The Sun.
London, England, 1866-04-21 00:00:00

THE PRESIDRNT AND CONGRESS.

(From the Atlantic Monthly for April.)
The President of the United States was not

elected to the office he holds by the voice of the

people of the loyal States ; in voting for him as
Vice-President nobody dreamed that, by the assas-
sination of Mr. Lincoln, he would constitutionally
succeed to the more important post. The persons
who now form the Congress of the United States
any comparison be-
were elected by the people of the States for the ex-
act positions stihtie twoon
sthaesy hold.to
othedirect ln

power from the people and the States, Congress
has everything in its favour ; Mr. Johnson, nothing.
The immense power. he enjoys, a power not merely
greater than that of Queen Victoria, but greater
than that of Earl Russell, the real British Execu-
tive, is the result not of design, but of accident.
That the executive power he holds is legitimate,
within its just constitutional bounds, must not
blind us to the fact that it did not have its origin in

the popular vote, especially now when he is appeal-
ing to the people to support him against their direct
representatives.
For the event which the Union party of the
country was so anxious to avert, but which some
clearly foresaw as inevitable, has occurred ; the
President has come to an open rupture with Con-
gress on the question of reconstruction. No one
who has witnessed during the past eight months the
humiliating expedients to which even statesmen
_ _

and patriots have resorted, in order to avoid giving
Mr. Johnson offence, Without at the same time sacri-

ficing all decent regard for their own convictions
and the will of the people, can assert that this rup-
ture was provoked by Congress. The President
has, on the whole, been treated with singular ten-
derness by the national party, whose just expecta-
tions he has disappointed ; the opposition to his

scheme has, indeed, exhibited, if anything, too
much of the style of " bated breath" to befit the
dignity of independent legislators ; and the only
result of this timorous dissent has been to inflame
him with the notion that the public men who of-
fered it were unconscious that the people were on
his side, and concealed anxiety for their own popu-
larity under a feigned indisposition to quarrel with
him.

The President seems to belong to that class o.
men who act not so much from principles as from
moods ; as his moods vary, his conduct changes ;
but while he is possessed by one of them, his mind
is inaccessible to evidence which does not sustain
his dominant feeling, and uninfluenced by argu-
ments which do not confirm his dominant ideas.
Mr. Covade and Mr. Schurz could get no hearing
from him, because they were sent South to col-
lect evidence while he was in one mood, and
had to report the results of their investigations
when he had passed into another. This peculiarity
of his mind makes the idea of a " Johnson
party" so difficult of realisation ; for a
party cannot be founded on a man, unless that
man's intellect and integrity are so manifestly pre-
eminent as to dwarf all comparison with others, or
unless his conduct obeys laws, and can, therefore,
be calculated. Thus the gentlemen who spoke for
him in New York, on the 22d of February, at the
time he was speaking for himself in Washington,
found that they were unwittingly his opponents,
while appearing as his mouth-pieces, and had ac-
cordingly to send telegrams to Washington of such
fond servility, that the vindication of their partisan-
ship could only be made at the expense of provoking
the hilarity of the public. But one principle, taken
up from personal feeling, at the time, he resented
the idea that " Tennessee had ever gone out of the
Union," has had a mischievous influence in direct-
ing his policy, though it has never been consistently
carried out ; for Mr. Johnson's mode of dealing
which he thus adopted was
with a principle is strikingly individual. He uses
it to jeush
hint from
desires,
doing w e
what h e does
o he
es
nploeta allowpleases
his
i f T
it
tie to doing
principle what
restrain h
that the seceded States had never been out of the
Union as States. It would seem to be clear that,
constitutionally speaking, a State in the American
Union is a vital part of the Government, to which,
The seceded
of their people,
at tr Statesot
kh broke
as
was me
yee
solemnly,
fromi
nm ye
tihtbiyosWacllCoSengvai
el:nue
tgjel
co:nnasene.d
have not, up
to the present moment, formed a part of the Go-
vernment. The condition in which they were left
by their own acts may be variously stated ; it may
be said that they were "States out of practical re-
lations to the Union,"—which is simply to decline
venturing further than one step in the analysis
of their condition or " States in rebellion, "
or " States whose governments have lapsed," or
" Territories ;" but certainly, neither in princi-
ple nor in fact, were they States in the Union, ac-
cording to the constitutional meaning of that
phrase. The one thing certain is, that their crimi-
nal acts did not affect at all the rights of the United
States over their geographical limits and popula-
tion ; for these rights were given by conventions of
the people of all the States, and could not there-
fore be abrogated by the will of the particular States
that rebelled. Whether or not the word " Terri-
tories" fits their condition, it is plain that they can-
not be brought back to their old " practical relations
to the Union" without a process similar to that by
which territories are organised into States and
brought into the Union. If they were, during the
rebellion, States in the Union, then the only clause
in the Constitution which covers their case is that

