The Sun.
London, England, 1832-02-28 00:00:00

generally to-d.ly.

The 2d Dragoons have been ordered from
Brighton to Birmingham, to arrive at the latter place on
the Sth of March. Some detachments (recruits) have
been ordered from Croydon to Warley barracks. Twe
companies of Grenadier Guards have been removed from
London to Chatham. One company of Coldstream
Guards, and one company of the Scotch Fusileers,
have marched from London to Croydon. lhe 2d Bat-
talion of Coldstream Guards have been ordered from
Brighton to the Tower, to arrive on the Ist of March.

THE CANTERBURY TALES, BY THE
MISSE4 LEE. —The new and revised edition of this inte-
resting series of fictions is now completed, by the publica-
tion of the second and concluding volume in " The
Standard Novels ;" the whole of the five volumes of the
former edition being comprised in two (at less than a
fourth of the original cost), with embellishments from
designs by eminent artists. The second volume of the
above-named new impression includes the fine story of
Kruitzner, which drew such lavish eulogy from Lord
BYRON, and on which he avowedly founded one of his
dramas. The other narratives in this volume consist of
The Clergyman's Tale, Pembroke ; The Scotsman's Tale,
Claudine; The Landlady's Tde, Mary Lawson; The
Friends Tale, Stanhope ; and the Wife's Tale, Julia.
INSECT DUELLISTS !—" By means of tile
cricket (gryllus domesticus), which is of an irritable
temper, the Chinese indulge their sporting propensities
with facility. Two crickets are put in a China basin, and
from its slipperiness they cannot easily get up its sides.
The tail of one of them being tickled with a feather, and
he being as pugnacious as an Irish jontilman, instantly
turns round, and perhaps strikes the other : then the fight
begins; if not, the tail of the other is tickled, anti he turns
round, and seeing the hostile aspect of the other, strikes
him. If these creatures had language, the colloquy would
be strictly in the style of the colloquies preceding most
duels—" You scoundrel, what did you strike me for ?"
" You lie, Sir ; I didn't strike you." Satisfaction must
of course be had for the lie thus given, and in the case of
the crickets, people stand round the basin to see, and lay
heavy bets on the result.--Mitrliell's Lectures On ,Animal
and Vegetable Life.

