The Sun.
London, England, 1835-12-11 00:00:00

Aftcr which—FAMILY PECULIARITIES.

intrepidity—by a timely display of the forces at our

disposal.
The people of England arc hardly less culpable
than the Government. They are almost wholly in-
different to question's of foreign policy, unless their
trade happens to be itnpaired ; and then they murmur
at their losses, as if it were no part of their duty to
attend to their own interests in.a foreign market.
They seem to apprehend no danger from abroad but
the absurd one of, invasion ; and every ,other which is
pointed out to them subjects the too officious monitor
to contempt or ridicule. Nevertheless, we have a duty
to perform, and shall not shrink from it.
The -designs of Prussia in framing and carrying into
operation the German commercial league, and the
schemes of Russia in forwarding that immense pro-
.

rrincipil Characters by Mosr ;. Wrench, W. Bennett, Mrs. Nisbet,
and the Misses Mrrdsunt.

Fut:owed by the Nev Grand Operatic Buile;que ecititled
THE JEWESS..

ject, are so widely different that we are astonished to
find causes so opposite in .themselves, jointly conduc-
ing to the production of the same effect. Those of
Prussia are first to be examined.
In establishing the commercial league, Prussia has
two great objects in view—the one of a pecuniary, the
other of a political nature. The first of these mo-
tives is so well expressed in a Memoir on the State
and Prospects of Germ etnriy, drawn up under the di-
rection of a Minister of St. Petersburgh, and published
in the second Nattilwr of the Portfolio—in the same
form in which- it was confidently communicated to
several of the German Governments—that we shall

rinc;ril Giar?cter.: b; Me,;rs. a Smith, Wilkincon, Wet•stcr, Miss

Vincent, ar.:l fits D;Cy.
To conclin:e with—THE MAZOUIIKA.
n;!;_.;)!Iic..; epcii ti'oni Tcn till Four.
4 ;. Pat, :s. Gallery, Is.

Dx;r7. Open at half-past tAx.—Perfermances commence at Seven.—
Ilatf-Friee a', half.pa.,,.. Eight.
Mr. Sans, cf St. Jaracs's.strezt, is appointed Sale Agent for the dis-
pe,a! of Pi irate rox cs.

HAMBIMG, NovEmvsEß 17, 1835.
F11:1-IE TICKETS of the Nth GREAT LOT-
TERI of the STATE or HAMBURG, selling most
rapidly, and be;n_ neatly cleared off,
17F.INE BROTHERS, the CONTRACTORS,
Be;, to state that no time is to be lost in ordering, if desired to be
obtained latt!'ore a rise in price. To those remitting a 101. note
without delay, they will, en executing the order, remit a surplus of
ty return of rut. But to any i:erson remitting, IV/. after the
establishment of .a
higher rate than the original price of-8?., they
will b 5 nhliged to rotern his own remittance, leaving the order un-
exeettfrd.
To those remitting 20!., they will return 4?. ; and to those re-
mitting J)l., they will return 0/., provided they be in time for
meeting attention.

Tke puttication Tae, SUN NEwsrArrn commenced this dal
at 15 minutes past Three o' Clock.

quote the passage as embracing our views on this
point. The fact stated in the first sentence is, how-
ever, unfounded. The subjects of the minor German
States had nothing whatever to do with the establish
ment of the Prussian league, with the exception of
certain noisy individuals whom Prussia bribed to
second her views, by clamours and harangues against
the religious and political libertinism of England and
France :

" The people feared to be extinguished by the Prussian
manufactures ; and therefore demanded universal freedom
of tolls, and a general circulation of commerce within the
territory of the Confederation. The constitutional Govern-
ments, on the other hand, which had united with Prussia
in her system of tolls, suddenly saw themselves placed with
respect to their legislative bodies in the greatest embarrass-
ment. Nevertheless, Prussia found means to- prevail,
carried through her designs, and gained over the smaller
Ger Man States, to her system of tolls. However purely
mercantile this matter appeared, still higher political con-
sequences, which certain French journals rightly foretold,
lie concealed behind it. For through the embarrassed
financial relations of most German States, their govern
ments become dependent on the influences that act on their
finances. Now as the toll is an important branch of State
economy, as Well on account of the internal industry as of
the revenue of the trade of transit, Prussia, it she draws
the small States into her system, gains by this union of
tolls a very material influence over the financial relations
of all those States which are incorporated in her toll union
and considering the relation between the financial and
political interests of the State, it cannot also fail that those
States which in respect to a part of their State finances are.
dependent on Prussia, became in a political view equally
dependent upon her. This state of independence certainly

