The Sun.
London, England, 1866-07-10 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 10, 1866

ervative party should be weakened or broken down.
I believe that all parties admit that the strength of
that party is a material element in the strength of
the empire, and that if it should be dissolved or
weakened it would be difficult to carry on the Govern-
went with regardto the existing constitution. (Hear.) 1
Then I came to the conclusion that I was not at
liberty to run that serious risk—that I was not at
liberty to break down that great party which had so
consistently acted with me for more than 20 years,
:and which party had adhered to me in periods of
the greatest possible discouragement. But I say this,
that if I could at that moment have seen any other
leader who, while keeping the Conservative party
together, was more likely than myself to obtain
the adhesion of a portion of the Liberal ranks, I say
without hesitation I should have been rejoiced and
relieved to hand over to that leader, whoever he
might have been, the duty of accomplishing that task.
But I could see no such leader—l could hear of no
such leader, and I was bound to undertake at all
risks the arduous duty of forming an Administra-
tion. I communicated, therefore, at once to her
Majesty on the following Monday, when I had the
honour to see her, my readiness to obey her Majes-
ty's command and attetupt the formation of a Mini-
stry. I regret the delay and interruption to public
business, which will have lasted precisely a month
from the resignation of the late Government to the
first meeting for public business of the House of
Commons. But I cannot hold myself responsible for
any portion of that delay. It was on the Tuesday
that I first received an intimation that her Majesty
wished me to form a Government, and on Wednes-
day week, in eight days, I was able to wait on her
Majesty, and to say that I was prepared to submit
the names of a new Cabinet, and they would have
been submitted on the Thursday but for a circum-
sta-oce which is well known, and which occupied her
Majeoty's attention. But I may observe that in
1852, when Lord Aberdeen succeeded to office, he
thought it necessary to ask for the adjournment of
the house in the first instance for a full fortnight ;
raid I venture to say that no one but those who have
tried have the slightest conception of the difficulty
and labour involved in the formation of an Admi-
minktration. It may be that so much time would
not be required when a Ministry has after a long
series of party struggles fallen into a minority, because
in such a case their opponents almost spontaneously
assume their place. But the case is very different
when it is an accident that overthrows a Govern-
ment, and more especially when you have in the first
instance to deal with parties not belonging to your
own immediate party. But even when reduced to
them, no man can tell the difficulty which attends the
placing of 10 or 50 gentlemen each in a position in ac-
cordance-with his Own wish. (A laugh.) You may form
the most ingenious combinations—you may theoreti-
cally form the most perfect Ministry in the world,
but the unfortunate refusal of one individual to ac-
cept one post throws the whole machine out of gear,
and does away with the combination, and causes a
fresh consideration of combinations to take place ;
and the more nearly you approach the termination
of the task the more fatal is the refusal of one mem-
ber to fit into the place offered him. (Hear.) I say
nothing about the manifold disappointments which
must be inflicted upon some faithful friends. (Hear.)
It is impossible to put three times the number of
gentlemen into one-third of the nuraber of places.
(Laughter.) There may be many candidates fit for
one situation, and only one or two fitted for seve-

