The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-05 00:00:00

:MINISTERIAL EXPLANATION.

The CHANCELLOR, of the EXCHEQUER.—Mr.
Speaker, in rising to move the adjournment of the house,
I do so in order that there may be a motion before the
house, so that if any gentleman wishes to make any ob-
servation on the statement I have to make he will enjoy
that opportunity. (Hear, hear.) I took the liberty on
Thursday night, after the vote which the house arrived at,
to move the adjournment of the house to this day, because
I thought it would be respectful to the house that in the
course which her Majesty's Government might think fit to
adopt in consequence of that vote there should not appear
to be even the semblance of precipitancy. (Hear, hear.)
After what I declared in the observations which I made to
the house during that debate, and after the declarations of
several of my colleagues, the house, I am sure, will not be
surprised when I announce that it is not the intention of
the Government to proceed with that bill for the amend-
ment of the representation of the people which I introduced
exactly five weeks ago. (Hear, hear.) It is due to the
house that I should state that it is not the intention of her
Majesty's Government to propose any measure with the
same object. On their part I protest against the doctrine
which seems to be held by some, that the question of Par-
liamentary Reform is to be the appanage of any individual,
or the privilege of any particular party. (Hear, hear.) I
hold that it is quite free for a body of public men profess-
ing the opinions of her _Majesty's Government, or gene-
rally any political party professing Conservative opinions,
to deal with questions of Parliamentary Reform, or any
other public questions, in that manner which they
may feel to be most expedient for the public
welfare, and most conducive to the public interests. Iu -
deed, I would say, not to promote any controversy, which
I studiously desire to avoid, but to prevent misconception,
that the question of parliamentary reform is the one of all
others which may be viewed in two lights. (Hear.) There
is the conservative view of the question, and there is—not to
use the word offensively—the revolutionary view. (Laugh-

ter.) That is to say, there is the conservative view, which in
any change it may recommend wishes to preserve and main-
thin the present character of the House of Commons, which
is a representation of the various interests and classes of the
country; and there is the revolutionary principle, which
attempts to change that character, and to make the
House of Commons a representation merely of the
voice of a numerical majority. (Hear, hear.) But re-
serving to ourselves under all circumstances our right
to deal with that question, we feel that at present we have
fulfilled our pledge. (Cheers.) We have fulfilled our pledge
to the house and to the country at great personal and party
sacrifice—(hear, hear, and cheers)—and we are not pre-
pared to enter into any specific arrangement on that subject.
(Hear, hear.) The vote to which the House of Commons
arrived the other night has rendered it necessary for the
Government to consider their position in this house. I am
bound to say, because I think it best always to deal frankly
with the house, that before the house arrived at that vote,
the Government had seen fit to consider their position.
Eyer since the commencement of this session of Parliament
the Government found themselves frequently in minorities,
and many of them on subjects of no mean importance. (Hear,
hear.) Our position has been a painful one, and we have had
before this to consider whether it was not our duty to make a
communication to the house, but we refrained from doing so
for three reasons : in the first place, notwithstanding the array
opposed to us, however numerous might be the force mar-
shalled on those benches, we could not perceive that there
was any principle of cohesion in those ranks, or any unity
of policy or purpose more evident than when, in consequence
of the distracted state of the Liberal party, Lord Derby was
summoned by her Majesty to place himself at the head of
affairs. (Hear.) Under these circumstances we felt we were
bound as men of honour not lightly to relinquish a post
which we acceded to in the spirit of the constitution—which
we had knowingly accepted with all those conditions and
consequences attached to it. In the second place, the state
of foreign affairs was very critical. Her Majesty, under our
advice, had consented to become the mediator between two
great military monarchies, with a view, if possible, to pre
vent a war occurring in Europe. It was therefore highly
expedient that there should, if possible, be no change of
Ministry, and that the Government should at that moment
appear, as far as possible, to have the general confidence of
Parliament. (Hear, hear.) There was yet a third reason
which induced us to take this course. After the frequent
promises and procrastinations which had taken place onthe
subject of Parliamentary reform—remembering that for 10
years it had been acknowledged in this house that that sub-
ject ought to be dealt with, and after the triple recommen-
dations. of the Crown—after the triple pledge of the house—
after the triple policy of successive ministers—it
us that it would be a very heavy blowters—it did seem to
to the character of
public um and ofP4irlinceut it we, iat our twin, owned to

