The Sun.
London, England, 1859-03-29 00:00:00

IMPERI

Bedford and Bletchley all \Di&
Buckinghamshire ... • • 100 Ln & N.W 98 100 MISCELLANEOUS.
Silare Miscellaneous. Paid.l Closing Ilinstness done
ClydesdaleJunctlon... 100 Caledonia 102 104
Colchester, Stour Val. all E.U.&E C 17 18 Price.
E.Lincolnshire,g.6p.e. 10 Gt.Nerth. 142 144 ___ . ----
E llnion,HarwichShs. all E.Counts. 44 44
Do. Woodbridge . 100 .• •• • _ 10 Anglo-Mexican Mint .. all 13 14
Gls.Barn&Neils,Drct. 100 Cales`lOnin 1000 Atlantic Tel. (Limited). all 220 250
Do. New .... • . ..... 100 Do. .., ... 25 Australian A g,ricultural 19 33 34
Gloster& Dean 'Forest all Gt. Rest. 10 Australian Royal Mail . all i I
Hartlpool.Dck.&Rail. all 10 Berlin Water Works . . all 24 34
Hull and Selby ...... all Yk.N.Md. 100. 111 10 Do New, issued at 25 dis 3 _
Do. 4 Shares ....... all Do.
Do. 4 Shares .... ... all Do. —— . 50 Brit. & Irish Mag.Tel.A. all 364 384
London&Greenwich . 100 S. East 64 66 20 Do. B, 7p. c. till 1862.. all 19 21
Do. Preference ... . 100 Do. 115 120 20 Do, C..— .. . ........... all 14 15
Lon.,Tilby.&Soutend.. 100 Peto &Co. 93 94 100 Canada Land . . . . ..... 324 122 127
Do. Barking Shares.. all Do. — 10 Chan.lslands T.e.l.(Lim.) all 9 10
Lowestoft, gut. 4p. ct. 100 Norfolk • • Stock Cop.Min.olEng.&Smltg all
Do. 6 per cent lOO Do. .. ~ 25 Do. Preference 74 per ct all 24 25
Manc.,Buxtn. & Matk all LN D 0....
21 • 5 Crystal Pitlftee. ........ all 14 li
Midsb.& Reder,g.6p.c all Stk.& Dar • ; Do. Preference ........ all 5 ti 5
Mid.BradfordPrf. Stk. 100 Midland .96 98 20 14astern Steam ... . ..... all
Newmarkt.,BuryEx )5.5. 6. E.Counts. 44 P m Stock Electric Telegraph lOO 103 105 103
guaranteed sp.c. 5 5 Eng &
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Northn.& Eastn. 5 p.c. all Do. 57 59 58- 10 Enri.p. it I:, d.Junct.Tel lOB. a I d
Do. do. 6 per cent. ... all Do. — 9 Europ.StAm, qt.lll.(Lim ) all a
Do. Fixed 5 per cent. all Do. — 20 GLlron Screw'Col.(Lim all
15 Gen. Steam Navigati.:ll. 14
20 London Discount 5 14 li d
Preston and Wyre. all LANAV. I
Do. 4 Shares ...... A. all Do. — 4 Lond.Gcn. Omnibus Co. au 1i 1
Roystn,Hitch.,& Shep 100 ,Gt. North. 137 140 10 Mediter. Electric Tel all ,
Shf.Roth.&Gol.g.sp.c. 1811 6'Lan.& Yk 10 Med. Exten. Tel. (Lim.) all 5 6 51 g
g hrawsbry& Hereford all T Brassay 94 91 91 25 National Discount Co 5 4 f d
10 Netherlands Land 6
South Staffordshire .. all M‘Clean . loa n a
Wear Valley, g. 6 p.c. all Stk.& Dar 10 .Do do all 1 2
, Do. do.
Wilts and Somerset lOO Gt. West- 90 92 911 100 N.Br. &Nov aScotiaLand go
Wimbledon& Croydn 1 N.B.Australasian (Lim.) all 1 1
. all L.&Brgtn 8 9.
20 North of Europe Steam all
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DOCKS. 1 Do. New Shares lss. 4Ws par
75 Peel River Land & Min all -2i 3 2/ 3
Share Docks. Clroriscine! Business
Dose. 50 Pen. & Oriental Steam. all 83 85 ig,34
I Paid 50 Do. New lO 13 14 p
20 Red Sea & Ind. Telegr lO 4 ip
Stock Commercial lOO 50 Rhymney Iron
g Stock Do4perCent.Pref.Min. 100 15 Do. New all 64 7
g Stock East and West India... 100 100 Royal Mail Steam 6O 62 64
Stock London lOO 1 Scot.Austrin.lnv.(Lim.) all 1124 125
Stock St. Katharine lOO 25 South Australian Land. all 30 37
Stock uthampton lOO 1 Submarine Teleg. Scrip. all I 1
Stock Victoria
'3 Al Do New ........ ...... 18 20 Tr.& Ln.Co.oi Upr. Can 5
100 ,Vall Diesoeu'e Land

HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY).
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at five o'clock.

The following bills were read a third time and passed :
Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction Railway;
and Whitehaven Harbour and Town.

Lord CAMPBEL I, presented a petition from Taunton
in favour of an extension of the franchise, accompanied
by the ballot. The noble and learned lord said although he
prefered open voting, he did not think any of the dreadful
consequences that had been predicted would follow the
adoption of vote by ballot.
Earl GREY presented a petition, praying that Parlia-
ment would take into its consideration the unjust restric-
tions upon British shipping.
THE STATE OF EUROPE.
The Earl of CLARENDON begged to ask the noble lord
the Foreign Secretary whether it would be consistent with
his duty to give the house, and through their lordships the
country, any information with regard to the state of affairs
in Europe, and the results that might have been arrived at
by Lord, Cowley's mission to Vienna ? (Hear, hear.) He
had not placed any notice of his intention to ask this ques-
tion on the paper, because he had determined to make no
remarks on this important subject until he had reason to be-
lieve that to do so would not be at all embarrassing to the
public service. He was sure his noble friend would not want
telling that he (Lord Clarendon) was not impelled by any
motive of mere curiosity, or that he did not wish him to
make any communication to the house that might be pre-
judicial to the great cause of peace. (Cheers.) But his
noble friend must be well aware of the deep and all-perva-
ding anxiety which existed in this country—an anxiety
which he should be sorry to see increased by any remarks
that he might make. For the space of eight months great
loss and injury had been sustained in business transactions
by the state of public affairs, insomuch that there were many
people who would almost prefer to know the worst truth,
than to continue in the present uncertainty. (Hear, hear.)
Commercial men could not pursue their avocations while
affairs remained so threatening ; whereas on the other hand,
no one could bring himself to believe in the possibility of
war. (Cheers.) clt would be idle to suppose that war had
not been seriously contemplated, and it would be still more
idle to imagine that war, when once commenced, could be
restricted within any particular country or within any pre-
scribed limits. (Cheers.) It would in fact be altogether
vain to think that other nations would stand by, passive
spectators of such a contest. (Hear, hear.) Against such
a war, or rather he would say such an unprovoked European
convulsion, public opinion had been expressed with a
unanimity which be believed to be unprecedented, and
which he hoped had not been without its effect. This
country, the policy of which had been throughout
to cultivate friendly relations with both- France and
Austria, had been in a position to render a good
service to both in this crisis ; and he believed that her Ma-
jesty's Government had turned the opportunity to account.
He felt assured that Lord Cowley would never have been
sent to Vienna, and that Lord Cowley would never have
undertaken the mission, unless there had been a fair pro-
spect of a satisfactory result. He had also the utmost con-
fidence in the sagacity, tact, and judgment which would be
displayed by that noble lord. (Hears hear.) Like every-
body else, he (Lord Clarendon) had read the newspapers.
The able and intelligent men who, in every place in the
world where visitors of distinction arrived, or events of in-
terest were passing, were in correspondence with the Eng-
lish journals, were indefatigable in ascertaining facts;
and they reported them with remarkable accuracy. From
their reports he (Lord Clarendon) gathered that Lord Cow-
ley had not full powers—that he was not charged with any
negotiation—but that he was to hold in Vienna precisely
the same language as he had done in Paris—that he was to
ascertain in effect what the differences between France and
Austria really were, and to endeavour as far as possible to
reconcile those differences, and to bring about a better
understanding. If he (Lord Clarendon) was right in this
conjecture, he should say that these instructions were judi-
cious, and that her Majesty's Government had acted wisely
in not committing themselves to any distinct protocol.
(Hear, hear.) At present, however, the public knew
nothing about Lord Cowley's mission beyond what the
Chancellor of the Exchequer had stated a short time ago
in answer to Lord Palmerston. The friendly character of
Lord Cowley's mission to Vienna appeared to be fully ad-
mitted, and he was believed to have brought back assurances
which were both important and satisfactory. Those
assurances were said to be to the following effect :—That
the Emperor of Austria had expressed his earnest desire to
come to a friendly understanding with France; that he
had professed his willingness to withdraw the Austrian
army from the Papal States at the same time as the French
army, and to promise that it should not return; that he
had declared that he did not intend and that he never had
intended to invade Piedmont; and that he was prepared to
make, in conjunction with the other powers, such representa-
tions at Rome as would lead to the establishment of a bet-
ter government. If Lord Cowley had really been enabled to
make a communication to this effect to his noble friend, It
would obviously be of great importance that the statement
should be confirmed ; because it was impossible that such
assurances could have been given by the Emperor of Austria
without their having been met in the same spirit of concilia-
tion in Paris. (Hear, hear.) The reason and humanity of
the Emperor, and his deference to the unmistakeable and
unanimous feeling of France, would urge him to adopt that
course. On the other band, if Austria was about to attend a
congress, and was disposed to make some coneession to the
public opinion of Europe—which, with her vast.military
preparations, and her firm reliance on the fatth and loyalty
of Germany, she undoubtedly might make without the
slightest imputation on her honour, or the slightest danger
to herself—then the peace of Europe would certainly not be
disturbed, because any shadow of a pretext would have been
removed. (Cheers.) He (Lord Clarendon) purposely re-
frained from any allusion to the topics which would be dis-
cussed at the congress, or to the cessation of military pre-
parations, and possible disarmament, which ought to form
the preparation far that congress. Neither would he put his
