The Sun.
London, England, 1832-03-15 00:00:00

TREASURES OF THE DEEP.

When we reflect on the number of curious mo-
numents consigned to the bed of the ocean, in the
course of every naval war, from the earliest times,
our conceptions are greatly raised respecting the
multiplicity of lasting memorials which man is leav-
ing of his labours. During our last great struggle
with France, thirty-two of our ships of the line went
to the bottom in the course of twenty-two years,
besides seven fifty-gun ships, eighty-six frigates, and
a multitude of smaller vessels. The navies of the
other European powers, France, Holland, Spain,
and Denmark, were almost annihilated during the
same period, so that the aggregate of their losses
must have many times exceeded that of Great
Britain. In every one of these ships were batteries
of cannon constructed of iron er brass, whereof a
great number had the dates and places of their ma-
nufacture inscribed upon them in letters cast in
metal. In each there were coins of copper, silver,
and often many of gold, capable of serving as valuable
historical monuments; in each were an infinite
variety of instruments of the arts of war and peace,
many formed of materials, such as glass and
earthenware, capable of lasting for indefinite
ages, when once removed from the mechanical
action of the waves, and buried under a mass of mat-
ter which may exclude the corroding action of the
sea-water. But the reader must not imagine, that
the fury of war is more conducive than the peaceful
spirit of commercial enterprise to the accumulation
of wrecked vessels in the bed of the sea. From an
examination of Lloyd's lists, from the year 1793 to
the commencement of 1829, it appeared, that the
mimber of British vessels alone, lost during that pe-
rio(l, amounted, on an average, to no less than one
and a half daily, a greater number than we should
have anticipated, although we learn, from Moreau's
tables, that the number of merchant vessels employed
at one time in the navigation of England and Scot-
land, amounts to about twenty thousand, having, one
with another, a mean burden of one hundred and
twenty tons. Out of five hundred and fifty-one ships
of the royal navy, lost to the country during the pe-
riod above mentioned, only one hundred and sixty
were taken or destroyed by the enemy, the rest hav-
ing either stranded or foundered, or have been burnt
by accident ; a striking proof, that the dangers of
•ur naval warfare, however great, may be far ex
ceeded by the storm, the hurricane, the shoal, and
all the other perils of the deep. Millions of dollars
and other coins have been sometimes submerged in
a single ship, and on these, when they happen to be
enveloped in a matrix, capable of protecting them
from chemical changes, much information of histo-
rical interest will remain inscribed, and endure for
periods as indefinite as have the delicate markings
of zoophytes or lapidified plants in some of the an-
cient secondary rocks. In almost every large ship,
moreover, there are some precious stones set in
seals, and other articles of use and ornament, com-
posed of the hardest substances in nature, Oil which
letters and various images are carved; engravings
which they may retain, when included in subaqueous
strata, as long as crystal preserves its natural form.
It was a splendid boast that the deeds of the Eng-
lish chivalry, at Agincourt, made Henry's chronicle
" as rich with praise
As is the oosc and bottom of the deep,
With sunken wreck and sunless treasuries.:

Geology.
's Principles .1 Lyall

Mr. Trelawney's coup d'essai in the walks of
fiction, is universally considered not only as a production of
great promise, but of powerful fulfilment. " The Adventures
of a Younger Son," may probably create a new class in ro-
mance; an honour to which the work is entitled by the strik-
ing nature and originality of its qualities ; but be this as it may,
it has assuredly no living prototype. The author has se*l\
what few other men have.. witnessed ; and if his adventurer;
are without Parallel (for his novel is based on experience),
is hie method of communicating them to the reader.

IMPERIAL PARLIANIEN F.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, Menem 14.

Mr. E. BALL brought in a Bill for lighting the city of
Wells, in the county of S merset, with gas, which was
read a fiat time.

The Bill for the better assessing and collecting the poor,
and other rates, and for the employment of tl e poor in
the parish of St. Margaret's, in the county of Leicester,
was read a third time and passed.
Mr. TREVOR presented a petition from certain
colliers in the port of Sunderland, praying to be heard by
Counsel against the Sunderland Ducks Referred to
the Committee.

An HON. MEMBER obtained leave to bring in a Bill
for enlarging and extending Dee Bridge, in the county of
Chester.

Mr. STRICKLAND obtained leave to bring in a Bill to
alter and enlarge certain Acts of the reign of George 111.
for draining and improving certain lands in Holderness,
in the East Riding of the county of York.
Mr. STANLEY brought up the report of the Commit-
tee on the St. Andrew's, Holborn, Improvement Bill.
Mr. SADLER presented two petitions from various parte
of London, one from the flax-spinners of Edinburgh, and its
neighbourhood, and one from a place in Sussex, all in
favour of his Bill for regulating the hours of labour of
children in factories. The la ter was ►igned by the Vicar,
resident Magiatrates, and other inhabitants, especially by
the medical men, as, indeed, the Hon. Member observed,
was almost always the case in petitioning upon this subject.
Mr. JOHN WOOD wished to observe that
an erroneous impression had gone abroad that those
Members who were desirous of an inquiry
into this subject by a Select Committee, were opposed to
the interests of the labouring classrs. It had also been said
that all those members wished to delay the Bill ; he de-
clared however that there was nn truth in that assertion,
for no man was more fully sensible of the necessity of
an enquiry, in order to put the question to rest,
than he, in common with many other Honourable
Members, was.—(Hear, hear.) He also acquitted the
Hon. Member (Mr Sadler) of any intention to delay the
Bill ; but if any delay had taken place, it was certainly
the fault of that Hon. Member ; for if he had consented
to an inquiry before a Committee, when the subject was
before the House in January last, it would have been
settled before this time. He knew that any great
reduction in the hours of labour would be attended
with a large reduction of wages, but for which
he would have the children only to work six hours
a-day, leaving them six hours a-day for education
and recreation. The Hon. Member adverted to a meet-
ing which had been held at Manchester the other day,
when it would be seen what the manufacturers thought of
the Bill ; the meeting, in their resolutions, determined not
to offer any opinion upon the number of hours during
which children ought to be employed ; they only
went so far as to prevent night-work, and they
were of opinion that no regulation would be effec-
tual unless some limit were placed on the working ma-
chines. The Hon. Member admitted that the present Bill
was inoperative, and he was sure that no satisfactory con-
clusion could be arrived at, unless the subject were first fully
investigated before a Committee. . . _

Mr.-GREEN briefly expressed his opinion in favour of
the appointment of a Select Committee.
Mr. HUNT was sure that ten hours a day, as proposed
by the Bill of the Hon. Member (Mr. Sadler), were quite
aUfficient for children to work in such horrid hell-holes as
were to be found in Manchester.

Mr. HUME said he had always been opposed to the long
and confined employment of children in factories, but he
had never concurred in any legislative interference between
masters and their labouring men. He was desirous that
the subject should be referred to a Committee, in order
that it might be set at rest after a full inquiry ; he had
been informed that if the Bill passed as it stood at present,
many manufactories would be of necessity shut up.
After some further observations from Mr. Weyland, Mr.
Strickland, Lord Stanley, and Mr. Sadler, the petitions
were ordered to be printed
Mr. BLAMI RE presented a petition from Cockermouth
to the same effect. The Hon. Member thought, when the
petitioners became acquainted with the details of the Bill,
they would not give it their unqualified support.
Mr. HOWARD was in favour of the matter going be-
fore a Select Committee, in preference to one of the whole
House. The general opinion among manufacturers was,
that the Bill of the Hon. Member fur Aliborough, if
passed, would have the effect of increasing the poor rates.
Lord CASTLEREAGH presented a petition from
Droirore, in the county of Down, against the new plan of
education adopted oy Government in Ireland. He thought
the measure would never be productive of good, opposed
as it was by almost all the Protestant population of Ireland.
The Noble Lord then presented a petition, from the
Presbyterian Congregation of Dunamore in the county of
Down, to the same effect.
Mr. GORDON presented petitions from Clare in Suf-
folk, Stanmore, Essex, and a place in Derby, against
the new system of education in Ireland.
Mr. HUME thought the petitioners would be better
employed in attending to the education of their own
poor, for he believed no parts of England were in a
worse condition, in that respect, than Essex and Sus-
sex ; he hoped that Government would soon being
in a Bill to make every parish educate their own poor as
well as maintain them.

