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London, England, 1835-05-23 00:00:00

RELIGIOUS EDUCATION.

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VALUABLE NEW WORK ON DOMESTIC COOKERY.
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THE CORPORATIONS OF ENGLAND
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IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, MAY 22.

The Duke of GORDON pees.ented petitions from the pa-
rishes of Dumblane, Aberdeen, Forres, and Falkirk, in favour'
of the Church of Scotland.

Similar petitions were presented by the Earl of KiNtiouL.
The Earl MELVILLE presented a petition from the Jus-
tices of Peace and Commissioners of Supply, and others of the
county of Linlithgow, complaining of agricultural distress.
The Earl of ROSEBERY, after presenting petitions in
favour of the further endowment of the Church of Scot-
land, gave notice that ou Wednesday next he would call the
attention of the House to the Report of the Select Com-
mittee upon the Report of the Lords of Session in the Entails
(Scotland) Bill.
Petitions in favour of the Church of Scotland were pre-
sented by the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Rosslyn, Lord
Saltoun, and the Earl of Bute.
More's Divorce Bill went through a Committee, and was
ordered to be read a second time on Monday.

Lord WHARNCLIFFE presented a petition from Hud-
dersfield, in the county of York, praying for an alteration in
the Factory Bill.
The Marquis of SALISBURY presented a petition from
Bradford, signed by 6,200 working men and 200 masters,
praying for the better regulation of wages by taxing the
power of machinery.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE moved that an address
be presented to his Majesty, praying. for a return of the num
ber of commitments for criminal offences in the United King-
dom during the year 1834, with their results. Also for a
return of the same kind for each of the last seven years.
The Earl of MALMESBURY enquired for what reason
these returns were not to be had from Ireland ?

The Marquis of L ANSDOWNE said the returns from
Ireland had been already made. They came from another
office, and were not incorporated with those for Great Britain.
He then moved, that the Third and Fourth Reports of the
Board of Public Works in Ireland be presented.—Ordered.
The Noble Marquis then presented a large bundle of papers
respecting Grand Juries in Ireland, and also the correspon-
dence between Sir Henry Hardinge and the Board of Edu-
cation in Ireland, as ordered by the House.—Ordered to be
printed.
LORD MULGRAVE'S PROCESSION.

The Earl of RODEN, in rising to present some petitions,
said he felt it to be his duty to take the first opportunity of no-
ticinc,' what had fallen from a Noble Viscount at the head of
the Government, respecting the procession which had
lately taken place in Dublin. He would have done so before,
only that he had only arrived in town last night. The noble Vis-
count had said that that procession was no more than the
lawful effervescence of the popular and political opinions of the
people. He was not disposed to enter into the question of the
legality of the meeting or procession—he was the last person
in the world who would curb the political feeling of any party so
long as their demonstrations were carried on properly. But he
thought it his duty to state to the House what was the real na-
ture of the procession, and he would then leave it to the Noble
Viscount and to the country to form their own opinions upon
the matter. He was ready to prove upon oath at the bar—
( Hear, hear)--not at a future time, but at the moment--by the
oath of a gentleman who was then within hearing of
his voice, that the majority of those individuals
who formed the procession carried the emblems of disloyalty—
green and orange flags, with others on which were inscribed
O'Connell for ever," " Repeal of the Union," " No
Tithes."—( Hear, hear.) There was even one flag in the
procession displaying the Harp without the Crown, and also
another flag. as he was informed, and believed to
be true, bearing the emblem of the cap of liberty. That
this should be considered and acknowledged by the Prime
Minister of the Crown as a harmless procession, that was
lawful in every respect, he was at a loss to conceive. If it were
so, all that he asked and demanded from the Noble Vis-
count was that he would extend the spirit to the loyal pro-
cessions of the Orangemen in Ireland, and that they should not
be prosecuted by the Government of the country, and that the
law was not put in force against the individuals who attended
the entry of Lord Mulgrave into Dublin ; the creatures of
O'Connell should also be kept in abeyance as to the pro-
cessions of that loyal Society, of which he was a member.
Hear, hear.) He was not sorry that the Noble
Viscount had arrived at the opinion he had, and on
that subject he had changed the sentiments he had
formerly entertained, because he thought that less harm would
take place in Ireland by allowing these processions to continue,
and affording to each party an opportunity of showing what
their sentiments were boldly and freely.—( Cheers.) He only
demanded, on the part of the Protestants of Ireland, on the
part of the Orangemen of that country, that the justice which
had been held out to their opponents, should be extended to
them.

