The Sun.
London, England, 1859-12-07 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 7, 1859.

GREAT SOUTHERN OF INDIA RAILWAY
COMPANY.
Notice is Hereby Given, That the Transfer Books of the
Company will be closed from TUESDAY the 20th, to SATUR-
DAY, the 31st December, both days inclusive, for the purpose
of preparing the Half-yearly Interest Warrants.—By Order,
ROB. It. NOTMAN, ➢ianager and Secretary.
2, Leadenhall-street, December 3, 1659.

CATTLE SHOW. See the RIFLEMAN'S
Registered KNEE-CAP GARTER.—BowIey, and. Co.,
Charing-cross. Full particulars sent by post.

441V.ANS'S HOTEL and MAGNIFICENT
MUSIC and SUPPER ROOKS, COVENT-GARDEN.

"CATTLE SHOW WEEK."

THE ANNUAL MEETING OF COUNTRY GEN-
TLEMEN and OLD FRIENDS will take place, in the
above HOTEL, during the week.
The following programme is respectfully presented, em-
bruin.- much that is thoroughly classic, high in art, and
executed with scrupulous *are :
WEDNESDAY.—Bishop's Musio—this establishment
possessing the credit of performing the works of our Eng•
lish worthy with a fidelity unsurpassed in the kingdom;
Mendelsohn's " Walpurgis Night."
THURSDAY.—Selections from Weber, Auber, Ros-
sini ; English Glees, &c., &c.
FRIDAY.— Mendelssohn's " Walpurgis Night,"
Bishop's Dramatic Glees, &0., &c.
The Proprietor, while constantly endeavouring to fa-
miliarize his visitors with the truly beautiful in vocal
music, has not dismissed from his mind the necessity of
amusing them, with Songs of a lighter but respectable cha-
racter. He, therefore, begs to submit that Mr. Hodson
will imitate everybody, and tell funny stories ; Mr. Hol-
brook will rattle away as glibly as can be, comically, and so
forth; the grotesque violin players and dancers (who leave
for Paris and Lyons at the end of the week) ; and as a spe-
cialty, has engaged the
CHANTEURS AMERICAINS
DES THEATRES DE NEW YORK ET DE PARIS,

LUNDI.

JEUDI.

1. Chceur general, Chasse au
Loup, par toute la Troupe.
2. L'Oiseau moqueur Ameri-
can, par M. Johnson.
3. Le Chceur riant, par la
Societe.

1. Le Cris des Poulets, par la
Societe.
2. Enfin nos maurais temps
soot passes.
3. Grand dense, dans& a la
maniere des esciaves de
l'Amerique du Sud.
VENDREDI.
1. Un peu plus de cidre sucrd,
par M Johnson.
2. Duo comique sur le Banjo,
par MM Johnson et
Ilagomann.
3. Explosion de la locomotive
sur le chemin de fer do
New York.
SAMEDI.
1. La Rose d' amour, par M
Hagemann.
2. Duo des Tambourins, par
MM Lewis et Thomsofl.
3. L' Oiseau moqueur Ameri-
cain, par M Johnson.

MARDI.
1. Le Vieux Saule Pleureur,
par M Lewis
2. Solo comique sur le Banjo,
par Johnson.
3. Danse des Esclaves de
l'Amerique du Sud, par
MM Lewis et Ilagemann

ME RCRE DI.
1. Le Gros et le Petit Chien,
par touto la Troupe.
2. Lo Vieux Clem, par M
Hagemann.
3. Le Paletot Caoutchouc,
chceur general.

Soloists, Masters Byron and Mason ; Messrs. Hogan,
Brady, Godden, Smith, Peters, Bamford, M'Davitt,
Whitwell, &c., the famous Boy Choir, Glees, Ma-
drigals, and concerted Music, as ever. Conductor,
Mr. M'Davitt. Piano, Mr. Wall. Harmonium,
Mr. Cubitt. Some capital Pictures have been added to the
splendid collection of Theatrical Portraits. Doors open at
Half-past Seven, commence at Eight precisely. Admittance
One Shilling. Books of Words gratuitous.
BEDS, IN THE HOTEL, 2s. ATTENDANCE, is.

COLONEL TYNTE, M.P., AND MR. A. W.
IfINGLAKE, 11t P., AT BRIDGEWATER.

