The Sun.
London, England, 1835-11-13 00:00:00

1.

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man to advocate and defend their interests in Parliament,
the constituency had, undoubtedly, done honour to them-
selves, and were entitled to the thanks of every Reformer
throughout the country—(Cheers)—for although he and
his Hon. Colleague might differ in feelings and opinions
upon certain topics, he was still firmly convinced that a
more honest or honourable man, or a more firm, more con-
sistent, more active, more efficient,- and more indefatigable
friend to the cause of the people than Mr. Roebuck never
was returned to Parliament.—(Cheers.)
Mr. ROEBUCK next rose, and was received with great
enthusiasm. He assured the company that he returned
thanks for the honour done him as sincerely as it had been
enthusiastically conftßecliminriii—sl-Oe'"esssan ofiligTre;ent
visit, was riot merely grAeful to him but cheering ; he said
cheering, because to perform the duty which he had per-
formed, something was necessary to 'support him in the
arduous contest which he had deemed it right to carry on
in the name of his constituents.—(Cheers.) He went into
the House of Commons not attaching himself to either of
the parties which were then dominant in the kingdom ; he
attached himself neither unto Tory nor unto Whig, but he
was the sworn servant of the people.—(Cheers.) Though
that might be a popular office in the city of Bath, where
he had to exercise the duties thereof, it was not a popular
office ; for even in the reformed House of Commons, sorry
was he to say it, he found that a majority of the members
of which it was composed, were not the friends of the peo-
ple.—(Cheers.) He found, indeed, a majority in favour of
certain reforms, just enough for certain political purposes,
but not enough to suit him (Mr. Roebuck)—(Cheers)—
not enough to suit them, the constituency of Bath ; just
enough to gain places and power for certain purposes, but
not enough to gain good government for all.--(Cheers.)
Therefore it was that he required to have a firm heart and
undaunted spirit, for there was something overpowering
and overwhelming in the opinions of the men by
whom one was surrounded ; and if those opinions were
adverse to one's own, no matter how hostile or insigni-
ficant they might be, still it required a brave man to
stand against them.—(Cheers). The manner of his re-
ception, therefore, amongst his constituency, was cheering
unto him ; and it would still further stimulate him to per-
severe in the course upon which he had entered, and
which, as a free representative of the people, he felt bound
to.porsue.—(Cheers.) Notwithstanding all that had been
done in the course of the last few years, it might still be
said that, as yet, they were upon the very threshold ; and
yet at that very time they were told that they were to
make no further organic changes. Would any man of
common sense, looking at the situation of the country at
the present moment, pretend to say that no further changes
were necessary ? He openly avowed that his object was,
by a series of further and greater changes than any which
had yet been adopted, to destroy the dominant power of
any section or party, and to place the Government and
the country entirely in the hands of the people.—(Cheers.)
That was the great object which he had in view ; and he
did not hesitate to declare that he never would rest satis-
fied until they had placed the whole of the political power
of the country in the hands of the nation.—(Cheers.)
What step had they made towards the attainment of that
end.? They had certainly done something in Reforming
the House of Commons, that was to say, they had sent a
small minority into it in favour of the people.—(Cheers.)
There was nobody there before, except perhaps two or
three, who might be called the advocates of the people—
there was now undoubtedly a small party who were the
bona fide representatives of the people.—(Hear, hear.)
But they had nothing approaching to a majority yet ; and,
to use a new word which had recently come much into use,
there could be no finality till the people had obtained a ma-
jority of actual representatives.—(Cheers.) As yet, then,
they had not even obtained a thorough reform in Parlia-
ment ; but independently of Parliamentary Reform, they
wanted a reformed lav,s—a reformed Church, a reformed
magistracy, and a thoroughly reformed system of municipal
corporations. More than that, nothing had been done to amend
the county administration—and, worse than all, Ireland
still festered at the side of England with all her ills and
grievances unredressed. In the midst of such a state of
things, would any one turn round and tell him that the
partial measures of reform which had been adopted were
final, and that the course of improvement was to proceed
no further ?—(Cheers.) He repeated, that as yet they
were but at the very threshold of reform • and whilst
they continued in that position he would never rest
until he, had obtained a Government which entirely
emanated from the people, and was entirely responsible
to the people.—(Cheers.) With respect to the House of
Lords, he for one believed that the existence of that as-
sembly, as at present constituted, namely, possessing poli-
tical power wholly independent of the people, was neither
less nor more than a downright nuisance—(Cheers)—which
for the public good it was necessary should be abated. Then
the question arose, as to the manner in which it should be
got,rid of. Now, as far as he was concerned, he must say
"thache had always been an advocate for simple machinery.
