The Sun.
London, England, 1832-09-01 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The intimation made by the Lord Chancellor
in his last speech delivered by him in the House
of Lords, that the judicial and political func-
tions at present, to the shame of our institutions,
combined in the person of one Judge, ought
to be abolished, deserves the most serious con-
sideration. As matters now stand, one man is
called upon to discharge duties, in his capacity
of the first equity Judge, which are equal in
weight and amount to those of the Chief Jus-
tice of the Court of King's Bench, which Liter
duties, it has never yet been doubted, furnish
abundantly sufficient employment for any indi-
vidual. The Chancellor is, in addition, the
President of the House of Lords, the modera-
tor of the legislative discussions which ensue in
that assembly, the principal Judge of all appeals
from England, Scotland, and Ireland, brought
to that tribunal of denier resort in all civil suits.
He is also ex officio the legal adviser of the
Crown, an indispensable member of all the Privy
Councils of the Crown, the Chief Judge in all
appeals preferred to the Privy Council sitting as
a Court of Judicature—the weight and import-
ance of which appeals in their political conse-
quences exceed almost any other subject of liti-
gation that can be presented for the decision of
any Court of Law—and he has cast upon
him, besides, the burdensome and ungrateful
duty of dispensing a most extensive branch of
patronage. It would be idle in these times to
comment on the absurdity and impropriety of vest-
ing functions so discordant, so distracting, so ut-
terlybeyond the compass ofany individual's powers,
in the hands of a Lord Chancellor, or on the
inconsistency and disgrace of making that Lord
Chancellor dependent upon the changes of Mi-
nistry for the tenure of the high and responsible
station iii which he is placed. For centuries
gone by, every man who has looked into the
principles by which judicial tribunals in free and
enlightened countries ought to be regulated, has
denounced these abuses as the shame of our
constitution—as an inconsistency, the grossness
of which our pretensions in other respects render
infinitely flagrant. It is impossible that when the
public attention has once been called—in the
manner in which Lord Brougham has invoked
it—to this topic, such an anomaly can be per.
milted much longer to exist. It is not, however,
only because lie has exposed the inconsistency
in colours so striking, that he is entitled to great
credit and universal thanks. That has been done
often before, and always with more or less power.
It is because, while he has held up the abuse to
the public notice, he has suggested a remedy so
simple and efficacious, and at the same time so
honourable to his own disinterestedness and
public virtue, that no objection can be offered to
it but by those sordid and narrow-minded per••
sons who are at once the antagonists of him and
of truth. In the existing condition of the
country, when all men's voices call for, anti
the whole people's interests demand, every
practical alleviation of the public burdens, it
would be no fitting season to require, upon what-
ever pretext, the creation of additional offices if
additional expenditure were to follow them. Lord
Brougham, with that noble disdain of pecuniary
profit which has distinguished him throughout
his political career, and which has never been
displayed more brilliantly than since he has held
his present high office, proposes that the change
which he suggests for the country's good shall
not increase the country's burdens by one doit.
He suggests that the office of the first equity
judge shall be separated from that which the
Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, as the politico-
legal adviser of the Crown, is called upon to
discharge. The salary of Chancellor, it has
been intimated, ought, in all reason, to amount
to 14,0001. per annum. Lord Brougham offers
that the office in respect of which it is so granted
shall be held by two persons, but that the salary,
without the slightest increase, shall be divided
between them. The malevolence of party spirit,
the mean spite which breaks out from some na-
tures, is neither to be silenced nor pacified—but
with how much safety may it be defied ! How
triumphant must be the appeal to public opinion,
—by which,after all, such questions must be de-
cided,—with facts like these to guide the judg-
ment that is to be pronounced ! Nor will the
benefit of such an example as is here set, be con-
fined to this judge, or to this generation. The
illusion that enormous incomes are necessary to
the maintenance of the dignity which belongs to
eminent judges will be by such an instance dis-
sipated ; future judges may learn that the true
mode of maintaining the consequence of a
great public functionary, consists in the in-
telligent, and laborious, and punctual, and
pure discharge of his duties ; not in
the accumulation of enormous wealth, or the
corrupt or injudicious distribution of the patron-
age which a blind chance has placed in his
hands. Nay, it may be hoped that the whole-
some contagion will spread still further, and that
dignitaries of all kinds, however respectable and
sacred be their characters, may learn that the
public estimation is to be earned by worthier
means than the possession of incomes which
they can neither hold nor expend without peril
to their reputations, without incurring great sus-
picion of the truth of their professions. One
word—and one word is enough—on the subject
of a misrepresentation which has been put forth
by the disappointed malice of those who, finding
no principle of public virtue in themselves, can-
not conceive its existence in any other. Lord
Brougham has brought in a Bill, now become an
act of the Legislature, by which sinecure offices
to the amount of 21,457/. per annum have been
abolished. The returns made to the House of
Lords in August last furnish us with the evi-
dence of this fact. " But," say his antagonists,
" he has added 1,0001. per annum to the re-
tiring pension of the Lord Chancellor." If it
stood only upon the ground of his having a
chance of some of these sinecure offices falling in
while he held office, would he not be justified in
making such an addition ? But, in fact, sine-
cure offices to the amount of 2,955/. have
lately fallen in, to which he might, without the
slightest objection, have given perpetuity.
These he has renounced, with the exception of
3001. per annum, belonging to the Receiver of
Fines, which he has bestowed upon the Deputy
Registrar of Affidavits, in satisfaction of the
compensation which that officer would other-
wise have been entitled to claim. These of-
fices, and the right of presenting to them, have
been avowed openly by former Chancellors, as
parts of the emoluments of their offices, as a
means of providing for their families. Lord
Brougham gives them all up ; and his giving
them up is only a consistent part of the ser-
vices—not sacrifices—which his public spirit
prompts him to offer for the public good. The
carping of disappointed and defeated malignity
is as unworthy of refutation, as it is unecessary
to bestow praises upon the conduct of such a
judge ; but it may be convenient for the public
to know out of what materials his enemies ven-
ture to assail him, and what foundation there is

