The Sun.
London, England, 1832-10-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The cry raised against Church rates is
not confined to them alone. The abolition of
tithe is equally its object, and, as we said
yesterday, it spreads like wildfire through the
entire realm. It is not to be supposed that the
sweeping resolution against Church rates,
adopted a few days ago in the important town of
Birmingham, arose from any sudden or desul-
tory impulse of the popular will. The amount
and application of these rates had frequently be-
fore been the subject of angry controversy, and
it is understood that the vestries had made large
reductions, from year to year, in consequence of
the dissatisfaction so repeatedly expressed by
the inhabitants. Nor, if the sentiment has been
of long growth amongst the dissenting pa-
rishioners of Birmingham, can we doubt that it
is widely circulated also beyond the population
of that borough. The truth is, that the Eng-
lish Dissenters have everywhere been fain to bide
their time, and to watch the first favourable op-
portunity for throwing off the pecuniary
burdens entailed upon them by the sup-
port of the Church of England and her
Ministers. They are a shrewd and calculating
people, to whom, if their creed prescribes the
innocence of the dove, so do their maxims of
worldly interest inspire them with the wisdom
of the serpent. The Protestant Dissenters are,
perhaps, taken altogether, the most sagacious
portion of our countrymen. Whatever may be
their speculative differences in matter of faith
amongst themselves, they act like one man for
the redress of a common grievance. The pre-
sent crisis, therefore, which holds out to all de-
nominations of the King's subjects the novel
power of operating directly upon the composi-
tion of Parliament, and which contains in it
likewise the additional advantage of a simulta-
neous and formidable resistance to the Estas
blished Church by the whole body of Irish Dis-
senters, Protestant as well as Catholic, offers
extraordinary encouragement to those of Eng-
land for the realization of their long-cherished
hope to curtail the monopoly of the episcopa-
lian clergy. To show in what a stern and reso-
lute spirit the active members of the Dissenting
interest are now disposed to push for a relief
from Church contributions, we subjoin an ad-
dress " to the Dissenters of Great Britain,"
which appeared in the Bucks Chronicle of Sa-
turday last, and which goes undoubtedly with-
out compromise or qualification to its purpose. A
" passive resistance" to the demands of the clergy
is urged upon the Dissenters, in imitation of time
Quakers, whose refusal of tithes and resigna-
tion of their goods has continued so long that it
may be looked upon as a " chartered libertin-
ism." The priesthood (established) is set at
defiance in these terms :—" If the priests will
have our money, let them have it as our blood.
If they will have our support, let them have it
at the expense of every law of hospitality, and
good citizenship, by the seizure of our property
and its public sale—let them seize, but who
will buy ?" The whole address whence we
have quoted the above sentences is couched in
the same inveterate spirit ; and passages might
certainly be particularized, which, ifthey could
be assumed to speak the sense of the great bulk
of English Dissenters, could not be read by
friends of the Church of England without serious
and painful feelings. From the actual state of
the question what do we infer ? Is it that the
Church should be overturned ? No, God for-
bid ; but reformed—radically reformed, purged
of all those vicious and unwholesome practices
which defile the appointment, the demeanour, and
maintenance of her ministers, and thus restored to
that high place in the affections of her members and
in the respect even of those who differ from her on
religious grounds, without which it is impossible
for the established clergy to exercise much spi-
ritual influence over their own flocks, or to pos-
sess a solid usefulness in society at all commen-
surate with the sacrifices made for their subsist-
ence. If Government shut their eyes to the
importance of this question, or to its urgency,
they and the country too will have deep cause to
repent it. If they suppose that the settlement of
Church affairs can be postponed to some leisure
hour, when other questions of foreign or domes-
tic policy may have been set at rest, they will
repent it sorely. The nation is now as much
bent upon a thorough searching purgation of the
Church, as it was last year upon a reform of the
constituent and representative body. They are
as much averse to procrastination in the one case
as in the other ; and let us hint, with the best
motives to his Majesty's Ministers, that the in-
tegrity and permanent well-being of the Church
are infinitely more dependent on a prompt and
unflinching attention to this great subject, than
those of our representative system would have
been. The country identified itself with a good
Parliamentary system. It never could Wive
abolished Parliament altogether. But the coun-
try has almost ceased to identify itself with the
Church of England, and every hour of delay in
satisfying the demand for ecclesiastical Reform
will be employed in reinforcing those who main-
tain that the best Reform of the Church would be
found in the abolition of the Hierarchy.— Times.
We publish in another column the complaint
of an English commercial traveller, for art
English house in Hamburg, against the Go-
sfvotearrtneamsn, eaanittli
edogbfeydt ItriielileeGgaagrlaelanurtirseD:otufakhneidso Mecklenburg,
leitgehnntieosisl
.1 n
‘,tvil,ee
tr iatilluiedsetdtotole;
tMelir.iDlisoonNaN,lnd
s(ttohrey,claentkd
wore
thought it best to let Mr. Donald (the clerk or
t hr
aovuegl lhe
beg to add a very few facts and remarks. The
employers of Mr. Donald, immediately on his
arrival at Hamburg from 'Mecklenburg, trans-
mitted his statement, which we now publish, to
the British Consul-General at Hamburg, and
called for his interference to procure explana-
tions or redress from the Mecklenburg authori-
ties. The Consul lost no time in transmitting the
complaint ; but remained for a month without
any answer. On the 10th of September, the
employers of Mr. Donald again addressed the
Consul, and stated that they intended to send a
petition, for inquiry and redress, to the Foreign
Secretary of State at home, unless they could be
satisfied that the Consul's representation had
complainta
t strictlytlthis
arrest and detention were warranted by his ap-
parent there
e
teir
been attended to. The Consul requested them
not to be so precipitate, as, from the necessity
of an investigation at several places, an answer
might probably be delayed, though a satisfactory
reply might be ultimately obtained. At last,
towards the end of September, the answer of
Baron Brandenstein, the Chief Minister of
the Grand Duke of Meeklenburg, was received,
tiwnhaastthe proceedingsa
no whichc uhsies
conformable to the laws of the duchy,—that
fExcellencypn
sot declaredwere
that
parent junction with a sect proscribed
laws, and by an irregularity in his passport ; and
that as soon as the fact was ascertained that he
himself did not participate in the practices of
the prohibited worship, he was set at la ei ty.

