The Sun.
London, England, 1859-10-20 00:00:00

11. Ma.
SIR E. T. COLEBROOKE AT LANARK.

Sir E. T. Colebrooke, M.P. for Lanarkshire, met
his constituents in Lanark on Tuesday, in the Meal
Market-hall, which was pretty well filled.
Mr. HOPE VERE, of Blackwood, having been
called to the chair, expressed his satisfaction at be-
ing present at this meeting, and called upon Sir E.
Colebrooke to make a statement.
Sir E. T. COLEBROOKE then stepped forward and
spoke as follows :—Gentlemen, I have asked your
attendance this day, in compliance with a request
from some of my friends, who thought it would be
a proper mark of respect to this constituency if I
took, during the course of this autumn, some op-
portunities of publicly addressing them with regard
to some of the important topics of the day, and giv-
ing them an opportunity of asking for explanations
of any part of my public conduct which they might
think it right to call for. And I have cheerfully
obeyed that request, because it gives me an oppor-
tunity of tendering my thanks publicly to this great
constituency for the honour they did me in elect-
ing me as their member at a time when I was not
able personally to attend. On occasions like pub-
lic elections electors have advantages and privi-
leges, in calling upon their candidate on the public
hustings, and asking him for any explanations as
to his past or as to his future conduct which they
might desire ; and, as you were deprived on that
occasion of this privilege which belongs to you, I
wish to put you in the same position of advantage
that you might have otherwise enjoyed by giving
Tan this opportunity on the present occasion of ask-
ing for any explanation with regard to my public
conduct. (Applause.) Before doing so, I think I
should be complying with the expectations of those
of my friends whom I see around me, and who have
so kindly attended on this occasion, if I made some
few remarks on one or two of the public questions
of the day which have lately engaged the attention
of that short session of Parliament to which you did
me the honour of calling me. The first act of that
Parliament was to decide a point to which their at-
tention was necessarily called by the dissolution.
My vote was given in favour of a change of Govern-
ment. Ido not think I stand in need of defence or
apology for the course I took, for the result of that
division was the formation of a Ministry so strong
in its administrative ability, and in the union of
eminent men, that I think it commands now more
of the public confidence than the Administration
that was displaced; but, as my position was different
from many.of those who joined in the vote of no
confidence, inasmuch as I voted for the second read-
ing of that bill which gave rise to the dissolution, I
wish to say a few words as to the grounds on which
I acted. (Applause.) I consider that the great body
of the Liberal party acted unwisely in unanimously
rejecting that bill, instead of endeavouring to modify
its objectionable features in a Parliument in which
they commanded so large a majority. But our posi-
tion was materially changed when the result of the 1
appeal to the country was to add to their strength
and numbers, by an accession of Irish Conservatives,
and, to a certain degree, English. The appeal to
the country was avowedly a party move. There was
no measure or principle involved in it, except the
simple one whether that particular set of men were
to be entrusted with a continuance of the nation's
confidence. I considered that I should have put the
Reform principles in danger if my first act had been
to invite them, so strengthened, to deal with that
impoitant question, which must engage the atten-
tion of the new Parliament. I readily admit that
this Conservative Administration had, in the last
Parliament, made some important approaches to
Liberal principles. They could not have ex-
isted for a month had they not done so; But this
pliancy was avowedly under compulsion, and I
should have been very simple if I had relied on
their continuing that course if the first act of the
Parliament had been to place such confidence in
men, all whose sympathies are averse to the princi-
ples of the Reform Bill. A Government which has
the initiative in such a question has a great advan-
tage ; it has a peculiar one in Scotland, and, above
all, in this neighbourhood. I could have no ques-
tion as to my sympathies, as to whom I would
trust in the matter ; and I do not think this con-
stituency will complain of my giving effecbto them.
