The Sun.
London, England, 1835-08-28 00:00:00

PRICE OF STOCKS THIS
Bank Stock. 2I4L
3 per Cent. Itea
3 per Cent. Conn. 89% (
3Y4 per Ccnt ‘.,.87‘
Dim iteo 99y6 y,31
New 3,z,.' per Ccrit
4 per Cent. /DAssentedissented
Bank Long A nnuities to ex nire
Jan. 5, 1860 '6 7-16 !4
Oct. 10, 1850 1636
Jan. 5, OW l6 3-16
Jan. 5, 1.8.0 —
April 5, 19.80 —
Jan. 5. 1870 —
Omnium 0% pm.

PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS
Austrian Bonds
Belgian Bonds 1004
Ditto Account _

Brazilian Bonds
Ditto Account —

Buenos Ayres I3onds

itto

Chilhan Bonds
Ditto Account
Columbian Bonds
Ditto Account
Columbian Bonds, 182 i 3l
Ditto Account
Danish Bonds
Ditto Account

Greek Bonds
Date Bonds, 19'25
Ditto Account
Mexican Bonds, 5 per cent

Otto Account

Ititto, 6 per cent.
Di tt-i Aceount
Neapolitan

PRICES OF IRISH STOCF
'? per Cent. Consols 89%
Ditto Reduced 90!,,,
~,, per Cent. Stock 9S Si
Ditto New, 1839 9i%
3'4 per Cent. Debentures 91%
Bank Stocl, '22314
_._.

Royal Canal Stock
ilrand Canal Stock

DAY Al' ONE O'CLOCK.

New 5 per Cent
Intha Stock

Ditto Bonds 4 Pm•

South Sea Stock 1603, (/

Old Annuities

New Ditto

3 per Cent. Annuities, 1151... -
Exch. Bills, X1,0(10 ..... 211 pm
Ditto 500 9.0 2! pm.

Ditto Small ' 20 42 pm.
Ditto Commercial — pm.
Ditto Advertised — pm.
Bank Stock for Account
India Stock for Account
Consols for Account... 89% 50

THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK.
Peruvian Bonds .
Ditto Account
Port uguese Bonds
Ditto Account
Ditto New Bonds 66 4 6
Ditto Account 136
Prussian Bonds ••
Ditto Bonds, lc."
Russian Bonds, 16.21
Ditto Account
Ditto Metallic
Span ish Bonds 41!6 1 401 i
Ditto Account 42 1 1/(3
Ditto Bonds, 1534 ..... 3£4

Ditto Account —
French, 5 per cent. —l. —c.
--- 4 per cent —f. —c.
----- n per cent. f. —c.
-- Exchange —f. —c.
Dutch, 2 per cent.
Ditto Account
Ditto, 5 per cent 101% Fit
Ditto Account

S. DUBLIN, AUGUST 25
Grand Canal Deb.. 6 per cent 909
Ditto, 4 per cent •
Hibernian Bank 22%
City of Dublin Steam Co. lO5
National Insurance Company 50
City Debentures, 4 per cent SO%
Ballast Office Debentures, 4
par cent `l3!i

PRICES OF SHAItEa THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK.
Paid, Per Share.

Bolivar Copper Mining Company .20
Ditto Scrip 3
Redmoor Conolidated Mini.. Company 2
Australasia Bank - 2 O 2O
Canada Company 2O

MAILS.

Arrived. Due. Arrived. Due. Arrived. Due.
0 America.......... 0 I France 0 0 Lisbon 0
0 Brazil 0 0 Guern.&Jersey 0 0 Malta
Ii Buenos Ayres... (1 0 Hamburg. 0 0 Mexico 0
0 Carthagena 0 0 Holland
I Dublin 0 1 Jamaica
I Handers

fl 1611 W ATEit
.AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW.
Morning '5 minutes after 5. Evening 49 minutes after 5

TFIE TIMES EXTRAORDINARY.—Not
to interfere with the arrangements in Printing-house-
square, the above Journal will be published for the Proprietors on
Saturday next, August 2.9 th, by Effingham Wilson, Royal Ex-
change, and will be sold by all Newsmen and Booksellers, to whom
orders should be immediately given.

