The Sun.
London, England, 1859-02-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 15, 1859,

BRITISH POSSESSIONS.

, 1„,..„, Closing Businass
.
Sharol Railways. '• ``'`" Price. Done.
me
100 Atlantic &St Lawrence! all 78 79 79
Leased at 6 per cent
18 Bom.,Baroda& Cent. Ind 9 i i d 134
gu. 5 per cent
18 Do all
18 Do. Addit. Capital A 6 1 1 d
18 Do. Do. B 44 1 f d
201 Buffalo and Lake Huron all 7 8
204 Do. New l6i -- d
100 1 Buffalo,Brant.&'Godricb 1 100 85 90
6 p. ct. bda. 1 Aug., 1872 )
100 Do. do. 1 July, 1873 100 82 86
190 Do. do. 1 June, 1874 100 80 84
20 Clcutta.&S.Eastrn.Lim. 1. 3. 0. id par
20 Cape,Eastn. Prov.(Lim.) 2s.
20 Cape Town & Dock Scrip 2s. pm
20 Central Oude (Limited) 2s. 6d.
20 Ceylon Guaranteed 6p.c. 2 I 1p54 i .
174 Demerara
20 Eastern Beiwal.g-,u.5p.c 5 4 /d
Stock East Indian,'gu. sp. 0., 100 102 1021 102 i 4
20 Do. C Shares all
20 Do. E Shares Ext lO I 4 p
20 Do. Jubbulpore 5
100 D 0.44 p.c. Bds. pay.'s9 all
20 Geelong-& Mel.gua.s p. c. all 19 20
St: Geelong Corporation 6 1 100
el
, , per cent. Bonds
St Grand Trunk of Canada 100 30 31 304 I I
100 Do. 6 p.c. Deben.,pay.is all 71 73 71
100 Do. 6 per cent. Pre lOO 89 91 ,90
20 Gt.lndiaPenin.gua.sp.e all 994 104 1004 109 4
20 Do. New, gua.s per cent 4 i I d
20 Do. do 4 i d par
20 5 Gt.S.of Ind.Lim.—Scrip 12,
( guaranteed 5 per cent.
204 Gt.W. of Canada Shares all 15j. 16} 16
20i Do. New
100 ( Do. Bonds pay. '76,with 1 all 104 106
I ept. till '6O
100 Do. do. '73 till '6O all 101 106
100 Do. do. '73 without opt all 102 104
100 Do. 5i p. c. do. '77 do .
20 Madras, guar., 4i p. c all 17 184 17/
20 Do. do. 5 per cent, all 191 20
20 Do. 4/p. c. Extension l5 18 19
20 Do. Third Ex. gua.s.p.c lO 1 4
rd
20 • Do. Fourth do.
Stock Melb. Corp. 6 p.c. Bonds 100
20 I Newßrunswick&Canda.
Ry.&Land(Lim.)g.6pc 10 —d
Class ACapitl.Share
Do. do. Land do ..
20 Do. do. B. Capital do lO --d
.. Do. do. Land do
20 ( Northof India Tramroad 2s.
/ Limited, Scrip
20 Oude (Limited)
20 Scinde
,„43 15 4 1 p ,
20 Do.
20 Do. New V. Z' 10 4 d iplo i
20 Do. Punjaub
i 5 d 44
20 Do. Indus. St. Flo atg' 5 1, d
20 St. Andrews & Quebec A 18
10
liTrinidad(Limited) Scrip 1 ,id 4 p

5
30
28.2.8/

I
par
1
10
11

#f
P

38 40
10 12
f
11 14
194 20
84 9i
1 d
• 111 P
41 5
1 11
21

COLONIAL GOVERNMENT SECURITIES.
Share Securities. Paid. Closing Business
Prices. Done.
Can.Gov.6p.c.Ja. & July 100 1134 1144 1134 14
Do. 6 p.c.Fb.&Aug. 100 111 i 1124
Do. 6 p.c.Mr. k Sep. 100 15 116. 1154
N.8.G0v.6 p.c. Ja. &July 100 111 112
- Do. 6p.c.Ap. & Oct. 100
N. S.W. Gov. sp. c. Deb. 100 1004 1014 101
NovaScotiaGov.6 p.c. St.
Deb. redeemable, 1875 100 111 112
S.Aus.Gt.6pc.Jan&July 100, 110 111
Vict•Gov.6p.c.Jan&July 100 107 109

JOINT-STOCK BANKS.

