The Sun.
London, England, 1866-11-23 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 23, 186 G.

London and stations within ten mides of it to be
able to purchase at a time 10s. or 20s. worth of
tickets (single and return) instead of being obliged
each time to take tickets in the usual way, the Lon-
don and North Western stated that the company's
arrangements did not include the issue of any tickets
whatever in the mode advocated, and therefore were
unable to comply with the application ; the Great
Western stated it was not their intention to make
any alteration in the existing arrangements for the
issue of tickets to the suburban stations ; the Great
Northern did not consider it expedient to adopt the
suggestion, saying it was to a great extent met by
the issue of season and periodical tickets, and that
the system would be very inconvenient if not im-
practicable ; and the London and Brighton stated
that the suggestion had been found quite impossible
to be carried out.

leave a margin of profit on the return of these bonds
they will as quickly go back. Europeans may rest
assured that American investors prefer their own
Securities to any other,, and the main portion of
their debt will, under almost any circumstances, be
due to citizens of the -United States. A certain
portion of these Bonds are merely used as a medium
of exchange, and become circulated throughout
Europe. But their drift is into the hands of
permanent holders in America, and to be used
as a means for the investment of trust-money,
and other purchases requiring undoubted secu-
rity. As the bonds floating between the con-
tinents become absorbed, the tendency will be
to rise rapidly in market value ; and this process
will be facilitated by the constant purchases on the
part of the Government, with the object of extin-
guishing the debt.—Anglo-American Times.

two-gun screw iron ship, 4,173 tons, and 700-horse
power, built at Birkenhead by Messrs. Laird, one
of the new class of veseels for the conveyance of
troops to India.
The double screw steam gunboat Vixen, 4, from
the eastward, arrived at Plymouth on Wednesday'
She is now at Devonport, undergoing some slight
alterations.

The iron screw steam storeship Buffalo, 2, arrived
at Plymouth on Wednesday evening.
It The armour plated screw steamship Orion, 24,
Capt. C. S. S. Stanhope, was placed on Wednesday
in No. 2 dock, Keyham Steamyard, to have her
bottom cleaned and screw adjusted.
The iron armour plated screw steamship Achilles,
26, Capt. E. W. Vansittart, is ordered to be docked
to-day (Friday) in Keyham Steamyard. She will
be followed by the Caledonia.
The screw steam corvette Satellite, 17, Capt.
Edye, left Plymouth, on Thursday, for China.
The Orontes, screw troopship, Capt. H. W. Hire,
arrived at Portsmouth yesterday from Kingstown,
Ireland, with the depots of the 64th and 73d Regi-
ments on board. The Orontes went into Portsmouth
harbour on arrival at Spithead, and will disembark
her troops this morning at the dockyard. The de-
pot of the 64th Regiment will proceed to Parkhurst,
Isle of Wight, and the 74th depot to Shorncliffe.
The keel of a small gunboat, to be driven by twin
screws, with independent working engines, has been
laid down under No. 4 building shed of Portsmouth
dockyard. She is to be named the Ringdove, and
will be of 663 tons, and of similar dimensions to the
Plover, now building at Deptford yard.: The Ring-
dove's frame is being converted from that of the
Harlequin, a partly built 17 gun corvette, recently
taken down from one of the building shipways of
Portsmouth yard.
The Hector, armoured iron frigate, at Portsmouth,
Captain W. G. Luard, has sent down her foretop-
mast and other upper spars alongside Portsmouth
Dockyard, in process of refit for sea by the 28th
inst. The Research, armoured wooden sloop, Com-
mander R. Scott, and the Helicon, paddlewheel
despatch vessel, Commander E. Field, are also push-
ing forward their refit for sea at the same port, to
complete on the same date as the Hector.
The Vulcan, screw iron troopship, was taken into
dock at Portsmouth yesterday for survey and repair.
The Prussian screw frigate Gazelle, Capt. Henk,
sailed from Spithead yesteiday, at 3 a.m., for the
Mediterranean.

The entry of lads for the Royal Navy has cons
derably increased during the past month at Woo'

wich.

