The Sun.
London, England, 1835-05-18 00:00:00

CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT.

Samuel Mitchell, a very respectable-looking man, thirty-
nine years of age, and described as a messenger in the
Treasury-office, was indicted for stealing twenty reams of
paper. twenty reams of writing paper, one hundred books,
twenty pounds of sealing wax, five hundred pens, and an ink-
stand, from the Treasury Chambers, the property of the King.
Mr. A DOLPHUS stated the case for the prosecution.
John Carter, police inspector, was then called as a wit-
ness, but a conversation having taken place between Mr. C.
Phillips, Counsel for the prisoner, and Mr. Adolphus, and a
communication havirv, been made to the prisoner, he with-
drew his plea of Not Guilty, and pleaded Guilty.
Mr. C. PHILLIPS then very strongly recommended him
to mercy, on the ground of the excellent character he had
previously enjoyed. He had already, by the offence of
which he was guilty, lost a situation of 150/. a year in a
Government office, which would have kept himself, his wife,
and family, comfortable for life.

Mr. W. Holmes, of No. 10, Grafton-street, a gentleman
well known in the political world, and who had for many
years been Treasurer of the Ordnance, stated that the pri-
soner had been eleven years in his service. That he had
received the strongest recommendation with him. That
during the eleven years he had been in his service he had
conducted himself in the most exemplary manner, and that
he parted with him with the greatest reluctance. He pro-
cured for him the situation in the Treasury.
Mr. G. Arbuthnot, of the Treasury, the Private Secre-
tary to Mr. Stanley, spoke of the prisoner to the same effect.
The COMMON SERGEANT—My doubt is, whether the
Court can deal with this case in a different way from that
in which it would deal with any other.
Mr. PHILLIPS—My Lord, this is the prisoner's first of-
fence, and your Lordship has always made the observation
and acted on it, that that ought to mitigate the sentence.
The COMMON SERGEANT—That is in cases where ser-
vants have robbed their masters.

Mr. C. PHILLIPS—This, my Lord, is a less aggravated
case. Here no person has been robbed—it is only the
public.
The COMMON SERGEANT—WeII, I have still my doubts
whether the Court can act differently in this from what it
would in any other case ; but I shall speak to the Judges
on the subject.

The weather still continues cold at Paris. A let-
ter from Volney states that Burgundy has suffered equally with
the more 'southern wine districts from the late frosts.

STATUE OF CHARLES IL—On Sunday morn-
ing the equestrian statue of Charles the Second was released
from the Calton Jail, Edinburgh, and replaced in the Parlia-
ment Square upon a handsome new pedestal.
The young artist, Bates, whose unfortunate acci-
dent we before described, died on Tuesday morninm, in the
28th year of his age. The poor fellow had become delirious
from the pain of his shattered arm ; and, in one of his tits of
agony, violently tore away the bandages from it. The bones
again protruding, caused mortification, and death was the na-
tural consequonce.--Jersey Argus.

FEMALE PREACHERS.—A respectable young
woman from a neighbouring village has for some time been a
preacher among the Primitive Methodists or Ranters ; on
Sunday morning she addressed a meeting at Bullingham, and
in the evening preached at the chapel in this city. She pos-
sesses great fluency of speech, is remarkably fervent in prayer,
and appears to be intimately acquainted with the Scriptures.
There are other female preachers in the same connexion.—
HereArd Journal.

CONSOLING POSSIBILITY.—.When I see an
afflicted and unhappy man, I say to myself, there is, perhaps,
a man whom the world would envy if they knew the value of
his sorrows, which are possibly intended only to soften his
heart, and to turn his affections towards their proper centre.—
Cowper, Letter 88.

