The Sun.
London, England, 1832-03-20 00:00:00

REPORTED DEATH OF THE PRINCESS

LOUISE OF SAXE-WEIMER

It was generally reported this morning at the west end
that the death of this young Princess had taken place, and
much anxiety prevailed during the day at the Palace,
where numerous were the calls of the Nobility aad
Gentry to make enquiries into truth of the
report. However, no answer could be given till five
o'clock this evening, at which time a messenger arrived
from Windsor Castle, bringing the following bulletin :
" The young Princess remains precisely in the same state
as yesterday."

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, .3fAncm 19.

(Continued from our Second Edition of yesterday.)

Lord LORTON presented several petitions against the
new system of education in Ireland.

CAPTAIN SA RTURIUS.

Colonel DAVIS had seen in the Journals of the day that
Captain Sartorius had been dismissed from the navy in
consequence of his taking command under Doe Pedro.
He wished to know if any intimation had been given
to that officer that he would be dismissed if he left the
country, and if so, what answer was given?
Colonel DAVIS then gave notice that on Friday next
he would move for a return of the officers who had
been dismissed from the army or navy under the act of
the 59th of George the Third, called an Act to prevent the
Enlistment of his Majesty's Officers in the Service of
Foreign Powers.

On the motion by Lord JOHN RUSSELL, for the Order
of the Day for the third reading of the Reform in Parlia-
ment (England) Bill,
Mr. S. WORTLEY before that subject was proceeded
in, was desirous of putting a question to the Right Hon.
Baronet, the First Lord of the Admiralty. Accounts of
disburbances between the British subjects and the autho-
rities at Macao had reached this country, and he wished
to be informed by the Right Hon. Baronet whether any
information had been received from, or instructions sent
to, the Admiral commanding the squadron in the Bay of
Bengal, to proceed to the scene of these disturbances with
a view of affording protection to the British interests there.

Sir J. GRAHAM would state for the information of
the House, that he had received advicea from Sir Edward
Owen, dated the 28th of September last, from the Ma-
dras roads, in which that gallant officer stated, that in
consequence of the information he bad received from Can-
ton, he had thought it proper to proceed to the mouth of
the Hoogly, in order to communicate with the Supreme
Government at Calcutta. Since that information nothing
as to the result of that communication had reached his
Majesty's Government in this country.
THE REFORM BILL.

The Order cf the Day for the third reading of the Re-
form 13111 was then read, and
Lord J. RUSSELL moved that " the Reform of Par-
liament (England) Bill be now read a third time."
On the question being put by the Sre.axEK,
Lord MAHON rose to oppose the resolution just put
from the chair, and to move as an amendment " that the
Bill be read a third time this day six months." He enter-
tained one objection in the outset to the measure of Reform
introduced by the present Government, or to any other so
sweeping in its characters, and that objection was to the
principle on which the measure was founded. The present
Bill alledged, that the Government of England, and that
since the Revolution the Commons House of Parliament,
had always been corrupt. But he would ask,
could it now be said that the system of nomination
to the representation of boroughs was an after•
growth of later times, because it was notorious that at the
period and subsequent to the revolution there was not any
but nomination boroughs, and it had remained for later
periods to alter that system. He referred the House to
the cases of Aylesbury, Cricklade, and others, which bad

