The Sun.
London, England, 1835-04-13 00:00:00

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tilt administration of the adviser, and puts a veto on
the counsels of a 'successor, or may make it impossible
for any others to undertake office. A resignation is a
farce, a deceit, a mockery, if the party withdrawing
can persuade the King to refuse the necessary powers
to their opponents. For what do they go out if the
principles under which they sunk are to remain in,
citadeled, as it were, in the King's breast, and refusing
the trust of Government to any who do not assent to
them ? This is surrendering the fortress and leaving
a mine to explode under the conquerors. It would
amount to this, that on quitting office the Tories, with
their matchless modesty, had said to the King, " We
go out because the House of Commons will have it
so, but we pray your Majesty to suffer no others to
come in, and we shall appear to be called back as
matter of necessity ; and should the Commons
continue to oppose us, we will tell the country
that the Reformers would neither serve your Ma-
jesty themselves, nor let us serve you ; and that the al-
ternative is the Tories or no Government." We re-
peat we disbelieve the story that in resigning, the
Tories established impediments in the King's mind
against the success of his opponents—that they have,
in effect left behind them a legacy in the Royal will,
cutting off the Opposition with a shilling to buy a
halter. We have no faith in the report, because it is
of Tory origin ; but the mere fact that men of that
party circulate such a rumour, true or false, without
any perception of the character of the conduct de-
scribed—nay, even making a boast of the abuse of
opportunity—shows the unconstitutional extremities. to
which they are capable of going for the recovery of
power. They have no notion that any thing can be
wrong which serves their ends. All their political
morality is summed up in the self-interest of the party.
—Morning Chronicle.

