The Sun.
London, England, 1866-05-23 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 23, 1866.

Class 45.—(6 Stove or Greenhouse Ferns, distinct)—
Messrs. James Deitch and Sons, Chelsea-Ist prize.
Class 46.—(6 New Tender Ferns, distinct)—Mr. James
Backhouse and Son, Yorkshire-Ist prize.
Class 47.—(6 New -Hardy Ferns distinct)—Messrs.
James Ivory and Son, Nurseryman, Dorking and Reigate
—lst prize.

Class 48.—(24 Hardy Ferns, species or varieties, dis-
tinct)—Messrs. James Ivory and Son, Nurserymen, Dork-
ing and Reigate-Ist prize.
Class 49.—(12 Hardy Ferns, species or varieties, dis-
tinct. Amateurs not showing in No. 48)—Mr. William
Marshall, F.R.H.S., Clayhill, Enfield (William Wilson,
gardener)— Ist prize.
Class 50.—(6 Tree Ferns, not fewer than three species)
—Mr. Thomas Williams, Interior Gardens, Crystal Palace,
Sydenham-Ist prize.
Class 52.—(The Finest Tree Fern)—Mr. Thomas Wil-
liams, Interior Gardens, Crystal Palace, Sydenham-Ist
prize.

Glass 53.—(12 Lycopods, distinct)—Mr. J. W. Taylor,
River House, Woodbury Down, Seven Sisters-road, Stoke
Newington. (Henry Barnard, gardener)-Ist prize.
Class 54.—(6 Lycopods, distinct)—Messrs. James Veitch
and Sons, Chelsea —lst prize.

Class 61.—(12 Hardy Taxads, Taxus, Cophalotaxus,
Torreya, &c., distinct)—Messrs. James Veitch and Sons,
Chelsea-Ist prize.

Class 62.—(25 Hardy Conifers, distinct. Taxads ex-
cepted)—Messrs, James Veitch and Sons, Chelsea-Ist
prize.

Class 63.—(12 Hardy Conifers, distinct, Taxads, ex-
cepted)—open for exhibitors not showing in Class 62
Messrs. John and Charles Lee, Royal Vineyard Nursery,
Hammersmith-Ist prize.

In the other sections representing genera, species and
varieties, fruits, and vegetables, the prizes were equally
numerous. In section 8, for bouquets and objects of orna-
ment in natural flowers, the awards were as under :

Class 221—(Dinner-table Decorations, 3 pieces, orna-
mented with flowers)—Mrs. Lermitte, Knighton's, Finch-
ley-Ist prize.

Class 223—(Flower-stands for the Drawing-room Table,
furnished)-31r. Thomas Charles Marsh, Ambassador's
Court, St. James's Palace-Ist prize.
Class 224—(Plant Case for the Drawing-room, furnished
with suitable plants)—Messrs. Barr and Sugden, King-
street, Covent-garden-Ist prizo.
Class 226 (Window Box, for external decoration, fur-
nished with suitable plants, the box to be of any material,
but not to exceed 3 feet 6 inches long by 10 inches wide)
—Messrs. W. Cutbush and Son, Nurserymen, Highgate-
-Ist prize.

