The Sun.
London, England, 1859-11-12 00:00:00

THE S 3 N, LONDON, SATURDAY .EVENING, INOVEMIIVR 12, ISS9,.

slaves of America. The fears of the timid, the hero- '
ism of the brave, the conscience of the scrupulous, the
self-love of the vain, were appealed to on the theme
of the declaration ; so that no explanation seemed to
reach the multitude of the deluded. The senti-
meat ran like wildfire through the country, like
the accusation of poisoning in seasons of plague,
or of hoarding in times of famine. Did it never
occur to those misguided men that the en-
gagement they were invited freely to sign, and
which they have denounced so fiercely, is a
thousand times less injurious to their absolute
freedom and independence than the articles of the
trades' un ions by which they are voluntarily bound?"
The whole force of the argument comprised in this
masterly paper is summed up, however, in its
closing sentence : " The great question is,
whether our care and zeal in legislation, and in
promoting the intelligence of our countrymen,
can restore to the industrial classes the true Bri-
tish liberties which are placed in abeyance by
such a secret organisation of trades as has under-
mined the groundwork of society in England."
It is a momentous question that thrusts itself just
now very impressively upon the attention more or
less of the whole mass of the community, and
demands at the earliest date possible the resolute
response of the Legislature.

THE NEW SCREW LINE-OF-BATTLE

AFIIIP J7CTORI4.

This magnificent ship, which will be launched on
Saturday (this day) from Portsmouth Yard, in the
presence of her Majesty and the Royal family, de-
serves particular notice as being larger than any
line-of-battle ship now afloat, and also as being the
first three-decker that has been designed expressly
as a screw-steamer. Her actual displacement when
at her load-line will amount to very nearly 7,000
tons, which is greater than that of every other ship
of war by nearly 1,000 tons !
We have at present afloat five screw three- deckers
—the Marlborough, Royal Sovereign, Duke of
Wellington, Royal Albert, and Royal George.
These were originally designed for sailing ships ;
the first three by the late Surveyor of the Navy,
Sir William Symonds ; the Royal Albert by the
late Mr. Oliver Lang. The Royal George was built
on the lines of the old Caledonia, and was launched
at Chatham in 1827,
To adapt these vessels for the reception of the
screw, they were altered as follows :—the Marl-
borough was lengthened in midships and at each
end, and was also increased slightly in breadth ;
the Duke of Wellington and Royal Sovereign
were lengthened in midships and by the stern ; the
Royal Albert was lengthened by the stern; and
the Royal George had only the screw aperture cut
in her deadwood, and was not lengthened at all.
The following table, showing the comparative prin-
cipal dimensions of these ships and of the Victoria,
will be found interesting to those of our readers
who regard with satisfaction and pride any addi-
tion to the naval resources of the country :

!
• .S•.' •—•
7, I) E . .
, c,
NAME 0 •B' tt m-8 g
,74 el.t. E-4
Fad r:4
P-1
ft. in. ft. in.! ft. in.
Royal George . 102 400005 754 61.23 2 2616
Royal Albert
Duke of Wellington 131 ; 700 240 6160 1 X 24 8 3771
Royal Sovereign
Marlborough
Victoria , 121 .1000,260 0,60 0 '26 10; 4112

It will be observed that the Victoria, though
larger than the Marlborough, does not carry so
many guns. The armament of the Victoria is, how-
ever, the heavier of the two, as she carries on the
middle and lower decks nothing but 68-pounders,
as will be seen by the following table :
Ins. Cwt. Fee'. No.
Lower Deck.... 8.
Middle Deck.... 5. 65.... 9 0....30
Main. Deck. 32 prs 56.... 9 6....32
-Upper Deck.... 32 prs 42 8 0....26
Do. do. ....68 pr. pivot 95.-10 0.... 1

Total

.121

The engines of the Victoria are by Messrs. Maud-
slay, Sons, and Field, and are of the nominal
power of 1,000 horses.
The Duncan, 91, Prince of Wales, 131, and Royal
Frederick, 91, all screw ships, and building under
roofs contiguous to that of the Victoria, are to be
launched by the end of filo present financial year.
The Royal Alfred, a 91-gun screw ship, is to be
laid down immediately on the slip vacated by the
Victoria.

