The Sun.
London, England, 1866-05-17 00:00:00

Smoke in Towns.

A public letter was recently sent from the Home-
office to the Mayors or local authorities in several
of our chief towns, making inquiries in relation to
the prevention of the nuisance arising from smoke,
and a paper has been issued stating the substance of
the replies to this circular. From Stoke-on-Trent
we learn that, though the Local Government Act
has been adopted, the law is a dead letter through-
out the pottery districts. At Derby the law is not
so generally observed as it ought to be ; at Sheffield
the nuisance has been to some extent diminished,
but the manufacturers generally evince reluctance
to comply with the by-laws ; at Sunderland the
nuisance has diminished, but the enforcement of the
law has been very partial. But what are laws if they
are not enforced ? The Liverpool return states that
the smoke nuisance has considerably diminished
under the local Act of 1854, but the law might be
made more effectual. The Birmingham return is
that the quantity of smoke issuing from the various
furnaces has been greatly diminished, and the atmo-
sphere is purer ; at Huddersfield the average amount
of reduction of dense smoke is from 10 to 6 ; at
Leicester the small amount of smoke, considering
the number of long chimneys, is the subject of ob-
servation to all strangers. At Newcastle-upon-Tyne
a considerable recluctibn of the nuisance has been
effected ; and so also at Leeds. From Manchester
the result is stated to be a marked improvement.
But there is another return from Manchester, pub-
lished by- the Registrar-General; Mr. Leigh, the
registrar of the sub-district of Deansgate, reporting
on the first quarter of the present year, says :
,4 Coal smoke forms a continual dark and dense
canopy over the town, and causes a murkiness in
the streets from which they are never free. On the
finest day the air is darkened by haze, -and the
prospect seems bounded as by an impenetrable
wall. ' Blacks' settle on the streets and footpaths,
find their way into the houses, soil and damage fur-
niture and wearing apparel and other things, till it
is generally recognised that light-coloured clothes
cannot be worn in Manchester, nor the hands're-
main clean, if ungloved. The constant inhalation
of these black particles (of which an analysis is
given) must be highly irritating to the lungs, and
productive in many instances of an amount of in-
flammation sufficient to induce incipient phthisis or
bronchitis, or to determine the recurrence of these
where a predisposition exists. There is besides these
black particles issuing from our factory chimneys,
a more finely precipitated matter, which in the
country curls,- among the trees from the roof of a
cottage, and in Manchester forms the constant haze
of our streets. Ido not think any scientific in-
vestigation has yet been made of it. It is not
gaseous, for it does not diffuse ; it is not simply
vaporous. When it. saturates or charges a Novem-
ber fog it is sticky and exclusively irritating to the
eyes and throat. It must in a less degree be a con-
stant source of irritation under the ordinary condi-
tions of a smoky atmosphere. It proceeds from the
imperfect combustion of bituminous matter, and
partially from the distillation of the least volatile
products of coal. From experiments I have made
on it lam satisfied that it is in some degree bitu-
minous. . . . A smoky town atmosphere must
contain an abnormal amount of carbonic acid, and a
distinct amount of sulphuretted hydrogen and of
sulphurous acid ; and I know of no circumstance
more likely to predispose a population for the recep-
tion of fever or cholera than the constant inhalation
of an atmosphere vitiated by the presence of sal-
phuretted hydrogen. The gas does exist in the
atmosphere of Manchester. From the chimney of a
perfect furnace nothing ought to be evolved but in-
visible carbonic acid, sulphurous acid, and watery
vapour ; all else means waste of coal and injury to
health. . . . Manchester must be regarded in
many respects as a model town ; but it is one of the
least healthy in the kingdom. Children under five
years of age contribute half of the total mortality,
while in the agricultural:districts one-third of the
deaths is their proportion. The artisan's wife dies
in middle age ; and his own career is cut short long
before he has reached the 70 years' term allotted to
man."

THE CHURCH ESTATES.—The 15th annual report
of the Church Estates Commissioners has just been
presented to Parliament, from which we extract the most
important paragraphs. The Commissioners state :—We
have transferred to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners for
England during the past year a sum of £50,000, in respect
of the surplus proceeds of enfranchisements completed.
The aggregate amount which has been paid over or trans-
ferred to the account of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners
is now £1,250,207 2s. 2d., in addition to £140,000 in respect
of interest which has accrued on the surplus. We last year
reported that the transactions approved by us between
August, 1851, and March, 1865, were 2,638 in number, and
that the value in fee of the estates so agreed to be dealt
with amounted to about £10,310,000. We have during this
year approved the terms agreed upon in 105 cases ; 98 be-
ing cases of sales of reversions, and seven cases of pur-
chases of leasehold interests, and the value in fee of the
estates so agreed to be dealt with is approximately
£350,000. The aggregate number of cases approved by us
is therefore 2,742, and the value of the property dealt with
amounts' o about £10,660,000. In three cases we declined
to approve the terms proposed ; but in two of these the
terms have been modified so as to meet with our sanction,
and they have been included in the number above stated
to have been approved.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

-4.