The outcry raised against Earl Grey by some of
the more intemperate Reform Journals, for not inun-
dating the House of Lords with newly-created Peers
for the purpose of securing the success of the Reform
Bill, appears to us to be equally unjust and unrea-
sonable. It is unjust, because those who raise this
outcry do not know whether there will, eventually,
be any necessity for a creation of Peers at all; and
it is unreasonable, because it demands, at all hazards,
a certain evil shall be inflicted on the country with
the view to the attainment of a good which it might
be the very means of defeating ; for who can say
that if Lord Grey were at present to create a num-
ber of new Peers, to ensure the success of his Reform
measure, it might not so disgust the independent
supporters of the Bill in the Upper House as to
Cause them to desert the ranks of a :Ministry that
had become so enslaved to popular clamour as to
make it impossible for their aristocratic supporters
to continue faithful to their cause without consent-
ing to the degradation of their own order. If we
thought Lord Grey's Reform Bill a much more pure
and perfect specimen of statesmanship than we
really do, yet we should like to see it carried only by
honest and constitutional means. We do not hold
to that maxim, either in policy or morals, that " call
may be done that good may come of it." The evil
is certain; the good is contingent. If the bounda-
ries of the Constitution may be passed for the pur-
pose or under the pretence of reforming abuses in
the State, they may also be passed for the purpose
of subverting the State itself. ‘g What to-day is
fact, to-morrow is doctrine," says a great political
writer. Let Lord Grey create to-morrow a mob of
mushroom Peers for the purpose of carrying the
Reform Bill, and the precedent will hereafter be
pleaded to sanction the worst designs that a bad and
ambitious Minister could entertain against the inde-
pendence of Parliament or the liberties of the people.
It has been said that because the King has the
power of creating an unlimited number of Peers,
therefore it is not unconstitutional to create any
number that his Majesty's Ministers think necessary
to secure the triumph of the Reform Bill. This is a
mistake, and in practice would be of the most dan-
gerous consequences, inasmuch as it would operate
to the virtual abolition of the House of Lords, and
consequently to the destruction of one of the three
estates of which our Constitution is composed. How,
then, can that be constitutional which has the effect
of annihilating one of the component parts of the
Constitution ? The King has the right of creating
any number of Peers he pleases, because, as the
" fountain of honour," the Constitution reposes in
him unlimited confidence that he will not abuse that
great trust, but exercise it in purity of purpose for
the reaard of eminent services, and to repair the
losses which time occasions in the ranks of the aris-
tocracy, so that the number of members of the
Upper House may neither be scanty nor redundant.
If they should be too few, there cannot be sufficient
attendance for the adequate discharge of the legisla-
tive labours of the Upper House. If they should
be too ?irony, the honours of the Peerage will sink
in public estimation. The creation of a batch of
Peers to overrule the deliberative freedom of the
House of Lords on any particular occasion is, in
reality, an abolition of the Upper House pro tent-
pore, and, by being often repeated, may lead the
country to come to the conclusion that a House of
Lords is only a useless pageant, and its proceedings
a solemn farce.—Morning Herald.
The proceedings in the House of Lords last night
were somewhat remarkable for the tone assumed by
the Duke of Wellington. A question had been put
to Earl Grey on the subject of tithes, by the Duke
of Buckingham, in the answer to which the Noble
Earl observed, that " it was no matter of reproach
to the existing Ministry that they had not been
able to settle in one year a question which had
been under consideration for many and many
years, and which no Ministry had ever yet been
able to bring to bring to a satisfactory conclusion."
His Grace chose to think that this observation re-
flected on his Administration, and he began by
dilating on the good effects produced by the Tithe
Composition Act ; after which his Grace exclaimed,
" Now we find that we are to entertain the question
with a view to the formation of a new system. My
Lords, what is the cause of this ? My Lords, the
cause is the encouragement which has been given to
agitators to disturb this country.—(Loud cheers.)
I can tell the Noble Earl, that as long as encourage-
ment is given to agitators, you may double and
treble the regular army in Ireland—you may heap
measure of severity on measure of severity—but
you will not succeed in putting down agita.
tation on this question, or upon any of the
others which may follow it." This is pretty well
for a gentleman who declared that he was in heart
as much opposed to Catholic emancipation as ever;
but the agitation in Ireland had reduced him to the
alternative of either conceding it, or attempting to
coerce the Catholics, and then came the fine touch
as to his horror of civil war. His Grace may have
forgotten some of these declarations; but he may
rest assured that the Irish treasured them up; and,
therefore, if his modesty will allow him, when speak-
ing of agitation, he may place himself at the head of
it. On being called on to make good his charge,
the Duke of Wellington repeated the usual twaddle
about Mr. O'Connell—the answer to the address
of a Political Union—the publishing the order for
the line of march in the Government newspapers
which the various columns of the mob took to St.
James's after the Reform Bill was thrown out by the
Peers. The Duke and his friends are strongly inclined
to forget that they did not deliver over either England
or Ireland to their successors in the most satisfactory
state. We remember when the most patient of all
patient people—the peasantry of England—had risen
in the home counties and were roaming in bands
up and down the country, breaking machines and
firing stacks, Sir Robert Peel declared in the House
of Commons that Government could afford no aid.
All this is quite out of mind—we hear nothing of
the city dinner declined from alarm, Ssc. Earl Grey,
however, reminded his Grace of them. But there
is a motive for dwelling on agitation now. His
Grace, and those who vote with him, contemplate
once more revolting the people of England with
the spectacle that was exh►bited last year, and they
wish to badger Ministers into admissions, which
may be turned against them in cooling the zeal of
supporters, both in Ireland and this country. The
people of England are not disposed to violence—
they, perhaps, err in putting up too patiently with
the insults of their enemies. While it lasted the
debate was very warm, arid we may infer from it
that the proceedings about to commence will not
be over and above distinguished fur coolness.—
Murnin g Chronicle.