ral, aLld therefore it is impossible to make them fi
as you may desire. Well, my lords, I say mos
frankly that amongst all the annoyances and trou.
bles caused by the formation of a Ministry nothing
can be more painful to a man placed in my position
than to feel that he must of necessity disappoint the
hopes of anti disoblige those whom he would be
anxious to serve on personal grounds. But I
venture to hope that I have been able to place
before her Majesty and the public a list of names
that will afford a guarantee to the country that you
will not at their hands be subjected to misgovern-
ment. (Cheers.) With regard to myself 1 may say
that I have been too long a member of this house
and of the other House of Parliament—having been
nearly 20 years in each--to render it necessary for
me to make any public profession of my faith and
principles. I think my principles and political views
are sufficiently well known to render it unnecessary
for me to do so. But there are two points on which
I feel it necessary to say a few words, because those
points are of the utmost importance. My lords, it
has been industriously circulated that a Conserva-
tive Governwent is necessarily a warlike one. I
believe that there never was a rumour circulated
which had so little foundation, either in the his-
tory of past facts, or in the character, or motives;
or principles of the party. (Cheers.) The Con-
servative party consists, in a great measure, of men
who have the greatest interest and the largest
stake in the country. They are men on whom the
consequences of war will fall most heavily. They are those
who have the greatest interest in the peace and prosperity
of the country, and the party least likely to be carried away
by the popular enthusiasm of the moment, or what may be
called Quixotic enterprise, which may hurry an imprudent
government into the adoption of courses which may lead
to dangerous consequences. Now if there be a party in the
country free from that enthusiasm of the moment arising
from popular feeling it is the Conservative party. 1 protest,
then, and declare my earnest desire and that of my col-
leagues, in the preservation of the peace of this country
and the world. (Hear, hear.) There are two modes of con-
tributing to the preservation of peace, both of which are
essential; the one is the mode in which you deal with the
affairs and policy of foreign countries, and the other is the
amount of preparation to resist any attack, from whatever
quarter. Now with regard to the first question my princi-
ple is this —that it is the duty of the Government of this
country, placed as this country is in regard to her geogra-
phical position, to keep ourselves on terms of good-will
with all surrounding nations, but not become entangled in
any single and monopolising alliance with any ono of them.
Above all, not to endeavour to interfere needlessly and
vexatiously with the internal affairs of any foreign country
—not to volunteer unasked advice with regard to other
countries, taking the facts from them from their own point
of view, and not considering them as they affect other
countries. More than this, it is the duty of the Govern-
ment to abstain from menace if they
(Hear,
hear.)l am
re intendtold to
d
fol-
low up the menace by action.
that we quarrelled with the noble earl opposite with
to the affairs of Denmark for not having taking a 11101-egaare-
Live part. That was not the ground of our complaint. The
ground of our complaint—aud I trust it will be a warning
for all future Ministers—was that the noble earl held out
language which was not to bo justified unless he could act
upon it, and when those to whom he had held it out relied
on the performance of the implied engagement he felt
compelled to withdraw . 7,My lords, it would be the height
of impertinence, it Would be the height of impolicy, if I
were to attempt to cay a single word respecting the state of
affairs on the continent of Europe. A bloody—short I hope
—but at all events a bloody war has prevailed for the last
few weeks—a war in which the honour of this country is
in no way involved—in which the interestsof this country
aro very remotely if at all involved. (Hoar, hear.) Indi-
viduals may havo sympathy with Prussia, with Austria,
or with Italy, with this or that power ; but the sympa-
thies of individuals have nothing to do with the conduct
oto
f the Government ; the duty of the Government is truly
maintain a strict and impartial neutrality between all
contending parties, ready at all times, if there is the
slightest gleam of
hope that their good offices, combined
neutralt powers, may lead to a ter-
mination of the
These good offices ought
and the preservation of peace.
and
we
eht to be at the disposal of other
neutral powers,
ought to co-operate with them
and to use our influence to stop the horrors of war. And
I believe this influence would not be loss effectually
exercised because
it was nott g
.en unasked for, or
attended with hostile measures,because it was
ne
theeffusion
because we desire to:obtain no advantagew to ourselves, except
e of human blood
that inestimable ono of stopping,
and restoring the peace of Europe. (gear,
My lords,
passing from Europe, I cannot but turn afora hear.) My
moment
olhe fearful
l;
t
to congratulate the world on the cessation Saair wiet
struggle which has for so many years desecrated
States of America, or without expressing my earnest the Unitedn how
that that neutrality which we have exercised n
have boon questioned by one side or the other may be
ltlaY
appreciated ; and I do earnestly trust that with the restera
tien of peace and with the course which the President
of-
rnited States appears to be taking in seeking to recoil-
cu. and bring back to the Union those states which seceded
from it—l do trust that the termination of that war will
remove any irritation that may still prevail amongst the
citizens of the United States against this country, and that
there will be nothing more to interrupt the harmonious
connegtion of the two countries, between which there exist
so many ties which ought to bind them together in an in-
dissoluble union. ([fear, hear.) It is also with no little
gratification that 1 have observed that although undoubt-
edly great latitude is given in the United States to all ex-
pressions of public fooling, a stop was put to the progress
of that mischievous conspiracy called Fenianism as soon as
the law was about to be openly violated. I acknowledge
with the utmost gratitude the decided measures taken by

the Government of the, Uniteel States to prevent the viola-
tion of the rights of a friendly state by lawless bands of per-
sons in violation of the laws of the United States. The
organisation of Fenianistn was one by which numerous
persons in their credulity were duped by signal and arrant
impostors out of large sums of money for the prosecution
of an avowed scheme so utterly visionary that how any
sensible person should b.ave entertained it is a matter of
perfect astonishment/ cHear, hear.) I should not have
mentioned this had it n.ot been that the recent attack upon
Canada:has calledfortk one unanimous shout of loyalty and
enthusiasm, and a determination to maintain their connec-
tion with the country to whom they owe their allegiance.
That feeling prevails throughout the colonies generally,
amongst all persons, without distinction of denomi-
nation or religion. (Hear, hear.) My lords, it is most grati-
fying to observe the spontaneous feeling which has been
called forth by that invasion, and I cannot but hope also
that this universal expression of feeling, that unanimity
which prevails throughout the British North American
provinces, may have a material bearing upon the scheme
which, the more it is considered, the more essential it ap-
pears to bo to the union of Canada—l mean the confedera-
tion of the northern provinces under a system of the freest
possible government, and maintaining their unbroken alle-
giance to the Crown. I cannot but hope that the negocia-
tion for the confederation of those provinces will lead to a
successful termination. (Hear, hear.) My lords, passing for
a moment to the policy which her Majesty's present Go-
vernment intend to pursue in regard to domestic affairs, I
must in the first place say that I hold myself entirely free
and =pledged on that great and difficult question of par-
liamentary reform. (Hear.) I have in reference to that
question the experience of certain dangers of my own, and
I shall certainly consider well and carefully before I again
introduce a Reform Bill, the wise advice given by the
noble earl opposite, my predecessor, that no Government
is justified in bringing forward a Reform Bill without hav-
ing a reasonable prospect of carrying it, and also the re-
mark of the noble earl on the cross benches, that a Reform
Bill cannot be carried or the constitution amended except
by a mutual understanding between the two great parties
in the country. I have never shown myself adverse to the
principle of parliamentary reform. I had the honour of
joining 35 years ago the noble earl opposite in carrying
the first Reform Bill ; and on my accession to office in
1858—although I did not think the question one of para-
mount importance and pressing urgency—l could not deny
that there were theoretical anomalies in the system which
it was desirable to redress—that there were persons ex-
cluded from the franchise which had a fair claim on the
ground of fitness to exercise the duties of electors—that
there were large numbers whose qualifications are not
recognised by the Reform Bill—and nothing would have
given me greater pleasure than to enlarge the number of
electors and admit a great portion of those who are excluded.
But on the other hand I am afraid that that portion of the
community who ere most clamorous for the passing of a re-
form bill are not that portion who would be satisfied with
any measure such as could be acceded to by the two great
leading parties of the country ; and I greatly fear that any
measure of a moderate character that might be introduced
would not put a stop to the agitation that prevailed, and
would only be a stepping-stone to further measures. I re-
serve to myself entire liberty whether the present Govern-
ment shall or not in a future session bring in any measure
for the amendment of the representation of the people. But
of this I am quite sure, that if there is no reasonable pros-
pect of passing a sound and satisfactory measure it is an un-
fortunate disadvantage to the country that session after
session should be lost, and measures of useful legislation
should be put a stop to, by continued contests over a re-
form bill. (Hear, hear.) Some of the measures of the late
Government may be carried through in the present session,
and others will demand our very serious consideration for
the future. There is one measure of the Government—not
a very brilliant one, I think, but one that largely concerns
the prosperity of largo classes in this country. Nothing can
be more important to the commercial classes than a good
measure of bankruptcy reform, and in giving the Lord
Chancellor every credit for the good intentions with