in which each house of Congress is authorised "to
compel the attendance of absent members ;" but,
even conceding that we have waged war in the
character of a colossal sergeant-at-arms, we should,
by another clause of the Constitution, be bound to
compel their attendance as members, only to punish
their absence as traitors.
Still, even if we should admit, against eli the
facts and logic of the case, that the rebel com-
munities have never been out of the Union as
States, it is plain that the conduct of the execu-
tive has not, until recently, conformed to
that theory. He violated it constantly in
the processes of his scheme of reconstruction, only
to make it reappear as mandatory in the results.
All the steps he took in creating State Governments
were necessarily subversive of universally recognised
State rights. The Secessionists had done their
work so completely, as regards their respective lo-
calities, that there was left no possible organic con-
nection between the old States and any new ones
which might be organised under the lead of the
Federal Government. The only persons who could
properly call State conventions were disqualified,
by treason, for the office, and might have been
hanged as traitors while occupied in preserving un-
broken the unity of their State life. In other words,
the only persons competent to act constitutionally
were the persons constitutionally incompetent to
act,—a gigantic practical bull and absurdity, which
met Mr. Ahnson as the first logical consequence
of his fundamental maxim. He accordingly was
forced to go to work as if no principle hampered
him. He assumed, at the start, the most radical
and important of all State rights ; that is, from a
mixed population of black and white freemen he
selected a certain number, whose distinguishing
mark was colour ; and these persons were, after they
had taken an extra-constitutional oath, constituted
by him the people of each of the seceded States. A
provisional governor, nominated by himself, directed
this people, constituted such by himself, to elect
delegates to a convention which was to pass ordi-
nances dictated by himself. In this, he may have
simply accepted the condition of things; he
may have done the best with the materials he had
to work with ; still he plainly did not deal with
South Carolina, Mississippi, and the rest, as if they
were States that " had never been out of the
Union," and entitled to any of the rights enjoyed
by Pennsylvania or New York. But the hybrid
States, which are thus purely his own creations,
he now presents, in a veto message, to the Senate
of the United States as the equals of the States
it represents ; informs that body that he is con-
stitutionally the President of the States he has
made, as well as the President of the States which
have not enjoyed the advantage of his formative
hand ; and unmistakably hints that Congress, un-
less it admits the representatives of the States he
has reconstructed, is not a complete and competent
legislative body for the whole Union—is, in plain
words, a Rump. The President, to be sure, qualifies
his suggestion by asking for the admission only of
loyal men, who can take the oaths. But is it not
plain that Congress, if it admits Senators and Re-
presentatives, admits the States from which they
come? The Constitution says that " the Senate of
the United States shall be composed of two Senators
from each State ;" that " the House of Represen-
tatives shall be composed of members chosen every
yeai by the people of the several States." Now let
us suppose that some of the South Carolina mem-
bers are admitted on the President's plan, and that
others are rejected. What is the result? Is not
South Carolina in the Union ? Can a fraction of
the State be in, and another fraction out, by the
terms of the United States Constitution ? Are not
the " loyal men" in for their term of office simply,
and the State in permanently ? The proposition
to let in what are called loyal men, and then
afterwards to debate the terms on which the
States which sent them shall be admitted,
might be seriously discussed in a Fenian
Congress, but it would prove too much for the
gravity of an American assembly. The Presi-
dent thinks Congress is bound to admit 4, loyal
men ;" but in conceding this claim, would not
the great legislative bodies of the nation practi-
cally confess that they had no right or power to
exact guarantees, no business whatever with " re-
construction?" It is the office of the President, it
seems, to reconstruct States ; the duty of Congress
is confined to accepting, placidly, the results of his
work. Such is the only logical inference from Mr.
Johnson's last position. And thus a man, who
was intended by the people who voted for him to
have no other connection with reconstruction than
what a casting vote in the Senate might possibly
give la, has taken the whole vast subject into his
exclusive control. Was there ever acted on the
stage of history such a travesty of constitutional
government ?
The loyal States, indeed, come out of the war
separated from the disloyal, not by such thin par-
titions as the President so cavalierly breaks through,
but by a great sea of blood. It is across that we
must survey their rights and duties; it is with that in
view we must settle the terms of their readmission.
It is idle to apply to 1866 the word-twisting of
1860. The rebel communities which began the war
are not the same communities which were recog-
nised as States in the Union before the war occurred.
No sophistry that perplexes the brain of the people
can prevent this fact being felt in their hearts. The
proposition that States can plunge into rebellion,
and, after waging against the Government a war
which is put down only at the expense of enormous
sacrifices of treasure and blood, can, when defeated,
return of right to form a part of the government
they have laboured to subvert, is a proposition so
repugnant to common sense that its acceptance by
the people would send them down a step in the
zoological scale. Have we been fighting in order
to compel the South to resume its reluctant
role of governing us ? Are we to be told that
the States which have sent mourning into
every loyal family in the land, and which
have loaded every loyal labourtr's back with
a new and unexampled burden of taxation,
have the same right to seats in the Senate and the
House of Representatives which New York and
Illinois can claim? The question is not whether
the victorious party shall exercise magnanimity and
mercy, whether it shall attempt to heal wounds
rather than open them afresh, but whether its legal
Representatives, constituting, as it was supposed,
the legislative department of the United States
Government, shall have anything to do with the
matter at all. The President seems to think they
have not; and finding that Congress, by immense
majorities, declined to abdicate its functions, he
and his partisans appealed to such legislative assem-
blies as could be extemporised for the occasion.
Congress did not fairly represent the people of the
whole Union ;- and Mr. Johnson accordingly un-
folded his measures to a body which, in his opinion,
we must suppose did, namely a Copperhead mob
which gathered under his windows at Washington.
The Secretary of State addressed a meeting in New
York, assembled in a hall, which is the very symbol
of mutation. Some collectors and postmasters have,
we believe, been kind enough to take upon them-
selves the trouble of calling similar legislative
assemblies in their respective cities ; and Keo-
kuk, it is well known, has won deserved cele-
brity for the rapidity with which its gathering of
publicists passed the President's plan. Still more
important, perhaps, is the unanimity with which the
" James Page Library Company," of Philadelphia,
fulfilled its duty of legislating for the whole Re-
public. This mode of taking the opinion of the
people, if merely considered as an innocent a
bu m ce-
ment of great officials, may be harmless ; t political farces, played by actors who do not seem to
take their own jokes, sometimes lead to serious
consequences ; and the effect upon the South of
suggesting that the Congress of the United States
not only misrepresents its constituents, but excludes

