The Sun.
London, England, 1859-10-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 20, likra

expedients of despotic governments, there is a very
obvious one that I hope will be tried. Wages are
rising, emigration is increasing the difficulty of
providing labour for our ordinary industry. Let
us not hope to escape the necessity of offering a
little more inducement to the soldier to enter
his profession. (Cheers.) Combined withthis opinion,
that it is necessary to increase our defences, and
with a readiness to submit to sacrifices for the pur-
pose, there is another equally strong—that the ex-
penditure of the country could not have risen to its
present keight without waste on the part of public
departments, or want of vigilance on the part of the
House of Commons: Now, then, that opinion has
engaged the attention of Parliament, and must un-
dergo strict inquiry. There is a document recently
published, which I have not yet seen, which gives
ground for belief that such improvement is required
. in our dockyards. It could hardly have been other-
wise. Several of the last years have been years of
war—of lavish expenditure--during which great
power and trust must be given the executive, and
Parliament has not yet recovered its control. With
regard to this I will only ask you to place your
confidence in your representatives. (Hoar, hear.) I
believe that they are animated by the same feelings,
and if they fail it is rather from want of business
habits, from your choosing bad men, or that there
are difficulties in the way of great reductions which
you must take into account. (Cheers.) It is said
by a prominent member of the Liberal party, Mr.
Bright, that the attempt to control military expen-
diture is a hopeless task in the present Parliament
—that the army and navy are in the hands of the
aristobracy, and a large body of the House of Com-
mons are bent on maintaining those abuses. My
answer shall be short. There was a man, named
Joseph Hume, who rose to distinction in an unre-
formed House of Commons, who devoted himself to
the task with an energy and success that have never
been surpassed. You will not have Joseph Humes
every day. The system of our Government trains up
men. They have the public eye on them—a public
press to support them—and I think the machinery
will be found equal to deal with abuses such as
these in the present Parliament as it did 30 years ago.
(Applause.) There is another point in connexion
with this importtint subject to which I would briefly
refer. Many believe that great reduction was being
effected by the employment of private dockyards.
I do not. Vessels eau be built cheaper by pevate
enterprise, but nothing can supersede the ne-
cessity of vigilance on the part of the authorities.
There may be as great abuses in a system of pri-
vate contract as of public works, and it would be
less under the control of Parliament. Again, the
employment of private enterprise may answer for
a smaller class of vessels ; but the want of this for
first class ships would throw the work into few
hands, and the Government would be at the mercy
of contractors, and there would be great danger of
it becoming a monopoly. But there is another con-
sideration which is all powerful with me, and I
thilik decisive. If the work was carried on in every
private yard, and along our whole coast, what
would be our position in case of war ? Would not
such a state of things justify that which we are
now labouring to prevent, viz., filibustering enter-
prises against all our maritime towns ; and what
protection could we have but by engaging in a
system of public works along our whole sea-
board, which would be found more costly than
the present abuse ? Let me say a word now on
China. The publichave been shocked by the tidings
of a disaster in that country, and the natural feel-
ing arises in the minds of the people how we could
take the most efficient means of re-asserting our
superiority, and protecting British interests in that
part of the world. This is a feeling with which I
cordially agree. Dangers may arise which require
the presence of a large force. A Government so
inflated with their own importance may presume on
their success to undo every concession made for the
last 15 years. I enter into this feeling with certain
reservation. lam not so carried away by it as to
shut my eyes to the gravity of the crisis in our
affairs, and the danger to British interests (I put
aside questions of morality) if there be not a pmild-
ness of temper—and I would add forbearanAin
those who have charge of our affairs, both here and
in China. Nothing is more easy than to throw up
our hats, decide on licking the Chinese, and vote
the money for the purpose. There are occasions when
there is as much danger in success as in defeat ; and
this is one of them. We are dealing with a Govern-
ment unwarlike ; and there is nothing in recent sue-
eess to alter our opinion. We are dealing with a Go-
vernment so prostrate and paralysed by internal
convulsions that it seems fast falling topieces, and ap-
proaching that state of thin gs we foun din India. Lord
Elgin describes their poverty, and he says he could
not for very shame press them for money to pay
the expenses of the war. It is in the power of the
European Powers to destroy it, but unless some
caution and forbearance are exercised by those
