The Sun.
London, England, 1866-07-13 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 13, 1866,

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE.

OXFORD UNIVERSITY.

A Convocation was holden yesterday at 10 o'clock
for the purpose of electing one Burgess to represent
the University in Parliament, in place of the Right
Hon. Gathorne Hardy, who had vacated his seat
by accepting the office of Commissioner for Admi-
nistering the Laws for Relief of the Poor in Eng-
land. Mr. Hardy was proposed by the President
of St. John's College, and there being no opposi-
tion, he was declared duly elected.

LORD CRANBORNE AND Silt J. HAY.

STAMFORD.

Lord Cranborne- having accepted the office of
Secretary for India, and Rear-Admiral Sir J. C.
1). llay that of one of the Junior Lords of the Ad-
miralty, they presented themselves yesterday morn-
ing to their constituents for re-election. Ihe nomi-
nation took place at the Town-hall, Mr. 0. Simpson,
the Mayor, presiding.
Mr. R. THOMPSON proposed the re-election of
Viscount Cranborne, referring, in doing ;so, to the
number of men connected with Stamford and its
vicinity who were now in the public service—viz.,
the present Lord Chancellor, who formerly repre-
sented the borough, Lord Burghley, the lion. G.
Noel, and the two members about to be re-elected.

Mr. Alderman HAND SON seconded the nomination.

