The Sun.
London, England, 1866-07-21 00:00:00

I necessarily agree with those opinions which I do not
expressly mention for the purpose of saying that I differ
from then; or, on the other hand that I differ with those
opinions in which I do not get out of my way to express
concurrence. I think that in the state of Europe the house
will hold me justified if I do not think it expedient to go
into a general and detailed discussion of the' political
situation—(hear, hear)—and the more so as that situation
is changing not merely from week to week, but from day
to day, and I might almost say, as the telegraph informs
us, from hour to hour. I shall confine myself therefore as
closely as I can to those questions which have been put to
me in the course of the discussion. First of all comes the
question of the member for Wick. He wants some gua-
rantee that no intervention is contemplated on our part.
He wants some assurance that this country will not drift
into a war, as he says we did into the Crimean war. He
admits that the policy of the Government is intended to be
that of non-intervention, but he fears that it may be pos-
sible to drift into a quarrel without intending it. Now, I
suppose when the hon. member speaks of intervention, be
is speaking either of armed intervention or of intervention
of such a nature as though not immediately, yet in its
ultimate results, might lead to an appeal to physical force.
If that is what he refers to, all I can say is that if the
speech delivered by Lord Derby not long ago in another
place, if the opinions which I have invariably expressed
upon the subject, not merely when occupying the position
I now hold, but for many years past, when theso questions
were under discussion—if, which is infinitely more im-
portant, the unanimous feeling—for I believe it amounts
to unanimity—both of Parliament and of the people out of
doors is that we ought not to be dragged into these Conti-
nental difficulties—if all these things taken together do
not constitute a guarantee that ours will be a pacific and
observant policy, then I am unable to understand in what
language a stronger guarantee can be provided. (Cheers.)
Is the intervention of a different character? Is it inter-
vention in the name of friendly advice tendered by a neu-
tral power? I think the question whether intervention
of that kind and under particular circumstances is de-
sirable or not, is a question which must necessarily
be left to the discretion of the executive Government.
(Hear, hear.) lam not personally very fond of the sys-
tem of giving advice to foreign Governments. (Hear.)
I entirely agree with what was said by the right hon.
gentleman opposite, that you are never more likely to
lessen the influence of England than when you are con-
stantly trying to exercise it by giving advice. I think the
right of giving advice has of late years been largely used—
(hear, hear)—and 1 venture to think that it has not only
been used, but abused. (Cheers.) There is truth in the pro-
verbial saying that lookers on see more of the game than
the players, and cases do occur when interference in the
sense of a friendly and neutral power, or a power which is
well known to have no interest of its own to serve, no de-
sire to gratify but the restoration of peace, and permanent
peace—there are times when advice so offered may tend to
shorten the duration and limit the extent of a war which
might otherwise spread to wider proportions. That, I ap-
prehend, is the practical question upon which the house
wishes to have an answer from me. I wish distinctly to
assure hon. gentlemen and the country that at this mo-
ment the British Government stand, as regards these Euro-
pean controversies, free, unpledged, and uncommitted to
any policy whatever. (Hear, hear.) The sole diplomatic
action which the present Government have taken, and it
was almost the first action which we had to perform, was
that of supporting in general terms, at Florence and Berlin
the Proposition made by the French Government for the
temporary cessation of hostilities. It seemed to us that to
support that proposition was on our part simply an act of
humanity and of common sense. (Hear, hear.) The house
must recollect what were the circumstances of case. Vene-
tia had been ceded—not indeed to Italy—but ceded by
Austria. A great battle had been fought. A decisive victory
had been gained. Austria had invoked the mediation of
France, and France had accepted the part of mediator.
She asked us to support, not terms of peace—that would
have been premature—but merely the general proposition
for an armistice, in order that the belligerent parties might
have time to consider whether in the totally altered state
of circumstances it might not be possible to substitute
negotiations for further bloodshed, and to obtain the ro
sults of the war without continuing the war any further.
We do not think it was in our power to refuse assent to
that proposition. (Hear, hear.) But while in general
terms we have supported that proposition for an armistice,
we have pledged ourselves to no terms or conditions of
peace whatever. We have pledged ourselves to nothing
beyond the general advice that an armistice should take
place. The circumstances under which that advice was
given have now passed away. Our mediation, our ad-
vice, has not been officially asked by any competent power,
and it has not been given or offered by us. The right
hon. gentleman the member for Stroud asks me whether
there is an expectation of an armed intervention or me-
diation on the part of the French Government. Well, it
is not my part to answer for other Governments than my
own. (Hear, hear.) All I can say is that I have not the
slightest reason to believe that any stop of the kind is in
contemplation, and I have every reason to believe that no
such step is thought of.
Mr. HORSMAN—I did not ask that question.
Lord STANLEY—I beg the right hon. gentleman's
pardon. It was another hon. member. Tho right hon.
gentleman asks two questions. The first is whether the
British Government have been invited by Franco to unite
with her in a joint communication. Now to that my an-
swer is, that the French Government took the matter up,
and it now rests with that Government. The French Go-
vernment may or may not ask us to join in the work of
y such mediation until we
mediation. If so, Ido not think it would be well for the
knowßritish
distinctly Government
what to jhoei
eirnmas proposed by France are.n
(Hear, hear.) The second question asked by the right
hon. gentleman is this—Whether the British Government
has expressed a disposition to confer with the Govern-
ment of France in recommending Austria to terminate
the war by accepting the terms proposed by Prussia and
Italy, the cession of Venetia, and ceasing to be a mem-
ber of the German Confederation ? Now as to that,
Venetia has been, as I understand, ceded, so far as
te rAustriaise
as to is
the cession concerned.beingWahbestehla or conditional, I do
er any question will
a
not know, still I apprehend that none of us can entertain a
doubt that the final result must be that Venetia must pass
from Austria. Venetia has been conquered in Germany,
and whatever may be the mode of transfer, I do not think
any reasonable man can doubt that Venetia at no very dis-
tant period will belong to Italy. Then, with regard to the
question whether we will recommend Austria to terminate
the war by accepting the proposal to cease to be a member
of the German Confederation, on that point I must remind
the right hon. gentleman that it has never, so far as I am
aware, been proposed as the sole condition of peace, that
Austria should be a member of the German Confederation.
No doubt various preliminaries of peace have been dis-
cussed, but if the question were narrowed to that narrow
issue whethor Austria could obtain peace by ceding Vene-
tia and by ceasing to be a member of the German Confede-
ration that would be a question on which we should be in
a condition to give an opinion. But we have no reason to
know that the granting of these two conditions would be
sufficient to produce peace, and when we do not know ac-
tually and precisely what may be the terms likely to be ac-
cepted by one or the other of the belligerents, it would be
clearly premature for us to express an opinion on an ab-
stract question as to what might or might not be accepted.
With regard to the general policy of this country, I have
only one remark to make. I think there never was a great
European war in which the direct national interests of
England wore less concerned. (Hear, hear.) 'We have all
our sympathies in this question. The Italian question I
look upon as not being very distautfrom a final settlement.
With regard to the other possible results of the war, the
establishment of a strong North German Power, of a.
strong compact empire extending over the north of Ger-
many, I cannot think that if the war ends, as it possibly
may, in the establishment of such a Power, the existence
of such a Power is to us any menace or any danger.
(Hear, hear.) It may be conceivable enough that
the growth of such a power might be viewed with some
jealousy, and possibly with some distrust by other European
powers, to which it may act as a rival and a check. But
the position is not ours, and if the North of Germany is to
become a great power, I do not see that the interest o

