The Sun.
London, England, 1832-06-25 00:00:00

tin, and so far detrimental to the popular in-
terest, is not so bad as we anticipated. Parties
will be again equally balanced ; the borough
must eventually be opened, and the two seats
rescued from the unconstitutional gripe of the
electioneering arts and racing purse of the
" Noble" Marquess. We therefore again ex-
hort the independent electors to oppose "tooth
and nail" their political foe. Let them so-
lemnly renounce all expense, and by a deter-
mined contest, and the severe renunciation of
every sort of pecuniary expenditure and impure
tactics, poll out the last man. The Noble
Marquess ought to be made to " pay for his
whistle :" he will soon be sick of his senseless
game of political oppression and boroughmon-
gering propensities. The burgesses have only
to wait a short time, till corporations experience
the fate of rotten boroughs, and their emancipa-
tion will be achieved—that day is not far dis-
tant. Our evening contemporary (the Globe)
has some sensible remarks on the policy which
would be creditable to the Marquess of Exeter.

" But we are sure that the Marquess of Exeter wi

find his account in conceding to the independent electors
of Stamford one sett. Any sincere friend will urge upon
him his strong advice. Indeed, why should the Noble
Marquess render the ancient seat of his ancestors an armed
and barricaded mansion ? Why should he thus live in
bitter and senseless animosity with his native town and his
honest and independent neighbours ? What can repeated
and heavy expenditure of money avail him under the
system of a reformed House of Commons ? Will it pur-
chase or win any stake but pecuniary loss and the certain
ultimate humiliation oflosing both seats? We do anxiously
exhort the Aristocracy to open their eyes to the danger
of widening that dangerous breach already subsisting be-
tween the higher and lower rrnks of society. If aliena-
tion is to progress at its recent advance, what security for
titles or property will the Nobility possess ? We should
most heartily rejoice to see the Marquess of Exeter volun-
tarily and immediately set the truly noble example of con-
cession, in which he will find ample reward by the ex-
change of popular respect for unpopularity—a certain re-
turn of one Member for the uncertain tenure of two, and
the admiration of his countrymen throughout England.
We are not without hope of this result ; the Marquess of
Exeter is a shrewd and calculating man, and when his
judgment is not misled by bad information,' he seldom
:ores himself."

We sincerely enforce this " friendly advice"
on the head of the house of Burleigh. What
can compensate the Marquess of Exeter for
the bitter personal hatred which the great majo-
rity of the electors and people of Stamford must
and do bear towards him ? Does he deceive
himself in thinking that the 'majority of his own
vassal voters entertain for him any feelings save
those of contempt and hatred ? Let him ask
himself whether he is not the most uncompro-
mising advocate of the ballot ? Will not his
continued pressure of the consciences and votes
of the electors speedily force on the House of
Lords that mode of election ? The conduct of
himself and his co• boroughmongers forced upon
the unwilling Peers the wide measure of Re-
form, which the anti-Reformers assert (and we
hope with truth) will speedily enable the people
to protect themselves against base Aristocratic
influence. " Open, therefore, your eyes,
Brownlow Cecil—Most Noble Marquess and
Earl of Exeter, and Baron of Burleigh, K.G.
hereditary Grand Almoner, Lord Lieutenant of
Rutlandshire, and Recorder of Stafford !
Your titles, your honours, your possessions
will not enable you, in these times, to deprive
the people of England of their tree and ancient
political rights. Victuals will no longer choak,
beer will not continue to drown the reason and
independent feelings of your countrymen. Hired
pugilists will not restrain the moral determination
of your townsmen ; and take Deed, that while you
contrive to supersede the free choice of the bur-
gesses of Stamford of independent representatives
in the Commons House of Parliament, you do
not endanger your own hereditary seat in another
place. You can no longer with impunity repeat
the past ; and if you are wise, you will endeavour
to atone for that past by restoring freedom and
good feeling to a populous and independent
town. A Reformed House of Commons will
not allow an hereditary Peer, the recorder of a
borough, and his subservient corporation, to in-
fluence elections. Will you awake in time ; or
do you and the Duke of Newcastle and the
Earl of Warwick prefer to inhabit your castles
bristled with cannon and watched by your ser-
vants to a life of respect and esteem in the hearts
of your neighbours ? Will you be content with
the legitimate and ample influence of pro-
perty, or will you, by a greedy and un-
holy use of your aristocratic power, endanger
your all ? We trust that the Press of the
whole British empire will watch the proceed-
ings of the Nobility and schedule B Commoners
with fearless jealousy at the coming elections.
We are resolved to do our duty. Our country
ahall not now be tyrannized over with impunity
by horoughtnongers, be they Commoners or
Noblemen. The Marquess of Exeter, the
Duke of Newcastle, and the Earl of Warwick,
are respectively Lord-Lieutenants of the counties
of Rutland, Nottingham, and Warwick. If
these Noblemen dare to mal-influence, by them-
selves or their agent; the electors of " their"
several boroughs, no Government will do its
duty, which does not forthwith dismiss them
from their Lord-Lieutenancies ; and no Judges
of the Court of King's Bench, on legal evidence,
can refuse to deprive them of their respective
recorderships and municipal offices. We repeat
that the House of Commons at least shall be
purified. The Commons of Great Britain and
_

