The Sun.
London, England, 1835-03-28 00:00:00

CORK COUNTY RECORD COURT,

BREACH OF PROMISE OF MARRIAGE.
Rocur. C. CONWAY.

The plaintiff is the daughter of a Mr. John Roche; who is since
dead. The family are exceedingly respectable, and the plaintiffs
character unimpeachable. With respect to the defendant, he had
kept a most respectable hotel and posting establishment in Old
George's-street, which, it appeared,
,he had given up in the year
1831 • and he has since been engaged in carrying on another
branch of the business, as proprietor of the horse Bazaar, on Sul-
livan's Quay. Not only was he in good circumstances, but of a re-
spectable character. Having alluded so far to the parties, he (Mr.
Jackson) would now bring the Jury's attention to the facts con-
nected with the breach ok-contract of which his client complained.
The defendant was married to a former wife whom he lost in'lB2s,
and had since continued a widower. He is now in his sixtieth
year ; and the plaintiff has arrived to a certain time of life--dress
over forty years of age. An intimacy was induced between the par-
ties brought together by some_ members of the plaintiff's family.
Mr. Conway made a proposal to Plaintiff, and the letter containing
it, dated sth day of February, 1834, was as follows :
Mr Dust Etazs,—As it is most probable my Aunt will re-
main as she is for some years, I would now wish, although having
remained so long unmarried, to change. Of you then, as of my
most valued friend, I ask the favour to become my wife ; but should
you have the least objection, I beg you to let the matter rest with
yourself. With respect to my own family, should I make a change,
none of them will suffer, in the least, any diminution of the com-
forts they now enjoy ; for my establishment, business, and some
property, thanks to Almighty Goodness, enable me to provide for
all. The object I have in view would be to leave them as they
are now, and to take a cottage, and a small demesne, at a short dis-
tance from town ; as I prefer any place in the country to Cork.
Indeed my wish would be to let my concerns in George's-street,
for which there is a person Most anxious, but he has not as yet
come up to my rent. Yet see, my dear Elise, I talk to you as an
old friend, and will feel most happy should my proposal meet your
wishes, and if not that you will be so kind as to act as above. At
all events, I shall esteem a favour to let. me hear from you as
soon as you please, and you will oblige yours, very sincerely,
JOHN CONWAY.

\liss Ellen Roche swore that her sister took very ill when she
heard of his intention not to keep his solemn engagement to her.
She could not hear a morsel of food on her stomach for a consider-
able time after. Can hardly describe the agony of mind she vas
in, the effects of which continue to this day. She received a
watch, chain, and seals from the defendant, which were sent back to
him again. She heard that the reason assigned by defendant for
putting off the marriage was his health. When 'her sister sent
back the watch she had no intention of giving up the defendant.
Mr. BENNETT—Now, after all this loss of blood you describe,
do you think he was a very desirable object ? !Witness Indeed, I
don't think he was worth much.

Mr. BENNETT—But your sister wished to bleed him still mere?
Witness—l don't know what you mean.
Mr. BENNETT—Perhaps you never hear 3 of a law y( r bkeding
an attorney—did you ?
Mr. WouLre—He is speaking in metaphor—don't mind iMr.
Bennett.

Mr. BENNETT—Don't you know that Mr. Daly, the attending
physician, said matrimony would be exceedingly unwholesome for
111 r. Conway ?—( Laughter. ) Witnes:,--I heard Mrs. O'Connor
and Mr. Evans say he said so.
Mr. , BENNETT—Do you think money would have been a com-
pensation to your sister for the injury she had received ? Wit-
ness—ln a measure it may, with a proper expression of sympathy
for her situation, which, I think, would be more grateful to het
wounded feelings than money.
Dr. BULLEN spoke to the defendant having a tendency of blot-vi
to the head, and that he was well when he had a wife.
Dr. DALY described the dangerous state of the defendant in
April, and said that he had strennoullrdissuaded him from entering
into the marriage state.
The Jury returned a verdict of 3001. damages, with costs. The
•
damn. a were laid at 2,0001.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

