The Sun.
London, England, 1859-01-31 00:00:00

the results, in a form so simple that they will re-
quire but small patience, indeed, from those who
arc at all interested in forming an impartial con-

elusion.
We have arranged our tables so as to illustrate the
claims of both the parties in the impending
struggle. Our readers will see at a glance
that we have compared the twelve most populous
and busy counties of England and Wales with all
the others. An obvious distinction between the
counties is, DENSITY of population. Now, we find
that twelve counties, reckoning the West Riding
of Yorkshire as one, have all a population which
gives less than two acres to each person—that the
remainder all give more than two acres to each
individual. The population also of the first class of
counties increases at more than double the rate of that
of the agricultural counties. They are, in fact, the
life and soul of the kingdom.
Our first table, therefore, gives the population
of each of the 12 counties at the time of the old
Reform Bill, at the time of the last census, and their
estimated population for the present year ; that of
the other counties is-given in the total only. This
startling fact results, that in 1831 the twelve busy
counties had more than a quarter of a million less
inhabitants than the other forty counties,—but
that in 1851 they surpassed the forty in population
by upwards of a million, and surpass them this
year by more than one million eight hundred thou-
sand inhabitants ! All this time they have had but
the sam6 number of Members, and that number is,
it will be seen,l62 Members fewer than their stand-
still neighbours ! To this table we have added
a column showing the proportion of assessed taxes
paid by the Twelve and the Forty counties respec-
tively. It will be seen that the former pay nearly
£lOO,OOO more than the others, and are, therefore,
so far as this test, as well as that of population
goes, entitled to more members. Indeed, as things
now stand, each member in the agricultural coun-
ties represents less than half the taxes represented
by the members for the busy counties! While,
in regard to population, the difference, it will be
seen, is enormously in favour of the members for the
twelve counties a difference, too, which has
doubled since 1831 ! "
The second table shows, by a moment's inspec-
tion, the claims of population, and of property as re-
presented by the income tax assessment, and the
average between the two. If anything can enable
us to arrive at a conclusion that should satisfy an
impartial mind, this table will furnish the materials
for doing it. Here are seen at once what members
are allotted to each clasp by the Reform Act, by
Mr. BRIGHT, and by the Times. One amusing
result—a striking one, too—is, that, taking PRO-
PERTY alone as the basis of representation, it
exactly reverses the allotment given us by the
Times in its competition for fairness with Mr.
BRIGHT. The Times gave 217 members to the 12
thickly-populated counties, and 283 to its favourite
thinly-peopled counties. The proportions required
by the income tax give 283 to the populous coun-
ties and 217 to the others !
The last columns in this table afford the only
means of deciding on the proportion of members
fairly belonging to each class of counties, quite
apart from mere party considerations.
The third brief table speaks for itself ; but what
does it tell us ? Unquestionably that Mr. BRIGHT
has been moderate indeed in his demands for the
counties of progress, increase, and wealth. Accord-
ing to the scheme of the Member for Birmingham,
every member for the sparsely-populated counties
would still represent 11,626 persons, £85,160 income
tax, and £797 assessed taxes, LESS than a member
for one of the populous counties ! !
We defer additional remarks for the present,
merely observing that, in two respects, these tables
are favourable to, the members for thinly-peopled
counties. First, In some manufacturing' counties,
like Glamorganshire, the development, though
rapid, has not brought the population quite up to
the two persons per acre, at which we have drawn
the line. Secondly, We have placed the unappro-
priated members in the plans of Mr. BRIGHT and
the Times' with the populous counties. Were these
members either distributed amongst the 40 counties,
or given to Scotland or Ireland, the case against
the latter class of counties .would be so much
stronger.