great Powers in their demands, we may be incur-
ring responsibilities by which not only 300,000,000
of Chinese will be affected, by also our own coun-
trymen engaged in trade in that part et the world,
which must be taken into account. There is a
strong danger of throwing that country into confu-
sion, and forcing upon ourselves responsibilities
such as we incurred in India, and which I desire to
see averted. We have enough on our hands with
regard to India without desiring any further em-
pire, and our policy in China ought not to be one
of aggrandisement. (Hear.) But if this is the state
of China, and I challenge discussion on this point,
what is the value of the policy to which we have
attached this ridiculous importance of having an
embassy at Pekin? But there is another considera-
tion. Civilised governments derive advantages
from embassies, but the basis is good understand-
ing. But if we put ignominious conditions on a
semi-barbarous people, that they must accept an
envoy, the first consideration is that he must have
the support of a British force ; but what would be
the position of Mr. Bruce distant from the coast ?
Would he have weight with the Court? Would he
not be in a worse position than at Shanghai or Can-
ton ? Lord Elgin felt this, and proposed a modifica-
tion. It seemed like an attempt to back out of a
false position.. Lord Elgin came home ; Mr. Bruce
went out, and a simple question was put, is this an
exceptional visit or not ? It will be said that such
conditions are out of place now we have committed
ourselves and the Chinese have treated us with
indignity, and we must fight our way through.
Now, on this point I claim for myself the right of
suspending my opinion as to the hostile intention
and bad faith of the Chinese, because I observe that
Lord J. Russell states that Mr. Bruce was obliged to
act upon presumptive evidence, and " in these cir-
cumstances," he says," you had to weigh contingen-
cies on which no safe calculation could be made." In
this remark I cordially agree ; and, having -read
the published papers connected with the embassy
toPekin, I entertain the hope that the Chinese never
did wish to carry matters to an extremity, and that
if we act with firmness, and at the same time with
forbearance, we may carry our point better than
with a high hand. With regard to the immediate
cause of the rupture—that the Chinese had at-
tempted to re-open negotiations—l entertain the
opinion that the simple questions they put to Mr.
Bruce, when he arrived at Shanghai, were justified
from the imperfect state of things in which Lord
Elgin had left them. With regard to the resistance
of an armed progress up the Peihn, I will quote
Lord Elgin's own words in his despatch written in
November of last year, from which you may form
your own conclusion how far we aro entitled to as-
sume that this was an act of hostility on their part,
and how far the treaty could be understood as giv-
ing us a right to send vessels up the river when we
please :—(Lord Elgin to Lord Malmesbury, Nov.
5, 1858)—"We know, from the Pekin Gazette, that
the Emperor has issued orders for the construction
of the forts on the Peiho, and for the erection of
other works to protect Pekin. It would hardly, I
think, be reasonable on our part to require that the
Emperor of China should leave his capital unde-
fended for the express purpose of enabling us,
whenever we see fit to do so, to attack him there.
Nor do 1, on the other hand, think that any works
which he is like'y to raise will prevent us from
reaching it if we resolve to go thither in pursuance
of a treaty right. At the same time it may be a
question whether it would be expedient to exercise
the option conferred on her Majesty by article 111
of the Treaty of Tien•tsin in such a manner as
would force the Emperor to choose between a des-
perate attempt at resistance and passive acquies-
cence in what he and his advisers believe to be the
greatest calamity that could befall the empire." I
do not think that any language could be employed
more prophetic of what really occurred. Here is
the Ambassador who negotiates the treaty warning
the Government that any attempt to use the right
of visit by an armed force must lead to collision,
because it was one which no Government would sub-
mit to. lam not careful in in luiring who is to blame.
Mr. Bruce acted under instructions that he was
to go up the river in an armed vessel. He may or
may not have construed these instructions too
strictly. I here claim for myself the right ofjudg-
ing. I take this opportunity of warninr, my coun
trymen of the dangers they run if this policy is p'
sued. If you give such powers to your country-
men in distant parts, you wilt always require an
armed force—you will have to pay liberally in
money, and you will have the comfort of knowing
at last, as you will find out, that you arc pursuing
a policy injurious to your own trade, and against
the best interests of your country. Looking to the
importance of that question, I have thought it right
to express myself thus freely with regard to it ; and
having already expressed my opinion as to the prin-
cipal events of the session, I will only say, in con-
clusion, that, as one of my objects in asking you to
attend was to give you an opportunity of asking
for 'explanations of any part of my public conduct

