The Sun.
London, England, 1835-11-17 00:00:00

FRENCH PAPERS.

(From the Journal des Debals of Sunday.)
In his strange oration to the Poles, the Emperor
Nicholas seems to have forgotten that Europe was listening
to his word. 4. But as he evidently had lost his memory
at that. moment, it- was natural he should forget many.

other things.
Thus, he-overlooked the treaty of Vienna, which is, ne-
vertheless, at this hour., the law of Europe.
He forgot the gratitude he owes the memory of his bro-
ther Alexander, who called him to. the throne and Made,
him an Emperor. He forgot the regards he owed his most
intimate allies—the King of Prnssia, his father-in-law, and
the Emperor of Austria, when he proclaimed Russia to be
the only power that remained firm and erect, amidst the
convulsion's of Europe.
• If the Emperor Nicholas had his reasons.for forgetting
treaties, which are still the public law of Eur Ope, that
boldness announces great designs. If the Emperor Nicholas
was net aware of what he was doing, his oversight denotes
a strange aberration. of mind.
The Emperor Nicholas treats as a chimerical dream the
idea of a kingdom of Poland, distinct from the Russian em-
pire. The word is not courteous, When it is considered that
the chimerical dream was the intention and very expres-
sion of the treaty of Vienna. The treaty of 'Vienna was
not concluded by chimerical men. M. de Talleyrand,
M. de Metternich, Lord Castlereagh, Prince de Har-
deriburg, are- not known in Europe as men running
after and satisfied with chimeras. It was they, never-
theless, who wished that Poland should not be completely
swallowed by the Russian empire ; it was they insisted on
her obtaining a distinct existence. In this respect, the inten-
t-lons of the treaty of .Vienna are not doubtful. The first
article states that the Grand D4achy of Warsaw should be
united to the empire of Russia, but is that union to resem-
ble that of the Duchy of Posen to Prussia, or of Galicia to
Austria?- No, certainly not. The same article requires
that Poland shall have-a separate .ildministra:ion from the
Russian Administration ; and it provided even that the
Emperor Alexander may, if he thought proper, join to the
Grand Duchy of Warsaw the provinces detadied from Po-
land in 1795, to. re-establish the kingdom of Poland. There
was no question, then; of incorporating Poland with Russia,
since the negotiators were thinking at- the time of incorpo-
rating with Poland provinces which had become Russian
twenty years before. The idea of a distinct State of Po-
land was not a dream or a chimera at that period ; and to
qualify that separation, the treaty of Vienna enacts that the
Emperor of Russia shall add • to his other titles that of
King of Poland. If Poland was to have been ,altogether
united with Russia, what would be the
.meaning of that
title ?. All in the treaty of Vienna denotes an intention on:
the-part of the signers thereof that Poland should retain her
name endexistefice as a nation.
If it were necessary, adds the Journal des Debuts,' to ad-
duce an interpreter and commentator of the treaty of
Vienna, as regards. Poland, we should refer to the procla-
mation addressed by the Emperor Nicholas to the Poles,
on taking possession of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, on
the 22d of Jane, 1815. It is not our fault, if, -on perusing;
some passages of that document, the public are struck with
the contrast existing between that noble language. of
Alexander and the harangue of Nicholas.
" The object of the ivar," says the Emperor Alexander,
• " has been to reconquer the' independence (f- nations, and
to scat it on the basis of justice, moderation, and liberal
ideas, so long erased by military despotism from the book
of the civil and political rights of nations.. It was accord-
ing to thoSe principles that the fate of Poland has been re-
gulated. It was indispensable that she should resume /icr
place among nations." " Poles;" adds Alexander, "we like
to appreciate the noble mind, the sensibility and firmness
that distinguish your national character, and which shone
so bright in your efforts to recover the political existence of
your country, which you love above all things." " The
.treaties we have concluded in Vienna will acquaint you with
the political circumscription of Poland." -The Emperor
-Alexander then tells the Poles that they are to have a
costitutiow and distinct national institutions ; that they arc
to preserve the use of their own -language for all public
acts, and that the offices of the State are to be conferred
exclusively on Poles ; -that they will be allowed free com-
munication with the portions of Old Poland that remain
subjected to another Power; and, finally, that they shall
possess a national army and a political independence, gua-
,.ranteed to then: in the conferences of Vienna."
The French Journal then comments on the speech of
Alexander at considerable length, and contends that that
Emperor bad not done more for Poland than an. Emperor of
Russia should have done ; but that he perhaps did more for
Nicholas than behoved a brother. " A Russian in his
heart," says.the Debats, " he is full of the rancour of his
nation against his ancient rival ; and disregarding the poli-
tical benevolence which Alexander evinced towards Poland,
he has persecuted and oppressed it."
" We are not astonished," observes the Debuts in its
conclusion, " that the spirit, incapable of understanding the
able and generous policy of Alexander, infatuated as it is
with the superiority of its own power, should declare, with
that pride which is the habitual characteristic of a want of
civilisation—that Russia is the land of promise of Europe,
the champ d'asile of society, the refuge of peace and order,
forgetting Prussia and Austria, who have also some preten-
sions to be considered regular and well-administered States.
Is that the light in which the Emperor Nicholas holds his
allies ?He treats them too much like brothers—he forgets
all the attention and deference lie shows them when he pays
them a visit. What ! -Russia is the only country where
there. is a stable and solid civilisation ! This reminds us of
the Americans, a nation as yet little -civilised, who have the
simplicity of considering their country as the cherished land
of civilisation ! Does the Emperor Nicholas imagine that
the European society has chosen him to be its '-supporter
and champion, and that it has no hope but in him ? We
said, four years hence, that the Monarchical propaganda
was not less silly,and ridiculous than its rival—the Repub-
lican Propaganda. The Emperor Nicholas appears to have
constituted himself the god and pontiff of that absolutist
propaganda. Unlimited power is, in his eye, a religion,
which he preaches-to his advantage, with a faith, and imper-
turbable assurance. YVe have not heard of his having made
many proselytes ; but we think his preaching in Warsaw
will defeat his object. This time, the dose of Monarchical
fury is evidently -too strong—the good opinion of himself
too visible=the oversight of all-treaties too flagrantthe
want of regard- for a generous people.too crying,' not to
estrange all gencrous•minds—the indiscretion and inability
too evident, not to strike even the most short-sighted
e ,
individuals."

