The Sun.
London, England, 1835-02-17 00:00:00

TOWER HAMLETS.

DINNER TO DR. LUSHINGTON AND MR. CLAY.
Last evening, the united Reformers of the Tower Hamlets
gawa a dinner at the London Tavern to their representatives,
Dr. Lushington and Wm. Clay, Esq., to celebrate their tri-
umph over the Tory opposition at the late election. The
company was so numerous, that any addition to the numbers
must have been productive of positive inconvenience ; the
room known as the " Great Room" appeared to be filled in
every part. Amongst the visitors present we observed, be-
sides the two Hon. Members, Mr. Tooke, M. P. for Truro,
who was in the chair, Mr. Charles Lushington, M. P. for
Ashburton, Mr. Hume, Mr. Warburton, Mr. Ewart, M. P.
for Hull, Mr. Prescott, the banker, Mr. Wadden, and others
distinguished for their liberal principles.
The cloth being removed, and Non nobis, Domine sung ;
The CHAIRMAN rose to propose the first toast, which he said
had been conceived in a spirit of manly and discriminating
loyalty—it was " The King, and may he never forget the
principles which placed his family on the Throne." Three
times three and much cheering. The next toast proposed was
" The Queen," which was no sooner announced than there
was a burst (hissing. There was some applause also, but it
was very partial. The expression of disapprobation being
continued however for a considerable time, the plaudits rather
increased. While this state of things lasted, the company were
asked to charge their glasses for the next toast, but it being
supposed that the request referred to the toast of " The
Queen," there was a loud and general cry of " No, no."
The CHAIRMAN rose and said the health of the Queen had
been drunk, they would therefore be pleased to charge glasses
for the toast which, according to the order of their proceed-
ings, was to follow.--( Cheers.) He would give them " The
Princess Victoria and the rest of the Royal Family."--(Great
cheering. )
The CHAIRMAN next gave " Our patriot Prince, the Duke
of Sussex."—( Cheers'.) The Hon. Gentleman pronounced a
warm eulogium on the public and private character of his
Royal Highness.
" The People, the only source of legitimate power," was
received with three times three.
The CHAIRMAN now rose to propose " The health of the
two Honourable Gentlemen—Dr. Lushington and Mr.
Clay."