11....... ca.......,
which you think calls for explanation, I shall be
to give them. (Loud cheers.)
most happy
The dlllgitmAN then asked if any gentleman had
any question to ask of their hon. member, or any
remarks to makC.,
Captain MossmA3f.trusted that Sir Edward Colate-
brooke would contiOne to represent this gre
county in the open, clean and satisfactory manner
He moved a resolution, convey -ng
which had all along marked his conduct. (Cheers.)
meeting to Sir Edward for his ada:ess,
ing their continued confidence in him 5-5
presentative in Parliament. and express-
the thanks of the
their re-
Mr. J. WILSON, Westsidewood, seconded the
adoption of the resolution, and alluded to the
honourable and straightforward manner in which
Sir Edward had condUcted his career in Parlia-

ment.
Sir E. T. COLRBROORE returned thanks for the
manner in which they had expressed their confi-
dence in him. He felt most deeply the responsi-
bility of his position as the representative of this
great ccunty, and he assured them that no exertion
should be wanting on his part to discharge his most
important duties in the most satisfactory way.
On the motion of Dr. GRAY a vote of thanks was
passed to the chairman, after which the proceed-
ings terminated.

TILE MONTARA CASE.

The protest of the English clergy and laity
against the seizure and detention of a Jewish child
by the Church of Rome on the pretence of a surrep-
titious baptism in infancy is one to command the
respect of any ordinary Power. A stranger might
not very readily understand how several hundred
names could either represent the public opinion of
this country, or amount to a tribunal qualified to
pronounce on a legal or a spiritual question. Of
course, too, the Church of Rome will easily dispose
of the authority of our bishops and other dignita-
ries. We, however, know at home, and it is alio
known by every statesman in Europe at all com-
petent to advise upon European affairs, that these
several hundred names represent just the qualities
that make England a great nation. They are the
names of men who form their opinions deliberately,
without fear, passion, self-interest, or prejudice,
and who are prepared to take their stand on their
opinions so formed. England is pre-eminently a
school of right. It is not only a place where a man
may eujoyhis own without molestation, but also a
place where he may learn what is his own, how far
he may advance his claims, and where he must stop
short at the rightful domain of his neighbour. Here
we learn to know and respect the rights of con-
science, the rights of private judgment, the rights
of society, the rights of the public, and the rights
of every man, whether he advances a humble plea
for existence, or demands our surrender to a pre-
ternatural summons. In fact, we possess among
otaselves, and in the very heart of our society, all
the various elements which elsewhere set State
against State, and, as each prevails, form the dis-
tinctive character of Governments and dynasties.
So nowhere is it better known and practised what
to render to the powers that be, and what to Him
who is over all. The men who have subscribed
this protest are no more actuated by hostility to the
Papacy. than they are by any undue tenderness to
those of the Jewish persuasion. But they know
what is due between man and man. They know
on what principles alone either Papists or Jews can
exist without an utter disruption of society. They
know, also, that there are spiritual questions, and
that spiritssal claims address themselves to the
spirit or inner nature of man. They know, there-
fore, that all attempts to assert spiritual rights by
fraud or by force, by secret conspiracy, by invasions
and surprises upon the rights of nature—by cap-
tures, abductions, concealments, and other acts of
brigandage, are as much outrages as the irruption
of an armed mob into a quiet household, into a
palace, a church, or a Garden of Gethsemane. '
Probably, however, the last thing that the sub-
scribers expect is that their protest will have any
effect, or that Rome will surrender to the naked
voice of reason and humanity the prey she has
once branded as her own. No doubt, this is all
according to the stiffest precedents of the Roman
Church. The child was baptised. It is a Chris-
tian. It is a child of the Church. It owes
obedience to the Holy See. It cannot be left in the
hands of the unbeliever. By this time, too, as is
asserted, the child itself has become an intelligent
and conscientious Christian, and enters fully and
cordially into the train of reasoning which has
separated it from its natural friends and pro-
tectors. Such logic is irresistible, and we have
only to wish that no one of the clergymen and
