The Sun.
London, England, 1866-09-20 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY, SEPT. 20, 1866.

The Imperial Manifesto has caused considerable
anxiety in certain quarters and given rise to much
discussion. As is always the case in such docu-
ments various interpretations may be put upon the
same passages, and hence they are read according
to the light in which the hopes, fears, and expecta-
tions of the parties regard them. Some go so far
as to think that the real meaning of the Manifesto
is not so pacific as it has been considered, and
assign reasons for their being so. The most
significant part is supposed to be the intima-
tion that small states have a tendency to " dis-
affection." It is also insinuated that France
will not object to her territorial aggrandisements
under certain circumstances, and these are con-
cluded to bear a suspicious relationship to Belgium
and the notion of annexation in that quarter. The
semi-official journals in Paris do not hesitate to de-
nounce that this will be the next step in French
policy; and, either openly or covertly, they show
reasons why the matter should be concluded, and
signs which indicate the approach of the denoue-
ment. It is curious to notice the manner in which
this important subject is discussed, and the free
and easy way in which the fate of the little
kingdom is disposed of by those who regard
the whole thing as a game that has to:be played out,
and in which the most dexterous moves are the
most deserving of respect and admiration. The
" certain passage" alluded to may without doubt be
considered an ominous one, but there is no real
reason that the French EMPEROR will seek to possess
himself of Belgium. It would be, in the first place,
a great affront to England, and since his elevation
to his high position the EMPEROR has always studi-
ously avoided doing aught that might create dislike
or jealousy in this country. His long residence
here gave him many facilities for understanding our
character better than many foreign potentates could
possibly have enjoyed, and he has made the most of
his information, and profited by experience. There
is no valid reason to adduce why France should
increase her territories at the expense of Belgium.
And however the continental nations may regard
such a transfer or confuse themselves by their
sophistries and plausible means of argument, the
English people have not yet arrived at the same
unsatisfactory stage of morality with regard to
public matters.

Belgium has nothing to forfeit. The high conside-
ration in which it has always been held by us, and
to see it fall a sacrifice to a war in which it has
taken no part, and after a peace whose terms and
treaties do not concern it, will cause annoyance and
surprise among us. We trust that those politicians
will be found mistaken who persist in asserting that
Belgium is doomed. If, however, any visible
attempt be made, or any hostilities displved towards
it, it will be for our Government to intimate that
the proposed cause is offensive to us, and that we
regard Belgium as our ally, and hence must
deprecate any injury to her integrity and indepen-
dence. The Independence Beige evidently looks
upon the Manifest with suspicion and alarm,
and seems to think that before long we
shall see a new situation, or meet with
further changes and alterations. Referring
to the Circular and its so-called pacific tendencies,
it remarks that " there is reason to fear that a pre-
occupation it reveals may partly destroy the good
effects which should be hoped from other parts of
the document into which it was introduced." The
alarmists, it goes on to declare, who persist in
accepting thepresent calm season as aperiod of truce,
instead of a settled peace, will " certainly use the
Circular as an arm in support of their arguments."
The Tempt, in particularising the passage about the
disappearance of secondary States, declares that the
" Prophetic gleam thus cast on our history is worthy
of all attention. The Ring of SAXONY will bewail
it, and it is Perhaps destined to cause sleepless
nights in another quarter." Altogether it would
seem as if these critics were anything but satisfied
with the present state of things, and that they view
the future with doubt and uncertainty.

This proves how much those Powers have to an-
swer for, who, like Prussia, rush into war
for the gratification of their own dreams

of ambition and schemes of aggrandise

ment.

The affair is not settled when their

own object is attained, because a state of disquietude

and disturbance is introduced into other kingdoms

and among other people through the confusion

created by the war. Thus we see the French are un

settled, and the Belgians anxious and dispirited at

,he affairs just now. It will be some considerable

time, under the most favourable circumstances,

before anything like calm is restored to the public
mind in Europe. Men will be suspicious in spite of
themselves, and apt to impute sinister motives to

act; and words that are really innocuous, but create
an unfavourable impression in consequence of the
awkward circumstances surrounding them. It is
some satisfaction to remember that some thought a
little while ago that. there were indications of the
Emperor NAPOLEON'S intention of going to war with
Prussia, and therefore these prognostications con-
cerning the proposed annexation of Belgium may
prove to be equally without foundation in reality.
While the mischief created by the machinations of
the Prussians is being universally witnessed in all
directions, the arch offenders themselves are pre-
paring to celebrate their triumphs, and making
arrangements for the return of the troops to
Berlin. We have never had an instance in

modern times of a peace being concluded for
- -

which there was go little cause of nal rejoicing.