The Sun.
London, England, 1832-10-25 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The necessity of attending to - matters of
snore pressing. interest prevented us, yesterday,
from noticing an article in an Evening satellite
of the Treasury, in which article a vindication
of' the foreign policy of Ministers touching the
Batavo-Belgic question was attempted, by way
of answer to some observations of ours relative
to that subject, in our publication of the same
day. Our own observations had been made in
refutation of a defence set up for Ministers by
some of the writers in their interests, who as-
serted that no blame was imputable to them
for their intervention in the Dutch and Belgic
quarrel, because, by such intervention, they
strictly followed the policy of the Wellington
Cabinet, and, moreover, prevented the progress
of the revolutionary principle on the Conti-
nent, which had already developed itself in an
alarming manner in Saxony, Brunswick, Hesse-
Cassel, Hanover, Italy, Switzerland, and some
other places, in opposition to the creed of the
Holy Alliance, and which revolutionary princi-
ple, if it had been further excited by a war be-
tween Belgium and Holland, would have led
to a tear of opinion in Europe. As to the first
branch of this two-fold defence of our intermed-
dling policy, we observed that, so far from fur-
nishing an excuse for our interference in the
disputes between Belgium and Holland, it ag-
gravated our folly in that respect ; for the pre.
sent Ministers, when out of office, had vehemently
protested against such interference by the Wel-
lington Cabinet ; but, upon stepping into their
places, servilely imitated that line of policy
they had so loudly decried. The writer of the
article in the Evening Paper to which we allude
(the Globe), as if conscious that a bad cause
can only be supported by dishonest means, re-
sorts to the mean art of misrepresentation, for
the purpose of seeming to confute a statement
with which in reality he does not dare to
grapple. We stated that " the present place..
enjoying Sir John Hobhouse, then the unplaced,
unpensioned, and professedly radical Member
for Westminster, a short time before the down-
fall of the Duke's power, gave notice of a mo-
tion which had for its object the putting a stop
to such interference on the part of our Govern-
ment. Sir John was loudly cheered and warmly
supported by the Whigs in general, who again
and again declared that, in relation to the quar-
rel between Belgium and Holland, it was the
duty, and ought to be the policy, of the Eng-
lish Government to act strictly on the principle
of non-intervention. The writer in the Globe
says, we found this " heavy but groundless ac-
cusation on some warm speech of Sir John
Hobhouse before their accession to office."
Now had the present very courtier-like Secretary
at War only made a speech on the occasion, " un-
supported by any tangible motion," and as to
the sentiments of which the members of the
then Whig Opposition expressed neither as-
sent nor dissent, we would have taken it
for what it was worth—merely the expres-
sion of the opinion of an individual mem-
ber of Parliament, and should not have
argued upon it as the declaration of the senti-
ments of a whole party. It is, however, mat-
ter of history that the Whigs recognised, by the
most unequivocal demonstrations, the opinions
of Sir John Hobhouse as their own, and some
of' their leading men uttered similar sentiments
in both Houses ; but before the motion could
be regularly discussed, the Wellington Admi-
nistration had ceased to exist. Now the ques-
tion arises, did the Whigs make their 'mutest
against intervention from a factious or a patri-
otic motive ? If from a factious motive, how
can they claim credit for political honesty ? If
from a patriotic motive, why do they copy the
example which they condemned ? Our con-
temporary, as to this latter point, places the de-
fence of Ministers on the grourid of the faith
of treaties. He asks, " What reliance on
treaties—what security in the duration of peace
—what faith or honour among men could sub-
sist, if the maxims inculcated by this notable
journal, which affects, on all occasions, more
than ordinary morality and strictness, were ac-
tually allowed to regulate the transactions of the
world ? if the change of a Ministry were to
blot out at once the engagements of the Crown,
what stability could exist in our Foreign
relations ? Was it ever objected to Lord
Aberdeen, or the Duke of Wellington, by
their bitterest opponents, that they adhered
to the treaty relating to Greece, and
continued the conferences and alliances which
were founded thereon, both of which they had,
out of office, loudly reprobated and deeply la-
mented ? " We quote the words of this writer,
that his position may be as clearly understood as
his own terms can make it, instead of adopting
the paltry- artifice with which he is familiar of
falsifying arguments which it is beyond his
ability to answer. We admit that the treaty le-
gally made by one Administration should be
observed by another—that is, all treaties made
without collusion and fraud ; for fraud vitiates
every contract, whether between individuals or
nations. We admit that it is an essential duty
of all Statesmen in power to preserve national
faith, and keep unbroken all solemn compacts
which are regularly made, and which pledge the
troth or bind the honour of the country. Let
only the treaty be produced which had been
signed in the Duke of Wellington's time; and
which bound the English Government to inter-
meddle in the affairs of Belgium and Holland,
in conjunction with the members of the Holy
Alliance, and, however we may deprecate the
folly that made this country party to such a
mischievous compact, we will at once admit that
the Whigs had no alternative but to adopt the
best means of carrying it into effect. But supposing
there was a treaty, or a binding compact of any
sort, making the intervention of our Govern-
ment a legal duty, why did the Whigs, up to the
very moment of the dissolution of the Duke
of Wellington's Administration, insist that it was
their duty to act upon the principle of non-inter-
vention? Why did they recommend to their
predecessors to practice what in their own case
they declare would have been a gross breach of
public faith ? If `Wellington's engagements
were such as he could have retracted, they were
not binding on his successors. If they were of
binding obligation, why did the Whigs call on
him to retract them? Now, as to the second
branch of the two-fold defence of Ministers, we
did not admit that, if a contrary line of policy
had been pursued, a war between Belgium and
Holland must have occurred, and that such
must have led to a war of opinion in Europe.
On the contrary, we believe that the shuffling,
deceitful, and vexatious conduct of the " Lon-
don Conference " has rather exasperated than
soothed the feelings of natioual animosity be-
tween the two litigant parties. It had been
stated that a war between Belgium and Hol-
land must necessarily have led to one between
Prussia and France, which would probably
have grown into an European war of opinion.
In commenting upon that statement we said it