If there were any natural analogy or relation between
Lord John Russell's motion for Monday next and the
'question which it professedly calls the House together
to decide, there would be no other difficulty in dealing
with that motion than what was inherent in the political
-subject, certainly not an easy subject, with which the
words of the notice seemed prima, facie to connect it.
The notice, as originally expressed, was calculated to
raise in every mind a presumption that Lord John
Russell is eager -to press some measure of high and
urgent importance upon Parliament for the better ad-
ministration of the revenues of the Irish church—either
that those revenues are actually to be re-distributed
among the Irish Protestant clergy, or to be applied to
other uses in addition to
,the support of the clergy, or to
he withdrawn altogether from the clergy, and appro-
priated to secular objects, according to the will of the
Legislature. The emphasis with which the purpose
of the Noble Mover was announced, " the call of the
" House " which formed a portion of it, the pomp
and ostentation and air of gladness with which the
'forthcoming business of • Monday has been trumpeted
through every organ of the Opposition press, as if on
that day were to be achieved sonic grand victory,
in which the nation felt an universal and paramount
interest gall these things would lead an uninitiated
observer to suppose that Lord John Russell had in
view a direct legislative object—the introduction of
some specific act of Parliament, or some amendment
to the provisions of the Tithe Commutation Bill, now
on its wav into Parliament—some measure which
must make every thing give way to it, and which
could not wait. Had such a construction of the Noble
Lord's notice turned out to be the true one, we might
have felt it our bounden duty to enter at once upon
the discussion of his proposal, whenever it should be
specifically explained to the public, and to have treated
the question or questions involved in it with the so-
briety and gravity which such questions might deserve.
But from the first hour at which the leader of the Op-
position declared his intention of having a Call of the
House for Monday, it was impossible not to suspect
the real purpose aimed at, and to anticipate that what-
ever form the motion might assume, the substance would
be the solution, not.of a political, but an arithmetical
problem—how to obtain a numerical majority over the
Ministers. Last night, accordingly, the Noble Lord,
in reply to Sir R. Peel's interrogatory of a few days'
preceding, stated it as his intention to move that the
House resolve into a Committee " for the purpose of
considering the expediency of applying any surplus
revenue of the Church of Ireland, which may not be
required for the spiritual. wants of the members of that
Church, to the religious and moral instruction of all
classes of the community." Such, then, are the con-
tents of the loaded gun, the recoil of which we doubt
not will be severely felt in every joint of the person who
discharged it for many a long day afterwards. This is
even a more preposterous proposition, with reference to
the tune and circumstances under which it has been
made, than that of Mr. Ward in the last Parliament, to
which this same Lord J. Russell, with Lord Althorp,
and all their colleagues, then so strenuously objected.
It is an aggravation of the rashness of the former period,
because, without one particle of evidence upon the
facts which then were wanting, or of ground for safe
and precise legislation with regard to the property of
the Church, the resolution now threatened is more mi-
nutely and specifically binding upon the future free
agency of Parliament than was that declaratory resolu-
tion of Mr, Ward, which affirmed merely that Parlia.
ment might appropriate surplus Church revenues to any
purposes which it approved of. This resolution goes
in substance, though not in form, quite as far as the
other of Mr. Ward's resolutions, which asserted in
terms, while the present one of Lord J. Russell co,
vertly takes for granted—the existence of such a sur-
plus—the proposal to act upon the premature assumption
in the latter case coming from the very man who resisted
with might and main the proposal to act upon the pre-
mitture assertion in the former, and to escape from the
danger of it nominated the yet fruitless Commission.
We are relieved, therefore, from any present necessity
for grappling with the ostensible subject of the in-
tended resolution, on which, when the proper period
shall arrive, we shall be found ready to re-state those
opinions from which we have never flinched, in favour
of a liberal and impartial policy towards all classes of
our Irish fellow-subjects, in whatever concerns their
intellectual, moral, and religious welfare. But that is
-not now the point. Sir Robert Peel addressed a posing
question to the Opposition leader, when he said to him,
" Suppose we agree to your resolution for a Commit-
tee, are you prepared with your practical plan for car-
ryinginto effect the proposed appropriation of the re-
venue ?" No ; that we can answer for him—the Noble
Lord is not. " Story ! Lord bless you, I have none
to tell, Sir." " Plan ! Lord bless you. Where should
the author of the condemned Dissenters' Marriage Bill
find a practicable or intelligible plan beyond the petty
scope of a Parliamentary manoeuvre ? The sole
" practical" plan of the Noble Lord and his coadju-
tors is, to get up a flash majority, no matter upon
what question, however absurd, however inapplicable
—the less likely to be brought to the test of common
sense or immediate legislation, the better—by way of
showing the country " how strong we are''—how
many thick-and-thin followers we can muster—how
easily we can make black white by Act of Parliament,
whenever the expediency of faction may require it.
Were the Opposition commonly honest in this instance,
and really anxious that the prize should be awarded to
" good government" as contrasted with bad, what
would be their conduct ? They would point but the
imperfections or vices of Sir R. Peel's measures ; they
would propose beqer measures of their own ; they
would have now prepared and introduced some bold
and extensive scheme of encouragement to merito-
rious pastors of those sects which belong not to the
establishment, and of education for the children of
the poor. Those are great " practical" measures
which, however they might be opposed in some quar-
ters, would meet a powerful support in others, and
would at least, should a Minister feel it his duty to
resist them, present a fair case of manly policy in his
antagonists, and an intelligible reason for retiring on
the part of a defeated Cabinet. But such is not the
mode of warfare for which alone the 'Whig-Radicals
have shown themselves fitted. They have so contrived
it by the obliquity and littleness of their movements,
that no man of honour in Sir Robert Peel's place
can feel otherwise, under a defeat on such ground as
the Whig-Radicals have chosen, than more rivetted to
to his post, and resolute to defend it to the last moment.
A wise and honest Minister ought to give way, should
his policy be disapproved of by the representatives
of his country in Parliament. If the House of Com-
mons seriously and explicitly disapproved his measures,
Sir Robert Peel, we dare say, would retire ; but they
do no such thing, and cannot. This projected attack
of Monday next is merely personal. It is obviously
nothing else but a mandate from the Whigs to Sir Ro-
bert Peel to quit the Treasury bench, that it may be
occupied by themselves. It has party (but for the
Serjeant-at-arms we might say sordid faction) written
in large letters on the front of it. None but a pol-
troon, which Sir R. Peel is not, would yield to such
an: insulting challenge. He has intimated that if they
stop the Supplies, he will go out—that if they pass a
vote of want of confidence, assigning their reasons, he
will go out ; but they have not courage for either.—
Times.

