marriage, according to its rites.
" I have not yet received the Relent from the Commissioners ap.
pointed to inquire into the state of Municipal Corporations, but I have
reason to believe that it will be made, and that I shall be enabled to cum-
municate it to you, at an early period.
" I have appointed a Commission for considering the state of the seve-
ral dioceses in England and Wales, with reference to the amount of their
revenues, and to. the more equal disti ibution of episcopal duties; the
state of the several Cathedrals and Collegiate Churches, with a view to
the suggestion of such measures as may render them most conducive to the
efficiency of the Established Church ; and for devising the hest mode of
providing for the cure of souls, with reference to the residence of the
Clergy on their respective Benefices.
"The especial object which I have in view in the appointment of this
Commission is, to extend more widely the means of Religious worship ac-
cording to the Doctrines of the Established Church, and to confiim its
hold upon the veneration and affections of my people-
" I feel it also incumbent upon me to call your earnest attention to the
condition of the Church of Scotland, and to the means by which it may be
enabled to increase the opportunities of religious worship, for the poorer
classes of society, in that part of the United Kingdom. It has leen my
duty on this occasion to direct your consideration to various important
matters connected with our domestic policy.
" I rely with entire confidence on your willing co-operation in perfect.
ing all such measures as may be calculated to remove just causes of com-
plaint and to promote the concord and happiness of my subjects.
" I rely also, wi h equal confidence, on the caution and circumspection
with which you will apply yourselves to the alteration of Laws which
affect very extensive and complicated interests, and are interwoven with
ancient usages, to which the habits and feelings of my people have con
formed

Lord GAGE rose to second the motion, and—said it is un-
necessary for me to take up the time of the House with a
lengthened address, after what has fallen from my Noble
Friend. He may have left me but little to say, more
than that I declare I most cordially second the Address, and
that I congratulate the House upon the Speech which has
been delivered by his Majesty on the present state of public
affairs.—( Hear.) But I cannot but feel that the intentions of
his Majesty will not be realised, except by a line of conduct
very different to that which is adopted elsewhere. This
brings me to a point which, in my opinion, should influ-
ence your Lordships to be unanimous on this question. It is the
actual and particular position of the 'country at tlic, p resent
time, and I do conceive that for good or for evil the die is
cast, and that a Government has been formed for the purpose of
maintaining the principles of loyalty in this Kingdom. That
my Lords is the plank between us and the ocean—if that fails
us we sink to rise no more in our present political
form.—( Hear, hear.) Will those who oppose existing institu-
tions bring forward some Utopian form of Government without
some deliberation ? Are they prepared to overturn the Mo-
narchy, and to destroy the Church which has been celebrated
for its learning, and the piety and purity of its doctrines ?
But if, indeed, even amongst ourselves, there were those dis-
posed to overthrow the Crown, have they contemplated the
progressive ruin and misery which change or experiment
—as recent occurrences prove—might create, or aro they
prepared to rule the storm which might arise?—( Hear, hear. )
For the preservation of the Constitution did his Majesty's
speech express the deepest solicitude. While it called for
reform, at the same time it promised protection to the insti-
tutions of the country; and he (the Noble Lord) was surprised
how any Noble Lord could refuse the grateful acknowledgment
which was due to His Majesty for the protection which he
promised to the institutions of their country which they were
sworn to defend—( Cheers.) An hostility to such an address
exhibited a want of loyalty. No true Reformer could refuse his
approbation of such a speech. No honest man could oppose
measures which were founded on the principle of respecting the
rights of all parties. Opposition to such was nothing less than
tending to a bloody revolution.—( Cries of " Oh, oh.")
Since the peace, burdens, so called, have been remitted to an
amount almost incredible, and that by Tory Governments. The
late Government, and for so doing I give them great
honour, also reduced these burdens to a very considerable
extent. But what I ask confidently of your Lordships is,
what the people of this country have benefited from the
whole of the enormous reductions that have been made ?