Ireland have at length the power to secure
freedom and purity of elections. It remains to
be seen whether the aristocracy are determined
that the Reform Bill shall not be a " final
measure ;" whether they are not determined that
the ballot shall follow in the wake of the Act
to amend the representation of England and
Wales ! '1 he prejudices and institutions of
this country are in favour of the maintenance of
the aristocracy and constitutional Monarchy. NV e
shall see at the general election whether the Tory
Peers are similarly affected.—Morn. Chronicle.
It may be difficult to say which is the best
mode of celebrating the triumph of the cause of
Parliamentary Reform, but it is not difficult to
say which is not the best mode. The manifesta-
tion of public joy, through the means of an illu-
mination, has nothing rational or useful in it.
That mode of rejoicing is also associated with
the desolating success of war, and is the less fit
to be used as the medium of the expression of
the public gratitude for the peaceful and ultra)
victory which has reconquered for the nation its
constitutional rights. Often have a people lighted
up their dwellings, at the command of a Govern-
inerA, for achievements which were but the re-
sults of a criminal ambition, and which were
stained with a guilty glory. Often has the full
blaze of idle illumination, commemorated the
events which confirmed the strength of vicious
power and while they threw a false splendour
over r rruption and misrule, darkened the moral
prosr Is of the people. The victory of Reform is
very fferent ; it is great in itself, but it opens
far n brightening prospects for the future
upon -iuntry which it has rescued from a
domina, nearly brought it to the verge of
. such a victory be confounded

with the blood-stained achievements of war ?
Should the triumph of reason and argument be
celebrated like the successes whose laurels are
steeped in gore, and moistened with the tears o'
the widow and the orphan ? Or should the
people's jubilee be a thing of glitter and gas, and
tar barrels and rockets, that blaze and perish in
a night, like the transient display of some Court
pageant, equally showy and unsubstantial, that
dazzles only to be forgotten ? Far be the bad
taste of imitating such puerile aril unmeaning
exhibitions from the minds of British Re-
formers. We were glad to see the other day
that the householders of Mansion House-street,
Cheapside, and the Poultry, petition the Common
Council to devise some more rational way of ce-
lebrating the Reform Bill than by an illumination.
It was still more gratifying to obseve that the mode
of celebration proposed to be substituted was one
truly rational, for it was one of utility and be-
nevolence. It was stated by Mr. Shoobridge,
one of the deputation, that it would be accepta-
ble to every lover of peace to appoint in each
ward a Committee of six or twelve to collect a
sum of money to build 500 alms-houses for the
occupation of decayed citizens, instead of wast-
ing the money by an illumination. Ile added,
very justly, that " this absurd custom had too
long existed ; the City of London had spent on
illumination nights 150,0001. which in a few
hours had been burnt into smoke, and what for ?
It was falsely called rejoicing. In reality the
cause of the rejoicing' had occasioned misery
to many widows and fatherless children. It had
been stated that the poor would not be satisfied
without an illumination. What had all the in-
structions given to the poor within the last 30
years been then thrown away ?" These were
sensible remarks of Mr. Shoobridge, and we
think he was quite right in the sarcastic
allusion which he made to the six thousand

pounds voted to be spent in a " good jollifi-
cation," and which it was stated would be a