was doubtful whether such would be the re-
sult of a war between Belgium and Holland :
hut even admitting it to be true, we denied
that there was any necessity why England
should mix herself up in a war of that nature.
We acknowledge that, at the same time, we
" gave the instance most in point that his-
tory can afford, in which she did, almost
irrevocably and fatally, mix herself up in a
war of opinion." But history also af-
fords abundant evidence, at least if the
testimony of the Whigs themselves is of any
weight, that England was most unnecessarily
dragged into that destructive conflict by a pro
fligate Tory Government, to put down the de-
mand for Reform, which was growing too
strong at that day to be otherwise controlled
than by raising a panic in the public mind re-
specting the importation of French principles,
and following up that false alarm by war,
gagging Bills, suspension of the Habeas Corpus
Act, trials of Reformers on charges of con-
structive treason, the inundating the country
with spies and informers, and the perpetration
of all the other nefaribus acts of power which
furnished the topics of the vituperative eloquence
of Mr. Fox, Mr. (now Lord) Grey, Mr.
Sheridan, and other leaders of the Whigs, against
the Administration of Mr. Pitt. We know
that the first declaration of war was the famous
manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick, The
ablest document, perhaps, on record, from the
pen of Lord Grey, is his address to the throne
against the French war, which he moved in the
beginning of the Session of 1793, in which he
protests against the war, in conjunction with
his Whig allies, as unnecessary and impolitic.
Yet, at the present day, when the First Lord
of the Treasury is that identical Lord Grey, a
Treasury scribe, defending the foreign policy of
_ _

the states that :Mr. Pitt was brought

into that war by the " resistless force of circum-
stances ;"—in other words, that it was an un-
avoidable and necessary war. If so, the Whigs
have grossly libelled Mr. Pitt's memory !
Morning Herald.
The increase of the County Rates has for
several years caused great discontent among all
who are subject to the payment of them. It is
supposed that they form an exemplification of
the truth of the proposition, that the disposal of
money without responsibility leads necessarily to
abuse. The i\lagistraces are charged by the
rate-payers with a disposition to create offices
and obtain jobs for their friends, at the public
expense; and the only way to satisfy the people
will be to give them a control over the expen-
diture of the local, as well as over the public
taxation. At the Norfolk Sessions, on the
19th instant, the County Levy formed the sub-
ject of rather a sharp discussion. One of the
Magistrates, Mr.Ensor, had, at the Midstnn-

