The Sun.
London, England, 1866-03-23 00:00:00

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Sun.

LONDON, FRIDAY, 11LIRCI1 23, 1866.

Within the memory of living politicians few Go-
vernments have been more unlucky at the opening
of a session than the present one. Whatever they
do turns out to be a mistake, while all kind of old
grievances are brought to light, and add to their
discomfiture. Last night Mr. WHITESIDE called the
attention of the 'louse to the circumstances con-
nected with STEPHENS' escape, and also alluded to
the former part of his career. The right hon. gen-
tleman laid great stress upon the want of vigour
which Ministers had displayed in dealing with this
matter, and this was the more culpable because Fe-
nianism was identical with the Phoenix conspiracy
of 1858. Mr. WHITESIDE certainly said a good deal
in support of his views, perhaps more than was quite
agreeable, to judge from the excitement displayed by
those who answered him. At any rate, Mr. CARD-
WELL does not appear to great advantage for the
part which he played in releasing some prisoners
who were in prison awaiting trial when the Conser-
vative Government left office. As for the escape
of STEPHENS, it certainly showed that great laxity
pravailed somewhere, and instead of declaring that
everything was done as well as it could be, it would
be more becoming and truthful for the authorities to
admit that a mistake had been made, and be more
cautious for the future. As Mr. WHITESIDE stated
duo care was not employed throughout the
management of the affair, especially as regarded the
guards of the prison. Indeed it is said that there
were twenty-five policemen, and that all were re-
moved but three ; if so, it certainly seems most
strange. The Executive Government and the Board
of Superintendence got up a quarrel at that very
awkward juncture, and while one declared that the
ratepayers ought not to keep State prisoners, the
voters said that the State would not do so. We
agree with Mr. WHITESIDE that " a more miserable
dispute under the circumstances cannot be con-
ceived." Still nothing can excuse the Government,
because they must have heard of the dispute, and
should have adopted means to rectify the end.
Mr. WHITESIDE very truly said that under the cir-
cumstances of the case an investigation ought to be
made, and he wished to know if any objection
existed to
laying the report of any inquiry upon the
table of the non„.
Mr. LAWSON
made out a very bad case, and he
began by stating that lir. WHITESIDE " had made
a, long speech about a. very
small matter." Can
anything
be more unbecomiug
than to call the
escape of a prisoner charged
with high treason a
small matter ? It was showing the weakness of
his cause for the honourable member to talk
in this strain. Mr. LAWSON concluded his
n er some remarks
speech by which
would be too ridiculous to notice if it were not that
the subject was an important one. It is quite in-
consistent to throw ridicule upon a matter which
concerns the management of State prisoners, and
before Mr. LAWSON asked if " Colonel LAKE ought
to have entered the prison at the head of the troops
and turned all the troops out of it, and if Mr.
lITHITERDE misled the Attorney-General to keep
ground over the prisoners, relieved occasionally by
the Solicitor-General ?" He should have remem-
bered that his own friends had not succeeded in
showing how State prisoners could be kept ; but,
on the contrary, had exhibited a gross neglect of
duty in that important respect.
Mr. GEORGESON showed the house the errors into
which Mr. LawsoN had fallen, when he stated that

