The Sun.
London, England, 1866-09-12 00:00:00

BANQUET T

T jOIiNSON,

The chairman then moved that the special com-
mittee appointed on the 31st of July to execute the
powers of the Nuisance Removal Acts be continued,
and also empowered to carry into effect the provi-
sions of the act 29th and 30th, Vic., cap. 90 (the
Sanitary Act, 1866), within the City of London,
and to continue to carry out the provisions of the
said acts for the removal of nuisances, &c., and to
report from time to time to this court.
This motion was also unanimously adopted, and
the court was also engaged until a late hour in the
disposal of summonses and other business.

In reply to the speech of the Mayor of New York
in proposing his health, the President spoke as fol-
lows :

"Mr. Mayor and Fellow-citizens—l thank you for the
honour conferred upon me, under circumstances which are
so gratifying to me, and in saying 'gratifying' I will not
indulge in any panegyric. If I were to say less I should not
speak the truth, and it is always best to speak the truth when
we give utterance to our feelings and sentiments. I thank
you from the bottom of my heart for the cordial greeting
you have extended to me throughout the day, and for the
reception that I have meet here this evening. My lips can
hardly find utterance to respond to you in fitting terms for
what has been said and done, Oh, believe me, that upon
this occasion warm is my heart, and willing is my tongue
to speak, and I would to God it were in my power to give
utterance to my feelings and emotions. I shall not attempt
to respond to what has been said here, nor to the manifes-
tations that have been exhibited elsewhere. Ido not in-
tend to make a speech or an argument, but my intention is
simply to give utterance to the feelings of my heart. We
have lately passed, fellow-citizens, through a long and
bloody war, and those who have prominently shared in that
struggle are present here to-night. (Applause.) Yes, the
army on the one hand (bowingto Gen. Grant), and the navy
on the other (pointing to Admiral Farragut), haveperformed
their part in restoring the Government. (Loud applause.)
And the Secretary of State—(cheers)—has also well per-
formed his part ; and, so far as the humble individual who
addresses you is concerned, and who has been so cordially
welcomed by you to-day, he trusts he has done his duty.
(Loud applause.) And I will say in summing up, that I
feel the entire Government has performed its duty. But,
though the Government has discharged its duty, the work
is not yet done. Yet, while we have passed through the
shock of battle, while we have been compelled to gaze
on fields of carnage and blood, and have so far been suc-
cessful, there is much more for us to do. I must be
permitted, and I hope I shall not trespass on your
attention—(cries of Go on, go on)—to remark in
this connection that the suppression of this rebellion
was for the purpose of preserving the union of these
States. (Applause.) The rebellion has been suppressed,
and has established the great fact that these States had
neither the power nor the right, by force or by peaceable
means, to separate themselves from us. Now, this ques-
tion having been settled by the armies and navies of the
United States and one of the departments of the Govern-
ment, another department of your Government has prac-
tically declared and assumed, and carried out the doctrine
up to the present time, that the Government is dissolved.
We cantended for the opposite doctrine years ago, that no
State had a right even peaceably to secede. One of the
means of peaceable secession was that a State could with-
draw its representatives from the Congress of the United
States, and that that would be an admission of their right
to do so. We, on the other hand, denied that they had a
right to do that; and now, when the doctrine is este;
blished that they cannot withdraw, and the rebellion is at
an end, and the States again resume their position and
renew their relations with the Federal Government, we
find they are excluded from Congress in express violation
of that sacred instrument, the Constitution of the United
States. (Applause.) We find that it is in violation of the
express terms of the constitution, as well as in its spirit,
that States now in this Union are denied representation in
the Senate and in the House of Representatives. Now,
shall we submit to this ? Will the American people submit
to this doctrine ? (Shouts of 'No, no.') Why, if they do
so far as representation is concerned, it is practically a
dissolution of the Union. Are we prepared now, after
having passed through this fearful rebellion—are we
prepared now, after shedding the immense amount of
blood and treasure, and after all the calamities that
have been visited upon our people North and South, to
continue to exclude those States ? (Shouts of Never,
never.') I will ask this intelligent audience, not in the
language of declamation, but in a spirit of Christian kind-
ness, are we prepared to renew the scenes through which
we have passed ? (No, no.) Are we prepared to see one
portion of this Government arrayed against the other,
North against South and South against North ? Are we
prepared in this, the most enlightenedcountry on earth, to
see brother fighting against brother ? Are we prepared to
see this land again drenched in brothers' blood ? (No,
no.) Or,•are we prepared to bring balm from Gilead—a
balm healing in its character, to pour into our wounds ?
Now, as an illustration of this, have we not often seen
two individuals becoming the most implacable enemies,
yet when they came together and coolly talked the
matter over, without passion or prejudice, the
quarrel was made up, and affection and kindness once
more existed between them. The Southern people hre
our brethren. (Good, good.) They are our fellow-
citizens; they are part of ourselves ; they are bone of our
bone and flesh of ourflesh. (Loud and prolonged applause.)
They have lived with us and been part of us from the be-
ginning of our Government and the commencement of the
rebellion. They are identified with this country, with its