Mr. G. CAYLEY proposed the re-election of Sir J.
Hay, remarking that when Lord Derby had offered
him a seat at the Admiralty, and when the Times
had expressed a wish that a yet higher position had
been assigned to him, the electors had every reason
to be proud of such a representative.
Mr. ROBBS seconded the nomination, and no
other candidate being proposed the Mayor declared
Lord Cranborne and Sir J. Hay to be duly elected.
Viscount CRANBORNE, who on rising was received
with cheers, said—l have to return you my sincere
thanks for the honour which you have now, for the
fifth time, conferred upon me in returning me as
the representative of this ancient and loyal borough.
It is not very long since I appeared before
you as a candidate for re-election, and I confess
that on that occasion I had no expectation of having
so soon again to come before you, for a change of
Government, such as that which has just taken
place, was, perhaps, the most remote contingency
that any of us could then have dreamt of. The
constituencies of this country decided at the last
election, by the voice of the members whom they
returned, to repose their confidence in the aged
statesman who was then at the head of the Ad-
ministration, and they expressed that decision by a
majority so overwhelming that no one could have
forecast that within 12 months the Government and
the party of which that aged statesman was atjhe
head would retire from the conduct of public affairs.
If it has so happened, it has, I think, been the
result of a combination of unforeseen causes, and
to a great extent of causes in which the volition of
neither party had any very distinct share, rather
than the consequence of one of those political crises
which are produced by the efforts of one side to ob-
tain the ascendancy. We are now brought before
you, as you are aware, not in consequence of any
vote of want of confidence having been carried
against the late Administration, nor indeed in con-
sequence of any motion proposed by the party
which has now been called to her Majesty's coun-
sels, but in consequence of a decision of the House
of Commons on a question which, superficially con-
sidered at least, might have-been looked upon as a
matter of detail, but owing to which the late Go-
vernment thought proper to tender their resigna-
tion. No doubt the party with which I have the
honour to be connected offered to certain provisions
of the important measure which the Government
had introduced a most determined because a most
sincere opposition. We thought that in many re-
spects the bill was a bad one and was not likely to
conduce to the interests of the country. As in duty
bound, therefore, we did all in our power to amend it,
and to introduce into it provisions which we regarded
as more consistent with the interests of the nation.
(Hear, hear.) The late Government, however, for
reasons which, I confess, appear difficult to analyse,
held that their honour was at stake in adhering, not
only to their bill as a whole, but even to the detailed
provisions of which it consisted. This is a course
which it is not very usual for a Government to pur-
sue, but I do not question their discretion in so do-
ing, for they were perfectly entitled to deal with
the matters affecting their own honour as they thought
fit. At the same time, it is impossible not to see
that, if they had not entangled themselves by pledges
the full bearing of which I do not think they recog-
nised at the moment they entered into them, a
change of Government would not have resulted
from an adverse decision of the House of Commons
upon a matter which was not in itself of the first
importance. I have dwelt upon these points because
every one, I think, must see that this is not the mo-
ment which anybody except the most reckles partisan
would have selected for a change of Government.
We come before you, therefore, as having accepted
office, because under the circumstances no other
course of duty lay open to us, rather than as having,
however little confidence we might have felt in the
late Administration, wished to select that particular
time for effecting a change. This being the case, a
change of Government does not, as usually happens,
imply, except at least on a limited number of ques-
tions, any great change of policy. Any one, indeed,
who has studied the political history of the last few
years, must have observed that the contests between
the two great parties in the state the field of con-
troversy has been very considerably narrowed. Un-
doubtedly there are stiil questions of deep and vital
difference which must be fought out ,between the
two parties ; but, on the other hand, with respect to
many:matters which formerly were quetsions of con-
troversy and contest, those on either side who direct
the actions of parties, and who may in turn be called
to the direction of affairs, have come to an agreement.
Take, for instance, our colonial policy. Colonial
questions of very great importance have sprung up
within the last 12 months, such, for example, as Ja-
maica and the confederation of the North American
provinces; yet upon these there has been no expressed
difference of opinion between the two opposing
parties. If you look back 20 or 30 years you will
find that animated contests were carried on, not
necessarily between Whig and Tory, but between
various public men, as to the extent to which the
mother country should interfere with the govern-
ment of the colonies, and as to the duties imposed
on England by the possession of a colonial empire ;
but as time has rolled on men of all parties have
arrived at the conclusion that the best course is to
allow the colonies, so far as possible, to conduct
their own affairs, it being evident that even if they,
on the spot, do not come to the wisest decision—
which, however, as they possess the fullest informa-
tion, they are most likely to do—still, that as they
themselves will be the sufferers from any mistake or
miscarriage, it is proper that the responsibility for
any such mistake should rest upon their shoulders,
and not upon others against whom they would then
have just reason for complaint. Except, therefore,
where native rights are concerned—a very impor-
tant exception which it is necessary to bear in mind
—the tendency of all public men, on whichever side
of the house they sit, has been in favour of the prin-
ciple that the colonies ought to be left as much as
possible to govern them4ves. (Hear, hear.) Take
again as another instance of this gradual converg-
ence of opinion that great dependency with which
I have at this moment the honour of being more
especially connected—l mean India. Thirty tyyears
ago the predominant idea with many En
states-
men was that our interests in India consisted in ex-
tending our territory to the largest possible extent,
and that it was our duty, as a matter of prudence,
extend our influence and power over the vast dis-
tricts on our frontiers, thinly inhabited by barbar-
ous tribes, in order to ward off the possible attacks
which some European Power might some day make
upon those frontiers.
To such ideas the great dis-
asters of Cabul and Afghanistan were due, and to
that annexation policy the terrible disaster of the
mutiny of 1857 must to a large extent be ascribed.
But as time has gone on, that desire of increased
dominion, which is
,the natural temptation of all
Powerful States, has been overcome, and statesmen
of all parties have arrived at the conclusion that we

