The Sun.
London, England, 1859-07-13 00:00:00

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THE TREATY OF PEACE BETWEEN
FRANCE AND AUSTRIA.

(From the Daily Arews.)

The announcement in the two Houses last even-

ing that a Treaty had been actually signed by the
two Emperors, was received with a satisfaction
which the mere cessation of war was sufficient to
account for. England, however disposed to sympa-
thise with Italy, has shrunk in displeasure and
disgust from the contemplation of the splendid
savagery of battles, and of a fair land desolated by
hostile armies, and it is natural enough that at the
happy prospect of returning peace our first sensa-
tion should be one of unmixed relief. But as soon
as we begin to fix our glance upon the terms of
this pacification, as they are conveyed to the world
by the gracious conjugal message of the Emperor
of the French, the prospect fades into a mirage,
and the horizon darkens on the gaze. Far from us
the desire to trouble the rapture of the Bourses
with inauspicious warnings ; but our business is
not to echo the unheeding cries of the hour. No
one can accuse us of having encouraged unjust sus-
picion or unworthy jealousy of the so-called Libe-
rator 'of Italy ; nay, we have willingly exposed
ourselves to misrepresentations the most odious,
we have stifled our own apprehensions, and striven
to banish well-founded fears, rather than throw
doubt upon the sudden sincerity of a ruler who had
never yet proved faithful to his promises or his
oaths. Throughout the war not a word has escaped
us inimical to the policy of France, and in all her
successes we have mingled our congratulations with
the rejoicings of Italy. We are, therefore, at
liberty now to affirm, as truth commands us to
affirm, that the just hopes and expectations of Italy
are deceived ; that the Emperor of the French has
once more broken his word in the face of Europe ;
that civilisation deplores the unavailing sacrifice of
thousands of brave men ; and that history will call
him to a strict account for having made war on
false pretences, and signed a mock and selfish
peace. A peace that leaves Austria impregnably
fortified in the heart of Northern Italy; commits
Central Italy to the patronage of the Pope, and to
the constant menace of military interventions on the
part of 'the Pope's patrons and protectors ; takes
no account of the welfare of the people, substitutes
for national independence a confederation under
lock and key of Austrian garrisons—such a peace
as this, we say, is ill atoned for by the magnani-
mous transfer of Lombardy from the Austrian to
the French Emperor, and from the French Emperor
to the gallant King of Piedmont.
An Italian Co federation under the honorary pre-
sidency of the Pope was the dream which one of
the most devoted and patriotic Italians that ever
pleaded for the Papacy, the Abbe Gioberti, aban-
doned in despair, and died brokenhearted for his
pains. The retention of Venice by Austria is a
strange interpretation of Italian independence, and
must be singularly welcome to the friends of! the
great and good Manin. The closer we examine the-
pretended pacification the more futile and iniqui-
tous it appears. It may serve as a pedestal of glory
to the Emperor who has rescued a brother despot
at the cost of his honour—" but that's not much"—
and sown the seed of future wars for the time when
a half-sated army shall once more be impatient of
barracks.

