The Sun.
London, England, 1835-10-09 00:00:00

place with the Corporation, than in unceremoniously
ordering their mouth-piece to be led to that part of the
Presence Chamber in which the door was situated.
What a practical satire upon the present system, after
all, was the presentation of the new civic officers of
Dublin to the Lord-Lieutenant ! Do the municipal
usurpers imagine that Lord Mulgrave is so inobservant
a man as to have contemplated the extent, the wealth,
the rank, the intelligence of the city of Dublin, and to
have looked upon the nominees of the Corporation
without asking this one question—" Are these men,
are such men, the choice of the citizens of Dublin?—
Morning Chronicle.
Some of the Ministerial prints publish an account
of a dinner given by certain electors of the eastern dis-
trict of Perthshire, to Mr. Fox Maule, their repre-
sentative, who is also an Under-Secretary of State.
The thing would not be worth notice, except as fur-
nishing another amusing instance of the means by
which the friends and retainers of Ministers attempt
to whitewash the dirty conduct of the Whig-Radical
faction. Mr. Fox Maule addressed his audience aftr:
dinner, thus :—" At the meeting of Parlia:;,ent more
members attended the House tlin nad ever done so
before ; but from first to lust, from the election of
Speaker to the intrecuction of the Irish Church Bill,
the Ministry wlio had grasped at power, and seized
the reins of Government were left in perpetual mino-
No doubt they were : but how and by whom ?
Why, by a party who so hungered and thirsted after
office that they sacrificed all their former principles,
abandoned their most solemnly recorded professions, and
had recourse to the meanest shifts and the paltriest de-
vices for the attainment of their selfish ends. We will
confine ourselves to the two instances mentioned by
l‘lr. Fox Maule himself—the election of the Speaker,
and the introduction of the Irish Church Bill. How
was the election of Speaker carried ? It was by foully
slandering Sir C. M. Sutton in private letters, and by
articles in the base Whig press. These were the
honourable means resorted to for the purpose of ob-
taining promises from members to vote against the late
Speaker. The calumniators were exposed, and Sir
C. M. Sutton was vindicated from the charges that had
been so artfully urged against him : but the pledged
majority wanted the courage or the honesty to make
him amends by defeating the intrigues of his detrac-
tors. A sudden thought occurred to a leading trickster
of the faction : " the Speaker ought to represent the
opinions of the majority of the House," said he ; the
faction, who were ready to accept any excuse for the
injustice they meditated, adopted the novel doctrine,
and Sir C. M. Sutton lost his election by a majority
principally composed of those very men who had voted
him to the chair in the first reform Parliament, when
he no more represented the opinion of the majority of
the House than he did last February. And this, Mr.
Fox Maule considers a feat to boast of ! Then, for
the Irish Church Bill, what was the history of its intro-
duction ? Certain resolutions were moved upon the
assumption that there was a surplus of church pro.
perty, without waiting for the report of the commis-
sion appointed to ascertain that fact by the Whigs
themselves. The report has proved that assumption
to be false, yet having committed themselves by their
resolutions, the majority of the House thought proper
to proceed as though the assumption had been true,
and they did this in the face of the clearest evidence to
the contrary. Further, these resolutions supposed
that the Bill founded upon it would content Ireland,
and lead to a satisfactory and final adjustment of the
tithe question in that country. Upon these grounds
the Bill was urged through the House, although the
leading Irish Members declared that it would have no
such effects as those anticipated. It is not possible,
therefore, to stretch one's charity so far as to give the
authors of the measure credit for sincerity, when they
so confidently anticipated these results from the Irish
Church Bill ; but supposing them to have really be-
lieved what they said, still it must be admitted that
they were wilfully blind to facts which were foretold
them by the surest of all prophets—those who
have the power to realize their predictions—events
now in progress are manifesting so plainly, that no
one can, for the future, pretend he sees them not.