TIMES.—The events which preceded the bombard-
ment of Valparaiso are placed in a somewhat new
light by the statements of the Duke of Somerset and
Mr. Layard. A body of English merchants, smart-
ino, under a sense of the loss wantonly inflicted on
them by the Spanish fleet, may be pardoned for tak-
ing a view of their own grievances which is not alto-
gether warranted either by facts or by international
law. The public, however, has a duty towards Ad-
miral Denman as well as towards our injured coun-
trymen, and we cannot do justice to all parties with-
out a clear appreciation of what had passed before
the 31st March, when the Custom-house was de-
stroyed by the Spanish fire. Our readers will re-
member that towards the end of last year news was
received that Admiral Pareja had presented an ulti-
matum to the Chilian Government, and that war
had been declared between Spain and Chili, upon a
casus belli so trumpery as not even to mask the ag-
gressive designs of Spain. Our own Government, in
concert with that of France, lost no time in tender-
ing its good offices, which were accepted by Spain,
and the terms proposed, were such as to satisfy the
most punctilious demands of Castilian honour.
"They were," as specified by Mr. Layard, " that
Chili should disavow any intention of offending
Spain; that the treaty existing between Chili and
Spain at the time of the outbreak of hostilities should
not be annulled; that Spain should express herself
satisfied, and disclaim any intention of conquest ;
that diplomatic relations should he renewed between
the two powers, and salutes exchanged, Chili firing
the first shpt." inhappily, the despatches containing
these proposals did not reach Chili till after acts of
hostility had been committed, a Spanish ship had
been captured, and treaties had been made with other
South American Republics. The Chilian Government
accepted our offer with gratitude, but asked for delay
in order to consult their allies; the Spanish Govern-
ment construed this request as a ruse to gain time,
and retracted their consent to mediation. Meanwhile
apprehensions of a bombardment were entertained
by the inhabitants of Valparaiso, and had been
reported to the Foreign-office by Mr. Thompson,
our Minister in Chili, who also mentioned the con-
ditions upon which the Chilian Government were
prepared to allow the removal of British property
from the Custom-houses to a place of safety. Mr.
Thomson was therefore instructed to recommend
the acceptance of these conditions on our merchants
as fair and reasonable under the circumstances ;
but, in respect of mediation, it was hoped that no
risk would be incurred. When, however, the Spanish
Government withdrew from their engagements,
against a protest from England and France, and
when information reached our Government that in-
structions had been given for the bombardment of
Valparaiso,very strong remonstrances were addressed
to the Court of Madrid. The reply was equivocal,
according to Mr. Layard, and highly discreditable
to the good faith of the Spanish Government ; for
it now appears that explicit orders had been issued
to the Spanish Commander, Mendez Nunez, under
which he felt himself compelled to act, not without
some feelings of reluctance and compunction. Such
was the position of diplomatic affairs on the 25th
of March, when Admiral Nunez declared that unless
certain terms were accepted he should bombard
Valparaiso, giving four days' notice for the removal
of non-combatants. The English, French, and
American Ministers in vain endeavoured to dissuade
him, and on the 27th he gave notice of the attack
on the 31st, which involved the destruction of the
Custord-house stores, including British property
estimated to have been worth 20 millions of dollars.
We have next to examine the allegations made
on behalf of the British merchants with respect to
their own wrongs, and the conduct of. Mr. Thom-
son and Admiral Denman. These allegations are
embodied in the resolutions passed at a meet-
ing of British subjects on the 28th of March,
and read by Colonel Edwards to the House of Com-
mons. They here represent that " positive assur-
ances" had been given them by the Admiral that he
would prevent a general bombardment, by force, if
necessary, notwithstanding which he allowed it to
be carried into effect, pleading the inferiority of his
armament, yet declining the proffered assistance of
a powerful United States' squadron: They urge
that in the absence of special instructions from home