Washingon Irving, in his new volume of miscella-
nies, relates the following anecdote as one told him of Lord
Byron by Nanny Smith, an ancient domestic at Newstead
Abbey :—" One time Lord Byron took a notion that there
was a
.great deal of money buried about the abbey by the
monks in old times, and nothing would serve him but he must
have the flagging taken up in the cloisters • and they digged
and digged, but found nothing but stone coffins full of bones.
Then he must needs have one of the coffins put in one
end of the great hall, so that the servants were afraid to go
there of nights. Several of the skulls were cleaned and put
in frames in his room. I used to have to go into the room at
night to shut the windows; and if I glanced an eye at them
they all seemed to grin, which I believe skulls always do. I
can't say but I was glad to get out of the room."
Disturbances have occurred among the agricultural
labourers at Bedford, and an express reached town on
Thursday, soliciting the assistance of the Metropolitan Police.
We understand that the paupers demanded relief in money,
and upon the refusal of their demands they attacked the house
in which the guardians were essembled, broke the windows,
and threatened further violence. The local magistrates be-
came alarmed, and finding the civil force of the town wholly
inadequate to the preservation of the peace, made application
for assistance to the Home-office, upon which twenty men of
the metropolitan police were despatched to their aid. The
appearance of this force immediately restored order, and
through their exertions ten of the ringleaders have been ar-
rested, and lodged in prison.—Observer.

PROTESTANT SOCIETY FOR THE PROTEC-
TION OF RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
The 24th Anniversary of this Society was held at the Cit‘
of London Tavern on Saturday last. Lord Broughan
having accepted the invitation to preside at the meeting, th(
great room was inconveniently filled by thousands of persons
long before his Lordship's arrival. On entering the room
he was greeted by the most cordial cheering.
His LORDSHIP then opened the business of the day 191
observing that it gave him unmixed satisfaction to meet se
large and respectable a body of his fellow-citizens on thal
occasion, because that which brought them together was th(
most respectable, and, he would add, the most sacred of all
feelings—the duty of protecting the unrestrained freedom of
conscience.—( Cheers.) It gave him further satisfaction to
feel (though that was a less consideration) that he then had
the honour of occupyiug a chair which had been filled upon
former occasions of a like nature by some of the most dis-
tinguished and tried friends of civil and religious liberty who
have existed in any age or adorned any nation. When he
reminded them of the successor to the name and virtues of
Charles Fox—he meant his noble and loved friend Lord
Holland; when he mentioned to them the name of
another friend who bore the title and inherited the
virtues of one of the martyrs to freedom of conscience
—he meant of Lord John Russell—(loud cheers),—who
laid down his life for that cause which brought them together
that day, he need add no more—for those two names of his
illustrious predecessors were enough to shed a lustre around
the chair which he unworthily filled. With them he had hum-
bly been the advocate of the same principles which led the
ancestor of the one to the block, and which would have led
the ancestor of the other to the same glorious fate, if he La,.
lived in a less enlightened age than ours. But tl:one was one
consideration which damped the pleasure that those feelings
were calculated to give. The first question that would present
itself to the mind of any foreigner from any of the liberal
parts of Europe, and from all parts of America, would be,
" I see a numerous, respectable, wealthy, and powerful society,
established in the middle of the nineteenth century—for what?
To promote knowledge ? To diffuse learning F No—but to
protect men in the exercise of their consciences.—( Cheers.)
Why it is monstrous—as well might you have a society to
protect men in the exercise of the right of breathing the
air, or seeing the light ; yet such is the fact : there is this
Society, and I grieve and am ashamed to say it cannot
be dispensed with ; its existence is still necessary among
us." As a proof of this necessity, the Noble Lord adverted
to the case of Mr. Childs, who is now in Ipswich gaol
because he conscientiously refused to pay 17s. 6(1. for
church-rates to the churchwardens of Bungay. He then
proceeded to explain what were the immediate practical
objects to be obtained in furtherance of religious liberty. As
regarded politics they were on perfectly neutral ground, and
all parties might here conscientiously unite without giving up
their respective opinions. On this question he as a Church-
man identified his case with that of the Dissenters, for Dr.
Paley, a great teacher of natural and Christian theology,
though he took the bulk of his arguments, and almost the
whole of his materials, from Dr. Lardncr, who was a Dis-
senter, and a great friend of the Established Church—and it
was a scandal to Mr. Pitt and his friends that such a man
descended unmitred to his grave—he looked forward to a time
when it was possible that the Church might be in a minority,
and his opinion distinctly was, that then the Established