The publication of Tiis SUN NEWSPAPER commenced this day
at 25 minutes past 3 o'clock.

LONDON,
FRIDAY EVENING, AUGUST 28, 1835.

The course pursued by Lord MELBOURNE in con-
ducting the Corporation Reform Bill through the
House of Lords has been truly admirable. Having
satisfied himself that the Bill, as it came from the
Representatives of the people, contained no provisions
that were not indispensably necessary to secure a per-
manent system of good government in our municipal
institutions, he has uniformly stood up, with that
manly decision which distinguishes his character, against
any alterations which tended to impair its efficiency,
as well as against those more sweeping alterations and
additions which trenched upon its grand principles,
and were designed to defeat its object. This
noble and commanding attitude, so worthy of
a statesman called to the high office of directing
the policy of a mighty empire, Lord MELBOURNE
has maintained to the last, regardless of the number,
the clamour, and the power of his opponents, and
conscious that he is supported by a power to which
theirs is but as the dust of the balance. In the de-
bate which took place last night on the bringing
up the Report of the Bill, Lord MELBOURNE
did not disappoint the hopes-of the nation. He felt
what he owed to his country.; he knew what the
people expected of him ; and these expectations he

has nobly realized.
The Noble Lord protested in toto against the
amendments introduced into the Bill by their Lord-
ships, which he declared, so far from being improve-
ments, were great deteriorations of the measure, and
stated his determination to move that they be rejected
one and all, in order that the Bill might be sent bag: to
the Commons, in the same perfect state in which it
left them.

The debate that ensued was little more than a repe-

ition of the arguments for and against the Bill, which
lave been already advanced. Lord ELLENBOROUGH

followed Lord MELBOURNE, and entered into a
defence of the amendments seriatim, which, had it
not come from Lord ELLENBOROUGH, would have
been considered 'singularly stupid. Lord HOLLAND
thought it worth his while to set the Noble Lord to
rights on some of his constitutional doctrines, and
wished particularly to know the test proposed to
be applied to the Dissenters to distinguish them from
members of the Church. To his question, however,
he could get no satisfactory answer.
Lord DENTAA N-made an excellent speech, and came
down with great effect upon Lord LYNDHURST for
his apostasy, reminding him of the political opinions
he gloried in proclaiming, when they used to go the
Northern Circuit together some twenty years ago. Lord
LYNDHURST said twenty years was a long time for
a man to recollect what political sentiments he might
have held. He had, he said, never written any thing
on politics, and therefore could not be responsible
for holding any particular creed on that subject.
Lord ASHBURTON added little to the discussion,
except the extraordinary fact, that the Lords were
the " hereditary tribunes of the people." Does
this new Lord know, that when the Tribunes affixed
their VETO, factiously or wickedly, to any law made
for the good of the people, they were very unceremo-
niously and severely punished ?
Lord BROUGHAM'S was a most triumphant reply

to the objections made against the Bill, and a masterly
exposure of the pernicious effects of the provisions en•
grafted on it by the Lords.
On the division, the numbers were 160 to 89 agains
Lord MELBOURNE'S motion.