the Admiral was bound, on his own judgment, to
protect " those interests which are especially con-
fided to his protection," and they chargeMr.Thom-
son (who had already been suspected of undue sub-
servience to the Chili= Government) with " pas-
sive submission to the abuses of the Spanish squad-
ron." The document concludes with an expression
of thanks to theAmericanMinister and Commodore,
and an appeal to the British public. Now, we learn
from the speech of the Duke of Somerset that Ad-
miral Denman had been directed " to observe the
strictest neutrality towards the contending parties,"
land would have incurred the censure 9f the Admi-
ralty had he interfered with the bombardment after
due notice given. It appears, indeed, that he had
threatened some time previously to open fire on the
Spanish fleet in case the latter should proceed to
bombard the town without notice, and by assuming
this attitude had, in the Duke's opinion, somewhat
exceeded his instructions. Being pressed by the
merchants after the final notice was given, he re-
plied that, however he might deplore the attack on
a defenceless town, it would be a breach of neutra-
lity and an act of war to interfere. In the statement
which he has transmitted to the Admiralty he en-
tirely denies that he ever held out any hope of armed
intervention or that he referred to the inadequacy
of his naval as a reason for inaction. He also
negatives the assertion that he declined the co-ope-
ration of the United States' Commodore, whose in-
structions were similar to his own. Mk. Layard
explains the probable origin of this misapprehen-
sion, on the authority of the Spanish Minister, and
emphatically contradicts the story that, after the
conflagration, the aid of American sailors was cor-
dially welcomed, while that of British sailors was
rejected by the inhabitants. In short, the official
account of the whole transaction differs in many
important respects from that which first reached us,
and which, it is right to add, purports to rest in part
on a letter from Commodore Rodgers himself. It
relieves Admiral Denman from an imputation in-
consistent with his well-known character, it throws
on the merchants themselves a large share of blame
for neglected repeated warnings to remove their
goods beyond the reach of 'danger, and it leaves no
doubt as to the direct responsibility of the Spanish
Government for this great outrage against the
usages of civilised warfare. It is true that no fixed
law of war—if there be fixed laws of war—is vio-
lated by cannonading an unfortified town, even if
the consequences are likely to fall on neutrals rather
than on belligerents. All towns within an enemy's
territory are liable to hostile operations, with all that
may be contained in them. It is often assumed too
readily that private property on land is exempt
from capture, but no such definite rule has been
laid down by jurists or established by constant prac-
tice. The principle which has ever been held to
govern all such questions is that as little injury is
to be done to non-combatants as is consistent with
the paramount objects of warfare ; but the applica-
tion of this principle must depend on the conscience
of a naval or military commander. We are assured
by Mr. Layard that Admiral Nunez was by no
means insensible to this moral obligation, but that
his orders from home left him no option. That
his act was an extreme and barbarous exercise of
belligerent rights admits of no doubt, for Valparaiso
is a purely commercial port, its only battery had
been dismantled, and the merchandise on which
Spanish vengeance was to be wreaked did not even
belong to Chilian subjects. Every circumstance of
palliation, therefore, was conspicuously wanting,
nor could the bombardment have the least effect in
reducing Chili to submission. Still, it gratified
Spanish pride--that pride which feels resentment
keenly, but is proof against shame, which broods
long after a fancied affront, but holds such commer-
cial virtues as solvency and veracity in light esteem.
It is assuredly an error to speak of this proceeding
as unprecedented—nay, more, it was strictly legal ;
and yet we cannot but pity the British admiral who
was compelled to witness it with his guns silent, not
because he wanted the old spirit of Nelson, but
simply because he understood his duty, and knew
well that his own Government, unlike that of Spain,
would never sanction the plea that " national hon-
our" involved a breach of it.