now hold in India pretty well as much as we can
govern, and that, at all events, untilitoir7 have more
thoroughly consolidated our ath .le , al
have left the marks of it by cliffusin all the bless-
i incrs of the civilisation which we ourselves enjoy
among the populations of that vast empire—until
that happy time arrives, or until we have approxi-
mated to it much more nearly than now—we should
be pursuing an unwise and dangerous policy if we
tried to extend our borders or to lessen the power or
the permanence of those native rulers upon whose
assistance we have so long relied. (Cheers.) I be-
lieve the native princes were formerly the objects of
jealousy and distrust to English rulers, but within
the last ten years a great change has come over the
spirit of our statesmanship in that respect ; and
there is now, I think, a general desire to uphold
them iu the rights and honours which they justly
earned by their loyal support at the time of the
mutiny, and to look upon them not as impediments
to our rule, but as its most useful auxiliaries.
(Hear.) Then, in foreign affairs, we see the same
convergence of opinions. We are now in the midst
of a terrible crisis. The most frightful calamities
are desolating the centre of Europe, and we sympa-
thise deeply no doubt with those upon whom such
fearful sufferings have fallen, though while so sym-
pathising, we yet cannot forget that it was the com-
bination of two powerful States a couple of years
ago to oppress a weaker neighbour that has brought
this terrible visitation upon Germany. Be that, how-
ever, as it may,and whatever our sympathies may be,
we have come to recognise that it is not our duty to
mark out the limitswbi ch the various States of the Con-
tinent should ob serve towards each other, and states-
men on all sides agree in holding that the first duty
of England in wielding the tremendous power which
she possesses is to look after her own interests and
uphold her own honour, and that when this is fully
attended to she may repose in peace. As long as the
honour of England is not infringed upon, as long as
the interests of England are in no way prejudiced,
I believe that on no side of the House and nowhere
amonas, our statesmen is there any desire to draw
ourselves
horrorsthe very
we aorfticinlethoef
thosedow unnumbered
n upon
rYsma
adllersetp
newspapers with so much regret aenrdthepolitical commiseration.fiela
(Cheers.) If you thus glance
to domestic policy that controversies still exist,
you will see, I think, that it is only on matters relat-
ingand even with regard to those considerable qualifi-
cations must be made. Some, indeed, of our conflicts
are, as I have said, vital. Take, for instance, the
question of the Established Church. There are some
who desire its entire overthrow, but I believe the en-
ormous majority both of the House of Commons and
of those Whom the House of Commons represents,
recognise all the blessings which the existence of that
Church has long conferred upon these islands, and
sincerely wish to maintain her influence and her use-
fulness unimpaired. (Hear.) I think, too, that even
those conflicts which exist upon the subject of the
Church, and those differences of opinion which pre-
vail even among her best friends, will be found, if
you look at them closely, to be more often differences
on questions of fact rather than on questions of prin-
ciple. Take that which has been, perhaps, the sorest
point in ecclesiastical battles of recent years, the ques-
tion of Church-rates. If you examine the speeches of
those who have addressed the House on either side, you
will find that there is no difference of opinion, at
least not among the vast majority, as to whether
churches ought to be kept up or not. The controversy
is as to whether, if Church-rates were abolished,
the fabrics would be kept up or not; and that is
plainly not aFlifference on a question of policy, which
it is hopeless to expect an agreement upon, but on
a question of fact, which, as opinion progresses, and
as the facts may be more clearly ascertained, it is
possible may be some day adjusted. The same re-
mark, I think, applies to the question which has sent
us here—l mean Parliamentary Reform. You find
some people who hold that every man in this coun-
try has a right to an equal share in the Government,
no matter whether he holds a large stake in it or no
stake at all, and no matter whether he contributes
very little or very much to the taxation by which
the Government is carried on. They argue that,
without taking these circumstances in the least de-
gree into consideration, every man has an equal
right to a share in the government. That is a prin-
ciple which I am sure would never be endured for a
moment in commercial affairs, or any other of the
affairs of life, and I don't believe it will ever be
sanctioned by the great majority of the people of
this country. (Cheers.) But undoubtedly it is a
question of principle, and as long as that principle
is in dispute, so long upon that point we must ex-
pect constant, and, it may be, bitter contests. A
great deal, however, of the difference of opinion
upon the question of Reform, as brought out by the
recent debates, appeared to be on a question of fact
which further inquiry may tend to settle. For in-
stance, one great point of controversy was not whe-
ther one class ought to preponderate over other
classes, for the great majority of the House of Com-
' mons, had that question been put, would have
affirmed that there ought to be a balance of classes,
and that none ought to have a preponderance ; but
the question was whether the measures before the
House would result in the preponderance of the work-
ing class or not. Upon that point our information
was insufficient ; butl haven° doubt that when com-
plete information is brought before the minds of the
Legislature, the differences of opinion will not be so
great as they seem to be. The controversy as between
the rural districts and small towns on the one side
and the large towns on the other, was also as to a
question of fact. No one was bold enough to main-
tain that the great towns ought to dominate over
the rest of the country ; but the question was whether
a particular set of measures would have that effect.
It was thus a mere matter of statistics on which our
controversies to a great extent turned, and I in-
dulge the hope, therefore, that if more complete
information was obtained our differences would not
bo so wide. (Hear, hear.) I make these observa-
tions because I am one of those who think that, as
it was expressed by Lord Derby the other night, the
dividing line of parties and the dividing line of
opinions do not coincide, and that many who sit on
opposite sides are really at one upon all important
subjects. Nothing, therefore, should be more de-
sired by all who love their country than that those
who agree in opinion should fight side by side for
the principles which they cherish. (Cheers.) I have
gone over these various topics in order to show that
in succeeding those whom we opposed, it does not
necessarily follow that upon all, or even upon the
majority of points, we shall pursue a widely diffe-
rent policy. With respect to the measures which
it may be our duty to introduce, and to the fate
which the Government may meet, or the complexion
which the contest of parties may hereafter assume,
this would not be the place for me to touch upon
such matters, nor could I expect to offer any infor-
mation or conjectures which would be worth your
attention. I can only say that the conduct of the
party to which I belong has in past times given
sufficient guarantee that our first object, in what-
ever position we may be placed, will be to maintain
the honour and interests of the country over which
we have been called to rule, and whatever may be
the vicissitudes of politicsolfetehlact youonfid ibeenotntthratuytoeud
will have no cause to regret
formation
Administration Administration which has recently
the conduct of affairs.
by your representatives so tl
(Loud cheers.)
ie
b
Sir Jolt/4 HAY, who was warmly cheered, said—
I appear before you at much shorter notice than I
anticipated, when two months ago you did me the
honour of returning me as your representative,
but the reception you have given me assures me
that I have not done wrong in accepting oflice in
the new Administration. (Cheers.) My noble
friend has so clearly explained the course which the
Government is about to adopt, wad its desire to
co-operate with all whose political opinions arc not
entirely diverse from our own, that I should be tres-
passing unduly with your time were I to touch on
that topic. He has accepted one of the noblest
positions to which an Englishman can aspire, hay-
ing
bequeathed to this country by the daring of Clive,
and cemented by statesmen of the greatest reputa-
tion, who have endeavoured to promote the inte-
rests of the millions whom Providence has com-
mitted to our care, and I feel sure that he will de-
vote all the energy and determination of his charge-

