The Sun.
London, England, 1832-12-13 00:00:00

,ts enemies with irretrievable confusion and dis-

grace ? Times.
The Reform Bill may now be said to be on
its trial. If it prove competent to secure the
great object of rational elections, an enlightened
and strictly Conservative House of Commons,
the people will not, perhaps, ask many questions
as to how it became law. But if the contrary
should take place—if the Parliament should be
a mere assemblage of nondescripts and adven-
turers, disposed to tolerate a Dutch war Minis-
try, or seeking to establish their own supremacy,
like the long Parliament of old over the King
and the Peers, the people, we presume, will look
closely into the equitable title of such a Parlia-
ment to require their obedience. If such inspec-
tion of title proved unsatisfactory, the immediate
restoration would probably be demanded of the
ancient Constitution of King, Lords, and Com-
mons, of which the nation would appear to have
been deprived by a band of daring miscreants
during the present disastrous year. That such
a Government is the immemorial right of the
people of this realm, and that every change in
the Constitution without the full consent of the

three Powers is necessarily null and void, can-
not be doubted ; and the manner in which the
recent change was imposed upon the King and
the Peers by a " brick-bat-and-bludgeon" House
of Commons must be fresh in the recollection of
all parties. 'Weary of revolution, it is our wish
that the Bill Parliament may be found not intole-
rable ; and we therefore submit it to the electors,
and especially to the Reformers, the importance
of choosing Conservative Members, lest the
whole of the new system should be swept away
by the indignation of a deceived and insulted
people. Our reforming friends must be aware
that there is a defect, perchance a fatal one, in
their title-deeds, and this, we think, may well

teach them moderation and humility. We pro-
est, as a portion, however insignificant, of the
people of this country, against the idea that they
have as yet done anything that implies the
acceptance of Earl Grey's miserable pro-
ject in exchange for that old time-honoured
Constitution which is their birthright. If
the Times should reply to this, " The
people have accepted it—witness the meet-
ings we puffed last year," our answer must
he that of direct contradiction, " The people

have not accepted it." The Reform Bill, we
repeat, is on its trial. The result of the city
election is, in our judgment, fatal to the preten-
sions of the Bill, while it furnishes a most
striking instance of the accuracy of Conservative
anticipations. We said that the 10/. qualifica-
tion would create a Radical constituency, and
lo ! at the very first election the metropolis of
Great Britain and the world sends four Radical
Members to Parliament. Mr. Grote, the most
.espectable of the group, is a Radical Doctrin-
/Imre ; he spurns the Bill as a final measure, and
advocates among other pleasant items triennial
Parliaments and the ballot. Key professes to be
Radical to any amount required, and the others
have been the well-known hacks of vulgar Radi-

calism through the whole of their lives. The
eeling of the merchants, bankers, and leading
commercial men in London at the present time
is perfectly understood, but they have in vain
endeavoured to procure the return of one Con-
,ervative Member out of four. As we pre.
dieted, the constituency is so intensely Radical
that the concentrated respectability and intelli-
gence of the metropolis attempts in vain to im-
press either dignity or wisdom upon its decisions.
The foremost class of the electors in the empire
ror wealth and character, who ought, for the
sake of the public good, to exercise a predomi-
nant influence in public affairs, are practically
disfranchised by the Bill ! The strength of the
Conservative interest is proved by the spontaneous
ffort of five thousand eminently respectable
‘'oters ; the infamy of the Bill by the incompe-
tence of such a body of men to make their voice
heard in Parliament. It is obvious that if this
election were a sample of the rest, the House
of Commons would be an unmanageable mob,
and the Constitution a democracy of the worst
kind, incompetent to the business of Govern-
ment, and unable to save the empire from dis-

memberment and ruin. The Ministerialists at.