for the imputations they venture to cast at, not
upon, one who is so immeasurably above their
reach.—Times.

Dr. Doyle has addressed a letter to the Mar-
quis of Anglesey, on the subject of his Excel-
lency's reply to an address from certain of tho
Grand Jurors and Magistrates of the Queen's
County, in which he declared that he was

" persuaded that many persons have been de-
luded by the pernicious doctrine of late so fre-
quently inculcated, that it is compatible with
law, by any contrivance to evade the performance
of the obligations it imposes, and frustrate the
means which it provides for their enforcement."
This is a very significant hint to the Irish people
that the Government is disposed to break through
the league of the people of Ireland, not to resist
the law, but to let it take its course. The Society
of Friends, in the month of May, this year, at
their yearly meeting, published a brief statement
of their objections to the payment of tithes. In
this document, signed by Samuel Tuke, clerk
to the meeting, in and on behalf of it, after
stating that our blessed Lord had put an end to
" that priesthood, and to all those ceremonial
usages connected therewith, which were before
divinely ordained under the law of Moses," and
showing the incompatibility of tithes with Chris-
tianity, the Friends proceed to say—

" In accordance with what has been already stated, we,
of course, conscientiously object also to all demands made
upon us in lieu of tithes. We likewise object to what
are termed Easter Dues—demands originally made by the
Church of Rome, but continued in the Protestant Church
of England, for services which we cannot receive. We
also object to Mortuaries, sums applied for, and still en.
forced in some places, as due to the incumbent of a parish
on the death cf the head of a family. Neither do we find
in the examples or precepts of our Wessed Lord and his
Apostles, any authority for these claims, or others of a
kindred nature, which all had their origin in times of the
darkness and corruption of the Christian Church. And
we further consider, that to be compelled to unite in the
support of buildings, where the mode of religious worship
is observed in which we cannot conscientiously unite, and
in paying for appurtenances attached to that mode of
worship from which we alike dissent, is subversive of that
freedom which the Gospel of Christ has conferred upon all.
" Deeply impressed with the conviction of the truth of
these considerations,we have felt it to be a religious duty to
refuseactive compliance with all ecclesiastical demanls which
have been made upon us, or to be parties to any c tmpro-
mise whereby the payment of them is to be insured.—
That this conduct has not arisen from a contumacious
spirit, we trust the general character of our proceedings
will amply testify. And we trust also that it will be rea-
dily admitted, that political considerations have not go-
verned our religious society, but that we have been ac-
tuated by a sincere desire to maintain, in the sight of God
and man, a conscientious testimony to the freedom and