The people of England ought to be made aware in
time, of a case on which the Russell Cabinet is now
sitting, and in the decision of which case the King of
England and all his subjects are, we grieve to say, too
deeply interested. Every one knows that the delay
and difficulty hitherto experienced by Lord Melbourne
in his attempt to form a Whig-Radical Administration
have arisen from the servile fear entertrined by his
Lordship's party, of the repeal agitator O'Connell.
Intelligence, which. We fear may be true, states, that
this conspirator against the King's dominion over Ire-
land knows the length of his own tail, and has con-
trived to get the length of another person's foot also.
He has sent in to Lord Melbourne an abstract of
the terms on which only he will grant a capitula-
tion to the Whigs, and save them from the necessity of
replacing Sir Robert Peel in the post from which, by
their short-sighted intrigues, they have removed him.
Listen, Englishmen, to the proposals of this enemy
to your name and nation. As the price of supporting
a Whig-Radical Government, he insists that the law
officers of the Crown in Ireland shall be nominated by
him (O'Connell I!) He insists that he (O'Connell)
shall have a veto on the appointment of the Viceroy,
the King's representative in Ireland I I He strongly
urges that the elective franchise in Ireland shall be
lowered to 5/. ; that he, O'Connell (not having yet
power enough over the Irish constituency, which has
returned near 50 members at his bidding), may be
enabled to command a sufficient number of votes to
give stability to the Whig-Radical Government I The
Agitator does not ask to be appointed himself to
office. He is too cunning for that. Ist, The King
has the sense and firmness resolutely to refuse it ; 2d, If
the King were willing to receive into his service the
bitter enemy to his Irish crown, Mr. Daniel O'Connell
knows very well that the honour would cost him a higher
price that it could by possibility repay—that he would
lose by it his despotic sway over the multitude, and with it
his infamous but enormous rent ; and lastly, that instead
of being at the mercy of the Whig Ministers, by their
powers of discarding him from office on misbehavour,
he would hold a scourge over them, by threatening,
whenever the spirit moved him, to withdraw from them
his Parliamentary support, and leave them in a
minority. But, great Heaven, do we live to see the
day when such a negotiation can be entered upon by
any Nobleman or Gentleman having access to his
Majesty's presence with a man of O'Connell's history,
political principles, and projects ? Can, we ask, any
Minister, or candidate Minister of the British Crown,
dare so much as to whisper within the Royal hearing
the demands of such an adventurer upon his Majesty's
patience, and on the honour and dignity of the people
of this great country ? What I name the law officers
of the Crown, and have for his creatures those indi-
viduals whose official duty it may become to begin
their functions, as public prosecutors, by a criminal
process against their own patron I What ! restrain
the Sovereign of the British empire from nomi-
nating for Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland any Noble-
man to whom this turbulent and scheming Papist
shall object ! A British Minister representing a
once English party, permitting a demagogue like
this to force upon him a measure almost tantamount
to universal suffrage, on pretence of enabling the said
mob tyrant to serve more completely the Administra-
tion of to-day, when, after having acquired through
such extension of- the suffrage a 'dominion over the
electors of 90 out of 100 representatives, he may to-
morrow play upon the fears and profligacy of his Mi-
nisterial menials, and drive them into the perpetration
of any political crimes, however desperate in their na-
ture, however deadly in their consequences, to the
peace, the unity, and safety of the realm, on pain of
being, by a nod of this " infernal Jupiter," at once
hurled out of office. We cannot, we dare not, in-
dulge the mingled terror and humiliation which tid-
ings like those conveyed to us in the course of yester-
day, and to the effect above stated, have raised with-
in our minds. If the Whig Lords, who have so
far listened to O'Connell, plead the bard neces-
cesity of their condition, and exclaim, " What
can we do ? how can we forin our Ministry without
his help ?"—our answer, and, if we mistake not, the
answer of all England will be, " Then do not form
your Ministry." The hardship of the case , upon
these ambitious personages is, that forsooth they are
urged on to disgrace and crime by a necessity of their
own creating—by a party necessity—a factious neces-
sity—a necessity of which no honest Englishman ad-
mits or sees the pressure, beyond the pale of their own
Whig-Radical clique. Who asked them by a succes-
sion of factious votes to turn out the Minister of the
King's free choice, that they Might seize his power ?
They say it is " necessary" to their Cabinet, that they
should serve implicitly O'Connell's will ; in other
words, it is more necessary that Church and State, and
Protestant Ireland, and the existence of the empire,
should be sacrificed beyond redemption, than that the
Whig leaders and their Radical confederates should
remain for six months longer out of office. Once
mere, and in all sincerity, and in bitterness of heart,
we appeal to our countrymen, whether they will thus
allow a band of selfish place-hunters to roll the Crown
of the United Kingdom in the dust ?—Times.
'There is nothing known up to the present moment
—at least we know nothing, notwithstanding all due dili-
gence in making inquiries—respecting the formation of
a new Cabinet, beyond that which we communicated
to our readers on Saturday—namely, that Lord Mel-
bourne had, with the advice and concurrence of Lords
Grey and Lansdowne, undertaken the formation of a
new Cabinet. Upon what terms, however, we are
not aware—whether he undertook the office condition-
ally or unconditionally ; but of this we are perfectly
certain, that every obstacle has been thrown in his way
both as to men and measures, and that the resignation of
Sir R. Peel is now considered in all quarters to have been
a mere trick for the purpose of being again called upon
by the King to remodel his late Cabinet ; and, in
case of its failing, to gain time, and thereby the con-
fidence of the country, and to try the effect of a second
dissolution. We cannot vouch for such being the fact,
but we believe it. It has all the semblance of a Tory
trick—it is a manoeuvre which a high personage,
prompted by a Tory Court party, would hail with in-
finite satisfaction as the very acme of political finesse
—it is in accordance with the character of Sir R. Peel
and a majority of his supporters—and we shall not, there-
fore, be in the slightest degree surprised to see our
suspicions realized to the very letter before eight days
have passed over our heads. There are good grounds
for our suspicions in every way. For what was the
Melbourne Administration dismissed ? Because it
halted on the threshhold of Reform ? No : but be-
cause it was
_determined to remedy abuses wherever

