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London, England, 1859-04-18 00:00:00

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WILLIAM CONINGHAM, ESQ., AND
HIS CONSTITUENTS. -

Last week Mr. Coningham met his friends in the
large room at Payne's Marine Hotel, Brighton.
The meeting was opened by a few remarks from
the CHAIRMAN (Mr. M. Ricardo).
, Lieut.-Colonl FAWCETT moved " That the con-
duct of W. Coningham, Esq., as member for this
borough,.entitles him to our renewed confidence."
(Applause.)
Alderman ALGER (vice-chairman) seconded.
The motion having been put and carried unani-
mously,
WILLIAM CONINGRAM, Esq., who was received
with cheers, expressed his thanks for the vote of
confidence, and, then continued: I have appeared
before you so recently at a great public meeting, at
which you came to it unanimous vote against the
Reform Bill brought in by the Government, that I feel
explanation from me on that point would be super-
fluous. After a long period of gestation, the Govern-
ment, which I have ventured to call Tory, produced
the Reform Bill which they laid before the country,
and which was fully discussed. The unfavour-
able impression which it first created was by no
means diminished by that discussion ; and a ma-
jority of no less than 39 members of the House of
Commons, in an unprecedentedly full house, con-
demned the bill.' The Liberal party, of which lam
a very humble member, have been accused of act-
ing in a factious manner. Now, gentlemen, I ven-
trire to assert that no accusation was ever more
unfounded. (Hear, hear.) The bill, in our opi-
nion, was condemned, and was to be defeated; and
it became with us a question for consideration how
that defeat was to be effected. (Hear, hear.) The
resolution of Lord J. Russell was believed to be the
most advantageous manner of encountering the
enemy; and it seems to me absurd to say that a
party commanding so large a majority as the Libe-
ral party are not at liberty to choose the tactics by
which they can defeat the Tory party. (Hear.) One
of the most striking things in the discussion was
the ground assumed by many who gave utterance
to very advanced Liberal speeches, such, for in-
stance, as Sir J. Graham. He advocated a large
measure of Reform as conservative in its tendency,
and seemed to me to condemn the Tory Reform
Bill as being too progressive, almost revolutionary
lin its character. (Laughter.) But I believe that
assumption to be fallacious ; and if the details of
that bill are fully examined, so far from being pro-
gressive, they will be found to be reactionary.
(Hear, hear.) The bill struck at small proprietors
who had galled the Tory aristocracy in the elec-
, tions for counties. (Hear, hear.) The chief cha-
racteristic of the bill was the disfranchisement of
the 40s. freeholders. We looked upon it as an un-
warrantable act ; a blow directed at property—
and one which it was our bounden duty to protest
against
at the earliest opportunity. When the Mi-
nistry is examined in its details, it is true that there
are some men who entertain very Liberal opinions ;
but the character of the Administration is not to be
measured by them. The strength of a chain cable is
to be estimated by its weakest link, and the speed
of a cavalry regiment must be judged by its slowest
horse ; and it is by the retrograde Members of the
Administration that we are really to measure their
intentions and their policy. (Hear, hear.) As an
instance of the truth of what I assert,l will tell you
an anecdote which I heard yesterday. One of the
honourable members of the present Administration
on being remonstrated with by a gentleman for not
having brought forward a more Liberal measure of
reform, said, alluding to the Tory members of the
Government, " We have pared them to the quick,
and they would not bear another shave." (Laughter. )
Now, I believe that betrays what has taken place
in the interior of the Cabinet—that Mr. Disraeli
was unable to carry so liberal a measure as he
otherwise would have done. (Hear, hear.) That, I
think, accounts for the objectionable features in the
bill. The disfranchisement of the 40s. freeholders
was the sop given to the territorial aristocracy to
induce them to consent to the reduction of the
county franchise. But I say that was no due equiva-
lent. The £lO occupiers in counties, without the
ballot, are much more likely to be influenced by
landlords than the 40s. freeholders. (Hear, hear.)
The effect of that clause in the Eastern Division of
this county would, I believe, have been disastrous.
