The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-30 00:00:00

NORWICH.

The polling commenced at 8 a.m., but, as com-
pared with former, years, proceeded rather lan-
guidly. It will be seen that the nomination of
Colonel Boldero was merely made to enable the
Conservatives to claim him as the man of their
choice in the event of Lord Bury being unseated,
and Sir Samuel Bignold being also declared in-
eligible to sit in the House of Commons.
1 CLOSE OF TUE POLL.
Lord Bury 1921
Sir S. 8ign01d........... 1557
Colonel Boldero

It is right, perhaps, to observe that no address
appeared either on Tuesday or yesterday from Col.
Boldero, and Lord Bury has declared his belief that
the gallant Colonel's nomination took place with-
out his consent.

NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE.
WEDNESDAY.
The following is the official declaration of the
poll
Headlam...
Cuthbert...
Majority for Headlam -1,067
After the declaration Mr. Headlam, Mr. Cuth-
bert, Mr. Joseph Cowen, jun„ and Mr. S. Hodgson
Hinde addressed the electors.

. 2,153
. 1,086

ARRIVAL OF MR. COBDEN FROM
AMERICA.

Mr. Cobden arrived at Liverpool yesterday
(Wednesday) morning by the steamer Indian, which
reached the port about 10 o'clock. He was received
by his brother, a deputation fromhis constituents at
Rochdale, Mr. R. Gladstone, and a number of other
gentlemen resident in Liverpool, numbering alto-
gether about 200, who cheered him loudly as soon
as he was perceived on deck. The hon. gentleman
on landing proceeded with his brother in a cab to
the Adelphi Hotel, where he received numerous ad•
dresses during the day.
Shortly after kis arrival became known a meet-
ing of the Liberal party was held in the town, when
an address was agreed upon, and Mr. W. Brown
appointed to head a deputation for the purpose of
presenting it. These gentlemen went forth to the
Adelphi Hotel, and assembled in the large room of
the house. Upon Mr. Cobden making his appear-
ance he was warmly greeted by his friends, and was
cheered most heartily by all present.
Mr. BROWN briefly explained that an address of
congratulation had been voted him on his arrival in
his native country, and called upon Mr. Riley to
read the same. The address was as follows :

" The numerous body of gentlemen who are now present
fairly represent the feelings of the inhabitants of Liverpool,
who daily appreciate the benefit and advantages you have
confe , not only on them, but on your country, by your
devotion to the advocacy of commercial freedom. I can
assure you it affords us great pleasure to have this opportu-
nity of offering to you our sincere congratulations on your
safe return from the United States. We were much pleased
to see the manner you were received there. Your private
worth and public services seem to be as well known to our
Transatlantic friends as to your own countrymen. The re-
vocation of the Corn-laws, of which you were so distin-
guished an advocate, will never be forgotten in Great
Britain, where it has contributed to the happiness of mil-
lions; nor in the United States, as it tends to cement that
friendship and commercial intercourse which is highly ad-
vantageous and of the greatest importance to the two na-
tions, who are so united by kindred, by language, by laws,
and by customs. It must be exceedingly gratifying to you,
as it is to all Freetraders, that we do not hear a murmur
even from the landed interest, who were afraid that by the
removal of the protective duty on corn they would be ruined.
They find, so far from being injured, that it has contributed
to their prosperity. It is a proper appreciation of your
services in public life that Rochdale has returned you to
Parliament, in your absence, unopposed ; and that our
most gracious Sovereign has been pleased to call upon you
to occupy a seat in the Cabinet and to be President of the
Board of Trade, for which your antecedents so eminently
qualify you. t puts it in your power, by your counsel and
advice, to render further important services to your coun-
try, and although it will impose on you both anxiety and
labour, we trust and hope you will not for a moment hesi-
tate or shrink from taking upon yourself the important
duties of that office. We live in anxious times, and are
most desirous of having a gentleman in the Cabinet who
has earned the respect and confidence of his country-
men, and who, we feel assured, will use his most strenuous
efforts to maintain our neutrality, and not permit us, if it
be possible to avoid it, to be parties to the unhappy contest
which is now raging in Italy. Sir, we most cordially offer
you our congratulations on your resumption of your most
honourable public career, and with them our prayers that
your life may be long spared with health and strength to
discharge those public duties to which you are called."
Mr. COBDEN made the following reply :—Gen-
tlemen of Liverpool,—l have just stepped ashore
from the steamer which brought me from America;
having had a somewhat difficult, though not length-
ened passage, and being one of the worst sailors in
the world, I was so much affected by sea sickness
that my head is still swimming with the effects of
the voyage. Being utterly unacquainted with the
state of politics in this country, having not seen a
newspaper, until the pilot came on board, for the
last 26 days, it would be presumptuous in me to
attempt to offer
any lengthened remarks on this
occasion. The address which has been • presented
to me alludes to the reception I met with in Ame-
rica, and as it is the first occasion on reaching my
native shores upon which I have had the oppor-
tunity of saying one word upon the subject, I
should be wanting to myself if I did not take
this occasion for saying
that the touching kind-
ness and numberless courtesies which I have
met with in America have left an impression