evade the engagement whicl i we had made, and the require •
ments of the country in the .t respect. (Hear, hear.) And
remembering that the house had pledged itself to give a
careful and patient consider ation to that subject, we thought
that even if we did not succeed in our general endeavour, it
was a good and beneficial tb Ling than an honest and earnest,
even if an unsuccessful mes Lsure should be brought forward
in the house by us. 1:41u .enced by these three powerful
considerations we retained our seats on these benches under
circumstances which I admit involved a degree of mortifi-
cation, and which we -bore -from a feeling that on the whole
we were doing our duty to our Sovereign and the country.
(Hear, hear.) But the-vote to which the house arrrived on
Thursday rendered it impossible for us any longer to be
quiescent. That was a vote of censure on the Government
—(loud cheers, and " no, no")—it was intended as a vote of
censure--it was acknowledged as such by its principal pro-
moter, and as such I was accepted by her Majesty's Govern-
ment ; and the how ie having arrived at the vote, we felt that
the Government of the Queen was deprived of all autho
rity. I may be per mitted for one moment to offer to those
gentlemen whe sit on these benches the deep expression of
our gratitude for the manner in which they supported us
during the late struggle. (Hear, hear.) I am perfectly
aware that no Minister can bring forward a measure to
amend the representation of the people, from its vast and
various character, which can meet with the general and
entire concurrence of his supporters. I know well that many
amongst those with whose confidence we are honoured made
no little sacrifice in supporting us on that occasion. But I
am:sure they did !so because, whatever their opinions on
matters of detail, they felt convinced that nothing but a
sense of duty, nothing but a belief on our part that the
measure we proposed was advantageous to the country, was
in strict consonance with those Conservative principles
which we uphold—nothing but a conviction of that kind on
their part would have induced them to give us the generous
and never to be forgotten support we received on that occa-
sion. (Hear, hear.) During that debate an eminent mem-
ber of the house said that the rule of party was over in this
country. If that be true I should deeply regret it, because
I have been always of opinion that if party rule is over,
Parliamentary rule will soon cease. (Hear, hear.) lam
quite convinced that in a popular assembly, so numerous as
the House of Commons, there can be no guarantee for its in-
dependence and authority but political connection amongst
those who sympathise generally on the same points of pub-
lic affairs. (Hear, hear.) Ido at all agree with the right
hon. gentleman who gave that opinion during the late debate,
and I think I can appeal with some pride to the conduct of the
Conservative party on that occasion, for I think they showed
a high spirit and consciousness of duty as a great political
connection, which will be appreciated in the country, and
which will redound to the credit of the house. (Hear, hear.)
What has occurred is an event which would be affectation
to say has come upon us altogether unexpectedly. It is, in-
deed, a result which more or less we have contemplated from
the moment we accepted office under the severe and difficult
conditions on which we agreed to carry on the affairs of the
country. Last year the blow was averted by the support
we received from a large party opposite of gentlemen who
sit below the gangway. On this occasion I think it is my
duty to tender the thanks of the Government to them for
the support which during the last session we received from
them. (Hear.) It was a support given without solicita-
tion—it was a support given without conditions—(hear)—
it was a support given by gentlemen who on all conditional
questions entertained opinions diametrically opposed to
those which we profess. Therefore I believe it was a sup-
port given because they appreciated the peculiar position
in which the house was placed by the state of parties.
Therefore I am bound to believe it was a support given
from a pure sense of public duty. (Hear.) Having offered
the thanks of the Government to those to whom it was due,
if I might for a moment refer to something personal to my-
self, I would offer to the house generally, and especially to
all gentlemen opposite, my thanks for the courtesy and
kind feeling with which they supported me in my attempt
to carry on the business of the house. (Hear.) That has
happened to me which probably has never before fallen to
the lot of any public man. I have been twice called on to
lead the house without the advantage of a numerical ma-
jority of supporters. The task of conducting the business
of the house is under no circumstances a light one—(hear)
—but the burden was necessarily aggravated by the cir-
cumstance to which I refer, and I feel that imperfect fulfil-
ment could not have been accomplished had it not been for
that courtesy and general good feeling which I have expe-
rienced on all occasions, not only from friends, but from
those who sit opposite to me in this house. (Hear, hear.)
Having touched upon these points, it becomes my duty to
inform the house of the step which her Majesty's Govern-
ment have thought it their duty to take. I had to ask my-
self, first, whether that evidence of want of cohesion on the
benches opposite to which I have already alluded still ex-
isted. I had to askmyself whether there is there that unity
of policy and purpose on questions domestic and foreign
which was so essentially wanting when we acceded to power,
and which was the cause of our acceding to power. I had to
ask myself whether there is any evidence of the unity of
feeling being restored and that political cohesion being esta-
blished. With regard to the late division, a resolution of
censure was certainly carried against the Government. But
this was remarkable, and the two most eminent leaders, on
that occasion, of the Opposition indicated that at the moment
that resolution, which almost anybody might have voted for
—(hear)—was carried, they should both of them recommend
exactly a contrary policy. (Hear.) The noble lord the mem-
ber for the City of London declared that the moment that
resolution was carried he should exert his utmost energies
to defeat the measure of the Government as noxious and
pernicious ; but the noble lord the member for Tiverton
declared that as soon as that resolution was carried he
should, on the contrary, support the measure of the Govern-
ment as a measure containing a great many good things,
and as one which it was of the utmost importance that it
should pass. (Hear.) After the division was called, a scene
took place which was certainly no eNidence of unanimity of
feeling on the part of the Opposition. An hon. gentleman
rose and proposed to append to the resolution of the noble
lord a recommendation of vote by ballot. Every attempt
was made to prevent a division taking place ; but when the
proposition was made, it is a fact, a division took place
notwithstanding the most active exertions, and at least one-
third of the majority supported a policy which certainly
was not recommended by either of the noble lords. Under
these circumstances, sir, not seeing on the part of hon.
gentlemen opposite more ability to form an administration
than last year when they felt it necessary to retire from
these benches ; and seeing that the Opposition consists of
a number of sections which, no doubt, can at any time
combine to overwhelm the Queen's Government, who-
ever may form it ; and seeing that in the present state of
affairs there is no security, but almost every certainty,
every February, of a Ministerial crisis with, perhaps, all
its consequences ; believing that this state of affairs is
prejudicial to the repute of Parliament, and injurious to
the best interests of the country; believing it to be of the
utmost importance at this moment that the authority of
Government should be supported by the authority of Par-
liament, and not being conscious that during the time we
have exercised power we have done anything to forfeit the
good opinion of our countrymen, we have thought it our duty
to advise her Majesty to exercise her prerogative and dis-
solve the present Parliament. (Loud cheers from the Mi-
nisterial benches.) In the present state of affairs that is the
part which we think most conducive to the public interest.
Under these circumstances, sir, it is my duty to inform the
house that as soon as the urgent requirements of the public
service can be satisfied, Parliament will be prorogued with a
view to its immediate dissolution. There are some votes
which must be taken ; there are some acts which must be
continued ; there are some measures before us, such as that
concerning the finances of India, which must, under all
circumstances, be attended to ' • but as to the other measures
of the Government, I do not propose to proceed further
with them, unless, indeed, the house should wish to dispose
of the Superannuation Bill. That I leave for the decision of
the house. (Hear, hear.) Having now stated to the house
the course which her Majesty's Government thought it their
duty to advise, and which her Majesty has adopted and
sanctioned, I will only, on the part of myself and my col-
leagues, express the sincere and solemn hope that whatever
may be the consequence of this appeal in our personal posi-
tion, it will be found to have been conducive to the conve-
nience of her Majesty, to the Houses of Parliament, and
the great interests of the country. (Cheers.) The right
hon. gentleman having moved the adjournment of the house,
resumed his seat amidst loud cheers.

