The Sun.
London, England, 1835-10-17 00:00:00

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PRICE 7D.

out detaining the mails, and witbout an incalculable increase
of the number of clerks, for there is vei7 little time now for
sorting the letters. Then if it is done at the General Post-
office, it must also be done at the branch offices in the city,
which have more letters than any other ; in the Borough,
in Vere-street, and at Charing-cross ; it would be required
also at every receiving-house, and it must be done also in the
country. Besides the receipts to the sender, it must be re-
collected that corresponding receipts must also be taken from
the persons to whom the letters are addressed, as a dis-
charge to the post-office, which would retard both despatch
and delivery every where for houra.
In France it is confined to Paris ?—Then I should ob-
ject to it in principle more than anything in the world. I
cannot see why the merchant in London is to be put on a
better footing as to security, than a merchant residing in
Manchester, Liverpool, Glasgow, and all the other great
commercial manufacturing towns. The great principle of
the English post-office is, and always should be, to give a
like security to all, that the poor man's letter should be as
much taken care of as that of the richest man in the coun-
try. I believe one of the great reasons why some persons
asked for a receipt is one which ought not to be recognized
officially, namely, to satisfy themselves that the persons
whin they have employed to take their letters to a post-
office have
,-.,erformed their duty, and have actually put the
letters into the-cost-office. My opinion is, that they ought
only to employ persons to do this in whom they have con-
fidence, for surely letters containing large remittances
should not be intrusted to persona who may not be enabled
to resist the temptation of converting the contents to their
own uses.
Is not the system of the Post-office contrary to the opi-
nion your Grace has expressed?—Decidedly not.
In point of fact, does not the Post-office register the let-
ters of merchants on the payment of a large sum?—Yes,
and in the foreign-office ; that is the exception to the ge-
neral rule; and if I had bad the question to consider for the
first time, I should have paused before I consented to it.
If I am asked why I did not do it away, my answer would
be, that I found it had been the practice from time imme-
morial ; that it was approved of by the Commissioners of
the Revenue Inquiry in 1788, and the fee, in consequence
of their recommendation, was, under the new establish-
ment, to be eventually brotight to the credit of the public,
instead of being, as it was at tat time, given as a fee to
the clerks. The receipt from the Fast-office states that it
is not answerable ; they are very few in nuizther, perhaps 20
in a quarter, and I believe they arc registered, not perhaps
so much for security as to enable the party to effect his in-
surance at a cheaper rate. I believe that the major;:y of
these letters contain coupons, diamonds. A merchant goeS.
to an insurance office and produces this receipt, which is a
proof that t;;P letter has been put into the post. I con-
ceive that very eirCumstance of putting the enormous fee of
one guinea upon them is to prevent the person doing it ex-
cept in cases of very large value, and to prevent its coming
into general practice, which would make it impossible to de-
spatch the mails in time.
If you find even 20 persons are willing, at the enormous
price of a guinea, to accept such a receipt without any
responsibility, does not it follow that many would be will-
ing to do it at a smaller price ?—No ; for it depends upon
the value of the parcel. I suppose that every man who
has diamonds to send from London to Frankfort feels it
worth his while to pay that guinea, but I do not believe
that a person in London would think it worth his while,
if you told him that it was no additional security, to pay a
shilling more for a letter going from hence to Leeds. I
began by taking the words of the French themselves, that
it is no real security, but only moral ; my idea of moral
security is to take care that the persons in the post-office
are men of good character when brought in, and that they
are well looked after.

If it is no security, how does your Grace account for the
extremely pertinent fact of the insurance being taken on
better terms, even when in fact there was no responsibility?
—lt is a security to the insurance-office that the letter has
been put into the post. A man would not insure a letter,
going from hence to Leeds for instance ; for if he only wants
to be certain that it was put into the post, he takes care to
put it in himself, or to intrust it to some one in whom he has
confidence ; but the object as to these valuable packages
going abroad, is to satisfy the insurance-offices, or the
Sender's c'rrespondent, that the letter has been put into
the post-office.
Setting aside the principle of justice, do you not consider
that the allowing such a registry might be a very probable
means of increasing the revenue ?—I think that more post-
age might be drawn froia the pockets of the people, but
that it would be of no advahtage to the revenue, for that
the expenditure of the department must be very greatly
increased, and that on that ground it would be very ohj2e-
tionable.