The following appointments were made yesterday
at the Admiralty :—Lieut. A. T. Brooke to be flag-
lieut. to Rear-Admiral the Hon. Geo. F. Hastings,
C.B. ; Lieut. Hunter Kent to the Lion ; Hon. Harry
de V. Pery, naval cadet, to the Zealous ; Henry
Cook, chief engineer, to the Indus, for charge of
the machinery of the Malabar ; Henry Perry, pay-
master, to be secretary to Rear-Admiral the Hon.
Geo. F. Hastings, C.B. ; Wm. 11. Hyde, assist.-
paymaster, to the Pembroke ; John N. Colborne,
assist.-paymaster, to the Donegal ; Frederick C. M.
Sadler, assist-paymaster, to the St. George ; Michael
L. Gedge, assist-paymaster, to the Excellent ;
Matthew Wellington, assist.-paymaster, additional,
to the Zealous, for Rear-Admiral the Hon. Geo. F.
Hastings's office ; Chas. R. Drew, assist.- paymas-
ter, to the Zealous, as secretary's clerk ; Jas. T. A.
White, master's assistant, additional, to the For-
midable, for the Lizard; and Frank E. G. Dent,
clerk, to the Zealous.
The following appointments have been made in
the Royal Naval Reserve :—H• G. Sanders, Edgar
Willbeck, and Wm. C. K. K. John to be Sub.-
Lieuts.

Protection versus Free Trade in America.

The most remarkable writer amongst the hosts
of New York correspondents of the London news-
paper press is the gentleman who styles himself
" A Yankee," and writes as the special cor-
respondent of the Spectator. His letter, dated
New York, October 19, 1866, is a strik-
ing document on " Free Trade and Democracy."
In England Americans are said to be hope-
lessly ignorant of the laws of political economy.
It is accepted as a conclusive proof of this assertion
that the Americans drift year by year further and
further into the errors of Protection. The principles
of economical science are universal, and applicable
alike to all nations. These principles support the
system of Free Trade ; and, add the English, we
have tried both Protection and Free Trade, and have
found practically that the laws of political economy
are true. "A Yankee" does not attempt to con-
trovert the arguments said to prove that Free Trade
is based on sound political economy. He steps alto-
gether out of the line usually taken by Protec-
tionists, and clearly shows what the feelings and
objects of the American people are in adopting so
strongly the principles of Protection. First, he
shows that the arguments brought forward on both
sides of the question are better understood in
America than in any other country. He admits
the full force of those in favour of Free
Trade, and adds that they are never seriously
disputed in America, except by newspapers,
and people who are rabid on the opposite side.
Then he breaks away from the question, to prove
that the American people are actuated by other and
higher motives than mere present gain. Admitting
that Free Trade is simple—so is despotism. Free
Trade is cheap—so despotism might be. Free ex-
change is a great desideratum, but not the greatest.
Labour is best rewarded—other things being equal
—in the freest commercial communities. But other

things are not equal. Americans see that they
could not compete in manufactures against the
pauper labour of Europe, which produces an artifi-
cial inequality, in consequence of a false, oppres-
sive, artificial state of society in the Old
World. Free Trade would tend to perpetuate
this system in Europe they so condemn. If
abundance of labour be supplied to the
population of European countries, emigration
would be checked, and the artificial system now in
force preserved. America would become the gra-
nary and raw-material-producing country for the
mills and workshops of Europe. The political
economists of Europe say this is what America ought
to be—what the true principles of political economy
say she must be. But it is precisely what the
American people say they won't be. It is better,
on the whole, for the country as a whole to have
Protection or Free Trade. That is—putting the
question to an individual—will you buy your clothes
and tools cheap, or encourage home manufactures
by buying them dear? Do you wish the country
to be reduced to the production of raw materials
only—cotton, grain, tobacco, sugar, wool, beef, and
pork, a purely agricultural country ; or one with a
diversified interest of manufactures and agriculture?
The citizens of the Union have answered that " We
"are ready to protect our larger interest against
" our little needs and cravings. We see and know
" the price we pay for such legislation ; but we see
" also our gain as a nation. As individuals we of
"this generation suffer, that the nation may secure
"in the fature the ends we have in view. As a
" people, we seek something better than to get all
"we can and keep all we get." " The bulwark of
" Protection in America," says the Spectator,
_ _