The Prime Minister enclosed authenticated re-
ports of the judicial proceedings against Mr. 1
Donald, to show that his statement was correct;
and the British Consul, in transmitting them to
his employers, expresses his opinion that, how-
ever hard the treatment complained of might ap-
pear, redress " could not be insisted on when the
laws were violated." Having read carefully
over the statement of Mr. Donald, and the an-
swer of the Mecklenhura Minister, we are of
opinion that the matter deserves still further in-
quiry. The justification advanced by the au-
thorities of this little sovereignty for arresting
and detaining a British subject is founded on
two grounds perfectly distinct—namely, the irre-
gularity of his passport, and the heterodoxy of
his faith. On the first plea, he might have been
detained till after an inquiry into his character,
or sent out of the duchy for neglecting to comply
with a police regulation ; but his want of a pass-
port gave no warrant for trying or examining
bim on a charge of breaking the religious laws
of the duchy. On the latter charge, indeed, he
might have been tried if he had committed any
overt act of the Anabaptist heresy ; but surely
the visit of an English subject at the
house of a heretic ought to have fur-
nished no ground for inquisitorial severity. But
the alleged defect of the passport, bad as it is, is
declared by the complainant to be totally untrue.
The authorities, he states, first took away his
passport, and then accused him of being without
one ;—placing him nearly in the same situation
as the soldier in Goldsmith's tale, " who was
knocked down, and then abused for not stand-
ing." Of the crime of Anabaptism, he was
admitted ultimately not to be guilty ; but his
liberation is not enough, after three weeks' de-
tention on such a ridiculous charge. He ought
to obtain redress for his lost time, his wounded
feelings, and his unmerited sufferings. Till we
saw the admission of the judicial authorities of
Mecklenburg in this case, we were not aware
that even the subjects of the Grand Duchy could
be prevented from religious immersion ; but
surely, whatever rule be adopted respecting na-
tives, foreigners ought not to be subject to per-
secution on the ground of any innocent religious
doctrine, tenet, or ceremony. We are willing
to admit that where any public profession of a
creed, or any open practice of a religious rite,
is prohibited, without a special exception in fa-
vour of strangers, the latter are liable to all the
penalties for transgressing the law which are
inflicted on natives ; but, at any rate, mere
fimiliarity or friendship with persons under a
charge of heresy should never be construed into
an evidence of guilt, or afford a ground for de-
tention and vexation. We again say, that the
affair deserves further investigation, and recom-
mend it to the attention of Lord Palmerston,
who heard enough of Prussian vexations exer-
cised on British subjects last year to warrant a
vigilant superintendence of British rights among
all the States of Germany—great and small.—
Times.

