The Sun.
London, England, 1832-05-03 00:00:00

STOCKPORT, MAY J.

The Prime Warden, and two Wardens, of the Wor-
shipful Company of Goldsmiths of the city of London,
were in this town yesterd iy for the purpose of opening
new Free Grammar School, founded and endowed by the
Company, in compliance with the will of Sir Edmund
Shaw, a famous citizen who flourish( d in the reign of
Queen Elizabeth. He left 101. fur ever, to be paid annu-
ally to the master of a tree grammar school in this town,
which sum has accumulated to an immense amount. A
most elegant school has been built in the London road, and
a head master, the Rev. Thomas Middleton, has been
•irought from London to surrintend it.
There was a grand procession of tie authorities and gen-
Lmen of the town on the occasion, and the Wardens ap-
peared in the livery of the city of London.
Several appropriate speeches Wel e delivered in the school,
by the Prune Warden, Mr. Brooks, Warden Blan-
chard, the Rev. the Rector of Stockport, and tbe Rev.
Thomas Middleton; atter which a publie,dinner was par-
aken of at the Warren Bulkeley Aram
The town presented every appearance' of a gala, day.
F
ybyl
trghys e
inhabitants,en , bannersdn
rationf
for
o• etfrheje
ysi
lar,et:
iar,":l;
gratitudeigi Y,playing,,acn n,autn4
the Worshipful Company of Goldsmiths.

The inhabitants of Greenock are about to have
A public• meeting to oppose any mutilatio❑ of the 101.

LTIIIII (..17 THE PrE3l.l( JOURNALS.

The Anti-Reformers, in their defence of the bo,:
roughmorizer system, and in their warfare against
the h 11, have, to speak familiarly, thrust " two
irons into the fire." In respect of their argurneats
and their facts, it may he said that they have tried
both fallacy and falsehood. We
.are assured by
them, tbat the Bill ought not to pas:, because the
transfer of political power which it meditates
amounts to nothing less than a " revolution," re-
ferring- always to that revolution which overturned
the French monarchy. This is meant for a threat;
but it is in truth a concession cf extraordinary va-
lue to the friends of rational liberty. The Bill does
nothing more than place the Government of the
nation in the property and intelligence of the nation,
thereby realizing the immemorial theory of the Bri-
tish Constitution, and reviving all its better prac-
tice. To what an extreme, then, mutt the abuse
and perversion of the fundamental laws cf England
hare been stretched, when to rcaestablish them on
their natural basis assumes ti.* character of a revolu-
tion ! It is, we apprehend, no very startling re-
proach against a magistrate, when he transfers a
purse of money from the hand of the thief to that
of the rightful owner, to tell him, that so far as the
matter of his judgment goes, Ire has effected a change
in the relations of the panics as complete as can
well be conceived. The only question worthy
to be considered Is, whether the change be desirable
in the same degree in which it is admitted to he
vital. The notion of our constitutional practice
avosaetal by some conspicuott: noblemen is, that the
Minister, in his administration of the King's
Government, ought to be as much na possible un-
con•rolled by the national voice. In other words,
the political-beau of such statesmen is unlimiied
monarchy. Now it is quite reasonable that Lords
or Gentlemen who feel about .4 the King's Go-
tvernment'' a: if it were something apart from, or
inflated opposed to, the national interest, should look
with abhorrence upon a scheme of domestic policy,
which regards a constitwien as excellent in the same

