The Sun.
London, England, 1835-12-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The letter of our Dublin Correspondent, gives us
some painfully interesting details of the frightful
energy with which some of the Orange landlords of
Ireland have proceeded to act upon the system, recom-
mended to them by their Tory friends in this country,
of turning out, without mercy, their present tenantry,
to make way for a new tenantry of their own selection.
Our Correspondent states, upon the authority of the
Leinster Independent, that
"Upwards of nine hundred persons, including widows
and orphans, have been ejected from the estates of Lord
Beresford, Colonels Bruen and Latouche, and a Mr. New-
ton. This number is exclusive of many others similarly
treated by some of the minor landed proprietors—the
Alexanders, Brewsters, and others of the same principles."
When we consider the actual state of the country—
the difficulty—not to say impossibility—of finding
employment or subsistence for the poor tenants thus
ejected on account of their religious faith, by the
aristocratic tyrants of the soil, and the total absence of
all legislative provision against entire destitution and
starvation in that ill-fated country—shall we wonder,
if expelled for no fault, and doomed to see their wives
and families subjected to the miseries of an inclement
season, perhaps to 'all the horrors of famine—
shall we wonder if the law, which affords no pro-
tection, is violated,. and the society, which extends
no relief, outraged, by persons in the situation in
which these individuals are placed ? Because an
artificial state of society has given to the land-
owners every thing, and to the people nothing, is
a starving peasantry to be expected to concur in
its inherent fitness, and to bow in quiet submission to
the decree which dooms the population of a whole
district to houseless misery, that half a score of Orange
landlords may be gratified by replacing it by a subser-
vient tenantry of their-own persuasion ? Talk of the
savage nature of the Irish peasant l but what are its
single atrocities and occasional outrages compared
to the systematic and deliberate and wholesale barba-
rities committed by• the " respectable- and the " opu-
lent". and the " orthodox" and the " ultra-loyal" per-
sonages who form the bulk of the Orange landlords
of Ireland ? The Church of that country has done pretty
well in this way—the pile of corpses at Rathcormac was
a pretty good hecatomb at the shrine of legal ortho-
doxy ; but the doings of lay tories far transcend those
of their clerical coadjutors ; and between both, . the
Irish peasantry stand in a most hopeful and enviable
predicament. However, these present freaks of the
Irish landlords will have one good effect—they will
excite the generous feelings of this country in fa-
vour of their tenantry, and they will contribute to
spread far and wide the conviction—now daily becom-
ing more and more deeply felt—that a systematic and
adequate provision for the Irish poor must be speedily
albpted by the British Parliament. -If they will gra •
tify their worst passions in total recklessness of the
misery which they occasion, at any rate it is fitting
that the pleasure, should be purchased at their own
expense, and that they should be conyelled to support
in parish unions those whom they will not allow to
earn their subsistence by labouring upon the soil which
gave them birth.—Morning Chronicle.