We are, accordingly, it would seem, in danger
of having a President who is at variance with
nearly two-thirds of Congress, using his whole ex-
ecutive power and influence against the party he
was supposed to represent, and having on his side
the Southerners who made the rebellion, the Nor-
therners whose sympathies were on the side of the
rebellion, a small collection of Republican politi-
cians called " the-President's friends," and the un-
defined political force passing under the name of
" the Blairs." But Congress is stronger than the
whole body of its opponents, and is backed by the
surrender all alloftht
the
the
advantages
t apgeeosp people, determined
the
position
which
not i
etho
has been gained by the profuse shedding of so much
loyal,,cobnslootidt
'utional government is on trial" in this
contest ; and Mr.
Johnson seems neither to have
the constitutional
principlein his
instinct in his blood, nor the con-
stitutionalbrain. The position of
the President of the United States is analogous
not so much to that of a Napoleon or a Bismark,
as to that of an English Prime Minister. In the
theory and ordinary working of the Government,
he is one of a body of statesmen, agreeing in their
general views, and elected by the saint. Tarty ;
what are called his measures are passed by
gress, because the majority of the Congress and
he are in general accord on all important ques-
tions ; and it is against the whole idea of consti-
tutional government that the executive will is a
fair offset to the legislative reason—that one man
is the equal of the whole body of the people's Repre-
sentatives. The powers of an executive are of such
a character 'that, pushed wilfully to their ultimate
expression, they can absorb all the other depart-
, ments of the Government, as when James the Se-
cond practically repealed laws by pushing to its
abstract logical consequences his undoubted power
of pardon ; but a constitutional government im-
plies, as a condition of its existence, that the ex-
ecutive will have that kind of mind and temper
which instinctively recognises the practical limita-
tions of powers in themselves vague; for if the ex-
ecutive can defy the Legislature, the Legislature can
bring the whole Government to an end by a simple
refusal to grant supplies. In his Washington
speech the President selected for special attack the
Chairman of the House Committee of Ways and
Means, and the Chairman of the Senate Committee
on Foreign Relations ; but it would be difficult to
conjecture how he could carry on the Government
without the aid of what these men represent, for
Mr. Stevens pays him his salary, and Mr. Sumner
gives effect to his treaties. Bismark, in Prussia,
snaps his fingers in the faces of the Prussian Cham-
bers, and still contrives to get along very comfort-
ably; but an American President does not enjoy
similar advantages. He can follow his own will or
caprice only by the toleration of the legislative
body he defames and disregards. His great power
is the veto ; but the perverse use of this could
easily be checked by the perverse use of many a
legislative power which a mere majority of Congress
can effectively use. The fallacy of the argument
of " the President's friends," in their proposition
that Congress should settle the dispute by the easy
method of allowing Mr. Johnson to have his own
way, consists in its entire oversight of the essential
character of constitutional government.
And now what would be the consequences of
the yielding of Congress in this struggle ? The
first effect would be the concession that, in respect
to the most important matter that will probably
ever be brought before the United States Govern-
ment, the executive 'branch was everything, and the
legislative nothing. The second effect would be
that the Rebel States would re-enter the Union,
not only without giving additional guarantees for
their good behaviour, but with the elated feeling
that they bad gained a great triumph over the
" fanatical" North. The third effect would be the
establishment of the principle that they had never
been out of the Union as States ; that, accord-
ingly, a doubt was over the legality of the
legislation which had been transacted in the absence
of their representatives ; and that Congress having
for the past five years, represented only a section
