The Sun.
London, England, 1859-05-13 00:00:00

at least is all the explanation we can obtain from
the organs of the Opposition as to this surprising
result of the elections—namely, this cl-2 r gain of
twenty seats (counting forty—not thir ! -nine, but
FORTY upon a division) to the side o: /he Govern•
ment.

Collect together 626 members of the new House
of Commons, and divide them on the Ist of June
upon the same plea that the 626 members of the
old House were divided upon the morning of All-
fools's day—and, providing only you have there
the representatives of those twenty seats already
gained to Ministers in this General Election, the
balance struck must clearly be to the advantage of
her MAJESTY'S Government.

France and Austria are still busily engaged in
watching each other. Both are prepared for action
but neither willing to strike. The armies on both
sides are eager for the fray, but nothing can be
done without instructions from head-quarters.
General GYULAI waits for commands from Vienna,
while Louis NAPOLEON desires to monopolise all
the glory anal honour that can be obtained in his
new capacity as a military commander. Nor is he
singular in this taste ; for it is said that FRANCIS
JOSEPH is about joining the Austrian army in Italy.
He will probably keep out of the way
of " cold steel " or " hot lead," but play-
ing at soldiers is an Imperial pastime
to which crowned heads are especially
addicted. Perhaps they might find- it more ad-
vantageous to leave the matter in the hands of
experienced men, who understand not merely the
theory but the practice of the direful art.
The French Emperor arrived at Genoa yester-
day, and, it is needless to state, that he was
received with intense enthusiasm by those whose
ruling passion is an inflexible hatred of Austria.
Of course he exhibited himself and reviewed
troops. There could be no doubt on that point.
He could not relinquish the opportunity for display,
so dear to every Frenchman.
His arrival may possibly bring matters to a
crisis. The Austrians are manifestly acting on
the defensive ; but they have taken up a strong
position, and with the aid of powerful appliances
at their command will not easily be driven from
the line which they have entrenched and for-
tified. They have a river, the Sesia, in front,
which must be crossed by any assailant, and the
new discoveries in military science will render
such operations far more difficult than in the
olden time. NAPOLEON I. was fifty years in
advance of his opponents ; he thoroughly under-
stood the value of artillery. But it is now generally
known that instruments of death have been greatly
improved, or rather their destructive operation
has been enhanced. The conflicts will no longer
be of man against man. There will be few, if any,
hand to hand encounters. Battles will be decided
before the opponents have arrived within half the
distance in which the tried and long valued
" Brown Bess" could be depended on.

Louis NAPOLEON has already issued a proclama-
tion to " The Army of Italy." It is a paraphrase
of several issued by the founder of the dynasty.
He must, however, distinguish himself with the
" sword" before the " pen " will carry any
weight. He speaks of Mondovi, Marengo,
Lodi, Castiglione, Arcole, and Rivoli ; but
he must remember that these were deeds
of other times, when there was indeed
" a giant in the land." He also speaks of the
bayonet being " the terrible weapon of the French
infantry, as it always has been." The changes in
ordnance may, however, effect, as we have already
stated, a great alteration in this respect. But, were
it otherwise—were the contest to be decided simply
by " the bayonet," we should not be disposed to
place implicit faith in our neighbours, We know
that it was by the use of that instrument that our
own gallant soldiers achieved their greatest
triumphs ; and Captain INIARYATT, in one of
his very amusing novels, explained that it
was owing solely to their " ticklishness" which
prevented them from meeting such a weapon.
The French are brave and gallant soldiers,
as we have experienced, both as enemies
and allies, but the bayonet is not the instrument
in which they excel, and the paragraph respecting
it in the EMPEROR'S proclamation must be regarded
as mere faeon de parlor, or, according to the
vulgate, pure and unquestionable " bosh."

As we have already stated, we cannot understand
the Austrian game. They forced on a war, and
thus put themselves in a wrong position with every
nation of Europe. They might have obtained
very considerable advantages by so doing—might
have seized on, and plundered the enemy's capital
before French assistance was a7ailable, and
have inflicted a heavy blow and great
discouragement on VICTOR EMMANUEL and his
people. But in place of so doing, they con-
tented themselves with demonstrations—were satis-
fied to levy contributions oR innocent and inoffen-
sive peasants, a considerable portion whereof they
abandoned in their rather hasty retreat. This is not
what might have been anticipated from an army so
highly lauded. We believe, however, that they
have acted in accordance with instructions from
Vienna, and that neither Count GYULAI nor his
soldiers are responsible for the dilatory and pro-
crastinating conduct displayed. When, however,
there are " two RICHARDS in the field," when
" Greek meets Greek," and Emperors are
heading the opposing armies, then something
more decisive will be attempted. The "Eagles"
will probably come to the scratch, and engage
beaks and talons in the deadly strife. It may be
play to them, but it will be death to myriads of
their subjects.
Wli

at are the prospects of parties ? Probably
this question depends for its answer chiefly on
another—What is the temper of parties ? If we
look at the result of the elections now so nearly
concluded, its aspect is somewhat perplexing.
One view of it gives Lord DEBBY a majority, an-
other a minority. If we regard merely the
"Liberal gains and losses," the Government would
appearto have just turned the scale, by a dissolution,
in its own favour. The majority on the 31st of March
was only thirty-nine in one of the fullest Houses
within our recollection, while the calculation most
favourable to the Liberals shows a net loss to the
party of twenty—it may be one or two more or
less ; this, of course, should place the Conserva-

tives, in another hostile or party division, quite on
a level with their antag3nists ; all would depend
on the character of the resolution or motion by
which it was sought to eject them, and the dis-
favour, or the contrary, which the conduct im-
peached found with the House.

But then we have the other fact that, according
to such calculations as can yet be made, the Libe-
rals still retain a majority of about fifty members.
There seems no just reason to doubt that at least
forty or fifty more than half the House rank
themselves as Liberals ; and this would about
square the account which gave Lord PALMERSTON
a Liberal majority of nearly a hundred at the last
election, with the net Liberal losses on the present
one. Probably, therefore, Liberals of all sorts,
from the practical Toryism of Lord PALMERSTON
to the Radicalism of Messrs. ROEBUCK and BRIGHT,
may have about the majority generally supposed.