The toast was received with four times four, and most en-
thusiastic cheering.
Dr. LUSHINGTON, on presenting himself was greeted with
many rounds of applause. He said he rose to address them
at a period of unexampled public interest— when the various
conflicting opinions in this kingdom were striving for the mas-
terdom, and when in his humble judgment the great c ntest
was, whether this nation should advance in the cause of great
and national reform, civil and religious, or whether, by being
consigned to the power and custody of those who for so many
years held them in trammels, they should retrogade in the
path which they had chosen.—( Cheering.) At such an hour,
at such a time, when the boldest must be appalled at the
possible consequences, what greater consolation, what greater
encouragement could he and his Honourable Friend and
Colleague receive, than the support and approbation of
the large meeting which he now had the honour to ad-
dress ? If, indeed, at any time he could have doubted—
which, thank God, he never did—as to the soundness
of the principles he had professed and endeavoured
to carry into execution, the judgment of this assembly,
numerous, independent, enlightened and competent to
judge, would have re-assured-him—they would have given him
confidence, had he faltered for an instant. But he had never
doubted ; his principles had been the same from the earliest
hour that he appeared before the public. The only doubt he
ever entertained was as to the means by which he could most
securely and efficiently carry those principles into practical
effect. When the late change took place, he declared him-
self, in the face of the public, the most resolved and uncom-
promising foe of the new Administration.—( Cheers.) Again,
he avowed, that at the very moment the intelligence reached
him, the first object of his heart, and that object he had fol-
lowed up by every exertion in his power, was to unite—to
combine, and consolidate in one effort, every individual who
possessed the same principles that he did, however they might
differ in degree. What cared he for the difference ?
( Cheers.) One might say he (Dr. Lushington) was an old
Whig—( A laugh and ckeers)—another might call him a Ra-
dical ; another might admonish him as a Destructive—Re-
former signifying Destructive in the opinion of some. In all
such cases, what he had acted on was this—was there A prin-
ciple of common union to be found in seeking to realize the
just demands of the people by abolishing all abuses, by carry-
ing into effect reform, by satisfying the people of England,
and saving from bloodshed the 1 people of Ireland ?—(Great
cheering.) Was he not right ?—( Hear, hear.) Let them
look at the present Administration, and see what they had to con.
tend against. What was their policy ? Was it not to divide
them all ?—( Hear, hear.) And they were to be divided, not
because they differed in principle, but simply as to some of the
details in carrying the principle into effect. Of what was the
new Government composed ? Why, if they looked to Eng-
land they would see a union of rather discordant materials in
Alexander Baring, the President of the Board of Trade, and
Mr. Secretary Goulburn—( Cheers and laughter)—they would
also see that ancient Whig, the Earl of Rosslyn, shaking hands
with the Earl of Aberdeen—(Laughter)—and if they crossed
the Channel, he would say (with indignation not exaggerated)
they would behold the former eloquent and able supporter of
the Roman Catholic claims, the Knight of Kerry, united with
Colonel Percival—the intolerant Percival.—(Great cheers.)
Why, when he saw such combinations as these—when he saw
all minor differences sunk among these gentlemen—when he
saw the professions, votes, and speeches of twenty-five years
forgotten, and that they were marshalled in one array against
the liberties and happiness of the country, was it not time to
step forward and oppose them ?—( Cheers.) But he had been
told that he had invaded his Majesty's prerogative—( A laugh)
—that he had no right to take the line he had adopted till ex-
perience made the truth apparent ; why, he could not but
remember that it had pleased his Majesty's advisers t
appoint the Marquis of Loadnden'y 16 the 'ernl3assy` of
St. Petersburgh, and was he to wait till the Noble Lord
had done all the mischief that he had it in his 'Rimer to
do ?--( Continuhd cheers.) Nay; but Stop'; if this were' the
true principle, it.might have 'plqased his. Majesty's advisers to
make the' Noble 'Maequis Secretary of State'ffor the Foreign
Department---(sthouts, of laughter) ; nay, -le might- have
stepped even into the shoes Robert Peel himself—
( Continued 'laughter. ). Could a-fgross.er fallacy „than this be
stated ? However.the'existipg Administration Was compoSed,
—of vvhatiiiiek 4pdterials- it- "carritiitedp-7-'hinilever uhfit they

