The Sun.
London, England, 1866-06-05 00:00:00

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LONDON, TUESDAY, JUNE 5, 1866.

Those who anticipated an exciting scene last night
in the House of Commons were not disappointed.
During all this busy and eventful session there have
been no doubt more animated and stirring nights,
but the close of last evening witnessed a some-
what undignified spectacle of absolute mobbing and
disturbance. The result of the anxiously looked-
for evening was, as everybody knows, that Captain
HATTER'S amendment which he declined to press
was negatived without a division, the great
body of the Opposition marching out of the House
to avoid the alternative ! And the question whether
the Chairman should report progress, which some
mischief-making spirits insisted upon testing by
numbers, was answered in the affirmative by 403 to
two ! So far, then, the great point at issue is settled
for the time, but what the course to be pursued
by the Government will be is as yet uncertain.
Mr. GLADSTONE indeed declared that he and his
colleagues had not altered their intention of
standing or falling by the bill, though
he confessed they did not hold themselves
pledged to the details of the redistribution scheme.
In fact, as was foreseen, their concessions on this
point have already involved them in fresh difficul-
ties rather than extricated them from the old
dilemma. A Redistribution Bill is always un-
popular, its very nature is antagonistic to the
interests of partisans on both sides. If honest
and comprehensive, it weakens the political influence
of Government and Opposition alike. If dishonest
and partial, its one-sidedness is certain to be de-
tected and condemned. A Franchise Bill is all gifts,
the only question being the limit of the recipients.
A Redistribution Bill is mainlydeprivations for the
spare seats granted to certain places do not go far
towards diminishing the aligry feelings excited by
the loss or diminution of Parliamentary pri-
vileges. Still, together or separately, it certainly
does not seem likely that the Government will succeed
in carrying its Bill this Session. The Opposition,
whether open and manifest or secret and insidious,
has been so persistent and so übiquitous that there
appears but little chance of any such result. The
Liberal benches have supplied in fact the sinews
of the war, and Mr. DISRAELI did not fail to re-
mind Mr. GLADSTONE where the movers of the two
most formidable amendments were seated. In
fact, a great portion of the house is divided between
its reluctance to pass a Reform Bill and its unwil-
lingness to displace the Government. The critical
position of foreign affairs just now naturally makes
many members more cautious in risking a change of
Ministry—a change which could hardly fail to have
been brought about had Captain ITAYTER's amend-
ment been carried. It is this internal weakness in
its own ranks which has so greatly hampered the
action of the Ministry in dealing with the question
of Reform. If but half the occupants of the Libe-
ral and independent benches were true to their pro-
fessions, were in other words more earnest, resolute
and public spirited Reformers, they might have
introduced a measure which would have been
creditable to themselves and satisfactory in some
degree to the country, without being deterred by
the fear of failure through open opposition or secret
intrigue.

It seems as if there were to be a Conference after
all, which result will, perhaps, surprise no one from
the rumours which have of late prevailed. Austria
is, of course, the bete noire, and we expect that there
will be no end of the reproaches that she will meet
with in consequence of herreservation and her objec-
tions. We learn by telegram from Paris, dated
last night, that the Constitutionnel of to-day will
publish an article to the effect that there is no occa-
sion for the Conference to assemble because Austria
refuses to discuss the Venetian question, and the
Elbe Duchies question has been referred to the
Diet by Austria, and the great German
Powers have asserted that Germanic Reform
must be considered as a purely German question.
It cannot be denied that there is great truth in all
these statements, and no doubt did the Conference
assemble next week, as was proposed at one time,
we should find that very little good came of it, if
the representatives of the various nations estimated
their energies, and expended all the resources of
their ingenuity in the attempt to patch up the
quarrels. Many may be disappointed at this failure
in Paris, but we do not share their disappointment,
because of late we have noticed certain signs which
seemed to point to an undue leaning towards
Prussian interests or rather towards Prussian
policy. If one thing more than another
is absurd, it is the attempt of some
tc'p
orerofpuin
up
the Government and the strength of
their
policy, and endeavour to atone for
their shortcomings in one direction by lauding their
doings in another. If there be one thing in which
the Liberal Government of the last few years has
failed more than another it is in their dealings with
foreign States, and the course they have pursued
has lowered the character of this country in the eyes
of Europe. Now, forsooth, we are told that what-
ever else occurs there must be no change of Govern-
ment because of the state of the Continent. We
have yet to learn what any of the Guinan
Powers have done, or are likely to do
for us, that the arrangements of affairs
should be in any way directed to suit their
convenience. The fact is that such doctrinei are
very elastic, and will suit many occasions. In 1859,
when the Conservative Government was forced to
resign on account of the tactics of their opponents,
it was dec:arel with great force that it was all for
the best, particularly because of their foreign policy
and their undue partiality to the German Powers.
We entirely agree with the emphatic observations
made by Mr. DISRAELI last night on this subject.
eir
pd roon eess
.After stating that he would not have introduced
the
tt
e questionprotested against
into the debate himself, he
against mixing up foreign and
mentioned the requirTenhaeentsrigohft
thhoosne.whgoenhtlaedmatno
manage foreign affairs in moments of emergency.
" The great difficulties of a Minister of that charac-
ter may be described under two heads—experience
in his own Cabinet, and experience, in congresses
and conferences. The Minister of i tate, who has