upon my mind which will ,only be effaced by death
itself. It seems that the further I have gone froni
home the less occasion I have had to feel myself
abroad. I was certainly not aware of the number
of my friends until I went to America, and I take
this opportunity of tendering to those on the other
side of the Atlantic my Warmest tribute of gratitude.
With regard to the operation of free trade, I take
it that the reception I met with in America, parti-
cularly in the remoter Western States, which are
more devoted to the production of grain and pro V-
isions adapted for European markets, may be taken
as a proof the manner in which these measures have
been appreciated in that remote region. I have not
the least doubt in the world that the views which
were always .expressed by my friend on my left
(Mr. Brown) with regard to the effects which would
be produced in America by-the repeal of our corn
laws have been amply realised, and that we have
made strong and fast friends, and bound them in
ties of interest which will ever make them the allies
and partisans of peace between America and Eng-
land. (Hear.) From the opportunities I have bad of
'observing the tendency of opinion. in America, I
comeback with the belief that thereis a more cor-
dial. feeling of attachnient between the old and new
country than the ordinary channels of.public opi-
nion enable us to appreciate. The Americans and
the English seem to-me to occupy the same position
to each other which it was stated Goldsmith had
towards Dr. Johnson. The gruff old doctor liked
to scold Goldsmith himself, but would never allow
anybody else to scold him without taking his part.
(Laughter.) And I have no doubt, from what I have
seen in my travels in the United States, that were
it possible that England should find herself in a
position where she was hard pressed by enemies in
Europe—give her.a good cause, and giveher a ne-
cessity for help, and I have no doubt in the world that
nothing woulo-prevent in stti4l an emergency the'
great bulk of the population in the United States
hurrying to the rescue of the old mother country.
(Applause.) Ido not say this with any idea that
we are likely to need that help, I think England
is strong. enough to hold her . own, and that is the
opinion in America. I agree "with theaddressithat
we ought in case of this war, to observe 'a strict
neutrality—(cheers)—and in reading as I have done
in the papers from England,: and looking at them
perhaps with more calmness .than has•been doneby
those who live'On the spot and are mixed up in the,
daily struggle of politics—in reading the English
papers, containing reports of :speeches by' public ,
men on the subject of neutrality, I must •sayythat I
find expressions in their declarations of the prin-
ciple of neutrality which seem to me to be rather
calculated to throw a doubt: upon the strength-of
the principle which they admit, and which 1-think
deserve to be commented upon. Though my head is
not in a state to deal with that or any other con-
troversy at present, I will express my.opinion,
viz, that if we wish to be neutral, we must have the
power to be neutral. (Applause.) - I•think weare
quite as able to lie neutral in:these European strug-
gles as the people of the United States ; and that is
the opinion of every intelligent man in the United
States with whom I have conversed. In the speeches
of our public men I also observe that they speak of
preserving neutrality as long as we arcs able to do
so. In another case I meet with this phrase—"that
we must provide against all emergencies, for there
is no knowing what events may turn up." . .1 again
find it stated " that we may be inveigled in- the
strife." Why, that is the Old story over again when
we were drifted into the:war before.'•Now,- it seems