other gentlemen who have entered their protest
may ever have to argue the question with Car-
dinal Antonelli and the cells of San Pietro-in-
) Vincolo. AVe have no doubt whatever that the
• conclusion of the controversy would be signal and
I disastrous. The subscribers, however, are fully
• aware of all this. They know that there is no
, withstanding the logic of Rome. But we beg
the partisans and admirers of Rome to observe
that this is the very reason why most of them
hold themselves bound to do their utmost to strip
Rome of every vestige of temporal power. It is
because they see that Rome has a logic, a mode
of reasoning, a policy, and a rule of her own.
It is because Rome is utterly proof against the
principles on which human society alone can exist.
They know that, had Rome the power or the
encouragement, she wouid at once make preten-
sions certain to array half the civilised world in
arms against the other. In this island we are
all of ose opinion as to the result of the widest
and most formidable struggle ; but we have no
wish to see Europe devastated, her fields ravaged,
her cities destroyed, and her population brutalised
by a Holy War made in the name of mercy and
peace for the winning of souls. Hence it is that
we resist claims that can only be permitted with
such dangerous consequences. The fact that Ro-
man logic tends irresistibly to such a consum-
mation is enough for us. The professors of that
logic tell us that we have no weapons that can
dint its shield or foil its thrust. Tkey assure us
it pursues a course of its own that no art of
ours can disturb. We see what it must lead to,
so we give it no terms ; we resist it altogether.
Yet Rome is full of complaints ; no tongue so
sweetly pathetic, so tenderly remonstrant. Her
cry is always for her children that have been de-
ceived and seduced, and whom she longs to recall
from the precipices they play upon by the most
touching demonstrations of her motherly feeling. To
reads her letters and rescripts, her pastorals and
missives, one would suppose her only ill-used, in-
sulted, defrauded, and persecuted by all the arts
of human treachery or violence. It was difficult
to read the Papal lament over the defection and
crimes of the sEmilian cities without some sort of
passive sympathy for the parent deserted by
her children. But if one had permitted a
mere instinct to carry one further, and even to
wish success to the armies in the field against the
rebels, it must soon have occurred to the memory
that Rome recognises neither natural feel-
ings, nor political duties, nor laws of God or man,
when they conflict with her claims. She can
secretly stamp a bond of allegiance on an un-
conscious babe, and in due time wrest the unwitting
convert from the arms of its natural guardians.
She can pronounce nature itself in its highest and
purest form a crime in the face of her own higher
ordinance, and banish father, mother, sister, brother,
and all that nature has ordained, if they presume
to stand between the priest and—we cannot saythe
people—the child. Why, then, need we concern
ourselves with the spiritual yearnings of an ima-
ginary parent over her rebellious children, when
we see the reality before us ? Like various other
potentates more or less deserving of our sympathy,
Pio Nono has lost a considerable portion of his tem-
poral dominions. The Sultan, the King of Holland,
and now the Emperor of Austria, have all been suf-
ferers in this way ; and their cases can hardly be
thought so bad as that of several other Sovereigns
who have lost their thrones altogether, and retired
to private life—that private life which affords so
many examples of more terrible disasters. None
of these misfortunes, however, so that they are con-
fined to the loss of thrones, cities, or territories, can
rank with the grief of a parent robbed of his child.
We have only to suppose the case of a devout Roman
Catholic whose child has been kidnapped and carried
off to Morocco or Constantinople, there to be brought
up in the religion of the Prophet, the lord or the
inmate of a harem, and we can estimate the sorrow
of the Mortaras. It is not for us to say by the light
of our own revelation that there is ruin in one case
and salvation in the other. That is not the ques-
tion. This is a case in which our plain duty is to
do as we would be done by, and to respect the feel-
ings which our own hearts teach us to be human
and sacred. Rome will doubtless persist ; she
always does persist ; but her persistence in what we
all believe to be a crime against the first laws of
nature comes very opportunely to check any weak
regrets for the general rush of her flock out of her
temporal pale.— Times.
,111,- I