Mr. M. O'CONNELL presented a petition from a place

in Clare, against the Sub-letting Act; also one relative
to the Galway Franchise Bill, and against Tithes from
places in the countits of Clare, Armagh, and Tipperary ;
and from the National Political Union, and the Trades'
Political Union in Dublin, to the same effect. . .

•
- Major M`NAMARA presented a petition against the
Irish Vestry Bill.
Colonel HUGHES presented a petition from Stoke-
upon-Trent in favour of Reform.
Sir EDMUND HAYES presented several petitions
against the new system of education in Ireland.
Mr. HUNT presented a petition from the parish
of St. George's, Southwark, against the General Fast, and
praying for the abolition of the tax upon bread—and en-
quiring into the Manchester massacre of 1819—and that
the Anatomy Bill might be kicked out of that House.
Mr HUME had been requested to support this petition.
Tie did so in all the prayers but the last—he could not
consent that the Anatomy Bill should be no Cult with.
Mr. Alderman WOOD presented a petition from Wil-
liam Cobbett against the encouragement given by his Ma-
jesty's Government to emigration, and praying that not a
shilling more of the public money might be appropriated
to such a purpose.

Mr. HUME said, that from what he had heard I
of the petition, the petitioner was certainly under a
mistake. The petition stated that a Commission was
now sitting to favour emigration, and that the public
money had been voted for the encouragement of emigration.
No such things existed. The Commissioners were wil-
ling to give every information to persons wishing to go
abroad, but they had not given, nor did they mean
to give, any of the public money for the encouragement of
emigration.
Mr. BRISCOE was sure that with regard to that part
of the petition which related to the labourers in the
country, in the parishes in which the labouring class of
society was in a state of starvation, twenty out of twenty-
five of the population evere Irish, and that, therefore,
while, the present Poor Laws continued to exist in Eng-
land, and there were no Poor Laws in Ireland, the Eng-
lish labourer would have to suffer great disadvantage.
Mr. Alderman WOOD moved that the petition might
be printed.
Mr. HUNT saw nothing whatever in the petition to
lay the House under the necessity of printing it. It was
surprising that the petitioner alone should find out that in
many parts of the country the crops of last year should
have been lost from want of labourers.
Sir R. PEEL said, that it showed how little the Hon.
Member who bad presented the petition was acquainted
with the contents of the petition, inasmuch as be hail
stated, in the outset, that it came from a person
celebrated for his writings, whereas the petitioner
described himself thus :—" William Cobbett, la-
bourer, in the parish of St. Dunstan in the West,
in the city of London."—(lmmense laughter.) He wa,,
astonished that an individual so eminent for his writings
should think proper to designate himself labourer ;
lewever, whether the petition came from a labourer
or from a celebrated writer, he certainly did not think it
worth the expense of printing.
Mr. SADLER begged to inform the Right Hon. Bart.
that labourer was a title given to the petitioner by h;
Majesty's Attorney-General.—(Laughter.)
On the &SAXES'S putting the question whether tb,

petition -should be printed of not, the printing of it was
unanimously negatived.'
Mr. CROKER presented a petition from the inhabi-
tants of Arundel. complaining of the Boundaries Bill.
Lord J. RUSSELL gave notice, that when a Noble
Friend of his should bring forward the motion, of which ht
had given notice, to place Merthyr Tydvil in schedule
D, his Majesty's Government would he prepared to sup-
port it ; and that his Majesty's Government's intentio❑
was that Monmouthshire should have two Members
;nstead of three.—(Hear.)
Lord G. SOMERSET had heard that this was the in-
tention of his Majesty's Government, but it appeared to
him to he so monstrous—(Hear, hear, on the Op-
position side)--that until he had heard it from
the mouth of one of the Members of the Government, h
could only, as he did on the present occasion, put it down
amongst the many false statements which he was sure
he must have heard of his Majesty's Government.--
(Lond cheering.) Was it not astonishing that after
this Bill should have undergone so laborious
an investigation, his Majesty's Government should
come forward and make this statement, at a time
when it was impossible to suppose Honourable
Members could be prepared as they might have been
if they had hod more notice, to have shown how
highly important such a determination on the part
of his Majesty's Government was. Such an avowal
at this late hour could nei,her do credit to the
Government nor to the Reform Bill. On what
grounds could it be that with any sort of jusiire Go.
vernmentcould deny hlonmouthehire a third representative';'
He considered that some private or public motives must
have influenced the change in the intentions of Go-
vernment, and he had a right, as Member for Monmouth-
shire, to claim some public grounds from the Noble Lord
opposite, explanatory of this change. It was mere extra-
ordinary, as the circumstances of population, situation, and
employment, had been known to the Not .le Lord as well on
Friday last as they possibly could he now. When the time
came, he should vote that Merthyr-Tydvil should have a
Member ; but the county would be hardly dealt with, if,
in this manner, it were on that account disfrana:ised of
its third Member.
Colonel WOOD was taken by surprise by the statement
of the Noble Lord, and be would take that opportunity
of alluding to the extreme inconeisteney of that change
with the late opinions of Government. When he
had moved that Merthyr Tydvil should have a M• tnber,,
the only answer he received was that it would disturb
the proportions between the county and borough Mem&n.s.
There were now in the present Bill 21 additional borough
Members, to what were under tke former Bill ; and
only one additional county Member. Ile certainly could
not therefore see how, by giving to Merthyr Tydvil
a Member, the balance between county and borough re-
presentation could be preserved. He would vote, how-
ever, that Merthyr Tydvil have a Member, but not at
the expence of the county.
Sir ROBERT PEEL did not think it right that
Government, if satisfied that they were wrong in
their previous refusal to give a Member to Merthyr
Tydvil, should not be allowed now to retrace their steps.
But when it was represented that a well•adjusted proportion
existed between the county and borough Members, in
place of taking the third Member from Monmouthshire,
they ought rather to have taken the Member from South
Shields or Gateshead.
The petition was then ordered to be printed.

Mr. HUNT moved for a return of persons in each county
n England and Wales, sentrnced at the Quarter Ses.iuns
:o be fl,,gged, stating their names, ages, and offences, fur
:he last three years.

Mr. WEYLAND opposed the motion ; and, after e
short consultation with Lord Althorp, Mr. Hunt post-
poned it till this day fortnight.
Lord ALTHORP moved the order of the day lot the
further consideration of the report of the Reform of Par
liament (England) Bill.
Mr. K. DOUGLAS asked the Noble Lord opposite

(Althorp) when the order in council of the 2d of Nov. fur
regulating the legislative Colonial Consulates had been sent
out to the Mauritius. It was requisite this should be known
before the second reading of the Sugar Duties' Bill.
Lord ALTHORP consided it very desinible that
the time for the discussion of the Sugar Duties'
Bill should be fixed. It should be the subject
of future arrangement. As to the question when
the order in Council was sent out to the Mauritius, an
answer had been given on a former evening.
Mr. GOULBUItN took that opportunity of asking
a question of the Noble Lord. A rumour had reached
him that it was the int.ntion of Government, in the pre-
sent critical state of Jamaica, to appoint Lord Mulgrave
Governor of that island. He should be glad to receive
information as to the truth of this report.
Lord ALTHORI said, this is rather an unusualAuts•
tion in this House.
Mr. BURGE wished to know whether Lord Belmorc
had been recalled, and when the order to that effect had
been sent out?