An enthusiastic and densely packed meeting was
held in the Town-hall, Bridgewater, on Monday
night, to hear addresses from the members for the
borough to their constituents on the political topics
of the day. Mr. T. L. Sealy presided.
Colonel TYNTE, M.P., was heartily greeted. He
remarked " that there never was a time, perhaps,
when there were more important interests about to
come before Parliament than at the present junc-
ture. Our foreign relations and the state of Europe
in general wore subjects for most anxious conside-
ration." The hon. member alluded at length to
the events connected with the Italian war, and
strenuously maintained the right of the Duchies to
expel their despotic sovereigns. "It was of the
greatest importance," he continued, "that England
should be properly represented at the forthcoming
Paris Congress." (Hear, hear.) He should like to
know what Englishman, of whatever politics ho
might be, would like to see the brave Italians, who
had fought for their liberties and were ready to
fight again, compelled to receive back the despotic
rulers they had righteously expelled. (Applause.)
He wanted to know whether they had not the same
right that we had, at our great revolution, when
we sent away a king unfit to govern us, and by
virtue of which our present valued Queen occupied
the English throne. (Hear, hear.) He wanted te
know by what right any Congress could send back
the deposed Princes to peoples discontented and
opposed to their tyrannical sway? (Hear, hear.)
It was the duty of Englishmen to speak out and to
boldly state that they expected the representative
of Great Britain at this Congress to perform his
mission manfully—(hear, hear)—for much would
depend on the energy and resolution of the British
Minister whether Italy was to be free or not.
(Hear, hear.) Our assistance ought only to be
given with the view of securing to the chivalrous
Italians the rights they justly claimed. (Cheers.)
Referring to the necessity of this country being
speedily placed in an efficient state of defence, the
gallant colonel said that no one unacquainted
with the scenes on a battle-field could
imagine what a fearful thing war would be in this
country. The Duke of Wellington said it would
be too horrible to contemplate. With the feverish
anxiety every one appeared to entertain as to what
-might possibly take place it behoved us to be ready
to defend our country against any hostile Power.
He claimed their support in the votes he should
probably have to give on the army and navy esti-
mates to be submitted during the approaching Par-
liamentary session, for he could not place his hand
on his heart and say he had acted honestly as a
member of the House of Commons if he did not vote
for estimates calculated to place the army and navy
in a fitting position to insure the safety of this
country. (Loud applause.) But at the same time
he contended they had a right to find fault with
him if he did not, so far as he could, as a member of
the Legislature and as their representative, see that
the money liberally voted was properly expended.
(Hear, hear.) The watchful eye of the people
should be also turned to the expenditure of the
taxes they had to pay, in order to ascertain that
the large sums they provided were strictly and
judiciously applied. This country was too great,
and our interests in it were too dear, not to be
thoroughly defended on the field or on the ocean.
(Hear, hear.) Conscription recruited the armies of
foreign States, but we trusted to the courage of
volunteers ; and he rejoiced to say that with regard
to the navy of England the pressgang would never
again have to be appealed to to man our vessels.
Greatly to the credit of the present Government,
they had instituted a naval reserve, which he hoped
and believed would be permanently successful.
Give them a good Channel fleet, and no enemy
ought to be ever allowed to touch our shores.
(Applause.) In the absence of an enormous
standing army we had now throughout England
an enormous army of volunteers. (Cheers.) Every
man would become a defender of his country,
and in a short' time would be able to use the
deadly weapon, the rifle, with a fatal precision
against a foe. The famous exploits of American
riflemen in former days against picked British
troops could be equalled, if not surpassed, by the
riflemen of England, and he sincerely and heartily
wished the movement the utmost success. With
respect to the question of Parliamentary reform,
they well knew it was much wanted and must come.
(Cheers.) During the last 10 years they had had
three Reform Bills brOught into the House of Com-
mons' and another suggested by Mr. Bright; they
had had three Queen's Speeches recommending re-
form, and they had also had the responses of Go-
vernment and the sanction of the House of Com-
mons. The Sovereign, the Government, and the
House of Commons were pledged to a Reform Bill.
The men now in office would be disgraced for ever
if they did not bring forward such a measure as
would answer the reasonable expectations and
wishes of the people. (Applause.) He voted against
the sham Reform Bill brought in by the Derby
Government because it did not enfranchise the
working classes, so called, who were entitled to a
voice in the expenditure of taxation to which they
contributed so largely. There had been a discussion
recently as to who should be the representative of
the British people to meet the scheming diploma-
tists and wily ambassadors about to assemble at the
Paris Congress ; and it had been said that the only
man who could acquit himself satisfactorily', of the
onerous task was the statesman who was never
pti
meant
outwitted
arabueraases
trusted,
edfLda,
faithfully
Lord
dhy t
therefore,
yurpel
ahe
the
lf
yolmr tocelebrated
rtsiltstill
moren M
B f
uatm eoi ttut
se rrnai
appeared'ci he yand
ra
tnhdany .
that
H")
esr
lordship was not going to the Congress, and he
that tr hme
hisPr edmniteyr
awt o uhlodmbee, pa rned-
to introduce promptly into tho House of Commons
such a measure for the amendment of the represen-
tation of the People as the unenfranchised intelli-
gent population of this country desired and claimed.
ATVair W. KINGLAKE, on rising to speak, was
received with tremendous applause. He said—
Gentlemen, it sounds natural, I think, that at this
time my hon. colleague and myself should, in some