It is understood that the Emperor of the French
was in a hurry. to be beforehand with the invita-
tion of the neutral Powers ; and that the Imperial
interview at Villafranca, preceded, like the pre-
liminaries of Leoben, by sentimental messages of
condolence, and concluded by the second editionwobuotf
a Campo Formic) treaty, is a Corp de theatre for
which that indefatigable royal negotiator, h
for the Campo Formio treaty would not be on the
throne of Belgium, deserves at least as much credit
as a stage carpenter for the concluding tableau of
a spectacle. However this may be, we should
heartily concur in the abstract doctrine that Eng-
land is better aloof from these miserable transac-
tions, were we not painfully convinced of the im-
possibility of diplomatic abstinence where dynastic
interests are concerned. The Treaty of Peace is
at present a rough draft. When the fair copy is
signed and sealed by the European Powers, we trust
that England at all events will not set. her seal to
a renewal of Austrian tenure in Venetia, or to the
"honorary Presidency" of the Pope, guaranteed by
a double foreign occupation without end. .
Votre Majeste fait de bien beaux vets, matl elle se
moque du monde, wrote Voltaire to Frederick the
Great in acknowledging a copy of verses from that
fighting philosopher in praise of peace,and goodwill
among men. Central Italy will be disposed to
make the same reply to the proclamation in which
the Conqueror of Solferino announces a Treaty. of
Peace between the Emperor of Austria and him-
self ; and the rest of the world will be equally com-
plimentary and distrustful. In these electric days
we need not be surprised at sudden wars and in-
stantaneous truces—at campaigns of a few weeks,
and pacifications warranted to last six months.
But Europe will scan with curious interest the terms
which the Emperor`of Austria was willing to ac-
cept before his Quadrilateral had even smelt the
powder of the Allies, and the conditions of Peace
patched up between two Emperors who paid each
other a morning call at Villafranca on Monday
morning. For our boasted civilization of the 19th
century comes to this—a prize fight on the scale of
200,000 men on a side, between a couple of person-
ages, neither of whom can persuade the other to
take a licking, terminates, when both are tired,
with a shake-bands and a joint agreement to clap
the stakes in a bag, and walk off to the nearest
tavern to divide them. The campaign in the Crimea
was considered a short one, though it lasted the
better part of two years, and was a different affair in
its objects, its results, and the strength and propor-
tion of the combatants engaged, to the campaign
in Italy, which has blown itself out in 40 days.
We are now permitted to observe in what manner
and degree the declared programme of the French
Emperor—the complete expulsion of Austria from
Italy—is fulfilled after half a summer's fighting and
half an hour's chat. The first Napoleon did enor-
mous mischief in the world in the course of 20
years. but at any rate he did hig work as
thoroughly as it was afterwards undone, when
Europe shook him off. The inheritor of his
name transaacts a war like the director of a Circus,
with all the brilliant dexterity of a Franconi. Just
as the summer season is beginning in the Champs
Elyse.es, the display of military horsemanship 'be-
gins in Lombardy ; only the latter performance is

-arrested by the dog days, whilst even at the Porte
St. Martin the Voie Sacree is still traversed by
triumphant legions, and the enthusiasm of pit and
gallery knows no check. It was rumoured a fort-
night since in Paris that the Emperor was to be at
St. Cloud on the 15th inst., and he is known to
have assured his staff that they would all celebrate
the St. Napoleon in Paris. The armistice, there-
fore, with all the tales of chivalrous courtesies ex-
changed between the Sovereigns, was in all pro-
bability by no means so sudden an inspiration as it
looked. There is nothing to surprise the English
public in the French Emperor stealing a march on
his ally to come to terms with his enemy, and we
are quite prepared to find him coquetting with
Austria in 1859 as he did with Russia in 1856.
Europe to the Napoleonic mind is an artichoke to be
eaten leaf by leaf, and the simple plan is to play off
one Power against another, using and betraying
each by turn. This plan may certainly succeed for
a time, but it has the disadvantage of all excessive
cunning, and overleaps itself at last. The doubt-
ful friend of each comes to be treated as the common
enemy of all, and a system of nicely balanced
treacheries is apt to meet the fate of a whist player
whose luck is too well known.

(From the Times.)
Let us rejoice, for we have every reason to do
so; let us think not Of ours-elves, for self is not in
question. We have to announce an event of un-
speakable blessedness. That dreadful war which
many told us would last to our children's children
and bear us away in -the eddy is ended. A few
days for Second thoughts one morning's meet-
ing have compoSed a gm:died difficulties and dis-
missed some hundred thousarid soldiers to their
distant homes. It wanted but the word, and the
plains of Venetia were to be- strewn with gory
carcasses like those of Lombardy ; the air was
to be filled with fiery missiles ; the walls of
four great fortresses were quaking to their fall ;
the sea was contributing its share to the work of
destruction, when at the mere concert of two minds
all n once more calm, as if peace had never fled.
Our mediation has not been wanted. We have
been spared all the labours of diplomacy, all the
ingratitude of the 'ioneiliated, all the blunders of
Envoys Extraordinary and- Ministers Plenipoten-
tiary. Not one British name will appear in the
page that records the fact ; the treaty itself will
only indirectly, make its appearance in a blue-book.
No homilies are now required to chastise that na-
tional vanity, which in this instance has nothing
to be proud of. We have nothing to illuminate for ;
Europe is once more at peace, and our bells don't
ring. Our great towns have preached neutrality in
vain. Cobden might have come in ; even Bright
for once finds Peace too quick upon him.
But, though in nowise concerned in the result,
we must admit its magnitude. Peace alone, on
any terms, after preparations on a scale to shake
the earth, is a great event. Then, how quick the
war has run its course ! It is just half a year since
a sudden outbreak at a State ceremony gave Europe
the first misgiving. A quarter of a year since we
were negotiating after a fashion, and to no purpose.
The war itself has lasted only half that time ; yet
the period has been sufficient to produce the most
paradoxical consequences. The first two complaints
were Austrian oppression and Papal misgovern-
ment. Yet Austria, twice beaten, and threatened
everywhere, remains mistress of Venetia; and the
Pope is honorary President, not of the Papal States
alone, but of all Italy. It is not possible to find
even the germ of these conclusions in the beginning
or the progress of the war. France desired to leave
Rome, if Austria would withdraw from the Lega-
tions. The Sardinian manifeSto, and many similar
documents from Paris and Turin, were directed to

