The Sun.
London, England, 1866-01-06 00:00:00

: first mate came to the 'pier. We thought she was
blowing her whistle for a pilot. I was not in court
when the last witness gave his evidence. I first heard
a steamer's whistle about half-past 11 o'clock: I
was by the side of the Lord Warden hotel. I did
not go.to the pier until about a quarter to 1 o'clock.
I heard the whistle blown from time to time dur-
ing the whole of that period.
Thomas Friend, examined by Mr. O'Dowd—l
am a master of the Lord Warden pilot cutter. The
book produced is the cutter's log-book. There are
entries made up to midnight upon the state of the
weather on the 13th of December. The entries are
made by me every morning, containing an account
of the weather for every four hours. The entry
from eight o'clock on the night in question till mid-
night of the state of weather is " Moderate breeze ;
hazy weather."
By Captain Harris—l heard the whistle of a
steamer about half-past 11 o'clock. I did not un-
derstand it was a signal for a pilot. We took it to
be a signal for the pilot to be landed. We sailed
towards the place where the whistle appeared to
be sounded for an hour and a half. We
could see the vessel's lights, and they appeared to
be going to the west, and that is why we thought
the whistle was blown as a signal to land the pilot.
We saw her masthead lights. We sailed after her
until half-past 12, and then, as she was out of our
limits, we gave over the chase. She was going to-
wards the Varn light. We only exhibited on the
cutter a masthead light, excepting every quarter of
an hour, when we exhibited a " flare up."
By Mr. Fox—We passed the Samphire when she
was going out. I don't think we could have seen a
vessel a quarter of a mile off without a light. I
don't think we could see it before we were into it.
Mr. O'Dowd addressed the- Court, and said he
was happy to be able to inform the Court that this
closed the evidence that he intended to produce on
the part of the Board of Trade. He had merely to
put in one document which had been referred to in
evidence, and referred to, he was willing to admit,
not irrelevantly. It was the contract entered into
on the sth June, 1863, between the Right Hon. E.
J. Lord Stanley of Alderley, Postmaster-General,
and the South-Eastern Railway Company, and the
London, Chatham, and Dover Railway Company.
In justice to the Post-office department, with refe-
rence to a portion of the evidence affecting that ser-
vice, it would be his duty before the close of the in-
quiry to call the particular attention of the Court
to those clauses of the contract which were deemed
to have abearing upon the inquiry. The copy which
he proposed to hand in was printed by the Queen's
printer, and he assumed that without formal and
technical proof there would be no objection to its
being admitted.

No objection being made, the printed copy of the
contract was handed in by Mr. O'Dowd.

The afternoon was occupied in reading over the
evidence adduced by the witnesses that was left un-
read on the previous day.
The inquiry was adjourned until this day, when,
in all probability, the proceedings will be concluded.

SEASONABLE BENEVOLENCE.—On Wednesday
Miss Burdett Coutts entertained 300 poor people of
Westminster, resident in St. Stephen's parish, at a New
Year's dinner in the schoolrooms of St. Stephen's. The
feast, which was substantial and abundant, was enlivened
by the music of a portion of the Coldstream Guards' band,
with choral singing and speeches, and occasioned very
groat enjoyment. Among the company present were the
Dean of Westminster, Cannon Jenning, the Subdean of the
Chapel Royal, the Rev. Messrs. Tennent, Moore, and
Henslowe, Miss Bouchier, and others.
PRESIDENT JOHNSON AND GENERAL GRANT.—
Even under the most favourable and least trying
conditions there is hardly anything more injudicious than
extreme measures and extreme views. But in circumstances
of difficulty and danger the perilousness of such a policy
reaches its maximum. This is conspicuously illustrated in
America at the present time. If there is one thing which
can restore peace and order and prosperity in the Union
it is a policy of moderation and compromise, and such a
policy the President and some of the chief men of his party
seem disposed, honestly and impartially, to carry out, both
in their domestic affairs and their foreign relations. But
there is, unfortunately, a party who hold extreme views,
and who will be satisfied with nothing but extreme mea-
sures. President Johnson, in his Message to the Senate,
considers that the people of the Southern States are yield-
ing obedience to the laws of the Federal Government with

a greater degree of willingness and promptitude than could,
under the peculiar circumstances of the case, have been
expected. The prospect of affairs seems to him to promise
more favourable for the future than any but the most
sanguine would have ventured to anticipate, even at the
time when the North found that they had won the victory.
The South were beaten and overwhelmed in the field;
but this would have availed little in the absence of that
willingness to accept the situation, with good temper, and
make the most of it, to which the President alludes. The
Southerner might have presented the frame of mind of the
Pole under the Russian yoke ; and to deal with him sb as
to restore the Union in any profitable sense would have
been impracticable. But the Southerners know that the
Federals are of the same race with themselves—in many

instances their own kinsfolk; not an inferior race, as the
Poles consider the Russians ; and they are inclined to
meet their late adversaries half-way in reconciliation. The
President finds that sectional animosity is surely and
rapidly dying out, and that a better spirit is taking its
place ; and he has reason to believe that national repre-
sentation, combined with a proper and equitable system of
taxation, will bring about a satisfactory restoration of the
Union. General Grant also finds facts which lead him to
the like conclusion. He reports that thinking men in the
South accept the present situation in good faith. They
regard the questions of slavery and secession as settled
by the issue of the late war. A significant recommenda-
tion of the General's is that there should be small garri-
sons of white troops in those parts of the interior of the
South where there are many freed negroes. He considers
that in other parts of the interior no force is necessary, so
satisfied is he of the peaceable feeling and spirit which
animate the white people where they are more by them-
selves, and there is less likelihood of a collision of the two
races. The South, in his opinion, desires to return to self-
government within the Union as soon as possible; but in
the transition state of reconstruction it requires the pro-
tection of the Government. The explanation of this is to
be found in another significant statement of General
Grant's. He considers that the freed negro's mind is not
yet disabused of the notion that he has a right to live with-
out care and without making a provision for himself in
the future. He seems to fancy that he is expected to do
nothing for himself, and that everything is to be done
for him by the Government. The consequence of this is
that the freed blacks, speaking generally, manifest a strong
tendency to idleness, and crowd together into the camps
and cities, where it is obvious they are not required as
labourers. The General considers that these freedmen will
require for some years to come not merely laws for their
protection, but the fostering care of those on whom they
rely for counsel and guidance. Hence his reason for recom-
mending the continuance of the Freedmen's Bureau, un-
proved and modified, so as to form a branch of the military
department. These views of the President and the Com-
mander-in-Chief are moderato and sensible. Mr. Johnson
does not think unfavourably of the whites of the South ;
General Grant does not think too favourably of the blacks
or expect too much from them. Neither of these high
authorities are for looking upon the whites as a conquered
people to be subjected to the iron rule of martial law; nor
upon the negroes as men who, by the mere fact of manu-
mission, are at once invested with the moral and intel-
lectual qualities fitting them to exercise all the political
functions and privileges of the white race trained to
freedom and self-government through a dozen genera-
tions.—Morning Post.
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