We gave yesterday, in a paragraph, an ac
count of the disgraceful disturbances which took
place at Carmarthen on Monday, the Ist inst.,
on occasion of the election of the civil officers
of the borough. We have since seen a more
particular description of the riot in the Welch-
man of Friday last, a liberal paper published in
that town. The circumstances detailed in both
narratives are nearly the same, and reflect equal
d;sgrace on the corporation and the magistracy of
the place. We certainly never heard of more
outrageous proceedings,—of more wanton pro-
vocations to breaches of the peace,—or of greater
indifference to restore order, than are displayed
in the conduct of the corporation and its par-
tisans. In the first place they exclude the re-
spectable part of the citizens from any share in
the election of their office-bearers. 'They se-
cure their own nomination by outvoters ; and, as
the inhabitants naturally express dissatisfaction
at the exercise of such a monopoly, they add op-
pression and tyranny to a deprivation of rights.
On the day of the pretended election, they put
bludgeons into the hands of the neighbouring col-
liers, to answer by blows on the head all those who
choose to use their tongues against them ; and
when the crowd takes part with a child, barbar-
ously maltreated by one of their partisans, they
allow him to retreat to his own stronghold, and
amuse himself for several hours by firing from
his window on the dissatisfied remonstrants be-
low. A deputation is sent to obtain an order
for the apprehension of this person and the dis-
persion of the crowd ; but the corporation are
at their dinner, and cannot be disturbed ! The
offender is, however, at last taken by a courageous
constable—not in the corporation interest; he is
detained for a few days, and though seven per-
sons were wounded with shot, he is liberated
without being brought to trial ! Such are the
facts alleged in the Carmarthen Paper of the sth
inst. They demand, and must produce, inquiry.
In this specific case there must follow specific
redress and punishment ; and the occasion must
be seized for showing the evils of self-election,
and applying a general legislative remedy to a
most crying abuse.— Times.
It was always till lately taken for granted, that
monarchical splendour was much more costly
than republican simplicity. This proposition
was, however, controverted some time ago, in
the case of the United States, in the Quarterly
Review, when it was maintained quite seriously,
that when the expenses of the several Local Go-
vernments were added to that of the General
Government, and when allowance should be made
for the extraordinary amount of money levied from
the people by the preachers of the different sects,
it would be found that, excluding the interest on
the National Debt, the people of England were,
actually less burthened than the people of the
United States. Nay, a French Minister in the
Chamber of Deputies lately stated, that the
people of France w ere not only less taxed than
the people of England, but less taxed than the
people of America. This has startled the people
of the United States, who are at a loss to dis-
cover how the substitution of a King and
Court, with Lord Stewards, Lout Chamberlains,
&c. &c., to a President without any Court—how
expensive Diplomatic Establishments at every
Court of Europe—how the having Bishops
with princely fortunes, and Deans and Chapters,
&c., in addition to ministers of flocks—could by
any possibility reduce their burdens. The ,claim
of superior cheapness has, however, been ad-
vanced so positively for Europe, that the Yankees
are considering what would be the effect of its
being established. A circular from Mr. Edward
Livingston, Secretary of the United States'
Government, one of their most distinguished
Statesmen, recommending inquiries with a view
to settle the question, has caused no small sen-
sation. " We guess (says the Portland Daily
Courier) the Yankees will hardly take a King
yet, let them come ever so cheap." The Governor
of the State of Marne has give publicity to Mr.
Livineston's circular, and as the public will look
forward with much anxiety to the issue of the

trial between Republicanism and Monarchy, we
here lay before our readers this singular com-
munication :

" Augusta, August 15, 1532.
" compliance with the request of the Hon.
Edward Livingston, Secretary of State of the United
States, I transmit to you the accompanying Circular, for
the purpose of obtaining your answers to the several ques-
tions therein particularly stated. The importance of the
desired information, and the object of the Secretary in re-
questing it, will fully appear by the following extracts from
a letter from him directed to me. . .