,)es not stand prominently forward in peace, but in the eve)
qt. a war brcaffing out, it must be of great importance."
The political design of Prussia is more complex tha

the pecuniary motive which urged to the formation of
the commercial league. In the first place, she sought
to place herself on a level with Austria and Russia,
so as to be able to treat independently, and on a footing
of the most perfect equality, with the Governments of
France and England. To effect this, it was absolutely
necessary that she should either enlarge her territory, or
extend her political influence. The first could not be
done without hazarding a war ; and to accomplish the
second the only resources within her reach was the
formation of a league which would detach from Aus-
tria the moral and physical influence of the German
States, and place it under the protection of the King of
PRUSSIA rather than of the Empire. Her second
political object was to stein the torrent of liberalism in
Germany ; the hereditary Princes being unable to
make head against the force of public opinion. This
object is thus dwelt upon in the State document quoted
above :

" The Princes of the small constitutional German States,
oppressed by their ambitious Legislators, as Louis XVI.
was by his National Convention, in remembrance of thiS
great warning example, have now themselves acknowledged
that on the further licentiousness qf their Chambers depends
their existence or n;:::-existence. Rey now offer a hand to.
Prussia, to curb the ilberty of their Chambers, whilst they
willingly submit themselves to the general decrees of the
Diet, and only give way, in one common spirit of conserva-
tion, to the necessities of the times. Thence it may be
taken for granted for the future, that by a continuation of
the general peace, Prussia's principles, especially with re-
gard to the interchange of political ideas, will be the
treneral one, with the exception of Austria, in the territory
of the Confederacy, so that the progress of the human
mind and of burgher civilization may be restrained within
tranquil because determined limits. Thus will the Diet
acquire a large intellectual basis, which will elevate it above
all the separate Governments of the Confederacy, in so far
as the whole intellectual power of the Confederated States
concentrates itself in it.
‘• For the true German principles with respect to the
interchange of ideas, must always tend to preserve sacred
and untouched, first, the local, then the provincial, and
finally, the national interests, and in order that this should
be the case, the German Governments must specially have
a watchful eye, that public discussion shall only arise with
respect to uie particular, local, and provincial interests.
'['heir liberties and rights must he secured to the family,
the commune and the province ; but it must not therefore
be permitted to every teacher of public law, and to every
political scribbler to ensnare them with chimerical notions
of general liberty, and the so called sovereignty of the
people."
Thus one of the main objects of Prussia in framing
,
tii2 commercial league-was to carry on an exterminating
warfare against civil and religious liberty ; and to effect
this, nothing could be more prudent than to take pos-
session of the custom-Louses. If her project succeed
she will accomplish much more than she ever intended.
She will injure, if not ruin, the trade of England and
France ; she will augment her own influence in the
cabinets of Europe ; she will attach to herself, and
absolutely become the head of the German Confedera-
tion ; and she will so weaken the-power. of Austria
that, when the cabinet of Vienna comes to examine the
dangers that threaten the Empire, all that will remain
for the Imperial Court will be, to lament the fatal se-
curity in which it reposed while Prussia was effecting
the dismemberment of the States.
We now come to examine the policy of Russia in
countenancing the Prussian Commercial League. She
was well aware of the advantages which Prussia would
derive from that measure ; and yet she hates Prussia,
and desires nothing less than' her prosperity—save and
except the resuscitation, of Poland. Russia's support
of the commercial project was not that Prussia might
obtain an influence over the German Confederation,
but that that Confederation might throw off the yoke
of Austria, and declare itself an independent Govern-
ment, half federative, half monarchical. The moment
the diet has adopted the views of Prussia, that moment
will Russia send emissaries to all the minor Courts, to
stir up the Princes to throw off what she will then
term the ignominious bondage of Prussia. This
she calculates upon being able to accomplish without
difficulty ; and thus she will have succeeeded in emas-
culating Austria ; in enraging Prussia ; and in supply-
ing work for the Cabinets of Western Europe, while
she pursues her conquests in the East. Nor will her
conquests be confined to that quarter. Ever since the
Capture of Vienna by NAPOLEON, Russia has medi-
tated an extension of her territory in that direction.
With her usual diplomatic caution, she has been for
•
the last ten years busied in laying a train for the de-
' struction of the only link in the chain of circumstances
which offers. an obstacle to her ambition—the connex-
tion subsisting between the Emperor of AUSTRIA.
and the Confederated States of Germany.
Thus stands the question at present. Prussia re-

,

Si.

LONDON,
FRIDAY EyENING, DECEMBER 11, 1835.