way or other, have an opportunity of meeting
our constituents. We might, indeed, , have
visited you at your own homes ; but as that would
look rather too much like canvassing, it has seemed
to us that we should not do amiss if, instead of going
to you, we took the liberty of asking you to come
and pay a visit to us. (Laughter, and hear, hear.)
When last we met in this hail we met here to hear
an Announcement from the Manor—an anhounce-
tnent of the state of the poll. Well, we then knew,
gentlemen, what had become of the Tories of this
borough. (Laughter and applause.) We did not
know what had become of the Tories in England
generally, but the result was that we were' placed,
when we came to meet again in London, in a much ,
smaller majority than we had hoped for. However,
gentlemen, when Parliament met, and when the
necessary forms had been gone through, we pro-
ceeded to do that which I think it was your wish
we should do—viz., to turn out the Tory Govern-
ment. (Loud cheers.) The result of the dissolution
was in a groat measure to destroy the legislative
year, because, as you all know, when a dissolution
takes place several weeks are consumed in the pro-
cess which then ensues, and when a change of Go-
vernment takes place anotherloss of time is inflicted
upon the country. Consequently, there was very
little time left for legislation. HoweVer, we. had
some of our combats. Upon the Endowed Schools
Bill we had a large majority against our opponents,
and I am glad to say that on the great question of
church rates we assembled as many as 263 against
193—(applause)—so that I am pleased to be ale to
say that, although the political majority in this House
of Commons is not sogreat as we might, have hoped,
still there is ntesYnipthm,'as far as I could judge, of
there being airy intention on the.part of the House
of Commons to return to anything like religious in-
tolerance. (Hear, hear.) Before the House of Com-
mons separated for the recess I had occasion to take
a step which I hope is one you will not disapprove.
In the month of August last there was a question
as to the assembling of a Congress, and, as my
hon. colleague has Just told you, we are • now
receiving the intelligence that a Congress is in
point of fact about to meet in Paris. A member of
the House of Commons, Lord Elcho, was of opinion
that the Government ought not, under any circum-
stances, to go into a Congress. The Government,
on the contrary, was, I thought, somewhat too
anxious to hurry into a Congress without stipulat-
ing for proper conditions. (Hear.) When Lord
Eleho brought forward his motion, which if carried
would have had the effect of absolutely preventing
the Ministers from going into a Congress, they
were anxious to meet him with a direct negative,
and the result of that would have been that they
would have got the opinion of the lissuse of Com-
mons in favour of their going into a Congress in, as
I thought, a somewhat heedless manner. I there-
fore took the liberty of moving what is called the
previous question—the meaning of which is, that I
asked the House of Commons not to decide either
for Lord ElCho or for the Government, but to leave
the responsibility of determining the question of a
Congress upon the shoulders of the Ministers.
And, gentlemen, I am happy to say that I sue-
ceeded in carrying the previous question. (Cheers.)
I. supported the motion by urging it upon her Ma-
jesty's Ministers that it was their bounden duty to
refuse to go into a Congress, unless they should
obtain a distinct stipulation that no extraneous
force should be..used in Italy in order to put down
the free Governments which had been formed in
that country. (Loud applause.) I saw with
great delight that when Lord John Russell,
Minister for Foreign Affairs, addressed an as-
sembly in the town of Aberdeen he was able
to say that Ministers had arrived exactly at
that conclusion. (Hear, hear.) Ho there told
the assembled:, people that, although England
would probably be persuaded to go into a congress,.
she never would be persuaded to go into a congress
except upon the distinct understanding that force
should not be applied in order to put down the free
people oaf Italy. (Loud cheers.) I rejoice in being
able to state that for the course I then took in the
House of Commons I have received the thanks of
one of the best and truest patriots Italy ever pos-
sessed—
(hear, hear)—l have received from Italy, I
rejoice to say, the thanks of General Garibaldi.
(Continued cheering.) Now, gentlemen, I entirely
concur in all that my hon. friend Colonel Tynte has
said upon the subject of reform, but I have so great
a desire to address you upon another subject that,
if you will permit me; I will pass on to the question
which is occupying our minds so greatly at this
period. We cannot conceal from ourselves that a
great cloud is overcasting our political prospects.
The country at this moment is presenting, as I