question in any precise form, because he felt that the noble
lord would himself know best what information it would be
prudent to give. (Hear.)
The Earl of MALMESBURY—My lords, I will begin
by thanking my treble friend for the discretion he has shown
inthe speech which he has just delivered, and the manner in
which he has put his inquiry for information which your
lordships must no doubt be eager to obtain. lam perfectly
ready to give as much information as I can without trench-
ing upon those questions which might, perhaps, better be
avoided, or which it would be premature to enterupon. Your
lordships will recollect that at the end of last month Lord
Cowley went to Vienna. Before he left Paris, he obtained
the entire assent and approbation of the French government
to his mission, and he left Paris perfectly in possession of the
ideas of the French government as to what is called the
Italian question, and its various complications. He came to
London, but he received no instructions whatever, and he
left England for Vienna perfectly unfettered.
The Earl of DERBY here made a remark to the noble
lord.
Lord MALMESBURY (resumin)—He received no in-
structions of an official character. He was only to ascer-
tain from the Austrian Government what were the points
which they considered in the same light as the French, and
in what way he might assist, by the good offices of this
country, in restoring those relations between France and
Austria which were unfortunately in so critical a position.
He displayed at Vienna all that sagacity, tact, and judg-
ment which my noble friend has so -justly ascribed to him,
and which he has never failed to exhibit in any public
service in which he has been employed. (Hear, hear.)
He was received by the Austrian Government with the
utmost frankness and cordiality, and that frankness and
cordiality pervaded all the interviews which he had with
Count Buol. He ascertained that there were points upon
which, with the assistance of England, the French and
Austrian Governments might be induced to treat ; and that
there were other points upon which Count Buol was ready
to enter into communication with England and France, with
a view to remove the danger which threatened Europe, and
to restore peace. Having thus accomplished what I must
describe as a very successful and promising mission, Lord
Cowley returned to Paris. On his arrival in Paris, on the
16th inst., he found that during his absence the French
and Russian Governments had entered into communication
with each other ; and that with the consent and approbation
of France, Russia intended recommending to the five great
powers that a congress should sit and settle the matters in
dispute. On the 18th of this month her Majesty's Govern-
ment received from the French ambassador an official inti-
mation that such was the intention of Russia;_ and her
Majesty's Government communicated on the next day to the
court of St. Petersburg their as llingness to accept such an
offer, if it were made on certain conditions ,• and they
therefore anticipated the official offer which the Russian
Government afterwards mado. On the 23d Baron Brunnow
called on me, and announced officially not only that Russia
made that proposition to this country as one of the five
powers, but that Russia also accepted the conditions with
which her Majesty's Government had offered to accept the
proposal of a congress. Singe that time each of the great
powers have assented to the congress ; but although they
are all undoubtedly agreed upon the fact that there shall be
a congress to discuss the affairs of Italy, and to accomplish
the solution of the present complications, they are not yet
agteed upon the subjects, details and composition of that
congress. I have no doubt, however, that in a short time
a conclusion will be come to on these points ; and I do not
scruple to say that her Majesty's Government are of opinion
that, considering the subjects about to be discussed at this
congress are intimately connected with the political and
social happiness of the Italian States, those States ought to
have an opportunity given them in some way or other of
expressing their opinion on the subjects to be discussed.
(Hear.) Our object will naturally be, if we speak of re-
forms, not to impose any conditions upon the Italian States,
but to recommend to them what we consider to be for their
own benefit andfor the safety of Europe. (Hear, hear.) In
the meantime, it will be a source of satisfaction to your
lordships to know that, although the disarmament which I
should heartily wish to see immediately take place is not
decided upon, both Austria and Piedmont have made a
formal agreement that they will net attack one another, and
that they will abstain from hostilities. (Hear, hear.) Unless
therefore some untoward and almost impossible accident
should occur, we may hope that the peace will not be
broken; and that the congress (which will probably take
place at the end of next month) will terminate in those
results which lam sure we must all desire. (Cheers.)
VEXATIOUS INDICTMENTS BILL.
This bill passed through committee, an amendment in it
being carried on the motion of Lord CAMPBELL, who ex-
plained that the object of the bill was to check the abuses
that now existed in the grand jury system. At present it
was no uncommon practice for persons to go behind the back
of others and lay an indictment before a grand jury. The
grand jury, in many cases, found the bill ; and then it
turned out that there was no pretence for the charge, and
that it had been made for the purpose of extortion.
MANOR COURTS, &c. (IRELAND) BILL.
After a short conversation this bill was read a third time
and passed.
EVIDENCE BY COMMISSION BILL.
On the motion of Lord WODEHOU SE this bill passed
through committee.
RAILWAY TICKETS TRANSFER BILL,
Lord REDESDALE, in moving the second reading of
this bill, said that on the Brighton and other railways
tickets had been transferred in a manner which caused se-
rious loss to railway companies. The Brighton Company
wished to introduce a clause on the subject in a private
bill, but he thought it better to introduce a separate bill,
which would give summary jurisdiction in such cases, and
he trusted it would put an end to the mischief.
Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY considered the biil
unnecessary, and believed that no additional powers were
required.
Lord DON OUGHMORE defended the bill, on the
ground that protection was due to railway companies.
The bill was then read a second time.
THE COMPANIES ACT (1859) BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
MEDICAL ACT (1858) AMENDMENT BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.