The Great 'Western Railway Bill has not yet passed
through the fiery ordeal of opposition in the House of
Lords. The religious Peers, as usual, have many
scruples about it ; and his Royal Highness of C um-
BERLAND is seriously apprehensive that such a boon
cannot be granted to the people of England and Ire-
land, without interfering with the skittle-studies of the
Noble and Trospectively distinguished youths who
grace the Halls of Eton. The Illustrious Duke de-
clared that "be felt the greatest affection and attachment"
for the city of Bristol ; but that he felt bound to sacrifice
feelings so fondly cherished to the senatorial duty of
preserving unchanged the play-ground discipline of a
boys' school, dear to the memory of so many Noble
Lords.! The declaration was in all respects worthy of
his Royal Highness's great and comprehensive mind.
The skittle-amusements of Lords in miniature, or even
of the valets of Lords, are, in the judgment of his Royal
Highness, of more importance to the British Empire
than the commercial prosperity of " Bristol and Ireland."
The opinion is not confined to the illustrious Duke,
although some who cordially concur with him may be
more cautious in expressing it. Lord KENYON had
previously mooted the point: on moving that the Report
on the Bill should be taken into consideration that day
three months. Lord K4:NyoN is one of those peers

to whose string of titles the Biblical Saints of the
Order of Vagrants always prefix the antiquated spinster-
loved epithet of " religious." His Lordship leads the
vanguard in all campaigns against Popery and Idolatry,
and is the first to trumpet forth the merits of spiritual
importations from the " Island of Saints." Yet this
most pious—this most " religious" Peer—this puller-
down of idols in " high plaCes "—this self-nominated
guardian of gospel liberty and righteousness—scrupled
not to propose the throwing out of a Bill of the utmost
importance to the commercialists of Great Britain and
Ireland, which has already cost the subscribers up-
wards of 70,000/. I Not a word did the Noble Lord
deign to utter about the trouble, expense, anxiety,
loss of time, and blasted prospects of the Company,
should the House agree to his motion. His " reli-
gious" feelings are not so comprehensive, perhaps, as
to extend to parliamentary frauds, when screened under
the mystical veil of privilege. However we beg to
assure the Noble Lord that the people of
England entertain very strong opinions respect-
ing the morality of such conduct, even in the
House of Lords. Latterly the Peers have got a trick
of throwing out local Bills sent up from the Com-
naons, either on the motion for bringing up the Re-
port, or on the motion for the third reading. The
delay in throwing out such Bills is affected as a mark
of respect for the judgment of the Lower House ; but
in point of fact it operates as if it were an intentional
robbery of the individuals at whose expense the local
Bills are brought into Parliament. Frequently the
whole of the evidence before the Commons is
re-heard before tile Lords' Committees—Counsel
must be employed, at an enormous cost, to plead day
after day at their Lordships' bar—immense sums are
expended in fees, stationery, printing, &c.—agents
must be commissioned to watch over•the progress of
the Bill—besides the losses incurred by a protracted
stay in the most expensive part of the metropolis ; and
all this for the idle purpose of enabling their Lord-
ships to do that with a good grace which they had re-
solved to do from the commencement—namely,
throw out the Bills. Is such conduct as this worthy
of a distinct branch of the British Legislature ? Is it
religious—just—nay, commonly honest ? We know
that their Lordships are privileged to act in this man-
ner ;, but we protest against such a discharge of sena-
torial duties as deeply injurious to the morality of the
country, and as being in itself iniquitous in the very

last degree.

The speech of Lord BROUGHAM, deprecating
the conduct of those Noble Peers who ride in
the Parks while Counsel is being beard at their Lord-
ships' bar, and then " bloody with spurring, fiery red
with haste," come down to the House and vote upon
questions of which they know nothing, was admirably
calculated to try the temper of the noble assembly in
which it was delivered. The sarcasm was the more
felt from the bitter conviction of its truth, and from a
humiliating certainty that his Lordship was only giving
expression to the opinions of the middle and lower
classes throughout the British Empire.
As to the Bill itself we deem it quite unnecessary to
offer another suggestion respecting it. While its pro-
visions were not understood, and its importance over-
looked by commercialists, manufacturers, and the
country generally, we lost no opportunity of showing
the consequenses that would follow from its
being passed into a law. Now, its merits
and advantages are as well known as its
existence both in and oat of Parliament. We know
that a number of Peers have leagued together to
throw it out on the third reading, and we trust ?he
announcement of such an intention will have the effect
of defeating it. Such a termination of the labour and
expense incurred by the Great Northern Railway
Company, at such a stage of the Bill, can only be
regarded by the country in the light of a parliamentary
confiscation of the property of the Company.