Viscount MELBOURNE would again repeat what he had
stated on a previous occasion, that the statements he had made
with respect to the procession to which he had adverted, were
entirely contrary to what had taken place.—(Cheers.) He
greatly lamented these displays of party feeling in Ireland on
both sides, and he wished that they could be ab-
stained from, as nothing but irritation could arise
. from such displays, but at the same time he must
condemn that which had been stated by the Noble Lord. He
much lamented that any banners such as had been stated
should be exhibited, but he doubted much whether the car-
rying of such banners were illegal, and whether what the Noble
Lord had stated would bring them within the purview ofthe law.
If it could be said that such displays were illegal on the oc-
casion adverted to, it might with equal effect be said that the
carrying of such banners were illegal at any public rejoicings.
Much as it was to be lamented that such flags had been car-
ried, he considered that it was neither illegal in procession to
have flags with the name of " Mr. O'Connell" inscribed upon
them, or the words for the " Repeal of the Union." If he had
been correctly informed, although the Noble Earl, the late Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, had stated that in the procession which
had accompanied him to the water-side, no banners were used,
yet when he went to the theatre—and their Lordships must re.
member that that was in a room in which the display of banners
was much more illegal than in a public assembly—if he
was correctly informed, that Noble Earl, upon the occasion
of going to the theatre, had an Orange flag ranged over
his head.—(Loud cheers.) He did not mean to complain of
this, but he asked that the same indulgence that had been held
held out to others, might be held to those who were of a diffe-
rent persusion. He would take upon himself to say that there
had been no toleration or indulgence held out to the commit-
tal of anything illegal on the occasion to which the Noble
Lord had adverted. It might be for the Government to decide
what steps should be taken upon similar proceedings in other
parts of the country, but what had taken place on the occa-
sion adverted to, afforded no precedent or excuse for what
might take place in future.

The Earl of HADDINGTON, in answer to what the
Noble Viscount had stated, begged to assure him, upon his
honour as a gentleman, that he was perfectly unaware of the
banner. He certainly had given notice of his intention to go
to the Theatre, and, of course, he anticipated there would be
a full House, but he could assure the Noble Viscount that he
had been in the Theatre some time before he was aware of
what had taken place. He had stated openly in Dublin that
he lamented that any such manifestation of party spirit had
taken place, but the fact was, that the occasion alluded to
was a spontaneous out-break of feeling on the part of in-
dividuals, without any system or organization whatever.
This had been made the subject of gross misrepresentation and
attack, day after day and week after week, by persons who
must have well known that he (Lord H.) had lamented it, and
had no means of preventing it. This manifestation was
altogether of an insignificant character—it was, as he had
before said, a spontaneous effusion of feeling, from a number
of persons who believed that under the Government which
preceded that to which he (the Earl of H.) was at-
tached, the Protestant institutions of that country were in
great danger--it was to express their joy at the changes that
had taken place, and he was not answerable for the manner
in which they had chosen to express it.
The Earl of WICKLOW could assure their Lordships
that nothing but a sincere conviction of the vast importance
of the subject would have induced him to address them on
the present occasion. That conviction had been strengthened
by what had fallen from the Noble Lord who just sat down. He
foresaw results of the most lamentable nature, unless those un-
fortunate occurrences were prevented, and that he feared before
many months would elapse. His Noble Friend, who had ori-
ginated the discussion, had pointed out what some of the
results must be, and although he differed in some respects
from the Noble Lord, when he recollected that the other party
were most powerful in that country—that they exercised a
strength and power unknown in other places, he feared they
would consider this as a precedent for the display of those
feelings, which they had been deprived of the power
of exhibiting by an Act of the Legislature, and which
Act they had found it their duty, as loyal men, to submit to.

