The Sun.
London, England, 1859-01-14 00:00:00

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:arliamenv. (" The bal-
lot.") He was for the ballot, and had been all his
life.

PRICE 4D. STAMPED, SD.

Mr. HIBBERT asked if Mr. Roebuck was in favour
of an hereditary House of Lords, whether they had
brains or no ?

to d
but we have heard a speech that
will
~;31out Europe and the- world.
Mr. . o ebiick
reform
a most masterly review of
the
isrceusossun
se. I agree in it all with
circumstances t
ofa theei2
slight exceptions, though on some points I differ
from him materially. Ido not profess to make a
f 30 years'
se
toamnpdei
nt competitive
listened to
speech. Hin the
is
a Houseta te
of Commons and
throughout the country. Igo back to the question
s-cuntzu o
of reform. One of the best signs of the times is the
anxiety of the honest and industrious classes to be
enfranchised, and that man is entitled to respect
who by honest means obtains the power to vote.
Speaking on principle, all men who contribute to
the taxes ought to be enfranchised ; though from
policy demand is made for household suffrage, and
I advise you to adhere to it. I have here a return
from which it appears that, deducting the property
tax, out of 60 millions of taxes paid, 35 to 40 mil-
lions are paid by the unrepresented people.• A com-
paratively small amount is paid by those who
assume the power 'of electing the representatives of
the people. • Is this just? (" No.") Should it be.
continued ? (" No.") Nothing can be more delusive
than the present system of representation. We
have now probably 30 millions of people.. The
return of which I shall speak shows that of these
30 'millions only 1,200,000 are nominally electors:
Deducting double entries, double qualification,
&c., I do not believe the , actual electors are
1,000,000. Here, thei, you have one in six of the adult
males represented, and the sooner we remedy that
anomaly the better ; and even the division of this
small number .of electors puts a cheat upon the
people. There are 330 members of the House of
Commons returned by 195,000 borough electors.
There are 35 boroughs which return 70 members,
and, deducting the other constituencies from the
rest of the borough electors only 195,000 are left.
Thus not 200,000 electors return a majority of the
House of Commons, and five-sixths of the number
are wholly unrepresented. I have here a list of 22
boroughs returning 24 members, yet their united
constituencies are only half the number of electors
of Sheffield. These boroughs only pay half the
amount of income-tax paid by Sheffield. Mr. Had-
field went on to show the insignificance of Knares-
borough, Thetford, and other little boroughs as
compared with the larger constituencies. He
compared the Tower Hamlets and Marylebone with
the Irish boroughs, showing the immense prepon-
derance of population and taxation on the part of
the metropolitan boroughs. Few of these small
boroughs were free agents, and, when free, were
influenced by bribery. Was our representative
system to rest on a rotten basis like that ? (" No,
no.") Should it not rest on the free choice of the
people ? We might expect to hear again the old
cry of the. Crown in danger ; the peerage in danger.,
But the cry of wolf had been raised too often.
When Catholic emancipation was granted Lord
Eldon shed tears, and said that the sun of England
had set for ever, but the stupid sun had continued
to shine more brightly-thin before. (Cheers.) Free
trade was granted in defiance of predictions that
the land would go out of cultivation, and yet land
was never so valuable as now,and the landlords'
had been benefited as much as any other class.
(Cheers.) What people in the world were se fit to
be trusted as the people of England ! 'Let them
not be judged by 20 or 30 men, who had disturbed
the meeting, and for what purpose he could not
imagine. Let it not go abroad that that
little clique were, the people of_ Sheffield. For
the true honest working classes he had the
sincerest respect,' and desired to see their
rights enlarged. Let me (said Mr. Hadfield) give