abuses had been discovered to exist. For what rea-
son was Sir R. Peel called upon to accept an of-
fice which, after repeated defeats, be found him-
self unable to execute ? Why, because his sentiments
were well known to be of the Conservative genus—
adverse to Reform, and favourable to the existence of
abuses inimical to the best interests of the people.
Why did he remain so long in office after it had been
plainly told to him that he and his Cabinet did not
enjoy the confidence of the country ? Simply to gain
time, and by gaining time, to catch his opponents in
some snug error, as well as to catch waverers by the
exhibition of apparent popular designs meaning no-
thing. However, all these things are so well known,
that it is almost folly to repeat them. Look again,
however, at what may be termed his dying speech--
the speech ad captandzon—a speech intended to make
an impression upon the public in his favour—but a
speech in which he declared, and most empha-
tically declared, that he and those who acted with
him " enjoyed the entire confidence of the King."
There is no mistake about the words ; but their
meaning was not fully understood until Lord Mel-
bourne and his friends waited upon his Majesty, and
learned what we are not at liberty to mention. Why,
again, was Sir Robert Peel at the palace on Satur-
day.—Why was he also at the palace yesterday—and
'that, too, if we are rightly informed, for two hours?
Is this honourable on the part of the Tory Baronet?
Does the country call upon him to give his advice to
the King ? To cut the matter short, however,
there is not the slightest doubt that. the whole ob-
ect and intent of the late resignation was to throw the
liberal party on- their back, by proving that they
would be unable to form an Administration. That
game has failed, in consequence of every, liberal
member having declared his willingness (Mr.
O'Connell among others) to relinquish all preten-
sions to office rather than embarrass the formation
of a new Ministry. This is noble conduct, and de-
serving, in every respect, of the gratitude of the coun-
try. It must greatly raise the " Representative of all
Ireland" in the estimation of the public, and pave the
way for his future occupancy of office. But with this
self-denial on the part of Mr. O'Connell and others,
we would humbly impress upon Lord Melbourne the
necessity of being firm upon two points—the first that
he shall have his choice of men in support of his Go-
vernment—the second, that he shall have a carte blanche
for the management of the House of Peers. There is
no safety for him, in case of his being able to form a
Government without having both signed and sealed.
Let him, if he be wise, remember his groundless dis-
missal—let him also remember that " no lady's arm
is now around him twined ;" but, on the contrary, that
of a desperate faction, intent upon mischief, and care-
less of what may be its result.—Morning AdvertLer.
As we have stated, there is .a strong probability
that the formation of a new Administration will be
publicly announced to-night to the two Houses of
Parliament, an Administration which, if we are cor-
rectly informed as to the principles upon which, and
the auspices under which it is constituted, cannot cer-
tainly, with any degree of propriety, be called a Whig
Administration, or a Radical Administration, or an
Administration composed of the two elements of Whig-
gery and Radicalism, or described- indeed by any ap-
pellation, simple or compound, which conveys the
meaning that it is to consist of a body of British states-
men, acting upon British principles or feelings, or with
any regard to the inclinations or the interests of the great
body of the inhabitants of Great Britain. The new Mi-
nistry is to be essentially an Irish Roman Catholic Ad-
ministration, and whoever may be nominally its head or
its members, to have Mr. O'Connell, and Mr. O'Connell
alone, for the mainspring and controlling power, of every
movement it will be permitted to make or to attempt.
For an administration of such a character we need not
bespeak the condemnation and resistance of the Con-
servatives of the United Kingdom. These, we already
know, will be prompt, instinctive, and universal. But
will the Whigs of England, we ask, quietly submit to
that degradation and ruin of themselves as a political
party, which some of their -treacherous or infatuated
leaders have prepared for them ? Are they contented
to range themselves under the banners of the Roman
Catholic agitator of Ireland, and to extinguish for