proportion in which it releases the people from ir-
responsible coercion, and ties up the hands of a Mi-
nister of the Crown. The sentiment of that pen-
sion-fed or placeofed oligarch is perdmiable, although
his opinion may he altogether false, who regards it
as a grievous calamity to the kingdom that the Mem-
bers of the House of Commons should be dependent
on the body of the people for a renewal of their seats
in Parliament, and should therefore be bound, at
their peril, to watch and overhaul the distribution of
Ministerial favours to which any enjoyment of rack,
whether civil or military, in the state, or any ap-
propriation of public money, is annexed. It is,
we say, a pardonable selfishness in those wl,o look
upon the possession of office as valuable chit fly for
the opportunities which it has afforded, and mi2lit
again afford them, of puAling the promotions of
fash;enable friends and relatives, or in those who
make their borough intere:t subset vient to the like
predatory purposes on their own behalf,—it is a
weakness open 'o some sort of extenuation in the
two classes of persons here alluded to—givers and
receivers of public meney—to rail against that plan
of representative Government as revolutionary
which lets in the people to affix a negative, or a
penalty, as the case may be, upon all such gross
malversations. But the nation has proved, with
;great distinctness and unanimity, that if it forgives
the (lime of the conservatives, it does not share
their delusion. The two principles, in fact, are
directly arrayed against each other. The nation
loves the Bill because of that very blow about to be
inflicted by it upon the oligarchy, which the nitres,
the " moderates," and the wretched underlings of
the Court, cry out against as an overthrow of mo-
?welly, law, and order. Such opposites can never
be reconciled. They have no common principle,
any more than the parties to a disputed succession.
The people ,ay," You have usurped cur rights, and
must le s-ore them." " No," exclaim the fac-
tion, " you have no rights inconsistent with our
monopoly of power, and what we have we
will keep. It is our hereditary property." The
people rejoin,—" It is- a trust which you have
Niolated." Thus issue is joined, and the events
will show who best can vindicate his pretensions.
When Tory statesmen affect to identify the 10/.
electors throughout Great Britain with the mob, and
then preach about the attacks which are likely to
follow against " operty," does it never occur to
them that the more opulent inhabitants of cities and
manufacturing towns, who have most reason to be
apprehensive of mob violence, are also the most eager
portions of the community for the establishment of
the 10/. franchise % In Edinburgh, in Glisgow,
Manchester, Birmingham, and Leeds,—in Liverpool,
in Bristol, and above all, in this metropolis,—the
feeling of the rich and independent classes is (all
but universally) in favour of the 10/. qualification.
It can never, we say, be too often repeated, or too
carefully recollected, that those whose persons and
dwellings, whose lives and fortunes, are most at the
mercy of what ought to be called rabble, have ex-
hibited from the very commencement of this great
c,ritesr, by speeches, resolutions, petitions, and every
other mode of attesting men's desires, the most rooted
conviction of the political necessity for giving 101.
householders conjoint right pith those of higher quali-
fication, to choose representatives in Parliament. This
is a circumstance worthy of deep at teotion. The higher
body of town inhabitants feel that their numbers
are took few to justify the exclusion of their neigh-
bours from a privilege so valuable, and, in case of
such exclusion, so invidious. They call for an wig-
mentation to the constituency of the kingdom, asei
partner in, and therefore a protector of, our political
institutions. They are for enlisting the ten-pounders
as a rdnforeement to that garrison, by which alone
law and property can be defended. Leave this body
of our fellow-subjects without the citadel, and what
is it but provoking them to joie the multitude so
much dreaded by some as its beseigers ? We ear-
nestly recommend the moderate Reformers—the
enemies of the 101. qualificatiore—to beware how,
by an obstinate resistance to this essential portion
of the Reform Bill, they force such a coalition.-e-
Times.

,
We yesterday adverted to the :iota:ion of al
treades and the disregard of all the laws of huma
pity and justice, shown by Russia in her outrsges
upon unhappy Poland. • To-day we present, in ano-
ther column, the natural consequences of such des-
potifm and perfidy. It might, at first sight, appear
to the careless observer, that it was of little conse•
quence to preserve the nationality of such a country
—as it was destined alike to be oppressed, whether
as a distinct kingdom or as an incorporated province
of the autocrat. Where Russian domination pre-
vails, it has been argued, it matters little whether
the people are Poles or Muscovites,—Calmees 9r
Kamisehaikadales,—they •are sure to be all alike
slaves, and their iron chains will weigh as heavy
at Warsaw as at Tobolsk. This proposition, though
literally true, is not practicaily correct. So long as
the national existence of Poland was respected to
any extent, and so long as the Poles were left to be
judged or condemned within the limits of their own
country, though the sentence might be arbitrary or
the penal?), excessive, some restraint was always im-
posed en the exercise of a foreign power by the
6ympathies anti moral sense of the people. The pri-
sons, might be filled with victims, and cruel or de-
grading punishments might be inflicted on obnoxious
Individuals; but whole bodies of respected nobles
or honoured citizens could not be all at once snip-
ped of their social consideration, and reduced to the
condition of galley-slave,, in the midst of their al-
miring or eympaiWz:tee countrymen. At any rate,
they were sure of beirg known,—their names could
not be abolished, like that of their nation,—they
would net be barely numbered like bales of goods,
—they would not be tormented with the idea that
their sufferings; were unheeded, or their invocatioe
of vetereauce de.pised. Had the whole membees
of the late independent Diet, and all the officers wbo
distinguished themselves in the late campaign, beep
paraded through the streets of Warsaw in chine,
the [track seion would rather hare appe.arzl a triumph •
then a di,gram But it is otheterise, when, by the
most flagrant violation of !he national rights of Pa-