The Victoria's keel was laid in the early part of
February, 185 G. She has been, therefore, but
three years and 10 months building. We recently
had the satisfaction of inspecting her, and in justice
to Mr. Abethell, the Master-Shipwright of Ports-
mouth Dockyard, under whose superintendence she
has been built, we must state that as a specimen of
sound and careful shipbuilding, the Victoria cannot
be surpassed. As her Majesty the Queen will at-
tend the launch in r-erson, it is generally expected
that her appreciation of Mr. Abethell's services in
this respQct, and of his eminence as one of the fore-
most naval architects of the country, will be marked
by her Majesty conferring the honour of knightood
upon him on the occasion.—Mechanics' Magazine.

LATEST NEWS.

--G- -

The following telegrams 111.21-e been received at
Mr. neuter's office:—

PARIS; ATURDAY.

The Moniteur of this morning says—

The different Assemblies of the Central Italian
States have agreed to offer the Regency to Prince
Carignan.

This resolution is to be regretted, especially under
the present circumstances of the approaching as-
sembling of an European Congress—called to de-
liberate on the affairs of Italy—because it tends to
prejudge questions which must there be settled.

PARIS, FRIDAY.

The Patrie of this evening says—We are assured
that the King of Sardinia has replied to the letter
of the Emperor of the French, and that King Victor
Emmanuel, in his reply, expresses confidence in the
sympathies of the Emperor Napoleon in favour of
the Italian cause, and declares that he (the King)
will leave to the decision of the Congress all that
which relates to the reorganisation of Italy.

MADRID, Nov. 10.

Yesterday the Moors, with a force of 1,000 men,
continued their attack upon Ceuta. The besieged
were preparing to make a sortie to repulse them.
The Cortes had been prorogued for one week.

VIENNA, Nov. 12.

An Imperial autograph letter has been addressed
to the Minister of Finance, Baron von Bruck, ex-
pressing the desire of the Emperor to make good
the deficit in the budget of the years 1860 to 1861.
In order to carry out the desire of the Emperor,
a committee will be appointed, whose work is to be
terminated at the end of March, and the result
submitted to the Council of the Empire.
In accordance with the Articles 13 and 16 of the
decree dated April 13,1851, the number of members
of the Council of the Empire will temporarily be
increased for the discussion of this subject.

FRANCE.

PARIS, FRIDAY.

THE BOURSE, Nov. IT.—The market continues
heavy Threes, after having been done at 70f. 20c.,
receded to 70f. 10c. Mobilier varied from 790 f.
to 786 f. 25c. ; Lyons, 896 f. 25c. to 892 f. 50c.;
Orleans, 1,372 f. 50c. to 1,370 f. ; Southern, 522 f.
50c. to 518 ff. 75c. ; Northern, 950 f. to 947 f. 50c.
The following were the last quotations :

4i per Cents. 95 50 : Credit Foncier....
Do. end month ——l Belgian 41 . 99 --
3 per Cents 7O 15 Piedmontese (5) .. 85 50
Do. end month 7O 15 Roman B7
Bank Shares. 28f15 Austrian
Credit Mobilier .. 787 50 Spanish Threes
Do. Account

FRANCE AND ENGLAND.

FROM A FRENCH POINT OF VIEW.