the expulsion of Austria beyond the Alps.. France
has spent £50,000,000 and 50,000 men only to
give Milan a Piedmontese -instead of an Austrian
master, and to, establish the Pope in a temporal
dignity even beyond his imagining, and capable of
any extension. Is all this real ? The Emperor's
game must be a very long one. With the best in.
tentions, Constitutiosal States cannot afford to be
so philanthropic. As for Savoy, it is beneath no-
lice. The Emperor would not even mention it.

For so mere a irifle it was not worth his while to
bring suspicion on so glorious an achievement as
the liberation and organisation of all Italy in one
Federal Union. Austria herself must be struck
with the generosity, the clemency, and the moder-
ation of her foe, and France is content to gain a
friend.

But, insulated as we are, and mere spectators and
listeners, we are haunted with the shades of the
past; and with the skeleton that intrudes at the
brightest entertainment. Confederation of Italy !
Was there not once a Confederation of the Rhine,
and what did it end in ? How will this Federation
be arranged ? The King of the Two Sicilies must
have something to say to it. Is he prepared to be
represented in council with Victor Emmanuel, even
under the presi•iency of a Legate ? The Grand
Duke of Tuscany but the other day, having fled
from his subjects, was fighting against Italy at
Solferino. Will the Tuscan contingent think his
restoration an adequate reward for their summer's
march to the walls of Mantua? Venice is now to
enjoy at once Austrian occupation and possession,
Italian federation and co-operation, and Papal pre-
sidency, temporal as well as spiritual. Even the
subtle Italian mind may find it difficult to render
unto the Kaiser what is due unto the Kaiser, to
render unto Italy what is due unto Italy, and unto
the Pope what is due unto the Pope. Where will
Parma and Modena go in the readjustment? When
the Emperor has returned home, and shared with
his troops the pure glory of this costly sacrifice, how
long will he find his country content to play so mag-
nificent and sublime a part ? It is true that the
elder Napoleon left France as he found her ; but
then he yielded to overpowering numbers and ad-
verse fortune. France now has the game in her
hands ; more successful than she could have expected,
she has Europe before her. She can raise all Italy
and half the Austrian Empire against those Germans
whom she has so often beaten. Yet on the very
summit of her ambition she recollects and renounces.
Should this, indeed, satisfy Napoleon 111. there
arises a new misgiving as one contemplates the ex-
treme anxiety which has been shown first to humble,
then to conciliate Austria; and to win both her
respect and her gratitude.
As the personal considerations of the crisis are
neither glorious to ourselves nor wholly without
suspicious features to a bystander with leisure to
suspect, we content ourselves with the facts. Facts
often survive when schemes have long perished in
the minds that conceived them. Austria is some-
what humbled, vet relieved of a difficulty. Sardinia
is aggrandised with a province that mistrusts her
and a neighbour that has earned an imperishable
and inexhaustible claim to her gratitude. The
Grand Dukes are once more, we suppose, to be
shaken into their thrones. The Papal States are
left as they were, but with a master somewhat
greater than before. He is Honorary President of
the Italian Federation ; and General Goyon holds
the sword at his side. The King of Naples is made
a member of the Italian Federation, and has to learn
the worth of that honour and its true import.
Europe has to welcome a new Power, the German
Confederation a brother older in dignity, if not in
time. England has nothing to do but to look •n.
As the two Emperors left the room at Villafranca
we can fancy them congratulating one another on
no other Power having anything to do with their
Treaty. This is the old Imperial mode of acting ;
the meeting of Triumvirs on an island, or a bridge,
ol
otienrifalltenldott.
confessed.
enlsolvsi
more
aeeyi
aornsae
tjomittt
thousand
cotskooiuunelorosgkßai Vnogemadnl
Belgium
questions
uu:
tmefehais doing
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must
gttrhuhse ese
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eetel nluehvectuejoelson, ttwi still
nd
any rate, there is a present end of war.