Are they now one single whit more happy than they were
before they were begun ?—( Slight sensation.) How,:then, can
any man with one spark of honesty, go about and preach hap-
piness to the people—holding out promises of relief to them
from a revision of the Pension List ? It is utter madness.
My Lords, in my opinion, and in that of every sensible
man the thing is quite incompatible.—( Hear, hear.) The
burdens, again I say, so called, can be cut down
further with safety to the public Creditor, which his
Majesty in his Gracious Speech avows his determination to
uphold. My Lords, to appearances the time will very shortly
arrive when you will have to choose between the pre-
sent Government and one of a directly revolutionary
(laracter. My Lords, you will have to take your choice—
between those two none others will be presented to you. You
must take your choice; shortly, to all appearances, the question
will be put to you, " Will you have the constitutional
Government of Sir Robert Peel, or that of the honest
William Cobbett ?"—(Laughter.) I call him honest, because
he is the most plain spoken man of the whole set.
Viscount MELBOURNE then rose, but his first few sen-
tences were spoken in so low a tone as to be inaudible. The
first we heard him say was, " It is most undoubtedly true that
the Speech adverts to a great many topics, but whether
it is so full a one as, under all the different circumstances
of the present times, the people had a right to look for, it is
for the country to determine. —( Cheers.) It is to me most
clear, my Lords, that there are many omissions.—( Cheers.) So
far as the Speech from the Throne is concerned, aside
from those we have just heard, who could for a moment
suppose that since Parliament last met there had been a total
change of the Administration—( Immense cheering)—that
there had been a dissolution of Parliament.—( Cheering.)
To the latter subject, a few words may be by infer-
,,mce, made to refer, but upon the first there is not a
word said.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, I believe that you
may search the whole of your records, and you will not find
that events of so much importance have ever been passed over in
silence in any Speech from the Throne or !Address in reply.
My Lords, having been myself so much concerned in these
events, I was extremely desirous that I should be relieved
from making any observations at the present time. But,
my Lords, I think you will feel, considering the magnitude
of these events, and considering the manner in which they
have taken place, and the consequences that have followed, I hope
you will feel and believe it is no personal eagerness on my part,
if I take the liberty of making a few observations with regard
to past circumstances.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to
the change of Government, I have nothing more to state
than that which has been publicly announced and generally
believed, that it was determined upon by his Majesty, sanc-
tioned and carried into effect by the councils of the Noble Duke
opposite, who now holds the seals for Foreign Affairs,
and for that change, undoubtedly, he is responsible.—
( Cheers.) That, 1 apprehend, is tilt>, constitutional doc-
isirke, on which there can be no doubt whatever.—(Hear.)
Whether flat change was prudent or not, it is cer-
tainly not for me—it is certainly not for my colleagues,
0 determine—it is for the country, it is for your Lordships,
it is for dip other House of Parliament.—( Loud (sheers.)
But I beg leave to say, when I
consider the situation in which
we are placed, when Icensider the position in which the Noble
Lords opposite have placed themseives—(ljear, bear,)
when I consider the position in which they have
placed the goontrY—( Hear, hear)—when I consider
~ur present situation, and when I consider our
for the ilittna--
not see any thing that can justify in respect of prudence or
(T-2.74-7, must say thi;tPeZ
discretion that determinmion..---( Cheers.) The Noble Duke

" I feel assured, that it will be our common object in supplying that
which may be defective, or in renovating that which may be impaired, to
strengthen the foundations of those institutions in Church and State,
which are the inheritance and birthright of my people; and which,
amidst all the vicissitudes of public affairs, have proved, under the bless-
ing of ALMIGHTY GOD, the truest guarantees of their Liberties, their
Rights, and their Religion."
The Earl of HARDWICK rose and said—My Lords, in
rising to move an address of thanks to his Majesty for his
most gracious speech, I feel how much I stand in need of
your Lordships' kindness and indulgence, it being the first
time I have had the honour of addressing your Lordships ;
and also from my habits and profession, I have not been much
in the habit of making speeches ; nevertheless I feel and know
that from your Lordships' hands I shall receive, while in the
discharge of a public duty, the greatest kindness; but for
that I would feel it a very great task. That task, however, is
much lightened, for I never remember having heard a speech
which was so likely to be satisfactory to all classes, as
that for which I am now about to return thanks.