Englishmen have been discussing for several
weeks now the probabilities of a war with France,
what are the preparations on either side of the
Channel, and what is likely to be the issue of the
conflict. One day we see a panic; then the panic
is laughed at; next we seem to be taking matters
coolly; then again we argue the point seriously,but
without fear ; we go to work with vigour, 'we say
that an invasion is not very probable, but it is best
to be prepared, and we watch narrowly all that our
neighbours are saying and doing. They, in turn,
have their eyes upon us, and now sneer, now criti-
cise, now remonstrate, now threaten, In the midst
of so ranch that is, if not alarming, at least menacing,
it is pleasant to come upon a party of Frenchmen
who thoroughly sympathize with us, who regard
with horror the prospect of a war between the two
countries ; who agree with us in thinking that the
attitude of France is quite unjustifiable ; and who
are anxious that England should place herself in a
position of so much force as to prevent the possi-
bility of attack. It will at once be divined that
such sympathy cannot at the present moment find
full expressioq in France. We find it in the pages
of a French review published in London, and con-
ducted with no small ability. The Revue Indepen-
&cute (issued by Jeffs) is a monthly magazine de-
voted to politics, philosophy, literature, science,
and art. It was started in July last ; it is edited,
in part, at least, by M. Gustave Masson, the French
master at Harrow, and it represents the opinions of
the most sober Liberals.
.Of course, a French
review conducted in this country is exceedingly in-
terested in the question of peace or war, and the
antagonism of the party which it represents to the
Imperial policy gives a warmth to its denunciations
of what in any aspect must be regarded as a cala-
mity and a crime. There are few new facts to be
gleaned from these pages. The interest of the
articles to which we refer depends almost entirely
on this, that the views which they advance run
parallel with the views of Englishmen, and are ex-
pressed with all the vivacity for which the French
are distinguished. It may not be amiss to give
some of these opinions in detail.
The point which is most strongly enforced is that
a war with England is inevitable,--that in France
it is the universal topic of conversation, and that it
would be very popular If it were not popular,
means could easily be taken to make it so. Not-
withstanding 40 years of peace, the old national
jealousy has not been extinguished. Especially
on the whole of the coast from Dunkirk to
Bayonne this jealousy remains in full force, and
the people regard their implacable animosity as a
patriotic virtue. This is perfectly evident in the
diatribes of the journals which receive their inspi-
ration from the Government ; and from an intimate
acquaintance with the coasts of the Channel, of
Normandy, and of Brittany, one writer declares
that these envenomed effusions meet with a hearty
reception from the maritime population. It is the
same in Paris. The feeling against England is
gathering strength on every side, nobody can tell
through what inspiration, and Englishmen who
have to transact business in the metropolis find, we
are told, that they are not received as before. The
writer who publishes this unwelcome news would
be more entitled to credit, if in the next sentence he
did not proceed to enter into details. " Un de mes
amis, Anglais, qui revient de la Touraine," he says,
"y a reconnu les memos symptOmes ; et son domes-
tique lui a repete des conversations vraiment tres-
alarmantesqu'il a eu avec des domestiques Fran-
cais." The opinion of John Thomas had better be
kept in the background. It can 'only excite the
laughter of Englishmen, who at once perceive that
Nanette and Baptiste discovered the tender places
of his manly bosom and stuck pins into him with-
)ut mercy. The opinions of the other informants
of the Revue Independunte are more respectable,
and there is reason to believe that the war feeling
is really growing. The project of a war with Eng-
land, we are told, is everywhere the order of the
day in France. In the high places of power, in
the public offices, in the army, in the navy, among
the working classes, and among men of business, it
is incessantly discussed, and the universal belief is
that if ever the design seems to be abandoned it is
only because the preparations are incomplete and
it is necessary to gain time. French co-operation
in China is only a makebelieve, and the more ardent
that co-operation is the more certainly is it a snare.
That the army should desire war we can well
understand. Apart from any particular feeling of
hostility to England, a great army of 600,000 or
700,000, well clad, well fed, intoxicated with flat-
teries, and greedy of advancement, must have work;
but, from the private to the general officer, the
entire force is especially bent on a war with this
country. As a singular exception, we are told of a
General officer who had the courage to deelare that
if there was to be a war with England he would
break his sword and refuse to obey ; but the general
feeling is enthusiastic in favour of a descent upon
our shores which the first Empire failed to effect,
but which the second Empire is destined to achieve.
On the 20th of August last there was a dinner given
at Versailles to 6,500 of the Imperial Guard. The
tables were laid in the Orangery, and each soldier
was in his place under the command of his chief.
At the end of the banquet the public was allowed to
mingle with the soldiers and indulge their faculty
for *staring and asking questions. One of these goes
up to a Zouave who had an enormous gash on his
face, and says, "My fine fellow, you have a wound
to be proud of, and it does not disfigure you, though
you have lost your eye. Where were you wounded ?"
" At Magenta," was the answer, and we have the
whole history of it. " Well, then, I suppose you have
now had enough of war ?" proceeds the admiring
civilian. " Moi, Monsieur ! Si dans quatre mois,
comme nous l'esperons bien, on nous mene en An-
g.leterre, je demanderai encore a etre le premier."
We have the records of many such conversations.
Another Zouave astonishes the women in a railway
carriage by the announcement that the French army
will be at it again next spring. " We are going to
England," "To England !" cries an astonished
woman. "'Yes, Madame, we go to England in the
spring, or a little later." " And why there ?"
" Dame, dame, pour nous revenger, pour nous re-
venger," cries the excited Zouave. " To revenge
what ? France and England are allies ; they can-
not make war." " Ah, oui, Madame; I know the
English well; they are good soldiers ; they fight
well, they stand well ; we esteem them, but we
hate them, don't you see! This can't last:' " But
what is it all' about ? I don't understand." " Look
hero, Madame ; I si ill tell you. We licked Russia be-
cause she laid her paw upon Turkey; we licked
Austria because she was playing the deuce with
Italy. We shall give it to England next, because
we are not going to stand her treatment of the In-
dies and that unhappy Ireland." " It is not easy
going to England," observed the lady quietly.
" Ah, =bah !. we shall go all the sane, et moi qui
vous parle, je demande a y elle le premier.
respere bien quo je ne serai pas le seul!" Can
anything be conceived finer than that climax? How
sublime, and how thoroughly characteristic !
" J'espere bien quo je ne serai pas le seul !" His
enthusiasm fired a sergeant of the Chasseurs, who
exclaimed, " Certainly not ; you shall not be alone;
all the world will go with you." This is a fair
specimen of military conversation. The army is
unanimous for a war with England, and so is the
navy, which, indeed, has a special stake in the ven-
ture. If we are to be invaded, it is on the French
fleets that the first dependence must be placed. It
is the French navy that in the last war suffered the
greatest reverses, and it owes us a much deeper
grudge than the army does. The thirst for ven-
geance, accordingly, is doubly strong in this arm of
the service. In the navy the desire for war amounts
to a frenzy. The sailors cannot name England
without going off into fits, and we can infer what
is their ardour when they speak of crossing the
Channel. The more sober among them, however,
think that a war cannot be hazarded between the
two countries till 1861, as 18 months will at least
be required to complete the accumulation of coals.
Brost, which ordinarily requires between 4,000 and
5,000 tons of coal a-year, has already in store at
least 50,000 tons, and Cherbourg is supposed to be