Church should be of that religion which was the religion of the
majority of the country. It was, therefore, the interest of

Churchmen, as well as Dissenters, to take away all intolerant
principles from our code of laws, and all persecuting practices
in the administration of those laws. First, with regard te
Church Rates—he hoped that there would be an end to that
imposition. It stood on perfectly different ground from tithes,
for though they bought their property subject to Church Rates,
yet the same thing might be said against taking off any tax,
however detestable. Suppose his conscientious opinion was
against stage plays, whereas it was only matter of taste which
did not lead him to the theatre, having no conscientious feel-
ing upon the subject—but suppose he thought it wicked,
foolish, and unworthy of a rational being to look at dances and
farces, if a tax were imposed to support in every town in the
country two theatres, he should think it a hard thing upon
him, and should have the best argument that can be made
against levying any tax—that he could not himself profit by it. '
Just the same argument might be used by the Dissenters with
respect to Church-rates. The second subject demanding their
immediate and unremitting attention was the exclusion of Dis-
senters from the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge.—
(The Noble Lord argued this point at some length ; but as the
question has been already fully discussed in Parliament, we do
not think it necessary to repeat the arguments here.) Their
great object was to endeavour to open the Universities, by re.
moving subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles. The Noble
Lord then spoke of the London University. " But (said he)
what signifies it to my fellow-citizens that they have a Univer-
sity, with the right to grant Degrees, if they -do not send their
children there? No, they have a tinge of the Aristocracy
about them, and they think that we are a sort of non-con-
people at the University ; so that they like to send their sons
where the sons of Lords and Bishops are sent, paying 2001. or
2501. for their eldest son, instead of keeping the 2001. in their
pocket, and with the odd 501., obtaining for their five sons the
best education this country affords." The Noble Lord next ad-
verted to the question of the separation of Church and State,
and said he was always apprehensive, on the part of the Dissen-
ters, much more than on the part of the Church, of the
danger of bringing forward petitions and discussions against
an establishment in the abstract, because he was quite certain
it would injure their cause in other respects, and, by straining
after what was quite hopeless, they would slacken their friends
and encourage their enemies, and prevent them from getting
things that were of more importance. One of those was the
alteration of the Marriage Law. He gave Sir Robert Peel
great credit for having pronounced that marriage was, and
should be, dealt with as a civil contract. Next to his con-
duct on the Catholic question, he had not seen anything done
by Sir Robert Peel which did him so much honour—not even
the excellent speech which he made lately in this very neigh-
bourhood—(laughter)—and which he (Lord Brougham) read
with satisfaction, as an earnest that the Right Hon. Baronet
would take to liberal courses out of office. The Bill, how-
ever, was defective, inasmuch as it did not allow marriages to
be solemnized by Dissenting ministers. It required persons
to be married, either according to the ritual of the Church of
England, or by a magistrate. He did not like two sorts of
marriages. They had two kinds of oaths. What was the
consequence? Up started a barrister, and said, " Gentlemen,
you have heard Jonathan so and so affirm, not swear." If
this Bill were to pass, should we not hear, " Oh 1 that's John
so and so, and Mary so and so—they were married by the jus-
tice." [The tone of derision in which. the Noble Lord spoke
these words excited great,laughter.l The Bill was defective
in that particular, but the principle was admirable.
Mr. O'Connell now entered the room, and was received
with much cheering.
Lord BROUGHAM continued : The reception which they had
very properly given to the Hon. Member for Dublin, who was
a Roman Catholic, was such as a Roman Catholic would not
have met with fifty years ago. This little incident ought to
encourage, animate, and invigorate the it proceedings, and
lead them through temporary disappointments and partial
discomfitures, and inspirit them for the fight which yet re-
mained. The Noble Lord then proceeded to discus:; the

great question of Registration. He hoped the Dissenters
would persevere upon this subject. He thought there were
... ..

