The Sun.
London, England, 1859-09-21 00:00:00

TO TILE EDITOR OF TIIE SEN.

SlR,—Wh?,n committees were being formed in
Italy and in France for the purpose of contributing
100 pieces of cannon for the armament of the for-
tress of Alessandria, the thought never arose of
considering this gift in the light of a charitable of•
fering to the Piedmontese Government or to Italy.
It amounted to a mere demonstration of sympathy
for Piedmont and Italy against the domination of
Austria. •

The same motives and feelings of sympathy now
induce many Englishmen to address letters to
various influential journals, some offering £lOO,
some £5O, and others smaller sums, for the object
of supplying arms for the defence of Central Italy
against any attempt to reimpose upon her the yoke
of Austrian or Bourbon Princes. Why, then,
should England now be accused of degrading Italy
by her assistance, and why should the Italians be
charged with want of self-respect by accepting
these marks of British sympathy ?
We certainly did not think to fail in our self-
respect by not allowing to pass over in silence and
without a word of gratitude those generous offers,
that proved so efficaciously the sympathy of the
British nation for our cause, or despising them as a
charity of which Italy was not in need.
And, to certify our gratitude to those from whom
these noble offers emanated, we could not do other-
wise than promote the formation of a committee
intrusted with the reception of such gratuitous
offers, and so give a point d'appui to such sym-
pathy.
We have, moreover, expressed our wish that an
authoritative member of the British nation should
preside over that committee, in which the English
element was to predominate. Is it, then, want of
self-respeet thus to show our esteem and gratitude
towards a nation that so nobly advocates our cause?
The reply given to us by Lord Shaftesbury clearly
states that whatever might be contributed would
be received by the Italians more as a mark of Byrn•
pathy than as a material help in the difficulties that
surround them.

Neither in our letter nor in the answer above-
stated is there one word expressing the thought of
depending at all upon such demonstations, or of
looking for assistance from without instead of the
use of our strength.
Such a thought, unworthy of ourselves, and of
our countrymen, who in 1848 and 1859 bravely re-
futed the malignant assertion, Les Millen: ne se
battent pas,—such a thought, we say, could never
be attributed to us, even hypothetically, by the
Times, as it has done in the article of Friday, the
16th inst.

We request you, sir, to give insertion at your
earliest convenience, in your paper, to this our an-
swer, which, if you are impartial, as we doubt not,
you will not withhold from your readers.—We re-
main, sir, your obedient servants,
G. F. AVESANI.
JOHN B. ROCCA.
G. DERINCENZI.
L. SERENATI.
B. FABBRICOTTI.
1, Leinster-terrace, Hyde-park.

LIBERTY OF THE PRESS IN FRANCE.

The following is the text of the circular, relative
to the liberty of the press in France, an abstract of
which has already appeared in the columns of this
paper :

" Paris, Sept. 18, 1859.
" M. le Prefet,—By a recent act, which was in-
spired by a noble sentiment of conciliation, all the
journals of Paris and of the departments have been
relieved of the warnings with which they had be-n

visited. -
" In giving this example of his goodwill towards
the French press, the Emperor has again proved
that the moderation of his policy is equal to the
force of his authority ; his generous and high pre-
rogative has effaced the rigours which had become
nEcessary in the interest of society.
"All the journals at present in existence, and
which had been affected by the application of Art.
32 of the decree• of the 17th of February, 1852,

thus escape the consequences of the measures they
had incurred, and find themselves in the face of
this decree in the same position as if it were a new
law.
" It seems to me, then, to be necessary to refer
to its principles, and to explain to you the spirit in
which I conceive of its application, so far as the
duties devolving on the Administration are con-

corn ed.
" The decree of the 17th February, 1852, is not,
as has too often been said, a law for the occasion,
born of a social crisis, and which could not be
suitable to ordinary times. Like all other political
laws, this one is no doubt susceptible of ame-
liorations, the utility of which might appear from
experience ; but the principles upon which the
decree of 1852 is founded are intimately connected
with the restoration of authority in France, and
with the constitution of the unity of power upon the
basis of universal suffrage.
The Emperor's Government is not afraid of the
fair discussion of its acts ; it is strong enough to
fear no attack. Its basis is too wide, its po-
licy is too national, its administration too pure, for
falsehood and calumny to take away anything. of its
moral power. But if it is protected by its incon-
testible force even against the abuses of liberty,
there are considerations, independent of any fear,
and deirved solely from the public interest, that
oblige it not to renounce those leg al weapons which,
in a great comitry like France, and under a regtnie
that is the most complete expression of the national
will, are securities and not restrictions.
" The right of displaying and publishing their
Opinions, which belongs to all Frenchmen, is a con-
quest of 1789, which cannot be taken away from a
people so enlightened as that of France; but this
right must not be confounded with the exercise of
the liberty of the press by means of periodical
journals.
" Journals are co:lective agencies organised within
the State, and they have under every regime been
subjected to special regulations. The State has
then its rights and its' duties as to exceptional
measures of precaution and surveillance for journals,
and when it reserves to itself the power of repress-
ing their excesses by administrative interposition, it
does not restrict liberty of thought, but only employs
a method of protecting the interests of society. The
employment of this method of protection, which in-
contestably belongs to it, implies a spirit of great
justice, moderation, and firmness.
" I will add that in the matter of administrative
jurisdiction over the press a due measure is especially
necessary ; and I cannot dwell too much upon this
point. Because it is the will and the duty of Go-
vernment not to iet the principle of its authority be
weakened in its hands, it cannot therefore bring to
bear upon liberty of discussion any restrictions ex-
cept those which are enjoined by respect for the
constitution, and by the interests of order, public
morality, and religion.
" The Government will thus, far from imposing a
servile approbation of its acts, always tolerate seri-
ous contradictions ; it will not confound the right
of control with systematic opposition and calculated
malevolence. The Government asks no better than
to leave its authority enlightened by discussion,
but it will never permit society to be troubled by
guilty incitements and hostile passions.
" Finally, M. le Prefet, I only rely upon your en-
tire zeal to discharge this part of your functions. In
the co-operation which you will have to give me
you will equally avoid, on the one hand, that weak-
ness which would allow of licence, and on the other
hand, that exaggeration by which liberty would be
restricted. In this manner you will enter into the
Emperor's views and merit his approbation. Ac-
cept the assurance of my distinguished considera-
tion.
" The Minister of the Interior, Duke of PADUA.'

THE FINANCIAL REFORM AGITATION. The
Liverpool Financial Reformers intend opening their cam-
paign against the Customs' duties referred to in The Sun of
yesterday by a grand demonstration, to come off early in
November, at Liverpool. Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright have
promised to attend and take part in the proceedings. The
crusade, when thus inaugurated, is to be carried on vigorously
during the winter months by public meetings being held
throughout the country, the members of the Council hav-
ing promised to lend active assistance in prosecuting the
objects of the association. The war-cry of the campaign,
we understand, is to be "An untaxed breakfast and tea
table for the working-classes ;" the argument being that
the time is come when there should be untaxed tea and
coffee as well as untaxed bread.