think, a most extraordinary spectacle. On the one
hand, there are her Majesty's Ministers assuring us
that we are living in a state of perfect peace and
perfect amity with all the Governments of Europe;
and, on the other hand, the people of Eugland are
arming as though we were on the verge of a war.
Well, this is a very extraordinary state of things to
contemplate, and with your permission I will etidea-
relit to give you the view which I take of the circum-
stances in which the country is now placed with re-
gard to this question. Some gentlemen in address-
ing public meetings have spoken as if the exertions
the country is'now making in the way of armament
were merely against enemies in general, and they
have shrunk from saying against whom these pre-
parations are being made. Ido not think that is
a course worthy of the candour of the public men
of England. (Hear, hear.) All that I say I shall
say openly and distinctly. We cannot conceal from
ourselves that the anxiety of the country at the
present moment is not founded upon any fear of
Austria, Prussia, Russia, or any other country in
Europe except the country of France. (Hear, hear.)
I want to know what this is all about. (Hear,
bear.) A few years ago the notion of a war between
England and France, or even of a quarrel, would
have been thought almost as extraordinary as the
notion of a war between Bath and Bristol. I wish
to explain to you what my conviction is concerning
the circumstances under which this great change
has occurred. I think it, gentlemen, of great im-
portance that we should look at this matter
calmly and dispassionately, for depend upon it that
if you allow yourselves to be forced into violent
exertions by anything like false apprekensions
there will be a reaction, and you will return into a
state of fancied security which will be more dan-
gerous and moro prejudicial than the too excited
state into which you may be led by false views.
(Hear, hear.) It has happened to me, I think I may
say, to know something of the prople of Frence ;
to know something of the army of France; and to
know a little, mostly, of course, by reading, and
partly by a little personal acquaintance in old
times, of the Emperor of the French. Now, gentle-
men, the people of France, we all know, are a proud
and brave people, who would rise like one man to
avenge anything like an injury or insult to that great
country. On the other hand, there are a great many
people in France who would take a good deal of
pleasure in hearing of the successes of a short and
triumphant war. This is the case in most countries.
But upon the whole I believe the mass of the popu-
lation of France are an industrious and peaceful
people. (Hear, hear.) You may have seen the
other day a curious anecdote in the newspapers,
which I do not advert to merely because it is ati
anecdote, but because I really and truly think that
it was a good illustration of the character of the
French people. It was said that a peasant pre-
sented to the Emperor a large tureen of—what do
you think P—of turnip soup—(laughter)—and he
presented this turnip soup with a request that his
son might be let off sereing in the army. Now, I
do not think the turnip soup would be very good
staff to live upon, and still less to fight upon—(loud
laughter)—but still I think that humble gift of the
French peasant and that simple request which he
made to the Emperor of the French were a true
illustration of the great majority of the French
people. They want to live in peace and enjoy the
humble food to which they are accustomed, and
not to be called upon to serve in foreign wars.
That, I believe, to be the feeling of the French
people. Then, if we go to the army, no doubt there
are there severalcorps of men of very brave and en-
terprising character—we speak of them mostly as
the Zouaves,—men who enter the service as volun-
teers, who are as brave as tigers; no doubt, they
are ambitious people, and would be disposed, as
many good troops are, to go to war if ever an op-
portunity offered. But when you come to look
at the great bulk of the French army—when you
come to look at the troops of the line, you find
there exactly the peasant class of whom I have been
speaking. You go back to the poor humble pea-
sant of the turnip soup, and they are men, as far
as I am able to judge, as harmless and inoffensive,
if only let alone, as aro to be found in Europe. I
have passed a good deal of time with the French
army. I have-been with them in the bivouac, I
have been with them on board ship. I have seen
them in almost all situations you can see troops,
and I think I can undertake to say, whatever the
Zonaves and crack regiments may be, that a more
harmless and inoffensive body of men than the
troops of the line is hardly to be found perhaps
anywhere in Europe. (Hear, hear.) So much for
the people and the army. I now come to the French
Emperor. The French Emperor was a guest in