The following bills were considered and ordered for third
reading :—Carmarthen and Cardigan Railway; Glasgow
Public Parks and Galleries of Art ; Kingstown Water ;
Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Station.
at Manchester) ; Poole and Bournemouth Water ; Travel-
lers and Marine Insurance and Accidental Death Insurance
Companies Amalgamation (No. 2) ; and York Improvement.
The Swansea Harbour Trust Bill and Tottenham and
Edmonton Gas Bill were read a second time and ordered to
be committed.

On the motion of Mr. C. FORSTER, the order of the Bth
day of February last, limiting the time of the second read-
ing of privatebillswassuspended in the case of the Swansea
Harbour Trust; Bill.

PETITIONS.
Several petitions were presented in favour of the Local
Rates Exemption Act ; from various dissenting bodies for
the same benefits as those enjoyed by members of the
Church of England in regard to endowed churches ; in
favour of Parliamentary Reform ; for the exemption of
hospitals from local rates ; against the Government Reform
Bill ; in favour of the Superannuation Bill, &c. &c.

THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON.
Sir J. GRAHAM presented a petition from the chancel-
lor and members of the congregation of the University of
London praying that they might be representod in Par-
liament. The prayer of the petition stated that the
graduates already amounted to 1,000, and were increasing
at the rate of 100 annually, and that at the time of the
foundation of the university it was stated by her Majesty's
advisers that the institution would be placed on the same
footing as the other universities of the country.
The petition was ordered to lie on the table.
VOTE OF CENSURE ON THE GOVERNMENT.

Mr. W. 0. STANLEY said that in consequence of the
very explicit statement of the Attorney-General forlreland,
to the effect that an adverse vote on the Government bill
would be considered by her. Majesty's Ministers as a vote
of censure, he would withdraw his motion on the subject.