You state as one of your objections, that it would be in-
volving a liability which does not now exist ?—The Post-
office is decidedly not liable, and ought not to be liable, in
my opinion.
The present form of the receipt, you conceive, frees the
Post-office from any liability ?—I do.
Supposing it was found by experience that there was a
great demand on the part of England, for the registering
letters at a small expense, without attaching liability to the
office, would that remove the objection you stated, on the
score of justice ?—Most decidedly not ; for I should think
it wrong to be a party to that which would only be a delu-
sion, in inducing the public to pay a high rate of postage,
upon the plea of security, when I must know that it could
not be real, but only what the French call moral security.
Would it not help the tracing of a letter ?—ln my
opinion it could not ; I think it would lead the office often
wrong.

GREAT CONSERVATIVE FESTIVAL.

On. Thursday evening last the third anniversary of the
South Lancashire Conservative Association was celebrated
by a grand dianer, in the new and splendid Hall of the
Association, at Newton, a borough on the line of the rail-
way .half-way between Manchester and Liverpool, and a
centre of communication for a grctt number of populous
towns in the immediate neighbourhood. :The Association,
as we understand, owes its origin principally to the exer-
tions of Mr. Hulton of Hulton, and of Mr. Entwisib, M.P.,
and at its commencement mustered scarcely a dozen man-
hers : it has now upwards of 2,000. At the first anniver-
sary 200 members dined together, last year GOO, and this
year within two or three of 1000, each of whom paid a
guinea for his ticket. The dinner took place in the New
Conservative Hall, built for that purpose by the Associa-
tion, and attached to the Legh Arms Hotel at Newton.
Amongst the more distinguished individuals present were
Lord F. Egerton, M.P. ; Lord. Skelmcrsdale. the Earl of
Wilton, Sir E. Barnes, Lord Cole, M.P. ; Sir R. Brooke,
Captain Brooke, Sir H. Mainwaring, Bart. ; T. Pemberton,
Esq., M.P. ; the Hon. R. B. Wilbraham, M. P. ;
.Sir J. G.
Gerard, Bart. ; W. Hutton, Esq. ; J. Entwisle, Esq., M. P, ;
.1. H. Kearsley, Esq., M.P. ; J. Blackburne, Esq., M. P. ;
the Rev. J. tiiokburne, W. T. Egerton, Esq., M.P.; J.
Roby, Esq. ; J. Dcatcit:n., Esq, ; and a large number of the
principal landed proprictorv, sentry, and merchants of the
county and neighbouring towns. A most excellent band was
provided for the occasion, and the :glee b;:riging did justice to
the well-earned reputation of this digtrigt.
Lord F. EGERTON took the Chair. The toas,, were
given out to the sound of trumpet.
After the usual loyal toasts, the CHAIRMAN gave " The
Army and Navy," coupling with it " The health of General
Sir E. Barnes." (Drunk with three times three.)
Sir E. BARNES rose to return thanks. As a body, the
army did not enter into politics ; but they could not sup-
pose the army to be so dull, so stupid, so indifferent, as not
regard with the greatest pleasure such a meeting as this,
because it afforded the best security to the soldier that he
would not be called upon to aid the civil Magistrate in
any efforts for the mainten9nce of public peace, or the
preservation of the religious and polktieal institutions of the
country ; but, on the contrary, their Own influence and
power would be sufficient for the accomplishMent of those
great objects. He had taken some pains in assisting in
the formation of Conservative associations. Any man
who should attempt to reconcile all parties in politics
would attempt that which was impossible—of the man,
the boy, and the ass, he would most resemble the hit-
ter. Still there was one great object in politics, at which
all honest men might meet—one object to promote which
all might consolidate - their efforts— viz., to keep down
the Radicals—(Laughter and cheers.) They (the Radi-
cals) were all actively at work. Some would pull down
the Throne, others the Church, and others destroy the
House of Lords. They did not all say so openly. It was
true they cloaked and veiled their intentions so as to keep
within the law. The first class say " let us have cheap
Government." Now, what did this mean in point of fact
but " let ns have a Republic ?" Cheap Government ?
Why, he recollected well when the late orator Hunt said
he would undertake to do the duty of a King for 5001. a
year. Let him, however, speak with the utmost respect of
that late gentleman, not merely on the principle of de mor-
tuis nil ni.sibonum, but because he, before his death, repented
of his wicked errors, and became a good Conservative. He
said he would 4o King for 500/. a-year—(A laugh)—but
his reigu would have been a short one, for some one else