this country ; he has a friendly feeling towards
England; he his always been a friendly ally to:
this country—(cheers)-=and at present he has no
quarrel, with us. (Hear, hear.) I have come to,
this, that the French people are generally speaking
peaceful, that the army is not especially warlike,,,
and that the French Emperor is what I have just,
described. Now, why is it, I ask, that we. are all
in a state of anxiety ? I proceed. to tell you: I
tell you that the cause of our anxiety is this—that
the goVernment of France is centred in one man.
(Hear, hear.) All the resources of 37,000,000 of a
warlike people are centred not in a Parliament, not
in a Council of State, not even in that crop of states-
men which we are accustomed to call a Ministry,
but in one man. That is the circumstance which in
my mind makes all the difference with regard to
the safety of France as our neighbour. If the Go-
vernment of France were vested in a Parliament,
or in an ordinarily organised Council of State, we
should know that a body of that kind would be pur-
suing the interests of France,.and unless it should
be for the interests of France to go to war with us
we might safely rely upon it' that peace would con-
tinue, and, at all events, we should be sure that we
should have due notice of the change, for it
would
be impossible that in a day, a week, or a month an
ordi eerily organ ised Council of State, such as France
possessed before the last Revolution, could suddenly
pass from a state of perfect amity to a state of hos-
tility with England. (Applause.) But in the state
of things which actually exists you have the vast
army of France, the enormous pecuniary resources
of France, and even the c ercial navy of France,
all placed under the
ilee .of one human being. e
The Emperor of the .', not only commands all
iiip
the armies of France, t only commands the navy
of France, but he has t e power of marching almost
the whole of the commercial navy of France—
marching them like soldiers, to serve in the mili-
tary navy of the country ; and we all know, also,
that he has succeeded in inventing a financial sys-
tem which enables him to borrow the earnings of
the country, and to raise almost any amount of
money at a very short notice, and without the inter-
vention of the ordinary capitalists who used to be
employed for purposes of that sort. It comes
to this—that you have sitting, as it were, in his
library a thoughtful man who is in the habit
of keeping his own counsel—a man who pores over
books relating to battles and wars. I recollect
he told me once that he was engaged in writing
a history of all the battles that had ever been
fought. There he sits alone in his library, sur-
rounded by books of this description, surrounded
by plans and designs of all contrivances which
human ingenuity has invented to destroy human
life, and commanding at the same time the resources
of which I have endeavoured to give you some con-
ception. Well, then, it is very evident that this
man is a dangerous neighbour. (Hear.) Any
medical man will tell you that, however friendly
his feelings may he to-day a mere fit of the gout or
of indigestion may convert him into an enemy to-
morrow. Your security, if you rest it upon the
French, must repose upon the will of one man.
Will you trust it to the good7will of one man ?
(Cries of " No.") We must test the Emperor by
his words partly, and by his acts. I hear to day
that some gentlemen of Liverpool have taken upon
themselves to put a question to the Emperor of the
French, and have asked him to tell them at once
what his real intentions are. (Laughter.) I must
say the answer of the Emperor has in it a good
deal of dry humour. He tells them that they must
be very much afraid, or very confident. They
must be'very much afraid if they imagine such a
thing was possible, and they must be very
confident, indeed, if they imagine they could
place any great reliance on any answer he
might choose to give them. (Hear, hear.) How
it could have entered their minds that they could
draw from the Emperor what he would not
give to her Majesty's Secretary of State is
a thing that somewhat passes my comprehension.
(Hear, hear.) lam willing to say that the answer
he gave is partly truthful. He says he has always
been a faithful ally of this country. I say so
too ; but what would that amount to if any circum-
stance leading to a quarrel should happen to
arise ? What we must look to is not the words
of the Emperor of the French, or of any living
Prince, but to his acts. (Cheers.) The acts of the
Emperor of the French are of this kind :—He has
surrounded himself with, so vast an army, under the
name of a peace establishment, that at a few weeks'
notice he can attack, and victoriously attack, one of
the•greatest military empires in the world. That
is how hestands in regard to his land force. Well,
you may say that he assembles this land force for