which he introduced his bill, I cannot say that

it appears to no to have given very general satisfac-
tion. I cannot say that 1 hope any measure on this sub-
ject can be passed through in the present session, but the
attention of the Government shall be earnestly and early
directed to it. (Hear, hear.) There is another question of
much importance in dealing with the interests of a very large
and very helpless portion of the community —I mean the
law relating to the administration of the poor laws, and
more especially in reference to the pauper sick in the work-
houses. (Hear, hear.) My lords, the reports that have
been lately published in the papers of their condition are
so revolting and disgusting—they disclose such scenes of
misery and hardship inflicted on those who have no power
to help themselves, and who are, consequently, most de-
serving of the attention of Parliament—that the Govern-
ment would bo blameable indeed that did not turn its at-
tention immediately to the possibility of remedying griev-
ances so crying, and of putting an end to scenes so
revolting. I will venture to say, that the task of dealing
with the amendment of the law—or, what I think is more
important, the administration of it, and the want of proper
inspection to see that it is administered—could not have
fallen into the hands of any man in her Majesty's dominions
better qualified for it, or one who would bring his mind to
bear more earnestly upon ittuala the gentleman who has done
MC the favour to accept the position of President of the Poor-
law Board. (Hear.) A few words more, with regard to the
condition of Ireland. In England, my earnest desire is, as I
have told you, by the course of policy pursued by Government
to enlist the sympathies and obtain the independent support
of those members of the Liberal party who entertain views
not materially different from ours, and who, I trust, if they
appiove of the course so pursued, will not be deterred by
any previous party considerations from giving us on inde-
pendent and honourable support. In Ireland, unfortunately,
the difficulties of acting upon the principle of coalition are
greater. There political animosities run higher than in Eng-
land. The divisions of party aro more strongly marked,