Mr. Croker made his speech on naval affairs
last night, of which he gave note of preparation some
days ago. The debate was of some length, but we
have not space at present for a notice of it.—Morri-
ing Chronicle.
During the tedious progress of the Reform Bill
through the Committee we have been hitherto
sparing of our remarks, from a conviction that no-
thing t hat we could say would have the effect of
accelerating the progress of the measure, the only
point respecting which the people felt much inte-
rest. Whether this or that small borough shall be
placed in schedule A or schedule B, might be a
mighty matter to some great proprietor in the neigh-
bourhood, but was a matter of indifference to
the public. But the time has come when the

friends of Reform can no longer be indifferent.—
The conspiracy against the people, which has been
so long maturing its projects, is now about to act.
This may be said to be the first of a series of desperate
engagements between the friends and foes of Re-
form for all that is valuable in the Bill. This night
the Marquis of Chandos, backed • by the open and
secret enemies of Reform, attempts to deprive the
metropolitan districts of the Members assigned to
them. In another column we have expressed our-
selves somewhat more in detail on the projects of the
Anti-Reformers in the two Houses, and the engage-
ments which have been entered into between the
Tortes and pretended Reformers, but real enemies to
Reform, to give encouragement to the opposition in
the House of Lords. We refer our readers to that
article, and we shall here confine our remarks to
the movement of this evening. We can make
allowance for the imperfections which Ministers
have been obliged to leave in the system of re-
presentation, knowing the strong interests op.
posed to them, and the impossibility of prevailing
over all of them. But . we are not the less sensible
tlntt the concession of the franchise to so many small
INyoughs is a great evil. If the object of a
good representation is to afford adequate protection
to property, a system of representation is bad in so
far as it gives to a number of small places an in-
fluence to which they are not entitled on the score
either of wealth or population. To buy from the
few the means of plundering the many, is the busi-
ness of the boroughmonger. We should have re-
joiced, if every hope of carrying on this business, in
time to come, had been annihilated by a Reform
based on the property and population of the country ;
but, considering the point from which Ministers
started, we have rather been disposed to feel satis-
faction that they have proceeded so far, than disap-
pointment that they have net proceeded further.
But our satisfaction would indeed be converted into
bitter disappointment, were the project of refusing
Members to the metropolitan districts to be rea-
lised. The metropolis, from its wealth, its popula-
tion, the immense interests which require protection,
will still,compared with the rest of the kingdom,
be very inadequately represented by the additional
Members which it is now proposed to give. To
exclude the metropolis is a deep injury to the whole
empire, for it lowers the scale of property and po-
pulation in the representation, and raises the scale of
places suffered to retain the suffrage without any
title from wealth and population. The amount of
the assessment to the house tax in the county of
Middlesex is alone half as much as that of all
England. Whether we take property or popula-
tion for our guide, the present Bill does not
by any means give to the metropolis a fair pro-
portion of Members. There are many of the large
manufacturing towns of the North possessed of a
large population, but of comparatively little wealth.
Paisley, for • instance, with a population of
58,000, pays only 3,589/. of assessed taxes. The
parish of Lewisham, in Kent, with a population of
only 9,659, pays 7,9211. of assessed taxes—more
than twice the amount of Paisley. Even the poorest
of the new metropolitan boroughs—that of the
Tower—containing Shadwell and Bethnal-green,
pays 93,1511. of assessed taxes—three times the
amount of Manchester and Salford, and five times the
amount of Leeds. The people of England are
deeply interested in the metropolis possessing an
adequate number of representatives; for, as we
have said, the great evil to be guarded against in
representation is to prevent a small and a poor con-
stituency from having more influence than a nume-
rous and a riot constituency. Whether, then, we
consider wealth or numbers, the proposed addition to
the metropolitan Members is far below the fair pro-
portion. But there is another consideration equally
deserving of attention. It will be readily allowed that
if the metropolis is richer proportionably than the rest
of the country, it is still more distinguished for the in-
telligence and information of its inhabitants. They
possessbe
advantages
entrusted v
peculiar
t othrems e,
I whoves ought . If theyh t t
cannot o
have it ? We therefore consider the indisposition to
concede additional representatives to the metropo-
lis as a fair test of the sincerity, or insincerity, of a
Reformer. There should be no mistake on this
reovf
eaulltthtohseemwehtorocplohliigs
tpoo i rtiht .e
oNokrrer
ukpiti o sss;
st
theem, anxietyto
p
from having its fair influence in Parliament; and
we are prepared for all manner of subterfuges on the
part of the sham reformers in the House of Com-
mons. Those who dare not vote in favour of the
motion of the Marquis of Chandos, and yet are
favourably disposed to it, will adopt a shuffling
course—they will be absent. They will, however,
be marked; and they may be assured that they will
not succeed in deceiving us. The enemy are now
on the alert, and it becomes the people of England
to be also now on the alert. The Anti-Reformers
are mistaken if they confound our disgust at their
recent conduct with apathy. We will show them
of what mettle the people of England are made.
Their big talk, their attempts to varnish over their
selfish aims by professions of independence and dis-
interestedness, will avail them but little. Disguise
it as they will, their aim and object is plunder—
plunder. They wish to riot in luxury, and to con-
demn the poor toil-worn labourers and mechanics
of this country to the wretchedness which is their
present lot and portion. Good God ! is it not
enough to make men lose all patience to hear indi-
viduals like Lord Eldon, with one foot in the grave,
boasting of the happiness and prosperity of the
people of this country under the present system, at
a time when every stranger who visits the island is
struck with the misery which stares him in the face
in every part of it ! It is a glorious Constitution for
such men as Lord Eldon; but to the poor starving
artizan—obliged in this severe climate, and with
food twice as high as in other countries, to work for
wages not higher than are paid abroad—the Consti-
tution will not exactly appear in the same light. It
someis
moret time,
protection—that
re, 0
threeptocvei
oea
uvt
we
htah
shallt Lords
look
atth
oe
o kp
andeop
withe
Bishops
shouldn t:n s e receiveanxiety
)xio eu tl
dy
not engross all the care of the Legislature. Once
to the result of to-night.—ilforning Chronicle.
A certain notorious Journal, at once the tool and
the terror of the Ministry, has returned to the ques-
tion of additional Reform Peers, and, in its usual
style of characteristic arrogance, menaces the poor
Premier with ruin to himself, and utter extinction to
his party, should he " falter" in his hazardous pro-
gress, or hesitate to annihilate his" order," by inun-
dating it with an influx of new creations. The
Newspaper alluded to is well known to have the
same regard for the interests of the people that a
puritanical orator feels for the simpletons who are
attracted, by his loud anti confident manlier, to re-
pose their faith on his assertions as on the breathings
of an oracle. The crafty preacher is sufficiently
aware that the most effective mode of cajoling his
hearers to their weekly contribution is to frighten
them with a glowing and overcharged description of
a future place of torment; and the knavish Journa-
list, in like manner, hopes to increase the number of
his purchasers by alarming them with hints of
some undefined calamity, the nature of which he
alone can disclose or mitigate. He has not the
honesty to discuss the vaunted provisions of the
Bill, but talks wildly in general terms of the rights
of the people and the dignity of freedom. The
only made in which the measure could ope-
rate beneficially for the mass of the people would be
by enabling the rural labourer, the industrious
mechanic, and the working manufacturer, to purs
chase their food and clothing, the implements