(Hear, hear.) Then there was another point in the
bill which I must allude to,and that is to the trans-
fer of the freehold voters to the boroughs. My
friend, Mr. Macaulay, the member for Cambridge,
said, " Oh, you 40s. voters are independent and good
for counties ; a fortiori, they would be independent
and good for the boroughs." But he forgot that in
the counties it was an attempt on the part of the
Liberal party toeounteract the enormous territorial
influence of property, whereas the influence of the
40s. freeholders in boroughs was directed against
personal rights. (Hear, hear.) I say, therefore,
the distinction is great, and, in my opinion, we who
opposed the measure were perfectly justified in de-
fending the rights of the borough electors. The
bill has been so fully discussed, however, that I need
not detain you at greater length on that point. It has
been universally condemned. (Hear, hear, hear.)
I think that in the face of so large a majority,
and in the existing state of foreign affairs, a more
injudicious and unpatriotic act than that of dissolv-
ing a Liberal Parliament, like that which was re-
turned in 1857, never was witnessed in this country.
(Hear, hear.) There is one point more with regard
to the Reform Bill to which I wish to call your at-
tention, and that is the ballot. (Hear, hear.) The
adoption of that measure has been, in my opinion,
greatly retarded by its having been introduced as
an isolated measure. It ought more properly to form
part of an extended reform measure. There are two
indispensable concomitants for the ballot ; one is
a large extension of the franchise, and the other
the abolition of the small or rotten boroughs. (Hear.)
Of the effect of the ballot in small boroughs, I am
extremely doubtful, and I am by no means clear as
to the ultimate effects of the ballot, as to how far
it would be conservative or popular in its re-
sults if adopted throughout the country. I think,
however, on the whole, it would be for the benefit
of society at large, and that it would tend to esta
blish the independence of the voter. (Hear.) I
have read with great regret a pamphlet by Mr.
Stuart Mill, in which he proclaims the fact that he
has changed his opinion on the ballot question.
Now, no one can have a higher opinion of that gen-
tleman's attainments than myself, and no one could
have studied his writings with more respect and
consideration ; but I venture to think that Mr. Mill
is labouring under a mistake. He says that intimi-
dation no longer exists. (Oh, oh, and laughter.) Ho
says that that is not what we have to be apprehen-
sive of ; and he dwells on the advantages of open
voting, the influence of public opinion, and so on ;
but I would venture to submit to you whether, when
you give a man possession of a vote, he is to exer-
cise it in the manner he thinks most advantageous,
or in the manner in which other people may think
most advantageous ? (Hear, hear.) I think that, if
entrusted with the right of voting at all, he should
be able to exercise that right in the most absolute
and independent manner—(hear, hear)—and I
know no way by which you can attain that
object so efficaciously as by giving the protec-
tion of the ballot. (Applause.) Mr. Mill himself
dwells upon the injurious influence produced on men
by the tyranny of public opinion, as he calls it.
Now, if there be in reality a tyranny of public opi-
nion as well as the tyranny of territory and land-
lords, it is expedient that the individual should be
protected from that tyranny. (Hear, hear.) But I
have less apprehension of the tyranny. of public
opinion than I have of the other tyrannies we see
dominant on the continent. (Hear.) We look upon
the political system of the continent with hatred
and abomination. (Hear, hear.) Tyranny leads, I
believe, to every evil, and this war which seems to
be imminent, arises from the attempt to gratify the
ambition of despots. That manifesto which has re-
cently been published in the newspapers by Count
Cavour must, I think, have opened every English-
man's mind to the true character of the struggle on
the continent. It is the liberty of Italy that is at
stake. (Hear, hear.) We in this country are per-
fectly indifferent to the objects and 'ambition of
Louis Napoleon on the one hand, or of the Emperor
of Austria on the other. The Emperor of Austria is
the friend of the Pope, and has entered into league
and alliance with that most infernal political system
which tramples upon the people. I say we can have
no sympathy with his objects. It may be very well
to preserve the treaties of Europe ; but there is
something besides treaties to be considered—the
lives, the liberty, and the happiness of the people
of Italy. (Hear, hear.) I for one am as warm a
friend of peace as any member of the house ; yet I
confess that the immense moral power and influence
of this country might have been used in a very dif•
ferent manner from what they have been b Lord
Malmesbury, in order to promote liberty and civili-
sation in Italy. I confess that if I dissent from the
present Government on home affairs, 1 differ from
them as strongly on foreign ones. They who came
in by a factious intrigue, voting first for the Con-
spiracy Bill, and then voting, for Mr. M. Gibson's'
amendment, which was solely with the view of
defeating by a sidewind the measure which we, i
the real liberal party in the house, had no means