alt.!, Poles are 'Riven nut of their rm couwrA,
sent to the wilds of Siberia, or transported into
he iniefor of Russia, "unknowing and tin:
known." " The Tiary of a Traveller," which
will be found in another column, shows the
extent to which brutal vengeance may, in such cip-
eumstances, be carried against the most noble of
honourable of the land, when dispersed among the
ltarbatians whom they deipise, and who on their part
know not the worth of the parties whom they op-
press and insole. If anything can justify an imme-
diate interference of the great Powers of Europe in
the affairs of Poland more than another, in conse-
quence of the is,ue of the imptral tika,.e which has
destroyed its existence as a Wngdom, it would be
the exile of its citizens to Siberia, and the atrocious
cruelties recorded in the narrative to which we have
referred.—Times.

The blasphemous abstuditie; which have for some

months pasi been enacted in the Caledonian Church
in Regent-square are now, we trust, brought to an
elfec!u,l conclusion. The Scottish Presbytery in
London, who aie, by the trust-deed of the chapel,
appointed to decide o; any alleged depariure of its
minister from the standards of the Kirk of S:otland,
to which, by the same deed, he is sworn to adhere,

last n:ght, after a laborious investigation, declared
that the fooleries which he bad encouraged or per-
mitted were inconsistent with the doctrine and dis-
cipline Of the Scottish National Eitablishment. It
would, indeed, have been a subject of lvon'ler had
they come to a different conclusion, though they had
had the benttit cf a concert upon " the Tongues"

from the whole male and female band of Nti.

select performers. 50 long ac the Reverend
Gentlemen occupied exclusively the stage himself, he
was heard with patience,--perhaps sometimes with
pity,—by a respectable and devout audience, what-
ever character he represented, or in whatever vaga-
ries he indulged. He might art as an oracle or a
prophet—as an expounder of the Apocalypse
or a worker of miracles—with impunity, so
long as he exercised the gift' alone; hut when he
errercd into partnership with knaves and impostors,

to (;splay tl;eir concerted " manifestations,"—
when he profaned tl.e sanctuary of God, and inter-
rupted the devotions of the people introducing

h;deous interludes of " tl!e unknown tongues,"—it
was impossible any longer to tolerate the nuisance.
Ad the respectable and sensible part of his audience
deserted him, and the trustees were called upon, in
the exercise of their duty, to draw the curtain on a

farce by which religion and reason were etpally in-
sulted. Toe resi:lt was an application to two emi-
nent counsel at the Chancery Bar, under whose ad-
vice they have acted, in that appeal to the Presby-
tery, v.-11;dt yesterday terminated in the decision

against \lr. The Church will of course be
shut up cu Sunday, unless a miracle comes to the

iuil of the Rev. Ge►:tleman; and " the tongues," if
they are inclined to be musical, must display their
powers in a different thea,re. But we believe
the imposture is already blown up, and will not
require an injunction of the Chancellor,
or the interference of the police to exclude it from
the Regent-square chapel. Two of the chief actors
—Miss Hall, and the Yerkshire attorney—have de-
clared that the whole was a gross delusion; that
they were inspired by no other spirit but that of
; and that their " unknown tongues" were
only studied, inarticulate sounds. The Yorkshire
attorney was sumrronei to town by the reverend
di cerner of spirits," in order to bear testimony to
the truth of his own inspiration, when, to the 'nor-

titication and astonishment of his friend, he declared
that the whole was a spiritual hoax,—that he never
had given any " manifestations of the Holy Ghost,"
byeause he had nt.ver any manifestations to give,-
awad that if he were railed before the Pieshytery,
he must act the part of Milaam, when emp!oyed by
Bank, and denounce the defendant, whom he was

ittrited to support. Such will, sooner or later, be
the termination of all such outrages on common sense
and reason.—Times.