of their trade, and the comforts of their dwel-
lings, on easier terms than at present. But
the most noisy of the revolutionists have not
yet had the effrontery to assert that such
can be its result. Hence the increased and
increasing lukewarmness towards it which is gene-
rally felt throughout the country. With respect to
the liberty and equality which Radicals so industri-
ously proclaim that Reform is to establish, the only
intelligible sense in which such terms can be re-
ceived is an impartial administration of equal laws;
and in what single instance can it be shewn, through
all the gradations of rank and property, from the
highest in the scale of aristocratic distinction to the
meanest pauper who receives his parochial allow-
ance, that the sanctuary of justice has in this
country been polluted, or the broad shield of
its protection withheld ? A Catholic Duke,
when closely pressed to justify his support of
the Reform project, is stated to have replied
in these terms :—" I at present influence the
return of five Membena ; after the Bill is passed I
shall continue to do the same, from the weight of my
property." Now, if this be true, what Reform wilt
the Bill produce ? The Duke, indeed, sadly de-
ceives himself if he imagines the Radicals (after
their accession of strength by the enael...ents of
the Bill) will allow him to retain any species of
property entire or undivided; but we cite this in-
stance merely to shew the mistaken principle on
which certain disinterested patriots have tendered
their devotion to the ruling powers. The Whig
faction, after the first deplorable exhibition of their
incapacity, soon perceived that they had no alterna-
tive but to lay down their authority, or to govern by
agitation. They chose agitation ; they chose to
govern in no better capacity than that of the rabble
sycophant, who fawns and cringes to the very
offscourings of vice and brutality. They have reason
to be frightened at their own act; but they are still
impelled by that feeling of desperation which pro-
claims, they are so deep in mischief,
" Returning were as hopeless as go o'er."
It is to the sound part of the Legislature, inspired
and animated by the renowned leader—whose corn-
manding genius all Europe has acknowledged—that
the nation eagerly directs its hopes. They have
only to present a united front, and once again they
will become invincible.—.llforning Post.
We give, in another column, the circular which, it
is alleged, has been sent by Lord Harrowby to his
Tory companions in arms against Reform, in excuse
of his determination to vote for the second reading
of the Reform Bill. An Evening Cotemporary says,
respecting this document—
'