Lord John Russell stated last night, that on Mon-.
day evening he would move that the House should
resolve itself into a Committee, for the purpose of
considering the expediency of applying any surplus
revenue of the Church of Ireland, not required for the
erection and repair of churches, or for the mainte-
nance of the clerical members of the Church, to the
religious and moral instruction of all classes of Chris-
tians. Should such a surplus exist, Sir Robert Peel
has pledged himself and his colleagues to oppose the
application of it to any other than purposes purely
ecclesiastical. Upon this question, therefore, the Op-
position and the Ministers join issue, and, in legal
phrase,- wit tli9tiptelves upon the country. By its re-
sultsAie Pee./ oabinet must. stand or fall. There
can. be no longer a'nyiboasting on the part of the
Right Hon. Baronet, that he would rather be in the
minority than in the majority on a subject of this de-
scription. - It-it of too much importance to be trifled
with;)ri its Conse;queuoes it is likely to involve an ex-
tensive aiiikft:,triatk a most beneficial change in the
e

future destinies of Ireland ; and, we may add, in the
general fortunes of the empire. The question which
has thus, at length, nakedly emerged out of the de-
clared or latent civil wars of two centuries, by which
Ireland has been wasted to the bare sinews, is one of
vital interest ; not so much on the ground that it will
be decisive of the power as well as the determination
of Parliament to secularize any given portion of eccle-
siastical property, as for the consequences likely to re-
sult from the vote with reference to the continuation of
a Church Establishment, under any denomination, in
Ireland. The principle of secularization being once
laid down, the next inquiry will be—what is the
amount of the fund to be diverted from the hands
of the Church, and the nature and the necessary
extent of the service which the Church performs
in that country ? Should it be ascertained that
the Church is supported by immense revenues,
while its doctrines arc adopted by less than one-
tenth of the people, the disproportion will appear
to all reasonable men so monstrous, that a different
appropriation must of necessity he made. It is an
insult to common sense to maintain that the Church
of so very small a minority of the inhabitants of a
country should be upheld at the expense of the nation.
It is an act of unqualified despotism, of lawless spolia-
tion, to concentrate in the bosom of such a Church
the authority of the State, and to heap upon its sanc-
tuaries the wealth that had been appropriated to the
maintenance of the only religion which has any pre-
tensions to be styled the national religion of Ireland.
The fallacy of this system is too gross to be overlooked,
too profligate to be pardoned, by an enlightened age. It
cannot stand against public opinion, and thus we shall
come speedily to the solution of the difficulties which,
so far as Ireland is concerned at this moment, involve
all the elements of society, not only in disorder, but
in universal conflict. It is to us, consequently, highly
gratif%ing to be assured that the question of " appro-
priation " comes on for decision before ally arrange-
ment can be made with reference to the Tithe Bill
now before Parliament. The Catholic Church, which
is in every sense the Church of the people, is sup-
ported by voluntary contributions. Why should the
Protestant Church, which in that country is not the
Church of the people, be maintained upon a different
principle ? We are told, from day to day, that the
wealth of Ireland is chiefly in the hands of Pro-
testants. If this be so, then they can carry the vo-
luntary- principle into effect with the greater facility ;
and we tell the country candidly, that until this prin-
ciple shall be adopted, there will be no peace, no se-
curity, either for property or life, in Ireland. We are
here dealing with no theoretical opinions. We are
speaking simply the language of history—the certain
prophecies of experience. It is difficult for an English
reader to understand the feelings of extreme aversion
with which the people of Ireland contemplate everything
connected with their Protestant Establishment. It is,
in their opinion, nothing more nor less than a standing
army of occupation, distributed through all their strong,
places, for the purpose of treating them as a conquered
and an inferior section of the British community. The
churches are the citadels of foreign masters, the clergy
are but the sentinels of a hostile power, the church
bells strike upon their hearts with all the melancholy
associations of the curfew. Give these objects and these
