The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-05 00:00:00

what has appeared in the course of the debate to be the gene-
ral opinion of the majority—if they had proposed a moderate
measure, founded on plain and ordinary principles, it would
have passed this house almost unanimously, and most likely
would have passed the other house. The Government, how-
ever, have acted otherwise : they have proposed a measure
to two main principles of which the majority object. The
question, then—was for the Government to consider what
they ought to do. In my opinion, if they had deemed it
their duty to retain office they would have acted in confor-
mity with the engagements they had undertaken whenthey
undertook the administration of affairs and in accordance
with the words they had placed in the mouth of the Sove-
reign at the beginning of this session, if they had with-
drawn the bill and introduced another very differently
framed, or proposed to alter the bill in committee. I think
that was their duty, and I do not think to have pursued
such a course would have been any disparagement of their
personal or political honour ; they would only be doing now
what they did last year on the India bill. Havingbrought
in a bill, the result of their own consideration, which was
not acceptable in the opinion of the house, they yielded to
that opinion and threw it over ; in the same way they
ought, on the present occasion, to have submitted to the
house. The only condition on which a ministry in a mi-
nority in this house could continue to preserve themselves
in power, was by adopting views on questions of great
national importance which will suit the views of `the ma-
jority of this house. The Government has decided to
advise an appeal to the country. That is advice which it
is competent to any Government to give the Sovereign,
and I will not oppose any obstacle to prevent their decision
being carried out. (Hear, hear.) This I will say, I
think it is very unwise advice. I think, in the present
state of affairs at home and abroad, it will be of very little
advantage for the national interest that there should be
a dissolution. In the first place, though the Government
may say that the question to be put to the country will be
whether they have more confidence in them than in other
parties, every man in the country will understand the
question is what shall be the Reform Bill. (Loud cheers
from the Opposition benches.) If they had continued in
office they might have carried a bill which no Government
which may succeed them will propose to the country. The
question on every hustings will be the details of the Re-
form Bill. I will not enlarge on the inconvenience of this,
or its injurious effect for those who advocate a moderate
measure. I will say the course they are about to pursue is
the last course calculated to further the objects of moderate
men. Sir, many men will be pledged beyond their own in-
tentions, and, if I may venture to prophesy, so far from
having a Parliament more disposed than the present to
support the Government, I tell them the new Parliament
will be much more likely to transfer power from their hands.
That, however, is for them to consider. With regard to the
state of affairs abroad, we have been told that the country
is engaged in negotiations for the preservation of the peace
of Europe, that the question of peace or war—of a war of
the most extensive character, or a peace on a solid basis—
is now pending in the councils of Europe. It is important,
when such a question is pending, that the Government of
England should hold such a position as would give it full
authority in these negotiations, We all know that a Go-
vernment whose existence depends on events which may
take place within six weeks is not a Government to which
the other powers of Europe will look with much deference.
With regard, therefore, to foreign affairs also the course
now taken is not one calculated to promote the interests
which I believe the Government have at heart a desire to
promote. I say they would have done better if, deeming it
their duty to maintain office, they had, without a dissolu-
tion, brought in another measure of Reform calculated to
satisfy the just expectations of the house and country. If
that measure had passed they would have had not only the
satisfaction of avoiding the disturbance at home which
must arise from a dissolution now, to be followed• by
another in nest autumn or winter after of a Reform Bill—
(hear, hear)—but they would have the advantage of going
into Congress, if into Congress they are going, with all the
weight to be derived from a Government in possession of the
confidence of the house and country. (Hear, hear.) Ido not
exactly understand the grounds on which the Government
decline to bring in another Reform Bill. Ido not under-
stand whether the right hon. gentleman means that when
the new Parliament meets the Government will consider
their former pledge null and void, and that they mean to
carry on without bringing the question before the house.
If such be their intention, they will find they will not be
able to carry it into effect. If I understand the right hon.
gentleman rightly, it is the intention of the Government to
take an early moment to dissolve. I would entreat them to
take the earliest possible. (Cheers.) I am sure they will
find no impediment thrown in their way by any member.
(Hear, hear.) It is the right of the Crown on such an oc-
casion to appeal from the house to the country. I may
think it would be more advantageous not to make that ap-
peal, but the fact being announced, I am sure the house
will concur in accelerating as much as possible the moment
for making it. I think that before Easter the Government
may be able to pass the measures absolutely necessary, so
that not one day may be needlessly lost. I trust also that
the new Parliament will meet again on the earliest possible
day after the writs are returnable ; indeed, I need hardly ask
the Government whether such is their intention, for as the
votes will be only partial, Parliament must meet as soon as
possible. I, can only express my regret, not that the Go-
vernment has retained office—it was for them to consider
whether it was their duty to do so—l can but regret that,
having deemed it their duty to retain office, they have
deemed it their duty not to go on immediately with a mea-
sure of reform • but instead of that they have determined
to put the country to the inconvenience—l hope it will not
be so bad or so fall of evil as it threatens—of a dissolution,
which must be followed in a few months by a second dis-
solution, as a consequence of that measure which the Go-
vernment, whatever it may be, will be obliged by a sense of
public duty to propose. •
Mr. BRlGHT—Although, sir, I feel, in common with
many members, that the course now taken by Government
may subject us to a large amount of personal inconvenience,
and that it is just possible some of us now assembled may
never find ourselves together under the same roof again—
st the same time I think, considering all the circumstances
of the case, leaving out of view any personal interests, it
was impossible for them to Come to any other conclusion. I
think the GOveamment has taken the course which acting on
well known rules and well understood constitutional require-
ments, they were bound to take. (Hear, hear.) We must
bear in mind that the question was one of the gravest that
could be submitted to us by: a Government, and they were
defeated by a majority which exceeded one-half the whole
number of members, a majority very unusual when the ex-
istence of a Government is at stake. We must bear in mind
that the question before us was not one entirely for Parlia-
mentary Reform, but was one in which every country
where Parliamentary institutions are established it would
be considered right to send back to the constituencies to dis-
cuss and decide before Parliament came finally to adjudi-
cate. The noble lord the member for Tiverton has spoken of
the dreadful consequences of asking the constituencies for
their opinion. That certainly was a kind of observation I
scarcely expected to have heard. Surely if we cannot trust
the existing constituencies to express an opinion as to what
should be the extent of popular power in the constituencies
for the future, we ought rather to limit than to extend them
if we are afraid to ask their opinion on a great question in
which they are all so vitally interested. Sir, with regard to
the course taken by the right hon. gentleman arid his col-
leagues I applaud it. I believe that excepting their imme
diate and instant resignation it was the only course at all
possible for them, and therefore I approve and applaud it.