no greA difficulties in the way of establishing- a certain and
economical parochial registration. In conclusion, he took
leave to say, that this meeting would not be without its ef-
fect, either upon a liberal Government, or a reformed Parlia-
ment, or a justice-loving country. The Dissenters of the
United Kingdom constitute a body far too important both in
numbers and in wealth, to be overlooked by any class in
or out of power in the country. No prudent Government
dared to overlook their claims—no prudent Legislature was
safe in rejecting their prayers; but no enlightened and ho-
liest Government or Legislature would even wish to neglect
their interests, even if they could screw up their courage to
dare it.--( Cheers.)
Several resolutions were then carried expressive of the sen-
timents of the meeting upon the several points adverted to in
the Noble Lord's speech.
Dr. BROWN objected to the desecration of places of worship
for the publication of banns, and suggested that when a gene-
ral civil registration was established, publicity should be made
at the registration office, and notice be given to all parties,
which would effectually prevent clandestine marriages ; and
that as far as regarded the marriages of minors, the Dissenters
were willing to make the consent of the parents necessary to
their validity.
Mr. O'CONNELL came forward to move a resolution, and
was again most warmly cheered. He was proud at being
allowed to propose a resolution among the Protestant Dissen-
ters of England, because in every period of their history he
had found them the determined friends of human freedom.
They were the thartyrs for many a long day for the sincerity
of their professions. And as they never shrunk from the
penal inflictions into the hypocrisy of conformity, so in their
more modern history there never was the stain of religious
persecution upon them. I come here (said Mr. O'Connell)
not only to pay a compliment, but to make an experiment—it
was this : to ascertain whether the late selfish " No Popery"
cry, which had been got up by that most religious class of
sturdy moralists who frequent Crockford s and Epsom races—
those temples of virtue, where the lordlings—(l beg your
Lordship's pardon, I don't mean to—)—( Much laughter. )
Lord BROUGHAM—Go on; I shall bear with Christian hu-
mility whatever you may have to say of the order.—(Great
laughter.)
Mr. O'CoNNELL—I should be glad to know whether any
man here thinks that " Lord" before the name of Henry
Brougham, raises him in the estimation of his country.—
(Great cheering.) I was speaking, my Lord, of the lordlings
who may belong to your Lordship's order, but they do not be-
long to your class of human beings. They, for their inte-
rested purposes, impeded the progress of gradual amelioration
of our institutions, which was going on under the l^te Ministry.
But if the Ministry had been allowed to work out the principles
of reform, what was to become of your worthy inheritors of

