The Sun.
London, England, 1859-03-11 00:00:00

THE FRENCR PRESS.

Every appearance within the last few days jus-
tifies us in anticipating a complete change in the
foreign policy of the Emperor of the French. The
announcement in the Moniteur has been followed
by the resignation by Prince Napoleon of his office
as Minister of Algeria, and, gradually descending
the Imperial gamut, we arrive at the feeble echo of
the semi-official Constitutionnel. The object of
this last article is to vindicate to the world the
conduct of the Emperor in not involving Europe in
the calamities of war. The task is entirely a super-
fluous one. Let the Constitutionnel reserve its
eloquence to defend the Emperor for not having
given his subjects some slight remainsof the liberty
which they once enjoyed. Let it defend, if it can,
his financial management, or show that the cause
of good government is materially advanced by the
bondage in which he holds the press. These are the
matters that require defence, because they offend
the general sense and feeling of mankind. But, as
" good wine needs no bush," peace, tranquillity,
and progress require no honeyed phrases to com-
mend them to the acceptance of mankind. They
speak for themselves with an eloquence deeper and
more penetrating than that of words. France,
which for the first time since the establishment of
the Empire, has given a most unmistakeable vent to
her opinion, will willingly excuse the Constitutionnel
from proving to her that she has been right, and
England will very much prefer being assured of the
certainty of the fact to any amount of eloquence
that may be offered for its exculpation. Let the
French Government and its organs believe that, so
long as they are content to range themselves on
the side of enlightened public opinion, they require
neither eloquence nor circumlocution to justify
their course, and learn how safe and easy is the
path of those who, being entrusted with the govern-
ment of men, are content to regulate themselves by
the wishes of the people and the true interests of
the State, instead of by perverse vanity and self-
willed ambition. " Peace taken when offered, and
no questions asked," is the motto of the English
people on the present occasion. We desire no re-
trospects ;we want no controversies. We want
• peace. Give us that, and take all the satisfaction
that words can give, as a counterpoise for the loss
of the pleasures and excitements of war.
Some things are easier done than said, especially
to those whose power is omnipotent, but whose
reason does not rise above the common level of
the human faculties. The strong point of despot-
ism is not reason, but action. It is in vain the
organs of absolute power exhaust all the sources
of their venal rhetoric. The power which com-
mands obedience cannot enforce conviction, and
the mind, proud of its inalienable liberty, re-
pudiates the attempt to force on it conclusions
which its reason disdains. The Constitutzonnel had
better not endeavour to prove to us that the Impe-
rial policy remains the same, firm, conciliatory, and
frank ; that its programme has not been changed
that it has been traced in a sufficiently elevated
point of view and been followed with sufficient
honour to have been persevered in. All this vague
phraseology means nothing, and. persuades nobody.
A really elevated policy makes itself sufficiently
well known to the maids of men without being
compelled to trumpet forth its own elevation, and
honour can be fully felt and appreciated without
perpetually reminding us how honourable it is.
Let the Imperial Government desist from praising
itself, and leave its merits to the candid apprecia-
tion of its neighbours. The Moniteur has spoken
words of peace ; it is well. The Constitutionnel
has re-echoed them ; it is well also. Let them be
content with allowing us to believe their assertions
to be true, without insisting at the same time that
we should admit the falsehood of facts which rest
on evidence equally good. Why may we not be-