ight know it to be by past experience,—still they were to
give it their confidence for a time ; and when it had done the
mischief, that mischief they were to endeavour to repair as
best they could. Had they said that the House of Commons
should appoint the Ministers, they would have violated the
Constitution of the land ; but all past history, and even the
annals of the House of Commons, would show that the course
they had adopted was justifiable. The House of Commons
had, before now, addressed the King, and said, " For God's
sake, make a more efficient Administration, or the interests
of this country are deeply injured."—( Hear, hear.) On
both these principles—feeling the urgency, and seeing the
addresses which had been made to the people,—addresses
that were not, intended to be intelligible, but were framed
much on, the principle as propounded by some learned
divines of the thirty-nine articles, to induce as many
as possible to enlist under the same flag—men who at-
tached different meanings to the same words—observing
these things. they would abandon common sense, and the
great principles of consistency, if they did not declare that
they would endeavour to eject from present power men
whose past conduct in public had demonstrated their unfitness
to exercise it—men whose principles had ever been hostile to
every measure which he from his heart had advocated as bene-
ficial for the mass of the people. There had, however, been
indications of late of a far more serious tendency. They who
had watched the progress of those publications which advo-
cated the interests of the present Administration could not have
failed to observe an attempt to get the lower orders of the
people into a union with the higher, in order to oppose the
middle classes. It had been remarked, that " too much power
had been given to the middle orders, and great benefit would
arise from investing the lowest of all with still greater autho-
rity." None could have read these lines without seeing what
was intended if the party had but the opportunity.—( Hear. )
They projected an extension of the franchise, not on the prin-
cipie that those should enjoy it who, by education, knowledge,
and reflection, would exercise it for the benefit of the people,
but intending to confer it on persons of the rank of_onrzaucienti
freeman in the corruptible and corrqpt.,boroughs—men tv'ho
could be induced by Tory Oa to form An with
the Tories.—( Cheers.) To any fair extension of the franehise
-he Was most friendly; 'but:With iegard to any of tliose proposi-
tions- whi,ch would tend merely.to enlarge: the sphere of cor-'
ruption, and give perpetuity:to the power at present exercised
,by the ,party which was ever hbstile to- civil and religious li
berty,,*.howeVer ipeeious,the. form, and-however calculated= to.
seduce, the lower order's, at the cost. of any unpopularity he
might iiicur, he:would stand in the gulf, and die -rather than
not-oppose them.,-(Cheering:) He and his friends were Re-
formers, and Would not refuse good measures come whence they
might; If the:preseut:Administration continued in office, they
would take really good measures from them, and by the: tileSs-
ing of God they would make them better and more efficacious.
(Laughter.) But they would not intrust Goulburn with the
religious liberties of this country.—(Mdch cheering.) They
would net hand over Ireland to the merciless domination of
those who must, if they followed the present system, deluge
her in blood.—( Cheering.) And he would lay against the
House of Lords their last damning offence, viz., their rejecting
the Tithe Bill for Ireland, which, giving security to the Pro-
testant Establishment there, and a larger portion of wealth
than could be realized by law or at the point of the bayonet,
was rejected by that House, and of which the first fruits were
the blood which had been shed at Rathcormac.—( Cheering.)
At the door of that assembly he laid the guilt. A measure
more likely to have attained that great and blessed end, the
peace of Ireland, never yet was propounded to them. Never
was there a measure in which greater sacrifices were made
by their opponents for that great and desirable object. And
one of the present Ministers, in whom they were now called
on to put their trust, was the very individual who moved
the rejection of that Bill. That this party would do better
than they did, he knew well.—( A laugh.) That the Re-
form Bill could not be repealed, he knew as well as they
did. The inestimable benefits of that measure could never
be exaggerated. It had not only enabled their friends to do
justice to the people, but it had disabled the enemy from
doing them injury. They knew with what feelings he should
go to Parliament. He had been the object of much obloquy.
—( Shouts of " Don't mind it.") He was neither deterred
nor frightened.—( Much cheering.) The abuse of his politi
cal enemies was the next best thing to the approbation of his
friends. Fortified by their approbation, and confident in the
soundness of his principles, he would proceed in the course he
had hitherto adopted ; he never yet, in the most adverse days,
despaired of the success of truth, and he never would.—
( Hear.) He had lived to see gratified the dearest hope of
his earliest days, in the abolition of slavery and the reform of
Parliament. He remembered the hour when he was ridiculed
for both—when he was laughed at for a wild enthusiast. The
cause of truth had triumphed—the cause would triumph : they
might depend on it, whether the present struggle were long
or short, let them but keep in view justice to themselves as
well as others, and their cause was ultimately safe. For him-
self he cordially thanked them : he thanked them for that
which was the proudest attribute of a British statesman, viz.,
the free power to enter the House of Commons, not as an in-
dividual nominated to his seat, or becoming possessed of it by
purchase—not speaking merely the sentiments of himself, but
the opinions of by far the larger mass of so great, so intelli-
gent, so wealthy, and so independent a constituency. This
was his pride and his boast ; it was that which would uphold
him in the hour of tribulation ; it was that which would com-
fort him in any temporary difficulty ; it was that which, he
doubted not, would enable him to go along with others, so
long as they were struggling to obtain the consummation they
desired.