It was stated yesterday as our apprehension, that
little chance of an amicable result to the proposed re-
medial commission of Lord Gosford could be founded
on the address of the Assembly of Upper Canada,
smooth as was its language, in reply to the not less
courtier-like speech which had been panned for his
Excellency by the Colonial-office here. The speech
of the Governor-General was a somewhat cringing,.
and somewhat drowsy, deprecation of the displeasure
of Mr. Papineau and his friends. The reply was a
mixture of haughty and half-ironical coinpleisance—
with a distrustful and sienificant warning to his Excel-
e
lencv, that if, he did not yield the tvizole of the de-
mands put forth by the Radical or French party
among the colonists, lie need not be at the trouble
of crying peace, for there would be "no peace."
We believe unfeignedly that the Legislative Council
of Canada has hitherto been constituted in a manner
not capable of rendering it either' popular with the
colony at large, or effective for the purposes of just and
Impartial government : but we more than doubt whether
the appointment of its members by the same constitu-
ency which returns the House of Assembly would be
an nnprOvement on its previous composition. If chOsen
by the same parties who elect the Assembly, the Legis •
lative Council would be no better than a counterpart of
the Assembly itself, representing the same interests, and
actuated by the same spirit. The t;Yo bodies might
then more fitlranect in one room, and not affect a dif-
ference which had no reality. There coed be no
balance in such a system ; the Government would be
one broad, uniform, and unrestrained democracy ; the
Executive would be a pure cipher ; the colony
.would
he a republic at once. This we conceive, no British
Parliament would accede to, without being prepared to
surrender altogether the dominion of the mother coup •
try. At the same time it is but just to allow, that the
Legislative Council ought to consist of a class of per-
sons more independent of the Executive Power—more
looked up to for property and station in the country—
not warped and paralyzed in their views as Legislators,
by the possession of offices, much more a plurality of
offices, incompatible with each other, and offensive to
the public. Discharging the functions of a House of
Lords, they ought to represent the real aristocracy cf
the province, and not be mere creatures of the Go-
vernor. So the Canadians ought, beyond all question,
so long as they enjoy the name or semblance of a dis-
tinct Legislature, to have an efficient control over the
revenues raised within their own soil. To refuse this
would be to treat with contempt the best-established
and most-respected analogies of the British Constitu-
tion. Either govern them by military and despotic
power, as perhaps they might still have been,
had they remained under French dominion,—or,
calling them freemen, grant them the rights
of freemen—maintaining, what we suppose the
Canadians will themselves acknowledge, the su-
premacy of the parent state in all *matters of
peace and war, of commercial, maritime, and ex-
ternal legislation. If a clear and full recognition be
made by Great Britain of all such demands on the part
of the Canadians as are necessary for the substantial
good government of the province, upon principles con-
sistent with its subordination to the general laws and
policy of the parent state, those requisitions which
wander beyond such limiis may, with the more ob-
vious justice, and with greater consequent facility, be
resisted. No one can deny that so long as England
decides on the retention of the colony, she ought to
measure her concessions to the colonists within a cor-
responding boundary. We repeat, however, frankly
our suspicion that objects are pertinaciously insisted on
by the democratic party in Lower Canada, the yielding
which would-be equivalent to a total surrender of the
conquest made by Wolfe. We guard ourselves against
pronouncing any judgment upon the general question
of the value which ought to be attached to transmarine
possessions, strongly as our minds may be made up on
that point, in the case of England more especially. All
we contend for is, that a colony, to be retained, must
not be governed on principles which tend to impair the
power of retaining it.—Times.

The manner in which the subscription in favour of
the distressed Protestant clergy of Ireland has com-
menced, is in every respect highly gratifying ; for
while it furnishes a renewed proof of the benevolent
disposition of all classes in this country, it likewise
affords the best refutation of any alleged indifference
existing as to the continuance and upholding of that
zeformed faith for which our ancestors so nobly strug-
gled, and which is so essentially incorporated with the
continuance of our civil liberties. We are entitled to
say that, from the King on his throne to the peasant,
these genuine English feelings exist ; for in the country
we observe that subscriptions as small as one shilling
have been contributed, in a spirit and with a motive
which cannot be misunderstood. But, in running our
eye over this munificent list of donors, we regret that
we can hitherto find but few if any of the names of that
class upon whom the claim is strongest, and whose
means are greatest. We mean the landowners of Ire-
land, who are drawing without scruple immense reve-
nues from an impoverished country, and who are ac-
tually, in some instances, enriched by the robbery
which the suffering Ministers of the Established
Church of Ireland are now undergoing. One main
objection to any diminution of tithes in Ireland, is that
it puts, as far as it goes, the property of the Church