history and prosperity, in every sense of the word. (Cheers.)
We have now come together again, both sides understand-
ing what the difficulty was, the great apple of discord
having been removed. Now, what has been said with re-
ference to the gentlemen from the South who met in Con-
vention at Philadelphia with their Northern brethren and
pronounced upon the condition of the country ? Why, it
has been asserted that these men's professions of patriotism
are doubtful, and that they ought not to be believed. What
better evidence can you have of loyalty and devotion to
the Government than profession and action? If wo have
reached the point that all confidence is lost in man, then
I tell you that the Government is not so strong as a rope
of sand—its own weight will crush it to pieces. Why
should a Southern man no; be believed ? I do not say so
because I am a Southern man, and first saw the light of
heaven in a Southern Stste ; and while I say I am a
Southern man lam a Northern man—that is to say, lam
a citizen of the United States, and am willing to concede
to all other citizens what I claim for myself. Now, the
reason why the Southern States demanded secession was
that they feared their rights under the constitution would
not be preserved to them. But this was a separation, and
against the Union. And I took my position in the Senate
of the United States, as I have ever done since, that this
Union was perpetual—that it was a great magic circle never
to be broken. But the reason the South gave was that
the constitution could not now be carried out, and so they
attempted to separate ; but while the question was proceed-
ing they established a form of government, and what kind
of government was it ? What kind of constitution did
they adopt ? Why, it was with some variations the same
as that contemplated by the constitution of the United
States. They made the experiment to separate, imagining
they could live under such a constitution and enforce its
provisions. We said, 'No, you cannot separate ; you must
remain with us ; the constitution shall be preserved and
remain in force.' The rebellion has ceased, and when their
armies were put down by the army and navy of the United
States, they accepted the terms of the government. And
what were they ? We said to them before the termination
of the rebellion : 'Disband your armies, return to your ori-
ginal position in the government, and we will receive you
back with open arms.' (Loud cheers.) And the time came
when their armies were disbanded under the lead of my
distinguished friend upon the right (General-Grant)—
(vociferous cheers)—and by the navy 'under Admiral Far-
ragut. (Renewed applause.) What were the terms of the
capitulation? They accepted the propositions of the Go-
vernment, and what did they say ? Why, we will return
to our allegiance, for we have been deceived by designing
men.' Others said, 'We selected the arbitrament of the
sword to settle this question ; the arbiter has decided it
against us, and that being so, as honourable and magna-
nimous men, we accept the terms you have offered us.'
New, the query comes up, will they be accepted? We do
not want to ruin them. I have said this, and I repeat it
here to-night, I do not want them to come back into this
Union degraded and debased. (Cheers.) Are they fit to
be a part of this great American family, degraded and
debased ? I want, if they come back, that they shall con-
stitute a part of this great whole, that they shall form a
part of the American people in all their strength and man-
hood. Then they are fit, and not otherwise, to be a
part of the United States. (Applause.) But in coming
back why should we distrust them? I have just called
your attention to the constitution under which they were
desirous to live, and that was the constitution of their
fathers; yet they wanted a separate constitution. Having
lost the institution of slavery, the great apple of discord,
now, in returning, they take up the constitution under
which they lived before the one they wanted to establish
themselves. Where, then, is the cause for distrust ? Where,
then, is the cause for want of confidence ? Is there any ?
(No, no.) I do not come here to-night to apologise for the
persons who have destroyed this Government —I refer par-
ticularly to the leaders, and not to the rank and file who
were led astray by them. While Davis and others of that
class were talking about secession in the South, there was
another class in the shape of Phillips and Garrison talk-
ing of dissolution in the North. I thought that at one time
there was a party in the South trying to break up this Go-
vernment, but now wo find a party in the North equally
anxious to consummate that end. lam against all those
who are opposed to the Union. lam for the Union, the
whole Union, and nothing but the Union. (Cheers.) Gen.
Grant and myself have fought secession on one end of the
line, and I tell you we are ready to fight it out on the other.
(Applause.) It is a contest and a struggle for the union of
these States. The North cannot get along without the
South, and the South cannot got along without the North,
N
If
mmtt heoeetr controlt that,
camea t,bdi
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2wst).
withi
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nb:el
to el their rebels.'
nothingc e,A oi r
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me ; 5
(Applause.) I have heard it remarked ' Why, if you let
these Southern States in, you will have the Government
controllednu
Bwdeiswloaynatltomleemt
beloyrsa,how could
l menn
ev
ien
? t
fromo be
A ect carriedo
puoteffho
,pwlt
people
with
Govern-
goestAh Are
ecwl a
all cowards ? Had they any more power than they had be-
foree
? Certainly not, Further, let me tell you, that the in-
terest on the three thousand million of bonds will never be
paid except by a complete union of these States. You
that fall into this great heresy will reap the same re-
ward. You that do that now will destroy the_ Go-
vernment. We should unite the Government afed increase
the national capacity. He was proud to say to the people
of New York that he was glad to tee them that night, and