men what name you will, they never call be in the eyes
of the Irish people anything else than the emblems
and the myrmidons of an authority which they have
always looked upon as the unrelenting foe of their na-
tional religion and independence. Deluges of blood may
again be shed, the disastrous consequtnces of civil
war may still paralyse industry, but the people will
always look upon the Church as the enormous drag-
chain that has held them back in the career of civiliza-
tion behind every other fertile and populous territory up on
the surface of the globe. It is time for Englishmen to
look this long-pending question in the face, and to call
for its immediate settlement. The fanatics of this
country, who, unfortunately for the whole empire, have
too often and too long held possession of the offices of
Government, have been endeavouring for upwards of
two centuries to force upon Ireland their own notions
of religion.. They sent over missionaries—they founded
churches--endowed them with boundless wealth—
planted a University—enacted a whole code of laws for
the purpose of coercing or seducing the mass of the
people to become Protestants. The son was set against
his father—the brother was incited to war with his
brother ; personal degradation in every capacity, civil,
military, scientific ; privation of fortune, loss of rank,
ruin of character, the extinction even of all hope of
future prosperity or reputation—these, and every
other mode of persecution which the malignity of
the • human mind could invent, were all brought
into requisition in order to assist the Missionaries
in their unholy war against the ancient and che-
rished religion of the Irish people. All this odious
machinery has failed to produce the desired effect.
The Church, a hostile army, occupies literally only
the footsteps in which it stands. It is,repudiated by
the nation. It is not only repudiated, but accursed by
the people ; and if they could at this moment erase
from their country every edifice which has been erected
for the new religion, they would undoubtedly sweep
them into the sea. No man of sense will be sur-
prised to hear that such a feeling as this exists in
Ireland. It is perfectly natural, under any circum-
stances, that a whole community should view with hor-
ror and disgust any proceedings calculated to force
upon them a religion of which they do not approve.
But when these proceedings are favoured by the Go-
vernment of this country--when they are made up of
war, and bloodshed, and confiscation, and conducted by
such men as a Roden, a Verner, a Sullivan, and a Boy-
ton, who bear in one hand the Bible and in the other
the flaming torch—now to light the cannon, now
to convert the town into one mass of conflagra-
tion—who, we ask, can feel; if he have the heart of a
man, and the knowledge of a Christian, that such pro-
fanations as these were ever intended to propagate the
tenets of the Gospel I They do but talk to the storm
who pour forth Acts of Parliament against the resist-
ance to Protestantism, which lives throughout every
fibre of the multitude of the Irish people. The
Church is the prolific source of all the discord, of the
unexampled misery which prey upon the peace and
mar the prosperity of that country. It is, indeed,
called by courtesy one of the three United King-
doms. It is united with us by the law, but it is
divorced from us by the Church‘; and we may feel
assured that until that Church is utterly extin-
guished as a State Establishment, the union be-
tween the British Islands will be a mere fiction.
It is upon the first blush of the thing--even if we
be not instructed by the results of the experiment
which has been going on for two hundred
years—a specimen of the worst kind of folly to
attempt to impose upon seven millions of people a
Church to which only half a million of their country-
men belong at the utmost. In what consists the jus-
tice of such a transaction as this ? Where are we to
look for its policy ? Is it consistent with the consci-
entious principles of a Protestant, who assumes to
himself the right of interpreting the Scriptures accor-
ding to the dictates of his own reason, to compel other
men to accent that interpretation ? Nothing can be
more iniquitous or more incompatible with the Pro-
testant principle than any attempt of this nature—and
yet this attempt has been for many generations, and is
at this moment, the law of Ireland. It is a mere em-
bryo attempt, and nothing more ; for it has never yet
acquired the maturity of success ; and if it were to be
persevered in for a thousand years, it would not gain
one degree in the way of progress beyond its present
condition of entire and irrecoverable failure.—Morn-
ing Chronicle.