to manage the foreign affairs of his country, may
find himself ever in the painful and difficult position

of having, if possible, to prevent war. This is a
very great occasion, to meet which it behoves a man
to summon up all his energies and resources."
After this admirable definition, Mr. DISRAELI pro-
ceeded to show how completely Lord CLARENDON
had failed in showing his fitness for his position in the
trying period of the Crimean war with the power of
England at his back, and yet he did not succeed
in preventing war. As to his capabilities at a Con-
ference, he has been the Minister of a " triumphant
and victorious country at a congress," and we all
know what he did there : he consented to so faulty
an arrangement of the boundaries of the Turkish
empire that all the skill of Lord PALNIERSTON was
required to prevent the blunder being perpetuated.
In consequence of the conduct here referred to, as
Mr. DISRAELI truly put it to the House last night,
Circassia, which had every claim upon us, has
ceased to exist.

We see, indeed, on reflection, very little or
no cause for regret that this Conference
should have failed, for unless great firm-
ness were used in dealing with Prussia,
there would be no chance of any satisfactory result
being arrived at. The same objections would not
have applied to the proposal of the French EMPEROR
some time ago, because we were not then so fatally
compromised with respect to Prussia, and so deeply
involved in her interests, real or imaginary. There
will be little change in the aspect of Continental
affairs whether the Conference meet or not, as we
know full well how very inimically disposed towards
each other all the disputant Powers have been
throughout the sort of truce that has just prevailed.
Prussia, who never gives up an iota of her demands,
now insists that the Austrian Government should
withdraw from their late appearance of deci-
sion, and intends to " demand officially" that
Austria shall postpone the measures announced by
her to take place, in Holstein, and, if she refuse,
Prussia will then consider the treaties as void. All
the better for the interests of Europe, and all the
more consistent for the cause of truth and jus-

tice if they are so considered, for they do nothing
but buoy up the German Powers in their unworthy
cause, and seem to militate against the progress of
social and general reform abroad.
Of course it is not yet impossible for peace to
prevail, but the chances are decidedly against it ;
and, according to present appearances, neither
Austria nor Prussia seem particularly to desire it.
On the contrary, they seem glad to seize hold of
this difficulty concerning Holstein as a pretext for the
commencement of hostilities. We hear from Vienna
that in consequence of Austria having referred the
Holstein question to the Bund, Prussia has inti-
mated her intention of sending troops into II ol-
stein, and it is also said that Austrian troops will be
sent to Holstein. Now that we are perhaps on the
eve of a great struggle which will spread into a
European war, we may well deplore the dangerous
course pursued by the two great German Powers of

late years. Their conduct to Denmark is now being
brought home to themselves, and they may long
have cause to regret their abitrary proceedings and
unscrupulous dealings during the period of the
seizure of the Duchies, which at the time seemed to
go unrequited.