Amidst all the convulsions which Europe has
undergone for the last thousand years one Power
alone has, in spite of some interruptions, held its
ground, and never shrunk from asserting its pre-
rogatives. With a tenacity that haT no parallel in
history, the Pope has never ceased to claim supremacy
over all Powers in the world, whether temporal or
spiritual. He has not been very successful of late
years with the temporal Powers ; for there is not a
kingdom in Europe in which his bulls can be pro-
mulgated without the license of the civil adminis-
tration. But by all but ft few countries in Europe,
and those not populous, his claims to be the Vice-
gerent on Earth of the -Most High have been

devoutly respected. And not only does the Pope
assert this claim, but every ecclesiastic is trained to
support it, and to insist upon its recognition as a
fundamental principle of unity with the Catholic
Church. It has thus happened that. his Holiness
has in his hands a vast organisation extending to
every corner of the Continent, influential with all
classes of society, able to whisper oblique counsels
in the ears of statesmen, to pervert the consciences
of monarchs, to tamper with the loyalty of armies,
and to inflame the fanaticism of the people. By
this agency in times past the best interests of States
have been set at nought, the best schemes of im-
provement in government and the best efforts of
the intellect of nations have been crushed and kept
Kingdoms have been laid under interdict,
dowii.
monarchs.
proscribed, subjects absolved from their
alle fiance, az;
rebellion and slaughter publicly
4
t;isetitl.,,s The reewards of heaven
for some of the
ahpapvreobveeedn, apnrd nome vies
darkest deeds of hell—for tre...l
e cline°
son, assassination,
massacre, and prolonged torture. Xt 111::19 thus‘beeen
at all times a serious thing to provoke tia3 wras-11- of
Rome. Her weapons have been ignorance and
fanatical frenzy ; and these she has played off against
law and order, public liberty, and national progress.
Wielding two swords—the temporal and the
spiritual—the Pope has never hesitated to use
whichever as ould suit his purpose best. He has
curbed the rising liberties of foreign States by the
anathemas of the Vatican, and he has held his own
people in chains by the bayonets of his soldiers.
With instruments that reach alike to body and to,
soul he has upheld a system which, for boldness of
assertion, universality of claim, and mysterious con-
nection with all the hopes and fears of man, has no
rival, and can have no successor. With these he
has fought the world, and, when he could, has
crushed it. All the good works of the Church of
Rome, and they are many—all her monasteries,
sisterhoods, schools, hospitals, and means of charity
—have been neutralised by the ambitious aims and
worldly prizes after which she has struggled; and
her moral force has suffered hopeless damage from
the crafty, oppressive, and unprincipled means to
which she has resorted. Contrary to the example
of apostolic times, the weapons of her warfare have
been, not spiritual, but carnal. Blood has been held
cheap by her when political or spiritual influence
has been the object sought.
It is with a power so conditioned, with such in-
struments, principles of action, aims, and antece-
dents, that the public opinion of Europe will soon
have to deal. la the progress of things the tyranny
of the Popedom could not endure for ever. I•Vith ail
its isolating properties Rome could not cut itself of
from the rest of Italy, nor can Italy be excepted
from the law of improvement which is obviously
making itself felt among the nations of the Conti-
nent. By a perfectly natural process a crisis has
some. Elements of misery, discontent, yearnings
for liberty, consciousness of capability of better