equally well provided, but these quantities are not
considered sufficient.

The Church is as eager for war as either army or
navy. Everybody will be convinced of this who
looks at the U-22 •s, whicht.is possessed with the
idea of Fngland, and works up its readers into great
excitement by the mere mention of our name. The
most insulting statements appear daily in its
columns, and, spite of the inexhaustible eloquence
of the editor, it is evident that words fail to do jus-
tice to the force of his emotions. The Univers may
be regarded as the genuine organ of clerical opinion.
It has led the clergy in important junctures, and
given them the tone. On one romarkable occasion,
when the majority of the clergy revolted in a
manner against the journal, then less powerful
than it is now, the Pope himself took its part,
and under the pontifical shield there is almost
nothing which is too outrageous for the jour
nal to commit. A crusade against Protestant
England would delight the clergy ; and as they
chanted Hosannalis for the grand Turk in the
Crimean war, we can well believe that they are
prepared to fulminate most vigorously against here-
tical and perfidious Albion. At the present moment
especially this temper ought to be watched. It so
happens that the Imperial Government is, through
its revolutionary designs with reference to the Holy
Father, in very bad odour with the French clergy,
and the goodwill of the clergy has hitherto been
deemed essential to the safety of the empire. How
is that goodwill to be recovered ? Nothing would
so effectually reinstate the Imperial Government in
the affection of the church as a war waged with the
most conspicuous opponent of Roman Catholicism.
Missionaries would fight side by side with Zouaves,
and when the bayonet had done its work we should
have the sweet consolations of the priesthood.
Public opinion was at first strongly opposed to the
war in Italy, and even when this sentiment had
completely changed there were large numbers of
pious Frenchmen who regarded the Imperial policy
with extreme jealousy. There would be no such
hesitation as to a war with England. When the
clergy and the army go hand in hand the combina-
tion is irresistible.