Mr. CLAY then rose to return thanks. After expressing
his gratitude to the electors of the Tower Hamlets for the con-
fidence which they reposed in him, and for the cordial welcome
which they on this occasion had given him—he observed, that
whilst he estimated highly the honour of being again the ob-
ject of their choice, he felt a greatly increased responsibility
in undertaking at this moment the honourable yet arduous
duty which it imposed on him. He was aware that public
men were charged, and perhaps not unjustly, with a disposition
to exaggerate the importance of the circumstances in which
for the moment they happened to be placed, and to describe
each epoch of our history as a crisis in national affairs. But
it was in no such spirit that he ventured to give it as his
opinion that the present aspect of public affairs, if not such as
to make it more alarming was such as to furnish matter for
more grave reflection, and for conduct more cautious on the
part of those to whoni the people confided their in-
terests, than any state of the public affairs which
had been known to more than one or two gene-
rations past. The great and glorious measure of Par-
liamentary Reform had effected changes in the very elements
of the political system of this country, of which many persons,
and some of them unhappily now seated in high places, as
yet but very imperfectly appreciated the importance. That
measure, by restoring to the people the choice of their repre-
sentatives, had invested them with resistless power.—( Cheers. )
If unhappily there should be wanting, on the part of those who
ruled them, the wisdom to make timely concessions, or if, on
the people, there should be wanting sobriety in the exercise
of their newly-gained power, a collision, which was impossible
when a corrupt oligarchy ruled the State; must inevitably take
place between the popular and the aristocratic branches of the
Legislature. This it was which constituted the danger of the
present times. He was more afraid, he confessed, of the want
of wisdom in our rulers than of calm and sound sense and so-
briety in the people.—( Cheers.) It was difficult to conceive
that advisers of the Crown should be found so weak or so
wicked as to recommend or sanction the motion of a hopeless
contest between the prerogative of the Crown and the national
will ; and yet he hardly knew in what other light than as a
first step of such a contest he was to look on the recent exercise
of the prerogative—a step which, before Parliamentary Reform,
would have been a bold one—subsequently to that measure,
it was more than bold. What was the character of that
proceeding ? The former Ministry having professed their in-
tention to effect those reforms in Church and State which the
peo;)le of England had determined should be effected, were dis-
missed, to make way for men whom the same people of Eng.
land believed to be opposed to those reforms. But sue. were
told that this was a mistake, and that the present Ministers
were Reform Ministers—( Much laughter)—and that the Pre-
mier had never really been opposed to Reform.—( Continued
laughter.) If so, then the age of miracles had not yet passed
away. But he would test their character of being real, sincere,
and competent Reformers by one simple consideration. They
.had professed, through their leader, to intend a reform in the
Church, and had declared that they were not unfriendly to a
reform in the municipal Corporations, nor to the removal of the
disabilities under which the Dissenters laboured. He would
not speak of the more or the less which they might intend by
these professions ; but he asked if any man of sound mind
could believe that any reform in those particulars would have
been possible without Parliamentary Reform ? There could
be but one answer to that question ; and if that were so, how
came it that those men pertinaciously opposed that very
Reform which had only for its object the gaining of those
ulterior reforms in Church and State which they now pro-
fessed to have so much at heart ? Either they were de-
void of statesmanlike sagacity and foresight to a degree
which rendered them unfit to have the guardianship of a hen-
roost, or at this moment they were insincere. Now he con-
fessed lie could not so far compliment their sincerity as Re-
formers at the expense of their sagacity. He did not believe
that they were Reformers in the sense in which the Reformers
of England understood that term. To have taken office at
the present day, avowing hostility to reform, would have been
impossible ; but their intention was to sail as near the wind as
possible, and to give that exact quantity of reform which
would, as they hoped, suffice to retain them in office. Like
the learned doctors, the casuists of old, whose duty it was to
ascertain at how small a sacrifice of the agreeable or the pro-
fitalile peccadillos a person might indulge in the pleasures of
this world without forfeiting his reversion in the next, the very
able casuist, now the leader of the Tories—and a more able
casuist than our Right Honourable Premier he knew not—
appeared to be making the experiment to ascertain with
how little sacrifice of Tory predilections he and his fol-
lowers might be able to retain the paradise of office—
( Cheers.) But he (Mr. Clay) would venture to tell the
Right Honourable Baronet that the people of England
were not to be so misled. They doubted these miracu-
lous conversions. They abhorred deceit. They were; rso
friends to casuistry. In a single wortl, -and in :;plain, huts
guage they repudiated his Ministry.—(Oreat cheering.) The
theyß ere rrnmaedres
thi
,taids
.tht epeenrstooi clal t
,411
ua t 6 s
tt
ihopny_wbeer:ae
u"s
ef a
theircti ;r1
a' t 130 cwaoursde
to their candidates was al bo you oppose oriupport
the Ministry ?" Why, 'it seas` the only test 'left 'to thein—:so
rife-Was deceit, se full was the land 'of. this iniquerade of
Reform--46 distinguish betvieen a Tory and a false biiither of
the'creed. 13tit, really,' with regard 'to the charge of being
factiou's, 1!!-i or leis Hon.' Colleague were factious in oppos-
ing thce Ministth-s before they had hid a fair trial, Dirsootti,
why, 'tlienv'vthlctie,y,afttehre
aßfeufimlol,.
avowal
apif
otfhehisToainvder
hHisameloeitis6g, were
had returned them.—( Cheers.) Nay, the 'CI4- of
piaricnticoiu;s;e;