and, what is more important still, religious differences coin-
cide with political differences, and tend to embitter existing
animosities. Yet I believe that a government in Ireland
determined to do its duty may hope to receive the coun-
tenance and support of a very largo section of the Irish
people, than whom there are no greater lovers in the world
of impartial justice. (Hear, hoar.) We do not propose, in
our government of Ireland, to act upon any exclusive
principle. We desire to obtain the co-cperation of all to
whom the interest, the tranquillity, and peace of the
country, the maintenance of property, the putting down of
unlawful associations, are objects in which they are willing
to co-operate with the Government. In that co-operation
we desire more especially to obtain that which I think has
been too much neglected of late, viz., the aid in their dif-
ferent localities of the country gentlemen in Ireland. With-
out meaning to say a word against that invaluable body
the police of Ireland, I must say that I think the Govern-
ment have trusted rather too exclusively to the informa-
tion they have derived from the police, and have not made
the use they might have made of the local information
and support they would freely have received of the re-
sident proprietors in Ireland, whatever their politics and
religion. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the lamentable,
and I am afraid widespread, conspiracy called Fenianism,
I am afraid that, although the exertions of the late Lord
Lieutenant wore most meritorious and active, and have
given a considerable check to that dangerous conspiracy,
yet would I could believe that the snake was killed,
and not merely scotched. Nothing, my lords, would
give me greater satisfaction, disapproving, as I do, of
all exceptional legislation for Ireland, than to be able to
state to your lordships, before the termination of the ses-
sion, that the time had come when it was no longer neces-
sary to continue the suspension of the Habeas Carpus Act,
which was passed by the unanimous assent of both houses
of Parliament upon the recommendation of the late Go-
vernment. But I am persuaded that, if we in our con-
science do not believe that that time has come—if we be-
lieve that for the security of the well-disposed and the pro-
tection of honest men, it is necessary to continuo that
exceptional legislation, reluctantly as we shall ask for it,
and as you could grant it, I believe that patriotism and
love of country will induce you to give us a free and gene-
rous support as readily as wo gave it to you. (Hear.) But,
my lords, to pass from exceptional legislation, I will state
that our anxious desire is to put down with a firm hand
turbulence and violations of law, from whatever quarter
they may proceed ; to discourage and discountenance
everything that can tend to produce or keep up religious or
political animosities; to deal impartial justice to all, and to
call to our councils, without discrimination of reltgious
creed, all who are willing to co-operate with us in the
good government of the country, and in the preservation
of the public peace. (Cheers.) My lords, I have thus ven-
tured, at more length than I desired, to lay before your
lordships a summary—and a very summary-view of the
course of policy which it is the desire of the Government
to be enabled to follow out. By that course we hope to
conciliate additional support ; we hope to obtain the inde-
pendent support of many who, from motives of honourable
consistency to party bias, feel precluded from joining us
their adhesion to the
aGtopyreersnemntlenotf. dleocniontgcoor giving
conceal my hope, my earnest and
sincere hope, because I look to the real distinctions of
distant when there
grties
as
shall
party, and not to tho nominal distinctions—I do not con-
ceal my hope that the period is not far
may bo such a new arrangement of p
place on ono side those who aro in favour of dan-
gerous innovations and violations of the constitution,
and on the other side those who,
while they do not resist
steady and safe legislative progress, are yet resolved to
adhere to the constitution of the country. (Ileac, hear') In
attempting to conduct the Government onthese principles
I may succeed,
and in that case I shall attain the highest
objk!ct that can engage the attention and ambition of any
statesman.
(Hear, hear.) I may fail, but if I fail it will be
with the consciousness of having attomph,d honestly and
faithfully to dischai ge my dut and with t he earnest prayer
that, under the blessing of Heaven, whoever may succeed
. me,. whatever combinations may be formed will be such as
shall proceed in a course of safe and steady progress,
at
. the same time strengthening, rather than subverting the
. institutions of the country ; maintaining the balance be-
; tween the various forces of the constitution—a monarchy
limited, an aristocracy temperate, and a House of Com-
mons not altogether democratic—the consequences of which
have been for centuries the progressive improvement of our

legislation, in accordance with the temper and improve-
ment of the times, and which, during that period of many
centuries, has gradually led forward this country to a posi-
tion reflecting the greatest glory upon the empire, and
conferring the greatest amount of happiness and prosperity
upon the people. (Loud cheers.)
Earl RUSSELL, who was very inaudible, after some
opening sentences that were completely lost in the move-
ment that followed upon the conclusion of Lord Derby's
speech, proceeded to say—ln 1865 there was a general
election, and there was an almost universal profession, on
the part of the Radical and Whig reformers, that some
measure for the amendment of the representation was ne-
cessary. J believe that if Lord Palmerston had lived ho
would have been so influenced by those declarations that
he would have thought it his duty to introduce a Reform
Bill in the present Parliament. I thought so, and wo
resolved, after much consideration, to introduce a bill
which we considered a moderate measure, because, as I
told your lordships the other evening, 100,000 persons
who would have been enfranchised by the bill of 1860
were excluded by our bill. Well, this bill, which by ad-
mitting a moderate number of persons to the constitution,
and thereby reinforcing and strengthening the institu-
tions of the country, was the object of suspicion,
of opposition, and of obstruction on the part of a
great number of a majority of the House of Commons.
Well, my lords, it seemed to me that our sincerity having
been questioned after introducing tho Reform Bill, and so
likewise our sincerity would be questioned if, after that
obstruction and opposition, we were at any time to let drop
that bill, saying that we would introduce another bill of the
same kind in some future session—therefore it appeared to
us that it was necessary, when we first met with a serious
defeat, to tender our resignations to her Majesty, and to
persist in those resignations. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of
Derby has told you, my lords, that he did not desire to seek
the office ho now holds. I have no right to question that
declaration ; but still I think, with all the experience the
noble earl has had, when he had to meet a Government that
was in earnest, and when that Government was met with
continual obstructions, first on one pretext and then on
another, so that it could not proceed with the bill, the noble
earl must have known that the most likely or probable thing
in the world was that the Government would resign, and
that he would be the person who would be sent for by her
Majesty. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) My lords, I very
much rejoice that he was the person thus called upon. I
think that that great party, which contributed more than
270 members of the House of Commons to the defeat vrhieu
we considered fatal to the bill, that the head of that great
party was entitled to expect he would be sent for by her
Majesty. It has always been my opinion that those who
defeat a Government upon any vital point--who declare
the policy of the Government to be wrong and some other
policy right—ought not to shrink from the responsibility
of accepting office. Therefore I was exceedingly glad to
find that the noble earl did not shrink from that duty, al-
though discouraged by the refusal of many whom he wished
to join the Government on a broad basis, as the noble earl
calls it—though between that and a coalition Government
Ido not myself see any essential difference. (Hear, hear.)
I approve of a Government on a broad basis, and I
apprcvo of a coalition Government if those who belong
to it are all of the same opinion—(a laugh)—upon