-empt to conceal the truth by calling Radical
Members Whigs; but the subterfuge is suffi-
ciently transparent. The expected imperium in
impel-to has already begun in Westminster, a
Committee being appointed to watch the con-
duct of Members in reference to their elec-
cioneering pledges. We commend these consi-
derations to the attention of reflecting men, who
are not even yet, as the Standard justly ob-
serves, sufficiently aware of the dangers of their
position. And we again call upon the Con-
servatives everywhere fearlessly to do their duty,
whether in a majority or a minority, as they
value the salvation of their country.-Morn. Post.
Mr. Hume has addressed a letter to us,
which will be found in another column, under
the impression that some general observations
in the Chronicle of Tuesday last, had particular
reference to him. We are not called on to
state what might have been passing in our mind
when we made the observations ; but as they
were quite general, we do not feel ourselves
hound either to admit or deny the truth of the
inference. Mr. Hume says it is proper that the
electors should free the candidate from all elec-
tion expenses. We do not in the least differ
from Mr. Hume on this subject. He is speak-
ing of what ought to be, and we are speaking of
what exists. When we said that " the poorer
description of freeholders must be conveyed to
the poll, and it often happens that the same man
who would not take a tolerably large bribe to
give a vote of which his conscience disapproves,
will not put himself to one shilling of expense to
assist in returning the man whom he conceives
Able to render the most essential services to his
country," and that " this is a feature in the cha-
racter of the people, and it ought to be taken
into account by all who are ambitious of being
returned for counties," we by no means meant
to say that this was a disgraceful feature in the
character of the people. Why is it that Eng-
land is covered with gaols ? that the number of
her thieves to that of her honest men is, at the
very least, as three to one, compared with the
proportions of any other country ? that her
paupers and degraded persons are out of all pro-
portion beyond what is known elsewhere ? Ex-
cessive taxation and misgovernment are account.-
able for these things. We look with pity ra-
sher than anger on the disgraceful scenes which
have just taken place in Norwich, where a pau-
perised population have yielded to the tempta-
tion of receiving the money of corrupters. We
wish a large portion of our countrymen were
not so poor and so degraded as to pocket the
money, and eat and drink at the expense of can-
didates. But if it is impossible by washing to
make an Ethiopian white, we cannot by wishes
free a population instantaneously from the fail-
ings and views derived from a century of subjec-
tion to a corrupt and corrupting oligarchy.

The warmest partisans of abolition of slavery
admit that great precautions will be necessary to
prevent the slave, ',when liberated, from abusing
his liberty. Mr. Hume says, that " the man
who for a ride or a dinner will vote for my
opponent in preference to me, cannot be one
of that honest constituency I wish to repre-
sent ; he who, for lack of these, will refrain from
going to the poll can have little value for my ser-
vices; and if the majority of the Middlesex electors
consisted of such men (which they will shortly
prove it does not), my desire to serve them
would not be greater than theirs to obtain my
services." Here we are directly at issue with
Mr. Hume. A man's desire to do good should
not be repressed by the incapacity of others to
appreciate it. It has happened in all ages, that
the people, when ignorant, have turned on their
greatest benefactors. The man who dedicates
himself to the service of his fellow-creatures
should consider their faults as the result of cir-
cumstances over which they have no control.
He should bear in mind the language of Christ
to a cruel and ungrateful multitude—" Father,
forgive them, for they know not what they do.
There are many worthy, honourable electors in
Middlesex, and these men will be eager, accord-
ing to their means, to insure the return of Mr.
Hume ; but, because there are also many poor
electors, tainted with the grovelling inclination
to eat, drink, and be carried to the poll at the
expense of the man Rho is willing to give his
gratuitous services to the benefit of them and
the whole empire, Mr. Hume—knowing, as he
does, that he can greatly benefit the country by
his services—is not justified in refusing to em-
ploy the means by which he can have an oppor-
tunity of doing good, if the means be indis-
pensable, and do not exceed the measure of his
ability. We have no hesitation in saying that
Mr. Hume hasdone more good in Parliament,
since he entered it, than any ten men living. The
very extent of the good he has done is the cause
of the coolness towards him of some who have
acted with him from necessity rather than
choice. These men feel his activity the reproach of
their indulgence. A public man must lay his ac-
count with jealousy and detraction. Mr. Hume
raised the standard by which the public estimate
the services of public men ; and therefore all
those who wish to have credit for patriotism
without much labour, hate him. Sir Francis
Burdett, by his countenance to Reform, and his
integrity, rendered great service to the people,
at a time when men of his rank dreaded to ap-
pear as Reformers. We remember the time
when, on entering the House of Commons, not
a soul vouchsafed even to notice him. The
gratitude of the people is, therefore, due to Sir
Francis, for what he has done. We must make
allowance for the faults of such a man. He
naturally feels the activity of a man like Mr.
Flume a reproach to his own indolence.
There are others like Sir Francis, who would
rather see the devil in the House, than an ho-
nest, single-minded, laborious man like Mr.
Hume. These things, however, should neither
disconcert nor surprise him ; he should rather
place them to the account of the weaknesses of
human nature. We conclude our observations
with the remark, that the electors of Middlesex
are merely the medium through which he will
obtain the means of rendering to his country
and to the world services beyond all price ; and,
therefore, should he not be returned to Parlia-
ment, Middlesex would, no doubt, be disgraced,
but the loss would be that of the empire at
large. We trust his election is far beyond dan-
ger, but we do not the less feel ourselves bound
to urge him to neglect no means (from any ab-
stract notion of what belongs to electors) that
may be necessary to secure to himself a noble
field of ambition, necessary to his own happiness
and peace of mind, and of the utmost conse-
quence to his country. There are hundreds of
men in England who, on occasion, can make
flashy speeches ; but there has hitherto been but
one Mr. Hume in Parliament.—Morn.Chronicle.
To the EDITOR of the MORNING CHRONICLE.
Bryanston-square, Dec. 11, 1832.

