The Sun.
London, England, 1866-01-29 00:00:00

THE " SATURDAY REVIEW" ON THE NEW PAR-
LIAMENT.—The House of Commons which will meet
for the first time on Thursday includes, as might
have been expected after a Parliament of unusual
duration, a large proportion of new members.
About one-fourth has yet to acquire Parliamentary
experience, and the entire assembly meets under
new conditions. The outside world—or the laity,
9,5. non-professional persons are called by the
initiated—ahnost always undervalues the force of
special' influences on those who are associated by a
common vocation. The honour of the army, the
etiquette of lawyers and doctors, the manners and
customs of exclusive and refined society, command
a respect and obedience which are less uniformly
accorded to public opinion. In the House of Com-
mons, as in other organised bodies, one of the most
cherished traditions prescribes habitual deference to
old members, and more especially to recognised
heads of parties. Political observers and theorists
are often as competent as practical statesmen to ap-
preciate the balance of national interests, and to
discern the general tendency of public affairs; but
as long as Government is controlled by a delibera-
tive assembly, the characters of Parliamentary
leaders 'will possess great importance. Veteran
members probably overrate the qualities which
enable a Minister to control the House of Com-
mons ; but the opposite error of believing in the
supremacy of rhetoric and argument is more gene-
rally prevalent. Mr. Disraeli said, in his " Life of
Lord George Bentinck," that although there had
been greater statesmen and greater orators, Sir
Robert Peel was, of all men who had lived in Eng-
land, the greatest member of Parliament. His tact,
Insvigilance, and his sympathy with the motives which
sway the House of Commons enabled him to exer-
cise commanding influence even at periods when his
person and his policy were unpopular in the country
at large. Lord Palmerston, whose speeches were
barely grammatical, also approached to greatness as
a member of Parliament. The flock which he guided
is, for the present, scattered abroad, in uncertain
expectation of a tolerably competent shepherd.
Strong political excitement may for a time secure
the discipline which is the necessary condition of
vigorous action ; but inexperienced members find,
with some surprise, that in ordinary Sessions the
intentions of half, a dozen of their colleagues are
more curiously scrutinised than the patriotic inspira-
tions of their constituencies. Like every club and
corporation of Englishmen, the House of Commons
a hierarchyin which the pretensions of new-corners
are not readily accepted. Many successful candi-
dates who have lately announced their intentions of
supporting moderate or sweeping reforms will find
that their choice will be confined to two or three
political alternatives, on which they will not have
been themselves consulted. There will, indeed, be
no difficulty in following the trail of the Liberal
party, if it acts together ; but that the leader will not
command a ready obedience has yet to be discovered.
The distinct character which may be observed in
almost every separate Parliament depends largely
on the continuance or interruption of personal asso-
ciations. If new members find it necessary to select
a leader, they may have the consolation of knowing
that the dependence is reciprocal. The general can-
not rely as confidently on raw recruits as on hi 3
comrades in former campaigns. The effects of a
general election on the internal discipline of the
House of Commons were remarkably illustrated
after the dissolution of 1852. From the date of
Lord Althorp's retirement in 1834, Lord John
Russell had retained, during three Parliaments,
undisputed supremacy iu his party. As the leader
of a feeble Opposition, from 1841 to 1846, and as
Prime Minister from 1846 to 1852, he had not to add
to other failures and disappointments the vexation of
giving way to a rival. His imprudent rupture with
Lord Palmerston, in 'the winter of 1851, first
drove the Whig party from power, and then pro-
vided it with a more acceptable chief. It was re-
marked that the new members of 1852 knew nothing,
of Lord John Russell, and that they willingly. ten-
dered their allegiance to his genial competitor. It
is true that, on the formation of Lord Aberdeen's Go-
vernment, the former Prime Minister assumed the
lead of the House of Commons, but in 1855 Lord
John Russell was forced to take office under Lord
Palmerston, and he never succeeded in re-establish-
ing their former relation. In 1857, when the un-
placed Liberals had coalesced with Mr. Disraeli and
Mr. Cobden against the Government, Lord Pal-
merston obtained, by a dissolution, an irresistible
majority which was pledged only to support his
personal claims to power. The Parliament of 1859,
though it was elected on a different issue, was
even more steadily loyal to the Minister whom its
earliest vote recalled to power. Mr. Gladstone,
who, after Lord John Russell's promotion to the
peerage, was Lord Palmerston's only competitor,
was entirely unable to secure a personal following,
even when the pros-eel-4y of his financial admini-
stration was most generally acknowledged. Towards
the end of his life Lord Palmerston was more often
outvoted in the Cabinet than in the House of Com-
mons. If lie had met the present Parliament, still
retaining the vigour of his faculties, he would pro-
bably have succeeded in extending over the new
generation the influence which would been once
more acknowledged by the political survivors of the
dissolution. Future calculations are complicated
by the utter dissimilarity of the designated successor.
to the statesman whose vacant place he occupies.