Lord PALMERSTON—Sir,—The right hon. gentleman
in one part of his address, tendered his thanks to the members
of this house for the courtesy he had met with in the per-
formance of his duty. lam sure, sir, Ido not otherwise
than express the general feeling of the house when I re-
turn our thanks for the courteous bearing with which the
right hon. gentleman--(cheers)—has always conducted
himself in the performance of the duties belonging to
his position. (Cheers.) Whatever differences of political
opinion may have arisen between any portion of the house
and the right hon. gentleman, as representative of the pre-
sent Government, no personal feeling otherwise than agree-
able can have arisen. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, we have
been informed by the right hon. gentleman that her Ma-
jesty's Government having understood the vote of last
Thursday to be a vote of censure, in the first place deli-
berated whether they should resign their offices or not, but
on consideration came to the opinion that it was their duty
still to retain them. They felt, however, the state of par-
ties in this house was such as that it would not be for the
public interest that they should continue to perform their
duties with the present House of Commons ; and believing
that the people at large entertained more favourable opinions
towards them than the majority of this house, they had ad-
vised the sovereign—and the sovereign has accepted the
advice—that they should recur to the sense of the
people by a dissolution. Sir, I am not about to taunt
them with having come to a determination to main-
tain themselves in power—l am not one of those
who consider that the resolution, carried by so large
a majority, ought to be accepted or understood to
be a vote of censure. It was not in that sense
I supported it. I looked on the resolution as a very Parlia
mentary and very convenient mode of expressing an opinion
on two of the leading features of the measure submitted by
the Government. In voting for the resolution I did not mean
in any way to express a censure. In my opinion it cannot
be maintained at this time and in this house, that when-
ever a majority of the House of Commons shall object to a
particular measure, or a portion of it, proposed by the Go-
vernment of the day, the expression of that objection by
a large majority shall be taken to be a censure of the
Government in such a manner as should make
them consider whether they ought to resign office.
If that doctrine was to be laid down in the present state
of Parliament since the reform of 1832 it would be im-
possible for any Government to carry on the administration
for twelve months. Such was not the doctrine before the
Reform Bill; instances are on record of many measures of
importance being negatived by Parliament when the Go-
vernment never considered it required them to retire from
the administration of affairs. The right hon. gentleman
has stated the grounds on which her Majesty's Government,
consisting of persons who up to a certain time were adverse
to any change in the laws affecting the representation of
the people, had thought it their duty to bring in a bill. I
think the Government in doing so had a proper sense of
their duty ; I think that, after what had passed, they
ought not to have taken office in February last unless they
were. prepared to bring in a measure of the kind. lam of
opixon, Oat, if they had brought is a measure founded on