To this question no reply was made.
The SPEAKER then moved that the Order of the
Day fur the further consideration of the report of the Re-
form Bill be now read, when
Mr. BURGE said he was extremely anx:ous to know
whether Lord Belmore had been recalled and whetherthe
order bad been issued, before Government had received
information of the insurrection in that island.
Lord ALTHORP said—l belkve there is no doubt that
Lord Belmore has been recalled.
Mr. CROKER rose and said that, according to the lot ms
of the House, he believed this was the most proper time to
register on their journals the opinions of himself arid
some of his friends upon the subject of the Reform Bil
He had accordingly drawn up certain resolutions in which
those opinions were declared. He believed there would
be no difficulty in the course he was now taking, his object
being to place those resolutions on the journals of the House
for luture reference. He was unwilling to go into the
detail of those resolutions, believing it to be sufficient, if he
put them in the hands of the Speaker.—(Hear, hear.)
They were such as, being for the most part matters
of fact, no Member, he conceived, would dispute; hot
he certainly was aware that the Noble Lord opposite
and his friends would deny the inferences which be dr. ye
from them. The Right Hoo. Gentleman then moved, that
instead of the Order of the Day being now read, the
following be substituted ; that the preamble of the Re-
form Bill possessed five distinct object,,, namely—
first, the disfranchisement of inconsiderable p'acea;
second, the enfranchisement of large, populous
and wealthy towns ; third, the creation of as extended
an d uniform
memormrigbherts, with thediminution ofvoting; fourli
in the t,theincreasirig
of county ex-
pense of elections ;—that in all those points the Bill was
in a greater or less degree erroneous in its principle,
inconsistent in its details, and irregular in its operations.
The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by stating that be
had detailed instances in support of these assertions, but
he was unwilling to trouble the I-louse with reading them.
Sir C. WETHERELL seconded the amendment.
The SPEAKER put, as an amendment, that the 161-
lowing resolutions be adopted instead of the report:—
That the preamble professed to have five principal A-
jects . •
Ist. The disfranchisement of inconsiderable places.
2d. The enfranchisement of large, populous, and
wealthy places.
3d. The creation of an uniform right of voting iu bo-
roughs.
4th. An enlargement of the representation of counties.
sth. A diminution of the expenses of elections.
That on every one of those points the provisions of the
Reform Bill were erroneous in principle, inconsistent in
their details, irregular and unjust in their operation.
[The remaining resolutions, which were of considerable
length, went into a detail of the various objections which
have been urged, during the debates upon the Bill, against
its several provisions.]
The amendment proposed by the Right Hon. Gentle-
man was negatived without a division.
The SPEAKER—The main question now is, that the
Order of the Day for the further consideration of the Report
on the Reform in Parliament (England) Bill be now read.
Lord ALTHORP said he bad avoided addressing the
House on the subject of the Right Hon. Gentleman's Re-
solutions until they were disposed of, as he had thought it
better to be a little irregular in entering on the discussion
rather than run the risk of imposing on the Sl'eaker the
labour of reading the Right Hon Gentleman's pamphlet
(for he could call it nothing else) over again.—(A laugh.)
The only analogy that he could find for this essay of the
Right Hon. Gentleman was the case of a protest in the
other House of Parliament; with this ditrience, how-
ever, that the Right Hon. Gentleman had taken care to
make every Member hear his protest, by having it read
from the Chair, while, in the other House, it was privately
entered on the Journals, and only read by those who had
a fancy for the perusal.-...(A laugh.) There was, how-
ever, one point on whit -
lion. Gentleman for t)

which was, that be had
duction to the House.,
some curiosity with him
Learned Gentleman wh(

ich he must congratulate the Melt
the discretion that he had displayed►
lid himself declinN: reidiox his p;-e,
—(A laugh.) it was a ma...n of
10 to know whetaci tl.e Pm, antf
ho had seconded tbe resolt.tk,is h;-,0
›prosal.
ELL-1 nil:ligutisfl.4) ' 'lit
~,_
4t e,
ads smne at . Ti--,:' Z. ii,
rr ntlean be+l till. :1 .:"',i ' '
11111 D :r7.',- u
r'• • '