ter to the same end. The duty which I . have to
perform is a much humbler one, but I am quite sure
that in taking part in the administration of the
navy I am undertaking a duty which, if faithfully
performed, will be appreciated) not oily by my con-
stituents, but by the country at large. (Cheers.)
No great change of policy can take place in that
department. The eminent men who have for the
last few years held office have been endeavouring to
ascertain what principles were necessary to guide
them in the construction of ships and in the charac-
ter of the arms entrusted to the seamen, but I be-
lieve sufficient time has been devoted to those in-
quiries, and that we should now come to a decision.
Recent events on the Continent of Europe have
shown that an inferior weapon, compared with
other rifled arms with which we are acquainted, has
given important advantages to an army which Lad
not hitherto been considered superior to the
forces to which it was opposed, and this practi-
cal and unmistakable result should lead us at once
to arm our soldiers and seamen with the best pos-
sible weapons, for whatever the cost may be it will
in
The th ef loornmg roufn p
ourr o v
shipsthec chhea as p easl ts
also
obl ieceyn. (aC hee rs. )
subject
a ttihoensse
offo
theirh ai vn e-
nt
not°f mrue ae hl
i seexdp etrhi me
esanguines oeixnpee tf
my predecessors
eeesAsorsnewatly -
thceoißlsotraurdcteodf sAhdip, miroafltywphricel_i
phesied great things—the Amazon—has unfortu-
nately come into collision in the Channel with the
Osprey, a steamer from Cork, and both vessels have
foundered, though, happily, a small loss of life took
place. The Amazon was constructed with the view
of providing what were regarded as improved Ala-
bamas, it being deemed essential, after the achieve-
ments of the Confederate cruiser of that name that
ships of such a kind should be added to the navy,
and that they should have the means of sinking any
antagonist by means of a.subruarine prow or beak.
Many naval men believed that this was no great ad-
vantage, but the Amazon was so built, and certainly
sunk the ship with which she came in collision, but
at the sacrifice of herself—scarcely the best proof of
the advantage of that system of construction. (A
laugh.) Again, there has been much dispute with
respect to the cupola, or turn-table, upon which
large guns are carried, and which enables the
heaviest artillery to be safely mounted at sea. It
was confidently asserted that ships of such a kind
could not be made safe for seagoing purposes; but
there is now in our waters a very singular specimen
of that mode of construction, belonging to our bre-
them on the other side of the Atlantic. The Mian-
tonomah, which carries the heaviest guns, has safely
navigated the Atlantic, and I am told there is no
wooden ship in her Majesty's navy which could for
a moment oppose herself to this formidable engine
of warfare. A wooden vessel might indeed be
swifter, and so escape ; but this is not the course
which Englishmen would desire our navy to adopt.
(Cheers.) This vesselshows that such ships can na-
vigate the ocean, and though they may not be so
swift or so safe as others, it is high time thatvessels
should be constructed capable of opposing these
monsters, and I venture to hope that my right hon.
friend at the head of the Admiralty and my other
colleagues who are eminent men in the profession
will not be slow in turning their attention, not to
theoretical experiments, but to constructing and
arming ships as to make our navy what you desire
it to be, viz., the first in the world. (Cheers.)
Another question which requires attention is that,
in spite of the liberal supplies which have beenvoted
by the country in order to obtain a proper comple-
ment of men and to do away with the abominable
pressgang, the number of men who can be relied on
for the naval service has been diminishing at the rate
of about 2,000 per annum during the last four or five
years. How can that loss be supplied ? Speaking
simply for myself—for of course there has not been
much opportunity for conference with my colleagues
—I believe the wisest plan is to educate boys in the
training ships along the coasts. Not only would
well-disciplined men be thus obtained, and the ne-
cessity of harsh discipline and punishment avoided,
but many lads who might otherwise from want of
education swell the criminal classes would be well
educated, and ready for service either in the Royal
Navy or the merchant service, according as the de-
mand for men might happen to be. (Hear, hear.)
These are points to which the Admiralty should at-
tend, and we have sufficient data to enable us to
come, I hope, to a speedy decision. Boards, I know
it is said, never decide very quickly, but I think I
may venture to say, considering the character of the
First Lord and of those who will assist him, that we
shall endeavour during the recess to come to some
decision on these matters, and to place the navy on
a firmer footing both with regard to arms and men.
(Cheers.) With reference to political questions, you
know enough of me to know that I am astanch Con-
servative, and I believe I represent as such the feel-
ings of a very large majority of the constituency.
(Cheers.) I can only assure you that, in giving you
my hearty thanks for the hononr you have now done
me, I will•endeavour as far as in me lies toserve the
Queen faithfully in the office to which I have been
appointed, and to serve you faithfully in the position
to which you have just re-elected me. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. HEALEY wished to know whether Lord
Cranborne contemplated doing anything for Ireland,
which was justly discontented.