" We are authorised to state that the abstract of a circular
letter, purporting to have been sent by Lord Harrowby to his
Tory friends, which we have copied from a Morning Paper, is
not a correct representation of the circular which was actually
sent. That Lord Harrowby has used arguments which those
would not have used to whom he is politically opposed, is
doubtless the fact ; but we believe Lord Harrowby to be a man
of too much good sense to have written precisely in the terms
which have been ascribed to him. We hear, however, that by
one means or another a considerable majority has been obtained
for the second reading of the Bill in the Lords; and if any ma-
terial alteration should be made in Committee, we doubt not
that thoSe reformers to whom the management of the affair has
been entrusted, will take care to restore the Bill to its original
efficiency before the third reading."

That the " abstract " may not be altogether cor-
rect, may be safely admitted. Lord Harrowby may
not have used the words attributed to him, or
written in the precise terms which are represented
to have been used by him; but that he did use the
arguments employed in the circular, and that he did
address his anti-Reform companions' in the spirit of
the circular, is not denied ; and what, after the pub-
lication of such a document can the public possibly
think of Lord Harrowby and his friends ? The
Noble Earl has had the credit of being not only a
moderate man in his political views, but also of be-
ing a liberal man; yet to what do his liberality and
his moderation amount ? Why, to simple expe-
diency, and nothing more! He would allow the
Reform Bill to be read a second time, and counsels
his friends to follow his example in that respect;
but with what views, and for what ends, and for
what reasons ? Not because he approves of the
Bill, but because he disapproves of it—because his
belief is, that "Lord Grey has full power from the
King to create Peers to any extent, and that he will
have an unanswerable justification for resorting to
that strong measure if the Bill is a second time re-
jected "—because no modification of the clauses of
the Bill could then be expected ; and because, if al-
lowed to be read a second time, its great principles
may be demolished, and its spirit extinguished, in
the Committee ! Such is the liberality and mo-
deration of the most liberal and moderate Tory on
the Opposition benches ! lie will vote for the se-
cond reading, because, if he do not, a rear-guard of
new Peers will compel the passing of the Bill as it
is; but he is determined, if he can, to Burke it in
the Committee! And what are we to think of the
remainder of the crew? Is these any tie that can
bind them ? Is there any faith, after such an ex-
pose, to be placed in their pledges ? Lord Grey
must be, which he is not, and which he never was,
the veriest simpleton, or the veriest knave, on God's
earth, if, after such conduct on the part of his oppo-
nents, he can hesitate for one moment in determin-
ing to pursue the only true line of conduct which
can possibly secure either the safe passage of the
Bill through the House of Lords, or the existence of
his own Administration; but Lord Grey is neither
the one or the other—if his hairs are grey, his spirit
is as young as when he was the Hotspur of the
House of Commons; and we doubt not, therefore,
that the tricks, stratagems, and hypocrisy of the
Anti-Reformers will be met by him in a manner
which will satisfy every friend to Reform. It is not
credible that having the ball at his foot he should
not drive it home, or that being opposed in a
manner that no other Prime Minister, but Canning,
was ever opposed in this country, he should not
turn upon his enemies, and, with his King and
country at his back, effectually rout them.—Morn-
ing Advertiser.

We published yesterday a version of Lord Har-
rowby's letter to his Tory friends. The contents of
that document were calculated to convince every
friend of Reform of the necessity of keeping a
watchful eye upon the movements of their oppo-
nents; and we have no doubt that the knowledge of
his Lordship's views will have that effect. We
now warn the honest supporters of the Bill that
other dangers overhang the measure; and we cau-
tion all true Reformers in the House of Commons
against absenting themselves from their posts when
Lord Chandos introduces his notable scheme for
getting rid of the metropolitan Members. Treachery
and weakness are at work even in the camp of the
Reformers themselves, and their first efforts will
be directed against this essential part of the measure.
An active canvass, led by the son of a Noble Duke,
was, we understand, carried on all yesterday, for the
purpose of obtaining votes in favour of the motion
of Lord Chandos. The Members applied to were
assured that the Ministers were lukewarm on this
point; nay, they were even told that to vote in
favour of the motion of Lord Chandos would be
considered as an acceptable service to the Govern-
ment ! Fortunately, however, the persons to whom
these assurances were given, knew that they were
false ; and that, instead of the Government being
inclined to give way on this point, the most urgent
applications had been made to the supporters of the
Bill to attend in their places and defeat the attempt
of the Noble Lord to get rid of this vital provision
of the measure. Now we warn the Reformers,that
among the persona who conducted this canvass there
were some who profess to be supporters of the