(Prom the Morning Post.)
It will be seen that a peace has been signed which
for rapidity and eclat, carries us back to the age of
Austerlitz. Everything from the beginning of the
war to its end, has been in the true Bonapartean
style, if we make only the important exception of
the moderation which has characterised the French
Emperor in victory. Barely three months have
elapsed since peace reigned amongst us, and peace
now reigns once more. One day war is declared,
another day a great battle is fought, again another
great battle—then, while the world is speculating
on the next movement, the clash of arms is sud-
denly.hushed in an armistice, and while we are
studying the portent of this unexpected suspension
of war, and speculating on the probable divergencies
of opinion in an anticipated Congress, we are
startled by the intelligence that the work both of
diplomatists and soldiers is done. Peace, in a word,
is signed. It is signed by the Emperors themselves,
and diplomatic formality is cheated even out of the.
empty prerogative of a ratification.
This brilliant episode in French annals is, as We
have said, full of historic analogy, but it is new in
its character for moderation and good faith. We
will deal first with the former part of our proposi-
tion. It reminds us of the peace concluded after Aus-
terlitz, the peace concluded after Friedland, itnd
the peace concluded after Wagram. The battle of

Austerlitz was fought on the 2d of December; on
the day afterwards the Emperor of Austria sued
for peace, and within the year, then within a few
weeks of its termination, the great Treaty of Pres-
burg was signed. Friedland was fought on the
14th of June, and so soon afterwards was the
Treaty of Tilsit concluded that Copenhagen was
bombarded, as a consequence of its secret provi-
sions, so early as September in the same year. So
also with Wagram and the peace of Vienna which
followed it.. It is just so with the late Italian cam-
paign and the treaty -which has.now concluded it.
We see at this day equal glory in war, equal
vigour in negotiaticn, and a rapidity of action both
in the one and the other which are truly amazing.
But in the terms of the peace, which reached us in
the course of yesterday, we find evidence of a mo-
deration only to be compared to the scrupulous
fidelity with which the Emperor of the French has
fulfilled his promise to the Italians.
The soul of this treaty, so far as its provisions
have reached us, and so far as they have been com-
municated to Parliament by Lord John Russell, is
the nationality of Italy, guaranteed, under every
variety of local government, in a confederacy of the
Italian States. . The Pope is to be.the nominal or,'
honorary head of this Conferation ; he is to be re-
cognised in possession of the dignity necessarily'at-
taching to his office in a country where the Catholic
religion prevails, but;he is. to be -shorn virtually 'of
that temporal, supremacy in Italy which he. has
always hitherto aspired to'wield. Here, then, we!
have at once .the germ of a,sectdarisedi Confederad
tion, still acknowledging, with discreet deference to:
the national religion of Italy, the liiinour that is due;
to the head of the- Catholic Church. The Pope, in!
a word, is deprived of the substance, but he is to,
keep the shadow. The Emperor of Austria cedes 1
the kingdom of rombardy for ever, not to the
King of Sardinia, but to the Emperor of the
French ; and the Emperor 'of the French makes over
his conquest to-the King of Sardinia. Lombardy
and Sardinia become therefore henceforth one State.
Thus we arrive at once at another of the cardinal
points of renovated Italy. In order to secure the,
Confederation by the - constitution of one master-
throne in the North of Italy, a single 'State, with a:
population of eight millions, is created. Thatl
State, too, is just the State which is the archi-
type of the whole future of Italian domestic Go-
vernment. The Emperor of Austria, ceding the
kingdom of Lombardy, retains that of Venice; or
rather, he receives a new kingdom of small extent,'
ill place of a large kingdom ; for he is to hold his'
rights as King of Venetia on a title altogether
new. 'he old Austrian title is abolished, and an
Italian title is constituted in its place. The Ansi
trian Emperor is to be King of Venetia, solely asl
an integral member of the Confederation of Italy;
He is to be no more an Austrian Sovereign in Italy,
than, George IV. or -William IV. was felt in Hano4,
ver to be an English, and not a German, Sovereign.
There will, no doubt, be a distinct Administration,'
a distinct code of laws,,and a distinct army. The,
King of Venetia, though he will also possess the
Crown of Austria, will assume his rights, as it were,
(speaking from an Englishman's vocabulary), on
Parliamentary title. He will be, he must be, essen-1
tially an Italian ; he will rule less than three millions
of Italians ' • and he will be controlled by a Confe=
deration ruling not less than twenty-six millions.
Finally, the two Emperors have agreed to demand
reforms at the hands of the Pope. To add to this:
a general amnesty is proclaimed. 'We anticipate
that there will be no Congress ; the few details re-
maining to be arranged are surely unworthy of it 4
assembling.
It remains to glance at what France has done
and to see how we are to judge of France in the
future. She has effected all this within three
months ; her credit is excellent ; her army is admir-
able ; her spirit is buoyant. All this has cost her
but the momentary nerving of an arm. Yet she ha
gained no territory for herself. She made sacrifice
in war; and if men doubted her sincerity then, the ,
now see that • she practises self-denial. in peacel
Twice only has Napoleon 111. drawn the sword:
He drew it in 1854 to protect Turkey from Russia;
and he drew it again last spring to nationalise and
refprm Italy. There has been no war waged,
therefore, by France under Napoleon 111., but where
there has been a substantial ground for its
adoption. We have, then, every reason to be con-
fident that France will never of her own accord
disturb the peace of the world. She now relapses
into peace, to tend the manifold interests of her
domestic Government, and to watch the develop-
ment of the new Confederated Government which
she has secured for. Italy. Thus everything bids
fair to be established as she would have it. Eng-
land wishes to. see Austria remain a great Power,
and a great Power she will remain. She desires
also to see. French and Austrian troops equally
withdrawn from Italy ; and in this, also, her policy
will be fulfilled. Our own. country, therefore, has
egaomo d p
ariegans
whichn to be
hsaaat isfied
thrownwith
the
ao
much resultsgr oyf
atnh
de
imparted so much firmness to her neighbour.