commenting on this letter, "is a belief diffused
" among the whole ruling class of freeholders that
" without it America would assume her natural posi-
" tion as a great producing country occupied by a
" single class, while they want it to be occupied by
" many—would become a country of simple civilisa-
" tion, while they want it to be one of complex.
" Society would be natural, whereas they want it
"to be highly artificial. The Americans are all
" wrong, as wrong as women would be who, assert-
" ing that dress can aid beauty, drew thence the
" deduction that tight lacing and art in dress were
" naturally indispensable. Protection no more
" multiplies the forms of industry or of social life
" than confinement in a pipe multiplies the ripples
"of a stream." But what about diverting the
stream, with regard to the ripples? If a portion of the
stream itself be turned aside, the ripples of the stream
will certainly be lessened. Americans assert that
Protection, as applied to their country, fosters nume-
rous paths of industry,insures to workmen high wages,
and thus draws from Europe the under-paid artisans,

at the same time that it promotes those branches of
industry which, whatever may be the present sacri-
fice, will become 'looted in the country, and eventu-
ally tend to national prosperity. Then, in the
future, when the position becomes equal—that is,
when manufacturing industry in America is able to
compete on equal terms with the manufacturing in-
dustry of Europe, and the diversified interests of
the country are secured, no further sacrifices of the
people will be necessary—the true principles of po-
litical economy will become applicable, and Free
Trade be adopted. At present the adoption of
Free Trade by America would vastly benefit Europe,
and might benefit the present generation of
Americans. But America will not legislate
for the benefit of Europe ; and is willing to
submit to individual loss to secure in the
end a great result. It is in vain to argue on ab-
stract principles to prove Free Trade right and
Protection wrong with people who admit the truth
of the principles advanced, but declare that they are
actuated by other motives into which these prin-
ciples only casually enter. The circumstances are
peculiar, and Americans hold that they are better
judges of these circumstances than European poli-
tical economists. They have the example of the
Southern States before them as to what became of
a purely agricultural system. They are equally
opposed to erecting any one State into a purely
manufacturing district. They maintain that agri-
culture and manufactures should go hand in hand—
that the mill should stand in the neighbourhood of

the farm, and that every community should be
within itself as complete as it can possibly be made.
They hold that nature alone should place limits on
the productive industry of each State of the Union,
but that no artificial restrictions in favour of any

oreign country should be allowed.—Anglo-Aineri-

can Times.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.--The Recruiting Commissioners were
brought at the close of their report to a very gene-
ral but very necessary conclusion, on which, though
it was the most important subject of their inquiry,
they found themselves with but little room to expa-
tiate. They had remarked, truly enough, that the
military forces of this country were organised in
two distinct establishments—the army for general
service, and the militia for service at home. They
bad further remarked that recent events had taught

us the necessity of maintaining a far stronger force
for home service than formerly, and of keeping it
in greater readiness for action. Now, as they did
not propose to increase the strength of the regular
army, it was obvious that they must come to some
reform of the militia, and that, in fact, was their
conclusion. They had, however, devoted almost
the whole of their report to the comparatively
limited question of providing with greater ease and
certainty for the periodical recruiting of the regular
force ; so that when the momentous question of a
reserve appeared for consideration it was despatched
iu the following words :—" We are of opinion that
it is to our militia we must look for the solid and
constitutional reserve of the country, and we would

earnestly recommend that more attention should be
given to its organisation ; that its numbers should
be maintained up to the full legal quota, and that,
so far as is possible, the period for drilling the re-
cruits should be more extended." In , those very
general terms is comprised all that the commis-
sioners have to say about the maintenance of an
efficient reserve for the protection of the kingdom
under the conditions of modern warfare, and we
shall best understand the insufficiency of the sug-

gestion if we imagine the actual realisation of the
contingency against which preparations are to be
made. Let us suppose, then, that an invasion of
England has been attempted, and that an enemy has
landed on our shores with such an army as powerful