Share' Joint-Stock Banks. Paid. Closing I Business
Price. Done.

100 Agra&UnitedServiceßk 60 - -
40 Australasia all 90 92
25 Bank of Egypt all 26 26
100 Bank of London 5O - --
40 Brit. Col. Bk. & LoanCo all - -
90 British North American all 56 58
20 Chtd. Bank of India, &c 10 2 lid
100 City 5O 61 63 62 li 2
100 Colonial 25 - - 32 i
20.11 Corn. Bank of Canada all - -
100 Commercial of London. 20 - -
20 Eng., Scat., & Aus. Ch. all 164 17
20 Gen. Bk. of Switzerland all - -
20 Lon.Char.Bk.otAustral. all 21i 22 22
50 London and County ... 20 - - 28
50 London Joint Stock ... 10 - - 311 / 1
--100 London & Westminster. 20 - - 47 i
100 Nat. Prov. of England. 35 - -
20 Do. new lO - -
50 National Bank 25 - - 50
20 • New South Wales
25 Orient. Bk. Corporation all 39 40 31
20 Ottoman Bank all 20 201 20
Provincial of Ireland
10 Do. New af' - -
25 South Australia - -
25 Do. New 174 - -
25 Union of Australia all - --- 54 31 4
25 Do. New 2O - --
50 Union of London lO - - 241
100 Unity Mutual 55 -
100 Western Bk of London 50 19i 184 d
MISCELLANEOUS.
Shargi Miscellaneous. 1 Paid. °Mein! Business done
....,
10 Anglo-Mexican Mint'.. all 12 13 121 2
1000 Atlantic Tel. (Limited). all 215 225
25 Australian Agricultural 19 33 34 331 5
10 Australian Royal Mail . all / 1
10 Berlin Water Works . . all 2i 3i
10 Do New, issued at !'5 dis 3 - -
50 British American Land 40 - -
50 Brit. & Irish Mag.Tel.A. all 39 41
20 Do. B, 7p. c. till 1862.. all 19 21
20 Do. C
100 Canada Land 32i 113 115 ~
10 Chan.lslands Tel.(Lim ) all 9 10
Stock Cop.Min.ofEng.&Smltg all - -
25 Do. Preference 7i per ct all 24 25
5 Crystal Palace.
5 Do. Preference all 41 51
20 Eastern Steam all - -
Stock Electric Telegraph lOO 102 105 1024
5 Eng. & Aust. Cop.St.Co. all .0 1 li
10 Europ. & Ind.JunCt.Tel. 10s. - - 5
9 Europ.&Am.Stm.(Lim.) all 1 15 1
20 GLlron ScrewCol.(Lim all - -
15 Gen. Steam Navigation. 14 - -
20 London Discount 5 li 15 d
4 Lond.G en. Omnibus Co. all 11 11
10 Mediter. Electric Teleg. all - -
10 Med. Exten. Tel. (Lim.) all 6i 75 71 7
25
.National Discount C 0... 5 li id 41
10 Netherlands Land 6 - -
10 Do do all 1 2
6 Do 8 p.c.Pref.,iss.at ldls all 1 li
100 N.Br.&NovaScotiaLand 80 15 18
1 N.B.Australasian (Lim.) all 5 1 1
- 20 North of Europe Steam all - -
1 Oriental Gas
- 1 Do. New Shares all 1 1
15s. 5 die par
5 Peel River Land & Min. all 25 3
50 Pen. & Oriental Steam. all 84 85 85
50 Do. New
10 13 14
20 Red Sea & Ind. Telegr. 8 i d 1P 81 8
50 ißhymney Iron
15 ;Do. New all 75 7/
100 Royal Mail Steam 6O - - 63 i
1 Scot.Austrin.lnv.(Lim ) all 120 1324
25 South Australian Land. all 35 37
1 Submarine Teleg. Scrip. all I 1
1 Do. do Registered all 1
20 Tr.& Ln.Co.oi U_pr. Can. 5
100 ,Van Diemen'a and . pi. 9 11

TILE _POPE AND THE :PRINCE' OF

WALES.