ever their party name and being, in abject submis-
sion to the authority of one whose lips have yet
scarcely closed from the utterance of the fiercest
denunciations and the most virulent invective
against them, their character, their principles, their
temper, their habits, and their aims ? Are the
Whigs generally prepared to admit the truth of
all that O'Connell has from time to time said of them,
and for what we know, says still ; or, on the other
hand, to acknowledge that he, having fairly surpassed
them in the arts of falsehood and calumny, has thereby
acquired a title to be their ruler ? If the Whigs can
submit to this, alfsome of their leaders have already
submitted to it, they must all be what these leaders un-
questionably are, the meanest and basest wretches that
ever dishonoured the form and degraded the name of
manhood. For political integrity we never gaVe the
Whigs ot our day much credit. Therefore we say
nothing of their abandonment of the Protestants of
Ireland to the mercy of their inveterate persecutors,
which is plainly implied in their present prostration
at the feet of O'Connell. Nor do we remind them
of the arguments and the pledges by means of
which they urged forward, through many years of
Parliamentary toil, the measure of Roman Catholic
Emancipation. Neither do we speak to them of the
calamities to Ireland and to Great Britain, which this
ill-omened confederacy is calculated to produce. These
are topics which should be addressed to men of intel-
ligence and integrity. But some remaining sentiments
of pride may still exist even in the bosom of degene-
rate Whigs; and we ask if they, 'the followers within
our memory of Fox, and Burke, and Wyndham, and
Sheridan, and Tierney, and Grey, and Whitbread,
can be satisfied with the new character and position
which their present leaders have assigned them, of
humble retainers to Daniel O'Connell, a prolongation
merely, the most worthless extremity, the ultimate tip of
the Agitator's tail ? We have been led into the above
remarks from certain facts and circumstances which have
come to our knowledge connected with the recent, and
yet, perhaps, unfinished, negotiations for the formation
of the new Government. These facts and circumstances
are such as can leave no doubt in the mind of any rea-
sonable man that the new Administration is to be the
slave of Mr. O'Connell, and that Mr. O'Connell is
elevated by the very fact of its existence to a station
as repugnant to the Constitution as it is dangerous to
the freedom and welfare of the country, that of su-
preme Governor of the State without responsibility.
A communication was made by Lord John RusSell to
Mr. O'Connell, requesting, in general terms, to know
if the latter had any suggestions to offer with respect to
the construction of a new Administration, and declaring
at' the same time that the Noble Lord considered him-
self to be completely identified in political character and
objects with the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, whom
he was determined not to give up, although a separation
between himself and all his political friends should re-
sult from his firm and persevering adherence. This
produced, as it was no doubt intended to produce, an
exposition from Mr. O'Connell of the terms which he
regards as indispensable to his support of the new Ad-
ministration ; accompanied by an intimation that he is
not personally desirous of office. We do not know
that we have obtained full information of all the condi-
tions demanded by the imperious agitator, and yielded,
we believe, unreservedly, by the crouching and abject
Whigs ; still less do we believe that Mr. O'Connell
will be long satisfied with these conditions, ex-
travagant and pernicious as they are ; but our
readers will see that they arc such as imply
what is little, if it all, short of treason to the
King and the Constitution of Great Britain on
the part equally of the proposer and the acceptors.
Ist. Mr. O'Connell demanded that he shall have
the absolute nomination of the next Attorney and So-
licitor-General for Ireland, with the power of filling
up any vacancies that may occur in those offices.-
2d. That he shall have an absolute vote on the ap-
pointment of the new Lord Lieutenant during the ex-
istence of the forthcoming Ministry.--ad. That three
great measures of State policy for Ireland shall be
framed by him, and supported in Parliament by the
whole strength of the Administration. The public
will be astounded to learn that the whole of these con-
ditions are acceded to without reserve. In pursuance