Our attention has been directed to a curious Paper,

published this morning by EFFINGHAM WILSON,
under the title of " The Times Extraordinary,"
which gives extracts from the political articles of " the
leading Journal of Europe," from the year 1828 down
to •the November of 1834, to the extent of twenty-four
columns ; and is headed by the appropriate mottoes,
" Tempora mutantur," and " Should auld acquaint-
ance be forgot, and never brought to min' ?"—mottoes
which our Contemporary can scarcely reflect upon
without experiencing the most humiliating sensations,
however he may affect a show of indifference, and
attempt to bolster up his unparalleled apostacy, by
assurance equally unparalleled. There is scarcely one
public opinion on men and things that the Times
held up, to last November, that it has not since
thrown overboard. Its tergiversation has not been
partial, but wholesale. It has not contented itself
with doubting the justice of its former sentiments, but
absolutely laughed them all to scorn. Let us see, for
instance, how, in the days of its Liberalism, it spoke of
Lord BROUGHAM :

" Lord Brougham is, ever has been, and ever must be, the
head and chief of all the liberal and enlightened party in
England. The sun may swerve from its course with more
certainty than Lord Brougham from the right lino of exalted
duty and pure patriotism."

Yet this Statesman thus eulogized—thus we may
say, idolized—by our weathercock Contemporary, is
now all that is odious .and insignificant in his eyes.
He is no longer the enlightened Senator, but the
flashy, itinerant Demagogue, self-willed, half-witted,
and scarcely fit to be trusted with the conduct of his
own private affairs. How is this ? Has his Lord-

ship changed ? No ; but the Times has apostatized,
and of course can no longer see virtues in any States-
man who does not pursue the same tortuous course as

itself.

Again, let us hear our Contemporary on the subject
of Corporation Reform :
_

" A correspondent of our's stated yesterday the existence
of a rumour, that it is the intention of the Parliamentary
Committee to recommend the House of Commons, that the
members of self-elected close bodies shall be suffered to die
off before the reform of those bodies shall be brought into
operation, on the pretext—for it is no more—of the said
members having 'vested interest' in their offices. If such be
the case, it is safe to predict that tho,day will never arrive
for the reform of such Corporations. If the individual mem-
bers of a corrupt Corporation are to retain all their ancient
powers during life, it is clear that they may continue to MlS-
govern the Corporation, to misapply its funds, and so to
pervert its original and lawful purposes, that the reform,
when it does come, will have nothing left to act upon, and
may as well not have been passed into an Act of Parliament
at all."

This was said in 1833, but what is our Contemporary's
course of conduct in 1835 ? 'Why, to advocate the
spirit, if not in so many express words, at least by
implication, of all Lord LYNDHURST'S municipal
amendments, which have for their immediate object to
destroy the principle, for which our Contemporary
formerly so fiercely contended ! Of the Conservative
party he thus writes, in 1832:---
" We mentioned in a recent number, that one, and a fre-
quent weapon of the Conservative party, was falsehood—false-
hood positive, direct, and broad."
Yet this same Conservative party, which, if changed
from what it was in 1832, is changed only for the
worse, is now the object of our Contemporary's daily
adulation I Its jet black is turned into spotless white
in his estimation. He now looks to it for the salva-
tion of the Empire, notwithstanding we have his own
solemn assurance, founded on a long experience of its
character, that one of its most frequent weapons is
" falsehood, positiTe, direct and broad." We have no
doubt by the way that it is the frequent use of this
weapon which endears the Conservatives so much to
our Contemporary. He too has become false. What

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