things, and a very proper emulation of great and
free States, have been seething together in the
popular mind in the Papal States. They have now
grown to a head. They would have done so long
before but for the continual presence of foreign
troops. As soon, however, as the necessities of the
war compelled the withdrawal of these soldiers, and
the people were left with no other tie to the Power
that governed them than the sense of outrage and
of mock paternity, they asserted their own liberty,
as did also the surrounding States. And now it
remains to be seen whether this liberty is to be
crushed out again, and• the people relegated to
their old state of bondage. This is the questioi
of the day. "An Italian cause" has been pro-
pounded to the world by the Emperor of the
French, and the sympathy of Europe has been
invoked for it. In behalf of that cause he entered
upon a deadly war, and on the ground that he had
served it, if not sufficiently, at least as far as was
consistent with his antecedent duty to France, he
made peace. The conditions of that peace have just
been signed ; but the Italian cause is not settled by
The interests of Central Italy are still in abey-
ance, and of Central Italy the Papal States form no
inconsiderable portion. These States have followed
the example of those around them, and have all
declared against their traditional ruler. The public
opinion of a great part of Europe favours their po-
sition, and thus the temporal sovereignty of the
Pontiff is in danger of coming to an end, with the
consent of a very large portion of Christendom. •
This is a crisis to rouse whatever of the natural
man can be supposed to exist in a Pope's interior.
And now every agency by which Rome can in-
fluence public opinion, the policy of princes, and
the course of events, will be strained to the utmost.
All that ramified organisation of which we spoke
above is now being played off. A thrill of danger
has run through the Roman Catholic community ;
every primate, prelate, and priest is urged forward,
and rescripts, pastorals, and fulminations are the
order of the day. In Austria, in France, in Bel-
gium, and in Ireland, the people are urged from
the altar to make common cause with the Pope, and
by every means to bring public opinion, and if ne-
cessary the most active opposition, to bear upon the
re-subjugation of the Romagnese. This is a cu-
rious spectacle for the nineteenth century. It is
the old story over again. The spiritual power
played off against temporal rights. In this way the
most industrious efforts are being made to turn the
hearts of the people of France, in hope of thereby
affecting the policy of the Emperor. Indeed, the
Pope by this step challenges Napoleon. He in a
certain way dares him to carry out " the idea" for
which he went to war. He does not speak officially,
but he speaks through his subordinates, and vir-
tually says to the Emperor that the tranquillity of
France, and therein the continuance of his dy-
nasty, is in the hands of the Church. It will be
ablei nr se tsrstuooc
ft
formi
Fv er
at
no
somec ave adtuoc
rhpi
ni tnghi
opinion
tnehnoe c of
of
the
atshtet
tenhr this. We
years
i t
reality of
V of
when
the
eeanlpl
Nrbvoce-
g
see whether she .has yet attained to an independence
of the priesthood of Rome. If the Government of
Napoleon is to be of permanent good—if the Em-
pire is really to exalt the French nation—if her
progress is to be real and beneficent, there mast be
no truckling to the intrigues of the clergy, whose
grand motive through life is the exaltation of the
Pope, and who regard the maintenance of his supre-
macy over the mind, body, and estate of all Chris-
tendom to be a prerogative of divine right, and a
principle to live and die for.
n I will lay on for Tusculum,
And lay thou on for Rome."