Class 228—(1 Wedding Bouquet)—Messrs. Luckey,
Westborn Park-Ist prize.
Class 229—(3 Bouquets for Balls)—Mr. R. S. Yakes,
Sale, Cheshire-Ist prize.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TlMES.—Though the eagerness of nations to arm
and to fight when excited by rivalry or ambition
may discourage the humane, yet it is a hopeful sign
that the question of peace or war is now to a greater
degree than formerly in the hands of those who
will have to suffer by the strife. War is, indeed, no
longer the last argument of Kings, but of the people
themselves. A powerful Prince, the chosen of the
multitude, and representing in his own person the
national will, may send out expeditions to distant
countries and embark in enterprises with which the
people have little sympathy. But not even the
French Emperor could conduct a great war without
the goodwill of his people, and much more are the
other Princes of Europe likely to fail in mili-
tary designs to which their subjects are opposed.
We have now before us the spectacle of two
Powers, one in the North and the other in the
South of Europe, arming for the attack of Austria,
and concluding for that purpose a strange and
almost unnatural alliance. So far as their rulers
are concerned, each is equally ready for the strife.
If the accounts of the Convention concluded between
them be correct, either is to strike as soon as the
other has been assailed or challenged. A shot fired
either on the Venetian or the Bohemian frontier is
to be the signal for the two armies to open their re-
spective campaigns. But what a difference is there
between the allies! Turn from Cabinets and mili-
tary coteries and inspired journals to the body of
the nation, and then the contrast between the Prus-
sian and the Italian is not to be mistaken. South of
the Alps all is enthusiasm. Bloodshed, bankruptcy,
the chance of political convulsion, the certainty of
foreign interference and dictation are disregarded
when the prospect of gaining Venetia looms, how-
ever hazily, on the sight. The Italian has during
seven years been taught to regard the conquest of
,this corner of his country as the one inestimable
object of patriotic endeavour. Nothing that he has
gained has been of any value in his eyes as long as
Venetia continues subject to Austria. All that might
be done by improving and consolidating the present
possessions of the Crown, all the political influence
that might accrue to a wisely and economically ma-
naged State, has been postponed to the enterprise
of completing the national territory. Garibaldi re-
ceives a command with the rank of a General, and
in a single week 26,000 men are enrolled in the
ranks of his followers. Here we have the spectacle
of a nation eager for war, and only to be restrained
from it by the overpowering strength of a neigh-
bour, or the positive conviction that defeat will be
the consequence of its attack. Far different is the
attitude of the German people, whether Prussians
or citizens of the minor States. It would seem
that the considerations which present themselves
to the mind of every thinking Englishman have
begun to have their weight with that slowly
moving people. We have more than once observed
that the purpose of Count Bismark, so far as it
can be gathered from his acts, is radically opposed
to the interests of the Fatherland. He is, no
doubt, a patriotic Prussian, but he is a Prussian
only. His purpose is to enlarge the bounds of
the Prussian State, and if this design had any
analogy with the statesmaaship by which Cavour
turned the Kingdom of Sardinia into the Kingdom
of Italy it would be excusable. There are few
Englishmen, at any rate, who have much sympathy
with the German Courts, or would care if their
inevitable mediatisation were accomplished by the
present Minister. But Count Bismarck recalls to
the mind of his neighbours the most questionable
exploits of the Prussian monarchy, and whatever the
hankering of a part of the German people after
unity under the shadow of the Prussian throne may
be, they fear that the aggrandisement of Prussia, if
effected by domestic war, will have to be purchased
by the alienation of German territory to a foreign
dominion. Thus the same national spirit which
impels Italy to war in the hope of gaining a pro-
vince impels the Prussians and their kindred neigh-
bours to peace through the fear of losing one. We
cannot wonder, then, that from Prussia and the
minor States we hear of nothing but peace meetings
and protests against the designs of the Government.
The Prussians, we doubt not, would gladly see the
Duchies annexed, if this could be accomplished safely
and peacefully by a Liberal Government. But they
are not inclined to pay too dearly even i
. for a port n
the Baltic and a commanding position on the ocean.
All through the kingdom a voice has been raised
against the impolicy and the guilt of dividing
the Confederation, and joining in what are looked,
upon as the revolutionary designs of Italy. 'Phis
feeling is not confined to civilians, to Liberals in
politics, or to those who live by industry and trade.
In spite of the threatening attitude of Austria, who
is massing her half-civilised lies on the frontier—
in spite of ancient rivalries and the military spirit
which generally possesses the young and enterprising
part of the people at the prospect of war, there is
even in the army and the militia an unwillingness
to serve, which is said to amount almost to resist-
ance. The Prussian army, which is popular in its
constitution and contains a large proportion of edu-
cated men, has no spirit for a war condemned by
the nation, a war which can give no real glory, and
the ultimate consequences of which are likely to be
a great national misfortune. The feeling of the
German people at large may Le judged from the
meeting which took place on Sunday at Frankfort.
The Congress of German Deputies assembled to the
number of 200, and adopted, on the recommenda-
tion of its committee, a resolution condemning a
war. It declared those who might cause one guilty
of grave crimes towards the nation, and threatened
with the national execration those who might at-
tempt to dispose of any portion of German territory
to foreigners. The meeting also passed a resolution
in favour of the neutrality of the States not actually
engaged in the dispute, and declared that it is their
duty to retain their forces intact, so that if occasion
shall arise they may be in a position to maintain
the territorial integrity of Germany. It will be seen
by the tenour of the resolutions how much the fear
of the eventual loss of the Rhine impels the German
people to oppose the war, and to condemn the policy
of Count Bismark. From these opposite tendencies
of the two States now leagued against Austria, it
is fair to conclude that there still remains a possi-
bility that war may be stayed, and a probability
that if it begin it may before long he checked by
some political movement in Germany. We assume
that Austria will have sufficient self-command not
to repeat the mistake of 1859, and destroy the in-
fluences that are working in her favour by an attack
on either of her adversaries. If she cannot consent
to take the advice of Europe and part with Venetia,
her best policy is to remain on the defensive. If
Prussia be restrained by the protests of her own
people, and by the warnings of the Czar, who is
said to have pronounced against the aggrandize-
ment of the kingdom at the expense of the
minor Princes, it may be that the Italians will
reflect before they begin a conflict in which, if
unaided, they are sure to be defeated. It is
almost needless, however, to repeat that the
course of events will be in the main directed by the
French Emperor. If he declares indubitably in
favour of peace, then it is probable that Europe
will not be disturbed. But it is in vain to expect
tranquillity unless the Powers meet at the approach-
ing Conference in a spirit of concession. The root of
the whole difficulty is the possession of Venetia by
Austria ; and if this Power could be prevailed upon
to yield to the wishes of Europe and relinquish its
disaffected province, it would establish a claim on
their goodwill which could not be ignored. If Italy
were satisfied, it would not be difficult to bring
Count Bismarck to reason.