to me the English people have taken the 'initiative
on this occasion, and they have, probably for the
first time in the history of this 'country, taken a
bold stand upon the only safe ground—that-is, of
declaring beforehand to -the Government of this
country, that they will maintain neutrality, and
that they will:maintain neutrality in all Cases'ex-
cept where the safety and interests of this country
are directly menaced, and I won't flinch from stat-
ing what I mean by that term. I observe that
there is a great "Clamour among certain parts`of the
population of Germany for war with France- in
defence of Austria, and such States as Bavaria,
and perhaps Hanover—the most backward. States
—seem to be anxious of precipitating that great
confederation into this European strife; but I would
like the English people to give the portion of the
German population to understand distinctly that if
they commence an attack upon Louis Napoleon this
country will not come to their help- if they are
beaten. (Appliffise.) I eon't look with so much
hopefulness myself as some do as to the effects of
the war upon the destinies of the Italian people;

but my sympathies are wholly with the Italians,
and, moreover, I thick, were we placed in their po-
sition, we should not be very scrupulous as to the

source of getting assistance io rid ourselves of our
oppressors. When the Americans, in their struggle
with the old country, accepted the services of Louis

XVI , who was quite as despotic a sovereign as
Louis Napoleon, I think the Italians may be excus-
ed for looking to the other side of the Alps for as-

sistance in throwing off the yoke of Austria. With
regard to this struggle, wherever I have been, whe•

;her in the United States or Canada, I have found

but one opinion, and that is one of sympathy with
the Italian people, and a hearty wish for the success
of the French arms ; at the same time, it is coupled
with the belief that there is nothing in the strife
which is now raging on that bloody arena which
can .in any way prove inimical to the interests of
England, and. I may add what I have heard the in-
habitants of the United States say—they look with
some dread on the amount of preparation which is
making in England, for the purpose, as is said by
those gentlemen who have been speaking in public
—" for the purpose of meeting any eventualities."
" Eventualities" is the word I see sometimes used.
Now, the opinion in the United States is, that war
between two great Powers on the continent does
not involve danger to England more than if they
were at peace, and keeping their armies unemployed.
I once heard an opinion expressed in America to
this effect, " If I were in a merchant vessel and saw
two pirates, I should feel much more at ease if
those pirates were fighting each other than if they
were standing aloof, ready to be down upon me.
(Laughter and cheers.) However, as you in England
have taken the initiative in this matter, 1 hope we