An illustrious victim has been offered up at
the shrine of political expediency. As the Greek
vessels could not start from Aulis until a Royal
virgin had been tendered for sacrifice, so the co-
horts of France and Sardinia could not take the field
until a poor young Princess, only in her sixteenth
year, had been duly surrendered up to Prince NA-
POLEON. The marriage of the Princess CLOTILDE
was'yesterday celebrated. Count CAVOUR, as Grand
Notary of the Crown, drew up the matrimonial
contract, and Archbishop VERCEIL, assisted by four
bishops, pronounced the nuptial benediction. There
was a general illumination, and we are told that
the people displayed great enthusiasm. We have
no doubt that the rapturous applause was even
more intense when IPHIGENIA ascended the altar,
where it was supposed her blood would flow under
the sacerdotal knife. The more complete the blow,
the more delighted the multitude.
It is not that they love their young Princess less,
but that they hate Austria more. The wrongs and
injuries they have sustained still rankle in their
minds. The memory of the chivalrous CHARLES
ALBERT is ever present, and the prospect of obtain-
ing the assistance of so powerful an ally as France
would induce them to submit to any demand that
might be put forward—more especially when the
burden fell not on themselves but on another. It
must, howeVer, have been bitterly felt by the Pied-
montese nobility to behold the pure blood un-
tainted for eight centuries mingling with that of a
parvenu Prince, who may be hurled from his posi-
tion almost as rapidly as he obtained it.
The marriage is, however, now accomplished ; the
die is cast, and, so far as the Princess is concerned, we
can only wish her every possible degree of happi-
ness. It, however, becomes our duty to consider
its possible effects on the peace and tranquillity of
Europe. There can be but little doubt that her
hand was given as the pledge of a treaty, offensive
and defensive, and that France intends to use
Sardinia as an instrument to carry out its own
plans. Should anything change the mind of the
EMPEROR, the new tic would have but little weight
in keeping him on the side of Piedmont. Very
few persons will go out of their way to advance
the interests of distant matrimonial conxections.
Whenever it does not suit the wishes and the
policy of LOUIS NAPOLEON, France will not be
more disposed to recognise " cousins" than Eng-
land has hitherto been.

There can be no doubt, however, that there is a
dark cloud looming in the political atmosphere.
Austria possesses a powerful and well-disciplined
army, occupying very strong positions ; and
although neither her finances nor her interests
are consistent with war, she would strongly de-
fend herself, if driven into a corner, and compelled
to fight. The danger does not proceed from that
quarter, but from France and Piedmont. It was
the gratuitous and uncalled-for speech of the Ist
of Tanuary in Paris, followed by that of the 10th at
Turin, that produced the mischief, paralysing trade

and in, dustry, and reducing the nominal value of the
public otocks of every nation in Europe. Austria
must ci6nsout to relinquish the occupation of the
Legatioins—must concede large and comprehensive
measurer of reform to the Lombardo-Venetians ;
and, when boons are to be granted, Hungary and
Galicia. should not be fcrgotten. Besides, it is
Austria. -which impedes progress in Rome, in Naples,
and other minor Italian States. It encourages
PIO Norio and BOMBA, and throws its weight into
the side of despotism and misgovernment. This
must bo stopped; and FRANCIS JOSEPH must keep
up with the requirements of the age if he expects
sympathy and assistance. At all events, England
cannot permit herself to be drawn into any quarrel.
Hers is clearly the policy of abstention, and Austria
has established a. precedent which should be strictly
followed. We may interfere in any congress,
tender our good offices as arbitrators, so as to
arrange existing differences, but a single English
life must not be sacriiced, a single English pound
expended, in rivetting the chains on Italy, or
maintaining a despotism abhorrent to every British
heart.