It is maintained, also, that even those classes
which we might suppose committed to a ceaseless
contest with the Imperial policy would look on
the war with favour,—we mean the Legitimists.
That the Legitimists hate us we have long been
aware, but it might be imagined that they must
hate the French Emperor still more. If, however,
we might form a judgment from the sort of articles
that appear in the organ of the party, it would
seem that nothing does it so much desire as the
humiliation of England. Why, it may be asked ?
The Legitimists owe more to England than to any
other nation in the world, and they are more in-
debted to us than any other party in France. They
ought to be our best friends. Those who argue to
such a conclusion, however, forget that no burden
is so galling to a rival as the obligation of gratitude,
and that if between man and man the duty is diffi-
cult and the burden oppressive, between nation and
nation the duty is impossible and the obligation in-
tolerable. Parties are not actuated by gratitude as
individuals are. The necessities of party survive
when the benefits that have been conferred on pre-
vious members of the party have long been for-
gotten, or are remembered but as a hateful proof of
superiority. The Legitimists hate us for the ser-
vice we have done them, even more than for the
original rivalry—the old French feeling towards
England, which in right of their historical pre-
cedents they are supposed to represent. Nor must
it be imagined that this Legitimist party is without
power. It has little direct, but a great deal of in.
direct power. If it is weak in politics, it is strong
in society. It is very wealthy, enlightened, and re-
ligious ; it has possession of the soil to a large ex-
tent; it has great influence in the agricultural dis-
tricts, and in reckoning the forces which are opposed
to us in the event ofa war we must not overlook an
element so potent. In such an event it is maintained
in the Revue Independante that, more from passion
than from policy, the Legitimist party will give
their hand to the Imperial Government. It will be
a national opportunity of reconciliation, and they
will only be too glad to seize it.
Thus, in a war with England, the French Em-

peror has the power of satisfying army and navy,
of gratifying the clergy, of winning over the Legiti-
mists, and of securing the suffrages of a united
people. The object is so tempting that naturally
one catches at every little indication of the Imperial
purpose, beginning, of course, with the words ut-
tered long ago,—" I represent a cause, a principle,
and a defeat,"— the defeat being Waterloo, which
remains to be avenged. When President of the
Republic, Louis Napoleon is reported to have said
to more than one person that the restoration of the
Empire could have but one object—the avenging of
Waterloo and of St. Helena. When the Empire
was restored it is true that he disclaimed all warlike
intentions, all revengeful motives, and announced
himself as a perfect lamb,—" The Empire is peace."
But the world had soon an opportunity of seeing
what he meant by peace. There was the war with
Russia, and no sooner was that war brought to a
close than an event occurred which was the first
overt sign of the Emperor's real intention towards
England. It is urged that the creation of the St.
Helena medal just at that moment was an unmis-
takeable proof of ulterior views on the part of Na-
poleon 111. Why select such a name to commemo-
rate the glories of the first Napoleon andthe empire
which he created ? What does the name of St.
llelena recall ? Does it signify that which was
most characteristic in the history of Bonaparte ? On
the contrary, it signifies his defeat; it signifies the
power of England ; it signifies the humiliation of
the Empire. And why commemorate such an event
with a medal, if not for some ulterior object ? That
object, it is argued, must have been to rekindle the
feeling of antagonism to England, and gradually to
prepare for s war when the time should come ; and
Napoleon had the skill to effect his purpose while
remaining our ally.:—
" Pourquoi, on 1856, fonder une croix de ce genre ? Ou
en Stait le besoin quoi bon?—qui la rSclamait ? Per-
sonne, ni en France, ni surtout en Europe. II n'y avait
qu'un soul homme qui y p6t conger, et c'etait Napoleon
111. le soul qui pit en profiter. Reviver, sous apparence
de recompense patriotic, toutes lee coleres nationales centre
Albion, rallumer . les haines, sans paraitre faire autre
chose qu'un acte de reconnaissance au nom de la famille
Bonaparte, c'6tait un merveilleux stratageme ; et je vous
rSponds qu'il a ports sec fruits. C'est depuis cette Spoque
quo la, fareur Gontre l'Anglais a repris do plus belle."