•
splendid po, ;y, of domestic 6epublic vices--of many of the
great families of this country ? To obviate this result these
sturdy moralists raised the cry of "No Popery." But that
cry has totally failed among liberal and enlightened men.
It might, indeed, have had some effect in the agricultural dis-
tricts whither the Press, by reason of its shackles, have not had
wings enough to fly. But the dawn of that day is opening when
the Press shall be as free as you, my Lord, can wish it, or as the
wants of the people require. The Hon. and Learned
Gentleman then asked whether the Roman Catholics,
since they had got into Parliament, had been guilty of one
political act which would taint their claim to be the unaffected
friends of civil and religious liberty ? He had ever spoken in
favour of that principle which the Protestant Dissenters had
Asserted—that religion was an affair between man and hit
Creator—that it was a matter too high, too dignified, too
awful to be polluted by the touch of man. Vain were legal
penalties and legal sanctions upon a matter which had the
name of God stamped upon it. Therefore that man was not
a Christian who did not recognise the right of every other
man to worship God according to big conscience. That
was not his sssertion of to-day. His was the hand that drew
up the short emphatic petition in favour of Protestant Dissen-
ters, and which was signed by 100,000 Catholics. It was
passed unanimously at two Secret Committees of the Catholic
Association, and was afterwards proposed by a Carmelite
Friar to an aggregate meeting of 10,000 Catholics, and car-
ried unanimously. But when others cry "No Popery," he
would cry, " No Peculation,"—" No robbery "—" Take
your hands out of the pockets of the Dissenters, and pay your
clergy yourselves." All this the Catholics of Ireland had done
for three hundred years—they had established the voluntary
principle. Under the most unfavourable circumstances, that
principle had been with them triumphant; and would any one
tell him that the same principle was not sufficient for the
religious and wealthy people of England? The Hon. and
Learned Gentleman then took a rapid review of the several
!natters of practical grievance which had been previously
touched upon by Lord Brougham, and concluded his address
by calling upon the Protestants of England not to compro-
mise their rights, but to insist upon the entire twenty shillings
in the pound due to them from the national debt. For that
men would applaud them, and God, as he sincerely believed,
would prosper their endeavours.—( Great cheering.)
The Rev. JOHN SIBBING said it was an unusual thing in
history, for Roman Catholics and Protestant Dissenters to
stand upon the same platform. They had ever been consi-
dered the antipodes of one :other;a but when their civil li-
berties were the subject, on that they felt united. •
A vote of thanks to Mr. WILKS having been carried, that
gentleman, in making acknowledgments, called upon the Dis-
'enters to be- vigilant and active in their preparations for the
next general election, and to adopt the advice of Sir Robert
Peel to his supporters, by getting their votes registered, so
that they might be able to return liberal Members to Parlia-
ment, who would support the present liberal and reforming
Government.
Mr. Professor Hoes in an able speech, moved a vote of
thanks to Lord Brougham, couched in the most complimen-
tary terms, and which was agreed to with three times three
cheers.