the loading questions of the day. Now, when I say
that a coalition government is quito right it is because not
only men change their opinions, but events change so
much also that a man may find it very difficult to know
which government he ought to support. For instance,
look at the groat war with France, which broke out at the
end of the last century. When it began it was natural that
men in favour of it should support the Government that

carried it on, however they might differ from it on ques-
tions of less importance. It was also quite natural, when
that war was over, that men in favour of such questions as
Catholic emancipation and of the policy of peace abroad

and reduction at home should find themselves unable to

support a Government entertaining different opinions on
those questions. My lords, the Government, as it has now

taken office, is entitled to every consideration. They
ought to be allowed time to mature their measures; and
whether upon questions of foreign or domestic policy, it is
quite right that they should have till the commencement
of next session to prepare 'and mature their measures,
without declaring at this moment the exact course they
mean to pursue. But I wish to draw the attention of your
lordships to another subject. While the noble earl has
unquestionably difficulties to encounter, I wish to point
out to him and to this house, in justice to my late col-
leagues and in justice to the country, the facilities he en-

joys for carrying on the Government. The first is, the
admirable management of the finances by the late Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer. (Cheers.) He has done more to
relieve industry and promote the development of commerce
than any person in his situation has ever done. (Hear,
hear.) It has been considered that the great model of
financial ability was the conduct of Mr. Pitt from 178.1 to
1792 ; but I believe that my right hon. friend—having, no
doubt, greater means at his command—has surpassed Mr.
Pitt in financial ability, and above all, in the great success
he has obtained. The noble earl opposite has condemned
the, manner in which the Reform Bill was managed in
the House of Commons by my right hon. friend.
Now I remember that a friend said to Mr. Burke, in re-
ference to his arguments in favour of what were then our
friends and fellow-subjects in the North American
provinces, that although he knew that he had no
private interest in the question, people would say that he
never could have been so vehement and eager in discuss-
ing it if he had not some private interest in it. I believe
that if it was ail error in Mr. Burke, so it was the only
error of Mr. Gladstone, that ho was so intensely in earnest
on the question. If he had been less in earnest there would
not have been any of the accusations about want of temper
and dictating to the House of Commons, of which we have
heard so much. Earnestness belongs to groat and generous
natures. It belonged to Burke—it belongs to Mr. Glad-
stone. If it be a fault, it is ono that I cannot find in me
to condemn. (Hear.) I have heard from a gentleman in-
timately connected with Mr. Gladstone during his official

career that ho never once saw the Chancellor of the Es•

chequer out of temper. But, now, passing from the ques-
tion of finance, I must say a few words in justice to another
colleague—the into Colonial Secretary. Never was there a
question more distressing, or apparently more difficult than
the question of Jamaica. There has been no opportunity

as yet to have that question discussed ; but I am persuaded
that the courso which my right hon. friend took was the
right one, though he was blamed for it at first. My right
hon. friend, by sending out Sir Henry Storks—a gentleman
of groat ability and high station, and equal to any military
emergency—and by coupling with him two such mon as
Mr. Russell Gurney and Mr. Mania, allayed the patty ex-
citement, and at the same time provided for the safoty of
the island. I have read the report signed by these gentle-
men. I believe that a more difficult subject was never
treated with a greater amount of labour and impartiality,

- -
and to my mind the evidonco sustains this view of the

case. It would have been very easy for my right hon.
friend to have- taken another course—to have said that

Governor Eyre should remain at-iii;post, and that there
should have been some inquiry at home.
.But Mr. Card-
well took a Course that satisfied the demand that there

should be a thorough inquiry into the facts, and that
justice should be done, and is tho result has furnished

an example, in the futuro government of our colonies,
that the feelings and interests of tho great mass of
the population should be fairly and wisely considered. At
the sanio time I must call tho attention of the noble lord

now at the head of the Colonial-office to the fact that the
difficulties connected with this question of Jamaica are far
from being solved. It may perhaps require extraordinary
measures of relief in order to restore the prosperity of Ja-
maica—but it is, at all events, a question worthy of the at-
tention of a statesman, and it is a problem not easily to be
solved, how prosperity is to be restored to the island. (Hear,
hear.) lam happy to concur in all that the noble earl has
said with respect to the Fenian invasion of Canada. I
agree in his opinion, that though it could have been put
down and overcome, it never could have been put down so
completely and so rapidly if it had not been for the loyal
conduct of the President of the United States. (Hear, hoar.)