Whether, on the one hand, we look at the state-
ments relative to the friendly situation in which
this country stands with all foreign nations—whether we look
at the statements made relative to the finances of the Country
—or to the state of its commerce ; or whether, on the other
hand, we look at the wishes expressed from the Throne
in the most fervent and emphatic manner, for the
happiness and the welfare of the people, and when we see a
strong desire on the part of his most gracious Majesty to
improve our institutions, and at the same time an
em

phatic declaration from his Majesty, that in his
hands none of those institutions shall be deteriorated
—(hear)—looking at all these statements, I am sure, my
Lords, the British people will accept with gratitude the
Speech from the Throne as one perfectly satisfactory—
and one in which they will see that his Majesty is anxious
for their welfare ; and it will show them, that the King is wil-
ling, at all times, to take into his most serious considera-
tion their wants. My Lords, the speech enters into so
many topics that it would be out of all reason for me
at this moment to go into them, knowing as I do, that every
one of them will be brought under your Lordships' notice
in detail during, the present Session of Parliament. I
shall, therefore, in as short a manner as possible, generally
consider the merits of the Speech, and then conclude by
moving the adoption of an Address of Thanks. My Lords,
it is most satisfactory to know that the relations of his Ma-
jesty with foreign powers are on the best footing. I
believe there never was a time when peace has been pre-
served for so considerable a time, which must always prove a
blessing to a country. On the continent, with one solitary
exception, we have the gratification of knowing that the ut-
most tranquillity prevails.—(Hear.) Your Lordships will
no doubt recollect that but a very short time since Austria,

France, and Prussia, were in- an unsettled state, but
we have every reason to believe that the state of
things in those countries is most satisfactory. His
Majesty states that the question between Holland and
Belgium is not yet concluded. It certainly must be a circum-
stance of deep regret to your Lordships that that ques-
tion is not yet settled, and that the kingdom of
Holland should be so circumstanced,—( Hear, hear. )
especially when we consider the relation in which she stands
to Great Britain, in point of trade and commerce. My
Lords, whether, as I stated before, we refer to the
state of our Colonies, or to the state of the Conti-
nent, we have reason to be satisfied. (Hear, hear.)
His Majesty has graciously informed us that he will be enabled,
in spite of the reductions that have already been made in taxa-
tion, considering the state of the revenue, to make further re-
ductions, and you will now be gratified in knowing that not
only is a further reduction of taxation in contemplation, but
such is the state and prosperity of our country, that the debt
which was incurred by the compensation to the slave owners
will be paid off from the revenue of the country. I am one of those
who feel the greatest delight and gratification to find that his
Majesty has been enabled to acquaint us, that as far as regards
the arrangements that have been made, everything is sa-
tisfactor% . And here, I trust your Lordships will forgive
me for Paying my humble tribute of gratitude to the Noble
Laird opposite for the manner in which he brought in and
passed through the Bill which eairied that great ob-
ject of Negro Emancipation into effect, ( Cheers.)
It is a consolation to the Agricultural interest, that his Ma-
jesty, in his Speech from the Throne has expressed his anxiety
for their interests, and it is an increase to that consolation,
that his Majesty has expressed himself desiro‘s to alleviate
their distresses.—(Cheers.) If I truly be allowed to make
a remark, it would be this,-,that so long as we are
enabled to keep off agitation upon the question of the
corn laws, to allow that question to remain at rest,
coupled with the knowledge that his Majesty is de-
sirous to do his utmost, and mill prebably be able to take
off some of those local taxes that press most heayily upon the
people—so long as such a course is allowed to be law,.