London was factious, Finsbury was factious, Mary-le-bonne,
Southwark, Lambeth, Middlesex, were factious._( Cheers.)
They were a factious people. Now, he could understand some
few individuals being factious, but for such a charge to be
brought against a whole people was so whimsiCal, that it ap.
peared to him to be reserved for the last shift of the Tories to
make use of.--( Cheers.) The Right Hon. Premier, at a cer-
tain meeting at Tamworth, where he probably had an audience
not over critical, ventured upon a witticism which might as
well have been spared, when he said that we, the Reformers;
called ourselves " the people of England.;' In answer to
that sneer, he (Mr. Clay) would ask hire to name one
single great constituency in the empire—one which might be
truly said to represent the property, the inteliigence, and the
principles of the people of England, and among which there
had not been left any of the damning old corruption—which
had returned one supporter of his Administration ?—( Cheers. )
But whether he were right or wrong .as to the judgment
which the people of England had formed with regard to the
Ministry, would soon be put to the test. It would soon be
seen whether they had chosen then who would permit those
to do the work of Reform, whose hearts were alien from
the cause. Immediately on the meetins, of the Parliament,
one great question would be decided, which would be made
the test of the strength of party—he alluded to the ques-
tion of the Speaker.—(Much cheering.) Gentlemen (con-
tinued Mr. Clay), I am happy to tell you that, so far as I
know—unless some culpable remissness or negligence on the
part of the Reformers should occur, the fate of that question
is decided.—(Cheers.) There can be no doubt now that
the complaisance—l may say, the indulgence—of the Re-
formers was ill-bestowed when, in the first Reformed Par-
liament, they placed a man not of their own principles in
the Chair. Circumstances are now changed. We can no
longer afford any idle compliments, and it is inconceivable
to me upon what ground any man calling himself a Re-
former can vote 'for the re-election of the Right Honoura-
ble Charles Manners Sutton 16 the ehair:.:-(IJoAd ch'eerS4
Gentlemen, our opponents are never guilty of 'this misplaced
candour.--:-(Hearr hear.) They tfeVei.' att:einht to execute
that peculiar-, inaticeuVre which was felicitously described
by one of their late- shining lights= Lord Castlereagh—'
they covet " turn' their backs upon themselves.' That ma-
nceuvre, so difficult to'execitte,' ;atn sorry to,tay'ig more fre-
quently'reServed for tile-liberal 'party 'to attempt ; ''yet not-
withstanding: sortie few 'defeicticins -*our party---which I
should have thought inipossible----I",reheat tbat'l- believe the
issue of the question of the Speaker tcrbe settled:-4 Cheers'. )
Upon that question, or -at events . very shortly after thel
meeting of Paeliandent, depend liponl it-this attempt of the:
Toiik to asMinie•tbe reins of government cr:er4a reluctant and!
distrustful people shall meet-with. ksineere-and•
rebuke-. —(Chters. ) As. to” th'e-parCivhich I:myself shalt-take
'in these events, I need not waste a moment in' describing it to
you. You know my principles. Such as my career has hi-
therto been, such shall it be to the end.—( Cheers.)
Mr. CLAY proposed the toast of " The Constituency of the
Tower Hamlets, as created by the Reform Bill, and may it
ever prove true to the principles which gave it birth." (The
toast was drunk amid great cheers.)
The Rev. Mr. ASPLAND rose to return thanks. They,
with the other metropolitan constituencies, had been charged
with being Destructives—in one sense they were so, for they
had destroyed Gatton and Old Sarum—( Cheers)—and here-
after, if any rotten sprouts should be observed to spring from
their stools, they would be again ready to assist to destroy
them.—( Cheers.) They were only desirous of handing down
to their children the rights and just privileges of their fore-
fathers.—( Cheers.)
Song, " England shall weather the storm.'
The CHAIIIMAN then proposed " The health of that patrio-
tic Member for the county of Middlesex," whom he eulogized
for his perseverance and integrity, which was drank with long
continued cheers.