The right hon. gentleman in announcing that course cleared
the ground a little for himself and his friends, and tried to
get up a little political capital against some of us on this side
of the house. (Hear, and no.) I understood the right hon.
gentleman to clear himself and his colleagues from all con-
nection'avithreform for the future. (Hear, hear, and no.) I
understood him to say that the pledge given last session had
been redeemed, and that we are not to expect the Government
to run their vessel on a similar rock when they Filth sea after
we come back again. I have no objection to that ; I believe
that was a foolish pledge last session. ' The right him. gentle-
man has held up an option to the country; he has told the con-
stituencies that he and his friends offer them a meausure of
reform, conservative in its character and its operation, but
that if they do not take this they will get a measure of revo-
lutionary reform. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman
knows full well the value of a cry. In one of his earliest
works he furnished the Tapers and Titdpoles of the day with
a cry ; the cry then was, ' Our young Queen and our old
Constitution." (Laughter.) The cry now is, that he and
his friends are in favour of a conservative reform, but the
noble lord the member for the City, and all on this side of
the house are in favour of a measure of a revolutionary cha-
racter. It is very odd that the bill of the right hon. gentle-
man should actually—looking to the difference of numbers
—have received a more determined opposition on that side
of the house. I did not think the measure of the Govern-
ment was so very conservative—a portion of it seems to,
lead actually in the direction of a revolution. lam not at
all afraid of the tribunal to which the right hon. gentleman
and his colleagues are about to bring us. I presume that if
he refers to anybody more distinctly than another he means
to refer to me, for among the propositions which have been
before the country, the one which was most connected, most
definite, and most discussed, was that put forward by me,
and I undertake to say that in any proposition for Parlia-
mentary reform put forward by me, or which I have advo-
cated or supported, I have preceded exclusively in the lino
laid down by the bill of 1832, and in accordance strictly and
rigidly with all the landmarks which the most gifted states-
men of this country for the last sixty years have laid down.
If to make the constituencies larger and freer—if to give
seats from handfuls of people spread over small and decay-
ing to ents to the large populations of the great counties of
commerce, industry, taxation, and public opinion—if that is
revolutionary, then I have nlearned the meaning of the
word. (Cheers.) Ibelieve these proposals will be satisfactory
to those members of this house and those people of this coun-
try who are anxious that the House of Commons should be
a fair—l do not mean mathematically exact, but still a fair
representation of the great population, great interests, the,
intelligence, industry, wealth, and virtue of this country.
Are these the people to be charged with an attempt at re-
volution ? I rise for the purpose of making that declara-
tion ; I make it because I believe in my conscience it is
true, and I believe it is the opinion of all the constituencies
•in the kingdom. The right hon. gentleman and his col-
leagues have remitted to the constituencies this great ques-
tion between us. I accept the issue. I warn the right
hon. gentleman when he and his friends take their places
on the hustings, and when the papers continence the attack.
—I warn them against making charges such as these. If
they will take such ground, they alone must take the con-
: sequences. They know on what side the numbers will be
if they dare the contest to the utmost ; it is their side, not
ours, will come off second in the strife. Let us go to this
great contest in a spirit of calmness. (Hear, hear, and a
laugh.) As far as possible let us give all vigour to the
constituency—let us discuss it fairly: Do not charge theln
with revolutionary designs. (Hear, hear, and oh.) Ido
not charge you with'revolutionary designs. I only charge
you with being unacquainted with the opinion of the coun-
try, and ignorant of what it is necessary for you to know.
I will say no more than that I entirely approve •of the
course taken by the right hon. gentleman and his colleagues
in this emergency. I believe that when Parliament meets,
again there will be evidence& such .a decided opinion on
this subject as will enable some Government to pass such a
bill as will enable every one of us to say to every malcon-
tent, if there be any such' left, if Parliament is not a com-
plete, it is a fair representation of all interests, and in our
lifetime at least we, can never again be called on to discuss
this question. (Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL---Sir, there have been some observa-
tions made by the right hon. gentleman. which I cannot
suffer to pass; there is one observation, however, in whichl
entirely concur. He has said he does not consider the ques-
tion of reform to be the appanage of any person or anyparty;
in that I quite agree. I have said before I thought it very
doubtful whether JArd Derby_ ought to have accepted office