mer Quarter Sessions, objected to some extra
charges made by the County Surveyor, and a
resolution of thanks was afterwards voted to him,
by a numerous body of the most influential and
opulent Yeomanry of the county, for the resis-
tance which he had given on that and former
occasions to what he deemed an unnecessary and
lavish expenditure of the County money. At
the present Sessions, Mr. Ensor again objected
to the levy for the quarter, as no evidence had
been afforded that such a sum was necessary.
This led to rather a warm discussion, in which
considerable soreness was manifested by the rest
of the Magistrates, that Mr. Ensor should have
been singled out by the Yeomanry for his re-
sistance to lavish expenditure. One of them,
the Rev. C. D. Borton, even went the length of
saying, " he had hoped to have heard from the
Honourable Magistrate (Ensor) that he dis-
claimed receiving any compliment from a body
of men at the expense of his brother Magis-
trates." The Chairman, John Weyland, Esq.
M.P., with a naivete which reminds us of the
days of the Life-and-Fortune men, observed—

`‘ There was a disposition in the present day to run
down the unpaid Magistracy of the country. in his
humble judgment, that which most distinguished this
country from others, and added to its prosperity, was its
unpaid Magistracy. 'There existed between them, the
people, and the Government, a union which not only
tended to the discharge of the duties which the State re-
quired in an efficient and desirable manner, but also to the
welfare and interest of the community at large. Once ex-
change them for a stipendiary Magistracy, who would step
in from the middle classes of society without property or
stake in the country, men who would not have the inte-
rests and welfare of the people at heart, and for whom on
the part of the people there would not exist that respect
and proper feeling which sow so distinguishes the exist-
ing relations between the one and the other, and in his
judgment this country would be reduced to a level with
others possessing an absolute government, over which for
years this country had shown the mostdecided superiority,
and which was attributable to its unpaid Magistracy, as
the great secret, he believed, of its prosperity. And the
man who was unfriendly to this system, was no friend to
his country. He made these observations with perfect
good humour and candour of feeling, which he trusted
wot.ld not be misunderstood."

I3efore we notice further the proposition that
the unpaid aristocracy are the great secret of the
prosperity of the country, we shall advert to a
statement made in presence of the Worthy
Chairman, by the Rev. C. D. Borton, in de-
fence of the increase of the County Rates.
" The county levies for the last 33 years were, upon
an average, 21d. in the pound. He would divide this
period of time into three parts of eleven years each, and it
would be seen that the expenditure bad gradually gone on
increasing. During the first eleven years the levies
amounted to 77,7001., averaging ld and a fraction in the
~ound ; during the second eleven years to 154,5001. at
2d. and a fraction in the pound ; and during the third
period of eleven years to 215,700/. at 31d. in the pound ;
making a total of 417,000/. raised in the thirty-three
years upon the annual value of property, as assessed to the
property-tax in 1915. He would ask, therefore, whether
it was the county rate that had a tendency to produce
pauperism ? or whether it was not pauperism that had
brought on an immense county rate? With regard to
the ordinary expenses of criminals during the first period
of eleven years, they amounted to 41,163/. ; during the
second period, to 76,705/. ; and during the third period,
to 125,5611. ; and the extraordinary expenses during
those periods to 74,478. ; making a total in the criminal
department of 317,9071. In the civil department there
had, during the last eleven years, been a decrease of expen-
diture, which in the thirty-three years amounted to
137,9431. It should be recollected, that it was not the
mere increase in payment of a public officer that caused
the increase of the county rate, but that it actually arose
from the tremendous increase of crime. The number of
bills incurred for conveying offenders to prison during the
first period of eleven years, amounted to 837, during the
second period to 1877, and during the third period to
4,841 ; making a total in the thirty-three years of 7,555.
He wished it, therefore, to be known that it was quite
impossible that any effectual decrease in the county rate
could take place without a decrease in crime."
We suppose, then, that pauperism and pros-
perity is synonimous. " The unpaid Alagis-
.tracy was," quoth the worthy Chairman, " the
great secret of the prosperity of the country."
'" The increase of pauperism," quoth another
Magistrate, " is the great secret of the increase
of crime." And we would submit a proposition
at least equally true, that the unpaid Magistracy
is the great secret of the increase of pauperism.
The abuses in the Poor Rates are always in the
ratio of the number of Magistrates. -Wherever
there are few Magistrates in a neighbourhood,
the employers and their labourers get on tole-
rably well ;
but where there are many Magis-
trates, there is a constant interference between
the employer and labourer, which puts an end