of the country, that section was alone bound by its
measures. The moment it is admitted that the Na-
tional Legislature, as now constituted, is an incom-
plete body, and that it needs Southern " loyal men"
to make its laws operative over the South, a whole
brood of deductive reasoners will spring up in that
region, eager to carry the principle' out to its re-
motest logical consequences. After two or three of
those cotton crops on which some persons rely so
much to make the South contented have given it
the requisite leisure to follow a long train of reason-
ing, it will by degrees convince itself that the whole
national legislation during the war, including the
debt and the anti-slavery amendment, was uncon-
stitutional, and that, as far as it concerns the
Southern States, it is void, and should be of no
effect. Persons who are accustomed to nickname
as " Radicals" all those statesmen who do not con-
sider that the removal of an immediate inconve-
nience exhausts the whole science of practical poli-
tics are wont to make merry over this possibility
of Southern repudiation, or to look down upon its
fanatical suggesters with the benevolent pity of
serenely superior intelligence ; but nobody who has
watched the steps by which Calhoun's logic was in-
wrought into the substance of the Southern mind,
—nobody who has noted the process by which the
justification of one of the bloodiest rebellions in
the history of the world was deduced from the
definition of an abstraction,—nobody who explores
the meaning of the phrase, common in many
mouths, that " the South thought itself in the
right,"—will doubt that the seeming bugbear may
turn out a dreadful calamity. It is impossible, in
fact, for the most far-sighted mind to predict all
the evils which may flow from the heedless adop-
tion of a vicious principle ; if the war has not taught
us this, it has taught us nothing.
But it is not to be supposed that Congress will
yield, for to yield would be to commit suicide.
There is not an interest in the nation which
is not concerned in its adherence to the
principle, that in it the whole legislative power of
the United States Government is vested, and that it
has the right to exact irreversible guarantees of the
Rebel States as the conditions of the admission of
their Senators and Representatives. They are not
in the Union until they are in its Government ; and
Congress has the same power to keep them out
that it has to let them in. By the very nature of
the case, the whole question must be left to its
judgment of what is necessary for the public safety
and honour. Its members may be mistaken, but
the only method to correct their mistake is to elect
other persons in their places, when their limited
period of service has expired ; and any new Con-
gress will, unless it is scandalously neglectful of the
public interests, admit the Rebel States to their old .
places in the Union, not because it must, but e
cause it thinks that a sufficient number of gtrrssion
tees have been obtained to render theifiltad
the autumn
prudent and safe. It is in this fori.n t
ject is coming before the people
in
haste of the
elections ; and this explains the ea
d grolfslead the pub-
President's friends to forestall and
irty, founded on
lie mind, and sacrifice a g
• redividual, veering with
thue
principles, to the wilLpf an in
his moods.
votellelmingly sustained by the peo -
gress would. beriesrw
in spite of such expressions of the
were taken now, that Con-
We think, if the
ple. We think
fl tin(' vent in the President's meeting
at Washington an
evenits of the resolutions of Keokuk
ing ew d Mr. Seward's meet; N - jy,oopruicl—arilsv. a
sp
and the address of the "James Page Library Com-
pany" of Philadelphia—in spite, above all, of the
perfect felicity in which, if we may believe the Sec-
retary of State, the President's speech left
the American people. The loyal men of the loyal
States do not intend that the war they carried on
for great ends shall pass into history as the blood-
iest of all purposeless farces, beginning in an ecstasy
of public spirit and ending in an ignominious sur-
render of the advantages of hard-won victory. They
demand such guarantees, in the shape of amend-
ments to the Constitution, as shall insure security
for the future from such evils as have scourged them