Mr, HUAIE returned thanks. He had been taunted by a
statement, that all his (Mr. Hume's) exertions tended to a
mere matter of pounds, shillings, and pence—but, after all, if
reform in that were carried fully into effect, it would produce
the most beneficial results ; and if the aristocracy, instead of
sharing in the plunder of the people, could be made to feel
the proper weight of the taxes, they would soon be as clamo-
rous as as any of them for economy and retrenchment.
The Cu AIRMAN then proposed " The -health o4' Mr. Ewart
and the Reformers of Liverpool." He described the Hon.
Gentleman as distinguished for his political and commercial
ability, and for his love of constitutional liberty. The toast
was drunk with cheers.

Mr, EWART returned thanks, and admitted the difficulties of
the liberal side in the old constituency of Liverpool. He de-
scribed the position of the present Ministry as a morally false
one ; they were in the dilemma of either sacrificing their mo-
rals or their politics. The visit of the present Premier to
Rome recalled some of his (Mr. Ewart's) recollections of that
ancient city, particularly the Forum, where there was a tem-
ple of Janus—a divinity celebrated for two faces—there was no
place more suited to the Right Honourable Gentlemen to in-
hale the spirit of that city than that of the double-faced god.
The temptation of office had drawn the Right Honourable
Gentleman back and overcome his scruples, and was a sort of
enlarged imitation of turn again Whittington.—( Cheers. )
He had audaciously dissolved Parliament ; but it might be
said of the Tories, without speaking irreverently, that many
were called, but few chosen.--( Cheers.) They (the Tories)
asked for a trial—the prisoners were already condemned. It
had been said, do not proceed in patches of opposition ; but it
was their duty to encounter the Tories at all points.—( Cheers. )
The late Speaker was said to be a discreet gentleman, si-
lent and impartial. They would, however, recollect that
there • was before certain regiments a certain silent per-
son called a fugleman : such was, and will be, Charles Man-
ners Sutton. There were certain evolutions of his hand, which
keep the whole troop in order ; and such would be the at-
' tempt, unless they put them out, by throwing out the leader
of the band.—( Cheers and laughter.) You will (concluded
the Hon. Gentleman) back the Conimons of England, and I
trust with-overwhelming power.—He sat down amidst great
cheering.
The CHAIRMAN, in rising to propose the health of an Hon.
Gentleman present, stted that Lord Durham and Lord John
Russell had only been prevented attending from ill-health,
and Mr. Grote from an unavoidable engagement. Lord
Brougham would also have attended, except for the reasons
stated in the letter which he would read. The Hon. Gentle-
man then read the following letter :
" Berkeley-square, Feb. 13, 1835.
" SIR—I feel extremely honoured by the kind invita•
'ion of your brother-stewards, and I should have had much
pleasure in accepting it, and in celebrating with you, a
victory in which I rejoiced most heartily on every ground
—public and private. But I regret that I am prevented
by particular avocations, which cannot be put aside, on my
return from a long absence. Be assured that the silly
clamour which has been raised in quarters too contemptible
to merit notice, against my attending, while in office, meetings
of my fellow-countrymen, never would for a moment have in-
fluenced me on this occasion. I know of no reason why a
Minister shOuld set himself above meeting his fellow-citizens.
My predecessors have done so—even those of Tory principles;
and as for one who has always lived and fought against power
with the people—for him to become all of a sudden estranged
from their society, would have been as impossible as to forget
their kindness, or disregard their interests.
" Yours truly, " BROUGHAM.
" Addressed to Mr. Coats, chairman of the stewards."