A dinner is to he given this day to Lord John
Russell by the Reform Members of the House of
Commons who are opposed to Toryism in all its shapes
and phases, and have uniformly supported his Lordship
on every occasion on which he has deemed it proper to
try, and most successfully to try, the strength of the
Reform against the Tory interest of the house of
Commons ; and never, we will venture to affirm, did
the leader of an opposition, on the one hand, so amply
deserve the honour which is to be paid to him, or the
givers of an entertainment confer it with greaterpleasure
and delight. Lord John Russell is entitled to the honour
on every imaginable ground. It was he who brought in
the Reform Bill, though the state of his health would
not permit him to carry it through the House—it
was he who first introduced the claims of the Dis-
senters to the notice of the British Legislature—it

was he who, as a Cabinet Minister, first propounded
the proposition that Church property was public pro
perty, and that any surplus beyond what was neces-
sary for the support of religious institutions might,
without any breach of public faith, be applied to State
iiurposes—it is he who has led the liberal Opposition
on to victory, day after day, and night after night,
without even, one failure ; and it is he, as we almost
know, who, upon the question of the Irish Church,
will again lead on to victory, and put to flight the un-
principled creatures who seized the helm of the State-
vessel in a time of profound peace, and when no on
called for change, and every one was satisfied that im-
portant Reforms were in preparation, and would un-
questionably be given to the country. The dinner
will, in consequence, furnish an opportunity for the
manifestation of much public and joyous feeling ; and,
although we are aware that there are many Members
who are now necessarily absent from town, yet we have
every reason to believe that there will be such a muster
of the liberal force as has never been sea on any pre-
vious occasion. Lord Morpeth takes the Chair, and
is supported by a numerous and respectable body of
Stewards, consisting of the most liberal Members of
the Scotch, Irish, and English representation.—
Morning Advertiser.