yet echoing in the air. They wheedle-1:1 the
President into pardoning, in the place of hanging
them ; they made themselves serviceable agents in
carrying out his plan of reconstruction • they gave
up what it was impossible for them to retain, in
order to retain what it would destroy their influence
to give up ; they got possession of him to the extent
of insinuating subtily into his mind ideas which they
made him think he himself originated ; and finally
they capped the climax of their skilful audacity by
taking him out of "practicalrelations" with the party
to which he was indcbtedfthies elevation, and
partyan which
him the representative or h
voted against him, and of the defeated Rebel Con-
federacy, which, of course, could not do even that.
The Southern politicians -have succeeded in many
shrewd political contrivances in the course of our
history, but this last is certainly their masterpiece.
Its only parallel or precedent is to be found in
Richard's wooing of Anne :
" What ! I that killed her husband and his father,
To take her in her heart's extremest hate ;
With curses in her mouth, tears in her eyes,
The bleeding witness of my hatred by,
Having God, her conscience, and these bars against me,
And I no friends to back my suit withal,
But the plain devil, and dissembling looks,
And yet to win her—all the world to nothing
Now can the people trust these politicians to the
extent of placing in their hands the powers of their
State Governments, and the representative power
of their States in Congress, without exacting irre-
versible guarantees necessary for the public safety?
Can the people uphold, as against Congress, a
President whose mind seems to be so much under
the influence of these men that he pub-
licly insults the Legislature of the nation ? Is the
President to be supported because he sustains state
rights against centralisation? The only centralisa-
tion which is to be feared, in this case, is the cen-
tralisation of all the powers of the Government in
its executive branch. Is the President to be sup-
ported because he represents the principle of "no
taxation without representation ?" The object of
Congress is to see to it that there shall not be a
" representation" which, in respect to the national
debt, shall endeavour to abolish "taxation" alto-
gether—which, in respcct to the freedmen, shall tax
permanently a population it misrepresents—which,
in respect to the balance of political power, shall
use the black freemen as a basis of representation,
while it excludes them from having a voice in the
selection of the Representatives. Is the President
to be supported because he is determined the de-
feated South shall not be oppressed? The pur-
pose of Congress is not to commit but prevent op-
pression ; not to oppress the rebel whites, but to
guard from oppression the loyal blacks ; not to
refuse full political privileges to the late armed ene-
mies of the nation, but to avoid the intolerable
ignominy of giving those enemies the power to play
the robber and tyrant over its true and tried friends.
Is the President to be, supported because he is
magnanimous and merciful? Congress doubts the
magnanimity which sacrifices the innocent in
order to propitiate the guilty, and the mercy
which abandons the helpless and weak to the
covetousness of the powerful and strong. Is the
President to be supported because he aims to re-
present the whole people ? Congress may well
suspect that he represents the least patriotic por-
tion,.!,een.ttrleoinyaislttys
obfybdoenthosuecnteiionngs
especially when he puts a stigma on all ar-
talhluysniahesno
traitorous t e
,a"saecludu
dis-
tinction between the " fanaticism" which perilled
everything in fighting for the Government, and the
" fanaticism" which perilled everything in fighting
against it. And, finally, is the President to be sup-
ported because he is the champion of conciliation
and peace ? Congress believes that his conciliation
is the compromise of vital principles ; that his peace
is the surrender of human rights ; that his plan brit
postpones the operation of causes of discord it fails
to eradicate ; and that, if the war has taught us
nothing else, it has taught us this—spreading it out
indeed before all eyes in letters of fire and blood—
that no conciliation is possible which sacrifices the
defenceless, and that no peace is permanent which
is unfounded in justice.