a perusal of the resolutions; for they seemed to him he
embody all the different speeches and all the different ob-
jections of his (Sir C. Weth reli's) side of the House;
and he, therefore, thought it somewhat hard that the Hun.
and Learned Gentleman had not been afforded an opportu-
nity of contributing his share to the compilation.—
(Laughter and cheers.) What he now wanted to knee.-
was, what the Right Hon. Gentleman intended to propose
with respect to the printinf; of the pamphlet.—(Hear,
hear.) It was quite impossib'e, he conceived, thee it
could be printed in time to appear in the votes of the fel-
lowing day ; and it was certainly quite sentsual to place a
series of resolutions in an appendix. He was quite aetere
that it was usual to print every amendment in the votes;
but he trusted that under 'the circumstantes of the caae,
the Right Hon. Gentleman would consent to this amend-
ment being made an excention ; for the printing of it
would be extraordinarily inconvenient ; and he thought
that as a precedent it would be still more onadvisehle, for
it woold be holding out an inducement to every Member
that chose to indite pamphlets in the shape of amendments.
Mr. CROKER—He mold remember instance: of a si-
/eau course being pursued, though it might happen that
the amendment them proposed brad not run to such a
length as that which had been offered to the House. That,
however, was not his fault, hot arose from the iconortance
of the question to which it had referent. With respect
to the sentiments contained in the resolutions, the Noble
'Lord seemed to have misunderstood him. He (Mr. Cro-
ker) had not said that the resolutions which he was pro-
posing were those of his Hon. and Right Hon. Friends.
What he had meant to say was that they were entirely
ens own—chat he was altogether responsible for them—
hut that he had endeavonred to insert in them all the ar-
guments that he had heard need by his Finn. and Right
Hon. Friends against the various proposition, contained in
the Bill. As to whether his amendment ought to be printed
in the votes, the Speaker was the best judge as to whether
that was proper or not ; his only object was that the resolti-
'.ions should be recorded on the Journals of the House, be-
cause he was convinced that no page of these Journals would
ever in after times be so much examined and perused
as that whiten gave an account of the arguments in favour
of the Reform Bill, and against it. It was for this rea-
son that he had taken the trouble oi drawing up these
resolutions, and he trusted then he had worded them as
briefly and as succinctly es the nature of the can would
permit. He certainly should have been glad if he could
have saved the House from listening an Inng to any opi-
nions of his , but when he recollected the kind of cern-
mentaries that had been passed on the Reform Bill, ha.
certainly did not think that the resolutions were more
leoethy than the urgency of the question demanded.
Mr. R. GORDON—The Hon, and Learned Gentle_
man having stated that he did not second the amendment,
I should be glad to know who did ; for if there has been
no seconder, the amendment, of course, falls to the growl e
An Hoer. Meetser. stated, that be had seconded the
• amendment.
Sir C. WETHERELL complained of the sarcasm
which the Noble Lord had launched at him. His only
reason for being unwilling to second the amendment of 1
Iris Right Hon. Friend was, that he was afraid that it
might be said out of doors that he had adopted the prin.
ciple of the Reform Bill, and only objected to its details.
Sir R. PEEL—The Noble Lord has state i that the
eeealutions of his Right Hon, Friend contained all the
recommendations of those who had declared themselves ad-
verse to the Reform Bill. Pe, however, had not under-
stood his Right Hen. Friend to say that; nor did he well see
how that could be; for the general principle of the Re-
form Bill was not at all alluded to in the resolutions. As
be, front, listening to the reading of the resolutions (and
he heti no other opportunity of becoming acquainted with
them), understood their purport, it was, that even sup.
posing the principle of the Bill to be admitted, still there
were numerous anomalies and inconsistencies which ought
to he corrected ; and certainly he must say that, in that
yeepect, the resolutions appeared to him to contain a very
eble analysis of the demerits of the Bill, as far as detail
went. But, at the same time, he begged to say, as a
matter of principle, that lie did not conceive himself per-
son-ally bound by the contents of that amendment ; but
that the standard by which he was to be judged was the
observations which he had made in the course of the did-_
russifm on this Bill. With respsct to the printing of the
resolutions, he hoped that the Noble Lord would not pro-
pose any departure from the customary rule ; for he thought
that any alteration in that rule would be much worse than
any inconvenience that could arise from the printing of a
lung series of resolutions.
The Order of the Day for the further consideration of
the report, was then read.
Some remarks were made on the yeomanry of Helston ;
but they were in so low a tone of voice, that their purport
did not reach the gallery.
Some conversation_ took place aa-tu:the mode of pro-
ceeding with regard to amendments to be moved on the
report, which terminated by Lord J. RUSSELL moving
that the amendments made in the Committee be read a
second time.
The Amendments were accordingly read.
On coming to the word " Minehead," in schedule A,
Mr. LUTTRELL rose to submit the case of Alinehead
to the consideration of the House, having been prevented
from bringing it under the notice of the Committee. He
complained of the commissioner, who was at .Minehead nn
December 6, having done his duty in a hasty wanner,
which was proved by the Noble Lord (John Russell)
having subsequently- sent down for further information
from the returning officer. After stating that the popula-
tion of Minehead was 1,68=2 ; that the number of houses
was 326, of which, according to the last assessment, 91
paid above 101. ; and that the number of voters in 1805
was 269, the Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to contend
that the parish of Dunster, containing (as we understood
him) 146 houses of above 101., ought to be comprehended,
and, comparing the borough of Alinehead, so considered,
with various other boroughs not deprived of the elective
franchise, to maintain that it ought to be omitted in ache.
dule A. This would be the more just, as by the Bill the
county of Somerset was deprived of seven Members, all of
whom represented the agricultural interest. In conclu-
ado's the Hon. Member moved as an amendment, to omit
the borough of Minehead in schedule A.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL contended that the borough
of Minehead did not comprehend the whole parish of
Dunster, and that it ought to be retained in schedule A.
Mr. GOULBURN maintained that the strict limit
which had been placed on the borough of Minehead had not
been enforced with respect to Whitby and other boroughs.
Lord ALTHORP argued that the parish of Dunster
ought not to be considered as a part of the borough of
Minehead.
Sir E. SUGDEN had not heard a single word to con-
vince him that the parish of Dunster ought not to be in-
cluded in the borough of Alinebead.
After a few words from Mr. C. PELHAM, the amend-
ment was negatived without a division.
On the name of the borough of Dartmouth being read,
as included in schedule B,
Sir H. WILLOUGHBY described an error that had
taken place in the estimate of the assessed taxes paid by
that borough, and contended that it ought not to be
• placeil ire the schedule.
Mr. BONHAM CARTER maintained that the amount
of the assessment had been correctly given.
Mr. GOULBURN was of opinion that Dartmouth
was entitled to be omitted in schedule B.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL defended the mule in which
the assessment had been taken.
Mr: HOLDSWORTH insisted that it would be an act
or great injustice to include Dartmouth in schedule B.
The motion for including Dartmouth in schedule 11 was
then agreed to.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL then said that this, he appre-
hended, was the proper time for their going into the con-
sideration of the question raised by the Hon. Member for
lireconshire—namely, the giving a Representative to the
town of Merthyr Tydvil. His Majesty's Government
having taken the claims of that town into consideration,
nd being disposed to deal with it in the same manner as
the large towns of England, were willing to give it a Re-
presentative, and for that purpose they proposed to take
away the third Member they had originally given to the
county of Monmouth. The Noble Lord, the Member for
Monmouth, had, it was true, suggested that this Member
might be given to Merthyr Tydvil at the expence of the
town of Gateshead ; but it appeared to the Government
that Gateshead Was, from various reasons, entitled to a
Member, and they could not see the justice of conferring
the right on Merthyr Tydvil, while they deprived Gates-
head of its rights. It had also been suggested to them
that Merthyr Tydvil could be enfranchised by adding
one other borough to schedule A, on taking away a
borough from schedule B. They thought, how-
ever, that this was not precisely the time of day
for adopting such a course, or raising, at the ter-
mination of the discussions of the Committee, a question
with respect to the inc: :ass or decrease of the number of
disfranchised boroughs. They had, therefore, thought it
Netter, on the whole, to give a Member to Merthyr Tydvil,
by !aides away one of the third Members for a county ;
and so it happened that the county of Munrnoutk was one
of the counties which in the former Bill had been left with
its two Members, and which Wes, at the same time, the
only county of all those proposed to return three Members
which had a population tinder 100,000 persons. For
these reasons, and because there was every reason to be.
lieve the third Member for Nlonniouth would have bten,
like the Member for Merthyr Tydvil, a pereon representing

the interests of the manufactut era anti the iron trade, and
that, therefore, they would not injure the balance they had
endeavoured to preserve between the agricultural and corn •
mercial interests, he now proposed to strike the county o'
Monmouth out of the schedule, in order that the Member
might afterwards he given to Merthyr Tydvil.—(Hear.)
Lord G. SOMERSET approved of the Noble Lord's
proposal for giving a Member to Merthyr 'Tydvil, but he
o'..rected to do an act of jnetice in an unjust manner.—
(Hear.) He objeetezi to the deprivation of the county of
Monmetrt!.. in the manner the Noble Lord proposed, and
rettl:nderl him of the fact, that when he originally pi oposed
a third Member for Monmouth, he stated his belief that
the Member would I,l:l^,ng to the agricultural interest.
After repeating tb'e arguments used with reference to the
propriety a giving up Gatesheail, and alluding to the Po-
pnlation Table, for the purper&~ of proving that Monmouth,
even with its three 'Members, would not have such a com-
parative representatian as many of the smaller counties of
Engl'and, the Noble Lord complained of the shortness of
the notice given by Gcvernrn:'n'i. :-;f their intentians, and
observed, that the rorle of Monmouth would be taken
completely !!y surprise, and that he (their Representative)
aven p'eeelnded from doing justice to their cause. He lett
it to the Noble Lord to explain at whose suggestion the
change had been made. He could not believe it came
from the Hon. Member for Cardiff (Lord D. Stuart), be-
cause, after the exertions the freeholders of Monmouth had
used to support that Noble Lord's pretensions to the bo.
rough of Cardiff, they would have reason to complain that
they were treated very unhandsomely.—(Hear.)
Lord D. STUART made one or two observations in a
very low tone cf voice. We understood him to say that
the Noble Lord (Lord G. Somerset) had no right to as-
sume that he bad given any advice on the subject, and
that he should be prepared to state his opinion on bring-
lag up the report.
Mr. GOULBURN objected strongly to the arrange-
ment proposed by the Noble Lord (Russell) on the ground
that' it would destroy the cherished balance between the
agricultural and manufacturing interests, and he con-
tended that the Government, after what they bad done to
preserve the balance, had no right to take away the three
Members from the county of Monmouth. There was no
security either, that if they did consent to such an arrange-
ment the House would afterwards sanction it by giving
the Member to Merthyr Tydvil.
Lord ALTHORP, in reply to this latter observation,
said that it was in the power of the House, if the Member
was not given to Merthyr Tydvil, to restore to Monmouth
what was now taken away from it. He reminded the
House too that Monmouth had less than 100,000 in-
habitants.