On the occasion of the late interview of the
Prince of Wales with the Pope, his Holiness rose
on the entry of the Prince, and, coming forward to
the door of the apartment to meet him, conducted
him to a seat, and entered into conversation with
him in French. Colonel Bruce was the only other
person present. The interview was brief, and
limited to complimentary expressions and sub-
jects of local interest. On the Prince rising to
take his leave, the Pope conducted him again to
the door with the same warmth of manner
which he had manifested on receiving him.
It is the intention of his Royal Highness to
visit the numerous members of the various Sove-
reign families of Europe now domiciled in the
Eternal City, before applying himself steadily to
studies. A few days ago his Royal Highness went
to call upon the King of Prussia, or rather upon the
Queen, the state of his Majesty's health making it
painful for any one to see him. The Prince has
declined a formal visit from the French General,
Count de Guyon, who proposed paying his respects
to his Royal Highness at the head of his etat-major.
The excellent habits of early hours, family devo-
tion, and healthy exercise, so meritoriously incul-
cated by Queen Victoria, are strictly followed by
the Prince and his household. The Hon. Colonel
Percy's services have been accepted by his Royal
Highness during his stay in Rome.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY).
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at five o'clock.
Lord CRANWORTH presented a petition from the pro-
testant dissenters of Northallerton, complaining of the de-
cision of the Lords Justices which excluded them from
administering trust funds of grammar schools.
The Earl of CARLISLE and the Earl of SHAFTESBURY
presented similar petitions.

RIGHT OF SEARCH.
Lord WODEHOUSE asked the Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs whether ;he would lay on the table of the
house, copies of the recent correspondence between her
Majesty's Government and the Government of the United
States respecting the right of search ? The noble lord hav-
ing alluded to the unpleasant feeling that arose last year
between this country and the United States relative to the
right of search exercised by British cruisers over vessels en
the high seas, said, it,from a correspondence that had
ensued, the question had been left in a very unsatisfactory
condition; notwithstanding that the noble earl at the head
of the Foreign-office had adopted the principles laid down
by General Cass. He thought it was of the highest im-
portance that the correspondence between this country and
the United States should be laid on the table, in order that
the true state of affairs might be known.
The Earl of MALMESBURY—I have not the least ob-
jection to lay this correspondence before your lordships. I
.
am afraid, however, as my noble friend has read that por-
tion of it which has been published in America, he will find
little of novelty or amusement in the papers which will be
produced here. I think, however, the noble lord would have
consulted the convenience of the house if he had waited
until the correspondence was laid upon the table before ho
indulged in the remarks he has made, as I expect but few of
your lordships have seen that portion which has been pub-
lished. My noble friend has referred to the account of a
visit which was paid to me by the American Minister, and
has expressed surprise that within 24 hours I should have
held language of a contradictory nature ; but that is easily
explained. 'Upoit the first day the Minister for the United
States called upon me, and asked my opinion upon certain
points of international law relating to the right of search, I
gave him what is commonly called an evasive answer—(a
laugh)—as the subject was then under the consideration of
the law officers of the Crown, whose opinions I received
shortly afterwards. When I got that opinion I had no diffi-
culty the next day in replying to the United States Minis
ter when he came again, as was agreed ; therefore, your
lordships will see there was nothing extraordinary in the
decision at which, apparently, I had suddenly arrived. My,
noble friend seems to think that we have given up some
great British right or privilege of vital consequence to this
country. If I understand international law at all, which
has not changed in our days, what is right now must have
been right 50 years ago. At the latter period, or rather 45
years ago, circumstances were very different to what they
are now. We were then at the close of a very long and se-
rious contest, by which all nations were more or less ex-
hausted, and at the end of which no nation but England
possessed anything like a navy. The French navy had al-
most entirely disappeared. The American navy was small,
having lost many of their ships, and the British navy was
riding triumphantly over the ocean, being the only one in a
condition to preserve the police of the sea, and to carry out
those points of maritime policy which the circumstances of
the time rendered necessary. But it must be recollected