shall keep the power in our own hand, and lei both
the executive Government in th's country and foreign
Powers also know that we are determined upon
this occasion not to allow the blood and treasure of
England to be wasted for foreign purposes or foreign
objects. Reference has been made in your kind
address to my taking office in the Government of
Lord Palmerston. I really feel, to use a rather
expressive phrase of our good American friends—
I really feel so " badly posted up" upon our politics
here that I am quite incapable of giving any opinon
on the subject. Until the pilot came on board in
the river this morning I had no idea of anything
that had happened. I now learn, for the first time,
that the Government of Lord Derby has been over-
thrown, and another framed in its place. The cir-
cumstances under which the Government was dis-
placed, and the circumstances or objects upon which
the new Government has been formed, or anything
connected with it, were quite unknown to me until
a few hours since, and at present I am quite unpr-
pared to offer any opinion as to the subject of my
taking office, or on the formation of Government.
Nothing more surprised me than to find myselfin-
cluded in such contemplated arrangements. You
will agree with me that this is not a matter which
I
I ought to refer to now. have a letter in my
pocket from Lord Palmerston, written
in a most
frank and courteous spirit, offering me the appoint-
ment of President of the Board of Trade. I think
the answer to the letter is due to kis lordship in
the first place. (Hear.) All I can say is that, the
answer which I shall send to that will be founded
entirely
upon what I bellow) to be the interest of
the public
in this question. You must be good
enough to bear in mind that in a case of this kind
the person most interested is the only one who can
be thoroughly competent .to form a conclusion, be-
cause it is be alone who bears the responsibility of
the step which he takes, and, although friends may
advise one course or another, they cannot afterwards
share his responsibility, and therefore he ought, in
duty to himself and the public, to be very deliberate
and careful in coming to a decision upon the matter.
I will say no more upon this subject than that so far as
my humble judgment enables me to decide I will
take the course which I believe will be most condu-
cive to the interests of the public in that respect,
and in doing so .I feel that I shall have the friendly
interpretation of the gentlemen I see around me in
whatever may be the course I shall feel bound to
take. I thank you all sincerely for your kindness,
and, Mr. Brown, I congratulate you upon your
excellent health. lam sorry to find that you have
removed yourself from the duties of public life,
though you are still pursuing your path of useful-
ness. I thank all the gentlemen present for their
kind and hearty reception.
Three cheers were then given for Mr. Cobden,
and three for Rochdale.
Mr. ROBERTSON GLADSTONE, the chairman of
the Liverpool Financial Reform Association, then
introduced Mr. J. R. Jeffrey, who read an address
from that body, which was as follows :
" We, the president, members of the Financial Associa-
tion, and others, inhabitants of Liverpool, congratulate you
-on your safe return to your native country under cirCUDI-