(From the Morning Herald.)

Peace has l'ollowed rapidly on the armistice.
The public have scarcely recovered from one sur-
prise ere another is prepared for them. The Em-
perors of Austria and of France met on Monday
last, at Villafranca, and the resultof that interview
is a treaty of peace. The following account of this
sudden termination of the strife was received at
Paris yesterday :—" Valeggio, July 11, 1859. The
Emperor to the Empress.—A treaty of peace has
been signed between the Emperor of Austria and
myself. The conditions of peace are the following
—An Italian Confederation under the honorary
presidency of the Pope. The Emperor of Austria
gives up his rights over Lombardy to the Emperor
of the French, who remits them to the King of Sar-
dinia. The Emperor of Austria keeps Venetia, but
it is to form part of the Italian Confederation. A
general amnesty is to be granted." Strange to re-
late, these are precisely the terms which Lord Pal-
merston refused in 1848. Had the Premier accepted
the concessions then offered by Austria, the late
effusion of blood might have been prevented, and
great benefits achieved for Europe through the in-
fluence of England. However, we rejoice that tran-
quillity is restored, and we are not now inclined to
criticise the Manner in which it has been effected,
or the bases on which it is concluded. We presume

that, as in the case of the Russian war, a Congress
will be assembled, and that the Great Powers of
Europe will be called upon to decide upon this new
arrangement of the territory of Italy. One thing
seems to be required to render tranquillity lasting,
and that is the reduction by the leading continental
nations of those formidable armaments that foment
discords, keep alive jealousies, and exhaust the re-
sources of the nations. We trust that some definite
arrangement will be made on this point, and then
Europe will no longer be suffered to wear the ap-
pearance of one large camp. In that case the
people will believe in the security of peace, and be
relieved of those burdens which the extraordinary
armaments of the last f2w years necessarily entail.

(From the Horning Chronicle.)

A treaty of peace has been signed by the Emperor
of the French and the ;Emperor of Austria. The
great work of the liberation of Italy has been ac-
complished in nine weeks. While we, in this
sultry July weather, have been discussing the mean-
ing of the armistice which was concluded but four
days since, our doubts have been quickly resolved
in the maturing of that final conciliation which is
the best that the most sanguine could have hoped
from it. The feeling expressed by the two houses
of Parliament, which waited in breathless silence
for the expected announcement, and received it
with joyful acclamations, is but a foreshadowing of
the exultation with which the people of England
will hail the news that this terrible war is at an
end, that the right cause has triumphed, and
Europe is once more tranquil.
Lombardy, which was conquered on the field, of
Magenta, is to be annexed to Sardinia, in accord-
ance with the wishes of her citizens. Austria,
crippled and defeated in the conflict of Solferino,
has consented perforce to relinquish her hold on
Italy. The States of • Italy are to form a free con-
federation. Venetia, under an Austrian governor,
with a separate administration and laws is to form
one State of this federated Italy, just as Holstein,
though governed by Denmark, forms a part of the
German Union. A general amnesty forms a neces-
sary and most welcome part of this Treaty of Peace.
The success of the Emperor of the French in this
brief struggle is so complete and so wonderful, that
its history will read like an episode in some Arabian
tale, rather than as a chapter in our sober modern
history. To have arrived at the summit of his
wishes, in spite of all the hostile array that the
oldest and by no means the feeblest of Euiopean
Empires could bring into the field against him-,-to
have succeeded, in the brief space of two summer
months, in solving by means of the sword the most
difficult problem that in times past or present
has occupied the minds of statesmen—to have
driven the foe steadily from his vantage-
ground, on territories fortified by all defences
of nature and art—to have thoroughly com-
pleted his programme in ono campaign, Lind
achieved all that heart could desire—this is indeed