Lord Russell in his elevated scat is a mere name,
which-to the majority of the House of Commons
-conveys no impressive meaning. All politicians
are waiting in anxious expectation to ascertain
whether Mr. Gladstone has the gift of leading a
party, and where he intends to take his followers.
A great orator who advocates popular opinions
human nature and of
party chief if . lie
ismadyeficnieevnetr tihnelkenssowflaiedlgeaosf a
the nature of the house of Commons. Mr. Bright,
who is equal to Mr. Gladstone in eloquence and
perhaps in general ability, will for the first time find
himself the acknowledged leader of a not inconsi-
derable section. Experience will show whether the
extreme Liberals have acquired additional strength
by the unity of command which has been caused by
the death of Mr. Cobden. Mr. Bright is a more
powerful orator than his fri▪
end and colleague, and
he is a more resolute and uncompromising partisan.
On certain occasions, vigour and concentration of
purpose are essential to success ; but a small mino-
rity has a better chance of holding the balance when
it is inclined to compromise and conciliation. Mr.
Cobden was, as compared wi▪ th his coadjutor, mode-
rate, dispassionate, and loyal to the institutions of
his country. There is no reason to suppose that he
preferred America to -England ; and it happened
that, notwithstanding a constant political alliance,
he disliked the sectarian peculiarities of Dissenters.
If Lord John Russell had been bold enough to
admit Mr. Cobden to the Cabinet in 1846, he would
probably have converted him into a thoroughly Eng-
lish statesman. Had the same experiment been
tried upon Mr. Bright, its success would have been
far more doubtful. It is yet uncertain whether the
Radical party will have a second or rival leader in
Mr. Mill. No new member will have a claim to
equal authority if the tendency to dogmatism and
the propensity to crochets, 'which may be traced in
his writings, are suppressed in the House of Com-
mons. Mr. Mill is said to be a forcible and per-
spicuous speaker, and he will from the first com-
mand the attention which ordinary aspirants must
earn. If the reconstruction of the Cabinet had been
postponed for two or three sessions, Mr. Mill might
possibly have occupied one of the seats which have
been filled with so unaccountable a degree of
difficulty ; but some time must, in any event,
elapse before his character and influence will
become an element of political calculation. Mr.
Bright is unusually active and' prominent, regard-
ing perhaps with excusable indifference the desire of
his Liberal friends that he should efface or conceal
for a time the power which he undoubtedly exercises.
Lord Russell would be deeply disappointed by the
failure of -a Reform Bill which is to bring, as he
hopes, the close of his political life in harmony with
his earlier career ; but Mr. Bright would find much
comfort in the agitation which might perhaps be
kindled by a Parliamentary
defeat. Weakness of
parties, confusion of opinions, and frequent changes
of Ministry would be eminently favourable to re-
volutionary designs. The doctrines which attri▪ bute
great importance to the action of individual persons
are countenanced by the present state of poli▪ tical
affairs. If Lord Russell had not thought it his
business to be a Reformer, there would now
be no impending Reform Bill; while, on the
other hand, if Lord Palmerston had died
three or four years sooner, the question would
have been earlier mooted. It is by a mere
accident that Mr. Gladstone is not at this moment
the Conservative leader ; and Mr. Bright consti-
tutes
almost alone, both the strength and weak-
ness of the extreme Reformers. Unless Mr.
Goschen's advance in Parliamentary influence cor-
responds to his rapid official promotion, no mem-
ber of the Cabinet except Mr. Gladstone will pos-
sess any considerable power over the opinions of
the House of Commons. The rising, members of
the last Parliament will profit by the addition to the
new house of a considerable audience whichis at the
same time familiar with their reputation, and indif-
ferent to its recent origin. Lord Cranborne will
possess with his party the authority which belongs
influence
which an established position, as well as the
which follows the exhibition of great ability, joined
to indefatigable industry and untiring vigour. Mr.