BONDING WAREHOUSES.
In reply to Mr. HADFIELD,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the
subject of giving bonded warehouses to large manufacturing
towns was under consideration, but they had not come to
any resolution on the subject.

THE REFORM BILL.
Mr. GRIFFITH asked the Chancellor of the :Exchequer
whether the plan of uniformity of franchise between coun-
ties and boroughs was considered by Government to form an
essential principle of the proposed Representation of the
People Bill, on which the fate of the bill was to depend ;
or whether, on the contrary, it was only one of those
details which, though forming part of the original
suggestions of Government, was to be considered
to be open to any alteration or omission in committee which
that house, in its wisdom, might determine upon.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—In an-
swering the question of my hon. friend, I beg to call the
attention of the house to the extremely inconvenientmanner
in which this bill to amend the representation of the people
is debated. (Hear, hear.) It is debated, if I may use the
expression, wholesale and retail. (Cheers.) We have had it
debated in a wholesale manner for four nights, in a debate
which I think has really been sustained on both sides with
unusual interest and unfaltering power; and I shall be per-
fectly ready, when the opportunity occurs to me in the
wholesale debate, to vindicate our policy, and to explainthe
course which the Goverement have thought fit to pursue

pro'
gra
but

(Hear, hear.) But I must say, in answer to the question
of my hon. friend, as I said in answer to a question from a
gentleman on the other side, that it is not within the scope
of a fair answer to a question put at this time, to enter into
this subject. (Hear.) Generally speaking, I will say that
we place before the house a measure which expresses the
policy which the Government would recommend. If there
are any gentlemen who think that on the whole the dis-
advantages counterbalance or outweigh the advantages of
the course that we recommend, it will be open to them to
vote against the bill on the second reading ; that is the
legitimate course. (Hear.) If, on the contrary, the bill
should go into committee, I shall, on the part of the Go-
vernment, listen to any proposition that may be made in
that spirit of candour which becomes me. (Hear.) And
if the decision which the house arrives at on any definite
proposition is contrary to the course which the Government
has recommended, then it will be open to us to consider the
decision at which the majority has arrived, and to act in
that manner which we think our duty dictates. (Hear.)
Mr. WHITESIDE explained, in reference to the debate
of Tuesday night, that when Lord Palmerston said Lom-
bardy was to have been erected into a duchy dependent on
Austria, he was made by the newspapers to acquiesce in
the correctness of that statement, and to admit that he had
been in error, which he entirely denied.
THE ADJOURNED DEBATE.
Mr. E. JAMES said he rose, shortly to offer his opinion
in support of the resolution of the noble lord. (Hear, hear.)
It was a remarkable feature in the debate on this bill that
there was not an hon. member unconnected with the Trea-
sury bench who had not condemned the bill (to use the
Chancellor of the Exchequer's phrase) wholesale and retail.
(Cheers and No, no, from the Government side.) He
maintained that there was hardly one member unconnected
with the Treasury bench who had not found some fault with
what he consideredthe vital and substantial principles of the
bill. (Hear.) The resolution was directed against the
three main and fatal objections to the bill. It asked the house
to affirm that the enfranchisement contemplated by the bill
was unsatisfactory and inadequate; that the disfranchise-
ment was unjust, and he thought a violation of the consti-
tutional franchises of this country; and that the non-
extension of the franchise doomed to disappointment a
large and intelligent class of the community. How had the
resolution been met ? It had not been debated merely on
its merits ; but the Solicitor-General had thought it right
to impute personal motives to the noble lord. (Hear, hoar.)
Sir E. B. Lytton had said there was a fear of Americanising
the House of Commons. It appeared to him that one of the
most fatal modes of Americanising their debates was to
introduce personal attacks such as that which had been
' made against the noble lord. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr.
James)certainly expected when the Solicitor-General rose on
Friday, that he had done so to make some apology, or ex-
press some regret for an attack which every one who knew
the position and character of thenoble lord would feel to be
entirely unmerited. (Cheers.) If he might refer to what
had taken place out of doors he found that a letter had been
published by a noble earl (Grey), a proceeding against
which he earnestly and sincerely protested. (Hear, hear.)
There could be no more inconvenient course upon the eve
of a great debate in that house than that a noble lord, not
reserving himself for a proper time and opportunity to ex-
press his opinion—(hear, hear)—should think it right to
address a letter to another noble lord (Lord Elcho), a mem-