I think the President of the United States acted at tha'

time in the most friendly manner. At the moment that the
laws of tho United States were violated ho acted with the

utmost promptitude, and sent a general, one of the most
distinguished in the States, with arms and ammunition to
the borders, where he arrested the Fenians and sent them
back to their homes, thereby dispelling all their hopes and
frustrating their schemes. But at the same time he never
saw greater promptitude than was displayed by the people
of Canada in support of the Throne of this country, and in
support of the free institutions which they enjoyed. This
is a proof that we do not only enjoy the most Liendly re-
lations with the United States—it is also a proof that the
course which has been pursued towards Canada during at
least 30 years past has been attended with satisfactory re-
sults. There is no country in the world where freedom is
more completely enjoyed than in the British provinces of
North America. (Loud cheers.) Indeed, I have heard
more than one British Not th American express that opinion.
Such being the case, I trust we shall never hear again—or
that that the noble earl will ever listen to it fora moment
—that England ought not to assist Canada—(hear, hear)—
while the Canadians are loyal to theßritish Crown. (Hear,
hear.) I have now come to a conclusion with regard to
these colonial questions. With regard to foreign affairs, I
believe the whole country have complete confidence in
my noble friend who lately held the seals of the Foreign
Department. (Hear.) Under his ability, skill, and expe-
rience the foreign affairs of the country were sure to be
conducted with wisdom. Many difficult questions may
still remain open for discussion ; and I can only hope that
at no long distance of time peace may be restored to
Europe on satisfactory terms. For my part I hope that
out of the present disasters a state of things may arise
more favourable to the freedom of Germany. As far as I
am concerned, I trust that the noble earl will not bo inter-
rupted or embarrassed in any negotiations into which he
may hwe to enter. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl has said,
and said with truth, that we aro not bound by any treaty
or obligation with respect to this particular question of
Germany—by the treaty of Vienna, between Austria and
' Prussia, and the treaty of Zurich between France, Austria,
and Italy. With regard to the treaty of 1815 with regard
to•Polaud, and that of 1852 with respect to Denmark, when
these treaties wore openly violated it was not consistent
either with the honour or the dignity of the country to

pass these violations entirely sub silentio. The noble earl
said, as I said after him, that it was a serious matter, and
that it would lead to serious events, and the result has
shown that we wore not mistaken, because this very war
rose out of the question of Schleswig-Holstein. (Hear,
hear.) I trust that the whole policy of this country will
not be so departed from as that we shall not take an inte-
rest in the independence of other States. I trust that if
on the present occasion England should concur with
France and Russia it will be in the interest of peace and
the independence of Italy, for if that is not consulted there
cannot fail to be oft-recurring wars between Austria and
Italy. (Hear, hoar.) In conclusion, I can only say that I
trust and hope that the principles of civil and religious
freedom will not be abandoned merely on account of a
change of Ministry. (Cheering.)
Lord BROUGHAM hoped the noble earl (the Earl of
Derby) would, in concert with France, take measures for
reducing the enormous standing armies which were a source
of financial difficulty to the people as well as a danger to
the liberties of the people. _ _

stated that the bill and its provisions in detail were fully
considered by that body. The bill was ono intended to
carry out the purification as well as the navigation of the
Thames.

The amendment was withdrawn, and the houso wont
into committee. Clauses 1 and 2 were agreed to. On
clause 3, which appoints the conservators of the Thames
the governing body,
Mr. AYRT ON moved to report progress.
A discussion ensued, and on a division the motion was
rejected by 60 to 10.
Clauses to 5 inclusive were agreed to, and the houso
resumed.