into the pockets of the landlord, who has no legal
claim to it. In addition to the same spirit of benevo-
lence which prompts their fellow-subjects in England,
surely the persons we allude to have still stronger mo-
tives to follow, if not to take the lead, in the same
course. Unhappily we cannot say that they are per-
sonal witnesses of the distress of the Clergy. Too
many of them are permanent absentees from the
places where their presence might have prevented or
mitigated the-evil. But at any rate they are more in-
terested in the matter than their English brethren can
be—interested in a double sense, first, in finding their
own rents increased, or at all events the facility of pay-
ment, improved by the withholding of their just dues
from the Clergy ; and secondly, in stopping, if they
have the sagacity, a species of spoliation of which,
should it succeed, they are themselves the reserved and
very next destined victims. On every ground then of
duty and of interest we trust speedily to see the oppro-
brium we allude to removed. While Englishmen,
from the highest to the lowest, are responding to this
most awful call upon their humanity, let it not be said
that any class of the community can coldly stand aloof
from being partakers in so godlike a work.; least of all
let it be said of those who are most strongly called
upon by every tie of duty and interest to be the first,
and not the last, to afford relief to such an unparalleled
state of suffering. The two strongest influences of
human action are, perhaps, interest and shame. We
would willingly appeal to higher motives ; but we have,
unfortunately, on previous occasions, done so in vain ;
and, unhappily, the present is far too pressing to admit
of our delaying to further the object by the readiest
and the likeliest means which present themselves.—
Morning Herald.

There are few of our readers who are not aware-how
frequently, on the one hand, Mr. O'Connell makes it
his business to present himself to the public, by letter
or by speech ; and how invariably, on the other, these
appearances are laid bold of by the Tory press to lay
at the door of his Majesty's Ministers all the silly,
foul-mouthed, and sometimes contemptible abuse and
threats which he is in the habit of pouring forth upon
his personal or political opponents. The former—we
mean Mr. O'Connell's presentations of himself to the
prrblic alt really too frequent and of too extensive a
nature to find insertion or notice in our journal in the
order of their appearance ; while with regard to the
latter, our Tory contemporaries merely labour in their
stated vocation in endeavouring to turn to the advan-
tage of their patrons, and the disadvantage of their poli-
tical opponents, the escapades of a person on whom no
person of common sense, whatever estimate they
might form of his talents for good or evil, ever placed
the slightest reliance for a longer period than it might
serve the purpose of the Agitator to continue in the
same path. But we do think it foolish, if not highly
blameable on the part of the Liberal Press, to take up
the cause of this man, as if it were the cause of the
Government ; or, what is more,y the cause of the
country—to take him under its wings as an essential
part of the Administration, and to defend all his acts
of folly and barbarism, as if the country could not be
governed without hiM, or he were able by a mere
breath of his mouth to makes or unmake any Admi-
nistration which it might be the pleasure of his
Majesty to call to his aid. Was there ever a more
foolish mistake ?—or a more groundless supposition ?
What ! No Government stand without the aid of
O'Connell and his tail of forty-three joints ? No Ad-
ministration stand, unless it shall be the pleasure of
his Agitatorship to stamp it with the seal of his ap-
probation ? No safety for the existing Government
unless all the foolish and mischievous sayings and
doings of O'Connell are regularly gazetted as
Gospel truths, and defended, almost at the point of
the sword, or the mouth -of the pistol ? Heaven for-
bid the degradation, so far as we and the country
are concerned ! The latter, if we mistake not, could
go on pretty well witbout either him or his letters, or
speeches ; and with regard to ourselves, be he con-
nected with the Government, or be he not, we shall
take.the liberty at all times, of exposing • the vicious
character of his proceedings, when they are vicious,
as we have hitherto done ; of bestowing a just meed of
praise upon him, when he appears to merit it by
straightforward, and honest, and patriotic conduct.
The last escapade of which the brightest gem of the
Emerald Isle has been guilty, is a letter to some
Leeds paper,--the Leeds Times, we thinlz—upon a
" Reform of the House of Lords," &c., &c.—for,
like all Mr. O'Connell's epistles, a letter upon any
subject is always found to be a convenient medium
for the introduction of every other matter of grievance,
however distant it may be in character or ob-
ject. This letter is sensible enough, in so far as
regards the necessity of a Reform of the House of
Lords, and the very patent obstruction which they
have formed, of late years, to the passing of any
measures of a liberal tendency, whether they regarded
Ireland, or any other portion of the empire ; but his
plan for the reform of that body is as senseless, as the
introduction of his own alleged political strength, and
of his experiment upon the conduct of the present Ad-
ministration, is insulting, and all but treacherous.
During the last twelve or eleven months, he has been
calling " black white," and " white black," in order
to keep out the Tories, and maintain a Reforming Go-
vernment in power ; and yet hear how he can speak of
his intentions when ensconced in Derrynane Abbey,
with " eight millions at his back," as he professes,
with no great deference to the people of Ireland, to
have