a success that is worthy of a Romau triumph, and
which almost renders it necessary that Napoleon
111., like. Philip, the Macedonian; should have a
slave standing ready, at his couch to remind him
that he is mortal ! Uncomfortable as it may be to
us, with our English-Pride and jealousy, to admit
and applaud the triumph of the Emperor of the
Frenoh, it would argue a wont of candour and a
want of common decency were we not to give him
his due. It mast heeds be confessed that he 'has
emerged from this ordeal- the greatest man of his
age. This admission may excite our emulation,
but not our envy. We have had enough of glory
to our share in the deeds of the past generation,
and the heroism of our brethren in India. We,must
not grudge our neighbours their turn of triumph.
For it is France that triumphs in the Emperor. He
has pointed the lesson of wisdom, which he admi-
nistered so sternly to Austria:, with the bayonet
thrusts, of his`followers. Montebello, Magenta, and
Solferino attest that France is not dead, but lives
still to prove herself illustrious.
For us, who have always expressed our sympathy
with
.the cause of Italy, and our earnest wish for the
triumph of the army of knights•errant who have
gone forth to battle for the right. We may surely
he understood and excused when we cannot refrain
from sounding our ../O Pmans at this glorious con-
clusion of the strife. The pen, in such a conflict,
may catch the-enthusiasm of the sword, and not:be
disgraced by
.its.sympathy.
For the immense sacrifices rendered necessary by
the. war, the .Emperor of the French demands no
recompense for France ; not even the cession of
Savoy, which some expected. . This disintereSted-
ness will not fail to be appreciated by Europe.
Not a rood of territory is to be added tq,the Empire
of France. Sardinia, for the noble devotedness
exhibited by her King and his subjects in the cause
of Italy, and in compliance with the wish long ex-
pressed by the people of Lombardy, is to, be
doubled in territory and power by the acquisition
of that fertile State. But France receives
nothing;, as she began the war, so she ends it. She
has battled successfully, for the right, she. has nobly
re-asserted her title to a place in the foremost 'rank
of nations; that will.be enough for her. The Pari-
sians.need not ask of their Emperor, as the Romans
of Caesar, ".What conquests brings he home ?" lie
has conquered Lombardy, but it is for Sardinia. He
has freed Italy from Austria, but only for the good
of her sons, and with no design of subjecting her to
another yoke. The artificial Cisalpine Republic,
created by the First Napoleon after the armistice
of Leoben, was but the blind (or a contemplated
accession to the overgrown dominion of France.
The federation of Italian States, which is now to be
established 'is the real and long-wished solution of
the great Italian difficulty, and is certain to accord
with the wishes of the statesmen of the neutral
Powers. Arbil belli atque path, the Emperor of
the French must be left. to cement by diplomacy
what is already accomplished by arms. His flat-
terers may 'find a parallel,.or more than one, for his
deeds in the history of ancient times. Like Quintus
Cincinnatus, he was called from peaceful employ-
ments, to the prosecution of successful war. Like.
Scipio, he haughtily refuses to accept of hostages
or presents, and departs content with his glory.
That the little Italian kingdom which has dis-
tinguished itself throughout as the native-born
champion of the Peninsula, which haS suffered in
past as well as in present timed in its battling for
a united Italy, which hag borne itself so nobly by
the side of France in the hard-fought battles of the
late eventful campaign, should now be endowed
with a territory more worthy of its deeds and its
future, must be a source of congratulation to all.
The King of Sardinia will be now Kin.. of North-
ern Italy, and the most influential potentatet of the
Italian confederacy.
That a Prince, upon whose claims to spiritual as
well as secular authority this country looks with
little love, is to be constituted the nominal head of
this brotherhood of States, is. the article in this treaty
of peace which 'will be viewed with most uneasiness
by Englishmen. But we are gratified to observe that
the Pope is proposed simply as the " honorary "
head of the Italian. Confederation. It is difficult to
assign to him any more subordinate position in an
arrangement of which he must, of course form a
part. Any possible power of doing mischief must
be taken from. him, and provision made for a free
and popular government for the towns of the Ro-
magna and the Legations. The Princes of Parma
and Modena will übtless be permitted to govern
only on condition of granting free constitutions to
their subjects. It is probable that these arrange-
ments, and the freedom of the whole Confederation
from foreign interference, will be secured by the
collective guarantee of the great European
Powers.