Sir C. WETHERELL complained that no one knew
anything of this proposition until it was brought forward ;
and observed, that when Ministers were forced into a tardy
justice to Merthyr Tydvil, they could not bring themselves
to accomplish it because it was a p.opositio❑ from his side
of the House without taking away a portion of its
by drawing a tooth out of the county of Monmouth. The
Opposition had not been consulted on this occa,ion, nor
even any Member of the Ministerial m •jority ; and he
challenged any Member of that side of the House to have
the honour and the intrepidity to rise and say that he
knew anything of the proposition till he heard the Noble
Lord mention it in the House.—(Hear, hear.) The Bill-
men might be content with this treatment ; but he, as an
independent Member of the House, was ❑ot; and he pro-
tected against such a Parliamentary contempt. As to the
question of taking a Member from Monmouth, he thought
that Merthyr Tydvil could be enfranchised much better at
the expense of a Caine or a Tavistoek.

Mr. HUNT did not ~bject to Merthyr Tydvil being
enfranchised at the expense of Monmouth, but, on the
contrary, would have been glad to see all these unicorn
counties treated in the same manner.

Lord MILTON agreed with the Member for Preston
in wishing that there had been no third Members for
counties, but he thought it of little con-equence, except to
those who looked at what they called the balance of inte-
rests, whether the Member was given to Merthyr, or to
Colonel WOOD argued against depriving Monmouth of
its third Member, and observed that their object could be
effected with more propriety by taking from Oldham or
Brighton, or some of those places ‘vhich, under the old
Bill, were to have only one Member, that second Member
given them by the present Bill.
After a few worth from Mr. C. PELHAM,
Sir E. SUGDEN protected against the proposition.
It was indecent to shall, the majority of the House about
after this fashion.

Mr. SINCLAIR said that he had never voted against
his Majesty's Government on any principle, or on any
clause of this Biil, but that he could no: support them
on the present occasion. He Lad, however, this consolation-
-he was not deserting Ministers, but they were deserting
him. They were calling upon him to undo this night the
very thing which, a few nights ago, they
.had called upon
him to do. They required him to take away, without any
pretence, the very boon which they had induced him to
bestow upon the county of Monmouth in the course
of last week. His anxiety to support Government
was contrasted by a sense of duty. He could not
new-model his opinion, or alter his vote, without the
assignment of an adequate ground ; he could nut inflict a
stigma on a respectable county, or disappoint the very
expectations, which he had so lately contributed to
realise. He could not concur in disturbing the equi-
librium which had been established between the landed
and manufacturing interests—between the county and
borough Representatives. He thought that Merthyr
Tydvil was well entitled to a Felt:irate Member. This
position was now admitted on both sidts of the House, and
the only question was, whether this arrangement should
be completed at the expense of the county of Monmouth
or some insignificant borough ? He thought that the
latter was by far the preferable alternative, and should,
therefore, vote that the county of Monmouth should con-
tinue to stand part of the schedule.
Sir J. SCARLETT said that it did not appear con-
sistent with the usual courtesy of the Noble Lord to make
such a proposition, for the first time, in a House compara-
tively this.

The House then divided—
Ayes l9l
Noes
Majority for Ministers -45.

Lord ALTHORP proposed a clause to the effect that
the holders of land by but-gage tenure in counties of cities
should be put upon the same footing with others whose
rights were reserved in boroughs, and should be r. quired to
have six months' occupation before they were allowed to
vote.

The clause was read a first time, and, after a few words
from Colonel SIBTHORP, a second and third time, and
added to the Bill.

Lord ALTHORP proposed a clause in substitution of
clause 33, on account of a verbal inaccuracy in the clause
already in the Bill.
The substituted clause was agreed to.
Lord ALT HORP observed that it was now doubtful
whether the sheriffs of the county in which one of the new
boroughs was situated had the power to interfere in the
election of Members for such borough, so as to appoint
officers to preserve the peace during such election. Of
course it would be advisable to give him ouch power, and
the Noble Lord, therefore, proposed a clause giving the
Sheriff the same power fur that purpose iu the new
boroughs which he now possessed in any of the old
boroughs of his county.
The clause was agreed to.
Lord NEWARK then rose to propose the Amendment
of which he had given notice. The Noble Lord addressed
the House amidst much confusion. He said that the
schedule B, which left but one Member to certain boroughs,
and the schedule which gave but one Member to certain
other boroughs, both appeared to him objectionable ; and
with the view of rendering the Bill at once more simple and
more permanent, he should propose what seemed to him a
fair adjustment of the difficulty. As the Bill now stood,
he thought the clauses ha had referred to were opposed
to all hope of the permanence of the measure, and that
the adoption of the Amendment he intended to suggest
would render the Bill more consistent, and would he a
better following up of the provisions of the Bill, and a
better adoption of the principle on which the Government
bad hitherto acted. He proposed, therefore, to take fifteen
boroughs from Schedule B, and to place them in Schedule
A ; the fifteen he thus proposed to disfranchise entirely
would, of course, be the least considerable places ; that
Schedule B should be omitted, and that the fi teen remain-
ing boroughs out of the thirty placed in Schedule B,
should be made to extend into the adjoining hundreds.
When the constitution was to be amended, the principle
on which that Amendment was to be effected was that on
which the Constitution was framed, and that principle
seemed to him to be the principle of double representa-
tion, a principle which he thought ought not to be de-
parted from. He was supposed out of doors to be but 'a
lukewarm Reformer, or an opponent of the Bill, but that
was not the case. He made ibis suggestion to the House,
but was understood to say, that he should not press it to
a division, if he saw that the opinion of the House was
opposed to him. With these views, and with the desire
especially of preventing the measure from being mutable,
and of making it permanent, he prapoc:eil the present Mo-
tion.

Lard JOHN RUSSELL said, that the Nobl4ord pro-
posed t, catty the principle both of disfranchisernent and
enfranchisement farther than the Government deemed it

advisable. The present plan which they had adopted en-
abled them to act with less harshness towards these bo-
roughs, than if they had disfranchised them entirely. On
the whole, he thought there was more of disadvantage
than of benefit in the Noble Lord's proposition, and he
should therefore oppose it.
After a few worts from Sir R. VYVYAN, the amend-
ment was negatived, and the criginal resolution adopted.
Mr. HODGES moved that the Town of Ramsgate ly•
included with Sandwich, Deal, &c.
Lord J. RUSSELL oppo.ed the amendment; and after
some remarks from Mr. RYI)ER and Mr. WARRE, it was
negatived:
Mr. C. STEWART moved an amendment, that re-
turning officers for boroughs he exempted from serving
the offices of churchwarden and overseer.

It was adopted without remark, andinst rted in the Bill.
A nural,..r of verbal amendments were introduced, at
the suggestion of Lord Althorp.
Lord JAMES STUART moved that Merthyr Tydvil
be added to schedule D.

Lord G. SOMERSET and Colonel Wool) supported the
motion.