" Sir—A controversy has arisen of some interest to
the reputation of our country, and-which may effect that
of representative governments every where. It is asserted
that citizens of the United States pay a greater amount of
taxes in proportion to their population tha❑ the subjects of
France, from which the conclusion is drawn that the re-
otblican form of government is more expensive than the
monarchical. I have been requested to collect facts that
may elucidate this question. To do it, the necesary in-
formation must be procured from each State, and each
town anti county in it.
" This will certainly be attended with some trouble,
but I have thought that reliance might be pladed on your
exertions to effect it for your State, even if it should
answer no other end than that of determining the truth or
falsehood of the position ; but much snore important
benefits will resu:t from it.
" First, as to your own State, it will give you a mass
of fiscal statistics, the collection of which cannot but be
highly useful to your Legislature, enabling them to com-
pare the different modes of apportioning the public burdens
in the towns, counties, and cities of the State, and thus
correcting abuse, selecting the best mode of laying the
local and general charges, so as to produce economy in the
expenditures and equality in the burdens of the citizens.
This information, collected in a tabular form, has not, it
is believed, been in any State yet submitted to the Legisla-

,ure or the Public.
" Secondly, in relation to the Union, when the infor-
mation has been received from the several States which it

is the object of this inquiry to get from each, tables of the
returns will be sent to every State, thus affording to all a
condensed view of the burdens borne by the citizens of the
Stat s respectively, and enabling them to profit by the
good and avoid the evil in the respective modes of laying
,m 1 collecting taxes and other public contributions. For
the purpose of obtaining the desired information from the
cities, towns, and other local divisions, I inclose printed
queries, which 1 beg the favour of you to have sent to the
proper officers, or other persons, to have them answered
and returned to me.

(Signed) v " EDWARD LIVINGSTON."
" The obvious importance of the requested information,
not only to the State, but to the Uniou, will, I am confi-
dent, have the effect to procure from you the desired an-
swers, so far as the facts are known or can be ascertained
by you. It will be perceived that your answers are re-
quested, as soon as may be convenient, to be directed to
the Secretary of State of the United States, at Washington,
D. C.—l am, Sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,
" SAMUEL E. SMITH."

CIRCULAR.—CITY OR TOWN.
" 1. What is the average amount of taxes, of all kinds,
levied in your town, for the last three years, for town ex-
penses, independent of State and county taxes, and to
what purpose is it applied ?
" 2. What is the number of Clergymen, of all denomi-
nations, actually residing in your city (or town)? and what
is the aggregate amount of the salaries they receive?
"3. Are the roads made by day labour? If so, how
many days' labour are assessed on the whole town in each
year? What is the value of such labour per day?
"4. What is the price of labour in your town by the
month throughout the year, board included ? What by
the day? What in harvest?
"5. What is the price of board per week for a labour-