Hardy's solidity
will perhaps supersede, in Con-
servative estimation, the more antiquated solem-
nity of Sir John Pakington. On the other side of
the House, unsophisticated new-comers may perhaps
show a surprising appreciation of Mr. Lowe's almost
unparliameutary tendency to express independent

THE " SPECTATOR" ON TIIE PROBABILITY OF DE-
FEAT TO THE COMING REFORM BILL.--The Minis-
terial organs, the journals which raise party
etiquette into a creed, and all speakers at public
meetings connected with the Government are ca-
rolling in somewhat reedy voices to the same
scrannel tune. A Reform Bill is inevitable, and
the first duty of the Ministry therefore is to intro-
duce a bill which shall be acceptable to Parliament.
We deny it. Even if we accept Mr. Milner Gib-
son's astounding assertion that the Government
" will propose a measure which at the present time
will confer benefits on the public, and, with regard
to the future, will leave the future to take care of
itself, and leave other statesmen, if they think fit
to deal with the question, to decide what is best
for their time,"—an assertion which denies to the
Cabinet not only the possession of foresight, but
even a sense of the duty of exercising it,—still the
proposition is untrue. The duty of ministers is to
introduce that bill which shall seem to them calcu-
lated to do more good than any other likely to be
accepted by the country at large. If they, believ-
ing universal suffrage to be the scheme best calcu-
lated to promote the interests of the empire, still
perceiVe that the country will not accept universal
suffrage, they are morally at liberty to postpone it
in favour of a smaller Reform. But they are not
at liberty to abandon the scheme in which they
themselves believe, simply because Mr. Brand
thinks, after a careful counting of heads and cal-
culation of the patronage at his disposal, that un-
less some presumably hostile section within the
House can be secured, the bill will in all probability
involve the defeat of the Ministry or a dissolution.
This is what is meant by a bill being " unaccept-
able to Parliament," and it is by this consideration
that the Cabinet appears to us to be at present
guiding itself. A principle more unsound, both as
to its morality and its statesmanship, was never
openly extolled ; as to its morality, because the
first duty of political leaders is to do the best they'
can for the country careless of consequences to
themselves ; as to statesmanship, because the ulti-
mate appeal on such questions must and ought to lie
to a body higher than Parliament. It must lie, be-
cause whether the bill passes or not its introduction
will be followed by a new election during which the
country will pronounce an irresistible verdict ; and
it ought to lie for a reason which we can make clear
by an illustration. Suppose Parliament to pass a
law allowing or ordering all existing members of
the House of Commons to sit for life. Such a law
is clearly within the legal competence of Parliament
just as much as a law that they shall sit for seven
years is within its legal competence. But does any
one pretend to say that such a law would be con-
stitutional, or would involve a moral duty of
obedience, or would be anything except a coup
d'etat executed by arbitrary power? The reason
is plain. Be the agent never so absolute in his
agency, he can never possess the right to dismiss
his employer, and Parliament with all its theoretic
autocracy is, as regards the nation, and even as
regards the enfranchised class of the nation, such an
agent. As a rule no doubt it is far better that there
should be no reference, that the silent adhesion of
the country to the passed measure should be deemed
sufficient, but when the question is one of the re-
distribution of power, of the virtual extinction of
one set of employers in favour of another, the em-
ployers themselves have a Tight to be directly con-
sulted. Even if a bill like the Reform Bill could
pass like an ordinary measure it would be highly
inexpedient that it should so pass. We cannot
imagine any change of feeling in the country more
mischievous than the idea that the franchise is a
matter of which Parliament has the absolute con-
trol, that it is open to the dominant party to modify
it for its own convenience, or in order to secure its
own permanent power without a reference back to
the nation and the electors. We can conceive a
dozen changes which the Houses might be inclined
to accept, which yct would in their result stereotype,
and, therefore, in the end destroy, the Constitution.
It is, however, of little use to carry the argument
back to the irst principles either of justice or of
constitutional law. The plain matter of fact is,
that the Catinet has on this question to look to the
constituencies as the final arbiter. The non-electors
are not enthusiastic -enough to coerce their trustees.