Mr. Alderman THOMPSON, though he should rejoice
to see Merthyr Tydvil in possession of a representative,
yet he should be sorry to see that advantage conferred on it
at the expense of the county of Monmouth, which he un-
derstood to be the intention.
After a few words from Mr. Iloocsos the motion was
agreed to.
Colonel SIBTHORP then moved that the further con-
sideration of the report be adjourned to to-morrow (thisday).
Lord ALTHORP objected to that motion- The pro-
position of the Hon. Member for Lincoln was the only mo-
tion remaining, and lie should therefore have a full oppor-
tunity of taking the sense of the House on it at a future
stage of the Bill; and, as there was other business of im-
portance fixed for to-morrow, he hoped that the Hon.
Member would not persevere in pressing his motion.
Colonel SIIITHORP, however, resolved to take the
sense of the House.

On a division the numb-re appeared as follow—
Again,t the Adjournment 162
For it l6

Majmrity -144;
On our re-admission we found
Colonel SIBTHORP vindicating his own conduct, in
having divided the House.
Mr. S. WORTLEY inquired whether it was the inten-
tion of Ministers to proceed with the Boundaries' Bill or
the Scotch Reform Bill first?

Lord ALTHORP replied, that he believed they would
proceed with the Scotch Reform Bill fist; hot he should
not pledge himself.
The Bill was then ordered to be engrossed, and read a
third time on Monday next.
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and
the House adjourned at Half-past One o'clock.

LITERATURE.

BRITISH AMERICA.
By JOHN M'GREGOR,

M. BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH ; T. CADELL, LONDON.

Two vote. Svo. pp. 1,089.

A comparison of the progress of the United
States, since the declaration of their indepen-
dence to the present time, with that of the Bri-
tish North American Colonies within the same
period, places the past policy of our government
of the latter in no very flattering point of view.
It requires, indeed, no very extraordinary degree
ofpolitical prophecy to foresee that the reckless ne-
fflect with which those vast and valuable territories
have ever been treated by the mother country,
added to other precipitating causes, must inevi-
tably, and at no very distant period, lead to their
junction with the neighbouring republic.—
Much, however, may yet be done with ad-
vantage and profit to ourselves, no less than
to our Trans-Atlantic fellow-subjects. The
general ignorance which has hitherto, pre-
vailed in these kingdoms respecting America, and
more especially British America, being usually
supposed to be the cause of our mistaken policy
towartl that portion of the British Empire,

_the first step towards arresting the error, and
correcting the evil, is thoroughly to acquaint
ourselves with the nature, extent, position, and
capabilities, of our possessions in that quarter
in order to contrive the most efficient and the
readiest means of employing them to the greatest
Advantage. But as comparatively very few are
inclined or enabled to transplant themselves
across the Atlantic for this purpose, we must, of
necessity, principally rely, through books, upon
the researches of those who have had the Oppor-
tunity of exploring those distant regions, and in
whose judgments upon the subject we can venture
to confide. The work before us is just such an one
as we could wish to recommend to our leaders.

Mr. M‘Gregor has written a very pleasing as
well as a highly-valuable book. It teems with
kindly feelings and considerate allowances, while
nothing is disguised, and every thing is freely
commented upon. After briefly noticing the
early settlement, advancement, and the causes
that led to the independence of the old colonies,
and also the constitution, policy, military and
naval force, and the public institutions of the
United States, the author proceeds to give an
historical and descriptive view of British America
the whole interspersed with interesting remarks
and suggestions on every subject naturally con-
nected with the country and our relationship
with it. -

From the brief sketch of the United Statesf
we extract the following remarks on the people,
fur the difference of its tone to that of most o,)
our travellers, and as breathing a spirit toward
our Trans-Atlantic brethren, that we should like
to see widely disseminated amongst us :
" It has been popular, and even fashionable, in Eu-
rope, to think lightly of the Americans. Both French
and English travellers, influenced by early associations
and customs, have seldom done justice either to the
people or to the country. To form a just estimation
of both, we must search into the great national resources
of that vast region, and examine the intellectual and
physic energies of the people ;—we must ask, what have
the Americans done since they became an independent
nation ? and not measure their capabilities, or stamp their
character, by frivolous peculiarities of language, or habits
that have differed from ours merely through the agency of
local circumstances. The-e may afford materials to a
strolling comedian to excite vulgar merriment ; but it is
certainly unworthy the attention, and beneath the dignity
of a respectable traveller, to fill his journals with the cant
language and provincialisms of individuals whom he may
accidentally meet with in a stage-coach or in an inn. No
gentleman, who is commonly polite, will 'sleet with any
thing but kind hospitality and treatment in America; and
as to the peculiarities of their tongue, I need only observe,
that I have never met with an American, however humbh.,
whose language was not perfectly plain and intelligible to
nse ; while I can scarcely understand half of what the
country people say, within a few miles of me, in Lanca-
shire. It is also common to believe, that the Americans
cherish a bitter hatred to the people of England. Many
circumstances have certainly planted sentiments of dislike
to England, or more properly to the Government, pretty
generally among the citizens of the United States; but
they are, notwithstanding, more kind to Englishmen in-
dividually, than to the people of any other country. I
may also observe further, that there is much truth in a
reply made to me by a member of the legislature of Maine,
when conversing with him on this subject : Sir,' he
said, if I were to punish men for abusing countries, I
would first knock down the person who stigmatized my
ra
dependedi a te I y
uponaf te tshier otnh ea t tthhai
st
fast:
luisnegd
isy omui. sr
e;
sonwdn,yoaundmiamy
general among os than even we ourselves think.' The
truth is, that their literature, their language, and even
their history, except for the last sixty years, are all so
purely English, that they cling unconcisously, by associa-
tion and habits, more closely to England and Englishmen,.
than to any other country or people.
" A fertile and principal excuse of Any hatred felt by

the Atterkans against tnglanct arises out of the writ-
ings of English travellers, many of whom, even by their
own admission, received the most disinterested attentions
and kindness from the people of America. These cour-
tesies they have repaid, by publishing all the foibles they
could discover; ridiculing the oratory of the public men ;
and speaking contemptuously of their government and in-
stitutions."

The following note on the treaty of Paris is
curious, and gives rise to much grievous reflec-
tion on our past follies, for \\Mich we are even
now repenting in sackcloth and ashes :

" Of all our treaties with foreign nations, there is none
so creditable to English negotiation as the treaty of
Utrecht. This celebrated treaty was managed and con-
cluded by the more celebrated Lord Bolingbroke ; and,
with whatever blemishes either justice or malice may have
sh del his character, never did any Minister secure more
effectually the interests and honour of his country, or at
so little cost.

" The treaty of 1763, which secured Cape Brereton, St.
John's Island, and Canada, to England, was also glorious,
in respect to the territories it added to the British empire;
but these acquisitions were previously secured by the power
of our naval and military forces.
" How different will both everlastingly appear in his-
tory to the Treaty of Paris, (1814) when our Ministers
might have dictated any stipulation they pleased, without
violating British honour, or international justice ! But
let us ask how the ratification of this treaty was ma-
naged ? The observation made to me by a distinguished
American statesman and philosopher, wl,om I met in
Canada, may perhaps supply an answer. We were con-
versing on the relaticns of Great Britain with Europe and
America, and particularly on the arrangements agreed to
by the treaty of Paris. ' Sir,' said he, ' a treaty is an
agreement between two or more nations, with various
stipulations, provisoes and considerations. It is, in fact,
a b again, in which something is, or has been given, and
something has been, or is received in return. Now,
sir, let me ask you, what has your country received
as an equivalent for what she has spent for, or given to
foreign states? What did you receive from .France for
the blood and treasure you wasted on her account? Why
did you not at least retain her West India islands, and the
Isle of Bourbon ? and why did you give them a naval and
fishing station worth more than them all, St. Pierre, and
Miquelon, and the best part of the coast of Newfoundland?
For what equivalent did ycu give Java to Holland ; your
Ministers could not be ignorant of its immense value, at
least not if they could endure to listen to the able and satis-
factory representations of Sir Stamford Raffles, when they
agreed to so impolitic a concession? What did you
get from Spain ? What from Portugal for the ex-
pense of defending them ? Could you not have
held Cuba, Ma,!eira, and the Western -Islands, as
pledges, until they redeemed a reasonable portion of the
debt due by them to your country ? But your Ministers
seemed to have forgotten all in the delirium of victory, in
the giddy fever created by royal attentions, and they nego-
tiated, not as if the British army occupied Paris, but as if
the legions of France held possession of London. In an
evil hour you lost every thing by a treaty which your
victories and treasures had pl.eed within your grasp. But
the genius of Bolingbroke and Chatham had forsaken, and
Canning had not yet acquired influence in your nego-
ciat'ons."