of the first article of the O'Connell treaty, Mr. Perrin
is, we believe, already nominated for the office of At-
torney-General, and Mr. O'Loughlen for that of
Solicitor-General of Ireland. In pursuance of
the second article of the treaty, Lord Mulgrave
has already been honoured by Mr. O'Connell's
approtation as the new Lord Lieutenant. With
respect to the third article extensive explanations
were demanded and given, the particulars of which we
have not learned, except that one of Mr. O'Connell's
remedial measures is a considerable enlargement of the
elective franchise throughout Ireland, by means of
lowering the qualification. This measure is, we un-
derstand, and the public will not be slow to believe,
founded upon such principles as, when brought into
practical operation, will give Mr. O'Connell an effec-
tive nomination of nearly, if not quite, the whole body
of Irish representatives in the House of Commons. It

is stated to us, and we believe correctly, that Lord
Melbourne and the Marquis of Lansdowne objected at
first very strongly to the articles of this mon-
strous treaty ; but when Lord John Russell as-
serted that the support of Mr. O'Connell is abso-
lutely necessary to enable any Government to carry
on the public business in the House of Commons--
and when he declared moreover his fixed deter-
mination not to form part of any Government of
which Mr. O'Connell is not either a member or
pledged supporter—the Noble Lords at length and re-
luctantly gave way. We learn that Sir John Carn
Hobhouse, with the full approbation of Mr. O'Con-
nell, is to be the new Irish Secretary. It is said also,
and we have heard the statement from such a quarter
as leaves no doubt in our mind of its correctness, that
various attempts have been made to extort conditions
from his Majesty with respect to the creation of Peers
and other exertions of the Prerogatives of the Crown ;
and we rejoice to add that to all such attempts his Ma-
jesty has offered a determined and a successful resist-
ance. It is probable that to-night or to-morrow several
new writs will be moved for in the House of Commons,
to supply the vacancies created by the new Ministerial
appointments, and it gives us great pleasure to state
that every one of the new Ministers will have to en-
counter a vigorous opposition to his re-election. These
contests will show what the country thinks of the trai-
torious cabal which has presumed to barter away, in
infamous traffic, the prerogatives of the Crown, and the
rights, the welfare, and the religion of the country.--
Morning Post.

COURT OF CHANCERY.

ATTORNEY-GENERAL V. SHORE AND OTHERS.

The further hearing of this appeal was proceeded with
on Saturday, according to the arrangement made when the
case was last before the Court.

The Lord CHANCELLOR took his seat shortly after ten
o'clock, accompanied by Mr. Justice Pattison. The other
Common Law Judge, Mr. Baron All.erson, who heard the
former arguments, did not attend, being detained on circuit.
Mr. KINDERSLEY ,who is second Counsel for the re-
spondents, appeared to support the Vice-Ceancellor's judg-
ment. There were five objects of Lady Hewley's charity:
—first, poor and godly preachers of Christ's Holy Gospel ;
the widows of such poor and Godly preachers ; exhibitions
to students, who were intended to be preachers of Christ's
Holy Gospel ; the almshouse for poor persons ; and the
salary of the minister of St. Saviour's Gate Chapel. These
being the objects, the Vice-Chancellor was perfectly right
in deciding that the funds ought not to be applied to Uni-
tarian purposes, as such application was inconsistent with
the intention of the foundress. This intention was to be
collected from the terms of the endowment, and the wills of
Lady and Sir John Hewley. The rules for the interpreta-
tion of these instruments were laid down by Lord Eldon in
the case of the Attorney-General v. Pearson. Lady
Hewley and her husband, and Dr. Colton, held doctrines
purely Trinitarian upon the several points in Scripture on
which the Unitarians rested their dissent. These were
original sin, the moral impotency of man to work out his
own salvation, the atonement, imputed righteousness, the
sAisfaction made by the sacrifice of Christ for man's re-
denrption, which is the same with the atonement, and the
efficacy of Christ's merits. That the Unitarians, some of whom
are trustees of this charity, and many of them partaking of
its benefit, disbelieve all these essential doctrines of the
Christian religion was manifest from their publications.
He then called attention to Lady Hewley's will, an ex-
tract from which he read to this effect I recommend my
immortal soul to God, and hope for salvation through the sole
merits and mediation of his son Jesus Christ, my Redeemer."
Sir John Hewley began his will by these words :—" Having
first committed my immortal soul into the hands of my dear
Redeemer Jesus Christ, to be washed by his blood." These
words were nearly the same which St. Stephen used in the
Scriptures upon which there was a commentary in the new i
version of the Unitarians. The commentary was to the
effect that the words of St. Stephen do not, now that
Christ is out of sight, authorise us to offer prayers to him.
Was such an interpretation consistent with the words
"preaching Christ's Holy Gospel." The will of Dr.
Colton contained similar expressions. These were all in
evidence in the Court. But the Court was particularly to
remember that no one dare preach Unitarian doctrines at
the time of the foundation of this Charity (in 1706). They
were forbidden by law, and the Act against Blasphemy was
particularly directed against Unitarianism. This was one
ground for the judgment of Lord Eldon in the case of the
" Attorney-General v. Pearson." What next, and princi-
pally, showed that Lady Hewley was a Trinitarian in reli-
gious belief, was her directing the use of Bowles's Cate-
chism, and the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Command-
ments, &c. &c. •
Mr. RomiLLY followed on the same side.

The LORD CHANCELLOR thought it would be better not
to open the case on the part of the trustees, the appellants,
until Mr. Justice Alderson should be present. He had
heard the arguments of Mr. Knight on the part of the re-
spondents.