We yesterday alluded to an attempt to ascertain
and classify the personal property in this country
from data afforded by the 14th Report of the Com-
missioner,: of Revenue Inquiry. From the account
it appears that the amount of property proved, &c ,

in one year, is 46,435,066/. Considering thirt)-
three years as a geneiation, if we multiply the aboie
sum by 33 we shall have for the whole property
1,532,357,178/. And if we multiply the num!ier
of testators and intestates in one year, 19,909, by
the same figures of 33, we have for the whole pos-
sescrs of personal property 656,997. Now we
Ca1:110t better show what an interest the House of
Peers, as a body, have in misgoverning this country,
than in estimating the amount of property posses,ed
by them, and comparing it with the property in the '
above statement. The average incomes of the se-
eerat,Peers has often been estimated considerably
under 8,0004 per annum, but never oho,: e. If we
take it at this slim, we have about 2,500,000/. per
curium, and valuing. this at 25 years' purchase, we
have somewhat more than 60 millions—say 65 mil-
lions. It has often been remarked, that in all coun-
tries in :he world, those who live on rents are im-
provident and embairassed. We may be tolerably
sore, that the share of the personal property belong-
ing to Peels in the 1,532 millions, is greatly below
the sums due by mortgage, contract, and otherwise,
to other holders of personal property. But there
is no use for descending to nicety in this matter.
It is quite clear, that ilte amount of property pos-
sessed by the House of Peers is trilling when com-
pared with the amount of the nation. The fee-
simple of their whole estates is not worth more than
one twenty-.bird part of the personal property of the
rest of the people. As landholders, they cannot
possess more than the fifteenth of the real properly.
Cin we wonder, then, that the borough-holders
should cling with obstinacy to a system, which
places such an enormous amount of property, com-
pared with their own, within their grasp ? There
may be about twenty members of the Peerage, who,
possessing enormous estates, suffer more from the
general pillage than they can recover back as their
shares; but the body of Peers mti,t have a direct
interest in adding to an expenditure of which they
are irresponsible disposers. The great problem in
Representative Government is to diminish the in-
fluence of individual properties, and to increase the
influence of property in the mass. That the pos-
sessors of the mass of property should wish to de-
stroy property is a contradiction in terms ; but three
or four hundred rich individuals may find their inte-
rest in diminishing the mass of property. They
may involve millions in misery, by a wasteful ex-
penditure, by which they shall themselves be en-
riched. In a calculating commercial country like
this, considerations like these must present them-
selves to the minds of most persons. Hence the
indignation which the conduct of the Anti-Reform-
ing Peers has excited throughout the country. It
has been said of the people that they are actor et
judex ; but this may be said with more propriety
of the Peers. They are in the case of thieves deli-
berating whether or not there shall be a preventive
police. But can Reform be withheld ? The best
answer to this is, what has induced nearly all the
Peers to admit that Reform to a certain extent is
proper and necessary ? Why do they say that it is
proper and necessary ? Because they know that it
cannot he withheld. When the Duke of Wellington
refused to transfer East Retford toßirmingham—when
he afterwards refused to allow the enfranchisement of a
few of thegreat commercial and manufac. uring towns
—when he declared that the House of Commons, so
far from needing Reform, was improved by its shameful
parts, and that the wit of man could devise nothing
to equal it—when this insolent declaratiom was loudly
cheefed by the Anti-Reform Peers, who now pro-
fess themselves Reformers—the parties in question
then conceived that they should be able to resist
the nation. Their aversion to Reform is the same
that it was, but they s e that they are unable to
resist it. The people know that if they could re-
sist Reform, they would not even enfranchise Bit-
mingbam or -31auchester—that they yield only to an
over-ruling necessity—and that the same necessty
under which: they %iota yield a hit-and-bit Reform
cx•ort f oat them a full and complete tb,astir:e
IZe'orm. They have compelled the people to