Sir,—As I have usually looked to your Paper for sound
constitutional principles, great was my astonishment at
perusing that part of your editorial article of this day, which
alludes to the line of conduct you deem necessary to be
adopted by gentlemen " ambitious of representing counties"
in the Reformed Parliament ; and denouncing the penalty
of exclurion against those who should not conform to it.

I think I need not seek far to produce some articles of
your own, penned in a much purer spirit, pointing out to
electors the necessity of relieving candidates from all ex-
pense, if they desired to be represented by men not belong-
ing exclusively to the wealthy aris'ocracy, and of removing
from these men the temptation to remunerate themselves
for money wasted in treating, &c.
I, Sir, shall perhaps astonish you in return by announc-
ing myself as one " ambitious" of representing a county—
aye, and the metropolitan county too—and yet resolved
not to " pay for the ambition." I have been applied to
from various parts to know whether I mean to provide
conveyances and entertainment for my supporters at the
ensuing election? I have answered, " No ! though it
should coat me my election." " But (say many) the other
candidates, or some of them, will do so." I reply, " Their
conduct in Parliament has been no guide for mine, neither
shall it be out of doors. I have ever advocated the broad
principle, " give no bribes—take none.' " Bribes need
not be pecuniary ones.
For my unbending principles in Parliament, I have
received contempt and abuse. Honour and civility might
have been my portion, had I joined either Whigs or To-
ries ; but I was not vexed or disappointed. I knew that
such a course could please neither of the dominant parties,
and the few who acted with me, from time to time, I was
prepared to see drop off when the fitting time arrived. I
was content to have stood even alone in the House, for it
was to the public, who were to benefit by the Reforms I '
hoped to effect, that I looked for support, and among them
I have found, and still expect to find it. Nor will I be-
lieve, till the fact is proved to demonstration, that Eng.
lishmen, now gloriously freed from the tyranny of borough_
mongers, are so base as you seem disposed to believe them.
The man who, for a ride or a dinner, will vote for my
opponent in preference to me, cannot be one of that ho-
nest constituency I wish to represent. He who, for lack
of these, will refrain from going to the poll, can have
little value for my services. And if the majority of the
Middlesex electors consisted of such men (which they will
shortly prove it does net), my desire to serve them would
not be greater than theirs to obtain my services.
I remain, Sir, your obed ent servant,
JOSEPH HUME.
We cannot refrain from paying a just tribute
of applause to an Evening Contemporary, from
whose eyes the scales of darkness appear to have
dropped, and who now sees, what every one saw
two years ago at least, that practical reform is only
on the eve of commencement. " Lastly," says
our Conservative Contemporary, " if there were
any who doubted the working of the Bill—who
disbelieved us when we denied its finality, they
must now see that it is but the beginning of re-
volution ; that the sole tenure by which any
Minister can hold office is the opinion that he
is ready to go with the movement.' It may
be that he may not go at a hand gallop with
Colonel Evans, hut go lie must; and if he
only give proof that he will not stand upon
the ancient institutions of the country, he may,
according to the creed of the metropolitan elec-
tors, commit any folly or wickedness that shall
please him—even crimes as wanton, wasteful,
Ind atrocious as the attack upon the King of the
Netherlands." True, most true it is, that the
Reform Act is only the beginning of a revolu-
tion—of a revolution for the good of the people,

not for the benefit of the few ; and on this ac-
count, and on this only, is it really valuable in
our estimation. It is not a " good" in itself,
but an instrument of " good ;" and, thank Hea-
ven, it is working its -effects with a rapidity
and an efficiency which we had scarcely
hoped for—not that it was not time that
a counter revolution should commence ; for,
God knows, the Tories have done enough
to bring it about; but because, in con-
sequence of the influence of the latter, it was
scarcely to be hoped that it would so soon go
to the root of the matter. Public opinion is
progressive, and but for the sins of the Tories,
the heavy burdens which they imposed upon the
people, and their opposition to all Reform, it
would have progressed much more slowly here
than in any other country. Englishmen are
not fond of change, for the mere sake of
change, and would rather bear the ills they
suffer, than encounter those of which they have
no knowledge; but thanks to the exertions of
the Tories—thanks to their endeavours to keep
the people in ignorance—thanks to their en-
deavours to enrich themselves, their wives and
widows, their daughters and sons—their con-
nections and dependents, at the public expense
—Reform has been gained, at a great expense
undoubtedly, but in a sweeping and efficient
manner. Farewell, indeed, we may now truly
say, to exorbitant Church revenues—farewell to
tithes—and a long—long—farewell to pensions
and sinecures! The fate of all these things is
settled and sealed—no Government that advo-
cates their existence can possibly maintain itself
at any future period in this country, and with
another election, and the return of another Par-
liament, we doubt not that every abuse from
which the people now suffer will be thoroughly
expunged. From that even, however, which is
about to meet, much is to be expected.—
Morning Advertiser.