>e4 ' el:11
w
f been altered by parliamentary enact:n*4 and there were
many other instances where the boron themselves had
effected the change—(Hear) and be feltided that these
changes had, within the last 150 years;•amade Reform
less necessary. He looked to the present Bill as an act of `
•
impeachment against the ancestors of the British people,
alai as a Bill of pains and penalties against posterity.
With respect to the enfranchisement of the large towns he
was not an enemy, but he could not join in the clamour of
injustice towards those towns, because representation had
not been granted to them 30 or 40 years ago. Sech had been
urged by several Hon. Members, and the Hon. Member for
Caine (Mr. Macauley) had spoken on this point as though:the
parliament had all along withheld from them their rights, but
'he House would bear in mind that the large towns, so far
'tom claiming the right to representation, bad deprecated
the right, and were well contented to avoid the inconve-
niences of contested elections; and therefore the House of
Commons was not now to be charged with withholding
from the large towns that which they never sought them.
selves.—(Hear.) He was fully convinced that with' a
moderate Reform, beginning with enfranchisement, and
followed by a limited disfranchisement, the people of Eng-
land would be fully and completely satisfied. He did not
include the Radicals, for they would not be satisfied—
(Hear, from Mr. Hunt)—and the Government ought not
ti satisfy their demands; but be spoke of the thinking,
...her, industrious, and well-disposed classes of the corn-
who, though Reformers, were only moderate Re-
formers. However far the late Goventiment had fallen
short of the popular views of Reform, he was certain the
present Government had far exceeded it.--(Hear, hear.)
The late Government had been afraid to approach one step
towards that point which the present Government had
obtained at one stride. The people had asked for a foot
Irons the late Government, and were refused one inch; and
now, still asking the same, the present Government, by
the present Bill, granted a mile. Why was it necessary,
in granting Reform, to disturb the relative positions as
respects representation of England, Ireland, and Scot-
land ? This bad given tke Hon. and Learned Gentleman
(the Member for Kerry) fresh materials fur his trade of
agitation—(Hear)--and further, why, or on what prin-
ciple, could the necessity be maintained of giving addi-
tional Members to the metropolitan districts ? The un-
equal division of property would be called an anomaly;
indeed it was so already in the penny publications circu-
lated amongst the people, which the Government ought
to have put down, and in one of which it was argued that
all mankind were equal, and that it was absurd that one
man should inhabit a palace and possess an estate extend.
ing over half a county, and that another man should have
hut a mud cottage, and a small piece of garden ground.—
He felt he was justified in saying that if a war of property
should arise, the responsibility of such an event would rest
with the Administration, and the moral guilt would be on
them. It might be found too late by the great houses of
Russell and Cavendish, that there existed a close connec-
tion between small boroughs and large estates. He op-
po,ed the Bill also as a friend to Ministers, and because he
believed that the agricultural interests were not sufficiently
considered in its provisions. The Noble Lord (the Pay-
master of the Forces) had said that he considered an undue
preponderance was given to the agricultural classes.
Lord J. RUSSELL begged to deny that he had used
the word " undue."