4-
Bill, and we warn trust'. that,
the eyes of their const. AMA of the whole
body of Reformers, both in our-bekirliametir,
will be fixed upon their co. Jet iti:%uight in the
debate upon the motion of Lord Chandos. But the
intrigues of mischief, working, we are willing to be-
lieve, upon well-meaning weakness, have not stop.
ped at this device. Another trick has been resorted
to, and foremost among those who are conducting
this new manceuvre we again find the same busy
personage, of whom we have already spoken as lead-
ing the canvass yesterday for votes in favour of the
motion of Lord Chandos. The object of this other
scheme is to procure the signature of Members to a
written declaration, which binds the subscribers to
support, on the return of the Bill to the House of
Commons, certain amendments which, it is pre-
tended, are anticipated from the part of the Lords.
There is already handed about for signature a paper
couched in these terms :—" In the event of the
Lords making some alterations in the Bill, such as
erpunging the metropolitan 111-embers, altering and
adapting the qualification to different towns, retain-
ing schedules A and B, with two or three alterations
of boroughs, will you sign a declaration to support
the Bill, as amended, on its return?" ,Ye have the
number—aye, and the names too—of theßeformers(!)
who have been seduced into putting their names to
this document, and we would publish them at once,
but that we are convinced that their signatures must
have been obtained by some such grossly fraudulent
misrepresentation as that by which it was hoped to
entrap votes in favour of the motion of Lord
Chandos. We content ourselves, therefore, for the
present, with a bare revelation of the nature of the
plot. Reflection, and the views contained in Lord
Harrovrby's letter, may open the eyes of these de-
luded victims of anti•reforming craft; but if not, if
the exertions of Government be paralysed by the
desertion of their friends, and if the representatives
of the people peove false to their trust, then let
those who have the power stay the tide of so
sweeping and so searching a reformation of Parlia-
mentary corruption, as may justify the apprehen-
sion even of those consequences which are insanely
attributed to that wholesome measure of Reform
now before the Legislature, and which has already
been coquetted with, longer, perhaps, than may yet
turn out to be prudent.—Times.

POLICE INTELLIGENGE.

MANSION-HOUSE.

The Justice-room was completely crowded yesterday'
with hotel and tavern-keepers from all parts of the me-
tropolis, to prefer charges against an individual who, for
the last six months, has carried on a most extensive and
successful system of plunder at their expense, and who
was fortunately apprehended for a robbery committed at
the City Hotel. The plan pursued by this individual was
to enter a tavern or hotel late in the evening with a great
coat or cloak on his arm, and a carpet bag, apparently
well filled, and pretending to have just come off a
coach from the country—to take a bed for the night, and
in the morning to visit the bed-rooms of the other cus-
tomers, from whence he generally contrived to carry off a
good booty. His success is the more remarkable, as his
appearance is remarkably vulgar, and it is reported that
he has been a cab-driver. Upon being placed at the bar,
he gave his name James Wilson; and

Mr. Oliver, the proprietor of the city hotel, stated,
that the gentleman to whom the property belonged, which
was stolen out of his bed-room, was now in Sussex; but
he should write to him to come to town, when no doubt
a clear case would be brought home to the prisoner.
William Cole, the waiter, said, the prisoner came to
the hotel on the 30th January, and asked for a bed. He
had a carpet bag, which witness offered to carry up st firs,
but the prisoner refused to let him have it, neither would
he allow his hoots to be taken. In the morning the prisoner
came down, and after discharging his hill left the house.
He had been gone away only a very store time, when a
gentleman, who was stopping there, discovered that his
room had been entered, and a quantity of wearing apparel,
and other articles stolen. A chambermaid on going into
the room where the prisoner had slept, found a quantity
of cabbage leaves, the contents of the carpet bag.
Roe, the officer, had searched the defendant's lodgings.
He found a carpet bag, a large number of clothes and
hair brushes, and a gown, which witness would identify.
Mary Grimes, servant at the Blue Posts, Holborn, said
the prisoner came a few months ago, and was accommodated
with a bed at the house. He said he had Just come from
the country, and be had a carpet bag with him, which he
would not allow any one to touch. In the morning he
went out, and on going up stairs witness found that her
box had been broken open and all her clothes stolen. The
prisoner bad, however, left two cabbages in her trunk,
in lieu of the clothes.