Theatrical Licenses and Regulation

Committee.

This committee met for the fourth time yester-
day, and the chair was taken by Mr. Locke, M.P.,
in the absence of the Right Hon. G. J. Goschen.
Mr. Strange completed his evidence, and was sub-
jected to cross-examination by Mr. O'Beirne, Mr.
Powell, and others, in reference to certain details
of management at the Alhambra. He explained
that his management differed very little from that
of the opera or the theatres, allowance being made
for his more complete organisation for the sale of
refreshments. Mr. Strange stood up rather warmly
for the character of ballet girls as a body, compared
with that of girls in an equal position of life. Mr.
Bodkin, the assistant-judge, was next examined,
and expressed himself personally in favour of con-
fining music-halls, so called, to the performance of
music, and leaving the theatres or halls where bal-
lets and such spectacles are represented to be
licensed by the Lord Chamberlain. Mr. Bodkin,
like his colleague, Mr. Pownall, appeared to have
little regard forpublic wants or public taste amongst
the middle and lower class. Mr. Yownall thought
that working men could dine at six, visit the music
hall, without wanting further refreshment, and
" take their coffee," as " we"—the aristocracy —do
and Mr. Bodkin thought that no regulations or
supervision were required to keep the upper classes
moral, but that the middle and lower classes require
all kinds of leading-strings.
Mr. Bodham Donne, the licenser of plays, was
next examined,
and told the committee that the
Lord Chamberlain' in
granting or refusing dramatic
licenses, was guided only by a regard for public
safety in the construction of the building. When
asked why a dramatic license was granted to the
Gallery of Illustration, and refused to St. James's-
hall, he boldly stated, in defiance of the notorious
facts, that the small building was remarkably
adapted for the drama and the large building
wholly unadapted. It almost appeared from his
cross-examination that St. James's-hall was safe as

long as songs only were sung upon its stage, but
that the moment any dramatic performance was at-
tempted the foundations became weaker and the
roof showed a tendency to fall.
The inquiry was adjourned until monday next,
when Mr. B. Webster will be examined amongst
other witnesses.

CHARLOTTE WINSOR'S CASE.—Application Vas
made yesterday at Judges' Chambers, by Messrs. Burt and
Stevens, the attorneys having the conduct of Charlotte
Winsor's defence, for a writ of habeas corpus commanding
the governor of Exeter Gaol to bring up the prisoner be-
fore the Court of Exchequer Chamber on Tuesday next,
to assign errors on the record. Mr. Justice Lush made
the order, upon the usual affidavit stating the facts of

the case.
THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON M.—YesterdaY was
the birthday of the Emperor of the French, his Majesty
having been born at the Tuileries on the 20th of Aprili
1808, and having now, therefore, completed his 58th yea,r.

......_ __--...........,.........__
THEATRE ROYAL, ILANIIARIKET.-
Sole Lessee and blanager, Mx. Buckstone.
THIS EVENING, A. ROMANTIC ATTACHMENT:
Air.. Compton, Mr. W. Farren ; Miss Ada Cavendish.
Afterwhich, T HE FAVOURITE OF FOR rUNE : Messrs.
f3olhern, .Buckstone, Chippendale, Rogers, do.; Mesdames
Chippendale, Saville, Moore, Fitzwilliam, Hill, Lindley, drc.:
Concluding with A DAiLi UTE& PO MARRY: Mr. W.
7arren and Wes Helen linviari.
Commence at Seven.

OYAL LYCEUM T LIEATRE.—
Under the sole Management of Mr. Fechter.
THIS EVENING, A DAY AFTER THE WEDDING.
"lasers. Horaman, Fitzpatrick, Clifford ; Mrs. Horsman, arc.
To conclude with Shakspere's Tragedy of HA.MLE t. Mr.
Pechter; Messrs. Emery, Addison, Widdicomo, Vezin, Jor-
dan, Fitzpatric,c. Ilorsman, Moreland, Westland, Gwynette,
Morton, Clifford ; Mesdames Elsworthy, Henrade, and U.
Leciercq.
Bog Office open daily from Eleven till Five.

------ _
IVEW THEATRE-ROYAL ADELPIII
111 Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster.
THIS EVENING. ICI ON PARLE FRAN,'AIS.
Messrs. J. L. Toole, Billing,ton, Phil ips ; Mesdames Kate
Kelly, : eaman, and Godsali.
Alter which, 6th time, a new Opera Bout-E., t ntitled
CRYING JENNY Atli LAUGHING- JOHNNY. Messrs.
J. L. Took, Eburne, s Furtado, Mrs A. Mellon.
To conclude with THE WRECK ASHORE : Messrs J. L.
Toole. P. Bedlord. Stuart, Billingtor, , Ashley ; Miss Woolgar
and Miss H. Siranl

OPAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.
Sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. Geo. Vining.
THIS EVENING, .A GHOST IN SPITE OF HIMSELF.
After which. at a quarter to Eight, THE S MEETS OF
LON DON. Messrs. Vining. T. Mead, D. Murray. Shore,
Viliiers ; Ars. H. 31arson, Miss E. Barnett, and Miss K.
Rodgers.