He could assure their Lordships that the reason why he had
introduced this subject on a former day, was with the hope that
by calling the attention of Government to the subject, he
might induce Ministers to take some measures, either
by proclamation, or other means, to allay the feeling
that must prevail in Ireland, on account of these processions.
He had been at a loss, last night, to understand the Noble
Viscount's statement—he had been at a loss to know whether
the Noble Viscount considered those processions infractions of
the law, or in their nature so harmless, as not to be con-
sidered objectionoble. The Noble Viscount should have
stated clearly whether he considered them infractions, or not.
Now, if this procession was a political demonstration by a large
portion of the community, he (Lord W.) contended that it
did come under the operation of the Act, introduced by the
Noble Lord. He admitted that Act was not meant to operate
against processions, accompanying a Lord-Lieutenant into that
country, because it could never be supposed that any Lord-Lieu-
tenant could sanction such a proceeding. He would con-
tend, however, that the Act was such as, though enacted
against Orange parties, it was so framed that it should embrace
every description of processions, accompanied with banners and
flags. The Noble Viscount had endeavoured to draw a parallel
between that and the demonstrations which took place relative
to his Noble Friend at the theatre. In that case there was
no procession—there was no comparison between the two, as
it was merely stated, that orange handkerchiefs had been
thrown out, unknown to his Noble Friend. Was not the
Noble Viscount aware—was not every man acquainted with
the politics of the day—aware, that that meeting
was not .to welcome the representative of the Go-
vernment, but it had been got up and arrayed by an in-
dividual, assisted by the priests ? And that individual had
stated that, in consequence of some personal matters, he was
obliged to come over to England, and was thereby prevented
from heading that procession. Was it not well known
that that individual had influence over Government ?
( Hear' hear.) And that he was the person who recommended
the Lord Lieutenant ? Who was that individual ? A man
whom they had themselves denounced in that House, and had so
far complimented, as to allude to in the King's Speech
The Noble Marquis who had been Lord Lieutenent for that
country, had in April last, in a dispatch read to that House,
stated in the most distinct manner that all those disturbances
which it was the object of the Legislature to suppress, arose
from the combined demand for the abolition of tithes, and the
destruction of the Legislative Union. That individual had
avowed that those two objects were the chief of his political
life. Was it then a matter of surprise, seeing what this pro-
cession was composed of, and knowing how it had been or-
ganized, that the Noble Marquis had instantly resigned
his office under Government ? (Hear, hear, hear.) Witb
those sentiments on his own mind, that which became
his political consistency, be cared not what might
have been the reasons the Noble Viscount bad assigned, for
others had also been assigned ; but seeing what had taken
place, and having read the despatch, he was not surprized
at the part the Noble Marquis had taken. These were the
reasons which had induced him ( Lord W.) to bring forward
this subject—the necessity that some steps should be
taken—and he conjured the Noble Viscount, if his belief
was that the act did not apply to those processions,
to have the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown.—
( Hear.) Let it be clearly demonstrated to Ireland that,
however objectionable these processions may have been, the
law has not been violated in the present instance, and he
feared it would be difficult to persuade them to that.
The Marquis of WEL L ESLE Y said it was not his inten-
tion to call their Lordships' attention to so unimportant a
subject as his late resignation, if it had not been alluded to by
the Noble Earl opposite. This much he must say in correction
of his Noble Friend's statement, that his resignation was
founded on intelligence received from Ireland of the procession
which had attended the Earl of Mulgrave's entrance, that
he was totally ignorant of the whole of that subject at the
time he had tendered his resignation. We had no know-
ledge of it, and whatever opinion might be formed of
his resignation, he entreated that their Lordships
would not be led away by the supposition, that it was con-
enteacrtnendoninto pub
with any thing
ing that had happened on the Noble Earl's—

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY would have been
much gratified, if the Noble Marquis had gone a little fur-
ther into the causes of his resignation.
The Marquis of WELLESLEY replied that he did not
feel at liberty to state the causes of his resignation ; but if their
Lordships thought it a matter for inquiry in the regular way,
he would give all the explanations that might be required.
—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He, however, reserved to himself
his own opinion, which at the proper time he would de-
clare in that open, independent manner which he
was able to do, being now entirely unengaged with any con-
nection that could trammel him.
The Earl of WICKLOW wished to know if he was to un-
derstand from the Noble Marquis that his resignation was in
no degree connected with the recent proceedings or appoint-
ments that had taken place in Ireland?
The Marquis WELLESLEY said that he did not feel
himself called upon to give any answer to the question of the
Noble Earl.