"feast of reason." In order to make it such, by ren-
dering it subservient to some noble and per-
manent object, Air. Shoobridge suggested that
every person present at the said feast should put
down 101. towards the furtherance of the bene-
volent design of building 500 alms-houses, and
give a substantial proof their joy for the success
of the Reform Bill, The corporate funds of
the City have been too long appropriated upon
every plausible occasion to the gross pleasures of
feasting and guzzling, not the feasting ofthe hungry.
While celebrating Reform, we would say of this
corporate habit " reform it altogether." In
Edinburgh a proposition has been made to esta-
blish infant schools asa perpetual memorial of Re-
form—a memorial connected with that improve-
ment of the human mind without which Reform

would be eventually of little avail. Whatever
may be the particular mode of celebration, we
say let it not be noise, glitter and revelry, on which
vast sums are to be expended at the present
season, but let humanity and benevolence bless
the moral triumph of Reform.—Morn. Herald

The Privy Council is now engaged in a very
curious investigation—the hearing of arguments
on a petition from a large body of Hindoos,
complaining of the suppression of Suttees by the
Governor. General of India. When intelligence
first reached this country of the vigorous steps
which Lord William Bentinck had taken to put
down the revolting and horrible superstition of
Suttee, as the burning of widows is termed, we
did not hesitate to express our cordial approba-
tion of his Lordship's conduct. The permis-
sion of such a practice by a Government calling
itself Christian always appeared to us to be a
most criminal compromise on the part of this
country. It now remains to be seen whether
the Authorities at home will sanction the efforts
of the Governor-General to prevent those mur-
ders, under the name of religious rites, which
have already prevailed too long, or whether they
will proclaim to the world that, in their tender-
ness for existing prejudices, they decline to use
their power for the suppression of acts which
violate every feeling and principle of humanity.
The priests and bigots of India, taking fright at
the extinction with which this practice is threat-
ened, have appealed to the King in Council.
We cannot for a moment doubt the issue of the
appeal. Even if the Privy Council were se-
cretly adverse, to the proceeding of the Gover-
nor-General—even if they were desirous to
wink at the barbarity which long and immemorial
custom has endeared to a people remarkable
for their adherence to old errors—still there is so
wide a distinction between an indirect and a posi-
tive sanction that we can scarcely think it pos-
sible they would incur the responsibility of
I adopting the latter course. Dr. Lushington
laid much stress upon a decision of Lord
Stowell in a divorce case between two parties of
the Jewish persuasion. In that decision his
Lordship had recognised the principle that re-
gard should be had to the laws and practices of
the Hebrew nation, and on the authority of
those laws and practices he had made
his decision. But Dr. Lushington seemed
to forget that there was this essential
difference between the laws and practices re-
ferred to by Lord Stowell and that which the
Learned Doctor was advocating—that the
former, however unreasonable in the present
state of the world, were innocent in themselves,
while the latter was criminal and cruel. The
Legislators of Leadenhall-street, who can recon-
cile it to their notions of good Government to
make a profit by another frightful specimen of
Hindoo superstition—we mean the procession
of Juggernaut—may not be very quick to enter
into this distinction ; but his Majesty's advisers
cannot shut their eyes against it ; nor can they,
as we conceive, presume to offer any advice to
their Sovereign, the tendency of which would be
to confound a distinction so palable. Whatever
impression the Company itself may feel as to
the conduct of the Governor-General in direct-
ing his exertions against the shocking rite to
which we have been alluding, the Government
must support him in an act which every senti-
ment of reason and religion concurs in recom-
mending to the support of a Christian people.-
-Morning Herald.

Amon.. the notices of motions which stand in
the order-book of the House of Commons, there
is one intended to be made to-morrow evening
by Colonel Evans, of so useful, and yet of so
ttreematpeforarteit ach
a faiarraiciteeapr,intt
ghaatwleeaswt,ouifldnoftaianlseona-
successful result. The Gallant Colonel, as our
readers are aware, has distinguished himself in
the literary world by the publication
that
ai
rtll
e iolafns sieloavtde other
works, partlyoutrlintgniltithaerytimaieid
py o
topics, and d
seat in Parliament has proved himself to be the
itivariable and steadfast friend of reform and eco-
nomy at home—of peace and, the cultivation of
a liberal policy abroad. There is every rea-
son for placing reliance on his opinions,
whether on the score of
fklinso%Ovpleidngioenosrairieltdegoruibtyl:
and in the instance of the motion which stands
Valuable to-morrow
one
of the subject being
in con se evening,ciuec