The Sun.
London, England, 1835-10-01 00:00:00

TIIE PUBLIC JOURNAL.

..-Searcely a week has elapsed since we translated
from ~the' Journal des Debuts a lona article on the
state of the United Kingdom, in which Mr. O'Con-
nell was described, and with great justice, as the elo-
quent denouncer of the grievances of Ireland, as the
prudent and successful supporter of the Ministry, and
PS an opponent of the Oligarchy, whose hostility was
trnlv formidable, and ought to be forthwith disarmed
by concession. No opportunity has since occurred to
the writers in that journal for speaking of Mr.
O'Connell, in which they have not endea-
Toured to get up, as it were, a re-action against
the effect of the very article to which we have alluded.
Jt has alteady become of vital importance to
the preservation of our Constitution, that Mr.
O'Connell should by some means (which they have
trot descriLed) be checked in his fatal career. "If
he be a fool (which they very well know he is not),
)1e ought accorzlingly,' say they, " to be despised
anti openly disavoy.-cd. But if he really possess all
the influence of which he boasts, the English Govern-
ment is a hundred-fold guilty' in permitting him
thus quietly to demolish,
,?tep, by step, the ancient
fabric of that Constitution, wiiirh for a hundred and
fifty years has formed the glory of England, and in
shutting its eves to the triumphant progress of the Great
Amitatorthro the three kingdoms—forsuch !.riumphs
u
constitute in fact .(1. revolution." Thus our Galheart ad-
visers, to whom we present our best acknowledgments
for their friendly intcrpsition in our affairs, take
it upon themselves one nay to declare that O'Connell
ought to be disarmed by concession, and that the Ca-
binet is much indebted to ,him for his judicious
assistance ; and in a day or two after, tuning the
many=stringed instrument on which they play to
another pitch, they proclaim, that if he be not
checked in his career, disavowed or decapitated, the
power and the glory of England are gone, and the Mi-
nisters deserve to be impeached I Here is another
Times for you I—A Parisian rival of the London
apostate I—A Gasconader, who manifestly knows no
principle but the dictate of the divided and vacillating
set of school-boy statesmen, who have thrust themselves
into the Governoent of France by the profession of
liberal views of doi"iestic and foreign policy, every one
of which they have abandoned, and even opposed,
without a blush. There is, however, one reason, per-
haps for the inconsistent courses which the Journal
des Debuts has pursued on this occasion. A week
ago, O'Connell's invective against the new laws of
its masters had not been spread all over France, through
the newspapers which still survive in that country. A
week ago, the example of O'Connell, in fanning the
flame of "civil courage" throughout these kingdoms, had
not led to the assembly in la Manche, at which M.Odil-
lon Barrot pronounced that, masterly speech which
we published yesterday—a speech which, if we mis-
take not, will be memorable in the annals, of that coun-
try. For uttering that bold, and eloquent, and truly
constitutional address, the Journal des Debuts has
changed the name of the Honourable Deputy to M.
O'Barrot, and affects to ridicule him as the
O'Connell of France. Ridicule is a dangerous
weapon. If it fail to destroy the victim against
whom it is aimed, it recoils upon the sa-
. crificer with an unerring blow. If M. Odillon
Barrot will but follow up the course which he
has so- well commenced—if he can but teach his
countrymen that the age for physical revolutions
is passed by, and that the only effectual mode for com-
pelling the Sovereign of the French to return to the
spirit of the Barricades, and to perform the promises
upon the faith of which be was elected to the Throne,
is to be found in the strenuous and persevering imita-
tion of the Irish system of agitation,—he may then,
indeed, merit the title—and it is one of which he or
any man might well be proud—of the O'Connell, or, in
other words, the Liberator of his country. The French
are the allies of the English, the Scotch, and the Irish.
We acknowledge that union, and rejoice in it. Treaties
between Governments are made or broken by a breath ;
but the sympathies between communities of men at-
tached to their liberties, " grow with their growth,
strengthen with their strength," and ought to be
inextinguishable. Could we but once see public din-
ners and assemblages for electioneering or other poli-
tical purposes become_frequent among our neighbours,
we should not yet despair of their freedom. In the
field we have met them as the bravest of our foes—
in the camps of agitation they and we must always be
the sincerest friends. They want no " courage' but
that which begins by patiently diffusing through the
kingdom the elements of that resistance which arises
out of individual exertion of intelligence ; these ele-
ments, when matured by " agitation," will of them-k
selves combine and form public-opinion ; and against
the influence of that power no faithless dynasty, no
infractions of the Charter can long remain to insult a
determined people.—Morning Chronicle.
Some of the Ministerial papers which less than a
week ago were exulting that King Leopold was coming
over in order to rescue his Royal niece from God knows
what conspiracy of some Orangemen (I) in some un-
discovered place of Ireland, are now assuring us that
the visit of the King and Queen of Belgium has no
reference to any political object. Why, who but the
boobies of' the Ministerial Press ever supposed it could
have any political object ? King Leopold is no plotter,
and still less his amiable consort, and have enough to
do to maintain themselves against certain " Orange-
men" much nearer home than the shores of Ireland.
Then who but these senseless scribes ever accused the
Duchess of Kent or her Illustrious daughter of politi-
cal objects ? The first, a lady remarkable for her
scrupulous and exemplary abstinence from all political
intrigue ; the latter, an interesting child, whose whole
time is dedicated, under her mother's anxious care, to
the improvement of her mind, by the studies and pur-
suits appropriate to her tender age. Sir John Conroy,
too, who is the State attendant of these Illustrious la-
dies, is a gentleman distinguished by excellent conduct
and most courteous manners, but is as little likely to
embark in any political plot as he is to write an epic
poem. It was hardly worth while to notice such ab-
surdity, except for the sake of exposing those persons
who, within a few days, attached the greatest political
interest to a visit which they now pronounce to be one
merely of a private family character.—Times.