csAlt their °Nil ,tiength. They have compelled
he people to vindicate their claims to a representa-
tion in the Commons' House, which shall prctect
them from the pillage of privileged robbers. They
have forced the people to put forth their strength.
All power is in the people, though it may lie
dormant for a time. How foolish, then, to perist in a
contest, in which defeat is certain ! It never can be
the interest of any order of men in a State, to unite
the nation in opposition to it. The party provoking
such opposition is sure to suffer from it. The
Peers have suffered greatly from the contest. They
have taught the nation to look on the order as an
incubus on it. Their authority has suffered a check
which it never will recover. Throughout the
country there is but one loud note of indignation
tittered against them. And why incur all this
obloquy—why cause themselves to be viewed in
every quarter a; enemies of the people ? 14 there a
man among them so stupid as to believe that any
power is possessed by the °Her by which the people
can be withstood ? What madness then to enter
into a contest without a shadow of hope! The
people cannot suffer from any contest, because all
power is in them, and they have only to will a thing
to obtain it. But any separate body which enters
into a contest with the people may, by defeat, lose
all. What cannot be withheld should be given
graciously. Had the Peers been able to read the
signs of the times, they wonld have escaped the
mortification attendant on a forced and ungracious
surrender. The strength of the Peers is in
the regard and attachment of the nation.
Historical associations threw a sort of halo around
them. Like desperate spendthrifts, they have
thrown away this precious treasure, without re-
gard or consideration. Where ae end is doubtful,
something may occasionally be hazarded, without
incurring a charge of imprudence; but no wise man
would commit himself to a struggle, in which, to the
certainty of defeat, must be added the injury in-
separable from the contest. In common life, there

are individuals who never pay their deb's 011 com-
pelled by execution. By such a course, they not
only pay more than the debt, but lose their charac-
ter into the bargain. The obstinacy of such debt-
ors may be deemed proper sphit by anti-Reform
Lords; but by other people it will be deemed the
height of folly. Such folly, however, is equalled by
that of the Reforming Peers, who resist just claims,
and when at length obliged to yield, lose all the
credit of yielding through a sense of honour and
justice. From one end of the country to the other,
loud complaints are heard on account of the delay in
passing the Bill ; and the language used in speaking
of the Lords, by grave men, possessed of a deep
stake in the country, is such as two years ago no
man would have uttered, without hazarding the
respect and consideration of all who heard him. Is
this nothing ? Can the Peers be so lost to their
own interest as not to see to what they expose them-
selves by this wanton disregard of public feeling?
What infatuation has taken possession of them 1—
Morning Chronicle.
If those practical Members of the House of Lords,
who have been hitherto opposed to the R.form Bill,
would, now that they must perceive the hopeless-
ness of any further endeavours to defeat it, lend
their assistance towards improving its detals, they
might render a valuable service to the country. By
its details we mean the machinery through which its
fiamera propose that it shall be brought into action.
In this particular it is that the Reform Bill is defec-
tive, or rather, perhaps, overloaded. In this re-
spect it is like a tine, lively, handsome chili], so
swathed up and bandaged by. its nurses as to be
deprived in a great measure of the free use of its
Finbi. We doubt, for ins•ance, altogether the use
of the registry as compare] with the intricacy, the
trouble, and expense, which is to attend it. By
the registly, as now proposed, it may be nearly
two years before a man may be entitled to
vote, to which, if we add the seven years which
the Parliament for which he could not vote may sit,
it may be nearly nine years before even a freeholder
can exerc7se those rights which the RH is intended
to insure to him. And then this undesirable result
is to be accomplished, through we do not know how
many barristers, who are to be paid at the rate of
five guineas a day for apparently mistifying that
which, without their aid, would he simple and prac-
ticable enough. The proposed division of coun-
ties again, is a point to which the Lords may
very advantageously direct their attention in Com-
mittee, and with the more propriety, as one ob-
jection to it is, that it is calculated to increase
the evil arising from local influence which many of
their Lordships now exercise to an overwhelming
extent in county elections. The manner, too, in
which the household vote is to be acquired, after all
the changes it has undergone, is still anything bi t
sfactory.
recommendedlthe a
ed
an etly
criterion sftaargtehseof the
101.
voter,flrs
t Ball
se
whichv
appears to us still more just and practicable than any
of the several changes which the former or the pre-
sent B:ll has hitherto undergone. What we then pro-
posed was that the householder should acquire his
right to vote in precisely the same manner as, under
the last alteration in the law of settlement, he can
acquire a tight to parochial relief—viz., by having
rented and occupied for a whole year one entire
tenement, and have paid a whole year's rent bona-
fide out of his own meats. This, as far as the
lower class of voters is concerned, would produce a
more unobjectionable constituency, by weeding them
of mere casual, temporary occupiers, arid, as regards
the whole of the household voters throughout the
kingdom, would simplify and define the right in a
way which would admit of little or no quibble er
evasion. In these, and perhaps in ssme other re-
spec•s, what is called the macainery of the Bill ad-
mits, we apprehend, of considerable improvement,
and that improvement we should be glad to see it
undergo in the Committee of the House of Lords.
In the lengthened debates which the measure has
already undergone in the Upper House, the Peers
have shown a knowledge buth of the principle of
the Bill and its details mole extensive than any
which the Commons have exhibited. The country
at large will be glad to see those powers brought
into action, not in a vain attempt to paralyse or de-
feat
a measure which must and will take effect, but
in improving and simplifying its details, so that,
when it comes fairly into action, neither its friends
nor foes may have to upbraid themselves with de-
fects which a timely attention might now avoid.
Morning Herald.
In order to show the justice and necessity of the
Reform 8.11, a Government journal has been in-
structed to put forth a series of accounts of pro-
bates and administration?, and to infer from these
tables that the number of persons possessing
st immense.to so
per-
sonal property in Great Britain is very large, and
is
astplptetmwhniuhlteuoathabedritib,jstsli
lec,eocit,:thitfrrhsh,oha,tsneautesoweetvicsfhoi, veavdaaaetrheotvelcopdthlatiehlairerolpei
oeyelgneoct,asrantelmastpxopesiomeisatteodnourisroufisinttsoeluiniafironptsdipne:
utotlisoa:thcl,l,fri
tables
waesoetfpabuisssarina%lsiceoveitdkslptiooisuaoehrnetcupnlrhstohdwtrthehf:omoahopofptritiurrebini
iiielsrettotiettyanthnytai
todeehnboepsrei
erfni
pneoyag6osukft:mciatn.
e6at
blgo)nr)
::ee9dirdss:
003;
calcula-
tion
21
old
nay,rredp
millions sterling. We like this result property,
Wel that
we will not scrutinize the calenlatiiiottnwe even
represented
could cwa.i thathavetbheeeiti) gduaraebsiedb y; :afvahricaha
excellent argument for cleaving to the Constitution,
under under which this public and individual wealth and
prosperity have been fostered and protected, the ar-
gument would then have been exactly twice as
good. But when we look at the subject a little
more in detail, it presews many other very strong
arguments against the Bill, and, so far as we can
discover, not a scintilla of argument in its favour.
A large proportion of this immense mass of pro-
perty must belong to the subjects of Great Britain
resident in her colonies and dependencies. Is this
a reason for depriving this class of persons of all in-
tluence, direct or indirect, in the National Legislature?
A large proportion of this immense mass of pro-
i•crty must of necessity belong to inhabitants of the
metrop, lis and its vic,niv, where, by the 8i11,.a .