The members of the Lower House are not in earnest
enough to resist the biddings and warnings, and
reprimands which will be contained in the shoal
of constituents' letters which they will receive within
a week of the publication of the bill. The Peers are
not frightened enough to allow a measure they dis-
approve to pass. Consequently the Ministry has to
look outside the walls of the Palace atWestminster,
and outside it we feel convinced their one-barrelled
bill, if they finally resolve to introduce it, will meet
with no sufficient favour. We do not mean to say
they cannot carry- an £8 suffrage if they choose
without a dissolution, or one fixing the qualification
at £9 9s. 91., or any meaningless measure of that
kind, which nobody would dream either of resisting
or approving, or considering, except with a languid
contempt. But a real bill, which shall in a percep-
tible degree reduce the franchise, say to a £6 qua-
lification, and do that alone, will, we confidently
believe, be under some form or another referred to
the people. Whom among the electors is it to con-
ciliate ? Not the Tories, for they have been care-
fully instructed that the bill is only to be prelimi-
nary to a succession of bills which, after two pre-
cedents have been set at an interval of a generation
must all advance in the same direction. Not the
educated Liberals, for they, if they remain true to
themselves, will reject any bill which, by fixing a
mere qualification by rental, leads the way directly
to the rule of numbers. Above all, not the immense
mass of Liberal electors, who see clearly that phy-
sical force is outside the Constitution, who are
heartily willing that it should be brought inside,
but who are anxious while including it not to be
ousted themselves, and are above all things desirous
that the question should for this generation end.
Such a bill will please only the Radicals, who hope
that with the Conservative.voters reduced from one-
half of the borough constituencies to less than one-
third—this is Mr. Baines's own calculation—they
shall be able to carry bills the existing constituency
would refuse seriously to consider. Are the Radicals
sufficient to carry the bill in the teeth of the secret
dislike of all other classes ? We disbelieve
it entirely, even had they the earnest sup-
port of the non-electors, and this they will
not have. The English masses have never yet
moved except under the inspiration of an idea,
and what idea is to be obtained out of a £6 fran-
chise? The workmen will see that their represen-
tation is as far off as ever, their special views--and
if they have no views, why represent afresh what is
represented ?—being swamped in the overwhelming
majority of the middle class, and no othCr non-
electors, except the smallest shopkeepers, will be
enfranchised at all. The Reform Bill of 1832 in-
volved a redistribution of power, and the cry of
" The Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the
Bill I" showed that the nation felt this, but who is
going to be enthusiastic for £6 instead of £lO ? A
couple of dozen members perhaps like Mr. Baines
himself, whose seats it will place beyond the possi-
bility of attack. Universal suffrage is an idea, so
is household suffrage, so is the representation of
workmen, but a £6 franchise ! what does that mean?
Will any one constituency in England, supposing
Mr. Baines's figures correct, be able if it choose to
Send up a workman as its representative, or indeed
do anything except return without a struggle the
members whom it returns now with one? There
will be no enthusiasm whatever, and without en-
thusiasm the secret consciousness of every con-
stituency that on the whole it would rather keep
power, and the open consciousness of the little
boroughs that the new Prrliament would execute
them, will suffice to reject the bill.
THE " EXAMINER " ON OUTRAGES IN RAILWAY
CARRIAGES.—An engine-driver has risked his life,
and the lives of all in the train, in protecting a poor
girl against outrage, and a guard on the Caledonian
line has miserably lost his life in the same manly
endeavour. Upon the Eastern line the conduct of
a man to a young female passenger excited the
suspicions of the engine-driver, and he passed along
by the buffers, holding on by the lamp-irons, to the
compartment in whieh the two passengers were
placed, when he saw enough to satisfy him of the
intentions of the man and the unwillingness of the
girl. The driver's appearance alarmed and stopped
the ruffian for the moment, but.a•second visit which
he made at the same rieksrthinking the attempt would

be renewed, was only just in time to prevent the
worst outrage. The fellow was taken into custody
brought before an Essex bench, and fined £2O,
which was paid forthwith. The scoundrelly defence
was that the girl was a consenting party, a calumny
which was clearly disproved by the evidence of the
driver, who had seen her distress from the com-
mencement of the molestation. The falsehood and
villany of the defence ought to have placed the ruf-
fian in the dock to answer the more serious charge
of an assault with criminal intent, but this just course
was not taken, and the fellow got off with a pay-
ment of £2O. We suppose the proceeding was for
the breach of the company's bye-law in the moles-
tation of a passenger, but so bad a case should not
have been dealt with under so inadequate a law,
which awards only small pecuniary penalties. When
the worst feature of it appeared, the false and in-
jurious defence, that line of proceeding should have
been dropped, and a criminal prosecution substi-
tuted, which might have sent the fellow to jail and
hard labour for some months. But it is astonishing
how insensible and indifferent magistrates, and
judges, too, are to the wickedness of false defences.