We commend the admirers of the Constitution as it
is, and especially the admirers of the House of Lords
as at present constituted, to a perusal of a document
which will be found in this day's paper, giving an ac-
count of all Bills, private .as well as public, which
have passed the House of Commons, but have been,
on various pretexts, rejected by the Lords. It is a
" black list " in every sense of the word—black in
intention—black in practice—and black as to the pos-
sible existence in future of any cordial co-operation
bet‘een the Lords and the Commons, until the former
have been reformed, and their hereditary wisdom
brought to the test of responsibility.. It is possible
some of the Bills may have been justly deferred, in
order to render them more available to the public
service; but examine them how we may, the majority
of those rejected were unexceptionable in principle,
and had they passed into laws, been of eminent ad-
vantage to the public ; while with regard to others

which were laid- before their Lordships, not a first
only, but a second time, such as that of the Great
Western Railway Company, it is lamentable to think
bow much time has been wasted in vain upon them,
and how much money, without any other tarTible
reason than that private interest should be-preferred to
pu!dic advantage, and that of a faction to that of the
nation at large. An evening Contemporary, who de-
plores equally with ourselves such a state of things,
comes to the conclusion that " for the present opposi-
tion of the two Houses some remedy must be found,"
but that " what that can be while the Peers continue
to regard themselves as the ordained check and bridle
On the nation, and on the representatives of the
nation, we are at a loss to say." Truly, this is
a lame and impotent conclusion. "At a loss to
say what' the remedy must be ?" As well pro,,
pound, and with equally good reason, that fire is
consuming you, and that you must not attempt
to moderate its fierceness or extinguish it altogether,
If the House of Lords be a curse upon the country,
those who complain of it are either cowards or fools if

they do not employ their utmost efforts to accomplish
its abolition ; for the Lords are not a whit more an essen-

tial portion of the Constitution, than were Gatton and