The Sun.
London, England, 1859-07-21 00:00:00

the more bitter is the disappointment produced by
the failure of every reasonable hope.
Other advantages were mentioned in the address
to the army, to which the Emperor does not now
refer. In that manifesto Napoleon spoke of the
liberation of Piedmont and Lombardy, although w•
did not understand the nature of the peril from the
pressure of which the former state had been relieved.
The French soldiers were moreover assured that
" the union of Lombardy to Piedmont creates for us
on this side of the Alps a powerful ally, who will
owe to us his independence." Now we cannot ton-
ceal the fact that this was somewhat in the bombastic
style of Lord John Russell's despatch to the Prus-
sian Government. How could it be said that France
had gained a new ally in the King of Sardinia; and
what particular need had she of a powerful ally in
this peculiar position ? Nobody doubts the valour
of the Sardinian troops, the chivalrous character of
their King, or the advantages of their aid in any
encounter. But France is surely strong enough to
feel secure even without this alliance.

Francis Joseph, in spite of reverses and humilia-
tion, certainly appears in the best light in these
peace transactions. His manifesto is truthful and
dignified, and he does not shrink from an avowal of
failure. " Unhappily," says the Emperor of Aus-
tria, " the result has not corresponded with the
general effort, and the fortune of war has not been
favourable to us." This manly avowal is infinitely
preferable to attempted explanations of defeat or
high-sounding apologies for disastrous events. On
one point the Emperor Francis Joseph and the
Emperor Napoleon contradict each other. The
former states that he withdrew from the contest
because the neutral powers would render no assist-
ance—the latter declares that, sooner than provoke
a European war, he made proposals for peace.
There can be no mistake about this startling con-
tradiction in the statements of the two monarchs,
and it is impossible for both statements to be cor-
rect. Napoleon says—" I found myself in face of
Europe in arms, ready either to dispute our suc-
cesses or to aggravate our reverses." And in another
sentence of the address he alludes to the chance of
being compelled to " accept a conflict on the Rhine
as well as on the Adige.' Napoleon complains of
the hostility of Europe; Francis Joseph laments
that he could not obtain support from other
European powers. The words of the Emperor of
Austria are quite as decided respecting the deser-
tion of his cause by his natural allies as those of his
brother Emperor's are respecting the probability of
a European war. The Emperor Francis Joseph
says—" In spite of the ardent sympathy worthy
of acknowledgment which the justice of our cause
has inspired, for the most part, ih the journals and
peoples of Germany, our national allies, our most
ancient allies, have obstinately refused to recognise
the great importance of the grand question of the
day. Consequently Austria would have been
obliged, all alone, to face the events which were
being prepared for, and which every day might
have rendered more grave." When such authori-
ties disagree, to whom shall we refer for a deci-
sion ? Napoleon declares that the risk of a Euro-
pean war induced him to offer peace ; Francis
Joseph states that he retired from the conflict be-
cause no European power would render the slight-
est aid to Austria in this terrible encounter.

Although the present Government have, by the
sudden cessation of the strife, managed to escape a
damaging discussion in Parliament, the peace of
Villafraca is to them a source of peril and embar-
rassment. They have repeatedly declared that
Austria ought to be expelled from the Italian pen-
insula, and that the power of the Bishop of Rome
ought to be annihilated. How can they approve
of a treaty of peace which destroys their long-
cherished illusions! Was it for this Lord Minto
stirred up revolution in 1848, or that British offi-
cers were ordered to sympathise with the disturbers
of public tranquillity ? It is well known that the
real authors of the treaty of Villafranca are to be
found in the English Cabinet. In his anxiety to
get the neutral powers into a scrape Lord John
Russell busied himself about an ultimatum, and
some kind and candid friend gave the French Em-
peror information of what was going on. Thus
fortified, Napoleons easily conquered the obstinacy
of the young Sovereign of Austria. Had the Eng-
lish Government maintained their neutrality such
a disastrous close to a disastrous war would have
been impossible. On the first announcement of the
peace Lord John Russell sought to take credit for
the Emperor Napoleon, because he had not annexed
any portion of the Italian peninsula. His words
were, " I may state further, because there has been
a rumour for some weeks past that whenever pea ce
came to be signed Lombardy would be ceded to
her, that I am happy to be able to inform the house
that the Emperor of the French has made no de-
mand of that kind, and that there is every reason
to suppose that he does not intend to make any
addition whatever to the territory of France. This
is most gratifying, because any addition to the ter-
ritory of France, however insignificant, following
on the war, could not but raise the jealousies of
other countries." This is in the same strain as the
ignominious dispatch addressed to Prussia. Lord
J. Russell says nothing now of the expulsibn of the
Austrians or of the independence of the Italian peo-
ple, but rises in the British House of Commons to
pour out fulsome flatteries upon the Emperor Na-
poleon because he has not annexed certain territory
on which he is supposed to have cast a longing eye !