There are probably very few persons who take
an interest either in the progress of art or in the
public affairs of the day who will not see with con-
siderable satisfaction the triumph of Mr. BENTINCK'S
motion respecting the new courts of law. Archi-
tecture has long been one of our national weak
points, notwithstanding the splendid buildings to
which we can point here and there. The general
character of our public edifices has certainly not
been equal to the purposes for which they are de-
signed, the wealth and liberality of the people, or
the talent that we possess among us; and consequently
when any large undertaking is in contemplation
our members of Parliament grow a little nervous
on the subject. There are not unreasonable
fears that favouritism and prejudice will ope-
rate injudiciously on the selection of the archi-
tect, while Previous experience has shown that
comfort and convenience are very apt to be over-
looked, and every one knows that the original
estimate usually proves but the shadow of the
ultimate sum total. The New Courts of Law
are to be a grand national work. They
are to carry out a long-needed and most valuable
reform by the concentration of our scattered courts
in a convenient central situation; and as the delay
has been great before the work was undertaken, and
the object is a permanent and national one, the
primary object should certainly be to erect a build-
ing or group of buildings worthy of the country,
rather than to effect petty economies, or to give this
or that artist or architect a turn. We are pretty
certain not to do it cheaply, but let us do it well.
The selection of the architect may possibly be a
matter of some difficulty and delicacy, but it would
surely be most wisely and most effectually settled by
adopting that principle of free competition found
most serviceable in other cases, and by appointing a
competent and unprejudiced tribunal to decide
upon the best design ; and in making this
decision there would be no necessity to be led away
by gaudy colouring or elaborate elegance any
more than by a rigid economy or simplicity
of style. The judges should consist of gentle-
men of different professions and experiences. They
should include dignitaries of the law, who thoroughly
understand the requirements of law courts ; artists
who have an eye for the beautiful, architects who
understand the practical part of the work, and men
of business who look on the question from the ordinary
common sense view. Without in the least detracting
from the taste or ability of those gentlemen, we
should certainly prefer that four out of the five
members of the commission were not connected
with the Government. When we find the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, the First Commissioner of
Works, the Lord Chief Justice, and the Attorney-
General joining four-fifths of the number of judges, we
are inclined to agree with Mr. BENTINCK in thinking
that others less likely to be influenced by official
considerations ought to share their responsibilities.
But the chief point of Mr. BENTINCK'S motion was
directed to the number of architects rather than that
of the judges. He objected very justly to the narrow
limits placed to the competition. By some extra-
ordinary proceeding the number of competitors is
limited to six. Mr. BENTINCK urged with much
force that either the competition ought to be
entirely unlimited, as is usually the case for the
erection of public edifices, or if limited the
conditions ought to be such as to satisfy public
confidence, and the tribunal should be perfectly dis-
interested and competent. The conditions which
Mr• BEIsITINCK reasonably thought should be at-
tached to
the competition were-Ist, that a suffi-
cient number
of architects should be invited to
compete, to give the country a fair opportunity of
obtaining a satisfactory investment for the large
2d, that the Minister
amount to be expended ;
should be protected from any charge of favouritism
3d, that the tribunal should be duly ;
qualified.
We presume that the Home approved of these
conditions, and did not consider these had been
properly fulfilled in the case of the new law courts,
for by a very decisive majority they adopted Mr.
BENTINCK'S motion, in spite of the conciliatory ad-
dresses of Mr, COWPER P,nd e Attorney-

Genet.; til. Sir GEORGE BOWYER said, very justly,
that tht 1 number of architects selected was too few,
and tha t it gave an idea of jobbery and unfairness,
though notking of the kind might be intended. Mr.
TITE, folle' Ring up the attack, said that he did not
wonder nt the anxiety, and even at the suspicion,
created by the small number of competitors, for
although the suspicion of jobbery was perfectly out
of the question, still the number of six competitors
was so extremely limited that it certainly led the
members of the architectural profession to think
that a foregone conclusion had been acted
upon. Mr. TITE added very sensibly that
the question of expense in conducting the
competition was hardly worth talking about,
for he thought the country, when an expenditure
of some £700,000 or £BOO,OOO was involved, would
never grudge an extra £3,000 or £4,000 to se-
cure the best man to do the work. This is the prin-
ciple on which the Government should act. A
really national undertaking should be carried out in
a national spirit, not with a professed regard for
economy, or with deference to the tastes or
prejudices of a clique, but in an enlarged
and liberal manner, which shall do jus-
tice alike to the requirements of the public,
the dignity of the occasion, and the outlay
which we are prepared to make upon it.
If the best we can do to secure the assistance of
men of zeal, ability, and independence, is to ap-
point officially half-a-dozen competitors, and put
four Ministers to decide between them, it does not
say much for the method of our Government in
such matters, or for the chance which unknown and
unbefriendcd talent has of making its way in this
country. If the country, said one of the speakers,
last evening, contained an INIGO JONES or a
CHRISTOPHER WREN, there would be no need for
competition ; but unless those artists got the right
introduction in the right quarters, we strongly sus-
pect their designs would stand a very poor chance.

CORRESPONDENCE FROM PARIS.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)
PARIS, Thursday Evening.

The Moniteur has no news of interest to-day,
foreign or domestic; but, as it is usually very cau-
tious, the following explanation affords proof that
it considers the present position of affairs in Ger-
many to be one of great gravity :—" Public opinion
in Germany continues to be directed to the diffe-
rence which has arisen between Austria and Prussia
relative to the Elbe Duchies. A Leipsic journal,
which appears to be upon the present occasion the
organ of the Cabinet of Saxony, points out the
course which the secondary States of Germany
onght to adopt in the event of a conflict. It
advises a recourse, the ease arising, to the clause of
the compact of 1815, in virtue of which the mem-
bers of the Confederation engage not to decide their
differences by the force of arms, but to submit them
to the Diet. The German papers say very little
about the views of the two great Powers, and thero
is no indication at present of any symptom which
may give an idea of their intentions."