Post —The correspondence which passed interme-
diately through Mr. Adams between Earl Russell
and Mr. Bancroft, in reference to certain statements
made by the last-named gentleman in a speech de-
livered some months since in Washington, though it
possesses now but little importance, is for many
reasons deserving of a passing comment. Possibly,
owing to the fact that the gift of second sight is
bestowed on but few, persons are proportionately
gratified when the predictions which they venture
to make are subsequently verified. " I always told
you so" is an expression which gives so much delight
to those who are in a position to employ it, that
even the certain conviction that it will cause pain to
the hearer sehlom avails to prevent the prophet
boasting of his success. And, on the other hand,
nothing is more mortifying than, when one's pre-
dictions have been falsified by events, to be re-
minded of that fact by those against whose judgment
we pitted our own. Now, it is needless to remind
the public that the late war between the two sections
of the American Republic necessarily give rise to a
variety of surmises respecting the result ; and
even Ministers of State, though officially closing
their eyes to the fact that there was more than
one de facto Government in the United States,
did not hesitate to express opinions which were
intelligible alone on
the assumption that there
were two Governments, and that those Govern-
ments would be firmly established. The wish is so
frequently father to the thought, that it is not sur-
prising that the members and supporters of the
Federal Government should have regarded with no
Confederations could
friendly feeling those who endorsed the unnatural
belief that two independent
ever exist within the &sits of the American Union;
and this feeling of animosity was not unnaturally
intensified towards those whose positions invested
with extraordinary weight the sentiments to which
they gave expression. In the month of February
last Mr. Bancroft took occasion in the House of
Representatives at Washington to deliver an address
in the nature of a paean on the success of the Fede-
ral arms and the re-establishment of the Republic
in its pristine integrity,
and in doing so made sbnie
very severe strictures 04 the conduct of the English