ROYAL STRAND THEATRE.
Sole Lessee and Manageress, Mrs. Swanborough.
THIS EVENING, at Seven o'clock, PERFE TION.
After which will be produced a grand Easter Burlesque,
PARIS ; or, Vive Le mpiere : Mes.rs. Stoyle, ihorne,James :
Mesdames A. Swanboyougb, Raynham, Simpson. Johnstone,
Nanoe, and Bolt.
To conclude with DEAF AS A POST : Mr. Belford.

SADLER'S WELLS THEATRE.-
Brilliant Success of Mr. W. H. C. Nation's Management.
TIS EVENING, April 2', Monday, April 23, and during
them eek, Dion Boucicault's beautiful Drama of DOT.
Messrs. T. Swinbourne and Belmore Miss s Ada
Ilea',
Hudspeth, Ada Harland. and Hosine Power. New szrY.
dresses, and extraordinary effects.
Concluding with 18th, 19th, 20th, 21st, 22d, 13d, and 24th
nights of .J. C. Burnand's Evergreen Burksque of lICION.
Misses L. Willmore, Hudspeth, Harland, F. Gwynne, H.
Tra 3ey.

Commence at SLven. . .
Acting Manager, Mr. NYE CHART.

EMOSES & SON, CORNER OF MINORIES
AND A.LDGATE.

ip MOSES & SON, NEW OXFORD ST.,
jP_J, CORNER OF HART STREET.

-V MOSES & SON, CORNER OF TOTTEN-
JIU • HAM COURT ROAD AND EUSTON ROAD.

MINORIES, Is THE DEPARTMENT
-Ly for MECHANICS' AND SAILORS' Clothing, OUT-
FITS, AND WATERPROOF Clothing,
At E. MOSES & SON'S.

MLNORLES, Is THE DEPARTMENT
1 f
-or SHIRTS, BOSTERY, DRAPERY, PORTMANTEAUS,
RAILWAY RUGS, PERFUMERY, and FANCY GOODS,
At E. MOSES & SON'S.

IVIINORIES, Is THE DEPARTMENT
, for LADIES', GENTLEMEN'S, and CHILDREN'S
BOOTS and SHOES and LEGGI`IGS•
At E. MOSES & SON'S.

1 JMINORIES, IS THE DEPARTMENT
-1-t, I for LADIES' MANTLES AND UNDERCLOTHING,
and CHIE. LDREN'S DRESSES,
At MOSES & SON'S.

Q Q ALDGATE, IS THE DEPARTMENT
u for HATS and CAPS,
At E. MOSES & SON'S. .

84 ALDGATE, IS THE DEPARTMENT
7 for LADIES' RIDING HABITS, LIMES, and other
CLOTHLNG MADE TO ORDER,
At E. MOSES & SON'S.

ALDGATE, is Tim DEPARTMENT
t, 5 for the
At MOSEScelebr & INDISPENSABLE
SON'S " SUIT,
E..

87
ALDGATE, IS THE DEPARTMENT
6 for OVERCOATS, DRESS and FROCK COATS, and
READY MADE CLOTHING of every description,
At E. MOSES & SON'S.

87ALD GATE, IS THE WHOLESALE
DEPARTMENT,
At E. MOSES & SON'S.

88 ALD GATE, IS THE EXPORT DE
PARTMENT,
At E. MOSES & SON'S.

89 ALDGATE, IS THE DEPARTMENT
for JUVENILE CLOTHING of every description,
At E. MOSES & SON'S.

506 NEW OXFORD-STREET, IS THE
DEPARTMENT for SHIRTS, HOSIERY, PORT-
MANTEAUS, RAILWAY RUGS, PERFUMERY, and
FANCY GOODS,
At E. MOSES & SON'S.

507 NEW OXFORD STREET, IS THE
DEPARTMENT for OVERCOATS, DRESS and
FROCK COATS, and READY MADE CLOTHING
of every description,
At E. MOSES & SON'S.

508 NEW OXFORD STREET, IS THE
DEPARTMENT for MECHANICS CLOTILDIG
and OUTFITS, _

At E. MOSES & SON'S.