would soon have undertaken to do King for half that sum,
and next the sceptre would have been put up to auction and
somebody would have bought it. But do not, however, let
it be seriously supposel that the Conservatives are inimical
to cheap government in the sense of a wise and prudent
economy. What they objected to was, that wb ich in
vulgar language was called " cheap and nasty."—(Moats
of laughter.) What the Conservatives sought to c sta-
ush :;;as a government which should be rJspected at hor.le,
and if not tea: ed, at least held in reverential awe, abroad_
(Cheers.) There wtt another species of radicals who wanted'
to put down the church. They did not indeed say directly
" Let us abolish the Church Biii ." they soid " Let us pay no
tithes." Well, then, if they would noL- pay the Clergy, what
was to become of them ? They might as weil at once pull
down the Church, and this was in truth what they meant and
wished. Another set were yelping at the doors of the House
of Lords—some were for pulling it down altogether, others
for giving it a little washing by turning a river into it.—
(Laughter.) Others went more insidiously to work, and
proposed merely to abolish the hereditary Peerage and de-
stroy the first link in the Monarchy.--(Hear, hear.) But
oh, how differently would they behave could the case be
made their own. What an exhibition it Was to see one of
these braggarts—to see the greatest babbler of them all—
invited to take his scat in the House which he now at-
tempted to destroy. Behold (said the Gallant General) how
cringing and fawning he is. He seems ready to lick even
your very feet. At present, with mock mockery, he seats
himself behind the throne ; and, like Halley's comet at pre-
sent, is only faintly seen, without his tail.--( Roars of laugh-
ter.) Only wait a while, a little while, and see how he
will come forth and put on the Noble Lord with as much
arrogance as if " all the noble blood of all the Howards"'
wa,s running in his veins. Still this stops not the cry
ao-ainsi the Peers—still there is a yelping and knocking at
the door. Well, then, this new Noble Lord goes to the
door and says, " Gentlemen, it is all a mistake, I find that
this Augean stable is perfectly clean ; the House, so far
from being rotten, is a beautiful one ; it wants nothing but
a few more Corinthian columns (of brass, of cot rse) like
myself. Walk in, therefore, Gentlemen, if you please, and
take your respective places. The thing will then be com-
plete—the tale will not only be told but unfolded.—(Roars
of laughter.) Then, Gentlemen, only hear how altered his
tone ; instead of deorying the House of Lords as useless
lie would depict it as ooe of the wisest institutions of our
ancestors to allay the effervescence of parties in the Lower
House, and to be the just mediators between the people and
the Throne.—(Hear.) Such wculd be the state of things
ogre such persons admitted into the House of Lords ; but
he would say, may all the curses that ever fell on poor Oba-
diah's head light on the Minister who ever introduces such
filth into that ilouse.—(Cheers.)

The Noble CHAIRMAN then said—l rise to propose a
toast, which I feel, on the present occasion, incumbent on
me to preface with a few observations. Many, Gentlemen,
I trust all of us, endeavour to do good in our separate
stations. Much good may be effected by individual exer-
tions ; but let me ask any gentleman not of the clerical
profession, be his talents and abilities what they may, and
however great his exertions, as a friend, a neighbour, or a
Magistrate, whether he has ever in the course even of a
long and active life been able to compete in extent of use -
fulness with the exertions of his honourable rival in the
clerical profession, whether be has been enabled to disse-
,:iinate counsel, comfort, and consolation, to the same extent
poorer neighbours ?—(Hear.) Whatever our
amo.-.7 his
exertions", Gentlemen, I beNeve that, if we cast up accounts
fairly, in the comparison with that most useful and abused
body of men, we shall be found but unprofitable servants.
Gentlemen, on this topic I will say no more than that those
are the men whom you arc called upon to despoil—this is
the institution whose ruin, by the introduction of the
voluntary principle, you are called upon to effect.—(Hear,
bear.) When I say ruin I speak merely of the temporali-
ties of the Church—of other ruin I do not speak ; for, in
the b:idst of worldly ruin and desolation our Church will
yet survive far beyond the reach of human hands to do it
injury.—(Loud cheers.) Let its enemies do what they
can ;it is based the rock of ages, and they can never
beat it down—its temporal ruin they may indeed effect—
this it is they aim at ; and of that ruin you are called upon
to be, if not active assistants, at least willing and consenting
spectators.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I give you " The
Established Church of England and Ireland."—(Drank
with tremendous applause.)