England would in the slightest degree be affected by it. I
have now answered as explicitly as I could the various
questions that have been put to me, and I think I can as-
sure the hon. gentleman the member for Wick that there

is no danger so far as human foresight goes of this conti-
nental complication involving this country in war. I think
in the next place that if we do not intend to take part we

ought to be exceedingly cautious how we either use our
influence or hold out any illusory hopes. (Conservative
cheers.) If our advice is asked, and if that advice seems
likely to be of practical use, I do not think we ought to re-
fuse to give it, but when we give it, as that which we
think best, under a deep sense of moral responsibility, as
being the best in our judgment, we ought, I think, carefully
to avoid involving this country in a war in which our in-
terests are not concerned. I think we ought not to place
ourselves in such a position that any other nation can say
to us, "We have done sa and so on your advice ; wo have
suffered for it ; you have brought us into the difficulty, and
therefore you are bound to get us out of it." (Hear, hear.)
I have now stated all that I think it is possible for me to
state ; and knowing as I do how utterly impossible it is
for any member of the executive to carry on the business
of his department without the support of public opinion, it
only remains for me to say that as far as the nature of the
case allows, I shall always be anxious that the house shall
be conversant with everything that is done. (Cheers.)

Mr. B. COCHRANE said he was sorry to hear some
of the opinions expressed by hon. gentlemen opposite.
They all of them
said they were in favour of non-inter-
vention, and yet they were not actually in favour of it.
He trusted that the policy of the present Government
would be the exact opposite of the policy of the past,
for ho believed that all the continental complications of the
last three years had been much aggravated by our official
meddling. He did not wish to detain the house, but he

congratulated the house and the country on the policy
which the noble lord had enunciated.

Mr. WA.TION, on being called by the Speaker, post-
poned until Monday the motion of which he had given
notice, for a royal conunission to inquire into the causes