• (
A Ev, S PAPER
7 -4,-0,4
1,:-.1Etti so
hiurable to yourself persenall • OW
unSolicited, has restored` to •
s.
n3ce.anortuoescr,o:nuasnegde:ithatuitano.i4icvi crifijadtramitioroilnt• sc;vyshilfi c .1
sfi
tht it
a: nsyhdoteudr :drip lata los t
sideuoy of - the Beard of Trade,. While all cl .otir
fellow-countrymen Will-join in tins
if not in person and in Words, •-• it is highly probable, Sir,
that with them, as With us, the feeling of gratitude,for past
scrvices4a• All the tore 'profound bee so it is Mingled with
a lively"eiidetatio brsettietS' to cdfne. We heed hardly
remind you. Sir, of ihe predictions. of ruin arid desolation
Whielf iff the course of your glorious anti-corn
law sgitatien, nor of tlieC•:infi4nt, and yet, judged, .by the
event, most 'nest anticipations with which you. met-those
doleful prophecies. . The experience of .1.0 years haa falsified
them all, and sofa', outrun .our own most-sanguine antieipa-
' tions that it is only here Mid there that a solita4 Protec-
'tionist, bliad to conviction because resolutely closing his -
!eyes to an Mat passes around him, raises. lament for the'
.abolished impost on the poor man's loaf, while those who
have-deriee-st reatest 'benefit from comparatively free
trade ih`cOrn,and ificonsequenees are the owners and cut--
tivators of the sbil; :many of whom expected to be absolutely
ruined by it. liere, in this great emporium of the com-
inercial world, the, progress made during the last ten years
in the increase of snipping and trade, the extension of docks
and warehouses for their accommodation, the iniprovement
in the con/Rion of the industrial classes, the substitution of
wholesome dwellings for dark, damp,: and unventilated cel-
lars and courthouSes7 in which thousands upon thousands
of them are congregated, has been so great as to be almost in-
credible were not the facts patent to all.. In the United King-
dole. generally the same unmistakeable proofsrof progress
are manifested. Exports and imports have been nearly quad- T
rupled; •the people have more employment at higher wages,
and, of course, are better:fed and ',better clad ; the popUbt-
tion is greatly increased, and yet the amount of pauperism -
has diminished, not. only relativtly, but absolutely.; with
some millions more of population there are Some thousands
less of paupers. These results of the repeal of the corn
laws; and .of partial inedificatiOn of the Custoins and Excise
laws show the desirability of further progress in the direc-
tion , of •free • trade. • We have used *theishisise t eonniara-
tively free trade in corn' because. theie is still a tax of le.
per_ qr. on all fore'corn imported„ sylaielt
.at therreeent -
pricee atildithla to' a tax of 21 per cent., and to that extent •
is a profeCtiVe 'ditty in favour of the home -grower 'At the
expense of the consumer of all home grown corn. We know _
it is said to. be-levied for registration purposes onlyilsut. we
know also that ad. per qr. would amPly.sufficeto pay ,all the
expensee.really ineureed by registration. • ThitetaLplight to
be abolished as literallyaprotect:ve cue:' BUITt is Earle gen-
Pral blies of Cast-ams and tad se that there is the greatest ne-
eessity fern 'sweeping reform,-in aCCOrditileemo thtifunda-
mentalprificiples of the Ant i- Corn Law Leagu e. From these
duties—that is; from the shackles on commerce, manufactures,
and industry which ought to be free as air—two-thirds of
the revenue from taxes are raised. The British tariff still
contains betiVeen 400 or 500 articles char able with duty,
many of iebteh do not- realise the cost of while
till, without exception, are obstructions to commerce. anttta
the extension of trade, both foreign and domsstic. We find
from the finance accounts for the year ending March, 18.5,3,
that the total product of the -Customs' duties in that year
was £23,299,570, and that of that sum Il articles only cons. .
triliuted £22,466,145, or within considerably lesi than
million, of the whole amount. We,, air, are in favour of
such an entire revision of our fiscal system as shill make
taxation, a fair and inevitable payment to the State for
services rendered by the State,, stead of being, as at
present, mainly •le-sied on the necessaries and luxuries
Of life. We:advocate direct taxation as the only means
if obtaining perfect freedom of trade and industry. We
re, therefore, for the total abolition of Custom.s a.nd Excise
uties its speedily as may be, and, in the meanwhile we
think that no person,' however widely he may differ from
us on that point, can deny that its the present state of our
tariff there is ample room for further modifications, the sim-
ple fact being that it is most difficult to determine whether
the injurious or the absurd.' most predominates in its ar-
rangements. As we believe that perfect freedom of trade
was the ultimo to object of the. Anti-Corn Law- League,
though it did dissolve when'the first'step only was•Aitecom-
plished, so. we hope that in. you, Sir, its most distinguished
champion; an advocate will be found for that principle in,
its entirety; And; trusting that you will find that it is the
intention of her Majesty's
commercial reforni of which you were
the practical apostle, and in which the late Sir
Robert Peel was confessedly your disciple, we do -
most confidently hope. that you will not permit
any mere personal consideration to deprive you of
the opportunity of officially furthering aud crowning your
own great work. The statesman who-does accomplish
this task will gain for himself a name 'above all Greek, or
' Roman or British fame. Accept, sir, -bar most cordial'
congratulations on the. remimptioti of •siimi mast honourable
public career, and, with them, our heartfelt prayers that
your life may long be spared, with health and-strength, to
plead the people's cause in the people's -House of
ment. ". By order of the Council, • -
" ROBERTSON GLADSTONE) President."
Mr. COEpK, in replying, said he had had oppor-
tunities of observing the sound; but somewhat -
bold, and he might add the audacious declaratiOn
of principles wnieh-;have chardothrised the Liver:-
pool Financial Reform Association. (Hear, hears);
He believed they were as sound-in principle as the
repeal of the Corn-Laws. He entirely agreed with
them that the.men, or body of men -who.could abo—
lish Customs and Excise duties in this or any other -
country would, be the greatest benefactors that
country could possibly receive. 'While he must
say that he looked upon the adoption of that
principle as at present impracticable, he was
frequently in doubt whether we were not 'under
the same delusion 'in regard to the question of ,
direct and indirect taxatiOn, as Sir R. Peel was as
to the practicability of applying free trade prin-
ciples. It had always appeared to him that Sir R.
Peel was as good a Free-trader as any of them, but
that he was under the impression that it was im-
•possible to carry out the principle without inflict-
ing such an amount of injury on native interests as
no prudent Minister would do. He put it forward
as a matter of doubt in his own mind whether they
could sweep away Customs and Excise duties, and
substitute a tax upon property as a means of rais-
ing the whole amount of taxation required. How-
ever, he intended to follow up the topic, and would
congratulate them upon having kept this lamp
burning in the midst of external darkness. He
believed the time would come when this would not
be considered as an abstract truth, but would be
carried just as Sir R. Peel carried out reform in the
Corn Laws, which 30 years before was considered
mere madness. He thanked them for theshearty
expressions of good-will which this address con-
tained.
Mr. COOKE also presented an address on behalf
of the Liverpool Peace Society, which was as fol-
'ows:--