On the subject of emigration Mr. M'Gregor
writes sensibly, and gives a great mass of infor-
mation and advice. He also goes minutely into the
history of the Fisheries, sheaving their importance
to this country, and pointing out in what man-
ner they might be extended and improved. His
observations on the Timber Trade will be read
with peculiar interest at the present period. We
have only room for the following ;
" The squeamish absurdity of hringsng forward, as an
argument, the demoralizing tendency of the timber busi-
ness, which is only true, and that partially; as relates to
the professed lumberers and rafoonen, in order to force
agriculture in the colonies, exhibits the most gross igno-
rance of British Americ I, and the most slender acquaint-
ance, with all the great branches of national industry. A
statesman might with equal wisdom say, I have just dis-
covered that a vast number of the labourers employed in
the various operations of the coal trade, constitute a most
immoral portion of the community, and I will therefore
drive them to some more innocent occupation, by saddling
the trade with restristions, sufficiently heavy to prevent his
Majesty's subjects using coal for fuel. He might also say,
1 find that the operatives employed in the cotton factories
at Manchester, are neither so virtuous, sober, provident,
nor religious, as they would be if they were husbandrnen.
I will therefore adopt measures that will compel them to
be agriculturists, by laying such burdens on their fabric,
as will prevent their bring used either in these kingdoms
or by tl e people of any other nation. He might go still
farther, and say, I have really discovered that the Glasgow
and Paisley weavers are tolerably thrifty; but 1 have also
discovered that those fellows actually read Blackwood's
Magazine, even the Noctes ; and that they read the Edin-
burgh Review, and, worse than all, they read books that
give birth to sceptical ideas, not only in religiou, but in
politics. I am therefore determined, in order to cure these
evil., to prohibit, by the imposition of heavy duties, the
wearing of Glasgow or Paisley fabrics, and thereby compel
the weavers to become shephada.
" 'lids importance of our colonial timber trade is far
from being justly appreciated, and apparently least so of
all by men in office. Its consequences may appear ;rem
the following facts.
It employs in its intercourse with the United Kingdom
alone, about one-third of all the British tonnage trading
beyond the seas, or about 300,000 tons, navigated by
16 000 seamen, who are expos.d to all varieties of climate
and seas ; most of these ships make two voyages annually.
" British in inufactures to the value, at the first nest, of
more than 2,000,0001. are required in the colonies, to
pay for the timber and deals imported from them to these
kingdoms.
" The quantity of timber and deals imported from the
colonies, on an avergge for the last few years, amounts to
about 400,000 loads annually; the freight of which goes
first to the British ship-owner, and the benefits of which
are chiefly received by various classes, such as sailors,
riggers, rope-makers, ship-chandlers, carpenters, anchor.
smiths, and all those employed in manufacturing the vast
number of articles required in the building and fitting out
of ships ; and a very great share goes to benefit the
landed interest, in payment of bread stuffs, and fish, and
salted provisions.
" The timber ships are also enabled, in consequence of
having a home freight, to carry out emigrants at less than
half the fares they otherwise could. Of about 40,000
new settlers that arrived in our North American Colonies,
during the year 1530, more than 30,000 were carried out
by the timber ships.
" When we also consider the greatly increased employ-
ment given to those engaged in our manufactories, and to
the vast numbers who relieve the industry of the United
Kingdom, by finding employment in our colonies, chiefly
through the operations of the timber trade, its importance
must be still more apparent. Nor must we forget its im-
mense consequence in training hardy sailors, who may,
when we least expect to want them, be required to defend
our country from foreign invasion. All the duty expected
by the government from the additional impost is only
600,000/. ; and thiS presumption holds out that there
would he imported from the Baltic, in addition to what is
imported from the British Colonies. The result will he
found very different. The competition will be destroyed ;
the price of timber will be enhanced, and the consumption
diminished ; foreign ships and foreign merchants, and
those connected with them, would alone enjoy the benefits
of the monopoly.
" The proposed alteration extends an advantage of fif-
teen shillings per load to foreigners, which, with the
alterations in the duty on deals, amounts, according to the
opinion of all men practically acquainted with the busi-
ness, to a prohibition of our colonial timber, and conse-
quentlyengageitioni
the non-employment in that trade of the ships
" That our ships would not find remunerative employ-
ment in the foreign timber trade, is obvious. The reason
plainly is, that the Prussians, Russians, Norwegians, as
the custom-house reports show, employ, in almost all in-
stances, their own ships ; and as they can, from various
causes, build their vessels at half the cost, and victual and
man them at one-third the expense of British ships, they
can also, with other advantages they possess, particularly
in Prussia, where the Sovereign contracts with his own
ships to bring back the salt of which he has the monopoly,
always afford to carry timber at a rate of about eighteen
shillings per load, while the British ships can barely do so
at a remunerative rate, for less than twenty-eight shillings.
" Let our Government, therefore, establish the proposed
alterations in the timber duties ; and, laying aside all re-
gard for our colonies, the effect will assuredly be, ruin to
British ship-owners, an extraordinary decrease of demand
for our manufactures, consequent distress by throwing vast
numbers on the parishes, who cannot escape the evils of
poverty by emigration; driving thousands of sailors into
the service of the United States, to find that employment
in their merchant ships, which is denied in our own ; and,
in the event of a war, to become, in desperation, on board
of the American navy, our must deadly enemies, The

experience of the Mitt affordd us...patcrials kogroolid to de
atroy these conclusions. ma torclend us from thcw-ie,
that may realize them."

The following happy realization of Voltaire's'
conception of a country priest is so highly
creditable to human nature, that we cannot re-
frain from laying it before our readers. " Look
at this picture, and on that"—what a lesson
does the life of M. Segoigne present to the
Right Reverend the Lords Spiritual of these
realms
The main post leading from Annapolis to Varmouth
Passes through Clare. There are too chapele, one not far
from each extremity of this long settlement. The eastern-
most, which is the largest, will contain Omni two thou-
sand five hundred persons; its altar is a very splendid one.
Here lives, and here has resided fur about thirty years, a
man whom the demon of revolution drove from France.
In that country he was born, and there did he receive that
education, and acquire those manners, which, by being
superinduced on a pure heart and sound head, constitute
the worth of the amiable and venerable Abbe Segoigne.
This excellent cure is the priest, the comforter, the lawyer,
and judge of all the Acadians of Clare and Tusks'. As
their lawyer, or rather notary, he keeps their records,
writes their deeds, notes, and contracts; while his opinion
as their judge, and his advice as their priest and father,
convince his flock of the evils of litigation, from which
they are taught to fly as from pestilence. Woe be to the
pockets of the lawyers of Nova Scotia, if each settlement
in the province had an Abbe Segoigne for its pastor, and
inhabitants that respected his advice.