Amidst the many exciting questions which are
now agitating continental Europe American poli-
tics do not lose their interest for the people of this
country. The position of parties in Congress is at
present so peculiar, the antagonism between the
PRESIDENT of the United States and the two repre-
sentative Assemblies is so marked, that the aspect
of affairs is full of uncertainty and perplexity.
Happily, the progress of time has opened the eyes
of the public to the virulence and selfishness
of the Radical faction, and has proportionately
strengthened the hands of the PRESIDENT. Every
mail brings us fresh news of demonstration
in support of Mr. JOHNSON'S policy, and the zonvic-
tion he has so often expressed that the American
people would eventually appreciate his motives and
accept his policy bids fair to be realised. The Go-
vernor of North Carolina, in a message to the State
Convention, strongly endorses the policy of Mr.
JOHNSON. The Ohio Democratic Convention have
also passed resolutions endorsing the PRESIDENT'S
policy, and condemning the Senate. Furthermore,
the Civil Rights Bill, which called forth, it will
be remembered, the third Presidential veto, has
been declared illegal by two judicial authorities.
Judge ABELL, of the First District Court of
Louisiana, has decided that the Bill was not bind-
ing on the Courts, because eleven States were ex-

eluded from Congress, and the Constitution ex-
pressly requires a majority of two-thirds of all the
representatives of all the States before a Bill cln
become law, without receiving the signature of
the PRESIDENT. This is very clear logic, and the
Radicals will find it difficult to override the con-
clusion. Judge THOMAS, of the Circuit of Vir-
ginia, has objected to the bill on other grounds.
No Congressional legislation, he says, can impair
the right of the State to enforce the existing laws,
and though the law which he upholds is manifestly
unjust and iniquitous (excluding negro testimony
from the courts), yet the legality of the question is
on his side. Here we have two illustrations of the
manifold difficulties which the Radicals are prepar-
ing for themselves and the country. Happily their
influence is daily growing weaker.
➢lr. DAVIS has been granted the freedom of For-

tress Monroe on parole, and has been allowed fre-
quent private interviews with his legal w3visers.
These concessions, we may hope, are only fore-
runners of that ultimate release which would be a
gift alike worthy of the PRESIDENT to offer and
due to JEFFERSON DAVIS to receive.

MANSION-HO USE.—Last evening the Lord Mayor
and Lady Mayoress gave a juvenile ball at the
Mansion-house. The invited guests began to arrive about
half-past 6 o'clock, and were received by the Lord Mayor
and the Lady Mayoress in the saloon. The whole of the
State apartments were thrown open to the visitors on the
occasion. Between 7 and 8 o'clock dancing commenced in
the Egyptian-hall, and was maintained with much spirit
until 10, when supper was served in what used to be the
old ball-room of the Mansion-house, an apartment on the
second floor stretching across the whole building, but which
is now seldom or ever used for dancing purposes. The
company took leave between 11 and 12 o'clock.
The Earl of Shaftesbury on Saturday visited
some of the earthenware manufactories of Staffordshire for
the purpose of ascertaining the results of the half-time
system in the Potteries. The day previous his lordship,
accompanied by Mr. R. Baker, inspector of factories, visited
the half-time schools of the Rev. A. Clarke, at Longton,
and the Rev. Sir L. T. Starner, at Stoke.
RENDERING NITRO-GLYCERINE NON-EXPLOSIVE.
It appears that practically there is no greater difficulty in
rendering nitro-glycerine non-explosive and explosive at
pleasure than there is in accomplishing the same feat with
gunpowder, although the means employed are of course
dis,,inidai. The recent accidents with the new explosive
agents have induced IL. _Nobel to turn his attention seri-
ously to the subject, and he is now enabled to state that by
mixing the nitro-glycerine with methylic alcohol (a cheap
spirit, popularly known as spirit-of-wood) the nitro-glyce-
rine is rendered unexplosive, either by percussion or heat.
When required for use water is added, which absorbs the
spirit, and the oil sinks to the bottom of the vessel, whence
it is drawn by a syphon, and its explosive nature there-
upon fou.-d to be restored. Experiments for testing the
value of this discovery have already been made in America,
and given highly satisfactory results. We look upon the
subject as one of the greatest importance to miners, and
shall be glad if the new discovery enables us to transport
nitro-glycerine, a
safely
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