The objects and designs of Prussia in forcing the
smaller States of Germany to sanction the commercial
league, by which the manufactures of Great Britain
and France are shut out from the first marts of handi-
craft industry in Europe—the non-interference of
Austria during the discussions which arose on the
project for an uniform system of tolls and custom-
house regulations—and the secret encouragement
which this scheme met with from the Representatives
of Russia at the Court of Berlin, begin seriously to
attract the notice, and to absorb the attention of every
person of enlarged views, anxious for the preservation
of the rights and privileges enjoyed by the free in-
habitants of Western Europe. The Cabinets of Lon-,
don and Paris evince some desire to retrieve the mis-
takes and correct the errors into which they have
fallen with respect to this measure ; and if supported
by the people, doubtless meditate the adoption. of
Such proceedings as may be requisite to assert their
respective rights, and the national dignity. Never-
theless, it is a subject of deep regret that necessary
enquiries and movements shOuld be so long delayed
as to treble the danger, the expense, and the respon-
sibility of snaking them. It is to be lamented that
free governments seldom display that sagacious fore-
sight, that persevering watchfulness, and that con-
centrated readiness and energy, which characterise
the executive policy of absolute monarchies. In this
respect England may be said to have always been pe-
culiarly unfortunate. From motives of political jus-
tice for which we have never obtained credit, and from
feelings of national honour which our enemies have
generally been incapable of appreciating, we have
never prepared for war till it threatened the violation
of our territory, lest we should be suspected of having
provoked it ; and when victory declared in our favour,
we have retired from the field as if the good people of
England only fought for glory, and were above re-
ceiving the just reward of their prowess, and the re-
payment of those sums drawn from the public purse
to defray the necessary expenses of the expedition.
Neither does it appear that our Government has
grown wiser in this respect. Not a day passes over
our heads in which changes are not taking place in
our_ Continental relations, which ought to convince
British statesmen that a war—in which all the power-
ful Governments of Europe will be involved—is not
distant ; and yet, after our usual fashion, we neither
seek to avert it by our firmness, nor to direct it by our

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, DECEMIV:R 11, 1F35.

Bards the league as the consummation of a great victory
gained by her superior foresight and sagacity over
Austria ; Russia considers it as an instrument by
which she will be able to accomplish the raising up of
a third power, capable of disputing the supremacy of
Prussia and Austria, and thus hurling defiance in the
teeth of both—a prelude to the destruction of all three

by the CZAR.
If France and England could only be brought to
bestir themselves, the people of Germany would soon
cut a passage for themselves out of the labyrinths in
which the Cabinets of Prussia and Russia seek to en-
close them. It is unworthy of great and free govern-
ments to remain passive spectators of the Royal and
Imperial game which the Courts of Berlin and St.
Petersburg are now playing, with the common object
of brutalizing and enslaving mankind. But indepen-
dently of higher considerations, our interests demand
that we should take measures for abolishing the com-
mercial league—by restricting the negociations of
Prussia to questions affecting the rights of her own
subjects. Austria 'must see, when the question is
brought fairly before her, that her very existence de-
pends upon her adoption of the policy of Great
Britain and France.

tions. This was considered as a very happy result, because
a part of the einbarrassments of the Court of Madrid
arose from the difference in the political views of M. de
Rayneval and Mr. Villiers. This coincidence of views in
the Cabinets which have to regulate political affairs both at
Madrid and Lisbon, is highly necessary in the state of
affairs in the Peninsula. M. de Rayneval did not dis-
semble that the late changes at Lisbon caused new embar-
rassments ; however, his letter it is said, ended with these
words, " M. Mendizabal is sure of a majority in the two
Chambers, and the will of this Minister is to proceed in the
regular course of a prudent and constitutional system."-
Messager, Dec. 9.
FRENCH FUNDS.-PARIS, DECEMDUR 9.
Five per Cents., 108 f. 10c. 15c. 10c 108 f.
Four per Cents., 1;9I.
Three. per Cents., 79f. Isc. 10e. 78f. 95c.
National Loan, 107 f 95e.
Bank Actions, 2,127 f 50c."2,1301 2,140 f.
Itente de Naples, 96f. 45c.50e. 40c.
Roman Five per Cents., 101% IA B.
Rente Perpet. d'Espapie, rive per Cents., 35.
Belgian Loan, Five per Cents , 101%4.
Portuguese Three per Cents 55 554
Dutch Two and a Half per Cents., 55f. 75c.
Haytian Loan, 375 f.
I;XCIVINGE ON LONDON.
One month, paper, 25c. 55c. ; money, 25r. 523/4c.
Three months, paper, 25f. 40c. ; money, 25f. 37%c
-('ours Autheisli2tre.
Boußsic Timm o'CLocK.-The Three per Cents. receded
to-day to 79f. 35c. sellers, the reaction continued to 79f. 10c.
and 5c., with the appearance of a further decline. Spanish
Stock has in some degree followed the movement, being also
worse than yesterday; the cause of this adverse turn of the
market is owing merely to the operations of some large specu-
lators.
QUARTER TO FOUR.-Five per Cents., 108 f. 30e. ; Three
per Cents., 79f. -c. ; Five per Cents. Spanish, -; Three
per Cents. Spanish, - • Cortes, -; Coupons, -; Gueb-
hards, -; Differes, 171; New Loan, -; Actives, 461 ;
Passives, 131 ; Ducats, 96 60 ; Romans, 10* ; Pedros, -;
Belgians, 1011; Dutch, 55f. -c. ; Haytians, 375 f. --c. ;
Miguels, -; Brabant Bank, -; Belgian Bank, 11 9 • Con-
tinuation, -c. ; New Differes, 23 ; Five per Cent. Perpe-
. tuelles,