that at that time the feeling in this country respectinc, the
slave trade was extremely strong, and in fact the English
navy was the only one capable of exercising an effective con-
trol over that odious, traffic. We could not then expect
assistance from other nations, and we treated matters rather
with a high hand. We were masters of the sea, and we
claimed that which, although it was for the benefit of all,
must be admitted to have been more than we had a right to.
Your lordships are aware that the slave trade is a perfectly
legal traffic, except where treaties exist providing for its
suppression, and there is no law whatever that gives us or
any one else a right to visit a ship or seize her even if full
of slaves, provided she is sailing under an independent flag,
unless we have a treaty right to that effect with the nation to
which that particular flag belongs. As peace endured and
nations flourished, those who had lost their navies were
enabled to reconstruct them and those who had had none
began to create them. Feelings grew up among them with
respect to their navies similar to those which we entertained
in regard to our own, and naturally they began to dispute a
claim which they had never submitted to with any good
grace. Such was the case with France She had a slave trade
treaty with us, and she said, " We are an independent
nation, with a navy of our own, and we consider it an insult
to be thought unable to fulfil our own engagements, and to
maintain the police of the sea as far as our own flag is con-
cerned.. We are able to do it, and we do not desire you to
meddle with our ships, but to leave them to us to look
after." Such, too, was the language of the United States
as their naval power and spirit of independence increased.
I am not fond of expressing opinions upon the acts
of my predecessors in office, but I must say I think they
held out too long, considering all the circumstances, for the
extreme exercise of the power we claimed, and which inter-
national law, strictly interpreted, could not bear us out in
demanding. As my noble friend has stated, this practice of
visiting all ships (the slave trade having much increased in
consequence of the Russian war) created a great amount of
ill blood in the United States, and I felt that the time was
come when, instead of carrying it with a high hand as we
had done 31 years before, it was better, that great country
having a powerful navy, and able if they chose to prevent
acts which we justly deprecate, that we should show our
confidence in them, and rely upon their uniting with us to
' put a stop to the slave trade. The American Government,
in their language, went as far into one extreme as we had
formerly done in the other. They at that time declared
that no right of search whatever should be allowed. Butia,
the 10th of April, I think it was, General Cass forwarW"
me a note with respect to what I then stated—an opi-
nion by which I am still prepared to abide—that it was
written in a fair and candid spirit, and which I believed
contained a just interpretation of international law. He did
not in that note deprecate the exercise of the right of search
under all circumstances. What he did state was that,
although a nation might, upon particular occasions, be
justified in resorting to it, yet that such a course should, in
accordance with the principles of international law, be taken
at the risk of the officer by whom it was pursued, adding
that if there were sufficient grounds of suspicion to justify
the proceeding he was of opinion no Government would
be disposed to find fault with its adoption. Now, being
aware of the spirit by which the American Government
was animated upon this subject, what I agreed to do
was this :—That we should establish, in conjunction with
that Government, for the sake of maintaining the police
of the sea, a code of instructions for the commanders of
both countries which should be identical, and which should
guarantee any officer acting within their scope against
being open to blame. I was, moreover, of opinion, paying
regard to the natural feelings of the people of merica
upon this question, that it would not be unwise to invite
the French Government to join us in pursuing the same
course as that which I have just mentioned. I may
add that it seemed to me that any code of instructions
which should be agreed on by that Government and our
own should be of such a nature as not to give rise to the
suspicion upon the part of America that in assenting
to it she was surrendering one particle of her national
honour. It was, however, as your lordships must be per-
fectly well aware, more easy to propose such a scheme than
to put it into execution. A considerable time, therefore,
has elapsed during which the highest authorities of the
French navy, as well as of our own, have been employed in
considering this matter ; but the result, I am happy to say,
has been that the Governments of both countries have
agreed upon a code of instructions which are identical, and
hat that code has been submitted to the American Cabinet,