sued I feel quite certain that in the result the best effects
will be produced. But if the question should come
to be agitated in Parliament, the mere agitation of the ques-
tion will be, in my opinion, sufficient to depress the prospects
of the trade, and may be productive of the most serious conse-
quentes.—(l-lear. ) I will now, my Lords, approach another
part of his Majesty's Speech, which I consider to be

The Duke of WELLINGTON then rose and said—After
being personally called upon as I have been by the Noble
Viscount, I shall take this early opportunity to address a few
words to the House upon this important occasion. The Noble
Viscount has directed his observations throughout a length-
ened speech to prove that the last dissolution of Parlia-
ment was not necessary : the particular point, however,
was, that I was responsible for that dissolution, and further
that I was the person applied to to form the present Govern-
ment, and who induced his Majesty to adopt those measures
which were adopted.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, begging
the Noble Lord's pardon, I was not at all cognizant of
the dissolution of the late Ministry._( Hear, hear.) It was
dissolved, because it was absolutely impossible for it to go on
any longer.—( Hear.) When the Noble Earl, whom I now
see in his place, was removed from that Ministry, having left
it in consequence of taking his seat in this House—l beg your
Lordships to recollect what was stated with so much courte-
ousness by a Noble Earl, who was then a Minister, in respect
to that NOble Lord, when that Noble Lord thought proper to re-
sign his office as a Minister in the House of Commons—that
Noble Earl stated that he had then lost his right arm, and
that it was absolutely impossible for him to carry on
the government of this country, or to serve the crown
with honour or advantage, from the moment that
the Noble Lord retired.--( Hear.) But, my Lords, this is not
all ; the Noble Viscount, when called upon by his Majesty to
form a government, stated that he had undertaken to do so upon
the supposition that he should be assisted by the Noble Earl.
But even that was not all, for he (the Noble Duke) happened
to know that when the Noble Viscount felt that he was likely
to lose the aid of the Noble Lord ( Althorp), he declared that
lie should feel himself placed in great difficulty, for that the
Noble Lord was the very foundation on which the Government
stood, and when that was removed it was impossible to go on.
When, then, the question of the Government came before h 4.
Majesty, he found it. fairly put to him whethr- '—
for other connseli, and wheih,-- -
rangernenta s.

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...e would consent to other ar-

toe formation of a Government, or whether he
would be content to abide by that particular Administration
ivhich at that moment existed ? ( Hear, hear.) Let their
Lordships only observe the situation in which the King was
placed, and ask themselves what he was to think in the new

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. —tort time.
Lord MELBOURNE, in explanation, said—" I rise to ex-
plain the fact to which the Noble Duke has alluded, of my
bringing from Brighton the letter which led the Noble Duke
to the presence of his Majesty. When I had had my audience
of his Majesty on the 14th of November, I went into the room
of Sir Herbert Taylor, and he requested me, as I was going
to London immediately, to convey a letter from him to Sir

position in which lie found himself. The Noble Earl had
lyeen under the necessity of resigning when the Noble Lord,
then Chancellor of the Exchequer, was raised to that House.
The Noble Viscount, too, had declared that he considered the
Noble Lord's assistance essentially necessary to him. Bet
when his Majesty was left by the Noble Earl, and when Lord
Althorp was removed from the other House, his Majesty,
forsooth, was not to be permitted to consider whether his
position was not materially altered by these events, and
whether it would not be expedient for him to make some
other arrangements for the carrying on of his service.—
( Hear, hear.) Everybody, indeed, but his Majesty, was to
be allowed to consider the alterations which had taken
place by the loss of Lord Althorp in the House of Com-
mons ! Their Lordships, however, he was convinced, would
cot acquiesce in this exclusion.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
They would see and declare that the Sovereign was fully
entitled to take into consideration his own peculiar position,
and the state of public affairs, and to deliberate whether it
would be advisable for him to make other arrangements with
respect to the existing Administration, or if not, whether it
would not be better for him to form a new Government alto-
gether.—( Hear, hear.) Under the circumstances in which
his Majesty was placed, he had thought proper to send to him
( the Duke of Wellington,) and he was happy to find that all
lhose histories and stories which were propagated respecting
Court intrigues—
Lord MELBOURNE—Not by nte.
The Duke of WELLINGTON—I am quite certain of it.