Government generally, and of some of the members
of that Cabinet in particular. Of the language used,
and of the course taken by Lord Russell, who held
the post of Foreign Secretary during the civil war,
he spoke in terms of great bitterness. When the
report of Mr. Bancroft's speech was published in
England, Earl Russell addressed a non-official letter
to Mr. Adams 'justifying himself from the charges
advanced by Mr. Bancroft, and a copy of that letter
having been transmitted to Mr. Bancroft, elicited
from that gentleman a reply, which, so far as we
are aware, closed the correspondence. Both letters
were published in our columns yesterday, and a not
uninstructive moral may be deduced from their con-
tents. In his speech at Washington Mr. Bancroft
charged Earl Russell with having, on the outbreak
of the civil war, hastened to apprise the European
Courts that the Republic was in its agony, was in
fact no more, and that nothing remained but to write
the epitaph of the late Union. The truth of this
charge Earl Russell emphatically denied, and being
of course unable to prove a negative, referred to cer-
tain language which he held at the time, and which
was in its nature inconsistent with the assumption
that he could have either orally or in writing ex-
pressed himself in the manner alleged. He reproved,
he said, a member of the House of Commons for
stating in his place that the bubble of Republicanism
had burst, and expressed the belief that, whether
the division of the Union was assented to or not,
" the Great Western Republic would remain, hap-
pily for the world, a powerful and independent Re-
public." Earl Russell concluded his letter by de-
precating the general tone of Mr. Bancroft's address,
and by pointing out that nations which were at
peace should also be friends. To this letter Mr.
Bancroft in due course replied, and, so far from re-
tracting any of his previous assertions, repeated
them, supporting them by a series of quotations
from Earl Russell's own despatches. That the
Foreign Secretary regarded the Union as a thing of
the past, Mr. Bancroft urged was proved conclu-
sively by the language of a despatch addressed by
him to Lord Lyons in the beginning of May, 1861,
in which he stated that " civil war had broken out
between the several States of the late Union," that
" the Government of the Southern portion had duly
constituted itself," and that the British Government
did not wish their representative in Washington to
make any mystery of that view. On the same day a
second despatch was written by Earl Russell to Lord
Cowley, accompanying a copy of that sent to Lord
Lyons, in which the expressions " the late Union,"
" the late United States," were freely employed,
and in which the Foreign Secretary desired to be
made acquainted with the views of the Imperial
Government. These despatches, Mr. Bancroft
further asserts, were written by Earl Russell pre-
vious to the arrival in London of the Minister accre-
dited by Mr. Lincoln, and, as the Foreign Secretary
himself admitted, before he had " received from
Lord Lyons any report as to the state of affairs and
of the prospects of the several parties." The re-
proof uttered by Lord Russell in the House of
Commons was 24 days after the date of these
despatches. On these several grounds Mr. Bancroft
submits to the public that he was justified in alleg-
ing that ere the war had well commenced the Bri-
tish Foreign Secretary regarded the Republic as no
more, and hastened to communicate that view to
foreign courts. It must be confessed that, viewing
the matter literally, the American has much the best
of the controversy, and many persons will be inclined
to think that the present Prime Minister has gained
nothing by challenging Mr. Bancroft to make good
his assertions. But the truth is that the only fault
which Earl Russell committed was in using the lan-
guage of commonsense instead of that of diplomacy
Although from the commencement to the close of
that most disastrous war every Cabinet in Europe
regarded the Union as perfect, .and assumed that the
jurisdiction of the central Government was acknow-
ledged throughout the length and breadth of the
Republic, yet every member of those several Cabi-
nets well knew that the Union was temporarily at
least dissolved, and that, exceptin official despatches,
one could not, without absurdity, speak of the en-
tire Republic as the United States. Lord Russell,
however, has always had the character of being an
awkward letter-writer. And in the despatches
quoted by Mr. Bancroft he unquestionably used
language which had better been avoided,and which,
however harmless, at all events furnished some jus-
tification for the assertions made by Mr. Bancroft
respecting the attitude he assumed on the com-
mencement of the war. Lord Russell echoed the
sentiments of the vast majority of the people of this
country when he said of the American war that it
war a struggle for empire by the North, and for in-
dependence by the South. But, having used this
language, he ought not to be surprised if one who
was an ardent Federalist should accuse him of par-
tisanship. The conclusion we are driven to is that a
Minister of State should never entirely divest him-
self of his official character, and should weigh well
the literal meaning of every word which he em-
ploys.