Our conduct to Napoleon when, in the com-
mencement of last year, ho demanded a Conspiracy
Bill, has added flame to fuel, and has given him the
motive of personal vengeance to strengthen the
motives of family pride and national hate., It is,
in fact, the crime of Orsini, we are informed, that
has decided him to make war on England, as if Eng-
land were an accomplice in the attempt of the
Rue Lepelletier any more than in the celebrated ex-
pedition to Boulogne. Accordingly we see prepara •
tions on foot, and it is noted that on the last occasion
on which Napoleon referred to the English alliance,
he dwelt bitterly on the sacrifices which he had made
in order to maintain it. The war is universally be-
lieved in by official men in France, who think of it
triumphantly as about to be the crowning proof of
the wisdom and the power of their Imperial chief.
M. Dupin, in his address to the department of
Clamecy, tried to conceal the aggressive nature of
the French preparations for war by turning the in-
dignation of his hearers upon this country. It is
we who are arming, we who are troubling the
stream. From these, and many such statements of
the public men of France, the conclusion is drawn
that an order has gone forth, and that it is doing
its wicked work most rapidly, raising all the bad
passions of our nature, so that when the auspicious
moment arrives the explosion will appear to be as
spontaneous as it must be terrible. All is prepared
for it, and one might not unreasonably argue even
that the amnesty which immediately after the
peace of Villafranca was offered to all political
offenders, and which many persons interpreted as
the inauguration of a change in the Imperial
policy, the pledge of peace, was essentially a step,
and a most important step, towards a war with
this country. It was necessary to pardon the re-
fugees, in order that England might not have the
chance of saying that Napoleon makes war upon
the country which is the asylum of his liberty-
,loving subjects, in order that no part of the French

nation might, in the event of a war, have anY
excuse for remaining in England and giving ber
the moral value of their presence.
It will not be difficult to find the OXCII3O for a
war—be it Ireland, be it India, be it EgyPt, or be
it some naval collision like that of the Charles et
Georges. The question is, how are we to be Pre:
pared for it ? On the most obvious answer to this
question we need not dwell. we must arm'
Besides arms, however, we have another defence,
which we are glad to see recognised by our French
friends, and the full force of which none kn°lc',
better than Napoleon himself; it is the force 01
public opinion. This is a weapon which, as far as
Europe is concerned, is of modern date, and whicm.
is every day acquiring more and more vigour. I"
the weapon of a statesman, Canning was perhaps
the first of our Foreign Ministers who made wile.
use of it for the furthering of his views, but in b. 15
1
time the weapon was blunt of edge and soft 11,5
temper. Lord Palmerston inherited Canning
confidence in the weapon ; Europe has in his ti/
been so much opened up to English influence tb.fl
i
he could use it with much effect, and he has relied
more upon it than any other of our statesmen. 1,1
peculiar hold upon this principle, indeed,
he enumerates in speech after speech throug,loll.
" Hansard," is the key to much that is enigma_
tical and apparently derogatory in his foreign P°
hey. It has been said that he has all his life been
.
talking one policy and acting another, that he bai:
uttered brave words which have never been f° t
lowed by brave deeds. This is so far true t 4,,
from his point of view opinion is a tretnena°llo;
power, and words are living things. lire 111°1.0.11ht
have a right to draw the sword, but have a rl'oa
to express opinions, and opinions aro often as gifno
as cannon-balls. No man knows this better I"4
the French Emperor, who in the manifeSto
Milan professed to understand the value of 'Oro
influence on his epoch, and in the defence f t
Sen,
Villafranca treaty showed clearly enough biS od
sitiveness to public opinion. But with a fetter's
press (and were we to state some of the reali,
why the French press i.. fettered with half th,le in
cense which the Revue Indepeudante has used led
its latest issue, we shouldbs accused of unparalleled
delinquency and a malignantpartiality for sond
so
the Emperor has a weapon which is not pearl/en.
efficient as thas which an English Thatstatesina
joys in the perfect publicity of our affairs. no
publicity is a protection to us, and as we befvevot
reserve in the expression of our opinion it willesa
be supposed that we say one thing and a.
another. We thank our French friends for rernit'he
ing us that if there is to be a war with Englanclwill
greatest enemy with which our neighbours
oar
have to contend is the simple truth, and that
best ally will be the light of day.—Times.