hoped they were willing toive and let others live. New
York, this great city, what was the tax ? $18,000,000 for
our city. When Washington was inaugurated the whole
expense of the Government was only about a million and
a half. They should think of it. This city is now more
complicated than the general Government was in its origin.
This city is destined to perform a great part in the resto-
ration of the Union. He had told the people this, and
opposition to it would be unavailing. He was sure that
this would yet be done, and though he might be called a
demagogue, he wished there were more demagogues in the
country. Those who differ with him he would bid stand
out of the way. The Government is coming together.
He would not condemn any one, but would urge all to go
on and do good. If he had erred, he trusted he erred on
the right side. If he had pardoned many, it was because
he believed they deserved it. He had already spoken long.
(Cries of 'Go on, go on.') The issue is upon us, and as
to the Executive, ho had tried to discharge his duty. His
record was before them, and with them it must rest. When
the people get right the politicians get very accommodat-
ing. The press might vilify, but it could not change him.
He had had enough public life to satisfy any one, and all
that he now desired is the union of the States complete.
(Cheers.) He would rather live in the affections and
hearts of his countrymen than be endowed with any other
gift that God can give on earth to man."
The band played the " Star-Spangled Banner,"
and after giving a toast the President sat down.
Mayor Hoffman then reminded the audience that
the President was on his way to the laying of the
corner-stone of the Douglas monument. , lie con-
cluded by proposing, " The Cabinet of the United
States."
Mr. Seward, having been introduced, said :
"He belonged here, here in New York, in the greatest
single State in the Union. He looked upon New York as
the greatest city in the Union, and thanking those present
for listening to him, and being in the Cabinet he would tell
them one or two Cabinet secrets which should be entirely
confidential. (Laughter.) The last time he communicated
with the President it was to tender an invitation to dine at
Delmonico's, when the President replied that he hoped
he would not be required to make a speech there. Mr.
Seward replied that he would not be required to speak any
longer than ho desired, but thought that he had as much
interest in speaking as the people had in listening to him.
(Laughter.) The next secret was that General Grant and
Admiral Farragut had been selected to make the speeches
on the way, but he was sorry to say that the arrangement
had failed all the way, and the President and himself bad
been compelled to make all the speeches. The speaker
then referred to the calling out of the army at the breaking
out of the rebellion. Over a million and a half of this army
now sleep in soldiers' graves, and he hoped these Cabinet
secrets would be kept. After the election of 1860 he had
been called upon to give the people some hope, and he told
the people if they would keep cool the then threatening re-
bellion would be over in 60 days. He talked with Andrew
Johnson, and he was assured that the rebellion would be
the death of slavery. He would not now tell any more
Cabinet secrets, but would say that on this occasion he was
warned to beware of the assassination of the President at
Baltimore. He had, however, met nothing but the kindest
reception from the people there. When they came to
Philadelphia they found the city entirely ungoverned, and
he said, blessed is that city which can dispense with a
ruler. (Laughter.) When the party came to New York, all
through the streets, from the Battery, there were friends
on the right, on the left, and on all sides; over their heads,
on the south, on the north, on all sides, were seen thousands
of friends He would tell those friends that his military
colleagues would never oppress a prostrate enemy that lay
at their feet. (Cheers.) He would forgive those who were
formerly his enemies, and, now that they were under the
constitution of the United States, they needed no more
hard blows. He would now ask Governor Fenton, and
others of that political persuasion, how long before the
Government of the United States can be restored ? He
was in favour of all the wars that the nation might require,
but he would not go to war with one leg. People talked
of guarantees from the Southern people, 'out he for one
thought it time wo had some guarantees from the other
side. The South had given all the guarantees we want,
and now she should be allowed to an equal voice in the
formation of the basis of the Union. All that can be got
has been got, namely, the abolition of slavery, the abolition
of the rebel debt, and tho abolition of the right of secession
now and for ever. (Cheers.) The States will now settle
the terms, and the Union will once more be restored."
Mayor Hoffman then gave two more toasts—one
for the army and the other for the navy—and the
Presidential party withdrew, after a few remarks
from General Grant. Admiral Farragut also spoke
briefly.
After the proceedings had been concluded the
whole party withdrew to the front balcony, where
the President was serenaded, and where he after-
wards made a short speech. There were about
80,000 persons assembled on the streets and stoops
adjacent, and as the President made his appearance
a prolonged cheering was kept up for some time.
After the uproar had somewhat subsided the Pre-
sident advanced to the front of the balcony and
said
He would not make a speech; but, being on a visit to
the West, he could not deprive himself of the pleasure of
addressing the people of New York. It had not been his
purpose to court or invite demonstrations of this kind, but
such a desire seemed to exist in the minds of the American
people. He would not claim to be a prophet, nor did he
believe in things that he did not know. The people know,
and well know, how to appreciate those who are their
friends, and he claimed to have a place among the number.
The people will always, sooner or later, find out who their
true friends are. (Cheers.) A. nation must first be born,
and then sustain itself, and this the people of the United
States had done, as exemplified in their wars with other
nations. In those wars the people had shown themselves
equal to the emergency. His faith was strong, and his
confidence was unabated in the people. They had
laid a foundation upon the constitution of their fathers,'
and the Philadelphia Convention bad ratified that by
representatives from all the States. (Voices What about
New Orleans ?') The finger of Providence has been visible
in the cause of the people. There had bean those who had
called him a demagogue ; but for that he did not care, as
there is a time coming which will teach traitors at the South
and at the North that the Union must be preserved. He
had told the leaders of the rebellion what would be the re-
sult, and now at the other end of the line are found traitors
also, who denounce and traduce him as a traitor to the Go-
vernment. These men would, if they could, pull down the
constitution, and trample it under foot. (Cries of 'No, no.')
He would charge the whole Congress to prove that he had
abandoned the principles upon which he had been elected
because he had opposed the Freedmen's Bureau Bill ?
(Cheers). What was this bureau ? Nothing more than
the transfer of the slaves from their owners to other task-
masters who were to pocket the profits; but if the
scheme was not successful, the Government was to
pocket the loss. The President has no power ex-
cept the veto, however, and in the exercise of this he had
simply done his duty. He would refer his hearers to his
past record, and ask them to show any act of his whole life
that was not in the interest of the people. He had fought
opposition in the South, and be would fight it in the North,
and with the consent and aid of the people he would suc-
ceed. There would be no more rebellions in the South,
and he stood now whore be stood in 1861. Ho 'would
again thank his audience for the kind attention with which
they had listened to him, and though ho might or might
not see them again, he would still stand true to his duty
and to the Union." (Tremendous cheering).
The President here retired amid the excitement,
which lasted for several minutes.

