The Sun.
London, England, 1859-09-29 00:00:00

THE I

islywir.

The Emperor of the French occasionally feels it 1
necessary or desirable to break through the myste-
rious
silence be maintains as a rule on the affairs of
Italy. He does so, however, not to tell us what he
wishes, but simply to indicate one of the proposed
solutions of the problem which he does not wish.
The Moniteur was yesterday morning instructed to
deny the common rumour, that the Emperor really
wishes to create a kingdom of Central Italy for his
nephew. "Foreign journals," says the official
organ, "have asserted that the solution of the affairs
of Italy has been impeded by the desire of the Em-
peror to found a kingdom for a Prince of his house;
Such reports do not require refutation. It is enough
without speaking of the engagements of Villafranca,
to refer to the acts and words of the Emperor be-
fore and since that date." This statement, though
meagre enough in information, is still definite and
precise as far as it goes. It effectually disposes of
a rumour that has been a good deal circulated on
this side of the water, but to which we have given
neither currency nor credit. We have not sup-
posed or suggested that the Emperor's latent
design was to establish his troublesome
nephew in Central Italy. This solution of the
problem would, indeed, we have little doubt, be
even less palatable to him than the annexation of
the Duchies to Piedmont. Nor was there anything
to further the development of such a plan, suppos-
ing it to have been entertained. The Tuscans hate
Prince Napoleon, and he has no love for them.
While he is thus thoroughly unpopular with the
Italians, he has never, that we know of, expressed
any ardent wish to be chosen as their ruler. He
has most probably no desire or ambitien to under-
take the active duties of Government. Pleasure,
self-gratificatien, in some form or other, is, and has
been, the supreme object of his life, to which
everything else is sacrificed. He maintains a kind
of sulky connexion with the army, but he has
never distinguished himself as a soldier, or paid
anything like practical attention to the duties
of his profession, He has of late years taken
a leading part in public affairs, but without dis-
playing the least capacity as a statesman. The
latest account of his movements is in perfect har-
mony with his ruling passion. Instead of preparing
himself to comply with the rumoured call of the
Italians, to undertake the government of Central
Italy, he has just purchased a fine estate on the
banks of the Lake of Geneva, where he doubtless
proposes to enjoy without interruption the luxuri-
ous style of life he loves. We have little doubt his
plan has his cousin's entire approval. Prince Napo-
leon will be much more out of the Emperor's way
at Geneva tlian at Florence.
What Louis Napoleon really wants is to retain
the influence he has recently acquired in Italy, and
remain, as he has been during the last few months,
practically master of the Peninsula. The return of
the exiled Dukes is the solution of the Italian problem
that would most directly favour this design. If they
returned, the old feeling of antipathy between them
and their people would manifest itself with new in-
tensity, and would inevitably produce a state of
chronic uneasiness and disturbance that would at
any time afford the French Emperor a pretext for
interference. Still retaining his character as the
friend of Italy, if he found himself uncomfortable
at home, nothing would be easier than to undertake
another Italian campaign, and
i obliterate the me-
mory of unpopular domestic acts n another battle of
Solferino. Meanwhile, through the power he has
recently acquired, he would become the Austria of
Italy, retaining absolute military supremacy over
the Papal States, and having, through his influence
in the Duchies, the means of carrying on profitable
diplomatic intrigues both in the north and south of
the Peninsula. Still, if Louis Napoleon clearly sees
he cannot continue to urge the return of the Dukes
without losing all the credit and influence he has
gained amongst the Italians, he will not force this
measure, however much he may desire it. He is too
keenly alive to his own interests to pursue, with
blind and fatal obstinacy, such a suicidal policy.
If he were really far-sighted and wise for himself,
in a large and elevated sense, he would aban-
don at once his narrow Austrian policy, and
support the right of the Italians to act for them-
selves. He would thus win the lasting gratitude
and attachment of this noble people, and secure an
amount of real influence in the Peninsula far greater
than he could ever acquire by mere diplomatic in-
trigue or military display. We are not sure that
even now, at the eleventh hour, he may not adopt
this just, prudent, and liberal policy. So far as the
note in the Moniteur contains anything positive, it
rather tends in this direction. Throwing out of