monarchies now bring into the field. We should be
called on, therefore, to meet this army on the instant
with an organised force of at least 100,000 men,
and we should require at least 100,000 more to sup-
port them. What means do we possess for such a
purpose ? The regular army, to which would be
our first appeal, might supply, as the Commission-
ers observe, a contingent of some 40,000 or 50,000
effective troops of all arms, and this calculation is
certainly as liberal as possible. If the militia, in-
stead of being, as it is, imperfect, were all that the
Commissioners recommend, we might possibly have
80,000 or 90,000 men of this force at our disposal ;
but it is still certain that under our present system
even this army could not be immediately brought
into the field for active service. If any military
commander were asked to state upon paper what
he would require for a month's campaign against
an invading army, his requisitions would be simply
equivalent to a catalogue of our deficiencies. The
only way to look at this subject is to imagine
the reality of the presumed occurrence. We
should have to march against the suppos:d enemy
exactly as the Prussians marched against the Aus-
trians—only with still less choice of time or place.
But the Prussians had behind their first line of
troops a second line equally good, and behind
this a third as able as the others. Of still greater
importance is it to observe that all these troops
formed so many portions of one homogeneous, well
amalgamated army. Some were on active service ;
some had been called out as reserves ; but all had
been trained to act together ; all knew their
places, and the whole machine could be put in
motion II ith as much - ease and steadiness as a
column marching out of Aldershott. Nor was this
all. In attendance on those divisions were all
the subsidiary forces which an army in the field
requires, and every one of these departments was as
complete and as effective as could be wished. Every
inch of the country to be traversed was known ;
every possible obstacle anticipated, and communi-
cations, under all imaginable circumstances, were
infallibally insured. Food, ammunition,medical aid,
and comforts were all secured in adequote supplies
by services properly organised beforehand, so that
the efficiency of the entire army was guaranteed.
Nothing less than this should we also require in the
event of an invasion, and how much of it have we
got ? We have not got even the men to begin with.
We may allow that our regular army of 40,000
men would be supported by as good an auxiliary
force of Volunteers as could be desired ; but of the
militia, or army destined by constitutional theory
for this particular service, how much could we com-
mand ? Perhaps hardly 50,000 men ; but even
that is not the most important point. These militia-
men—whether few or many—would certainly not
be competent in respect of discipline or practice to
enter the line with regular troops. They would
bear no such relation to the men of the line as the
Prussian Landwehr bear to the Prussian army.
There would have been no previous association, and
there could be no practical amalgamation. Accord
ing to theory, there ought, for this particular kind
of service, to be as complete an analogy between a
regiment of militia and a regiment of the line as
there is between one regiment of the line and ano-
ther. The militia, we repeat, is nothing but an
army exempted from foreign service. For home
service it is, or should be, as real, perfect, and dis-
posable an army as the regular army itself. We
need hardly be at the pains of adding that in fact it
is no such thing. The first step, therefore, after
raising our home army to a proper numerical
strength, is to assimilate its quality as regards its
special duties to the quality of the line, so that one
force may be competent to co-operate effectively
with the other in the hour of need. After this how
much is there that remains to be done in the subsi-
diary departments? Have we any organised means
whatever for supplying an army of evenso,ooo men
with victuals, munitions, and medical comforts at
that " sudden call" which the commissioners find
themselves compelled to contemplate ? We need not
pursue these inquiries. Any person, whether soldier
or civilian, will answer them quickly enough for him-
self. We must expand, therefore, the concise gene-
ralities of the Commissioners' Report into more
definite considerations. True enough it is that
the whole problem before us is involved in the
" numbers" and " organisation" of the militia ; but
the numbers, it is evident, should be increased ;
while, as to the organisation, that is a term which
comprehends in itself all the conditions we have
been describing. There are two methods of" or-
ganising" the militia—one by making it mainly a
force of retired soldiers, like the Prussian Land-
wehr ; the other by keeping it, as it is, a dis-
tinct army. The Commissioners incline to the
latter; indeed, they wish to see re-engaged in the
regular army all those time-expired men who, upon
the other system, would fall into the militia. This,
however, is a point deserving of serious attention.
In times when the distinction between the army and
the militia was preserved by the broad contrast be-
tween compulsory and voluntary service there might
be good grounds for keeping the fact always in view.
But at present, with the ballot for the militia in
abeyance, the recruits for the two services are drawn
from the same sources and in the same manner, and
it is a question whether this recruiting might not
be conducted more effectually by making ser-
vice in the line shorter and easier on condition
of subsequent service in the militia. In other
words, we should enlist men for both our armies at
once—for the regular army up to a certain fixed
period, and for the home army afterwards. This
plan, we are aware, is not universally popular with
militia officers, many of whom would rather see the
militia feeding the line than the line feeding the