The Sun.
London, England, 1866-08-03 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

TIMES.—We have not yet before us the actual
test of the preliminaries signed on the 26th ult. by
the belligerents at Nikolsburg, but we have every
reason to rely on the correctness of the particulars
conveyed by the telegrams from Berlin with respect
to them. Substantially the terms agreed upon are
the same as we had ventured to suggest from the
outset; but there had been since so much mystifica-
tion on the part of the semi-official organs, not so
much of the interested as of neutral parties, that we
were made, as it were, to mistrust the evidence of
our own senses. We had felt confident throughout
that Prussia, flushed with her rapid and astounding
victories, would insist upon nothing short of the
total and final exclusion of Austria from Germany,
which was the distinct and loudly avowed object of
all her endeavours from the first outbreak of hosti-
lities, and we now find that we had justly estimated
both the boldness of her original conception and her
tenacity of purpose in working it out. And yet,
however obvious the drift of Prussia was all the
time, and however complete her success, it is diffi-
cult to take in at once all the magnitude of the
change brought about in Europe by the conditions
on which peace is about to be negotiated at Prague
—conditions which are to oust Austria utterly from
Germany, and to place that country—the whole of
that country—absolutely and unconditionally at
Prussia's disposal. It is not merely from one-half
of Germany, not merely from the Confederation
which Prussia contemplates establishing to the north
of the Main, that Austria is for ever sundered. She
becomes a stranger to the Southern States likewise.
The ostracism is complete. Anything like a
" Triad" or a " Dualism" is now definitively put
out of the question. Germany becomes Prussia, or at
least what Prussia may wish her to become. So far
as Austria can have anything to say to the contrary,
or so far as any Power west of the Rhine or east of
the Vistula has any means to gainsay it, Prussia
can from this moment, and relying on the terms of
these preliminaries, annex every inch of German
territory, and she makes, indeed, no mystery of her
power to do so. The King of Prussia is entitled to
retain, besides the Elbe Duchies, such part or parts
of Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, and .Hesse-Darmstadt
north of the Main as may seem most expedient to
him. The restoration of any of the Sovereigns of the
above-mentioned States to the remainder of their
dominions would be only "-an act of grace on the
part of the Prussian Crown," but it would be im-
politic as well as inconvenient, and, we are given
clearly to understand, far from probable. Indeed,
so far as Germany downmtaote up herheline mindof the
Maintolooiks
concerned, Europe may make
upon it as one State. The King of Saxony is, in-
deed, restored, with full guarantee of the integrity
of his former possessions. Even in her fallen state,
it must be said to her honour, Austria was not un-
mindful of the ally whose soldiers bled by the side
of her own at Sadowa. Saxony is the " only one
of the German States included in the Austro-Prus-
sian Treaty." Saxony, however, is not restored to
separate and independent existence. She becomes a
member of the Northern Confederation, under the
auspices of Prussia, and consequently resigns into
the hands of Prussia all her sovereign rights as re-
gards her military organization and her diplomatic
relations. In other words, King John of Saxony
is, like all other North German princes, reduced to
the rank of a Prussian prefect. The supreme im-
portance of the valley of the Elbe as a military po-
sition rendered it necessary for Prussia to insist
upon such an arrangement.
DAILY NEWS.—It would mark a serious degener-
ation of the English character if ever the demands
of the Executive for the suspension of the Habeas
Corpus were conceded by Parliament as a matter
of course. It may be doubted whether we are not
becoming too indifferent in this matter. Three or
four years ago we were exceedingly sensitive to
the least abridgment of the securities which the
law provides for the liberty of the subject, and the
suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act was regarded
as one of the gravest of public evils. But that was
during the American War ; and our interest in the
question was speculative or sympathetic. Last Feb-
ruary we consented to the suspension of the Habeas
Corpus Act in Ireland with so much eagerness that
those members of Parliament who ventured to delay
the passage of the Ministerial bill for an hour to speak
of the state of Ireland were spoken of as if they had
proved themselves sympathisers withFenianism. At
the end of six months the Government comes for-
ward to renew the demand. But the circumstances
are not the same, and the government of Ireland is
not in the same hands. For the last six months
Ireland has been administered under the eye of Par-
liament, and its representatives could at any time
rise in the House of Commons and call for expla-
nations or state grievances. If the request of the
Government is complied with it will exercise a power
greater than that exercised by the late Administra-
tion, because unlimited by immediate responsibility
to Parliament. A very strong case ought to be
made out to support such a demand before it is con-
ceded. Lord Naas says that the suspension of the
Habeas Corpus Act makes persons engaged in trea-
sonable practices leave the country. That we can
easily conceive ; but is not the cessation of the com-
mon right of every man when he is arrested to know
of what he is accused, and to be put upon his trial,
likely to determine some persons to leave the country
whom it would be desirable to retain in it? If any-
thing could stimulate emigration that would be
likely to do so. Lord Naas assures us that all the
loyal and well-disposed inhabitants of the country
derive increased security from the suspension of
their ordinary rights, and intimates that a " careful
inquiry," conducted secretly in Dublin Castle is
better than an assize trial. But the loyal and well-
disposed inhabitants, under the exceptional state of
things which Lord Naas would renew, are precisely
those whom the Executive may choose to regard as
such, and most persons would prefer to be tried by
judge and jury. The Chief Secretary argues that
the suspension is necessary, because the ordinary
tribunals have failed to vindicate the authority of the
law. This is a poor acknowledgment of the good
faith for which Irish juries were so highly compli-
mented while the trials were going on last winter.