PARIS.-SUNDAY.

. ,
(FROM TIIE CORRESPONDENT OF A MORNING PAPER.)
You will find in the Journal des Dcbats of this day a se
coed article on the speech of the Emperor Nicholas, and
am assured from the same pen that indicted that of Friday,
I mean that this also is the production of M. Thiers. Ne-
vertheless, I believe it to have, been written by _M. Mare
Guardin ; but I am convinced it speaks the sentiments of
the Ministers.
The speech of the Emperor Nicholas—a discourse that
will make him and the Council of Whose bowstring he lives
in awe and danger for ever detestable—is one of the most
remarkable-of modern times. Its secret history must be
curious, but will not become authentically known for yet
some time. Speculation already suggests for it rage at his
failure to ingratiate himself at'Toplitz with the Austrian
Emperor. To Austria, however, he. dare not show his
teeth ; but with the natural mal;gnancy ascribed to him by
those,w•ho love him not, he, bursting with rancour; pours
forth his rage on poor captive Poland. Was that all he
did, think you ? No such matter, as you shall see presently.
In the course of a conversation I had three or four
weeks since with the illustrious General —, allusion was
made to his appearance and deportment at Kalish and
Toplitz. " What !" exclaimed the Pole—" What ! is it
because nature has gifted him with a tolerable person—is
it because his coat is of a Parisian or European cut that
the world is to believe that Nicholas is not a savage, a bar-
barian ? Oh, most himentable bonhomie! Oh, most de-
plorable credulity ! You will see him yet in his native
colours. You will see the Calunick features stand forth in
his portrait ; and you will hear from his own lips the con-
firmation of all that I shall or could adduce respecting the
atrocity of his intentions towards Poland, my unhappy coun-
try. Nay, more ; King Louis Phillippe believes that he
has ingratiated himself with the wily. savage. Vain, cul-
pable hope ! On the first possible occasion—nay, without
occasion—you will see Russia pounce, or attempt to pounce
upon this duped, this deceived, I had ;wryly said this be-
trayed country, with the savage impulse—grant Heaven it
he not with the giant strength !--,of his native prototype on
an enfeebled traveller!"
I have here attempted to convey the figurative, the pro-
phetic exclamation of one of the most distinguished Poles
that have survived the wreck of their country. Hear, now,
how completely well founded were his anticipations.
The speech pronounced by the Emperor Nicholas (of
which I speak) was extensively mutilated before insertion
in the Journal des I)ebats, to avoid the necessity for ren-
dering it the subject of remonstrances that could not but
lead to a war between France and Russia. As originally
delis ered it contained, against France, denunciations the
most violent and certainly the most unguarded,—perhaps I
should say the most undisguised that could be, expressed.
It contained threats so unqualified that M. Durand, the
French Consul-Gencral at Warsaw, in whose presence
they were uttered, felt it his duty (it is said) to with-
draw from Poland. I qualify this passage, because M.
Durand, who, I am told, is now here, says' it was not
in consequence of the expressions diiected against France
by the Emperor that he kvithdrew, for that he had had
the intention of returning to Paris during the last six
months ; but there are people who ascribe this. half denial