reasons why the people of England are to be trusted.
In 1857 we imported to the value of 187 millions,
and we exported 146 millions, the produce of the
labour of our honest working classes. These were
the results of the people's labour. Surely, these
men are to be trusted. Surely their interests are the
interests of the country. (Cheers.) I will never
while I live cease to urge their claims. (Lou d cheers.)
There are now openings for our trade unheard of.
Waiving the question of the character of the ruler
of France, I ask if we have not bound up with our
own the interests of France ? Her exports and im-
ports are 307 millions, and if her ports were thrown
open, like ours, to the commerce of the world, Eng-
land and France would be united by a commercial
interest equal to that between England and Scot-
land. We bind our colonies to us not by soldiers,
but by the free governments we give them. Canada,
whatever she may have done in the past, now de-
sires the English alliance, and will not leave us.
Consider what is going on in an intellectual and
literary way. Fourteen years ago the number of
letters was 70,000,000, and they are now 504,000,000.
There were 71,000,000 of stamped newspapers then,
and I believe now there are 250,000,000 of news-
paperg annually. The periodical literature of -Eng-
land exceeds that of all other countries. In this
state of things I am sure that any such disturbance
as occurred this morning must be put down. Then,
as to education. In 1851 there were 2,50,000 pupils
in Sunday-schools, and 318,000 teachers, the elite
of the country. The Sunday-school teachers have
the confidence of every man, and ask only freely to
train the children of the poor man in morals and
religion. If any men deserve to be more respected
than others it is those 318,000 teachers, and I think
they enjoy more of the confidence of the people
than any others. There is a glorious competition
going on between the clergy and the dissenting
ministers. My principles are known, but I rejoice
in the labours of the pious clergy. Mr. Hadfield
went on to quote some statistics as to religious in-
struction to show that there can be no danger in
trusting the people with the franchise, as there is
a moral machinery at work that will give security
to society. Referring to the future he said there
never was a time of more hopeful prospects. The
question now to be asked (he said) is, how can we
pour on the people the blessings of cheapness and
abundance ? Can we not have returns from India
and our colonies far greater than were ever known
before. The people Maiichester have issued a
statement showing that we are paying for the
slave-grown cotton of America £10,000,000 a year
more than its fair marketable value, and every
ounce of that cotton might be raised in India.
(Cheers.) Let roads be made and the means
of irrigation be provided, and we could have
£100,000,000 of produce a year from India,—
and half that:iwould regenerate India. Joseph
Hume said we never could enrich India without
enriching ourselves. We desire now that the
just claims of the people should be recog-
nised, and that their desire for economy and
improvement may tell on the House of Com-
mons. Are we equal to the task which a
gracious Providence has imposed upon us! The
great Creator meant the fertile earth to supply the
wants of all his creasures. The only difference
between myself and my hon. friend is that I desire
to see this country untrammelled with the affairs
of despots—(cheers)—and that English interests
only should be attended to. Of our debt,
£500,000,000, was incurred by the war against
liberty in France. and £100,000,000 for the war
against American independence. Let us, then, keep
out of war on questions raised by despots; let us
preserve peace, and England will fulfil her destiny.
(Cheers.) After paying a compliment to the order
and regularity of the meeting, he said it was an
answer to the disturbance of the morning, and he
hoped the time was coming when every honest, in-
dustrious man, uncontaminated by crime, should
possess the elective franchise. (Loud and continued
cheering.) _ _