spirituality of the Gospel of Christ, and thus to promote
the enlargement of his kingdom upon earth."
The Irish contrivance alluded to by the Mar-
quis of Anglesey, amounts to the above, and
nothing more.
" We give to the Tithe-law (says Dr. Doyle) the obe-
dience which is due to the law, and which, if we with-
held, it would be your Excellency's duty to enforce ; we
permit the a.;ents of it to enforce its penalties against us, but
we appeal to heaven and to our neighbours to witness the in-
justice done to us, and to manifest their indignation at the
wrongs we suffer. We bless those who sympathize with
_us—we shun those wbo co-operate in the enforcement of
an odious law against WI j but if any one resort to violence
or intimidation, whilst our goods are taken from us, him
do we disown. Unless your Excellency can change our
nature, you will not alter our purpose—it is fixed and
immoveab►e."

He must be a very subtle casuist, indeed, who
can point out any difference between the agree-
ment of the Friends and the agreement of the
Irish. Were a Friend to pay tithes or Easter
dues, the other Friends would cease to hold com-
munion with him—he would no longer be one
of the body. But the Irish do no more. "We
peemit the agents of the law to enforce. its penal-
ties against us (says Dr. Doyle)—we shun
those who co-operate in the enforcement of an
odious law against us ; but if any one resort to
violence or intimidation, whilst our goods are
taken from us, him do we disown." The So-

ciety of Friends is more numerous in Ireland
than in England—in this consists the only dif-
ference. The Irish, indeed, with the exception
of the parsons, are all friends in as far as regards
tithes. The Society of Friends have, per-
haps, committed themselves more distinctly
to a refusal to co-operate in giving effect
to the law than the Irish have ; but will
any man on that account say, that the Irish
ought to be subjected to any further penalties
than a loss of goods equivalent to the tithes and
the expenses of execution. In almost all the
countries of Europe, the law has not been an
expression of the will of the people or their re-
presentatives, but a mandate from the masters of
the people to their subjects. The law has been
almost always unjust and partial, but dear on
account of that very injustice and partiality ,to
the higher orders. The people have been taught
that as long as they should be disposed to yield
obedience to the law, it would be enforced, and
that their only chance of relieving themselves
from it was, by the difficulties they opposed to
its execution, to compel their masters to consent
to an alteration. The conduct of the Irish

throughout the whole of this tithe business is
an illustration of what we have advanced. Is

there a man in the whole kingdom so besotted
as to suppose, that if the Irish had shown no
reluctance to pay tithes, the Legislature would
have pronounced the extinction of tithes ? Is
there a man so besotted as to suppose, that if the
Irish were to be disposed topay tithes, they would
ever be relieved from the payment of them. This
is one of the mischiefs entailed upon us by an
Oligarchical Government, that we can never effect
good by means which are not productive of evil.
Thus much, however, may be said in favour of
these leagues, that it is impossible to conceive
the idea of a whole people leaguing to elude a
law which does not deserve to be eluded. The

law of tithe is condemned by the very fact, that
all law should have for object the good of the
people, and should cease to exist when it con-
duces not to the welfare but to the misery of the
people. Dr. Doyle places this in a striking light.
" This system (he says) which the laws are said
to uphold, finds no advocate; its iniquity is re-
vealed to the whole world ; no man even pre-

tends that it is not opposed to all the interests
of Ireland ; and the sole motive for upholding it,
which a man of sense would not blush to avow,
is the sanction it borrows from the law." And
he proceeds to ask—" Is it, then, prudent, is it
wise, is it politic for a Government to announce
in Parliament the extinction of this system, then
retract their own promise, and arm in its defence ?
Is it wise or prudent to uphold laws which cannot
be justified by any argument, save an appeal to the
bullet or the sword ? Ah ! if the dignity of the
law is to be upheld, it should be done, not by con
founding the good and the bad, but by expung-
ing the latter from the code, as the husbandman
separates the chaff from the wheat. This name
of law has lost a portion of its power, and the
reverence due to the majesty from which it ema-
nated may be utterly lost in the torrent of indig-
nation now sweeping the whole surface of this
country." It would be difficult for the Mar-
quis of Anglesey to defend either the prudence,
the wisdom, or the policy of the endeavour to
uphold a law admitted on all hands to be bad,
merely because it is law. But Dr. Doyle dex-