They seem to think any defence fair, no matter how
much it may aggravate the offence. For malicious
prosecutions the law provides remedy and punish.
meat, and why not also for malicious defence, such
as that to which we are adverting. What could be
more injurious to the poor girl than the base he of
consent. It was calculated to ruin her character for
ever, and may yet have its malignant effect, as there
are people always prone to believe the worst, not-
withstanding the distinct and thoroughly trust-
worthy evidence of the engine-driver. On the
Caledonian line a lady had complained to a guard
of excellent character, named G. Hogg, of a man's
attempts to take liberties with her, and Hogg de-
termined to keep a watch on the fellow. Hogg is
supposed to have been walking along the top of the
train to look down the lamp hole into the carriage,
when, in passing under a bridge, which he had pro-
bably not observed, intent as he may have been
on his generous errand, lie was knocked off and
killed. Now one of these brave men risked, and
the other lost, his life in furnishing the protection
to female passengers which ought to be the business
of companies. They object to the surest means of
surveillance by the gangway plank along the line of
carriages, that it endangers the lives of the `guards;
but here we see that an engine driver could make
his way along without the aid of any plank,
while the poor guard was unluckily killed when
walking'along the roofs of the carriages. The much-
talked-of danger to life from the external gangway
amounts to this, that the Belgians report the loss of
a man a year. But Belgians are not the most adroit
of men, and it would be extraordinary indeed if our
guards could not walk with safety along a plank a
couple of feet wide, while our seamen can find a
sure footing upon a surface not a fourth of that
breadth, and gather in or spread a sail flapping with
the force of half a gale of wind. This will be re-
marked, that all easy and practicable means of
communication between passengers and guards com-
panies will discountenance on some plea or other;
but the most preposterously absurd plans for the
same object they will gravely entertain and con-
sider, simply because they must be rejected after a
make-believe of a wish to come to a result.
TIIE "LONDON REVIEW" ON TIIE ORATORICAL
POWERS OF MR. GLADSTONE, MR. DISRAELI, AND
MR. BRIGHT.—Mr. Gladstone possesses the copia
dicendi in an eminent degree. His wealth of words
is marvellous, and the unfaultering fluency with
which they are poured forth. His ideas are also
remarkable for clearness, order, and cohesion, and
his general treatment of subjects may justly be
called exhaustive. His divisions are sometimes a
little too mechanical, and one cannot now hear of
the regular " three courses" without a smile. A.
great element of his power as an orator is his intense
subjectivity. He so identifies himself with his sub-
ject, he so makes it, as it were, a cause to be con-
tended for tanquam pro aril et finis, that the depth
of his convictions for the time being gives to his
matter a force, and to his manner an earnestness,
that never fail to make an impression. But this
subjectivity is also a source of weakness when it
leads him to propound what seem to him political
or economical truths with a dogmatical authority
that will not brook correction or dissent. He seems
to convey in so defiant a manner his settled and im-
perturbable assurance that any one who presumes
to differ from him must be wrong, and wrong with
so hopeless an imbecility in error that further argu-
ment would be wasted upon him, that he often fails
to convert to his way of thinking men whom a more
persuasive and condescending style of reasoning
would easily gain over. It is unnecessary to say
how successful has been his management of the pub-
lic resources, or how frequently he has taken a Par-
liamentary majority almost by storm, and gained
from all quarters the support of measures which had
previously been regarded by many with disfavour.
But, nevertheless, we do not consider his Budget
speeches, as a rule, the best of his oratorical efforts ;
and the " City men" who sit them out, in order to '
have the first and fullest exposition of his intended
policy, generally complain of weariness at the close.