That is the struggle now pending, and the world
awaits anxiously the issue.--Morning Post.

SURREY QUARTER SESSIOIVS.—Oct. 19

KINGSTON.

Before Mr. E. Penrhyn,Chairman, and a Bench

of Magistrates.)
The Court was occupied a considerable part o,
the day in hearing applications for music and
dancing licences.

all in his power to conduct the establishment in an
orderly and respectable manner.
Mr. Joyce addressed. the Court, and said that
Mr. Lemaire had made many applications for a
Licence, all of which had been refused ; and he had
taken a defiant course and kept the place open as a
"penny gaff," in spite of the magistrates. Three
additional places of amusement had been licensed
since Mr. Lemaire first applied, and the Rotunda
'was not only unnecessdfy, but would be a nuisance
to the neighbourhood.
Mr. Needham, in support of the Opposition by.
the lessees of the Surrey Theatre, said it appeared
to him that the present applicatiOn was quite un-
justifiable, and that after so many refusals by the
magistrates, the applicant ought not to perseveN
and put parties to the expense °ran ounnsip
tion. Ile thought it right to state that when Mr.
Lemurs applied' fora licence last year, considerable
surprise was felt at some of the signatures that ap-
peared in favour of granting the licence, and among
them was that of Mr. Pellatt, the late member for
1 the borough. He should not Le justified in stating
1 under what circumstances that signature was oh-
tainej g bit In would inform the court that on the
present occasion Mr. Pellatt had signed a petition
against the granting of the licence. He said, that
although he could not give any evidence with refer-
ence to the case of Mr. Pellatt, he was in a condition
to show the court how signatures to these sort of
petitions were obtained in a great many instances.
Mr. F. G. Wyan, a tradesman residing in Black-
friars-read, was then examined, and he stated that
last year he signed the petition ;of Mr. Lemaire
for a licence. for the Rotunda, and he did so under
the following ciremustances. One morning, when
he was engaged in his shop, a gentleman came in
and introduced himself to him very politely,
and said that he wanted him to sign a petition for
the abolition of the Rottinda. He said he would
do so very willingly, and immediately signed the
petition without looking at it, and the gentleman
wept out of the shop evidently very well pleased.
(Laughter.) He discovered afterwards, very much
to his annoyance, that he had signed a petition in
favour of a lieenee being granted. (4 roar of laugh-
ter.) He certainly should not have signed the peti •
tion if he had known its real objeet, because he
considered the place was a nuisance to the whole
neighbourhood,
By Mr. Knapp—Witness was quite sure he did
not mistake the word" application" for" abolition,"
(Renewed laughter.) Believed the Rotunda had
been closed during the present year.
Mr. Lilley and Mr. Charnock then addressed the
Court, and the last-mentioned learned counsel caused
a good deal of laughter by his observations upon
the entire absence of the requirement for such a
place of amusement in the neighbourhood: He said
he had himself seen a lot of little ragged urchins,
shoeless and shirtless, rushing into the Rotunda to
see "Obi, or Three-fingered Jack," or the murder
of "Hamlet ;" and each a place was only calculated
to cause the commission of crime, and could not
answer any real purpose of amusement or recrea-
tion.
The Court unanimously refused the licence:
The Chairman in the course of the day gave
notice that at the next session the rules of the Court,
with reference to licensing places of amusement,
would be altered in this respect, that in future
those persons who desired to take a transfer of a
licence for music and dancing would have to give
the same notice as though it was an original appli-
eatton.

VAKEFIELD ELECTIOX CO3I3IISSION,

WAKEFIELD, WEDNESDAY.

After the desptach of my parcel last night,
Joseph Brear, the agent employed by the Con-
servatives at the last election in distributing bribes,
continued his revelations. He said—l gave money
to a man named Beaumont, who is in prison ; I be-
lieve £l5. Five Beau monts voted on our side, and
I wish there had been more. I gave nothing to
David Turner. The " unknown man" ha& to do
the amiable with him.

Mr. Sergeant Pigott—Well, now, Mr. Brear,
will you tell us how much money you had through
your hands altogether ?
Witness—l cannot tell exactly, but I should
think it would be about £1,300. I got it in bags
from Mr. Jose Fernandez, and I did not count the
contents.

Mr. Sergeant Pigott—Did he let you have all
that you wanted ?
Witness—Knowing much of elections, I told
Sanderson that unless something was done we
should lose the election, as they were bringing
voters in all directions on the other side. Sander-
son did not say anything to discourage me, but re-
ferred me to Jose Fernandez. The day afterwards
I went to Fernandez. I cannot fix the time. Above
all things I never keep dates about election matters.
(Laughter.) The money was ready for me.
Mr. Sergeant Pigott—Who sent the stranger to

you P
Witness—l was " up"—(laughter)—l knew a
thing or two ; so I knew his business, and I asked
no questions. I had interviews with him threi
times, but I didn't want to have much conversation
with him.