constituency is to be cleated, ao overwhelming
majority of whom will consist of persons having no
share of it. Is the large amount of this property then
an argument in favour of a measure which thus de-
prives a most important class of its possessors of all
effective influence in the Nationol Legirlature 7 A
large proportion of this immense mass of property
belongs to persons who are not householder,, and
to whom therefore the Bill imparts no influence
whatever in the National Representation. Is
this again an argument in favour of the Bdl?
The Bill gives an unequivocal ascendency in
every election of Members to the House of Com-
mons to persons who notoriously have no share, or
a very small one, in this immense mass of property.
And is such a Bill to be defended on the ground that
this property deserves and requires representation 7
The statement is a most satisfactory and cheering
ore. We dare be sworn it is every word true. It
stews what ignorant drivellers they are who pre-
tend that the country has been impoverished and
brought to decay and ruin by the vices and follies
of its Government. But its production for the pur-
pose of showing the necessity of any Reform of Par-
liament, and above all of such a Reform as the Po-
litical Unions and mob meetings are daily clamour-
ing for, is a blunder as great as any which has or
will be committed even by Lord Aithorp or Mr.
Poulett Thomson.—Morning Post.

COURT OF KING'S BENCH, Nltv 2.

CRINIINAL INFORMATIONEX•PARTE SHIPDEN OR SHIP

FIELD, LATE MAYOR, AND NOW JURAT AND MACIS.

TRATE OF THE BOROUGH OF HrTHE.

Sir J. ScanLETT moved the Court on behalf of the
above-mentioned gentleman, for a rule nisi, for filing a cri-
minal inform ttion against a person of the name of Shrews-
bury, a printer, at llythe, for publishing a false and mali-
cious libel, reflecting in the must injurious manner on the
gentleman's character. Mr. Shipden, or Shipfieti, had
heen Mayor, and was now a magistrate and jurat of the
borough of llythe, in which phee it appeart.d that political
and pirty hostilities prevailed to a great extent.—Rule
granted.