Mr. O'CoNNELL has addressed a letter to the Re
formers of Ireland, in which he observes, " the hopes
of Ireland are bound up with the stability of the pre-
sent Government. It is the-first that ever acted on
the principle of equal justice to, and perfect impar-
tiality between, all classes and persuasions of Irish-
men. For the first time for near seven centuries we
have a Ministry giving practical proofs of the sincerity
of its professions' of abolishing all political distinctions
in Ireland, and of grounding its preferences and se-
lections on the individual merits of the persons pre-
ferred and selected—and not on the creed, class, or
party to which such persons belong. Besides, the
government of Ireland is delegated to persons who
have so much of excellent judgment and exqui-
site good sense, that their conduct enhances the
value of every act of conciliation, and produces
a conviction, that when they fail, in any useful
measure, such failure is to be attributed to
the want of sufficient means, or of sufficient power,
and not to the want of inclination or exertion."
Mr. O'CONNELL here accords no more credit to the
Ministry than they are justly entitled to : and we hope,
therefore, since he finds them so willing to advance
the interests of his country, he will at once dismount
from his hobby—ihe Repeal of the Union—a bare
allusion to which, like those he has lately indulged in,
implies neither more nor less than that he is hopeless
of any other moans of effecting the regeneration of
Ireland. His present letter •is written in a far better
spirit than his last, and recommends the Irish Re-
formers to form " that which, since the commencement
of a Whig Government under Lord GREY, has been
hitherto wanting—namely, a Government party,—a
party acting in unison with the Irish Government,"
which, he adds, is the only effectual way to overthrow
the Orange Ascendancy system in Ireland.

We copied yesterday, under our usual head, an ar-
ticle from the Morning Advertiser, which reflected in
a spirit of bitterness on the conduct of Mr. O'CoN-
NEIL, and his supposed connection with the Govern-
ment.

So much was that article at variance with the ge-
neral character of our worthy contemporary for libe-
rality and support of a Reform Ministry, that the
organs of the Tories took it under their especial
protection—nay they extolled it to the skies, and in-
ferred that nothing less than a break-up of the
administration would be the consequence. The Stan-
dard in particular was quite eloquent on the subject,
and congratulated the country (that is the Tories)
upon the coming glories of place, patronage, and pelf !
The article must have emanated from some dissatis-
fied member of the Ministry, or one deep in their
secrets ;- for the Advertiser " had lately given proof
of a more intimate acquaintance with the Ministe-
rial movements than many other Journals," &c.
This would have been all very well, but for the follow-
ing disclaimer which appears in the Advertiser of this

morning :
" The Standard was pleased last evening to re-publish,
and give especial notice to an article which appeared in our
paper of •yesterday, respecting the dictatorial controul
which Mr. O'Connell, and his Tory opponents, would have
it believed that he has the capability to exercise over the
present Ministry. Our contemporary is mistaken in the
assumption that the article was either," a Ministerial ma-
nifesto," or written on information obtained from any
member of the Cabinet, or party directly or indirectly
connected with the Government."