In the Irish Church Bill, then, and in its intro-
duction, we can discover as little ground for Minis-
terial congratulation as in the result of the election
of the Speaker, or on the means by which that result
was brought about. There is but one passage in this
speech of Fox Manic that calls for notice. Speaking,
of the re-election of the present Ministry on their ac-
ceptance of office, he says—" One member of the
Government was rejected ; and, perhaps, it was fortu-
nate he chanced to be the best among the whole, as it
proved how strong the influence of bribery and Tory
intimidation is, when Devonshire, which had twice
selocted Lord John Russell, at that time rejected him."
Now, we beg to tell Mr. Fox Maule, that unbecoming
and unpardonable as it would be in any one to charge,
without evidence, without the shadow of proof, a con-
stituency like that of Devonshire with accepting bribes,
it is positively indecent and offensive in him, who is a
sort of Minister, and the Sub of Lord John Russell,
Secretary of State for the Home Department, but most
properly rejected by Devonshire, not through bribery,
but in consequence of his own ill conduct. Mr. Parker
will probably call the Under Secretary to account in
the next session for this calumny upon his constituents.
Mr. Fox Maule proceeds thus :—" This having occurred,
the Tories imagined Lord John Russell could not be
otherwise returned than by a rotten borough." Here
.is an admission for a Whig and a Reformer I Rotten
boroughs still exist, notwithstanding the Reform Act
and Lord John Russell—at least, so says Mr. Under-
Secretary Fox Maule. And as though this were not
indiscretion enough for one sitting, lie goes on with the
narrative of his patron's progress in search of a seat.
" The event," he says, " was otherwise ; for Stroud,
a borough containing 30,000 inhabitants, of whom
1,300 are electors, received his Lordship with open
arms." Now, considering how this was accomplished,
who went out that Lord John Russell might come in,
and that something more valuable than the stewardship
of the Chiltern Hundreds was conferred as a reward
upon the accommodating gentleman for making way
for the Minister—we think that Mr. Fox Maule—
(Maul Fox would here be a more appropriate name for
him) would have shown more wisdom if he had held
his tongue upon the subject. As soon should we have
expected to find the Under Secretary of Lord Pal-
merston detailing the circumstances of the Tiverton
turn-out, and of his Lordship's turn-in for the bo-
rough Mr. Kennedy turned over to him. Verily such
people should be very cautious how they prate about
Tory bribery, and Electors bought and sold.—Times.

In one of the recent speeches delivered by the Po-
pish missionary of the British Cabinet, since his re-
turn to the " emerald isle," he is reported to have said
to his " hereditary bondsmen"—the bondsmen of the
most bigotted and intolerant spiritual despotism that
the world ever saw—" I went as a missionary from
the people of Ireland to England and Scotland, where
I preached the doctrine of peace and conciliation,
and firmness in our struggles for national liberty.
I talked to them of the necessity of lessening
their burdens and increasing their franchises. I talked
to them in the spirit of charity, and advocated perfect
freedom of c.',Yuscience to every human be g. I told
them tilia.t the people of Ireland knew no! the distinc-
tion of sect or creed ; that they were a calumniated
and persecuted people ; that they had suffered ages of
misrule, and that the common practice of Govern-
ment hitherto had been to allow them to continue in
a deplorable state of poverty and distress, even in the
land of plenty." If, among the qualifications of a
mob-orator and a demagogue, a regard to truth were
one, how would his resources of agitation be
crippled, and the stock in trade of sedition be
diminished ? The Irish agitator knows that it
would be as difficult to keep up his turbulent influence
over the passions of his ignorant hearers, without
dealing largely in fiction, as it would be for the
most ingenious engineer to keep up the moving power
of steam without supplies of coal. Still there are cer-
tain bounds which e'en political lying ought not to
transgress, because, by passing those bounds, false-
hood may become so absurd and incredible as to cease
to be of any use to the purposes of him who has been
at the pains of inventing it. For instance, what pur- '
pose can it serve that the Irish agitator should so out-
rageously violate veracity as to say that in his late in-
flammatory and disgusting harangues in England and
Scotland, he preached the doctrines of peace and con-