But all those idle stories were now entirely laid aside. It
was now fully admitted on all hands that there never was any
sash thing.—( Hear.) For his own part he had no communi-
cation of any description with the Court, for two—ay, he might
sly for three months previous to the communication from his
Majesty.—( Hear.) He was then at his house in Hampshire,
it was as much a matter of surprise to him at the moment
as it possibly could be to any of their Lordships.--( Cheers. )
Certainly, he was satisfied that some great change in the Ad-
'ministration must be consequent upon the removal of Lord
Althorp from the House of Commons ; but when the commu-
nication reached him, it was as much a matter of surprise to
him as it could be to any of their lordships to receive a similar
summons to-morrow.—( Hear.) When his Majesty sent for
bins he might have accepted the offer his Majesty was gra
ciously pleased to make him. He might come down to their
lordships in a higher situation--( Hear, hear)--but he did not
recommend that course to his Majesty, which would have
been accessory to the gratification of his own ambition.—
( Cheers.) Fie did not act as one who had a personal ob-
ject to serve. He recommended to his Majesty that line of
proceeding which he conceived would be most advisable for
his service, and that was, that he should send for the Right
Hon. Gentleman then in the other House of Parliament as
the individual in the present times most fit and capable of dis-
charging the duties of the King's first Minister.—( Cheers. )
That Right Hon. Gentleman was in another part of the world,
and at a considerable distance from this—and it appeared ad-
visable to his Majesty, and to him (the Duke), to take posses-
sion of the Government for Sir Robert Peel ; and absolutely
necessary, at the same time, that whoever might carry on the
Government until his arrival, should exercise no patronage, or
take no step whatever which should in the least tend to dimi-
nish the full and free authority of the Right Hon. Gentleman
when he might come to act.—( Cheers.) His advice to his
Majesty accordingly had been to put him provisionally at the
head of affairs as Secretary for the Home Department and
First Lord of the Treasury.—( Hear, hear.) But the Noble
Viscount (Melbourne) accused him of holding the seals of the
three principal Secretaryships of State at the same time.
But this, although gravely urged, was not a very serious
charge after all. Having been appointed to any one of the
three offices, a man was competent to hold the seals of the
other two, in the absence of those to whom they might be con-
fided. It was true, then, that he had, as Secretary for the
Home Department, held the seals of the three Secretaryships,
but he had exercised no more authority than he should have
done if he had been one of the three principal Secretaries, and
his colleagues were absent.--( Hear, hear.) And was there
he would ask, no precedent for such a proceeding ? Why,
Mr. Canning, while he was yet Secretary for the Foreign De-
partment, was on the 12th of April appointed First Lord of
the Treasury, and he did not resign the seals of the Foreign
Department until the 30th of the same month ; consequently,
(luring the whole of the intervening time he was both Secre-
tary for Foreign Affairs and First Lord of the Treasury.—
( Hear, hear.) He knew very well the difference that there
was between the two cases. There were two secretaries who
had resigned their offices but had not given up the seals.