"To RICHARD COBDEN, ESQ.,
" Liverpool, June 29.
"My dear Sir,—l am directed by the committee of the
Liverpool Peace Society to tender to yon their sincere con-
gratulations on your resuming your position in Parliament,
and especially on your having been called to take office in
the executive branch of the Government. We beg to ex-
press our attachment to you by ties of gratitude for your
exertions as a foremost member of the Peace Party. That
the old political loaders, who have hitherto exhibited a
hopeless lukewarmness, if not stood in actual opposition to
your views, should have been compelled by the develop-
ment of circumstances and the enlightenment of public
opinion to invite your co-operation, knowing the terms on
which alone your acceptance would be based, is to us s
gratifying proof of the progress of the principles which you
have so ably and courageously advocated. A new
epoch is before us. The time cannot be far distant when
nations will learn, as smaller communities have long done,
to substitute the majesty of law for the fiendish destructive-
ness and logical absurdity of physical force. As an associa-
tion founded on a Christian basis, we must admit the ab-
stract duty of peace under all circumstances, but wz shall
hail with thankfulness, and support with what energy wo
can muster, such a practical approximation to our position
as is to be found in the plan which you have politically ini-
tiated—namely, a proportional disarmament of individual
nations, and the establishment of a federal court or system'
of arbitration, for the settlemeht of international disputes.
With the highest respect, and with a cordial welcome home
to your country, I subscribe myself, on behalf of the above
committee.
Mr. COBDEN said there time when
Hon. Sec."
the advocacy of peace opinions was more necessary
"ISAACnever B.
C;aB°KaE'
than now, and he believed the time would come
before long when suffering and disappointed na-
tionalities would appreciate those doctrines. He had
said before that he had frequently heard expressions
of regret in America that the preparations our Go-
vernment were making should be so large. His
theory was that what we found to be the case on the
Continent we should probably find true here ; that,
having prepared an enormous armament, there may
be a disposition to see what use may be made of it.
lie was not to be charged with any desire to see
England thrown upon the mercy or forbearance of
any Power on eat th ; and, to prevent himself being
misunderstood, he had no hesitation in saying that
he would rather see another national debt as large as
the present than see England occupied for a month
by a French army, even though that army came as
professed friends. He had a religious, a moral ab-
horrence of war, and also an intellectual repugnance
to it, for it was the most stupid, as well as the most
sinful, of all devices by which to settle national dif-
ficulties. He believed the time would come when
public opinion would be strong enough to put under
restraint any nation which should wish to resort to
such a stupid course.
A deputation from the Liverpool Reform Asso-
ciation afterwards had a private interview, at which
they presented an address expressing a hope that
Mr. Cobden would accept the office offered him in
the Government.

We understand that the hon. gentleman was the
guest of Mr. Brown last evening.

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