Mr. Seward was at length prevailed upon to make
a few remarks, but his voice could scarcely be heard
on the street. He said
He was proud of the welcome that had been extended
to the President of the United States. He believed the
whole people of the United States would recognise him as
a -philanthropist. He recognised the principles of the
higher Lord which obliges us to forgive our enemies.
Why should the Southern people be denied their rights ?
Do we fear them, or are we jealous of them ? Not at all.
God forbid that wo should b
feeling
and make the States all
once more united. He was in favour of restoring the old
original Union, now that the enemy is dead—restoring the
Union as it was under the constitution." (Cheers.)

The total value of British goods exported :from
Liverpool in the month of July, 1866, was
£6,811,763, against for the corresponding month of
the years 1865, 1864, and 1863, £5,768,698,
£6,393,168, and £5,096,937. The declared value
of exports from this port to the United States in
the month of July, 1866, was £1,880,607, against
for corresponding month of the years 1865, 1864,
and 1863, £1,426,068, £1,186,165, and £1,122,119.
To the Australian colonies for the month of July,
1866, £134,720, against for corresponding month
of the years 1865, 1864, and 1863, £249,292,
£131,014, and £166,674. With regard to outward
freights, Messrs. Platt and Co., of Liverpool, re-
port that the dullness for most parts is continued,
and that for India and China freights are scarce
and tending downwards ; in the Mediterranean a
better feeling prevails, and a slightadvance has been
'obtained.

" There is no shame to our manhood if we distrust
our own ability to endure the anguish of the b .. It
is no secret that of .ate local amethesin has bean produced to
such a degrec that the patient, retaining his consciousness,
can watch the surgeon's knife as it cuts to cure, and yet be
without the sliqiitest sensation of physical suffering."—Daily
I elegraph, July 13, 1836. "To none is the public more in-
debted than to Mr. Day."—lllustrated News, page 846, June
9. "Mr. Day has succeeded in robbing tooth extraction of its
horrors, and we think we are only fulflllin4 an act of duty in
giVing publicity to the fact."—Court Journal, p. 582, May 23.
l'ainful teeth, or diseased stumps extracted without pain.
No chloroform, and perfectly safe. Every description of
teeth, combining the latest inventions and improvements in
dental mechanism, may be procured from llr. DAY, dentist
(late principal assistant to Mr. Eskell, of 8, Grosvenor-street,
W.), 294.1Ze,gent-street (3 doors from the Polytechnic).