to everything like a good understanding between
them. We have no hesitation in saying, that
the demoralization of the labourers is chiefly the
work of the Magistrates. There is no one sub-
ject on which the evidence recently obtained on
that subject has been so uniform, as that evils of
incalculable magnitude have resulted from the
arbitrary exercise by Magistrates of the immense
powers entrusted to them under the Poor Laws.
No man can be said to have any security for his
property, when a Magistrate may, in his caprice,
at any moment, introduce the most violent
changes in the relations between masters and
servants. Ever since the beginning of the
French Revolution, it has been the system of
the Tories to protect the unpaid Magistracy in
all their freaks ; and with this system began the
demoralization of the labourers. We hold there-
fore, the unpaid Magistracy to have been one
main cause of the diseased state of English
Society. Security of English property ! Yes,
if pauperism, and crime, and the number and
magnitude of prisons, be signs of prosperity.
The East Anglian, in noticing this part of
Mr. Weyland's speech, happily observes :
" One may be allowed to smile at this self-complacent
eulogy on the merits of an unpaid Magistracy delivered by
their worthy Chairman ; who, in his simplicity, reminds
us of one of the most delightful characters that a novelist
ever drew— Uncle Toby, in Tristram Shandy, when
recounting the exploits of his regiment at the siege of
Namur, or pointing out to the Widow Wudman how he
came by his wound in the groin. The question of pre-
ference between a paid and unpaid Magistracy is very
broad, and involves too many considerations to be de-
sp ached in a parenthesis. It is not to the character of in-
dividuals that we must look, but to the working of the
whole system, and we certainly entertain doubts whether
the present is the best of all possible systems. But let
that puss ; paid or unpaid, and under any system, we
should he sorry not to see such men as Mr. Weyland, Mr.
Ensor, and Mr. Burton, included in the list. It is clear
that the former gentleman has a great horror lest the heels
of the Aristocracy should be kibed by the toes of the
middle classes of society—whom Mr. Weyland designates
as men without property or stake in the country.
Now the middle classes in every country have the greatest
stake in it, constitute the largest, and most intelligent, and
most industrious, and most respectable psrtion of it, and,
therefore, have more at heart the interests and welfare of
the people, and are more competent to promote them,
than either the very highest or the very lowest, or than
both put together, if you can fancy the co-operation of such
a discordant union of extreme points. When Mr. Wey-
land describes the Magistracy of this country as the shield
which has protected us from the degrading condition of
despotic countries, we must demur to his hyperbolical
panegyric."

It is strange that we can obtain no performance
of services in this country without pay, except
magisterial services. Nay, even the very man
who is so eager to bestow his gratuitous labours
in a magisterial capacity on the public, will not
make the smallest exertion in his clerical capacity
to rescue the souls of the inmates of our prisons
from the dominion of Satan. The moment he
' lays aside his character of Justice and puts on
that of a Parson, he claims his separate salary as
chaplain. Ask a Parson to visit a mad. house or a
workhouse—no, not for the world, without a hand-
some salary. But for nothing will he administer
justice, and, thereby, as Mr. Weyland says, per-
form a duty which secures our property. When
we hear of any other services in this country
being unpaid, we shall know better what to think
of the generosity of unpaid Magistrates. But as
we can find nothing else unpaid in England—
as every functionary, especially in the superior
departments, receives six times more than he ought
to receive, we cannot understand why the admi-
nistration of provincial justice should form so
striking an anomaly. 'We suspect it will be
found here, as in every thing else, that John Bull
pays, in one shape or other, at a very costly rate
for any services he receives. The higher ranks
of Englishmen in general set no bounds to their
rapacity. Whatever other qualities they may
have, that of an unwillingness to pocket the
public money has never been imputed to them.
A love of pillage is as characteristic of them as
ravenousness is of the wolf. We have no faith
in animals changing their nature. We may be
assured that the Parsons (for they are the Chief
Magistrares) find their account in administering
justice ; but we are not so sure that the public
find their account in being subjected to their
judicial and administrative experiments.—Morn-
ing Chronicle.