He concluded, amidst immense cheering, by proposing " The
heal:.h of Mr. Warburton."

Mr. WARBIIRTON returned thanks.

The CHAIRMAN then proposed " The health of Charles
Lushington, Esq., the independent Member for Ashburton."
(Drank with applause.)
Mr. CHARLES LustimoToN, on returning thanks, observed
that there was some difference in the situation of his learned
relative and himself. His learned relative had been distin-
guished by a long career of usefulness, both in political and
foren,sic life, and still more distinguished by being a second
time chosen the representative of one of the most numerous,
influential, and independent constituencies in the kingdom ;
whereas, he ( Mr. C. Lushington) had but just emerged from
retirement, and to assume that public trust which had been
delegated to him by one of the smallest constituencies in the
empire. But although the constituency of Ashburton was
small, it was not insignificant, and he believed not surpassed
by any body of men in public spirit, disinterestedness, and in-
dependence. That, much, then, he must yield to his learned
relative ; but he would not concede to him one jot or tittle in
attachment to liberty, in abhorrence of oppression, and in a
determination to uphold to the utmost the rights and privileges
of the people.—( Cheers.) He had been called a Destructive.
Was it because he advocated the repeal of the Septennial
Act ?—or because, from conviction, he thought it essential to
the upholding of the suffrage, to advocate vote by ballot ?
Was it because he wished to see Church reform ? If
so, then be assented to the designation. If, because
by, his voice and by his writings, he had vindicated the Dis-
senters from the gross abuse of clerical defamers, and had suc-
ceeded in causing that abuse to be partially, yet reluctantly
withdrawn, that he was called a Destructive, then he hailed
and exulted. in the title. He was about to enter Parliament
for the first time, and he should soon have to give his vote on
a most important question. That vote he should give in fa-
vour of him whom he believed would best defend and uphold
the rights of Parliament, and the liberties, of the people.
He should on every occasion give his feeble support to every
measure calculated to develope, extend, and enforce the Re-
form Cheers.)

,
Other toasts were drank in the course of the evening, among
which were " Lord Brougham—distinguished alike for his
exertions for the advancemeet of education, and for his bril-
liant advocacy of the general happiness and liberty of his
country." " The Chairman, and thanks to the constituency
of Truro, who have returned so independent a Member to
Parliament." 44 Ireland, and a speedy redress of all her
wrongs;" which were accompanied with appropriate speeches,
and the festivities of the evening were kept up with the most
perfect good humour till a late hour.

AN AMICABLE ARRANGEMENT.—A hardy : tar
who has been weathering the storms_pf the last t‘to iiinters,
the out-harbours- of N-ewfoundlandt'arrived- at: his native vil,,
lage-in this colinty, -.4botit a fortnight-sinee, and one.day in
the present week.his faithful rib, more to his-surprise_ than to
his satisfaction,- presented him yith a "sob and- heir: "—:.Jack
pondered on this unexpected honour until his -mind was dis_
tressed with doubts, -!' Devil. atit P' said he, "is he either
son or heir of mine l' am thinking." ":Why will you make a
fool of yourself (said his.wife),by disturbing your mind about_
trifles ? Call the boy my son and your heir, and the thing is
settled at once."—Western Times. • . • . . .t.