But before the Noble Viscount proceeded to blame a trans-
action of this description, he contended that he should in the
first instance have shewn that some inconvenience had arisen
from it.—( Hear, hear.) He said that no inconvenience had
resulted from it. ( Hear, hear. ) He might say, too, that
Aurlng tLe - single
(.I;spGsed of, or act done, which, was not essentially ne-
cessary for the service of the Kirae and of the country ; and
moreover, be might add, il.os S'n• R. Peel on his arrival found
all things, as nearly as might be, in the same situation as they
were upon the 16th of December.--( Hear, hear.) The Noble
Viscount ( Melbourne) however, had observed, that the office
ot' First Lord of the Treasury was incompatible with the
other offices which he (the Duke) held. It might be true,
if those offices were held for any length of time by the same
individual.-4 Hear, hear.) But, in the first place, he only
occupied them provisionally ; and, secondly, he would re-
mark that constitutionally the First Lord of the Treasury
had no more power than any other Lord at the Board. It was
perfectly understood too by all men, that the arrangement was
not permanent, and that he only held the government for an-
other individual who had been sent for by his Sovereign.—
( Hear, hear.) Next, the Noble Viscount (Melbourne) blamed
lcm highly for having attended his Majesty, and facilitated
his arrangements for the formation of a new Administration ;
and yet, strange to tell, the Noble Viscount himself it was, if
11.! (the Duke) were not mistaken, that brought to town the
order in consequence of which the event in question had oc
cured.—(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) If there were any
thing criminal in his (the Duke's) attending his Sovereign,
and assisting him in carrying into execution the plan for the
formation of a new Administration, what should be said of that
Minister who brought to town a letter, the object of which was
to secure that attendance and co-operation, he (Lord Mel-
bourne) well knowing at the time what were the contents of
that letter ?—( Cheers and laughter.) Was the Noble Vis-
count then the man to bring him forward as a criminal for
having attended to the wishes of his Sovereign, when he him-
self was the bearer of those commands which had led him (the
Duke) into the presence of His Majesty, and to the perform-
ance of those services which he (Lord Melbourne) now repu-
diated ?—( Cheers and laughter.) If he were disposed so to
argue, he might contend that the fact of the Noble Viscount
being the bearer of this letter showed the animus
with which he (Lord Melbourne) Mid waited upon
his Majesty, and the animus of the transactions between
them, and also the animus of the communications be-
tweet' himself, (the Duke) and His Majesty.--(" Hear,
hear " and a laugh.) But it was not necessary. He
would only repeat that he never was much more surprised
than at the mode in which he had understood the arrangement
was afterwards received by the Noble Lord. He trasted that
he had now stated enough to justify him in lending his name to
the formation of a new Ministry.--( Hear, hear.) The next
charge to which he had to advert was, that they had dissolved
the late Parliament. With respect to this, it was true that
whatever Ministry advised the dissolution of a Parliament was
liable to be called on for some reason which might have in-
duced them so to do ; but he had seldom heard of such a
course of proceeding as that Ministers should be called upon
cu the first day of the assembling of Parliament, and told
Give me some reason why you thought fit to dissolve ; and
justify your dissolution of Parliament, by showing that the effort
you have made has been a successful one."—( Hear.) But
the Noble Viscount, after hearing his censure upon them for
dissolving, added, that in all cases where Parliament was dis-
solved it was success which justified the measure. If, then,
they had made an experiment which was to depend upon so
peremptory a criterion, surely he ought at least to allow them a
short time to wait and see fairly what had been the result.—
(Cheers. ) The Noble Lord and his friends had dismissed In
June a Parliament which was chosen in November. Their
experiment he acknowledged was perfectly successful. He
hoped that their experiment would also prove perfectly suc-
cessful.—( Cheers.) At all events, it would be but fair to
give them some little time for the prescribed justification, and
not to assail them on the first day of the session.—( Cheers. )
And now as to this success, he wanted to know, after all, how
Treat
was that measure of success which the late Ministry en-
joyed in the late Parliament, when it appeared to rest solely
and exclusively on the shoulders of a single individual, frsm
which, too, there was no mantle to fall for a successor ?
( Cheers.) So that when he was removed to the upper house,
the Government to which he belonged had found it impossible
to go on.—(Cheers.) As to himself, he was convinced that
the course pursued was correct, and by it he was ready to
tand or fall.—( Cheers.) He believed that there were a great
number of persons disposed and determined to support the
Administration, and he hoped the House would have the pa-
tience to wait and see what were the measures they had to
propose for the benefit of the country.--( Hear, hear.) He
was not aware that there were any other topics on which it was
necessary for him to speak. He had already, he should think,
said enough to show that there was no reason why their
Lordships should see it expedient to adopt the amendment
of the Noble Viscount.—( Cheers.) He ought, perhaps, to
say, as to the municipal corporations, that it was not their
intention in any way to thwart the commissioners, and that,
feeling this, they were unwilling to pledge themselves; to
any particular system of' legislation without knowir:k what
the report was ; and in this feeling their
to be the more disposed 'to Lordships
informed them that (nate, when His Majesty
"
in P L 4.,11C report would be laid before thoM