' Lord BROUGIIAM—i have already trespassed so unwarrant-
ably long on your patience, that I shall confine what I have
now to offer you in returning my thanks for the kind and cor-
dial reception given to me to-day within a very small compass
I indeed. I assure you I should exceedingly understate what I
feel were I to attempt to say how very much I am touched
..with the kindness of that reception. It is the more gratify_
ing to me when I recollect that is owing to our fellow-
feelings upon one of the most important of human subjects--
he it religious, be it civil, or be it political—the fi eedom of the
mind. I, in the beginning, mentioned the names of -two or
three individuals who have preceded me in occupying this
chair; but I ought to have added the name of my imme-
Hate predecessor—one of my oldest and most valued friends, a
fellow-labourer in the cause of all good reform, an advocate of
.111 liberal principles, and a supporter of all the rights of civil
And religious freedom—l mean Lord Durham.—( Cheers. )
I say this not merely to gratify my own feelings of friend-
>hip, or to do an act of justice towards him, but also for
the sake of removing the foolish gossip that has gone about
of our ever having had above one single moment's dissension,
sad that, too, upon a matter, I believe, arising altogether from
nisrepresentation, and which has long since been forgotten.
—( Cheers.) I not only heartily concur in the testimony borne
)37 my friend Professor Hoppus, but say that a more wicked
delusion, if voluntary, was never attempted to be created, than
chat which represents any coldness, even towards religion, as
being a part either of the rules, or the principles of the pro-
fessors or of the council of the University of London. More
religious men—men more warmly attached to their different
sects, than either the Council or Professors, I should in vain
endeavour anywhere to find. That they do not teach religion
in any particular form of worship—what is that but saying that
they mean to open their doors to every person--to Catholics,
Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Independents,. Methodists—ay,
Ind Jews ? Mr. Goldsmid (a Jew), Mr. Shaw (a Dissenter),
and Mr. William Smith (a Churchman) subscribed 28,000/. in
one morning, to enable me to buy the ground on which the
London University is built. With what face could I insist that
'he sons of these gentlemen should subscribe to the Thirty-
nine Articles ? The only course, then, to follow was, to let re-
ligion be taught at home, while the University would teach
that which would make young men more religious, because it
would make them more knowing and better-reasoning beings.
I shall only say one word with respect to the vile attempt that
has been made to raise the cry of " No Popery !" It was
sometime said that " God save the King" meant anything but
God save the King upon the Throne. With the intolerant
And the persecuting, it meant, " God save my pension—God
save my job."—( Laughter.) Now, I cannot help thinking
that the cry of " No Popery" admits of a similar interpreta-
tion. It means "no dissent from my sect ; let me and my
Church have a monopoly of teaching and preaching, and also
(what some are much more attached to) a monopoly of the
,vages for doing so." It puts me in mind of what was once
caustically, and, as some believe, rather uncharitably, but, as
I think, wittily, and not altogether groundlessly said, by the
!ate Dr. Parr, to an Ultra-Tory who was drinking " Church
and King." " I don't like (said he) your toast; not that I
don't like the King, a Monarchy, and a Church, but because,
in the way you use the toast, it means a Church without the
Gospel, and a King above the law." So I do not like the
cry of " No Popery," not that I am either a Papist or Roman
Catholic—not that Ido not value the Reformation as the very
greatest blessing and boon given to man in these matters, but
because I think, in the mouths of those who use it, it is not a
religious or a Christian expression, but an expression of in_
tolerance and persecution—a covering of an irreligious, a
merely sordid, and worldly, and rancorous heart.—(Great
cheering.) Therefore it is that it has always failed
among honest, enlightened, and tolerant Dissenters: I have
now to take my leave of you, by again expressing my grateful
sense of your kind reception of me this day. It has just been
said by Dr. Morrison, that as long as I continue to hold the
opinions I always have held, so long I should find a favourable
reception from my fellow-countrymen. Another gentleman
has said, and in that part of his speech God knows how heartily
I concur with him, that he rather rejoiced at my not being in
office. I too rejoice in being released from the trammels in
which I have been for many years held in my professional and
ministerial capacity, released at a somewhat advanced period
of man's middle age ; though, thanks be to God, I am in the
possession of as much strength and health as I ever enjoyed—
( Great cheering)---so wholesome a thing is, I won't say idle-
ness, but liberty—so wholesome is freedom for the body as
well as the mind. But that I have these opinions to-day, or
that I would attend a meeting of my intelligent countrymen to-
day, being out of office, one whit more than I should have done
being in office, I must really take leave to deny, because it is
totally contrary to the fact. I have expressed no one senti-
ment to-day that I did not express when I was Chancellor of
this United Kingdom. I cannot tell n here else I have expressed
them. It would ill become me. Not only in Parliament have
I done so, but at one or two public meetings which I have
attended. A great fuss, indeed, has been made about my
attending those meetings. Had I remained in office I would,
in consequence of that fuss, have attended meetings of my
countrymen more than ever.—( Cheers.) Gentlemen, that I
shall always hold the same opinions I now do, it is more than be-
comes a fallible being to say. I shall cease to hold them when
my reason is convinced and my judgment satisfied that I have
hitherto been in the wrong ; but that that alone, as it only can
by possibility justify, so it will tempt me to alter, lay down, or
conceal my opinions, I may most confidently assert._( Cheers. )
I think the long experience you have had of me, in power and
in opposition, will entitle you at once to believe me.--( Cheers.)
It is that which has recommended me to the kindness of my
fellow-countrymen. It is that course of life which has given
me their affections ; and it is that which they are pleased to
reward by the highest and proudest eulogiums that men can
bestow on their fellow man—their confidence and support in
doing good works.—( Cheers.) That confidence I enjoy, and
that support I shall have, without the least regard to whether
I am in power or apart from power, or in opposition to
power, which I shall only be when my conscience and duty
direct it. If, indeed, you had ever seen that I was a person
capable of taking up an opinion for the purpose of the hour, or
of mitigating an opinion of opposition to abuse, or of resistance
to oppression, or even in relaxing only that resistance so far as
to show that I could endure or be a party to the persecution
of a tyrant, or the intolerance of an oppressor—if you had ever
seen, that in order to court higher favour, or conciliate any
Ministerial friend, or even to gratify any Chamber of Parlia-
ment, by joining and chiming in with the popular voice when
I thought the people were in the wrong, that I was a person
of that description —then you might expect that having taken
up opinions from interest, or hidden them from fear, or laid
them down to serve a purpose, I might be capable of playing
the same base and dirty game again for the lucre of gain, or
for that which is a statesman's currency—the lucre of place,
which he miscalls power, but which is sls,yery, and not power,
—then you might have thought tlssit I was a person not to be
trusted whether I differed with you or differed from
others ; and then .might my -friends lament that I had so
obscured the light that till then had ever shone upon my
path. But they know the contrary—they know that I
have always, in power and in Opposition, been steady to
the principles nhich first enlisted me in the service of the
people.—( Cheers.) They know and they feel, for they have
experience to tell them—whatever pains, though others may
have taken to make them forget it—(cheers)—that there is
no enemy of the people who has not been my declared and
unceasing foe; that there is no oppressor of the weak who
does not also reserve from his quiver some poisoned arrow to
level at me ; that there is no apostate from his principles—
(tremendous cheering)—who thinks he has sufficiently earnedi
the vile wages of his iniquity if he has not—ia addition to
all the fulminations, all the csrFi sgs and cavillings at those
principles which he Las deserted—reserved a portion of his
vile m-tcsisl wherewith to bespatter me ; that they who are
,he enemies of freedom have honoured me by making my
name the object of their hostility ; that they.who oppress the
',copel have also endeavoured to hunt me down ; that I and
they know, and the people know, and, so knowing, the one