They were more satisfied, on the whole, with Sir
George Lewis, wretched speaker as he was ; but
Mr. Goschen, whenever in the fulness of time he
becomes Mr. Gladstone's Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, will be just the man for them. Mr. Gladstone
may be.called, we think, the Tennyson of finance ;
for he brings to his public expositions of it not only
the powers of his reason, but also the resources of
his imagination, and clothes them with a beauty of
diction and richness of illustration which men de- I
light to hear. Still it is not less true that a simpler
treatment would generally be more effective, that
subordinate parts of the subject are sometimes de-
veloped with too much diffuseness, and that the
artist often prevails over the statesman in these elabo-
rate efforts. Mr. Gladstone's delivery is very good.
i His voice, f not powerful, is clear and judiciously
modulated, his enunciation distinct, though natural
and unaffected, and his gesture, though sparingly
used, and not remarkably graceful, easy, and ap-
propriate. Mr. Disraeli has few, if any, points of
contact, and many of contrast, with his great an-
tagonist. Ilis great defect as an orator is the want
of that subjectivity of which Mr. Gladstone has
rather too much. That Mr. Disraeli is never in
earnest, it would be unjust and absurd to think,
and that there are many principles of public policy
which he advocates from conviction is very pro-
bable. But the appearance of hesitation and effort
with which he often speaks gives a disinterested and
impartial auditor the impression that his words are
not so much the signs of his inward ideas, as
attempts, sometimes painful 2nd not quite suc-
cessful, to give expression to opinions that are
struggling for utterance in the minds of others ;
that he is speaking not exactly what he thinks, but
rather what others may like to hear, or lie may
wish them to believe. We have no doubt, how-
ever, that this hesitation is often affected, and we
have remarked it at times when it seemed carefully
designed to give more effect to keen invective or
biting sarcasm. On comparatively rare occasions,
when there is some great personal interest in that
debate, or when the peculiar cuargcteristics of an
opponent have led him upon some happy vein of
humour, it is very pleasant to hear him. His man-
ner, so often languid and listless, becomes warm
and animated, his face is lit up with a glow of
comic enjoyment, his words come out freely and
with a brisker emphasis—and the unhappy wight
upon whom he is giving for the time, as it were,
an anatomical demonstration, wriggles uncomfort-
ably in his seat, and adds, by his evident sen-
sibility under the operation, to the general
amusement. No long ago, the Times reminded
us of the confusion caused in Lord Aberdeen's Ca-
binet by the sort of moral psoriasis with which
Lord Russell became afflicted in consequence of
one of Mr. Disrael's sallies. The incident illus-
trates what we have just been saying, and is
worth recalling. When Lord Aberdeen formed
his Coalition Ministry, Lord John of course could
not be left out, and yet was not able to make up
his mind for the acceptance of any subordinate
office. It was arranged, then, that for a time at
least he should have a seat in the Cabinet without
office: But a man of so active a mind, and who
was besides the leader of the Lower House, was sure
to have a great deal of not merely private corre-
spondence, and, after a while, an office was taken'
for him in Lancaster-place, near Somerset House.
This was an opportunity for Mr. Disraeli, who very
soon took occasion to deplore most feelingly in the
house the equivocal and incongruous position which
a statesman of the noble lord's great eminence and
services occupied in the new Administration. He
really could not imagine what the noble lord's du-
ties were. He had heard of an office being taken
for him in Lancaster-place. Perhaps the noble lord
had been appointed toll-keeper of Waterloo-bridge.
The house was convulsed with merriment ; but Lord
John took the matter so seriously that a new distri-
bution. of Government offices had to be made at
once, with great indifference to the convenience of
the parties displaced, and the Presidency of the
Council was the salve with which the wounded dig-
nity of the Great Unemployed was healed. In the
same high rank with Mr. Gladstone and Mr.
Disraeli, as a public speaker, Mr. Bright has un-
doubtedly a right to be placed. He does not speak
nearly so often ix Parliament as either, but his style
of oratory, either there or at public meetings, ab-
stracted from the subject matter of his speeches, is
as worthy of admiration and imitation as almost any
model in our language. As distinguished from Mr.
Gladstone, Mr. Bright's best efforts have .more of
Demosthenic power and concentration than of Cice-
ronian copiousness and finish. His English is pure,
terse,. nervous, and masculine, clothing earnest
thoughts in vigorous and telling words. He does
not always or often carry the house with him, be-
..