ber of that house, not merely suggesting to him how to vote
but telling him that the letter might be made public, for
the purpose of inducing other members to resist the amend-
ment. (Hear, hear.) That was a practice highly incon-
venient. Had that letter been written to any voter pending
an election it would have been an infraction of the resolu-
tion of the house in 1802, which declared that no peer should
concern himself or interfere with the freedom of elections.
(No, no, from the Government side.) The noble lord, the
author of that letter, had written a pamphlet on the subject
of parliamentary government; and while in his letter he
suggested that the Government was the party to introduce
a Reform Bill, he said in his pamphlet that the only
Government which could introduce a measure of reform
or any great constitutional measure, was a strong Go-
vernment, and not 'one existing merely on the sufferance
of a majority of the house. What did Lord Derby say of
the position of a Government existing upon a minority,
existing -in fact from the want of cohesion among
the Liberal party ? On the Bth February, 1852, he said :
"My lords, I can conceive no object of higher or nobler
ambition, none more worthy of the anxiety of a true patriot
and lover of his country, than to stand in the high and hon-
ourable position of the chief minister of the Crown and
leader of the councils of this great empire, assisted and sup-
ported by colleagues combined with him by unity of senti-
ment and mutual and personal respect, and with the know-
ledge that this and the other house of Parliament would give
to such a minister the assurance that, except on most extra-
ordinary and unusual occasions, he would be enabled with
lite and energy to carry out his plans, and to mature and ac-
complish his objects, and practically as well as nominally,
control and govern the legislation and internal economy of
this great country. On the other hand, to hold that high
and responsible situation dependent for support from day to
day upon precarious and uncertain majorities, compelled to
cut down this measure, and to pare off that—to consider with
regard to each measure not what was for the real welfare of
the country, but what would conciliate some half dozen men
here, or obviate the objections of some half-dozen there—to
regard it as a great triumph of Parliamentary skill and minis-
terial strength to scramble through the session of Parlia-
ment, and to boast of having met with few insignificant de •
feats—l say this is a state of things which cannot be satis-
factory to any minister, and which cannot be of advantage to
the Crown, or to the people of this country. But, my lords,
to enter on the duties of office, not with a precarious majo-
rity, but with a sure minority of the other house of Parlia-
ment—to be aware that from day to day you were liable to
defeats at any moment by. the combination of .parties,
amounting to a sure majority, and only waiting for the
moment when it would be most convenient to introduce
motions for the attainment of such an end ; to be a minister
on sufferance ; to hold such a position without any security
for enforcing your own views ; with the fear of exposing
your own friends and the country—your friends to per-
petual mortification, and the country to constant dis-
appointment—to undertake the responsibilities and the
duties of office under such circumstances, and in such
a state of things, would be such an intolerable and gall-
ing servitude as no man of honour or character would
voluntarily expose himself to, and such as no man willingly
would submit to, except from motives of the purest patriot-
ism, and on proof of the absolute necessity of such self-
sacrifice." They had been told that onlya strong and united
Government should undertake a great measure like that.
As to the unity of sentiment, never was there anything so
prophetic as the speech of Lord Derby ; it was a political
photograph of the state of the Government now. (Hear,
hear.) Mr. Henley and Mr. Walpole had left the Cabinet,
and informed the country that not till within a few days of
the production of this measure was there any unanimity
whatever in the Cabinet. (Hear, hear.) Those gentlemen had
left the Cabinet on account of its want of unanimity on
this great question ; and Mr. Henley now sat like Marius
looking down upon the ruins of the former Cabinet, and won-
dering how in their death struggle they could seek to thrust
this bill upon the house and the country. (Hear, hear.) The
speech of Lord Palmerston on Friday had surprised him.
The noble lord had stated that the Government would be de-
feated ignominiously upon this resolution, but that notwith-
standing, they must proceed with the bill; that they had
taken the government with its "engagements," and that
unless they followed them out they would be defaulters. The
noble lord had further told the Government that they should
not dissolve Parliament, for that if they attempted to do so
they would be met constitutionally in reference to money
bills ; and he had gone on to say that they should carry the
bill, not upon any definite principle of their own, but as the
committee chose to alter it; that it should still bear their
name and responsibility, though it might come out of the
committee utterly at variance with the bill as introduced.