Mr. ROEBUCK acknowledged that the House of
Lords was an institution not founded on common
sense. But the House of Lords was now only the
repeater of the opinions of the House of Commons.
Taking steps in legislation was not a mischief, and
k they did no harm. But the House of Lords set an
example of manners that had a very beneficial in-
fluence. He did not think their legislative powers,
which every day diminished, were the cause of this.
Noblemen had great responsibility. A short tithe
ago a noble duke played Aunt Sally on a race-
course., If he had been a common man nobody
would have noticed it, but the whole country repro-
bated the duke.

In answer to other questions Mr. ROEBUCK said
as far as regarded the Maine Law he certainly would
not support it. (Cheers.) Any proposal by Act. of
Parliament to make men temperate was a mistake,
iatn.,cll wouldH e mciaguhste
dUnconditional
now.a mischief.‘,Terhye
(Id"iiePifie nrc
difficult
veld
victuallers had waited on
ihintifmownntao urge
astionutphoenevitis of
.llf
ttqhhuee eset systemhoann,cae
nildoorfhoelfiewtehinsesheeEsaxchequer should take the
course that was expected he would propose a select
coMmittee on the subject.
Mr. CLEGG asked if it would be a fair inquiry, or
such as Mr. Berkeley made.
Mr. ROEBUCK was in favour of full and fair. in-
quiry. He had not seen the Maine Law Bill pre-
pared by the United Kingdom Alliance.
Mr. CLEGG—WouId gr. Roebuck give power to
ratepayers to decide whether new public houses
should be licensed ?

Mr. ROEBUCK said he had not made up. Ws mind
about this. He saw no difficulty in giving the
power to town councils.
Would Mr. Roebuck vote for the suppression of
beer houses ?
Mr. ROEBUCK--Certainly not. (Cheers.)
Would Mr. Roebuck put beerhouses under. the
same restrictions as licensed victuallers ? - -
Mr. RoEuucK—l think that ought -to be.
Would Mr. Roebuck support a proposition for
paying members ?
Mr. ROEBUCK—Certainly not.
In answer to a question as to promoting cotton
growing in India, Mr. Roebuck said he should like
to see, cotton grown in India, and anything. that
could be done to promote it and promote theinte-
rests,of the Hindoo population should have his
hearty concurrence. (Cheers.)
Mr. FISHER (chairman) proposed the best thanks
of the meeting to the members for their manly and
independent conduct in the House of Commons; for
their general support of liberal measures, for their
great attention to the business of their constituents
for their attendance to-day, and for their support
of Parliamentary reform. (Cheers.) •
Alderman H. E. HOOLE seconded the motion,
and called for three hearty cheers forthe members.

The motion was carried unanimously, aniid lOud
and prolonged cheering.
Mr. ROEBUCK briefly acknowledged the vote.
The fact that he had won the confidence of a large
body of his countrymen was to him a peculiar
gratification, and day and night he would strive to
deserve it. (Cheers.)
- Mr. HADFIELD expressed the peculiar pleasure
he enjoyed in the confidence of his native town.
The business closed about 5 o'clock, with a vote
of thanks to the Mayor.

The MAYOR then announced that the members
were ready to answer questions.
Mr. ABEL HINCIICLIFFE—From the very cun-
ning way, in which Mr. Roebuck spoke of slavery
in America, he seemed to wish you to understand
that it was caused by universal suffrage. (Hoot-
ing and cries of " Question.")• The question was,
did Mr. Roebuck hold that opinion ?
Mr. ROEBUCK—There is no universal suffrage in
America. Republican institutions are very different
things from universal
.suffrage. I don't talk with-
understanding what I say. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. HINCHCLIFFE—Did you wish us to believe
that it arose from Republican institutions ?
Mr. ROEBUCK—I did not. I said nothing about
Republican institutions. I said there was slavery
in America and yet their declaration of indepen-
dence.
In answer to Mr. Levy, Mr. ROEBUCK said he
proposed that every elector disfranchised in a small
borough should vote for the county.
Several questions were put to Mr. Hadfield as
to the Municipal Act, to which he replied he had
been requested to prepare a bill to abolish the pro-
perty qualification of town councillors, which he
thought reasonable, as it was abolished for members
of Parliament. He was in favour, too, of the ballot ;
but he doubted whether paupers should be put on
the list of burgesses, because they were subject to
the. influence of the overseers. He strongly ob-
jected to corporate officers being called upon to
declare that they would not exercise their powers,
prejudicially to the Church of England. He thought
that obnoxious. Nor did he approve that the
mayor shoUld be prohibited from going in his in-