If the line of the Adige and the fortress of Verona
are secured to the territory of Venice, the great
fortresses of the Mincio—Peschiera and Mantua—
will remain as it protection to the kingdom of Victor
Ermilanuel. Though at present we can add nothing
certrin to the simple details of the telegram, it is
easy to foresee that some such arrangement as this
is contemplated:

(From the Morning Advertiser.)
The Italian war is over. Peace has not only been
'agreed on, but a treaty has been drawn up, and
duly signed by the Emperors of France and Austria.
The signatures of the two Emperors were adhibited
to the treaty on Monday morning.
How startling, how important, and, in some cases,
how unexpected have been the events of the last
two months. An invasion of Sardinia by Austria
—the repulse of the invading army—Austrian ter-
ritory invaded in return—two great battles fought,
in which the Allies were barely successful, and in
which the aggregate losses of killed and wounded
cannot have fallen far short of 100,000—a general
European .war regarded as all but certain—an
armistice agreed on by the two great belligerents
at a moment when another great battle was confi-
dently expected—and now a peace between France
and Austria concluded !
It may be doubted whether anything is to be
met with in history which can at. all compare with
this. The events of the last eight weeks appear
more like a dream than a sober reality. The
Man of December is still true to the instincts
of his nature. Every great thing he does
seems to be done on the principle of surprise. It
will be well for our rulers to remember this, and
be prepared for any contingencies.
As yet we are not sufficiently informed as to the
conditions on which peace has been concluded.
The telegram, in which they are professed to be
given, is one addressed from Louis Napoleon to the
Empress ; and when he has a motive for ambition,
he is not at a loss for the use of unmeaning words.
The first condition of peace is an Italian Confe-
deration, under the honorary presidency of the
Pope. What are we to understand by this ? Is
the Confederation thus determined on by the two
Emperors to include the whole of the Italian States,
or only a portion of them ? If it is meant to in-
clude the whole, then Sardinia herself will actually
be placed under the " honorary Presidency of the
Pope." How will Sardinia relish that ? She has
been accustomed to glory in her independence of
all other powers, and above all, in her independence
of the Roman Pontiff; but now, it appears, she
will be compelled to submit to some sort of supe-
riority or other—which we do not at present quite
comprehend—to his Holiness. She must feel in-
sulted at the bare idea of being obliged to recognise
the superiority of the Pope in any way.
degradation could not have befallen Piedmont.
Th Presidency of the Pope is, it is A greater
oftrue,ti, ca
that
Popery never will be contented with any presi-
dency of any kind, that is purely honorary or norai..
nal. Sardinia and all the other States will soon find
this to their cost. Louis Napoleon began the war
with solemn pledges to the Italians, that he Would
give " Italy to the Italians ," or, in other words,
that he would expel the Austrians from the Alps
to the Adriatic. This, of course, involved the free-
dom of the Roman States. But not content with
general or implied pledges that he would liberate
the Legations, he gave the most solemn assur-
ances that he would abolish the secular power
without consulting
agrees with Austria to make the
of the Pope. And yet, instead of fulfilling
'pnreoswi
curiousde :lotto° overllky twh
willw h ol
thee of
Italianslt al y .
Ipahvniosyhp
aett pledges,hirwodneopara arrrehtyye
etshesmayvtoolutnhtisee Was it for this that so
?red into the ranks of the
manyt hems themselves
Sardinians, and with their
Sardinian countrymen
so profusely shed their blood?
But it is not the Italians only
that will hive cause
to tremble at the universality of the power with
which the Emperors of France and Austria thus
invest the Roman p •
ontiff. Every Protestant coun-
try in Europe may well be alarmed at the new
honour thus conferred
, and the new power thus
given to the Pope. And as the Emperors of France
and of France 'have thus made him President of the
Italian Confederationabout to be formed, there can
be no doubt that oubt they
will
uphold by the power of
the sword, if necerssay, whatever course he may
adopt in reference to Protestants and Protestant-
ism. One of the first fruits of this Presidency of the
Pope will, we may be sure, be the extinction of