S exultation in it, as the other feels despair, that tho men
have stood by me have found they are in the right, and
t at they who have attacked liberty, justice, freedom of con-
te,ettee, liberal policy, enlightened views, or have deserted
V:,.se who support them, or have looked on as neutrals, wait-
i"g the result, have also discovered that they have lost their
haracter without gaining their dirty ends—( Cheers.) Encott-
t. 7,d by your reception of me—animated by the approval of
t ...er honest and enlightened fellow-countrymen—and inspi-
eed by the glorious nature of the race set before them, I hope
01 trust that this example, though in the person of a feeble
i dividual, will not be without its fruits, and not be devoid of
i., tee; but that it may encourage those who have yet to earn
,te favour of their country to take that steady, undeviating,
atel honest course by which, as alone that favour can be earned,
o-. 1 by it alone can that favour be maintained. That I
ace at all times, been, as I ever henceforth shall, and
do at this time profess myself ready to be, the enemy of
i•ttoleranee, the foe of oppression, the protector of the in-
jored, the redresser of those grievances which require the
.oterposition of a public man to redress—that I shall
lever shrink from that course, from fear either of giving
~thence to the powerful, or umbrage to the squeamish, or alarm
le the weak, the feeble, and faint-hearted; but that I shall
t,l.pose those oppressions, and expose the wrongs that have
Leen done, be they in the person of the first subject in the land,
r. 13.-1 she a Queen—(great cheering)—or be they in the person
(.t" a murdered and martyred missionary of God's truth in the
:.ace colonies, or be they in the person of an humble printer
a useful and reputable citizen of Suffolk ;—that I shall op-
pose the tyrant arm, endeavour to paralize the oppressor's
hand, expose the bigoted head, whether it be covered with a
monk's cowl or with a prelate's mitre--(tremendous cheers)—
titrow open the guise that covers over the wicked heart,
whether it throb behind a cassock, or behind lawn ;—that these
at my principles, and that they will be, as they ever have
bete:, the guide of my public life—you and my country are
assured, and require of me no pledge. For this, you and my
country do and will render me that justice which I know and
feel I have not forfeited. (The Noble Lord then bowed and
retired, amid the most enthusiastic plaudits of the thousands
there assembled.)
Three distinct groans were then given for the Times, and
Vac meeting dispersed.