The Sun.
London, England, 1835-02-21 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 1835.

Administration that can possibly be formed must dissolve it
forthwith, let their opinion of the public utility of that pro-
ceeding be what it may.—Morning Post.
Never did any House of Commons so completely answer
the expectations of the country as the present one by its
vote of Thursday night. That vote has done it immortal
honour—it will be received with applause through the em-
pire, and registered in history as one of the most glorious
effects resulting from the Reform Bill. The people, who,
have been too long delayed and deluded in their hopes
of obtaining that which is their just right, viz., the re-
formation of the Church—the reduction and equaliza-
tion of taxation—the abolition of all useless places and
unmerited pensions—the reform of the law, and Of
the corporate institutions of the land--will with
joy believe that now the word of promise is not only
to be kept to the ear, but UT:m(l in the hope.
But although the House has
for ever, the efforts
measures - 6
gnus blasted, andted, as we trust
of the Tory faction, it has as yet many.
~, • . a grave, vital, and most interesting nature to:
It must, to preserve its consistency—to maintain
its honour—to speak the voice of the people—when the
address is to be agreed upon—come to a vote, that it has-
no confidence—that the country has none—that it never
can have any in the present Ministry. This done—we
think the Duke—the military dictator—Sir' Robert and his
colleagues may quit office, and retire for ever from public
life. They have done enough to immortalise their
names—they may now leave the political stage to other,
more liberal, more reasonable, and patriotic men ;
and t'ien their country may esteem them, not for any good
they have done or intend to do, but simply because they
have not become the perpetrators of mischief—the forcers
of a revolution—the real precursors of confusion, dismay,
and bloodshed. The intense anxiety manifested to ascer-
tain the result of Thursday night's debate is a proof that the
country is alive to the course pursued by the present
House, and we hope every liberal constituency throughout
the kingdom will watch the conduct of its representatives,
and if they do well to encourage them by a cordial and
affectionate approbation, and if they waver or do ill to
remind them—they hold their trust solely and exclusively
to promote the interests of the Empire.—Morning Ad-
vertiser.

The vote of Thursday has demonstrated the weakness
of Ministers in the present Parliament. On no conceivable
question could they have obtained so many votes as on that
of the Speakership. It has been well observed by an
evening contemporary (the Globe), that—
" It is perfectly clear that all those who voted against Sir C.
Sutton must be ranked as decided opponents of the present Admi-
nistration ; but the converse of the proposition will not hold good ;
for there can be no doubt that many Members supported the late
Speaker from considerations of a personal nature, who will yet
generally be found in opposition to the Government. And when it
is remembered that, in addition to honest though erring votes
which have on this occasion been given to the enemy, the whole
Punic phalanx of the irresolute and interested must now have
acquired a conscientious conviction which is the stronger side, we
feel it is impossible to exaggerate the consequences of this strike
at the outset."