POST.—Although the discussion of the proposed
scheme for reducing the national debt was post-
poned when the resolution embodying it was sub-
mitted in committee a few nights since, it must not
be supposed that its vast importance has been over-
looked, or that the soundness of Mr. Gladstone's
proposal has been treated as beyond all question. We
have always been endeavouring, though in a very
mild way, to diminish our national debt, but it must
be admitted that our labours hitherto have not been
attended with very satisfactory results. If one year's
extravagance exhausts the savings of 40 years, we
are driven to the conclusion either that the prodiga-
lity has been inexcusably great, or that the economy
effected has been little more than nominal. The
one hundred millions which we succeeded expung-
ing from the national debt between the fall of
the first Napoleon and the accession of the third
were again added during the comparatively
' brief contest which we waged with Russia in
defence of the Ottoman empire. It is not, however,
suggested that the Crimean- war could have been
carried on effectively at a smaller cost, and it conse-
quently appears that an unforeseen contingency suf-
ficed to negative what we will assume to have been
the well-directed efforts of a long series of years.
The occurrence of the Russian war and its effects on
the debt of this country should be clearly borne in
mind by those who set themselves about considering
any scheme for the reduction of that debt, because it

I 4

..., .._,
. is manifest that, admitting the obligations of exists*
ling generations to relieve those which succeed them
of the burden they have created, those obligations_
Ishould be discharged in a spirit which recognisesthe
possibility of posterity havint, its own special bur-
dens to provide for. It resolves itself, then, into a
question of degree. The point is not whether we
ought to reduce our debt, but in what proportion
that reduction should be effected. And, in order to
arrive at a satisfactory conclusion, we must take
into consideration the productive powers of a coun-
try on the one hand, and the cost entailed by such
unforeseen contingencies as wars on the other ; for
if one of such contingencies adds on an average a
sum, say,£loo,ooo,ooo to the national debt, a coun-
try which desires to continue solvent should endea-
vour during its intervals of peace to reduce its obli-
gations by an equal, if not a greater, amount. Wall
are certainly more infrequent, whilst at the same
time they are more costly, than in the olden time,
and it would, doubtless, be difficult to strike an
average with the view of ascertaining the frequency
of their occurrence and probable cost. But in all,
scheme which a country may form with the view of
preventing such a progressive increase in its
debt as would seriously affect its solvency, soil
rough calculation of the kind must be attemptew
It is admitted on all hands that this kingdom
j
did not turn to sufficient account that long period
of peace which intervened between the battle of
Waterloo and the destruction of the Turkish fleet
in the Bay of Sinope. Those, however, who make
this admission, in effect say that our statesmen
ought to have reckoned on a ccstly war within a
period of 40 years, and should have made a more
considerable reduction of the National Debt. Turn-
ing, however, from the past to the present, and ap-
plying the same principles of reasoning, let us see
how far the prOposal of Mr. Gladstone, assuming it.
to be a sound one, would serve to realise the job
demands of those who will succeed us. The debt is
at present, in round numbers, £800,000,000, whits',
the annual revenues are £67,000,000. By mean'
which we explained at the time, Mr. Gladstone pro"
poses to reduce the debt about £50,000,000 in the
course of the next 19 years, or at the rate of about
2i millions each year. In order to effect this result
the burden thrown upon the country will be a con-
stantly increasing one, commencing with £420,000,
and terminating with £1,440,000. Of the absolute
advantage of owing £50,000,000 less in 1885 than
we do in 1866 there can be no question ; but of the
extent of that advantage, considered comparativel
some may be permitted to doubt. A net decrease of
2f millions per annum would leave the National
Debt in statu quo in the event of our having such a
war as that of 1854-55 once in 40 years ; or, in ether
words, we should reduce our debt during peace in
precisely the same degree as we did during the peace
which followed the wars of the first Empire. It must
not, however, be forgotten that any scheme of this
kind, of whatever excellence, is always exposed to
the risk of being suddenly checked by the outbreak
of hostilities; and experience shows us that, indepen;
dently of the addition which is made to a national
debt by a war, the increased temporary burdens
which are most justly thrown on those by whom
that war is made last sufficiently long to preven
for some years at least, any further atternP
being made to reduce the principal debt. A war
may only last for a twelvemonth, but the war taxes
by which it is fed survive the actual conflict 11
several years. This also is a circumstance Which
financiers, desirous of reducing a national debt,
would do well to bear in mind. Without, there-
fore, calling in question the intrinsic excellence of
Mr. Gladstone's scheme, we confess to entertaintno.
4
a doubt whether it is sufficiently large, and whether
its results will be those with which the next genera'
tion will have reaspn to be satisfied. If a country
may, by some unexpected exigency as we 12_1"
shown, be compelled to expend one hundred au.i.;
lions in the course of one or two years, can it ",,i
said to have turned to sufficient account the days
_Th"
its prosperity by economising that sum in the cou.,
of forty years ? The questions irresistibly present
themselves—Cannot the English nation do more
than this ? and if so, ought it not to do so ? 3-1;t0
country was never so prosperous as it is now ; its
revenues were never more easily collected. Out
its vast wealth can it only afford to pay on an n'th
rage about a million a year, or one sixty-seventh
part of its present expenditure in addition, town
the reduction of its debt? If it cannot do more
than this, we may well despair of the time ever
coming when any greater efforts can be more ea if
made. One of the arguments advanced by luto
Gladstone as a reason for seriously attempting
at
diminish the existing debt is the probability
this
before the close of a century the prosperity ef t is
country may begin to decline. Our coalfields, it °,
said, will not last for three generations at the Prre,
sent rate of annually increasing consumption.
I;ttle
this argument we confess we attach but ,--- ,0
weight. If the data on which these expeetatious are
formed are incorrect, then they may be dismissed
from notice ; if they are correct, then no efforts
made made by the England of 1866 can save the Engla:'l,_
of 1966 from insolvency. There is one fact wh'e
is incontestable. This country enjoys at the pre-
sent moment a degree of prosperity hitherto
fun-
equalled. Irrespective of the future we should now:3
out of the abundance of our riches, pay off la arg
portion of our past debts.