We call the attention of our readers to some
spirited extracts from reports in the Bristol
Mercury, of speeches delivered at Bristol, on
Thursday last, when it was agreed, by all classes
of Reformers, to promote the re-election of
Messrs. Bailey and Protheroe. The speech of
Mr. Bridges was excellent. His explanation
of the sense in which Conservative could be
with propriety applied to those who term them•.
selves Conservatives, was happy. An Alder-
man, during the fire at Bristol, preferred the
conservation of his own timber-yard to the safety
of the city. He was a model of a Conservative.
The rise of Liverpool, Gloucester, and New-
port, on the ruins of Bristol, the trade of which
last has been destroyed by the heavy dues im-
posed, in order to teed the rapacity of the Con-
servatives, is the necessary consequence of Con-
servative ascendancy. One of the Bristol Ma-
gistrates now on his trial (Alderman Daniel)
had the effrontery to take the chair, at a meeting
to promote the election of Sir Richard Vyvyan,
who, driven from Cornwall, has thrown himself,
as a derniere ressource, on Bristol. Mr. Da-
niel might have had the grace to wait the issue
of the trial, which will determine his guilt or
innocence in the discharge of his Magisterial
duty, before vouching for the character of ano-
ther. The party under whose auspices Sir
Richard Vyvyan comes forward as a candidate
for Bristol have, no doubt, a strong interest in
maintaining the abuses, which enable them to
divide among themselves between twenty and
thirty thousand pounds a year ; but, with all the
power that such a representation gives them, they
will be beaten. Bristol will never disgrace itself
by rejecting one of its tried Members to make
way for a man ejected from his native county,
and only a favourite with the Tories, because,
having no other opening, he is the more ready
to become an easy tool to do their dirty work.—
Morning Chronicle.

In describing yesterday the treaty concluded
between the English and French Plenipo-
tentiaries on Tuesday night, or rather Wednes-
day morning, to enforce on Holland tile award
of the London Conference, we did not, of
course, enter into all the means of its execution,
nor detail all the formalities which are to pre-
cede the commencement of warlike proceedings
of so purely a judicial character. The corps
to compose the French army for the assistance
of Belgium have indeed been already advanced
to the northern
i frontier of France; the Field-
Marshal who s to be General-in-Chief has
been appointed ;
and the expedition, by a tele-
graphic order, might in four or five days be be-
fore Antwerp, or within sight of the Dutch lines.
The French squadron has likewise received
orders to join ours at Spithead, and in a few
days or hours, according to the state of the
weather, may be expected to reach its preliminary
destination. But though these prompt preparations
are made, and though promptitude in execution