ing man?
" 6. Are your poor supported in poor-houses, or out in
private families; is it a coun,v or town charge; if the
latter, what is the average in the last three years ?
" 7. Is there any town tax for the support of schools,
and what is the amount? How many schools, academies,
and colleges are there in your town, and how many pupils
each ?
"8. Have you any public libraries,and what number of
volumes do they contain ?
" 9. How many daily and weekly papers are printed
in your town?
" 10. What are the names of your city, or town, and
State ?
" Be pleased to give, your answers to these questions as
soon as may be convenient, and direct them to me at Wash-
ington, D. C. " EDWARD LIVINGSTON."
Mr. Hume has often called attention to the
unfair mode in which the revenue accounts of
this country are stated, the expenses of collec-
tion, equal to the revenue of many a great
kingdom, being deducted from the income en-
tered in the accounts. This makes the burthens
Hof the people appear lower than they really are.
But if the tithes, and local taxation of all kinds
paid by the people of England, be added to the
pubic revenue, what an enormous amount of
money is every year taken from them ! Why
;he burthens of all kinds levied in the little Re-
public of London must, at least, exceed the local
revenue of the most expensive of the State Go-
vernments of America. We trust that some in-
dividuals will take the hint from this circular of
.\lr. Livingston, and endeavour to ascertain
what the people of this kingdom actually pay for
general and local purposes. Some parts of the
revenue cannot be known ; we allude to the re-
venue of the King as Duke of Lancaster, &c.
It would be well to be able to meet the Secre-
tary- of the United States with a statement cor-
responding to his own, as far as it can be made
out. Of course there are several branches of
expenditure in America unknown in England.
We pay largely, for instance, for the punishment
of the people, but nothing for their education.
On the contrary, schools are a heavy item in
America. In England, too, the State provides no
courts of justice fbr the people, and the expenses
of prosecuting criminals are thrown on the suf-
ferers (partly charged on the County Rate);
whereat: in America justice is brought to every
man's door. But still the comparison will be
exceedingly instructive,—Morning Chronicle.
We are no friends to the vote by ballot, nor
to that tort of interference on the part of land-
lords which h2s a tendency to force the vote
by ballot into public favour as a measure of self-
defence. In the abstract we disapprove of con-
cealment, because it looks like unmanly, fear ;
but if the constituency be once persuaded that
such concealment is necessary to protect them
and their families against the vengeance of their
landlords, when they cannot agree with the latter
as to the fitness of a particular candidate to re-
present them—if the constituency be once per-
sieded of this, it is not any thing that we can
say will convince them that an experiment ought
not to be tried which promises to secure them
against injury and oppression. Those therefore,
be they Whig or Tory,who brae no other principle
to guide them in their conduct towards a class
of persons ei4lt!ed to the exercise of political
rights, as well as themselves, should hesitate to
push matters to an extreme which may end in
the overthrow of their abused authority. The
ballot—the secret vote—is the remedy suggested
from all quarters—nay, from the head-quar-
ters—from the Master of the Qrdnance himself,
as the most effectual check that can be opposed
to the tyranny of landlords. The only question
is, whether landlords will, by their perseentions,
at opo supply the argument and create the
spirit th 4 will sweep away their influence foi
ever ? It w,o.uld be well in this mixed Govern-
ment to preserve their leg4imate influence ; but
if they seek to establish a domination to which
they have no title, it will be in vain to tall:: of
the manliness of encountering danger, or the
virtue of undergoing martyrdom, when not
only the instinct of self-preservation, but some
of the best feelings of the human heart, cry
out against the rashness of those who would
expose themselves and their families to
utter ruin, when they could escape by con-

cealment and without guilt. Some of the
Whigs have been charged with this sort of ty-
ranny to which we have been alluding. A Cor-
respondent of our own has directly imputed it to
the Marquis of Westminster. But we expect it
will be contradicted, and that the Marquis and

his friends will be rbliged to us for affording an
opportunity to such contradiction. At all events
it is obvious that, with the power which the
people have recently obtained, and with the
spirit which is every day becoming stronger and
stronger, it will be in vain to think of treating
them any longer either as children or fools.
There is a great principle now at work, and
those who think of turning it to their own ad-
vantage by stealing a march upon the privi-
leges of the people, will find that they have not
only mistaken the signs of the tunes, but the
force of circumstances and the character of the
country.—Morning Herald.

Mr. Hume, poor man—we hope his shoul-
ders are broad enough to bear the infliction—is
catching it from all quarters. A morning co-
temporary, the friend of his Majesty's Ministers
—to whom Mr. Hume gave the most able and
efficient support during the discussion of the
Reform Bill—and the friend of Reform, if
words be the proof of thoughts and wishes,
seems to reckon him among its most favourite
subjects of attack; and an evening journal, the
servant and slave of the conservatives, is no less
brilliant and vigorous in its attacks. But to
what does their opposition amount, or rather, on
what is it based? Why, simply and solely on
this, that Mr. Hume, the advocate of economy
and retrenchment, allowed, according to his own
confession, various bills, smacking neither of
economy or retrenchment, to pass the House
of Commons during the last Session of
Parliament, in order that he might not,
by his own just opposition to them, add
to the embarrassment inflicted on his Ma-