I would only add that I would not, in the existing
state of politics, have taken that part to displace
that Government, were there not assurances that
the Liberal chiefs were likely to act in an accord
which had not existed for the, previous two years
—this accord was the result of the dissolution,
and it is one good effect of that act ; and se-
condly, that for this step I think I ought to have
the thanks of the Conservatives themselves in
having relieved their friends from a false posi-
tion—bad for the country, for the interests
of popular government, and even for the cause of
Conservatism. A Ministry that attempts to govern
by a minority cannot act with that high-minded
devotion to principle that we expect in an English
Minister. We do not expect our Ministers to be stiff
and unbending. In Cabinets, in popular assemblies,
there must be some compromise, or Government
would be at an end ; but a Ministry which is forced
to bend to the opinions of a majority from which
they differ is but carrying on the Government by
shifts and expedients that lower the character of
popular government ; and I think I rendered a pub
lie service, and a service to that Government, in put-
ting an end to that state of things. The consequence
was the adjournment of the question of Reform, and
the adjournment of all important business except that
which did not admit of delay. I will now only say
that you have been called upon to contribute more
largely for the military and naval forces this year
than ever before, except during war, or in the immi-
nence of war. I cheerfully accord to the late Govern-
ment the credit due to them for their exertions in
putting our navy on an efficient footing. (Cheers.) I
have formerly given votes bearing more to the re-
duction of our forces than I could do now. I have
come slowly into the conviction that for many years
to come you must be prepared for heavy estimates,
and I wish to take this opportunity of stating the
ground of that belief. I need not remind you, in
the first place, that the great change in the art of
war changes the position of this country altogether
with regard to foreign Powers. The application
of steam to naval warfare, and the improvement of
gunnery and all the machinery of war, as well as
the great progress of railways, enable great States
that have large armies to concentrate and employ
those armies with a rapidity never before known.
We made use of it first in the Crimea and in India,
and we have seen it employed with terrible effect
on the plains of Italy. Now, any Power that, in
addition to great military resources and wealth and
the appliance of railway communication, has, in
addition, the means 'of directing it beyond its shores
by the means of a powerful steam navy must be
dangerous to its neighbours, and, if its affairs arc
not directed by principles of justice and fair deal.
must be a nuisance to the world. (Hear, hear.)
We know that France has for years peat bent the
whole of her energies and spent enormous sums to
render her navy as powerful as her army. Her
fleet is as large as our own—her dockyards in-
creased, and in full activity ; and this was done by
a sovereign who has found the art of drawing large
sums from the poople in the most convenient, but
most reckless way, by throwing the whole burden
on posterity. Now, I will not attempt to fathom
the designs of that ruler. He is said to wish to
maintain with us a cordial alliance. He did, indeed,
try at one important point in his career to show that
he considered his mission was to avenge Waterloo;
but he has professed to work out a friendly part,
and he has acted with cordiality on important occa,
sions. But what is his position ? His throne rests for
support on the least instructed classes. His system
of government is one of despotic repression, and he
has a vast army to employ. He is not a free agent.
Again, what is the disposition of the people ? Do
not deal with conjecture when we can appeal to fact.
There have been occasions when relations were dis•
turbed, and when it required all the courage of
Louis
Philippe to resist the war fever when it raged.
Would the present sovereign do so? I believe it
would be a mere question of convenience, and it
would turn on points whether we were weak and
he was strong ; whether we should have the sup-
port of allies ; and, lastly, whether he could feed
the vanity of the French and employ his troops troops in
a successful coup de main. If this isdanger,
let us be forearmed, and let us not rest till we have
placed ourselves secure against such danger. v
have with us the feelinc, of the country and Par-
liament. With some, however, there is an opinion
that we may rely en volunteers to a considerable
extent. So strongly is this felt that a spontaneous
movement has arisen throughout the country to
strengthen the defences by the enrolment of volun
teers. I do not wish to speak slightingly of an
army which may be made most powerful as an
auxiliary, and which would start up in myriads
were any real danger to threaten our . shores But
I see it said that volunteer troops may playa'
great
part in war, and the improvement of gunnery gives
new advantages to this army. I must here state
my opinion that these improvements will give us
great improvement in the art. of war. Battles may
become more short and decisive, the victory may be
gained at greater distance; but there is a crisis in
os where armies are approaching,
ll ens age men t
when men begin to fall fast, when the victory be-
longs to the steadiest, and that steadiness can only
be attained when men are knit together by the bond
Do not let us indulge
of discipline and training.
the hope that we car, by reliance on volunteers, or
even on militia, safely lower Oe amount
,of that
force on which our safety depends. There are diffi-
culties in keeping up that force by enlistment, and
I have regretted to observe that it has been expe-
rienced in our own militia, and some say we must
look to the ballot. Now, before we resort to these