A truer word was never spoken by man than each
one of those uttered on Friday evening at Rochdale
by Mr. BRIGHT in reference to the Ballot. The
declaration there made by the hon. member for
Birmingham upon that vital point, in regard to
that Reform of all Reforms, we would fain reite-
rate until rendered by repetition " familiar in our
mouths as'household words," bath within and with-
out the walls of Parliament. They are so perfectly
true, they are so directly to the purpose, these me-
morable words of Mr. BRIGHT in reference to the
Ballot, that they are indeed worth repeating, they
are worth learning by heart, as the expression at
once of a warning and a prediction.
" I hold the Ballot," said Mr. BRIGHT, " to be
inevitable. It is not in the power of any party in
the House of Commons to prevent it ; 230 members
of that assembly are at present in its favour; every
dissolution of Parliament must add to its sup-
porters. Any proposition from any Government
to bring in a Reform Bill considerably or widely
extending the suffrage would, I believe, be received
flatly, without enthusiasm, almost with distaste,
if it did not offer the Ballot along with
it." The opinion thus distinctly addressed
by the Member for Birmingham to the
country and to the Cabinet, to the People
and to the Parliament, has long been our convic-
tion. We have long insisted on the Ballot as a
Necessity—not as something desirable—but as
something absolutely inevitable. Whatever else
may be gained in the way of Parliamentary Reform
that one great essential we are sure of. Granted
it will be by some of the great parties in the Le-
gislature. ;It only remains now to be seen by
which. By whomsoever granted—the recompence
for that magnanimous, and wise, and patriotic
measure will be such an accession of popularity as
will ensure for some time a firm grasp of the reins
of government.
Parliamentary Reform—by this time we all of
us at any rate know thus much—is no longer to be
postponed. It could only be delayed for another
session by reason of one of the greatest calamities
that could happen to Christendom—a sudden out-
break of war among the great powers of Europe.
The Noble Earl, now First Minister of the Crown,
was the very one who, at the moment of his acces-
sion to office, as head of the present Government,
volunteered a distinct reprobation of the manner
in which the vital question of Parliamentary Re-
form was kept perpetually " dangling," year after
'year, before the fretted and tantalised population.
Everything points to the present session as
the one long - looked - for opportunity. The
work cut out for this session Is that
of taking this very problem of Parliamentary
Reform at last seriously and resolutely into consi-
deration. The " passing" of any Reform Bill, no
matter how framed, or by whom, through the
existing House of Commons, is obviously, glaringly
—impossible. The new Reform Bill may be dis-
cussed in the present House, but it can only be
transformed by its successor into an enactment.
The inevitable appeal to the country will as inevi-
tably open up afresh, and for the last time, the
alternative of Ballot or no Ballot. As Parliament
is at present constituted, there are very nearly 250
Members of the House of Commons in favour of the
Ballot. Mr. BRIGHT estimates them at the most
moderate computation at 230- members. As cer-
tainly as there are those numbers already in the
House in favour of the Ballot—so surely they will
have been increased to an overwhelming majority
in its immediate successor. The pear is ripe. It
will fall at the next breeze of a general election.
Whichever of the great parties in the Legislature
declares first frankly for the Ballot will come in at
this next general election upon the heads of the
people. Whichever of these great parties obdu-
rately denies the boon, will as inevitably be doomed
to a long banishment in the Arctic regions of the
Oppositiom Her MAJESTY'S Ministers have now
before them a golden opportunity. Their fate is at
this moment entirely in their own hands.
If they deny the Ballot, they go out and make room
for more enlightened successors. If they grant the
Ballot as—what it certainly is—a Reform quite
inevitable, their vigorous minority in the present
House of Commons will expand into a victorious
majority in the next. Against the Ballot many of
the leading statesmen now on the side of the Oppo-
sition have long since distinctly, resolutely, again
and again, declared themselves. Not so the prin-
cipal Statesmen on the side of the Government.
With them it has remained for the most part up to
this very moment—an open question. They are
not committed as yet, as a Party, to any positive
course for or against the Ballot. Everything now
trembling in the balance—will they select this
precise moment in which to throw their whole
future into the very scale that at the next turn will
inevitably kick the beam ? It is inconceivable.
Their so doing would be really nothing less
than sheer fatuity. It is the problem
once again in a more remarkable way of the
choice of caskets in the immortal drama—the
choice submitted equally to BASSANIO and the
Prince of ARRAGON—each in turn ready to exclaim:
" Fortune now

To my heart's hope I—Gold, silver, and base lead."
The magical device guiding the discretion of the
candidates, now as then—

" WHO CHOOSETH brIE MUST GIVE :AND HAZARD ALL

HE BATH I"

TILE PIUNCESS FREDRICK WILLIAM

WINDSOR CASTLE, Lug. 29.
Her Majesty received the following telegram this morn.
ing

"Prom Sir James Clark to the Queen; Windsor Castle.
" BERLIN, Jan. 29.
" The Princess has had an excellent night—the Prince
also. Both arc as well as can be."

Jan. 30.
Her Majesty received the following telegram this morn-
ing :
" From. Sir James Clark to the Queen, Windsor Castle.
" BERLIN, 10.20 a.m.
" The, princess has had another excellent night, and her
royal h:ighness and the young Prince are quite well."

The D owager Lady Foley, who has been indis,
posed for tsome weeks past, at her residence in stanhope
street, is al nnewhat better.