jesty's Ministers by the unjust and vexatious
oppositio❑ of the Anti-Reformers. The charge
is correct. Mr. Hume was guilty of the con-
duct imputed to him ; but who that is aware of
the value of Reform would not rather support
than oppose him on that account ? If it be a
sound maxim to choose the least of two evils,
the Member for Middlesex acted unquestionably
as he ought to have done—he let the waste of
the public money drop, as the minor evil, and
supported the Reform Bill as the greater good.
Of' the principle generally on which he acted, no
one can possibly approve ; but for the particular
application made of it, Mr. flume deserves the
highest credit. We dare to say, that he can do
as well without the honour of representing Mid-
dlesex, as Middlesex can do without the honour
of being represented by him ; but will it do ho-
nour to the county to reject such a candidate ?
Will it not be a disgrace upon it if it allow such
a see-saw Reformer as Lord Henley to oust the
best friend that Reform has ever had ?—Morn-
ing Advertiser.
The evidence seems to accumulate that the
Whig Ministers have at length fully made up
their minds to propitiate the revolutionists and
infidels who have been threatening them with a
fatal desertion of their banners, by the abolition
of the Church of England, and the appropria-
tion of its revenues to make up the deficieney of
the national income which their agitating and dis-
organizing policy has occasioned. In order to
prepare the public mind for this second step in
the career of revolution, the leading organ of the
Administration has put forth what may be consi-
dered as the manifesto of the King's Government
against that Church, whose rights, privileges,
and immunities, as by law established, the
King and his Ministers have solemnly sworn
to maintain and defend. After urging with
much zeal and warmth, if not with much
ability or vigour, the argument which has
often before been advanced by certain classes
of Dissenters from the Church, that those
only should be called upon to contribute to the
maintenance of the Establishment who derive
direct and personal advantage from its services,
the Times sums up its reasoning, or rather con-
cludes its invective, by what it obviously means
to pass for a roll of its boasted thunder, but what
will be generally mistaken we imagine for a
clatter of impudent, unprincipled, and absurd

abuse :
"It cannot he denied that the prevalence of corrupt pa-
tronage throughout the whole of our ecclesiastical system,
the subserviency of Bishops to Ministers and patrons, and 1
the political character thence imparted to the whole Insti-
tution, must be regarded as the main and living source of
that strong current of animosity with which most Church
offences have been contemplated. It is not merely the
reason of the country which rejects what is indefensible iu
the groundwork of the system, but its indignation, which
is justly roused at the vileness of the ends, and of many of
the parties for whose sake these abstract vices in the Ec-
clesiastical Constitution have been cherished. It will be
wrested out of their guidance, if Goverment and the Le-
gislature do not grapple with this grave su,,ject at once.
The connection of Church and State, instead of a maxim
of policy, has already become a popular by-word."
These general accusations prove nothing
against the Hierarchy of the Church of Eng-
land ; they show only that it has the merit of
reckoning among its inveterate and malignant
enemies revolutionists of all classes, from the Mi-
nisters of the Crown, the electioneering interests
of whose partisans its Ministers throughout the
country refuse to support, to the conductors of
the Times newspaper, the chief of whom has
found the influence of the clergy in Berkshire a
formidable impediment to the success of his im-
pudent pretension to the representation of that
county. The Ministers of the Crown and the
writers who are subservient to the gratification of
their resentment against the Church, or of their
rapacious desire to confiscate its property, know
full well that the separation of the Church and
State is an enterprise as much beyond their ca-
pacity or their daring as it is repugnant to their
duty and their oaths. They know that it cannot
be effected without a total overthrow of the whole
fabric of our civil institutions. They know that
there is less of corruption and abuse in the
Church at the present moment than at any
former period of its history, and that at no period
whatever did there exist any abuses or corrup-
tion to justify so violent a remedy as that of
which they speak. They know that the con-
nection of the Church with the State could not
be dissolved without producing a gradual de-
basement of the social condition of the ministers
of religion of every seat and persuasion, without
lessening in a degree which no man can calculate
the influence of sober and regulated piety among
the community at large, without leaving consi-
derable portions of the community destitute
altogether of the aids and consolations of reli-
gion. They )snow that the only classes of the
people whom they can gratify, by holding out
as they do the prospect of destruction to the
Church, are the friends of confusion and the
ealots of infidelity. They know, above all,
thatcc the
lifsmeasure which they threaten to
om
would give a momentum to the
accomplish
htal
wheel of revolution, under which it must of
necessity continue to act, until the whole
flame of society shall have been torn to
pieces, and the populace ;shall have become