The Revising Banisters Bill passed through committee.
The other business was disposed of, and the house ad-
journed at a quarter past seven.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—The crowd which thronged the House of
Lords yesterday, under all the heat of a July after-
noon, to hear Lord Derby's statement, learnt to
sympathise with the miseries of a nobleman who is
honoured with her Majesty's commands to form an
Administration. It is all very well to engage in an
exciting struggle with your adversary, bent' on beat-
ing him if you can, ready to be beaten if you must,
but the pleasure of the fight must apparently be its
own reward, for nothing can be less attractive than
the results of victory. No sooner had Lord Russell
and his colleagues resolved on adhering to their re-
signation, rejecting with wistful glances the aid
proffered by Mr. Crawford and his associates, than
Lord Derby's troubles began. We can very well
understand that personally he felt no ambition to be
for the third time the head of a Ministry. As the
leader of the Opposition he exercised immense in-
fluence, and perhaps controlled the course of legis-
lation as effectually as he can in office. He had not,
indeed, the patronage of place, and so far he was
unable to oblige his friends, but everything else was
his. In taking office he gives up a splendid position
for honours which may possibly prove barren; but
it is evident that no man can be the leader of the
Opposition unless he is willing to submit to the
penalties of victory, and Lord Derby had to choose
between an abdication of public life and the forma-
tion of a new Ministry. The narrative of events
Darby delivered ypstArday differed but
slightly from what we have already given to the
public. When it became evident that he would have
to form a Ministry once more, he felt a natural de-
sire to enlist among his supporters some who had
not hitherto served with him. The defeat which
the late Government had accepted as expressing a
want of confidence had been occasioned by a de-
fection from the Liberal ranks ; it was notorious
that many of the more moderate members of the
Liberal party resented the conduct of their nomi-
nal chiefs, and Lord Derby had therefore good
reason to• hope that he might gain some re-
cruits. He was careful to say last night that he
desired no " coalition," but simply to form a Go-
vernment on an " enlarged basis." We agree with
Lord Russell in thinking the distinction merely
verbal, and the practical conclusion of Lord Derby
was, as he himself expressed it, that the old party
names had lost their meaning, and the time had
come for a reconstruction. The difference between
a Liberal Conservative and a Whig is a difference
of personal associations, and not of political ideas.
Practically, however, the influence of names and
party ties is enormous, and though every one seems
to have expressed the most cordial good wishes to-
wards the new Government, no one outside the
Conservative party would join it. Lord Clarendon
felt himself unable to remain at the Foreign-office,
and the Duke of Somerset declined to form one of
the new Ministry. The late Lord Lansdowne
thought he could only be of service to Lord
Derby when out of office, and Lord Grosvenor
reported a unanimous resolution of the Liberal
members who had acted with him in defeating
the late Government against serving under Lord
Derby. He was thus left to his own forces, but
his difficulties were not at an end. There was some-
thing almost comical in his confession last evening
that no one who had not tried it could tell the diffi-
culty of placing some forty or fifty gentlemen each
in the position most accordant with his own wishes
and at the same time most consistent with the inte-
rests of the country. There are those who are
disappointed altogether, those who find themselves
offered an under-secretaryship, or even a post in
the Household, when they expected to be in the
Cabinet. As the catalogue of difficulties is unrol-
led, we cease to complain of the long interregnum
during which, according to Lord Beauchamp, not
even a Lord Lieutenant of Ross could be appointed,
and are thankful that at the end of it so respectable
a list of names has been presented to the public.
Upon the future policy of his Administration Lord
Derby maintained a wise and becoming reserve.
Ile took some pains to refute the silly allegation
that a Conservative Government must necessarily
be warlike—more pains, perhaps, than a state-
ment so evidently unfounded deserved. Upon
the general conduct of business he was content to
appeal to his own character and that of his asso-
ciates. There can be no doubt that Lord Derby
acted wisely in this moderation, which Lord Russell
candidly approved. The Head of the late Ministry
frankly declared that his successors ought to have
time to mature their measures. Whether they dealt,
he said, with questions of Foreign, or Colonial, or
of Domestic Policy, it was, in his opinion, but just
that they should be allowed until the beginning of
next Session to make their preparations, without
being called upon to declare what is the precise
course they mean to pursue. There are, however,
leading principles of policy which may always be
stated, and Lord Derby did not hesitate to avow
the considerations which would guide his Ministry.
They would maintain a strict neutrality in the pre-
sent war, but at the same time be ready to offer
their good offices conjointly with any other neutral
Power if it appeared possible that they might lead
to the restoration of peace. This is, indeed, what
would be expected from any English Ministry, but
as long as Lord Stanley is at the Foreign Office
every one will be satisfied that a profession of neu-
trality is not a cloak for prejudice or prepossessions.
The warm language of approval in which Lord
Derby spoke of President Johnson's vigorous mea-
sures for the repression of inroads on the Canadian
frontier corresponded so thoroughly with what Lord
Russell said later in the evening as to give an assur-
ance that our relations with the United States will
remain unaffected by the change of Ministry. Upon
the question of Reform Lord Derby and his col-
leagues have prudently determined to abstain alto-
gether from any pledges. Their own perils when
last they held office, as well as the catastrophe which
has just befallen Lord Russell's Administration, has
taught them caution. They do not deny—indeed,
it is impossible to deny—that there are anomalies
in our present system which it is desirable to cor-
rect, or that there are classes of persons now ex-
cluded from the franchise who might with advantage
to the country be admitted to exercise it ; but in
what way the existing anomalies are to be redressed,
or the unenfranchised are to be admitted to the suf-
frage, must remain an open question. The experi-
ence of this session has given a sufficient proof of
the difficulties which must beset the passing of any
measure, and few persons will deny that it is a dis-
advantage to the country that session after session
should be lost, and measures of practical and imme-
diate utility be sacrificed to the discussion of schemes
which have no reasonable prospect of becoming law.
That reform can be buried and forgotten it is idle to
believe after the long agitation of the question; that
it is so pressing that it must be settled forthwith it
is equally idle to assert when the length of that agi-
tation is remembered. There are questions of social
and commercial legislation which require considera-
tion, and if the Administration seriously address
themselves to them in the recess they will do much
to retain their position. Lord Derby referred to the
Law of Bankruptcy, and we suppose no one ima-
gines that a more democratic House of Commons
would be better fitted to settle the Law of Bank-
ruptcy than the present assembly. No question is
more important, and none is more open to all corners.
Lord Westbury's Act of 1861 has certainly not rea-
lised the hopes it excited, and the bill brought in by
Sir Roundell Palmer this session escaped criticism
in the press of the Reform debates, or it must have
been condemned as a most retrograde and imperfect
measure. The principles of the Law of Bankruptcy
are now so far settled by judicial decision that it
would not be difficult to draw up a complete code
on the subject, and Sir Hugh Cairns may win fresh
laurels in directing such a work. Whether Mr. G.
Hardy will be able to reform the administration of
the Poor-law without completely recasting the go-
vernment of the metropolis is more doubtful, but it
is a melancholy satisfaction that he cannot make
things worse if he fail to make them better. In such
labours as these, and in the re-establishment of con-
stitutional government in Ireland, the Ministry of
Lord Derby may well occupy itself, and, be its
tenure of office long or short, it will not be without
reward for faithful attempts to accomplish them.
ITERALD.—The speeches delivered last night by
the late and present Prime Minister in the House
of Lords will be of interest to the historian long
after the political excitement of the hour has passed
away, and when those who are living objects of ad-
miration or distrust, of praise or commendation to
ourselves, shall have become mere names—as those
of Pitt and Fox, of Walpole and Poulteney are now
—to our great-grandchildren. They form in them-
selves something like an historical summary of im-
portant and interesting events ; and we do not
know that a writer who wished briefly to sketch
the events that have led to the formation of the
present Administration could do so in any more
lucid, straightforward, and appropriate language
than that employed by Lord Derby. It is well