Prote.stantisF throughout t
the religionslas" _ ed tpr
wili L6'Damiihilated the. frff mottlent tut •tlie-
intended Confederation is formed:under 'the presti*/
dency of the' Pope. • •
f
The second condition of peace: is, that the Dave- :
!ror of Austria gives up his rights over Lombardy t
to the Emperor of the Freneh, who remits them,to
the King of Sardinia. This is certainly a cool way
of disposing of a LI: What right, in the '
firzt instance, had the:Emperor of Austria to make a
present of Lombardy to Louis Napoleon. It was not
:from France that he received thatikart of his Italian
territory in 1815. It was from the Powers that
signed the Treaty of Vienna. And it might have
been. expected that before making a present cif
Lombardy to the Ruler of France, he would have
consulted "the -parties to that treaty. But the most
audacious part of the business is that which follows.
Louis Napoleon accepts the gift Of Lombardy from
the hands of Franois-Joseph; and "Inagnanimous-
ly"—for that word will doubtless bd. applied even
by English journals to the transaction—transfers it
to the King of Sardinia ; so that Lombardy, in the
space otless than five minutes, was actually the
property of three masters-=first: of _the Emperor
Joseph, then of Louis Napoleon, and lastly of Vic-
tor Emmanuel. Poor Lombardy ! How humiliating
to see that fine country, with so many interesting
traditions, thus:passed from hand to hand, as if its
people ;were so Many beasts of burthen to be sold
or given away, just as suited the caprices of a
couple of crowned
_despots. And; if the matter
could be made more' mortifying still, all this took
morningplac
andebetewtele_nin-anfirliaenea,
in tenthe fa
o'clockee of on
the solemn
assurances so' frequently and so explicitly given by
Louis Napoleon, that when he had driven the Aus-
trians out of Lombardy he would leave it to the
people of that province toeboose their own' form of
government and their own rulers. InStead of this
IlnloiDirbeopettewrto:
better
people
hdooanftndhLe
esi Lombardy
ydi knowesysgflooaongd
rhs nothing of what is
intended until it is done. Louis Napoleon traiThlera
negro
at
them over to Victor Emmanuel as if they hifil been
tin,* them up to auction, withaiansl
owner in the Southern States of America.cOuld not
wloserh-:
etshpni au.
ovtne-
detsebss:tcheaoaatnect
the part of the 'man of December. Our -wonder
would have been if he had not deceived the Italians.
To be faithless is an inherent part of his nature:
His path throughout the whole of his public life
marled been arked by perfidy in every form.
Treachery is a necessity of his moral constitution.
The other leading condition of peace is that the
Emperor of Austria retains Venetia, but it is to form
part of the Italian Confederation. - This-is wholly.
unintelligible. How can Venetia be under Aus-
trian rule, and yet constitute a part of any Italian
Confederation ? The question is one which, we eau-
not answer, nor, we imagine, can any onefe*. • If
Austria is to exercise any-influence at all aver the
intended Italian Confederation, we may' be per-
fectly sure that, with. the Court of Vienna in
Venetia, and the Pope as Honorary President of
the Confederation, Italy -will hereafter be.plated
under a worse despotism than before. : What
the feelings of the Italians themselves, will be wheu
they learn how grossly, and deliberately they haVe
been deceived by Liiins Napoleon=the man who so
vehemently protested that he came to be their de-
liverer from the yoke of bondage under which they
had groaned so long-we can easily imagine, but
.A.
will not venture to express. noI what, we are
curious to know, will those in our town country,
who were credulous enough to believe that he em-
barked in this war from a pure loVe of Italian
liberty, now think of the man in whom they had
so much faith P

In the meantime, who can refrain from looking
with an eye of commiseration on the treatment
'which the King of Sardinia has received, in this
last scene of the drama, at the hands of Louis Na-
poleon ? His name never once appears, either in
the armistice., or the peace.. The armistice is made
with the two Emperors alone, and by them alone
the treaty of peace is concluded. So far as these
two momentous transactions are concerned—mo-
mentous to Sardinia beyond all else—no one would
know that there is such a person in existence as the
King of Sardinia. The humiliation which Victor
Emmanuel must feel, and his subjects no less, at the
gross and gratuitous insult which. Louis Napoleon
kas Offered to him, must be too deep to admit of a
lower depth. Our readers, however, will not be sur-
prised at the* fact. As we remarked yesterday, we
foretold months ago that matters woulden.d..as they
have done. We predicted aga:n and again that,
the moment it suited his purpose, Louis,Napoleon
would sacrifice and insult poor Victor Emmanuel.
Our words have received a striking verification
within the last few days. The King of Sardinia
will hereafter be a mere nominal kink. The real
government of Piedmont will be in the bands of
Louis Napoleon and the Pope.