satiated with spoliation and bloodshed. Minis-
ters and their adherents cannot but know all

this; and yet, merely because the elections are
going against them, and they are aware that
their failure is owing, in fact, to the just and
beneficial influence of the Clergy, whose confi-
dence they have not obtained or deserved, they
do not hesitate to hold out to the Church the
menace—to supply to anarchists and infidels the
allurement and the stimulus—of despoiling the
Hierarchy, and separating the Church from the
State. Those who complain of the political cha-
racter imparted to our ecclesiastical institutions
are so plainly inconsistent with themselves that
they cannot expect credit for sincerity. In a free
country like this all men and all institutions must
of necessity have a political character. The real
cause of complaint is, not that the Bishops
and clergy are politicians, but that they are not
such politicians as the Whig Ministers and the
Times. The Sectarian clergy are politicians,
and exercise much political influence too ; but
of this we neither hear nor make any complaint.
That the Times should impute the political
character of the Church, of which it so furiously
complains, to the subserviency of its bishops to
Ministers and patrons, must excite some surprise
in the present day, when certainly the Right
Reverend Bench have not much distinguished
themselves by subserviency to Ministers and pa-
trons. Had they been more subservient, and
less independent and conscientious, the Church
might probably, for a brief space at least, have
escaped the enmity of the Times and its Minis-
ters and patrons.—Morning Post.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HO USE.

The churchwarden of the parish of St. Ethel-
burizha yesterday summoned four of the inhabitant
householders, for church and poor-rates.
A waterman (one of the defendants), by whom a
small sum was due for the church-rate and the poor-
rate, stated that the churchwarden dealt very hardly
with him in this case. lie had assured that officer,
upon being applied to for the rates, that he would
pay the amount without fail on Thursday next, and
he had exhibited documents to prove that he could
not discharge the demand until that time, as he re-
ceived his salary at specified periods. He never
expected that the churchwarden would be so un-
merciful as to issue a summons against him, the ex-
penses attending which would be 55., added to
which was the loss of his day. He begged to know
whether the practice was not rather too sharp.
The LORD MAYOR—At what time will you be
able to pay ? Defendant—On Thursday next, the
day I proposed, my Lord; I shall certainly pay it then.
The LORD MAYOR—I dare say no objection will
be made.

Mr. Moore (the churchwarden)—He promised

before.

Thursday was then appointed for the payment of

the rates.
A female of respectable appearance was the next
person called upon. She WAS in debt the sum of
Bs. for the rates, and Mr. Moore said that she had
frequently promised- him the amount, but as often
disappointed him.
Mr. Hobler (to the defendant)—Why didn't you
endeavour to pay this little demand; you will have
ss. more to pay now ? Defendant—lt is out of my
power, my Lord. I knew that the summons would
increase the expense, but what can I do when I have
no means ?

The LORD MAYOR—At what time will you be
able to pay it ? Defendant—ln a month I shall be
able ; I am afraid not sooner.
The LORD MAYOR—WeII, I have no doubt the
churchwarden will give you till that time.
The third defendant appeared excessively indig-
nant at being summoned. He assured the Lord
Mayor that-he had promised to pay the churchwar-
den on Saturday.
Mr. Moore—You know you have promised me
before ? Defendant—Never in my life, I solemnly
declare. I am known by all the neighbourhood
never to break my word.
Mr. Moore—l am glad to hear it.

The LORD MAYOR—WeII, when will you be able
to pay? Defendant—Oa Saturday, my Lord, most
undoubtedly. I don't want to break my word. I
told him so, and it is most unfair to put
.me to the
additional expense of the summons.
Mr. Hobler-I'd have you all be punctual, for the
next proceeding is the seizure of your goods.
The LORD MAYOR, as soon as the case was heard,
said to Mr. Hobler—" It is rather sharp practice,
indeed."