But we take leave to ask whether anything but a
tribunal can vindicate a law ? Arrests on the
information of spies, followed by " careful in-
quiries" with closed doors, may vindicate power,
but they cannot exalt the law in the eye of
the subject. Lord Naas declares that nothing
but the most
,absolute necessity for the con-
tinuance of the powers granted at the begin-
ning of the session would have induced the
Government to ask for their renewal. But he ad-
.nits that a great improvement has taken place in
the state of Ireland. " Fenianistn," he says, "is to
a great extent dying away." And no wonder, for
since the beginning of .the year the imposture has
been incessantly exposed; the leaders have turned
upon one another, each having some unpleasant
truth to tell of his colleagues ; the absurdity of their
plans has been laid bare before their supporters, and,
above all, that extraordinary delusion which, like a
tap root, has nourished so many others—the belief
that countenance and aid was to be expected of the
American Government—.has been for ever dissi-
pated. The Chief Secretary dwelt upon the danger
still to be apprehended from agents arriving from
America, and no doubt it was at one time consi-
derable ; but their power for mischief lay in the fact
that they were able to persuade their dupes that
they came from a country the Government of which,
having an inveterate grudge against this country to
satisfy, would do anything in its power to aid the
Fenians as enemies of England. The handsome
manner in which the United States Government has
acted in this matter is now known wherever Fenian-
ism has spread, and thus that danger has disap-
peared. But it seems that we are, nevertheless, to
adapt our administration of Ireland to the quality
of the Fenian speeches made in America. Head
Centre Stephens has solemnly declared that some
time this year a struggle shall take place upon Irish
soil; and therefore Lord Naas asks that the Go-
vernment may be enabled to guard against danger
of that sort. Of what sort ? Stephens will make
speeches as long as-there are dollars to be got, and
when only half-dollars are forthcoming his threats
will become more terrible than ever. But Lord
Naas did not tell the house that he apprehended a
rising in Ireland, and we believe that no Irishman
of any responsibility would profess such conviction.
We regret to find the great influence of Mr. Glad-
stone lent to the Government for the purpose of
this measure ; but we prefer on this occasion the
authority of Mr. Fox, who, in a passage perti-
nently quoted last night by Sir George Bowyer,
said—" He lamented the old established laws known
to the constitution had not been applied to the evil,
if any existed ; for it was an infamous libel upon the
constitution to say that it was only able to main-
tain itself in times of peace and tranquillity, and
must be suspended in times of danger." Count
Cavour was accustomed to say, when urged to sus-
pend the constitutional liberties of Piedmont in
difficult times, "No ; any fool can govern with a
state of siege." It seems to us, after reading the
speeches recently delivered in Parliament by some
of the members of the present Government, that the
tendency to look upon the constitution as a peace
constitution, to be thrown overboard, with all its
guarantees, on the first alarm, is a real danger of
these times.

SANITARY CONDITION OF GREENWICII.--At the
last weekly meeting of the Greenwich District Board of
Works the inspector of nuisances said his attention had
been called to an account of an inquest stated to have been
held at Greenwich, and which appeared in some of the
daily papers. The paragraph also alluded to the awful
sanitary state of the district. Ho had made inquiries, and
found that the inquest in question did not take place at
Greenwich, but at York-place, Bethnal-green,