The whole of the Paris papers of Wednesday have
been received. According to the Bon Sens, Eng-
land has renewed her entreaties to be permitted to act
as a mediator between France and the United States.
The same journal states that England has a visible
interest in the affair ; inasmuch as a war against
Russia would demand from the Allies the union of
their whole fleet against the common ,enemy. Not-
withstanding that reports were prevalent to the effect
that such proffered mediation had bee❑ refused,
yet it would seem that Lord GRANVILLE had
received instructions from the Foreign Office to
act boldly, and without any fear of the cons-e--
quenccs ; which, of course, could only be under-
stood in the light of a pledge from Lord PAL-
NIERSTON that England would not permit a war to
take place. In this view of the question the. King of
the FRENCH and his Cabinet entirely concur. Be-
sides, all the members of the Royal Family are hostile
to a war against the Americans. Lord ClitA NVI L LE
is said to have communicated his instructions freely and
without reserve to the CITIZEN KING, by whom he
has latterly been received with extraordinary marks of
kindness. Notwithstanding this, the Court of Ver-
sailles does all in its power to conciliate the Cabinet
of Russia ; for when it was noised abroad that M.
TIMERS and M. GISQUET had readily assented to
the celebration of the Polish revolution, and had given
up the CZAR to the exiles, the Cabinet was so
alarmed, that a contradiction of the fact was published
in the Ministerial journals, and copies of them in-
stantly forwarded to Couut PA HLEN, the Russian
Ambassador. The extreme solicitude of France, in
endeavouring to keep on, good terms with the CZAR,
is really inexplicable. The Temps announces that
Russia is preparing armaments, t which are unques-
tionably destined to act against England and France.
By the latest accounts from Berlin we learn that
Count PA H LEN wrote to the Imperial Court for in-
structions respecting the publication of the EMPE
RO R'S Speech, at Warsaw, in the Journal des Debats,
and till these have been received it is impossible to
learn in what light the CZAR will view the comments.
that liberal Europe has made upon his address to the
Poles. Should satisfaction be deManded on the part
of Russia, and that satisfaction he given by France,
the consequences may be lamentable indeed, as the
CZAR may then thunder with irk unity upon Warsaw.
The only intelligence from Spain contained in these
Journals will be found in our-extracts from them.
On Tuesday the Court of Peers passed sentence on
ten of the prisoners of the category of Luneville.
The prisoner THOMAS was condemned to expatriation
for life ; BERNARD to incarceration for twenty, and
STILLER and TRICOLET for ten years. The others
were sentenced to confinement for terms varying from

five to three years.
Count PORTALIS'S Report on the :subject of the
FIESCIII conspiracy was sent to all the public Journals
on Tueaday. We are obliged, by press of matter, to
delay the publication of a summary of it till to-morrow.
It is altogether a curious document ; but fails in its
attempts to trace the conspiracy to the machinations of
either the Carlists or the Republicans.

We have only to add the expression of our regret
that a paper which has done so much in the cause of
Reform, should have for a moment forgotten the true
interests of that cause by giving currency to observa-
tions which can only sow dissension among Refor-
mers. It was by unanimity during the last Session
that the R dormers turned the Tories out of office,
for which we nave Sir ROBERT PEEL'S own autho-
rity ; and it is only by a steady and honourable confi-
dence in each other, sacrificing petty jealousies, that
they can hope to effect further reforms.

PARIS, DEC. 9.—NEWS OF THE MORNING.—The Me-
morial des Pyrenees relates that a report had been spread,
on the passage of a courier, that a movement had taken
place at Madrid and in the Chambers, on the news of a
change of Ministry in Portugal ; that, in consequence of
this movement, the Mendizabal Ministry was overthrown,
the Queen deprived of the Government, and Mina pro-
claimed Dictator. The Memorial adds, that this news is
not guaranteed to it as certain. It is in its number dated
the sth, but printed on the 4th, that it gives this news.
As the latest letters from Madrid are of the 30th of No-
vember, it was not impossible that news of a late date
might have been received at Paris ; yet it would be very
difficult to believe that nothing of the kind should have
transpired here.
Supposing the fact to be so, the Journal does not think
that these extreme measures can become heroic in the
hands of Mina. He is not a political character, says the
Journal ; fatigues and illness have accelerated old age. The
charm of his name is lost in Navarre ; he has done nothing
in Catalonia to recover the fascination which it formerly
had ; and Mina has now inveterate enemies among the most
energetic men in Spain, whom even the interest of their
common cause cannot induce to approximate to him.
The Constitutionnel says, a letter from M. de .Rayneval
is spoken of as being very satisfactory respecting the state
of affairs at Madrid.
In the first place M. de Ravneval, between whom and
Mr. Villiers some coolness had arisen, has entirely joined
with him to support M. Mendizabal, and the best harmony
appeared to subsist between the French and English Lega-