There were numerous reports afloat yesterday, re-
specting the resignation of Sir Robert Peel, and the
cause that had accelerated the probability of that long-
expected event. We understand that Sir Robert,
worn out beyond all hope, was anxious to resign at
once, fearful of the events of Monday next. At
length, as was hinted, the " advice of friends," and
the love of place, prevailed over the fears, and, we
think, the better feelings of the Right Hon. Baro-
net ; and he consented to remain in office, to bear
the brunt of that eventful day. But never did man
deserve so much pity-:--or rather, perhap3, never did
man appear so piteous—as Sir Robert -Peel. did yes-
ternight in the House of Commons. There was not
an easy inch in the whole extent of the Treasury
Bench—not a favourite point at which the weary mind
of the woe-begone Premier could find half so sweet
repose as the" gipsy feels when pillowed on the heath
and exposed to all the malice -of the sky. His party
had deserted him on the former evening, and, gone
over to the enemy's camp, not in chance individuals,
but absolutely en masse, and. he wist not very well.
what to do with them. Some promises which had not
been realised, are understood to hate held him b:ck,
in the early part of the day, from tendering the seals of
his office to the King ; but he had evidently been de-'
serted by those in whom he had put confidence; and
the disappointment which lie felt was of the most bit-
ter and agonising character. Perhaps there never was
a man in more agony in a public assembly ; and his
aspect was the most haggard and woe-begone that ever
was apparent in a Minister. He attempted by a long
personal interview to win Lord Stanley to his purpose;
but that Noble Lord is said to be looking out for him-
self ; and thus he has no bowels for the Minister and
his adherents. In conclusion, we need not point par-
ticular attention to the manly and masterly speech of
the Hon. E. Ellice, which did more to vindicate tile
honour of the country, and put down the machinations
of the Tories, than any other we can readily name.—
Morning Advertiser. •
The threatened opposition to the vote of the Army
Estimates exploded, it will be seen, innocuously last
night in the House of Commons, as former threats
have done, and the necessary service of the country
has again escaped the obstructions of faction. Indeed,
the result is as demonstrative of the real weakness of
the Opposition as a body, as it is creditable to a por-
tion of it for the moderate opinions expressed upon the
occaSion. In Parliamentary combination, above all
others, organisation is strength, and disunion weakness.
Divided, distracted, agreeing in no object, and assuredly
influenced by no common principle, if by any at all,
the guerilla tactics of the Opposition may harass, but
ought not to dishearten a resolute Government. It was
shown that the safety of the country, the preservation
of the'colOnies, the state of Ireland, the subsistence of
the pensioners, and the police of the army, required the
immediate adoption of the Estimates ; but all this ap-
' peared to be raison de plus for Mr. Hume to oppose
them. The very urgency of the case appeared to give
him an advantage of which he made ungenerous use. It
is difficult to conceive a worse reason for debating an
abstract question (for under Tories or Whigs the army
must be maintained) than this. Our readers will, how-
ever, perceive that the good sense of the House over-
powered the Opposition, and the Estimates, though
with varying fortunes as to the acceptation of some of
the items, were proceeded with. We would call atten-
tion to the question asked by Colonel Evans respecting
the reported acknowledgment of independence of the
Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia. Lord
Mahon declined to give any information upon the sub-
ject, requesting that the inquiry might be postponed
till the whole subject of our relations with Russia
should be brought before the House. If it be true
that these Principalities are recognised as independent
it will be a boon to the Continent, as supplying a
barrier against the intrusion of Russia into Turkey,
for they lie between the two countries. They have for
a long time been subject to the Porte, but their de-
pendence was little more than nominal. A great deal
will, however, depend upon the terms on which their
independence has been recognised. These we may ex-
pect to learn shortly in an official and authentic shape.
—Morning Herald.
Lord John Russell threw last night a faint and un-
certain glimmer of light upon the object of his long-
threatened motion, which stands for Monday,
on the
question of the surplus revenues of the Irish Church.
-
It is to be a motion, it seems, for the purpose of con-
sidering the expediency of applying the surplus revenue
of the Irish Church, after providing for the necessary
wants of the Establishment, to promote the moral and
religious instruction of the Irish people. To those
who do not know what
.kind of statesmen and men of
business the persons are who take upon them the duty,
at the present moment, of consuming the time of Par-
liament, and preventing, to the utmost of their power,
his Majesty's Ministers from carrying into effect the
numerous measures of substantial and practical Reform
they have introduced, or are preparing, this motion
would seem to imply that the Noble Mover was pre-
pared, in the event of his succeeding in getting his
Committee, with some definite plan for the application
of the assumed surplus of Irish Church revenue to the
purposes recommended. It seems, however, from his
Lordship's reply to a question from Sir Robert Peel,
that the necessity of considering any such plan has
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there are several of his allies who can. Mr. O'Con-
nell upon such a subject will always be ready at a
pinch ; or, if his late fit of senatorial languor
should not by that time be shaken off; or if
the Dublin Election Committee should occupy
too much of his thoughts, what joint of the
tail but would be most eager and most
happy to hazard an improvisation at a moment
so auspicious ? Lord John Russell may perhaps get
his Committee, but never did any statesman so lamen-
tably miscalculate his position and his power if he
imagines that he will be the man to guide its proceed-
ings.—ln the event, which we by no means expect, of
the House of Commons agreeing to so unmeaning a
motion as that which Lord John Russell has announced,
we do not know that the Conservative Members of the
House could do anything so well calculated to expose
to the country the character, the objects, the incompe-
tency, and the discord of their confederated opponents
as to leave them to themselves for a day or tWo to ma-
nage their Committee as they like. The scenes which
could scarcely fail to ensue, would be of the most edi-
fying character, and there is this further very strong re-
commendation of the mode of proceeding which we
suggest, that none of the resolutions of the Committee
until confirmed by the House, would be of the least
value.—Morning Post.

His Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland has
had the rank of General of Cavalry conferred on him by the
King of Prussia. A splendid Court fete was recently given
at Berlin by His Majesty, to comrnernurate the natal day of
her Royal Highr.ess the Duchess, who with Prince George,
are expected next month at Kew Palace, after an absence of
two years on the Continent.

VICE-CHANCELLOR'S COURT.

His HONOUR was engaged all the morning in hearing
unopposed petitions, of which there was a very long list ;
but the only one that possess,,d any public interest was—

EXPARTE FAUNTLEROY.

Mr. TURNER for the petitioners, J. J. Fauntleroy and
J. Watson, stated that these gentlemen purchased from
Lord Blessiugton, in 1816, an annuity of 5001. a year for
99 years, if they and W. Watson should so long live. This
annuity was granted in trust for them in certain proportions
to Henry Fauntleroy, the banker, whose conviction for
forgery in 1824 is well known to the public. Upon his
execution the annuity of course became forfeited to the
Crown, and hitherto applications on account of it had to
be made from time to time to the Treasury. However, in
June last, the 4th and sth Wm. IV., c. 23. was passed,
for the amendment of the law relative to the escheat and
forfeiture of property holden i❑ trust by persons dying
without heirs, or convicted of felony. This was the first
application under the Act. The parties beneficially en-
titled now sought to have a new trustee appointed.
His HONOUR directed the usual reference to the Master.
After having gone through the unopposed petitions his
Honour took motions.