teroualy places Ministers at issue with them-
selves with respect to this matter. Ministers
remain in their places, and are now in favour
with the people of England, because that was
done with their countenance in England, which
is now attempted in Ireland. The law was in
favour or the boroughmongers, and the borough-
mongers would not have consented to a change,
had they not been satisfied, from the demon-
stration made throughout the country, that the
people would take constitutional matters into
their own hands.
" But why (says Doyle) does not the British Govern.
ment, whose decrees your Excellency is called on to exe-
cute, take a lesson from itself? That Government com-
menced with large confederated bodies. They admitted
almost to the Council table the leaders of those confedera-
cies—the very men who had marshalled in military array
with officers of different grades hundreds of thousands of
the people, for the undisguised purpose of compelling Par-
liament to change the constitution of the House of Com•
mons. They did this, and were they censurable for do-
ing so ? No ! they would have been traitors to their
own principles, to their Sovereign, and above all, to the
Commonwealth, if they bad not done so. Why, what
could have been their justification? It was this, and this
on'y. An intolerable, but a legal, yes ! a but yet
intolerable grievance—namely, the corruption of the House
of Commons, preyed on the people of England ; and such
was the power of the sect which supported this legal
grievance, that not the wishes, nor the wants, nor the
distress, or the petitions of that people, but only their
threats through their Unions or confederacies, could over-
come that power. The Government had to choose be-
tween a legal abuse, having what was called prescription
in its favour—an abuse secured by some hundred charters
—an abuse consecrated by time—an abuse claiming con.
nection with the power and glory of England—an abuse
involving in it the titles and fortunes, and wealth, and
dignity, and privileges of the highest order in the State.
The Ministry had to choose between the preservation of
this legal abuse and the wrath and indignation and resist-
ance of the British people; and the Ministry wisely, and
justly, and promptly took up the cause of the people, and
combining with them, overthrew the monstrous legal
abuse. The Ministry at that time sent forth no circular
to the Magistrates of England to arrest the leaders of the
Birmingham and other Unions; they did not make
the House of Commons resound with the common.
place phrases of prescription, vested interests, or
chartered rights ; they instructed no Committee
of either House to inquire into the state of the re-
presentation, though the corruption of it was not half so
glaring as the iniquity of the tithe system ; they produced
no returning officers or patrons of boroughs, to prove the
injustice of depriving them of the right to usurp the re-
presentation of the people ; they did not predict or prog-
nosticate that property in boroughs was like all other pro-
perty, or that if boroughs were wrested from the usurpers
of them, and restored to those for whose benefit they were
first founded, no other property would be secure. They
voted no money, whilst the strong man withered, and the
widow and orpan died of hunger, to compensate the
boroughmonger for the loss he sustained when the people
wrung from him their own dear, sacred, hut long-lost
rights. They introduced no Reports or Bills to Parlia-
ment to render void their own pledges, to change the
name, but to secure and aggravate the sway of the Oli-
garchy, and perpetuate the corruption of the House of
Commons. They dispersed no public meetings—they
prosecuted no agitators—they dismissed no migistrates—
the3t displayed no fleet or army, nor did they threaten to
suspend the palladium of British liberty, and imprison be-
yond the seas those who importuned them on the subject
of Reform. No ! In England, the Government seemed
to reeo:lect it was the creature of the people, and entrusted
with power for their good ; but in Ireland, the rule of
policy appears inverted, and that is criminal in this (the
sister) Island, which in Great Britain is the lawful exer-
cise of a power inherent in its people."
It is not prudent to provoke these retaliations.
For the law, against which the Irish are now
arraying themselves, is not unpopular in L eland
merely. In this country there is not a cultivator
of the soil who is not looking intently on what
is going on in Ireland ; and we are much mis-
taken, indeed, if the system can be continued
much longer, either in this country or in the Sis-
ter Island. There is one rule which cannot be