He looked upon Government as a machine, and with the
view of rendering it as simple, and efficient as possible, he
would have but one House of Legislation.—(Hear, hear.)
It; to gratify the feelings and prejudices of the people, it
were necessary that they should have the toy, the plaything
called a House of Lords, he should be quite willing to
allow it to remain with all its existing pomp and state,
after it had been effectually deprived of the power of
doing mischief.—(Cheers.) He had made that state-
ment, because he wished to learn what lis constituents
felt and thought upon the subject. Their opinion would
not necessarily govern his ; but if it coincided with his
own, it would give him strength to bring forward his
plan, and to press it upon the adoption of the Legislature.
The Honourable Gentleman then went into a statement of
the treatment which the Municipal Corporations Reform
Bill had received in the House of Lords, after it had been
unanimously adopted by the House of Commons. It was
the power which the Lords had exercised on that occasion,
that he was anxious to take away from them, and his plan
of doing so was a very simple one. He proposed that if
they should ever again treat a Bill as they had treated the
Municipal Reform Bill, all that should be required from the
House of Commons should be to re-pass the measure in the
shape in which they had formerly agreed to it, and then,
without further ado, it should become the law of the laud.—
(Cheers.) It would be said that this would be giving an
overwhelming influence to the democratic party, and that
the popular voice would have too much" power. But this
was merely a misunderstanding, or an abuse of terms. He
had always observed, indeed, that there were no such anar-
chists as those who were eternally protesting against anarchy.
Such was the fact at the present moment, when those who
claimed to themselves almost an absolute monopoly of loyalty,
who professed to believe in the indefeasible and divine right
of kings, were endeavouring to alter the line of succession,
and to embroil the country in civil war.—(Cheers.) The
'Hon. Gentleman proceeded to contend that if the House of
Lords were deprived of political power, all the popular ex-
citement which for some years past had agitated the coun-
try, would at one subside ; peace and quiet would be
restored, and men of high and enlightened talent, whose
energies hitherto had been directed to the all-absorbing
subject of politics, would transfer their attention and their
labour to the advancement of science and knowledge,
from the progress of which every nation in every age
had derived the highest and most immediate advantage.—
(Cheers.) They were not met there that day to bandy
compliments ; they were met for the purpose of giving ex-
pression to their opinions. Others met for the same pur-
pose. They often heard of Tory meetings and Whig meet:.
ings. Now they had at that moment a Radical meeting.
—(Cheers.) And from what had taken place that evening,
,as well as on former occasions, he thought it might be said
that there was at least one assembly in Bath fully prepared
to go the length which he and his friends had pointed out.
—(Cheers.) Having repeated his thanks for the honour
conferred upon him, the Hon. Gentlems ;-st down amidst
the loudest cheers.
The CHAIRMAN, next proposed- " The health of Mr.
Hume, the Friend of Economy, and fearless foe or Orange
Lodges."—(Great cheering.)
Mr. HUME, in returning thanks, said, it was most gra-
tifying to him to find that the gentleman whom he had re-
commended to the Constituency of Bath some years ago,
had attained to so high a place in their estimation.—
(Cheers.) Mr. Roebuck, indeed, was in every respect de-
serving of the high confidence which they reposed in him,
and, as long as they continued their support of him, would
no do doubt remain a stanch and determined advocate of
their interests.—(Hear, hear.) Twenty years ago, who
would have believed it possible that such a meeting as that
which had then assembled could take place in the' city of
Bath ?—(Cheers.) That such a meeting could now so
readily be obtained, spoke volumes as to the advance of
liberal and enlightened opinions, and afforded a convincing
proof that Lord John Russell was completely mistaken,
when he said that further organic changes could not and
ought not be adopted.—(Loud cheers.) The Tories,
stronger, more powerful, and more influential, than
Lord John Russell, had often declared that certain de-
struction must follow the Catholic Emancipation Bill,
the Bill for the Repeal of the Test and Corporation
Acts, and other measures of a like character. Yet those
very measures had subsequently been carried into effect
by the very parties who had denounced them ; and instead
of mischief or destruction, were found to be productive of
nothing but good.—(Cheers.) In obtaining those measures,
however, which he thought would conduce to the public
benefit and the improvement of the people, he was not at all
of Mr. Roebuck's opinion, that it was necessary to pull down
the House of Peers. He owned that he was for King, Lords,
and Commons, each estate of course being strictly confined
within its own prescribed legitimate sphere.—(Hear, hear.)
But he would give the people the right of government, be-
cause he looked upon government as originally instituted for
the benefit of the people, the King and Lords being only