Mary Murphy, chambermaid at the Ship, Lime•street,
said about six months ago the prisoner slept at the liouqe ;
he had on then a blue cloak, and he carried a carpet bag.
It was discovered that a gentleman's sleeping-room hal
been entered, and independent of articles of clothing, 451.
in sovereigns were taken. Under the prisoner's bed were
found a couple of large cabbages.
Mr. Thomas Edwards, of the King's Arms, Newgate-
street, said the prisoner slept at his house some time in
November last. He had a carpet-bag and a cloak, which
he would not let any one touch. When he had left the
house the following morning, a lodger discovered that some
wearing apparel bad been abstracted from his room. The
prisoner had left a large quantity of cabbage leaves by way
of security for the stolen property.
Mr. William Hitchcock, landlord of the Old Bell, Hol.
born, was positive that the prisoner was the same person
who slept at his house some time in last November. He
had then a blue cloak and a blue carpet-bag, which he ap-
peared to take special care of. After he had settled for
his bed in the morning, a customer discovered that his
great coat and an India-rubber cloak had been stolen, and
in their place four large cabbages had been left.
The LORD MAYOR directed that the prisoner should be
remanded for a week.

He is a young man, dark hair and whiskers, sallow
complexion, and has a wife and two children.

A conversation took place at a political
club-house at the \Vest-end of the Town on Saturday,
which led to a bet as to which of two Members of the
House of Commons who weae named, made the most
efficient opposition to the Reform Bill; the bet, to prevent
trouble of deciding on the merits of the parties' orations,
was to be decided on the length of their speeches delivered
during a giving period, which was accordingly measured
in a morning paper, when it appeared that the speeches
of one where, taken together, seven yards and a quarter
in length, and those of the other six yards and a hay;
consequently be who bet on the former won the wager.
CHILD MURDER.—.OII Saturday MARY
WELLS, a married woman, aged thirty-five years, was
fully committed to our county gaol, from Weedon Beck, on
the serious charge of having, according to her own confes-
sion, poisoned her son, an infant about a year and a half
old, by administering arsenic to it in the month of August
last. She states that she obtained the poison by watch-
ing a shepherd who was anointing some sheep, and
perceiving him to drop a paper, she went and picked
it up; and knowing that its contents must be arsenic,
as that poison is used for dressing sheep for the
fly, she took it home, and gave it to her child with
some food ; the usual eff,cts followed, and the child
died on the following day. No suspicion was at that time
excited of foul play, and the child was regularly laid out
and buried without any inquiry being made ; but we un-
derstand that the woman who laid out the child now
states that its appearance was somewhat unusual, yet not
so much so as to lead her to suppose that any thing was
wrong. The prisoner, we are informed, made the con-
fession shortly after returning from witnessing the funeral
of a neighbour's child. She described herself as having
been miserable ever since the commission of the deed ;
and the circumstance of the funeral had so forcibly
recalled her child to her memory, that she could keep
the dreadful secret no longer, and therefore relieved
her mind by snaking a circumstantial confession to
Mrs. REBECCA FACER, the keeper of the poor-house,
where she was maintained, and to a female named
ANN RODDIS. This was on the Friday afternoon, and
on the following day the depositions of these females
having been taken before the Rev. J. SEAG RAVE, one of the
county Magistrates, the woman was fully committed for
trial at the approaching assizes. We believe, at
present,
there is no evidence against her beyond her own eoniession.
We have not heard iv Nether it is intended to disinter the
body, but we should think it of importance that this
should be dune, in order to detect, if possible, the presence
of the poison, which according to her own confession, she
administered. The self-accused was married, but her
husband bad fur some time past beenin Ireland ; and the
deceased child was born at a period alter his absence,
w
it impossible. he could have been its .atlier.
motive which can be assi,.med for ti e per-
petration be readersol
e
of the
e dreadful crime. It is right to state that it
is the opinian of some persons in the village that the
woman is insane.