with an invitation to them to join with us in its adoption.
Such, my lords, is the course which we have taken, nor can
I regret that we have followed it. And although I may
appear at first to have surrendered a right—an extreme and
exaggerated right—in favour of which so much has been
spoken as well as written—yet I thought, as I said before,
that the time was come when it was better to place entire
confidence in the proper feeling of the American people
than to prolong an agitation which, in point of fact, ren-
dered them indisposed to aid us in our endeavours to put
down the slave trade. (Hear, hear.) The best proof, my
lords, that I was not mistaken as to the wisdom of that
policy is to he found in the spirit which has since been
evinced by the American Government both in its language
and its acts (Hear, hear.) From that Government I have
received the strongest assurances that it will use its best
efforts to put down the slave trade with American ships. It
has even gone so far as to make " officiously," but not
" officially," a suggestion, in the expediency of acting upon
which I entirely concur. It is that the treaty into which
we have entered with the United States and which binds
us, with a view to the suppression of the slave trade, to
have £0 guns on the West Coast of Africa should be so
modified that, instead of our being obliged to have 80 guns
in that quarter, and America being enabled to fulfil her
part of the stipulation by maintaining there two old
sailing frigates of 40 guns which are perfectly useless
in tko suppression of the slave trade, she should
keep up a certain number of steam-vessels-10 steam-
gunboats amounting to two guns a-piece—which would
constitute a much more effectual force than the two sailing
frigates which have hitherto been employed. The Govern-
ment of the United States has, moreover, intimated that
inasmuch as the slave trade on the coast of Cuba continues
on:the increase it is its intention to send a larger number of
vessels to that coast for the purpose of suppressing the
traffic. (Hear, hear.) Such has been the spontaneous re-
sult upon the part of the American Government of the
action of her Majesty's Ministers towards it upon this sub-
ject. What I have contented myself with doing has been
to forward to the Government of America the accounts
given by our commanders upon the African coast of the
atrocious desecration of the American flag in the prosecu-
tion of the slave trade, and no language, I am happy to say,
could be stronger than that which Lord Napier informs me
was used by General Cass when he heard those reports,
altogether independent of any comment which was made
upon them by. her Majesty's Government. (Hear, hear.)
And, my lords, while upon this subject I cannot refrain
from expressing my satisfaction at another change which
has taken place in reference to the question of the slave
trade. Your lordships are aware of the complaints which_
have lately been made in consequence of the adoptiono
the French scheme of negro emigration to the French. eton
colo-
nies, and you cannot have failed to learn with satisfaction
that at
ehee
weeks French
abolishedGovernmentEastlast c fortnightott.
Africa, where it had led to greater complications than in any
t that systemhas within
o the he
• in the Speech
acquainted by a paragraph a , from the Throne
other quarter. (Hear, hear.), You have also been made
of France, at their invitation, with the view of arriving
that we are carrying on negotiations with the Government
at some agreement by which the entire abolition of that
system of negro slavery might be accomplished—(hear)—
and through which we may be able under proper regula-
tions— in fact, under the same regulations which prevail in
our own case—to supply France with really free labour
from the East Indies. (Hear, hear.) Nothing, lam happy
to think, now seems wanting ~to enable us to bring all
nations—each acting for itself, but at the same time in uni-
son with each other—to the resolution to concur with us
in the suppression of the slave trade, and to abandon a plan
from which the well-known horrors of the traffic but too
often result. (Hear.) But one thing is wanted to consum-
mate this good end, and that one thing is peace. (Hear.)
When the Russian war began the slave trade had all but
died away. Its complete abolition was checked by that
event, but, if we should only be fortunate enough to enjoy
for some years to come the blessing of peace, the trade will,
I feel assured, be completely extinguished. (Hear.) That
blessing we have now every, reason to hope awaits us. The
speech which was recently spontaneously delivered by the
able and powerful ruler of France to the French Chambers
tells us so upon the best authority, inasmuch as he from
whose lips it fell is all powerful either for peace or war. We