the purpose of attacking Austria, Prussia, or some
continental States, or even for the purpose of keep-
ing dawn his own people at home. But against
whom is ho making his great naval preparations P
(Hear, hear.) For what purpose is he busily en-
gaged in • preparing the coast • fortifications of
France ? (Hear, bear.) Why all the world knows
that there is no country against which the naval
preparations of France can be directed except Eng-
land: I have received intelligence . only within a
few days which shows me that the Emperor has no
Minister—that he does not allow Ministers to make
a remonstrance to him of the most respectful kind.
Then it comes to this, that you have one man, with
the vast resources of 35,000,000 of people, without
any Minister, governing alone, with this enormous
power—not quarrelling with you, he is much wiser
than that ; but preparing for the eventuality of
war. I say that if we were to remain perfectly
passive in this state of things we should be mad-
men or idiots. (Hear, hear.) You will ask me, how
long is this state of things to last ? When is there
to be an end of all this ? When is there to be a ter-
mination of this miserable state of things, which
brinrss two European countries into the wretched
condition
of perpetually arming against each
other ? I can only answer that, in my opinion,
the end of it will be in the day when it
shall please France to return to Parliamentiry Go-
vernment. (Cheers.) France is a country full of
wise and eloquent men, full of men perfectly
capable of understanding the interests of France ;
and on the day when France ceases to have what I
must call a revolutionary Government—for it is a
Government founded upon a revolution and upon a
confiscation of the rights of the people,—when the
revolutionary Government shall geese and France
shall again enjoy a free Parliament and a free press,
then there will be an end of all this miserable
rivalry which sets us arming one against another.
(Prolonged cheering.) -In the meantime we must
prepare for war. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now,
let me ask you what are the ways in which a fatal
blow may be struck against England, In my
judgment there are two ways. England, as you
know, is dependent for her absolute existence upon
the free transit of the seas. Most of you are aware
that we are not a people who live upon our own
ground like peasants in a remote country, but we
are people who live, as it were, upon the commerce
of the world ; and if for one year, or even for two
months, England were debarred the free use of the
seas the whole country would be thrown into a
state of convulsion frightful to contemplate. The
notion of being excluded from the use of the seas
is not altogether so Chimerical as many in this
country may really suppose, because in the last
Russian war, which lasted two years, we excluded
Russia from the use of the seas during the whole
of that time, go that she could not send a cock-
boat to sea. Luckily for her, she was a
country dependent upon agricultural industry,
anti was not absolutely ruined by it, though she
suffered intersely, If we were in that situation for
two weeks the results would be dreadful. It is,
therefore, of absolute necessity t hat England should
be strong at sea. .Now, we desire no sort of supre-
macy upon the seas in time ,of peace. We have
long abandoned all those absurd notions that an
English vessel is entitled to make a foreig,ti ship
lower her topsails in the Chattuel, and all customs
of that kind. We desire no more privileges on the
high seas in time of peace than the humblest state
in Europe; but let there come a time of war, and
then we must still have the free passage of the
seas, And to whom is given the free passage of
the seas ? Why, gentlemen, in time of war the free
passage of the seas can be given only to the
strongest—(continued cheering)—and England
Must make tip her mind to be the strongest at sea,
or she will perish in the way I have described.
.(Hear, hear.) Therefore, gentlemen, I give great
credit—although he is my political opponent—to
Sir John Pakington, the late First Lord of the Ad-
miralty, for the great exertions he made in order
to bring the British fleet to something like a condi-
tion worthy of England. (Hear, hear.) The other
blow which may be by possibility struck against '
this country is by means of invasion. The possi-
bility of an invasion does not altogether depend
upon the supremacy of the seas, because, as many
of you know, the old Emperor, the first Napoleon,
laid his plan for the invasion of England upon the
supposition that he should be able to make the
attempt and to land here with an im-
mense force, if only he could be master of the
Channel for 24 hours; and naval men will tell you,
especially since the application of steam power,that
although England may be, as I trust she ever will
be, the strongest at sea, it still may be possible in