" Since M. Segoigne retired to this peaceable and se-
cluded settlement, he has only been once at Halifax, and
only two or three times at the adjoining• town of Dighy.
The urbanity of manner, and the polish which distin-
guished the gentlemen of the of old Fiench school, are
truly those of the Abbe ; yet for him the world has no
allurement to fascinate his thoughts from the calm, pious,
cheerful, and useful life, which has diffused so much hap-
piness among the Acisiliaw.
" All the changes, pAlitics, arid vexations of the world,
are unknown to him ; and he has probably no further
connexion out of Clare and Tusket with his own church,
than an occasional letter from the Catholic bishop of Que-
bec or Halifax. He speaks the Indian language fluently;
and the Micniacs regard him with the utmost veneration.
The greater port of his flock have been born, or have
grown up, under him, while he has been among them ;
and a few are accompanying him in the decline of his well.
spent life. To him, with reverence and love, all look up
for comfort in their afflictions, for advice in their mutual
difficulties, and for the settlement of their little disputes."
We cannot pass over Mr. M'Gregor's vindi-
cation of the Indian character :

" The remnant of the Indian tribes scattered over the
Canadas, and over the maritime colonies, exhibit a state of
deplorable wretchedness, which claims the consideration,
not only of the Government, but of every reflecting indi-
vidual. To say that the Indians are incapable of civiliza-
tion would he to express the most gross absurdity that was
ever uttered. A North American Indian, except when
maddened or stupified by tne liquors introduced by Eu-
ropeans, is the most dignified person in the world. He is
never awkward, never abashed, nor ever ill bred, or intru-
sive. The grave, dignified, taciturn, yet, when occasion
requires, eloquent, gentlemen of nature, has never been
properly respeced by Europeans. and least of all by the
English, who, to our disgrace be it said, have, on almost
all occasions treated the
Stoic of the woods, the man without a tear,'
with contempt. The proud heart of the Indian, deprived
of his fine country, the forests of which once afforded him
abundant game, and in the rivers of which he alone fished,
rather than zubmit to the degradation of working for the
robbers who now despis:, his race, pines in silent anguish,
while he beholds the melting away of his tribe amidst the
encroachments of Europeans. All the attempts to ameli
orate, or, to speak more properly, to raise the condi7ion of
the Indian to the state which is indisputably his right,
are useless and futile, unless we convince him that he is re-
spected. The schoo's which we have pretended to esta-
blish, the religion which we have endeavoured to teich,
have not, let we:l-meaning and zealous missionaries state
or write what they please, been as yet of the smallest uti-
lity. The Indian must have the place to which he has a
right in the society of mankind, and he must believe that
he is respected as a man, before he will embrace civiliza-
tion, or adopt those useful arts, which are necessary to ob-
tain the comforts of life, or to promote the happiness of a
race, who, from the encroachments of Europeans, eese to
be a nation of hunters."

As a specimen of the running hints for im-
provements scattered throughout the work, we
extract the following :
" An object of paramount importance and convenience
to the lower afl•Yi upper colonies, would be to open a good
carriage road from Nova Scotia to Fredericton, and thence
to the river Sr. Lawrence. It should be made at the joint
expense of Canada, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia, as
all would derive equal advantage from accomplishing an
undertaking that would open a direct line through all the
British colonies.

" Another line of road, and certainly a most desirable
one, was pointed out by Governor Sir Howard Douglas,
as a great military road from Halifax to Quebec. This
line would he a continuation of the road from Halifax to
the bend of the river Petit Coudiac, thence to the gulf
coast, to the river Miramichi, and thence, by the way
of the river Ristigouche, to the St. Lawrence at Metis,
about 200 miles below Quebec.

The benefits of such roads would be great. . The co-
lonies would be connected so much closer in their interests
by grea►er facility of communication ; the military forces
could easily and speedily move wherever required ; the
crown lands would be disposed of at a much better price;
and, by throwing, open the rich lands of the interior, they
would be settled upon rapidly."

Mr. M'Gregor thus expresses himself with
regard to Lord Dalhousie :

" The Earl of Dalhousie soon after returned from Ca-
nada ; and his Majesty's Government at the time &clan d
in Parliament their approbation of his Lordship's conduct
in Canada; and his appointment to a high command in
India forms the most presumptive, if not conclusive proof,
that his Lordship only acted in Canada according to the
directions he received from England. Being in the Bri-
tish colonies at the time the tinanical difficulties com-
menced, I knew well that in Nova Scotia, New Bruns-
wick, and Prince Edward blind, the general impression
was, that his Lordship was only acting agreeably to in-
structions front the Colonial-office. That the Earl of
Dalhousie's heart was in the right place,' I have no
doubt ; that he felt the utmost anxiety for the prosperity
of the great country of which he was governor, I am
fully convinced. Its agriculture, its trade, and particu-
larly the education of its youth, he was ardently bent on
encouraging and fostering ; but he failed, and that most
unfortunately and most egregiously, either in making the
experiment of bringing the representatives of the inhabi-
tants to act agreeably to his own wishes or ideas, or pro-
bably, as is more generally believed, in forcing the instruc-
tions of the Colonial-office into impracticable operat on.
That he should have persisted in such measures is to be
regretted; for he did most assuredly err only in jt.d4.-
ment—few men could be more honest in heart. Such
men as Sir Howard Douglas, and Sir -Limes Kempt.
would have acted otherwise; the further I know, and the
latter I believe, would have immediately resigned, sooner
than remain administering the government of a British
colony under similar circumstances to those of Canada
previous to the departure of the Earl of Dalhousie."
We recommend the following important
passage to the consideration of medical men.
It cannot be but that this invaluable recipe
might be obtained for the benefit of all labour-
ing under cancer :

" That the nuns of Canada have a cure for the most in
veterate cancers, is not to be denied ; far the instances of
cases which in England would be deemed past all possible
remedy, that have been cured by them, are very numerous.
I have seen many of the persons whom they cured, parti-
cularly a surveyor of the name of Fox, whose case was
considered desperate beyond any human remedy. The
means adopted is by applying an astringent plaster, pre-
pared from certain herbs, and said to have been communi-
cated long ago to the nuns by an ok Indian woman.
They will not reveal the secret, except to their clergy;
and concealing such a remedy from the world, is perbap
the only charge that can be ma le against them. They,
however, freely undertake the curing of all who apply for
relief."
With regard to the state of education in
Nova Scotia, Mr. M‘Gregor says—

" It will be considered, I am aware, matter of som,
astonishment in England, where we so frequently hear the
deplorable ignorance of the North American coPonists
talked of, that we will find, on becoming properly ac-
quainted with Nova Scotia, that it is a matter of doubt
whether more general and useful knowledge, among all
grades of the population, can be discovered in any country
ban will be found to prevail in this province. Many of
those born and educated in it have distinguished them.

.selves not only at home, but in different parts of the world;
and the natives generally pi;ssess ready power of appre-
hension, a remarkably distinct knowledge of the genera
affairs of lift, and tbn.: talent of adapting themselves to the
eircuinstatic,s of such situations as chance, direction, or
necessity, may place them in."

Having already extended our extracts beyond
the usual limits, we must refer our readers to the
book itself, for a great deal of interesting,►' and'
useful information relative to our possessions in
North America. It is illustrated with 'A great
variety of maps, and a chart is prefiXidto the
first volume, exhibiting the proposed tracks of
the projected Trans-Atlantic and Intereolonial
steam-navigation—an undertaking which Mr.
APGregor very zealously advocates, and which
we hope soon to see carried into successful
operation.