The Rev. W. PARKINSON returned thanks. There were
many coints on which Conservatives might differ without di-
viding. '';,me had particular views with reference to the
corn laws—smee were more particularly interested in the
commercial, manufacturing, and tracing interests of the
country ; but all, however they might differ on these points,
all would unite in defending the Irish Church from spolie-
tion and destruction.--( Hear.) Quite certain it was that
their opponents were united on this point, and no other. It
was assumed that the Church in Ireland stood on a diffe-
rent footing to the Church of England, and that the argu-
ments which bore upon the one did not affect the other.
Now, he maintained that, if they left the high ground of
duty and right, and argued the question of the two Esta-
blishments on the principle of expediency alone, the Esta-
blishment in Ireland stood on tenfold better ground
than that in England. The latter was well established
in the hearts of the people, its disciples were numerous
and wealthy, and he believed that if the English Church
Establishment were to be dissolved to-morrow, its Minis-
ters would be as adequately provided for, and its follow-
ers as numerous, and perhaps more zealous, than ever.—
(Hear, hear.) But could the same be said of the Esta-
blished Church in Ireland ? How, in that country were
2,000 Ministers of the Gospel to be supported, sheep amorist
wolves, light amidst darkness, gentlemen amongst savages.
—(Hear.) Pull down the Established Church in Ireland,
and you destroy Protestantism in Ireland. Never must it
be forgotten, that it was the battle of the English Church
which was now to be fought upon Irish ground.--(Hear,
hear.) Another reason, if reason it could be called, was
this. A discovery bad been made, for discoveries were now
made in morality as well as in railroads, that it was not
necessary for a statesman, in inquiring what should be the
Established Church of any country, to institute any investi-
gation into the truth and purity of its religious doctrines ;
but he had only to consult the census, to ascertain what
Church had the numerical majority of members, in any par-
ticular district, and the great question was at once solved.—
(Hear, hear.) Now, if this argument were worth anything,
suppose the whole of the wild Irish turned Turks to-mor-
row : he supposed we should see Lord John Russell and
Mr. O'Connell issuing forth from the Saracen's Head, cross-
ing the Channel, with turbans on their heads and scimetars
in their hands, and exclaiming, as Bonaparte of old before
them, " There is no God but God, and Mahomet is his
prophet."—(Laughter.)
" The Lord Lieutenant of the County, the Earl of
Derby."
The Noble CHAIRMAN said—Gentlemen, the toast I
have to propose is, " Success to this Institution." Of the
end and object of this institution I deem it unnecessary to
speak. This much is certain, that a systematic plan seems
to he now at work, the object of which is to familiarize and
debauch the public mind, and so prepare the way for the
extirpation of every seed of long attachment which exists
towards our ancient and valued institutions—to debauch it
from an attachment to those privileges and liberties which
we have inherited from our ancestors, end to familiarize it
with changes which, but a few short years..ago, would have
been considered as the contemplations of' insanity or the
ravings of a diseased imagination.—(Cheen.) Ask me,
gentlemen, for the proof of this, and I would show you, if
I had it here, the list of the motions—the bill of fare pre-
pared for the amusement. and delectation of the House of
Commons when it next meets. Amongst these motions is
the invasion of almost every part of our social systmn, the
destruction by various means of the Church and the :Vous°
of Peers, differing in degree and shape, but all tending. to
the same object—the introduction of every foreign quacinery
and custom—changes in our law of property, and a long
list of other innovaisons, which I alike want the time to
dettz,:l to you, and you the patience to listen to. The ques-
tion is, :5 this system to be carried on unopposed? Are
we to be b;: sailed, and not stand upon our defence ?
(Hear, bear.) And how are we to conduct our defence ?
Are we to look tt: the prerogative of a limited Mo-
narch or to the efforts zed courage of him who sits upon
the Throne ? Gentlemen; as we all know, the abstract
theory of the Constitution tells us that in a limited
monarchy the King can do no wrong ; but we have
learnt from recent experience a sterner lesson, namely,
that the King can do no right if the spirit of evil
preponderates for a moment by adventitious aid in
the mass on which the Throne is based.--(Hear, hear.)
Well, then, Gentlemen, are we to look to the House of
Lords? If the wisdom, the virtue, the courage, and the
fidelity of others could avail us, then, I believe, we might
with safety repose upon the House of Peers. But Gen-
tlemen, the fact is, and it is useless to deny it, the House of
Peers must look to us for its own existence.—(Hear.) We
are the Commons of England, and is the House which :•e-
-presents that body we must seek to make our feelings, our
opinions, and our attachments, and we are ashamed of none
of them, fully represented.—(Hear.) Perhaps one of the
greatest men this country ever produced in gisenssions of
philosophy, as quoted by a worthy descendant and student,
in a work well worthy the attention of every Gentleman
here present, I mean the " Life of Sir James Mackintosh,"
says, .‘ In this theatre of life God and angels alone are per-
mitted to be lookers on." if ever there was a time witch
more than another il:ustrated the truth of this maxim
that time is the present. If, indeed, the contest
now raging was one such as the history of this
country and of all civilized States has at times
presented, I should, I am apprehensive, have consulted my
domestic habits, have usurped the prerogative of the angel,
and have become a looker on.—(A laugh.) Under present
circumstances, I fear, such a course is denied to me.—