Mr. Sergeant Pigott—Can you describe this
mysterious stranger ?
Witness—He was a very nice-complexioned
man, with very winning ways—(laughter)—and
just the man for the situation. (Loud laughter.)
He wore whiskers and had a beard occasionally.
(Langliter.) That is, he had one of those straight-
out beards. (Laughter.) His hair was whitey-
brown. (Great laughter.) He was not particu-
larly stout, but a very comely, good-looking man.
0, sir, what an accomplished man he was ! (Great
laughter.) I don't know that his hair was curly or
whether he wore a white hat, but his age was about
40 or 42. I will undertake to swear that I don't
know what his name is, and that I have no clue to
it. I don't know who introduced him into the town,
and I never saw him before in my life. I did not
keep a list of voters who were " briberable" I can
say what money the bags I got contained. I
was determined not to count the contents, but, from
what I spent, I think I got something to the tune
of £1,300 in notes and gold. I looked at the notes
very hard, for I thought it " very heard cheese"
that they should go as they were going. (Laughter.)
After I had paid the voters there was a little money
left, which I did not pay back, as I thought it was
my turn after the rest. (Laughter.) I have it at
home now, having never touched it, but there is
only a sovereign or two, just enough to pay for
half a dozen of champagne.
Mr. Sergeant Pigott—We want to see the bag.
You must bring it tomorrow.
Witness—Very well ; but I won't bring the
money. (Laughter.) Mr. Sanderson never warned
me againt bribery.
Thomas Alder, jun., deposed to having taken the
stranger to Brear 's ouse. He met him near the
Bull Inn, and took him at his own request to Brear.
Had never seen him since, nor heard his name.

The Court then adjourned.
WhQn the Commissioners reassembled this morn.

ing,
Miss Sarah Ann Turbill was called. She said she
had a cousin named Samuel Richard Green, an iron-
founder (who was previously examined). Her
cousin did not ask her to call upon a voter _named
Ritchie, but she was in the habit of visiting him
and his wife regularly; nothing particular
passed between them about the election beyond
mere fireside chat. Green asked her what way
she thought Ritchie would vote, but did not
suggest to her to ask him for his vote. She knew
that Ritchie was a wavering sort of man, and that
they were in very poor circumstances ; but" they
did not ask her what they were likely to get for
the vote. Mrs. Ritchie told hor on one occasion that
Barratt had given her husband £4O for voting for
Charleswort h.
Mr. Joseph Shaw, spirit merchant, one of Mr.
Charlesworth's active supporters, was next called.
He said he had £4O given to him for the purposes
of the election by Mr. Fernandez ; that was the
whole amount of money which passed through his
hands for the purposes of the election. He canvassed
about 300 electors, and got abont 100 signatures to
the requisition to Mr. Charlesworth. Recalled with
'Mr. Charlcsworth upon a voter named Winter, who
begged to be excused voting for theirside. Witness
waited upon him subsequently with a person named
Stephenson. He (witness) knew that the Liberals
had "opened" Winter's house. On that occasion
Winter made no promise one way or the other, but
Stephenson put down £3 on the table. Some of the
Leatlfam party came in just then, and Stephenson
took up the money and put it in his pocket. Winter
afterwards voted for Leatham. He (witness) gave
a voter named Wilcock £3O to vote for Charles-
worth, but he did not vote at all. He (witness) nei-
ther gave nor offered money in any other case. Of
the remainder of the £4O he gave a man named
'Link £B, who was a " tolerably good speaker," to
go about to the public-houses and speak in favour
of Charlesworth. He did not know the "stranger /,
who had been spoken of by some previous witnesses,
who was engaged in the election on his side, nbeusthsc;
heard there was " a man in the moon" down, but he
never knew who had sent for him. He made it a
point to know as little of these matters as possible.
it was generally understood among " election
people" that " a man in the moonwmeant a
person
who was engaged to bribe the
on electors.
He
Ia
eCeh aknew
-
that Joe Brear was bribing voters
woith side, but he did not know that Mr. Goldthorpe
was so engaged. He (lid not know of his own know-
ledge of any other person X
iVimlcaonckinbetinhge
bribed. He never heard that the
"man
moon" was a relatiNTofone of the prominent mem-
bers of h 4 Ho party.(witness). canvassed for Charles-
wcrth at the election of 1857. He made no offer to