Lord MAHON was satisfied with the word preponder-
ance, for he felt satisfied the declaration of the Noble Lord
to that extent was sufficient to raise in the minds of other
classes that such preponderance was undue; and would
not the people of Birmingham and Sheffield and other
commercial places cry out against it." Who, Le begged
to ask, would be the gainers by this measure ? He de-
cidedly was of opinion thst the agitators of the peace of
the country who had been engaged in inflaming the minds
of the people would gain by the measure, while men of
property, both landed and commercial, would not find easy
access to seats in Parliament. Philosophical men, whose
information had on many occasions been most important,
would also be affected by the Bill, though in every respect
worthy of a seat in that House; and on this point he had
been curious enough to refer to a list of the Members of
the late Parliament to see how far it would be probable
that men of science might be affected by this measure.
He hail referred to the list of the late Parliament because
of the peculiar clamour for Reform which had charaterized
the last elections, and he found that out of fourteen emi-
nent and learned men who had written on political
and other subjects, among whom he bad iucluded the
Right Hon. Gentleman, the Member fir Knaresborough,
and out of these fourteen only two were out of schedule
A, and the other twelve would be excluded Parliament.
The two to which he alluded were the Noble Lord the
Member for Yorkshire, and the Right Hon. Baronet the
Secretary at War.—(Hear.) There was another class of
Members of the House who would also be affected by the
measure. The class to which he now referred were the
eldest sons and heirs apparent of Peers.—(Hear.) If there
was to be a House of Peers at all, those who were to
compose that House should be trained up in the habits of
business, and imbued with those free and popular opinions
which the Commons House of Parliament exhibits, a cone
nexion with which affords the acquirement. He begged
to refer to the House of Peers, as at present constituted,
where it will be found that, out of its most distinguished
Members, Lord Holland was the only one who had not
received his political education in this House. He would
press this point upon a Member of his Majesty's Govern-
ment, and a distinguished Member of this class. He meant
the Noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He
might be met with the suggestion that the representation of
counties would be open to this class.—(Hear, hear.) The
Hon. Member for Preston (Mr. Hunt) did him (Lord
Mahon) the honour to cheer ; but he answered that
suggestion with the answer which would be given to a
Member of the class to which he now referred by a county
constituency--that they did not wish so uncertain a re-
presentative as one whom an event of no certain date
might call to the Upper House, and they would be left in
the hour of need perhaps to seek a fresh representative.
To such an extent had this prevailed in practice, that he
never remembered an instance where the eldest son of a
Peer had ever represented the county of Kent, and many
others which might be named. The Noble Loot the
Under Secretary of State (Howick) had himself been
unsuccessful in the county of Northumberland, and only
got in for that county by the overwhelming cry for the
present Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Hon. Members who sat on
the same side of the House with himself had said the Bill
was in itself a complete revolution, and the Noble Lord
the Chancellor of the Exchequer had said it was an ex-
periment. He begged, however, to ask what were the
advantages to be gained by the experiment? It had been
said that it would give peace and prevent all chance of war,
ind effect strange and wonderful reductions in the burdens
of the country. He knew not how to deal with such
shilling gallery arguments ; but he was certain that it ever
had been the case, that the people themselves had forced war
upon the Government, and he felt himself justified in ask-
ing the House, could any man in his senses say that the
Commons House of Parliament was not ready to back any
Minister in schemes for the reduction of the public burthene?
There remained, he conceived, but one argument in favour
of the measure, and that was, the wish of the people,
whose minds, it was alleged, had been made up upon the
subject. This he was ready to admit was decisive in fa.
your of some Reform, but not for the present measure.
Indeed, he was persuaded that the majority of the property
and education of the country was decidedly apposed to the
present measure. In proof of this be begged to refer the
Holm to the Dorsetshire election, and he could not refraia
from also mentioning the result of the committee on the
merits of that contest, to which he referred with pride and
pleasure.—(Hear.) He was reminded that there was a
third and living proof of the commencement of re-action
in the Right Hon. Member fur Stamford, whose speech of
that evening showed the latent signs—(A laugh)—of divi-
sion among the friends of Reform, which would inevitably
break forth as soon as this measure was carried. He ad-
mitted that a majority of the population of the country
were favourable to this Bill, but be did not see any reason
why their wishes should be obeyed. Implicit obedience
o the popular will was not the principle of a monarchy,
but of a republic. He concluded by asserting, that he
looked upon this Bill as the commencement of revolution,
and by repeating what he called the memorable declaration
of a Noble Lord in the other House of Parliament, that
" though he might per force share in the penalty, he would
not be an accomplice in the crime," of passing into a law
so detestable a measure. Ile should therefore move, as an
amendment, " that this Bill be read a third time this day
six mouths."

Sir JOHN AIALCOLNI rose to second the motion. The
proposed change unsettled the whole institutions and mind
of the country, and disturbed much more than it settled.
It was the tenacity of usage which preserved Government,
and gave it strength, and that tenacity the Government
was giving to the winds. They were ruining that Consti-
tution which bad caused the great glory of this empire.
.The Hon.
.. Baronet also referred
should not bring that forward
file), were effecting a great change and called it Reform.
lie believed that under the Bill no Administration could
etEthruYiesnoicnnytetfhnoetri proposition for forming a con-
oldtoia. Government.
gbguet. t h e
1 he Hon. Baronet also referred to the general state of our
was colonies,passed,whaienhd
whichwould hwant g
rreeaptrei representatives east afterake. this
hßoselli
find an entrance into that House. Those who
represented the people merely would find their way
i .to the House, and iufluenee tile.couocils of flit State