, .
A NECFATIVE INQUIRES.—A-Citiseh of the
centary, havitig mislaid his hat at a tavern; inquired with tiueb
vociferation, and in true coektiey-liike
,pfirase,==.o If 'noboilil
had saen nothinb of never a hat itofrheie's ?""-:-*Vhfat-afi; era_
is "of sense.'- - • - - - --:' c-"' - - -

COURT OF. CIrANCERY.

COCHRANE V. CURLEW'S.
This was a motion by way of appeal from an order of
the Vice-Chancellor restraining the defendant from suing
out execution on a judgment in an action at law, by which
he obtained a verdict for a sum of 1,300/. against the
plaintiff.
The plaintiff, Mr. Peter Cochrane, is a voung man, who
will become entitled to a .sum of 30,000/. on his attaining
the age of 25, and the defendants, fashionable tailors,
in Hanover-street, Hanover,square, were in the habit yr
giving him credit for expensive clothes, and supplying
Ili
with- money, to be repaid when the plaintiff attained
majority. For these advances, as well as for the debts op'
tracted in the way of trade, tLe plaintiff gave his acct'
ance, payable at distant dates., by way of security. The
business in Hanover-street had been at first carried no
by Curlewis the younger, but becoming embarrassed in
his circumstances, he transferred it to the father, and

afterwards took it back again, paying the father as c°°-
sideration money a bill for 1,5001., drawn on and accepted
by the plaintiff. On this bill Curlewis, the
father,
brought an action, which was tried at the last assizes
for Guildford,.and a verdict taken for 1,3001. and a frac-
tion. The plaintiff then filed his bill in this Court, praying
that the acceptance on which thiz action was brought might
be delivered up to be cancelled, on the ground that it wasobtained by fraud and misrepresentation ; for, although I'sadmitted the acceptance of several bills for various amounts,
yet he denied the existence of any bill for 1,5001., alleging,
that it was either a bill altered to represent a larger or'
than that for which it was origin-0-1y given, or a bill dra'
on a blank stamp, to whicirfai-giaii-been induced to affil
name. Uncle!' Illesé'cii:effrristaikes,
granted an injunction to stir the furthe ii're(44684.53'
IAs:V.; and *Ooer-ed the :VII to be delivered upon the papiil
into Court of the sum for which 'it %Vai ab"
the issue of the suit.- - -• •

Mr., 411LFE, on the part of the defendant, now_rno.4 t°
set aside this order of the Vice... Chancellor.
A t-lthreelf..crock his Lordship said he, was,ohliged to g
to. Westminster;. and the further hearing of the. case 10'
therefore, postponed till-the-next day of motions. •
,

""COURT'Or'KrNG'S BENCH. „rig

11.'1 - • ,• •.
WILSON; ROARE ANI) °THEE&
This was an action brought by Sir T. 'iNc-cviiskl 15111'
the Lord of the Manor of Hampstead, against the ara
fendants to recover certain fees for admission to a copYh°l
estate of that manor. The defendants were persons robs'
bitants of Hampstead, who, upon the nomination of the IT
of the manor, had been appointed trustees of the We'
Charity,, and as such were required to be admitted tenants
of the manor in right of their estate as such trustees. The
question in contest was, as it had been on two former ocer
sions, the amount of the fines to be taken on a nominal°
of trustees. When the case was before the Exchequer
Chamber Lord Lyndhurst said that it was a case f the
decision of actuaries only ; but this suggestion had n°t
been adopted, and the present action had been brough,t"
There were fourteen trustees of the charity. When their
number became reduced to five it was necessary to make $
fresh nomination to fill up the vacancies. The nominate?!
in this case had been made, and the question was, how t"'
fines were to be calculated. It was admitted that the
plaintiff was the lord of the manor, and that the yearly value
of the estate held by the trustees as tenants was 1,000/.
The Jury, after retiring for about twenty minutes, re"
turned a verdict for the defendants.