that Lord Russell should have had the opportunity
of effacing the unpleasant recollection of the out-
break of temper which deprived of dignity his re-
cent announcement of his resignation, and we
readily admit that no fault was to be found with
the speech of last night on the score of courtesy,
temper, and fairness. Nor shall we, on this occa-
sion, criticise the eulogium which, as befitted the
man and the moment, he bestowed upon his col-
leagues. They have served the public long, honestly,
and, on the whole, well ; they have rendered a loyal
support, not devoid of self-sacrifice, to their present
chief ; and it was only right and becoming that in
retiring from office, most probably for ever, he
should express his sense of their merits and of his
own obligation. But the real interest of the even-
ing attached to the speech of the Earl of Derby
—a speech which, marked by all the clearness,
the classical grace, and dignified eloquence that
characterise the Conservative leader, gave a simple
and concise explanation of the circumstances un-
der which his Administration had been formed,
a brief but complete vindication of his conduct,
and a frank avowal of his future intentions. If,
when the passions of the struggle are cooled and
its invectives forgotten, any sensible man seriously
doubts whether Lord Derby acted rightly and
wisely at the present juncture, this speech will
surely serve to convince him that no other course
was morally or politically possible. That he was
not eager for office, that his party did not pursue a
course of factious opposition with a view to power,
hardly needs demonstration. Every one who knows
anything of Lord Derby will feel sure that he spoke
the truth when he said that he had not sought his
Present position, and would have known this to be
true even if he had not said it. The Conservative
party, for six long years, gave to Lord Palmerston
a forbearance which, upon occasion, became active
support, and which enabled him to keep the extreme
section of his own followers in order, and to govern
in a spirit which might almost be called Conserva-
tive. Lord Palmerston's death changed the whole
face of public affairs. It transferred power from the
extreme right to the extreme left of the Liberal party,
from men who substantially agreed with Mr. Lowe
to men who did not practically differ from Mr.
Bright, and the tacit truce of parties was terminated.
Even then the Conservatives did not rush into hasty
or vexatious hostilities. They promised to the new
Premier, even on the question of Reform, a fair
trial and a fair construction. And they gave it. •If
their conduct is to be called factious, then party
action and party government are no longer legiti-
mate in England. The Ministry, contrary to Lord
Palmerston's warning not to bring forward a Re-
form Bill in the first session of a new Parliament,
hurried into the question. They brought forward a
measure obviously hasty, and violently, if not ob-
viously democratic—a bill, moreover, evidently
founded on total ignorance of the real electoral sta-
tus of the working class. Was it factious to criticise
that bill? They insisted on dealing with the fran-
chise alone, contrary to the opinion of four-fifths of
all who had an opinion on the subject in and out of
the house. Was it factious to give expression to that
opinion by an adverse vote? Their complete bill
was generally pronounced to be bad, impracticable,
unsound. Is it not the very function of Opposition
to criticise and to correct, by discussion and by divi-
sion, the errors of the Ministry ; and was not this
bill generally held to be an error? The bill inflicted
grievous injustice on the landed interest and the
whole agricultural class ; was it not the place
of a party specially connected with that class to re-
sent and resist what they held to be a wrong ? The
Conservatives fought, not to overthrow the Govern-
ment, but to defeat the bill. It was the Ministers
who made the two things inseparable. It was they
who burned their boats and broke down their
bridges ; who pledged themselves to resign if they
could not carry their measure ; who so threatened
and bullied the house of Commons that their rela-
tions to it became such as nothing but a great Par-
liamentary victory could sustain ; who finally re-
peated their declaration that a defeat would be
equivalent to a vote of want of confidence upon
each detail of the bill, and so left the opponents of
the measure, in the Liberal and in the Conservative
ranks alike, no choice but to accept the bill or turn
out the Government. Mr. Disraeli, indeed, made,
on the occasion of their reverse of fortune—when
first they were compelled to change their tactics and
abandon the fragmentary mode of treatment—an
earnest attempt to induce them to retract their de-
termination, and allow the house to exercise a free
choice in regard to the bill. They would not do so ;
and their resignation was, therefore, inevitable.
117 e do not blame them for it, neither does Lord
Derby ; but neither have they a right to complain of
their adversaries. And when they had resigned it
was a necessity that Lord Derby should accept
office. The theory of English public life requires
that a victorious Opposition shall be ready to ac-
cept the responsibilities of power. It is not allowed
to any party to be simply obstructive; to endeavour
to prevent the machine of Government from moving ;
to be, like a French Opposition, on the watch not
to force the Government into its own groove, but to
check, embarrass, and thwart it. An Opposition
which avowed itself incapable of ruling would in this
country forfeit its right to criticise those who rule ;
it would cease to fulfil any honourable function in
the state, and degenerate into a faction, purely
mischievous in its action, to which no loyal Eng-
lish gentleman could belong.