Mr. Hobler—lt is, any Lord, an impolitic prae-
!ice too. It is not calculated to serve the interests of
!he church.

About six weeks ago, a woman, who has been
notoriously on the town for some time, was picked
up in the street, where she lay blind drunk, and
taken to the watchhouse. Upon her person was
found 101. in cash, and, as she belonged to the
lowest order of prostitutes, it was at once concluded
that she had robbed some unfortunate drunken man.
When she came to herself she was taken before the
Lord Mayor and examined, and she said that she had
received the money from a resident of North Shields,
named John Haggerston, who had owed it to her
before she fell into misfortunes. The Lord Mayor
directed that inquiry should be made about the
money, and that ss. should be given to the woman
in the mean time.
The woman, the moment she got the 55., went
from gin-shop to gin-shop to cotnfort herself; and
on that very night was found blind drunk again, and
carried to her old quarters at the watchhouse.
About a week afterwards she applied at the jus-
tice-room for the cash, or some part of it, and the
Lord Mayor directed that .ss. should be given to
her, but refused to let her have more until more par-
ticular inquiry should be made. His Lordship
cautioned her against getting drunk a third time, and
reproved her for the vile habit of drinking, which
made her tremble like an aspen leaf. She curtsied,
and promised to take the kind advice. She had,
however, another nap in the street that night, and
finished it in the watchhouse.

On Monday she appeared again, and asked whether
there had been any other claimant for the money.
She came, she said, with her husband, in order that
they might take care of the property between them,
and keep each other from taking a drop too much;
and she hoped that Jack Haggerston's debt would
no longer be withheld.
The LORD MAYOR, having consulted with Mr.
nobler, said, that if no other claimant appeared for
a week, he would give her the money.
She was perfectly satisfied at this assurance, but
requested a few shillings for her present exigencies.
She had, she declared, given up drinking altogether,
and would take nothing in future but a drop of
" heavy."
The LORD MAYOR, although incredulous, ordered
her ss. more, and she and her husband went in the
usual direction across the street, and she bad the
soiscuetion of being conveyed along with her help-
mate to the watchhouse, for one night's more

tepose.
The LORD MAYOR said that the pair appeared to
be incorrigible, and he supposed that if they were to
receive the money in question, they would keep up
the game until they spent every farthing. He would,
however, inflict a penalty of ss. each, in future, for
every such violation of decency.
G UILDIMLL.

Alfred Cooke, who was convicted of a felony at the
last Sessions, Old Bailey, and whose sentence had been
modified upon an application to the Secretary of
State, was brought up from Newgate yesterday be-
fore Mr. Alderman LUCAS, and entered into a recog-
nizance in the sum of 4001. to quit the United King-
dom of Great Britain and Ireland within the space
of 30 days, and not to return thereto for seven years,
to be computed from the date of his conviction.

Two sureties in 2001., with the like condition, had
been taken in his behalf the day before.

BOW-ST.REET.

Several informations against publicans residing in
the neighbourhood of this office, for harbouring per-
sons of notoriously bad character at late hours of the
night, and suffering gambling, &c., were yesterday
brought before the magistrates, Sir F. ROE and Mr.
MINSHULL. The defendants were convicted in
every instance, and fined according to the circum-
stances under which they had offended.
Rowbottoni, the owner of the well-known " Fi-
nish," in James-street, Covent-garden, appeared to
answer an information which charged him with hav-
ing had his house open between 4 and 5 o'clock on
the morning of the sth instant, under the pretence
of selling ready-made coffee, the act directing that
no coffee-41ops shall be opened before 6 o'clock in
the morning between Michaelmas and Lady-day.
The defendant pleaded " Guilty."
Sir F. ROE should fine the defendant in the full
penalty of 101., and in default of payment commit
him for two months to the House of Correction.

Rowbottom applied subsequently to the Magis-
:rate for a mitigation of the fine, urging his inability

:0 pay so large —a
sum at so short a notice.

Sir F. ROE—I shall not be trifled with in this
way. Gaoler, take the defendant into custody, and
send him to prison in the van.
To avoid this unpleasant alternative Rowbottom
took 10 sovereigns from his pocket, and placed them
on the bench before the Magistrate.