too strictly observed in politics, and that is, that
a Government should never compromise its own
dignity by endeavouring to effect what is imprac-
ticable. The most absolute individual in private
life must occasionally look through his fingers at
many things. When a Government sees a whole
nation determined on resisting a particular law,
it should take the unanimity of the nation for a
proof that its own dignity would be best con-
sulted by avoiding all attempts at impossibility.
—Morning Chronicle.
The alarming progress of Russian supremacy
in Europe is now beginning to be acknowledged
in some quarters where our former warnings upon
this subject used to be received with sceptical
taunts, or with positive assurances of the pacific
and honourable intentions of that barbarian
Power. From the first announcement of the ele-
vation of the beardless youth Otho to the throne
of Greece, we declared that it was a Russian

ob, and nothing else. When it was made known

that our Government had pledged this country
as security for a large sum of money to enable
the otherwise pauper King to oil the wheels of
Government, we stated that this was the result
of Russian influence setting up the machinery
of Government for a Russian satrap, at the
expense of England. It now appears that this
Bavarian Sovereign of Greece is betrothed to a
Russian Princess. Thus it may be said that
Nicholas furnishes the wife, and John Bull the
dower ! A Ministerial Evening Paper, that used
to guard the honour of Russia as something that
ought to be precious in the eyes of Englishmen,
at length changes its tone, and condescends to
follow in the wake of the opinion which we have so
often, and for so long a period, not only expressed,
but supported with cogent proofs, respecting the
ambitious projects of Russia, and the danger ari-
sing out of them to the other Powers of Europe.
The paper in question says—" If all Germany is
not to share in the end the fate of Poland, its Sove-
reigns must secure the confidence and support
of their people ; for as to the brute, or even the
scientific, power of soldiery, the Russian Auto-
crat will soon master them all, if they alienate
from them the hearts of their subjects." Here
then we have an admission, at last, that the
growing power and restless ambition of Russia
are fraught with peril to the independence of all
European States. We proclaimed this im-
portant truth when it was much more easy to
curb the aggressive policy of Russia than it is
at present. The Duke of Wellington's Cabinet
betrayed the interests of the country by allowing
the Dardanelles to be blockaded during the
Turkish war, contrary to the solemn assurances
previously made by the Russian Government.
Our Ally (Persia) was allowed to be beaten
down, and her strong passes occupied by Russian
garrisons, to the manifest danger of our East
Indian dependencies, without any effort being
:mule to prevent it. But the best opportunity
that has arisen of late years for stopping the
further progress of Muscovite aggrandisement
was the Polish insurrection. The opportunity
not only was abandoned by our liberal Govern-
ment, but Prussia was allowed to assist the
Barbarian by the most undisguised and in-
solent violations of a professed neutrality.
Our Government, with the most profound
apathy, looked on while a nation was exter-
minated which we were not only bound by treaty
to protect, but which would have been a good
customer for our manufactures, if independent,
having but few of its own, while Russia and
Prussia conspire to exclude our commerce from
every part of the Continent over which they
have dominion or control. To have paid large