have his assurance that tranquillity will be maintained, and
we have no reason to doubt- his-word, inasmuch-as-no man
has more faithfully or .loyally kept these treaties which
when he ascended the, throne -in 1852 he promised te ob-
serve. I have, therefore, my lords, the strongest confidence
in the continuanc i peace, and the existence of that bless-
ing is all, I fel assured, that is required in order to put 'an
end to a traffic odious in itself, and which this country has
made so many and such great sacrifices to abolish. (Cheers.)
The Earl of eCLARENDON—I am glad my noble friend
has been afforded the opportunity of explaining to the
house the course which he has taken in reference to this
important subject, and also of setting right public opinion
with respect to certain concessions which he is supposed to
have made. The community at large have no means of
acquiring information upon such transactions except
through the medium of the press or the . papers
which have been laid before Congress ; to one of which

—the despatch of Mr. Dallas, which was alluded to. hy
my noble friend behind me, and which I must say is one of
the most graphic and interesting documents I ever read in
my life—l would particularly refer. It presents such a
picture of "the interior" as is rarely given. (A laugh.) It
describes how much my noble friend opposite talked—how
much he listened, and dilates upon the admiration which ha
expressed, for the despatch of_ Gen. Casss. But it would
seem that when my, noble friend asked Mr. Dallas to report ,
to his own Government the conversation which had. taken
place, the reply was that,it was so multifarious that it was
completely out of his power to comply with the request. Mr.
Dallas however, it seems, suggested that my noble friend
should himself undertake the office of preparing a minute
of the conversation, and accordingly the noble earl .went,to
his desk and with the utmost readiness wrote down that
minute of all that passed of which your lordships have,
heard, and which is certainly a most important document,
binding as it does her Majesty's Government to undertake
great treaty obligations. I for one—possessing some slight
experience of such matters—could not help envying the
self-confidence displayed by the noble lord in sitting down
to compose in a few hours such a document, although my
surprise is somewhat diminished by the explanation which
he has just given, to the effect that he had previously held
communication upon the subject under discussion with the
law officers of the Crown. I should not, ,however, have
troubled your lordships on this occasion were it not for what
has fallen from my noble friend with respect to the course
which he says was pursued by his predecessors in office. It
would appear that the • noble earl considers we claimed a
right of search, which could be exercised only by belli-
gerents ; and to exercise which, in time of peace, would be
contrary to international law. We, however, never claimed
or exercised any such right. The state of the law, as well
as our practice towards other countries, was laid down with
the utmost distinctness by my noble friend above me (tb.e
Earl of Aberdeen) in language which commanded the as-
sent of the Minister who, at the same time, filled the office
of Secretary for Foreign Affairs in the United States. It
was then provided we should have the means of ascertaining
the nationality of a' ship, and of learning whether she was
in reality entitled to carry the colours which she bore.
It was understood that, this course should always be pur-
sued with great caution and discretion, and on the responsi-
bility of the officers in command, and it was provided at the
same time that no vessel entitled to fly the American colours
should be meddled with, nor should the British officers
meddle with such a vessel, even though it absolutely had a
cargo of slaves on board. Now, no doubt on the coast of
Cuba acts may have been committed by our officers which
can hardly be justified, though we do not even know the
truth of that. It is perfectly true that. mail after mail
brought over a catalogue of British outrages, some of which
were manifest exaggerations, and of course such instances
demand strict inquiry. In due time, I suppose, we shall
receive reports of that inquiry ; but I believe that, except
perhaps on the coast of Cuba, this search has been exer-
cised with great care and discretion by our officers, and, so
far from the American Government having room for dis-
pleasure, I think they should be obliged to us for having
rescued their flag when borne under such illegal and dis-
reputable circumstances. (Hear.) I believe, at all events,
that the Parliament and the Ministry of this country would
be much obliged to any other Power which rescued the
English flag from similar disgrace. (Hear, hear.) But, in
reality, the right of search, so understood, did work well.
It was always confined to the African coast ; it very rarely
interfered with the legitimate course of commerce; and the
result to both Governments appeared perfectly satisfactory
If, however, as the result of my noble friend's altered ar-
rangements there is to be no inquiry of this sort as to the
nationality of a vessel, and if that nationality is to be as-
sumed from the colours which she chooses to fly, why there
is an end of all precautionary measures.. (Hear.)
The Earl of MALMESBURY—I may not have made
myself thoroughly understood, and perhaps your lordships
will allow me to explain. If the course just suggested by
the noble earl were pursued, what would be the use of the
identical instructions ? Those instructions are intended to
give our cruisers the right of challenging only, so as to put
an end to the anomalies which arose in the practice of
different commanders, and to prevent the disputes which
have hitherto taken place between the two countries. Ido
not give up the right, which, on the contrary, is a well-
established right; but at the sense time we have thought it
desirable to fix the responsibility upon the officers exer-

cising it.
The Earl of CLARENDON—Not having seen the in-
structions, I cannot give an opinion respecting them ; but
I do not clearly understand even now, how these identical
instructions will enable a British officer to institute inquiry
as to the nationality of an American vessel. (Hear, hear.)
At all events, we must have the same sets of rules and regu-
lations for all nations. We cannot have one code for a
powerful, and another for a weak nation. (Hear, hear.)
We must exercise the same forbearance, the same abstinence
from inquiry, in respect to every flag, so that the flag of
Monaco must be allowed by British cruisers to pass as un-
noticed as that of America. (" Hear, hear," and a laugh.)
But I believe the American Government are quite as de-
sirous as our own honestly to put down the slave trade, and
are just as unwilling as ourselves that the national .slag
should be prostituted by shielding this abominable traffic.
can only hope that the new regulations adopted and these
identical instructions will be successful ; but to be success-
ful they must be adopted by other Powers than by Franco
and England, for otherwise they might be easily eluded by
adopting the flag of the country which has not subscribed
to them, and they Would thus become wholly inoperative.
(Hear, hear.)