The Earl of HA R ROWB Y observed that the Noble Mar-
quis had said not one word respecting the occurrence at
Dublin, of which, indeed, he appeared to be perfectly igno-
rant. It was not, therefore, necessary that he (the Earl of
Harrowby) should add anything to the parallel that had been
drawn, which was, in fact, a parallel of dissimilitudes, and not
of likenesses. It appeared that the fact of the procession had
been communicated to the Castle, and that it had there been
learnt at what particular hour the Lord Lieutenant was ex-
pected to land. He need not name the individual who had
been instrumental to the procession, but everybody that knew
anything of Ireland well knew what his interest was, and that
be was all powerful. He did not appear himself to lead the
procession, and what had induced him to abstain from it he
would not state. lie (the Earl of 'Harrowby) could only say
that be would have rather exposed himself so be torn to pieces
by the mob of Dublin, than to march under such banners as
had there been exhibited.—(Cheers.) Whether those ban-
ners were legal or not, he cared not ; and though he was
much inclined to agree in the interpretation of the Noble
Earl, he yet thought that the exhibiting of a governor of the
country as the head of a party would have the effect of very
materially disturbing the public tranquillity.
Lord MELBOURNE begged leave to say that he did not
admit that the banners in question had ever been used. From
the accounts he had received, the banners were of an entirely
different character. He would not take upon himself to assert
that one or two banners, with exceptionable inscriptions, might
not have been used, but if there had been one or two, it was
as many as there had been. The banners in general were
not marked with exceptionable inscriptions.
Lord FARNHAM wished to know if the Noble Viscount
would institute any inquiry at the bar, or any inquiry by a
Committee of the House ? He had heard that the facts of
the case were all capable of being proved at the bar of the
House.

Lord MELBOURNE thought it incumbent upon the
Noble Lord to state some Parliamentary ground on which an
inquiry could be founded. The Noble Lord ought to show
that the matter was capable of proof, and that it was of suffi-
cient importance to induce the House to think it expedient to
inquire into it.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE spoke a few words, that were
totally inaudible in the Gallery.
Earl FITZ WIL LIA M said that an inquiry at the bar
would be attended with no other consequences than those of
exciting the hopes and fears of the people of Ireland, to the
disturbance of the tranquillity of the country. There would
be great difficulty in arriving at the truth.
The Earl of RODEN thought the Noble Earl's view of,
the subject quite erroneous. There would be no discrepancy
of evidence, no difference of opinion, between the persons that
would be brought to the bar. Those persons who had engaged
in the procession, and who had carried the banners, would not
deny it, for they would glory in it. The question really re-
solved itself into a narrow compass. He would state, upon
grounds that he was willing to bring forward, that a Member
of Parliament saw the whole transaction, and could testify to
the fact, and that he was ready to prove those facts at the bar
of their Lordships' House. He believed that the subject, if
left where it then stood, would produce effects in Ireland
which their Lordships would have reason to lament. He was
well acquainted with the feelings of the loyal Protestant popu-
lation of Ireland, and he knew that they had restrained their
feelings upon the suppression of those processions in which
they had formerly indulged. Great differences existed, how-
ever, between those processions and that which had celebrated
the Earl of Mulgrave's entry into Dublin. The one species
of assembly met to testify its attachment to the laws, to the
religion, and to the Constitution of the country : the other
assembly was of directly the reverse character. In the latter
procession green banners had been carried, bearing the harp
without the crown'—(Hear)—whilst others bore the cap of
liberty. Were not these palpable manifestations of disloyalty ?
He should conclude the observations he had made by present-
ing a petition from Scotland, praying for protection to the
Established Church of that country.

The Duke of RICHMOND trusted that the Noble Earl
who had just sat down would use his influence in suppressing
any processions that were illegal, or that tended to disturb the
tranquillity of Ireland. _

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that the whole
power of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland would be exercised
in order to put down all illegal assemblies to whatever party
they might belong.
The Earl of WICKLOW thought that the subject would
give rise to great alarm in Ireland. The procession had taken
place in the metropolis, of which the population was divided,
in equal parts with respect to political feelings, and the pre-
cedent of the recent procession might produce the most fatal
effects. He thought that party feelings ought not to be in-
dulged in the manner that they had been indulged on the
occasion now before the House. He wished the Government
to declare whether it would, or would not, allow such a pro-
cession to be drawn into precedent.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY wished the Noble
Lord to declare whether he would furnish the House with a
copy of the instruction that had been sent to the Lord Lieu-