account the peace of ,Villafranca, it appeals to the
Emperor's words and acts before and since that
date. Now the words and acts thus appealed to
are all in favour of Italian independence, the more
solemn of them being, indeed, express guarantees
against the interference of any foreign Power in
the deliberations and decisions of these States with
regard to their own form of government. So far,
therefore, the note is rather favourable, as an indi-
cation of the present tendencies of the Emperor.
If he is really disposed, after all, to favour the
cause of Italian independence, all that is now hap-
pening in the Duchies must tend to confirm such a
decision. The inhabitants of Central Italy do not
share in the doubts and vacillations of their Impe-
rial friend and ally. Their attitude remains what
it has been from the first—firm, dignified, and reso-
lute. The letter of Baron Ricasoli, Prime Minister
of Florence, is a noble illustration of this. A friend
had urged him to prepare a strong reply to the late
article in the Moniteur. But he writes in answer
to assure him that this is not necessary, and his let-
ter shows throughout a clearness of patriotic pur-
pose and a strength of calm resolve which the
efforts of adverse diplomacy will neither confuse
nor disturb. "I am happy to assure you," he says,
" that from the day I was put at the head of the
Tuscan Government I have never had one moment
either of uncertainty or weakness. Uncertainty
cannot abide with a man who proposes to himself
a complete political design, and fulfils it upon
a persevering system, every part of which tends
to the fulfilment of the whole." His con-
fidence in the ultimate and complete suc-
cess of the present movement in the Duchies is
not only full and striking, but well grounded. " I
feel assured," he says, " and all may feel assured,
that neither this Government nor those of Modena
and Bologna, nor that of the King-elect, nor the
Italian people, will fail in their intent to constitute
that strong kingdom, which is a universal want,
and which alone will enable all of us to call our-
selves Italians, as Italy can only in that event be
said to exist. This, which is our wish, must needs
also be the wish of Europe, for Europe can never
hope for peace till it becomes an acknowledged fact
that there is an Italy." This is the language of
men who not only deserve success, but are resolved
to secure it. Maintaining this firm and dignified
position, we repeat our conviction that the Duchies
must triumph, whether the Emperor of the French
frowns on or favours their prayer for annexation
to Sardinia.
Events nearer home may surely warn Louis Na-
poleon not to lose the fruits of a noble enterprise
by a dark and double-faced policy—not to throw
away, by half-hearted and insincere measures, any
chance of securing influence and popularity. If he
does not take care, the Italian war will be utterly
without result. It was designed to increase his
credit and influence both at home and abroad, and
it certainly did this at first. But ho is on the point
of losing both. He has already fallen in the estima-
tion of the Italians by his doubtful if not treacher-
ous line of policy. And he has lost influence at
home by his foolish dealings with the press. Re-
turning from a triumphanbcampaign in Italy, with
his laurels yet green, he felt himself strong enough
to appeal boldly to public opinion ; and an Imperial
decree was published which appealed to grant a
certain amount of liberty to the heavily fettered
press. The Emperor seems to have foolishly ima-
gined that this act would be immediately followed
by columns of panegyric on himself and his policy.
Nothing of the sort, however, of course happened.
The press, treating the offered freedom as a reality
and not a sham, spoke out in an independent
tone. This was not to be endured. The first
breath of adverse criticism was followed by a
circular from the Duke of Padua, explaining that
the system of warnings is an essential part of the
Imperial policy, necessary for tht protection of the
Government and the nation. A formal note ap-
peared in the Moniteur to the same effect. The
suicidal folly of this course is already sufficiently
apparent. It has produced a reaction against the
Government, and in favour of greater liberty, such
as neitht r the Emperor nor his Ministers at all ex-
pected. Nor can the matter end with a mere re-
turn to the old regime. The Emperor's true policy,
and only permanent safety, lies in granting a defi-
nite measure of legal freedom to the press. In a
word, he is warned .on all hands to adopt a more
sincere and liberal policy both at home and abroad.
If he does not take the warning in time the pod
results of the Italian campaign will be thrown
away, and the battle of Solferino, so far as he is
concerned, will have been fought in vain.—Daily

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