The Earl of ABERDEEN—It should be remembered
that the right of search is by no means inseparably mixed
up with the slave trade, and is only connected with it inci
dentally. Considering it as an abstract right, the noble
earl opposite (the Earl of Malmesbury) talked of our exer-
cising this claiM with a high hand. Now, I will read to
your lordships how this "high hand" was exercised 20
years ago—exercised in a way which perfectly satisfied the
American qovernment, and which has worked perfectly
well ever since, with Out unduly interfering with the course
of trade. In a despatch dated October 1841, to Mr. Steven-
son, I adopted these terms :
" The undersigned renounces all pretensions on the part
of the British Government to visit and search American
vessels in time of peace. Nor is it as American that such
vessels are ever visited ; but it has been the invariable prac-
tice of the British navy, and, as the undersigned believes,
in all the navies in.thoworld, to ascertain by visit the real

nationality of merchant vessels met with on the high seas,
if there be good reason to apprehend their illegal character."
To carry out this System a code of instructions was framed
with the utmost care, and has ever since remained in
force ; and if the new regulations spoken of by the noble
earl prove as effectual as they were, he will do more than I
expect, for I believe no code of instructions on this subject
could be clearer or more advantageous to commerce than
that drawn up about 1841 by Dr. Lushington and others.
But it now appears that the American Minister has been
congratulating his country on some concession made by the
noble earl, and the President in his annual message has also
referred to this concession as though it were something
quite new. Now, I venture to say that 20 years ago every-
thing which it was possible for the Americans to demand or
for us to grant had been granted. I will just read, how-
ever, a qualification which was then laid down, and which
it may be useful to remember :
" The President may be assured that Great Britain will
always respect the just claims of the United States. We
make no pretensions to interfere in any manner whatever,
either by detention, visit, or search, with vessels of the
United States, known or believed to be such. But we still
maintain, and will exercise when necessary, our right to
ascertain the genuineness of any flag which a suspeted
vessel may bear. If, in the exercise of this right, eitherloss
from involuntary error or in spite of every precaution,
or injury should be sustained, a prompt reparation will be
afforded ; but that we should entertain for a single instant
the notion of abandoning the right itself would be quite im-
possible."
(Hear, hear.) I maintain still that it is quitehimpossible to
abandon the right thus laid down. (Hear, ear.) If the
noble earl reserves that right, he does all that I ever pre-
tended to do ; if he gives up more than that, the result, I
cannot but think, will be that it will become impossible to I
maintain the police of the seas. (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of CARLISLE--I hope that the principle so
forcibly proclaimed in the extract just read by my noble
friend will not be departed from in the policy of this
country, unless we are assured of very palpable advantages
from the adoption of some other scheme. I believe I am
correct in stating that the principle just enounced is the
identical one always acted upon until the accession of the
present Government. (Hear, hear.) The adoption of the
new code referred to by the noble earl, and to which I
heartily wish all possible success, will, I trust, be deter-
mined on at the earliest possible moment ; for until some-
thing is resolved Upon respecting it the high seas will be
absolutely left with no protection whatever. (Hear.)
The Earl of DERBY—There seems to me, in point of
fact, to be only an imaginary. difference between the views
expressed on both sides of the house. Nobody contends for
a single moment that this country or any other has a right
to board and to visit the ships of another nation. On the
other hand, nobody denies that this country or any other
has a right, upon well-founded suspicion, to ascertain the
nationality of a vessel carrying a particular flag. The
question is, however, in what manner is that right to be
exercised, and what proceedings aro to be taken in pur-
suance of it? Now, as long as there is no definition as to
the course to be taken in such cases, you are always liable
for the errors or indiscretion of the particular officer en
gaged, and in point of fact, although he may have ascertained
that there were plausible grounds for suspecting the flag,ot
al
is quite clear he has committed an infraction of idntern.
atn .
law should that suspicion turn out to bo ill-founed• N
where
theless, it is admitted that, under such circ
on and p
stances,unlroceedings
there exists reasonable ground of sus
are taken accordingly, that is adn
redress.infractionYici But the object
end—
of the law for 1
which no country woaulddeman ha
pe he will succeed in effect-
ingof my noble friend—and
it—is to come to nd I
a .distinct understanding between
the French and the American Governments and the Go-
vernment of this country for the purpose of avoiding any
cause of difference for the future arising out of a visit paid
by the commander of a cruiser in order to ascertain and to
verify the nationality. of a vessel. That was the sole object
illy noble friend had in view but he has neither abandoned