" But, to be serious," says he, "as he (Mr. Baines) has
introduced the Repeal, and insinuated that I have aban-
doned that measure, I deem it but candid to inform the
British Reformers that I have not abandoned the pursuit of
the Repeal of the Union ; it is, on the contrary, true, and
let Baines make the most of it, that I am as thoroughly
convinced as ever I was that Ireland will never be well or
honestly governed until she has a domestic Legislature of her
own. I therefore have not abandoned,. I have only
postponed, the agitation of that measure ; and I have
postponed it for two reasons : first, to give, in the
full spirit of candour and perfect fair play, room for the en-
tire working out of an experiment, of whether Ireland can
have a just and beneficial Government without the repeal
of the Union. I enter into that experiment fully, heartily,
actively, energetically. Should the experiment suc-
ceed—and Lord Mulgrave and Lord Morpeth are as yet
doing all they possibly can to make it suceeed,—if it suc-
ceed, then my judgment will prove to be wrong ; but my
heart will be consoled by the prosperity of the loved land
of my birth. If it fail, as fail I think it must, I will then
turn round on the honest Reformers of Great Britain ; I
will point out the sincerity with which I have made out
the experiment of an Imperial legislation ; I will point out
the natural and unpassable obstacles to its success. I will
then be right in the judgment of my conscience and of all
the impartial men of the British Isles, and with eight mil-
lions at my back, and justice in my cause, it would indeed
be preposterous to doubt of success." _ _

. .
Nor is this all. The second reason for his post-
poning the " Repeal" of the Union, is, that " Ire-
land is not as yet ripe for a simultaneous stfort"—
which, we presume, means for taking up arms against
the people of England and Scotland ; but honest
Dan is not satisfied with even these honourable admis-
sions, for he adds—
,' I am in my conscience convinced that there is no mode
of ultimately preventing the repeal of the Union—nay,
the separation of these countries—but by procuring that
justice for Ireland which the House of Lords contemptu-
ously refuses her. You must have a Reform in the Lords
—or, mark my words Repeal of the Union."
Another extract we spare our readers, in mercy to
Ireland, not to O'Connell. "We are forty-three,"
says he—and the boast is tantamount to a declara-
tion that he can at any moment make, or unmake,
by means of these forty-three joints in his tail, any
Administration, whatever may be its measures or its
materials. Impudence could not go farther—but it
is well that it-has proceeded so far. The eyes of the
people of England will now be opened to the perpe-
tually selfish, reckless, and restless character of this
pretended apostle of his country's welfare ; and Lord
Melbourne and his Government stand acquitted in their
eyes for having abstained from any other connection
with him than that which they could not ac oid.—
Morning. Advertiser.

On Saturday evening last, about five o'clock, Mr.
R. Sniffing, miller, of St. Mary's Cray, was on his way
home from Croydon fair, when passing through Kent-lane,
between Hay's Common and West Wickham, he was
stopped by two men who robbed him of his pocket-book,
containing Gl. 3s. 6d. One of the robbers, who was armed
with a pistol, was of very dark complexion, and wore a
flannel jacket. The other, a stout man, of light com-
plexion, wore a shooting jacket, and carried a large stick.