1 HART STREET, IS THE DEPART-
MENT for JUVENILE CLOTHING of every description,
At E. MOSES Sr SON'S.

2 HART STREET, IS TILE DEPART.
MENT for HATS and Cars,
At E. MOSES t SON'S.

3HART STREET, IS THE DEPART-
tx, MENT for LADIES' RIDING HABITS, LIVERIES, and
other CLOTHING MADE TO ORDER,
At E. MOSES & SON'S.

• TOTTENHAM COURT ROAD,
1 is 371 subivided into Departments for HATS and
CAPS, BOOTS and SHOES, and SHIRTS, HOSIERY,
PORT AN TEAUMOSES and RAILWAY RUGS,
At E. & SON'S.

Icl Q TOTTENHAM COURT ROAD,
tvi, is subdivided into Departments for OUTFITS,
MECHANICS' CLOTHING, OVERCOATS, DRESS and
FROCK COATS, and BEADY MADE CLOTIILNG Of
every description,
At E. MOSES & SOWS.

291 0 EUSTON ROAD, IS SUBDIVIDEDT.." into Departments for JUVENILE CLOTHING,
LADIES' RIDING HABITS, LIVERIES and other
CLOTHING MADE TO ORDER,
At E. MOSES & SON'S.

N.8.-ALL ARTICLES ARE MARKED IN
PLAIN FIGURES THE LOWEST PRICES,
FROM WHICH NO ABATEMENT CAN BE
MADE.

At E. MOSES Sr SON'S.

N.8.-SHOULD ANY ARTICLE NOT BE
APPROVED OF IT WILL BE EXCHANGED,
OR THE MONEY WILL BE RETURNED,
At E. MOSES & SON'S.

LIST OF PRICES WITH FASHION CARD,
AND RULES FOR SELF-MEASUREMENT,
GRATIS AND POST-FREE.
At E. MOSES dc SON'S.

MOSES & SON'S ESTABLISHMENTS
JILI• are closed every Friday at Sunset till Saturday at
Sunset, when business is resumed till 11 o'clock.

..-7-7:----.
-ri MOSES & SON, CORNER OF MINORIES
-12. I• and ALDGATE, NEW OXFORD S2nma,T, Corner of
HART STREET, and Corner of loTrantkx 0
,otur
ROAD and EUSTON ROAD;
also at BRADFORD, YORKSHIRE.
_____----------.

T" "SUN" NEWSPAPER.-
, G. R. GLENIE delivers the LATE EDITION a
Cheiget, 7.10
2
; Kilburn, 8; Starch-green, 8; Woolwich, 7.30
x b ridg e , 0,0
; Walfo. 1, 8.45.

THE “SUN,, NEWSPAPER._
G. R. GLENIE, Sporting Library, 4, Connaught-
terrace, Edgware-road, is specially rppod N AGENr to
deliver the LATE EDITION of TEE inte
SIT " at the
earlleit possible moment after leaving the press. lie Is able
tc,deliver copies in Town, the Suburbs, and in many parts of
the Country at a comparatively early hour the sarae tirening,
say 40 miles by 9 o'clock.

LATts'r EDITION of " THE SUN "
supplied, " soon 8,8 published every Evening, by
. ALEXANDER, n
nitoOKS), Newspaper Agent, 21,
Old Cavendish-street, Oa-lord-street.

THE LAST EDITION of "
THE SUN "
supplied as 130011,,!ts I.:WA/shed. containing all the
LATEST NEWS 61'01trItiti INTELLIGENCE, by
11. W. 11AltElS, Newspaper Agent, 4, Biacuriars.roact,
London, S.

THE LATEST EDITION of "TOE SUN."
HOLMES begs to inform hie riends, and the public
generally. that he supphes the LATE,ST turru,N of
1: IP.: UN "ad soon as published ._Nt). IG. uampstcad-
rust!, N. W.

QPORTING.—JOHN ROBERTS supplies the
1.17 LAThST EDI TON of
" rule SUN" ad soou as Pub-
-lished.-4, Bathstmet,l
Cityroad, E.C.

THE NEW LAW COCIITS.—At the old Insolvent
Debtors' Court yesterday, before Mr. Scott Turner the
High Bailiff of Westminster, and ajjary, a case—lngram
T. the New Law Courts Commissioners—was appointed to
be heard. Mr. Huddleston, Q.C. and Mr. Garth were fel
the claimant, Mrs. Jane Ingram ; and Mr. M. Chambers and
Mr. M'Mahon for the Commissioners. -The claim was in
respect of the freehold No. 3, New-court, Carey-street, re-
quired for, the site of the courts about to be erected. The
claim was £2,100. After the juryhadinspectedthe property
a consultation took place, and a verdict was agreed upon
for xi el Q