sums of money to Russia to enable her to pro-
ceed in her ambitious career, on the pretence
that the Russian Dutch loan treaty was still in
existence, without insisting, as a previous condi-
tion, upon the fulfilment of the treaty which
guaranteed the independence of Poland, was the
result of weakness or treachery in our Councils,
which England will hereafter bitterly repent. But
scarcely has the folly been completed to which
Poland has fallen a victim than we assist in lay-
ing Greece, bound hand and foot, upon the
altar, as an offering to the tyrant whose soul is
steeped in the crime of the Polish massacre. A
double alliance, it seems, is contemplated be-
tween Russia and Bavaria, whose " liberal"
King has observed his promises to his people
about as faithfully as Louis Philip. The Crown
Prince marries one Russian Princess, and Otho
another. Under the influence of such a family
compact, assisted by the gold of the duped peo-
ple of England, it is easy to forecast the future
destinies of Greece.—Morning Herald.
An attempt, we perceive, has recently been
made to show that the taxation of the country is
the principal cause of the distress which has for
several years been so prevalent among the middle
and lower classes of the people, and that the par-
tiality to particular classes manifested by the
Legislature in the imposition of taxes has con-
siderably aggravated the evils which, even under
the most equitable principles of distribution,
must have arisen from their positive amount.
Now we cannot help thinking that in the state-
ments and reasonings which are generally em-
ployed for these purposes there is a great deal of
pernicious delusion. What is taken for granted
seems to us, in the first place, to be by no means
clear, namely, that the middle and lower classes
of the people in this country are, upon the whole,
in greater distress than their predecessors in the
same grades of society were when the amount of
taxation was much less than it is at present, or than
their contemporaries of the same grades in other
countries actually are. In the aggregate amounts
of the revenue of Great Britain, and of the
permanent claims upon it, we behold certainly a
more formidable array of figures than were pre-
sented to the eyes of our ancestors, or than the
subjects of other States are called upon to con-
template. But to infer from this fact that we
are more oppressed by taxation than they is in
the highest degree precipitate and unphilosophi-
cal. The real question is, whether, after the
payment of this immense aggregate of taxes,
there does not remain to the middle and lower
classes of this country, at the present day, the
means of commanding the enjoyments and com-
forts of life, in a measure at least as ample as
they were possessed heretofore by their less
taxed predecessors, and are now possessed by
the inhabitants of other lands ? We are of
opinion that Englishmen of the present day
possess these means, in spite of all the weight
of taxation in a greater degree than either.
We need only look to the more ancient
parts of any of our towns to see the proofs that
our ancestors of the middle and lower classes
were contented to be much worse lodged than
their successors generally are. The Sumptuary
Laws, of which many traces are to be found in
the Statutes, furnish complete evidence that the
prevalent notions as to the various other accom-
modations necessary and proper for different
classes of society were in remote ages much
more limited and humble than they are now.
Nor can it be pretended that the food, clothing,
and lodging of the lower and middle classes in any
country of the world, excepting, perhaps, America,
are superior or even eqnal to what these classes
of the people of Great Britain enjoy, although the
latter are more highly taxed than any other.
What pretence then is there for the assumption
that distress is unusually prevalent among the
middle and lower classes of our countrymen ?
It is true, no doubt, that the prosperity of the
country would be greater and more generally
diffused were the taxation less than the obliga-
tions of the State now render necessary. But
why do the economists, or those who pretend to
be so, par excellence, attempt so constantly as
they do to place this truth upon erroneous
grounds ? Why do they strive to indispose men
of candour and observation to its reception by
mixing it up with the angry feelings of popular
and occasional discontent ? Are they unwilling
that it should exercise a steady and constant in-
fluence upon the management of public affairs,
and desirous of preserving it merely as a weapon
to be brought into use at periods when acci-
dental and transitory circumstances make it pe-
culiarly efficacious, not as a principle of natural
policy, but as an engine of party warfare ?
The argument by which it is attempted to
prove that the most affluent classes, and particu-
larly the class of proprietors of land, have been
spared by a partial Legislature, composed chiefly
of themselves, is singularly futile. It is true
that the probate and legacy duties are not
charged upon real property. But it is equally
true that on every transfer, excepting those
which are occasioned by death, real property is
subject to much more onerous charges than per-
sonal property, and that the expense of main-
taining the poor is thrown, in much more than
an equal share, upon the land. It is true again
that the Stamp Duty on receipts, bills of ex•
change, bonds, and mortgages, does not increase
in proportion to the magnitude of the amount
to which such instruments may relate. But
this inequality is explained, when we reflect
that the important amount of duty which
would become payable upon transactions
of the heavier classes requiring these in-
struments, might be supposed likely to lead
to frequent and systematic evasions of the
duty altogether ; and if it were not thus
explained, it could not with any justice be as-
cribed to the partiality of the Legislature to-
wards the wealthier classes of society, that Le-
gislature being the same which has far more than
compensated this particular inequality, by
selecting almost uniformly, for the heaviest
taxation, those articles of consumption which are
used by all the wealthy, few comparatively
of the middle, and none of the poorest, classes
of the community ; which has exempted from
the assessed tax upon houses all the cottages of
the poor, and graduated the tax upon windows ;
so that while the smaller houses escape this itn-
tphoasnt
proportioned altogether, it
to shall
the
lay
h eprvloigtrh a weight
essive
stages m °or of
grandeur upon the
Post.themaficent dwellings of the
rich._mn