We should attribute the confident assurances of victory
held out by Ministers and their retainers to the last, to
pure fraud, if we had not evidence that all through they
have laboured under a delusion with respect to the real
state of opinion throughout the country. If the Opposi-
tion had had the slightest doubt as to their real strength,
it may be questioned whether they ought to have corn-
, menced with the question of the Speakership. But as they
possessed correct information on this subject, they displayed
their wisdom in meeting Ministers on the most unfavour-
able ground for themselves, because by so doing they de-
' monstrated, in a manner not to be mistaken, the utter
weakness of Ministers, and the impossibility of their carry-
ing on the Government of the country in any conceivable
case with the present Parliament. The decisive blow has
been struck. The brand of ignominy has been stamped on
the Administration. The country spurns them. The vote
of Thursday is a conviction on a trial which had before taken
place. Ministers might be believed had they not been already
tried and known ; but being known, they are not trusted.
Colonel Charteris might well deem ten thousand pounds
not ill bestowed on a new character ; for when bad men are
known, they must be fools indeed who allow themselves to
be deceived by them. The principles and actions of Minis-
ters are known to the country ; and if these principles and
actions have rendered them odious, the affected abandon-
ment of them only adds hypocrisy to their other sins. The
wolf may abjure his fondness for mutton, but the shepherd
will not, on the faith of his abjuration, give him the range
of the fold. If Ministers cannot face Parliament, what
can they do ? They can resign. This is the course which
common sense prescribes. But if they had been wise or
well-informed, they never would have taken office, What
can they do ? Without the sanction of Parliament, no
Ministry can carry on the Government of this country.
The sinews of war must be obtained, and the House of
Commons hold the purse-strings. It is quite clear
• that from the present House of Commons a shil-
-1 ling they never will obtain. Common sense dic-
tates to a man to take to the door when the
• alternative is ejectment by the window. The Standard,
which acknowledges that " the reverse was wholly
unexpected" on its part, and makes " no reserve in the
confession of mortification and disappointment," affects,
in a sequel to the article in which it thus gave vent to its
mortification and disappointment, to have, like Satan, taken
" courage from despair."—" Since writing what precedes
(says our contemporary), we have been gratified by a full
confirmation of our view of the line which Ministers will
take. They will assuredly nail their colours to the mast,
and leave to their enemies the responsibility of destroying
what remains of the British Constitution. This is the
wisest as well as the most patriotic policy." We never be-
fore knew that the will of Ministers was the British Con-
stitution. This may be the Tory version of the Constitu-
tion, but it.. is not, assuredly, that which is known to
the people of England. But we cannot see where
the mast is, to which Ministers can nail their co.
lours. The present Parliament rejects them. On
the question of all others the least favourable to the Oppo-
sition, Ministers have been signally beaten. Their citadel
has been stormed. What are we to understand by the
threat ? Is it an idle threat ? Is it the last shift of
desperate men—an attempt to work on the fears of Mem-
bers unwilling to face their constituents ? But the class
on whom such a threat could operate, is included in the mi-
nority in favour of Sir Charles Manners Sutton. Are we
to understand, then, that Ministers really intend to favour'
the country with a new reading of the British Constitution ?
That House of Commons after House of Commons is to
be dismissed, till they can find one willing to yield blind
obedience to their mandates—to register their edicts, as it
were ? But, if they were even willing to expose the coun-
try to the perils of incessant agitation—if they could even
make up their minds to sacrifice the prosperity of our in-
dustrious population by the turmoils of perpetual elec-
tions—there is a barrier which, it appears to us, they
cannot pass. They must have money, and they must
have the Mutiny Bill. Archimedes could have moved the
world, could he have obtained a station for his machinery.
We do not see where Ministers can make their first stand.
We admit, that, after the folly of which they have already
been guilty, the country can only derive its security from
difficulties which they cannot surmount. We apprehend,
however, that in this case we are bound to allow nothing
for the prudence of Ministers. The Constitution has op-
posed limits to their power to work mischief. Though we
really do not see in what way Ministers can give effect to
the intentions attributed to them by the Standard, and
though we do not believe that Sir Robert Peel in particular
is sufficiently insane to adopt the criminal projects which
more desperate men might propose, we still think that the
country ought to be prepared for the worst. The electors
should, among other possible events, assume that there may
be a dissolution of the present Parliament. Their course is
obvious. They should everywhere form committees for elec-
tion purposes,--and above all things, make arrange-
ments for securing proper candidates in such places as are
not now properly represented. Where the independent
electors have been swamped by venal votes—where wolves
in sheeps' clothing have entered the fold—where supposed
Reformers have turned out Trimmers and Waverers,
changes should be contemplated. The division list on the
question of Speaker has been of essential service to the
country in this respect, that it supplies a ready test to the•
Reformers. The funds needed to carry on the war ought
to be immediately provided, so that there may be no slack-
ness when the fight begins. The late election is too fresh
in-the recollection of electors, not to suggest to them many
valuable lessons both as to what ought to be done, and
what ought to be avoided, in another. The Committees
ought to go to work immediately, to ascertain their
strength ; and this will enable them to take the necessary
steps with certainty. The King is unfortunately in the
hands of dangerous advisers, and every true friend of our
Constitutional Monarchy must deeply regret the mad and
reckless course on which these advisers have entered. It is
a heavy calamity to the country to have at the helm of
state steersmen on whom no reliance can be safely placed.
The more influential electors ought everywhere to make
their neighbours acquainted with the revolutionary
plans of the Tories. They may be assured that the men
who abandoned, at a day's notice, all the principles which
they had till then maintained, and professed a readiness to
adopt a policy which they had always loudly condemned,
are not only not sincere, but capable of any mischief, on
finding their hypocrisy unavailing, should the means for per-
petrating it be at their command. All good and loyal
Constitutional subjects ought to watch attentively the con-
duct of Ministers, in order to forward, if necessary, with as
little delay as possible, their dutiful addresses to the King,
conveying to his Majesty their well-founded apprehensions
on account of the dangerous courses of his servants. By
faithfully representing to the King their sense of the real
danger to the Throne and all our institutions, with which
we are threatened by the traitorous Tories, who, would sa-