may be most advantageous, the attack, we fear,
will neither he immediate, nor perhaps simulta-
neous. In• the first place, it is plain that the
treaty, which has been only signed a day ago,
must be ratified before it can be executed ; and
that as it was signed so late as Tuesday morn-
ing, and as it must be transmitted to Paris for
the sanction of the French Cabinet, the ratifica-
tion cannot be exchanged in London before Sa-
turday. In the second place, there will be
another cause of delay, from the formality of
submitting the treaty thus ratified to the three
other Powers which joined in the original award.
This will unfortunately require some days more,
though, after what has passed, we cannot for a
moment imagine that the communication will be
anything more than a courteous notification or a
necessary formality. The Plenipotentiaries of
Holland and Belgium will likewise be made offi-
cially acquainted with the nature of this conven-
tion by receiving copies of it. It must not, how-
ever, be imagined from this circumstance that
the consent of the three Powers will be
waited for, or that any further indications
of their acquiescence are required than what
have been already received. They hare
signed the treaty of separation between Bel-
gium and Holland through their ablest Ambas-
sadors. They have deliberately ratified that
treaty after the delay of several months, and with
certain slight modifications, on which Belgium
has offered to negotiate under their mediation
after the evacuation of Antwerp. They have
pressed, by repeated special missions to the
Hague, during the last twelve months, on the
King of Holland the necessity of accepting the
arrangement which they had made in his name,
as much for his own benefit as for the peace of
Europe. They profess that they have ex-
hausted all the means of friendly persuasion and
of diplomatic remonstrance to bring his Dutch
Majesty to his senses. The result has been a
sullen obduracy of resistance, which nothing but
the employment or the threat of physical force
can overcome. In such a state of things, we
need scarcely repeat that the acquiescence of the
Three Powers has already been obtained, or that
their dissent (if it were possible) would consti-
tute such an evidence of their bad faith and fraud
as would deprive it of all claim to attention.
They at any rate cannot pretend to feel any
alarm at the ambitious eagerness or arbitrary vio-
lence of the two Powers which have now reluct-
antly exchanged the character of peaceful me-
diators for that of armed arbiters, as, in the
third place, notwithstanding all the delays which
have occurred in the execution of the treaty
of November last, the King of Holland, we
understand, is still to have another opportunity
of submitting to the display, without experi-
encing the effects of armed intervention. When
the convention, which has now been signed, is
ratified and delivered to his Ambassador, his
Dutch Majesty is to be summoned to accede to
the treaty of separation, and to surrender the
citadel of Antwerp within a limited number of
days, under the penalty of seeing his ports
blockaded by an English and French fleet. If
this threat should fail of effect, or if the ap-
pearance of the combined squadrons on the
Dutch coast should not convince the Court of
the Hague of the inutility of further resistance—
and after what has passed it is childish to sup-
pose he will care for such inefficient measures—
the French army, after a similar notification and
a similar interval, will march upon Antwerp.
But though these repeated menaces of attack,
or official notifications of approaching hostili-
ties, are intended to prevent war, and to allow
his Dutch Majesty time for reflection, when
freed from those " illusions" in which his
mischievous Tory flatterers in this country
have involed him, they seem to us, we
must confess, the most objectionable part of
the proposed arrangement. They may, indeed,
present the appearance of moderation—they may
invest military operations with the character of
judicial proceedings—and they may convince
even incredulity itself that the two allied um-
pires have no ambitious or selfish object in view
in making an attack, when they are so ready to
sheathe the uplifted sword at the last moment ;
but they have too much of a melo-dramatic air
for serious business—they are perfectly unne-
cessary and useless for the object in view ; and,
moreover, they create delay at a time and in
circumstances when prompt execution and
combined operation might economize the
employment of force. We hope, therefore,
that these notifications, if they are to be
given, will be given immediately and si-
multaneously; and that if his Dutch Majesty is
to be allowed time for changing his purposes, he
will consider the preparation of fleets and armies
as a sufficient warning of the necessity of expe-
dition. The French Chambers are convoked
for the 15th of next month—the Belgic Le-
gislature is likewise soon to assemble—and if
the question of peace or war is not decided till
iilet, the Opposition in both assemblies take it
up, the discussion may spread into more dan•
gerous topics, and produce more important con-
sequences than can now be anticipated. It will
delayed
b et he
tobjecthe a
acceptance
ce
of the treaty
Dutch
Cabinet, which
for e eleven
months, from a hope of some lucky throw of the
political
i dice, to employ every trick and ma-
noeuvre n order to prolong negotiations till the
chapter of accidents casts up a change of Coun-
cils in France ; but against such stratagems the
English and the French Governments must be
on their guard. No further overture ought to
be received from the Hague, no intervention of
Prussia should be attended to, no suggestion of
any of the other members of the Conference
should be taken into consideration, which comes
unaccompanied with an order immediately to
evacuate Antwerp. Then, and then alone, shall
we believe the Dutch Government sincere in its
professed desire of peace, and then will his
Dutch Majesty find a better guarantee in the
esteem and friendship of his English and French
allies for obtaining reasonable modifications of
the treaty of last year, than he can obtain in
holding the citadel of Antwerp against their
united forces, or braving the indignation of all
reasonable men in Europe by devoting the city
to a bombardment.— Times.

It is not only on account of the high quarter
from which it is known to come, that Geraldine Hamil-
ton is at present exciting such undivided attention, but
also from the nature of the story, which addresses it•el
peculiarly to the attention of the female sex. " Geraldine
Hamilton" is emphatically a lady's book, and could only
have proceeded from a mind rich in the refinements and
graces of her sex, and qualified to discourse of those inci-
dents in life wherein women take most interest. The
noble authoress has done an important service to her con-
temporaries in the production of the present work.
A WIFE OF Two HUSBANDS !—There is
w living at Sandiacre a woman who has married two
,hwusbands; they both live in the same village, and she,
very conveniently, sometimes is found with one and some-
times with the other; and amongst them all the greatest
peace and harmony prevail !—Nottingham Review.
JANUARY AND MAY.—" This morning,"
says a Correspondent, " I saw at Melbourne a blooming
damsel of 27 consigned to the embraces of a sprightly buck
of 88."..—Leicester Chronicle.