WORMS IN SPRING WATER.—The com-
mon opinion of medical men that the worms found in the
stomach and human intestines are introduced by drinking
water containing such worms, and the vulgar opinion th it
they are introduced by eating fruit, are both easily refuted
by the simple experiment of exposing the worms found in
water or fruits to a heat equal to that of the human
boweis—namely, 9S degrees Fahrenheit, when it 'will be
found (as was shown by experiment) that such worms will
instantly die. The knowledge of this simple experiment
may often prevent unfounded alarms—such as when a fa-
mily are induced to abandon a country-house, from their
physician finding small worms in the spring water of their
well, and which he erroneously concludes to be ascarides.
Times Telescope.

WESTMINSTER SESSIONS, AUGUST 31.

THE SATIRIST NEWSPAPER.

In the course of the day the Grand Jury found
four true bills against Barnard Gregory, William
Geary Cannon, and James Thompson, upon four
several charges of libel; and for conspiracy in ex-
t'rting money under a threat of publishing libellous
statements.

Mr. PRENDERGAsr, at a late period of the day,
applied to the Court for bench warrants to be im-
mediately issued for the apprehension of the defen-
dants, for the purpose of holding them to bail, as
there was every reason to believe that they were
about to leave this country for the Continent.
Motion refused.

The CouRT, after the trial of several prisoners
for trivial offences, adjourned until the 14th instant.

SUMMER ASSIZES.

NORTHERN CIRCUIT, YORK, AuG. 30.

REX V. ACLAND.

In this case (which we reported yesterday), the
Jury found the defendant Guilty.
No case of importance occurred tc-day.
William Hartley, late of ()vender), in the West
Riding, builder, was put to the bar, charged with
having bad in his possession, on the 25th day of
March last, at Bradford, two forged and counter-
feited Bank of England notes, purporting to be
notes of the Manchester Branch Bank of England,
for the payment of 5/. each, with intent to utter
the same, he well-knowing them to be forged and
counterfeit.

An inspector of notes of the Bank of England
proved them to be forged throughout.
The Jury pronounced the prisoner Guilty.

He was immediately sentenced to transportation
for 14 years.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

QUEEN-SQUARE.

Yesterday, Mr. Robert Carr, brass-founder, of
Grosvenor-street, Millbank, was brought up in the
custody of a parochial constable before Mr. WHITE,
charged with killing and slaying John Webb, aged 26.
The constable stated, that a Coroner's inquest
bad been held at the Star and Garter, at Kew-
bridge, before Mr. Stirling, on the body of John
Webb, who was killed by the bursting of a cannon
on Tuesday last, which had been made by the pri-
soner, and the Jury had returned a verdict of man-
slaughter against him.
By the desire of the Magistrate, the constable
tated the substance of the evidence which had been
adduced before the Coroner and Jury, which ap-
peared in the papers of yesterday.
Mr. WHITE asked the prisoner if he wished to
say anything.
Mr. Carr appeared to be deeply affected, and was
so overcome by his feelings that it was for some
time before he could proceed. He acknowledged
that he received the order for making the cannons,
which he at first refused, and it was not until re-
peated solicitations that he consented to make them,
and they were made according to the orders which
he received. He concluded by staving that no per-
son could deplore the melancholy accident which had
occurred more than lie did, but he was quite uncon-
scious of being the cause of it.
Mr. WHITE was about at first to take bail, but
on further consideration he said that, as the evidence
of the different witnesses was not before him, he
could not say on what grounds the Jury had re-
turned a verdict of manslaughter against Mr. Carr,
and he, therefore, did not think, under the circum-
stances, that he should be justified in accepting bail.
Mr. Carr, who was in a state of the greatest agi-
tation, was then removed from the bar, and corn-
mitted to Newgate for trial on the Coroner's warrant