Lord CRANBORNE thought Mr. Healey did not
sufficiently consider the fact that India and Ireland
were countries widely remote from each other.
(Cheers and laughter.) His impression was that in
the India-office he should find quite enough to do
without undertaking to go to the Lord-Lieutenant
or Chief Secretary for Ireland and tell them how to
govern that other most important country. (Cheers.)
As a member of the Cabinet, he should, no doubt,
have to consider Irish questions, and he quite agreed
with Mr. Healey that something had been wrong in
Ireland for a great number of years. The misfor-
tunes of Ireland were the inheritance of the faults of
England in bygone times, and whatever England
could do to alleviate those misfortunes, and to re-
move the evils which our forefathers by their ignor-
ance and error produced, we were bound to under-
take. The Government, it was obvious, had had
as yet no time to come to any conclusions on mat-
ters of detail relative to Ireland, but he hoped that
when they next met his questioner would approve
what they had done. (Hear, hear.)
The proceedings. then concluded with a vote of
thanks to the Mayor, proposed by Lord Cranborne
and seconded by Sir J. Hay.

THE SOLICITOR-GENERAL.
GUILDFORD.

The resignation of the Liberal candidate having
occurred after a poll had been demanded it was
necessary that the polling booths should be opened
yesterday, and that all the officials should be in at-
tendance during the statutory hours to receive the
votes of such electors as might present themselves.
A considerable number of Mr. Bovill's friends
deemed it prudent to register their votes, in order
to guard against any surprise on the part of that
section of the Liberals who disapproved of the re-
signation of their candidate.

A placard issued by the committee of the Liberal
candidate announces that they requested Mr. Long
to withdraw from the contest "in consequence of
the declared intention of many of the Liberal party
to abstain from voting, and on account of the ex-
traordinary pressure which has been put upon the
electors generally." It appears from the same placard
that the thanks of the committee were given to Mr.
Long for the " truly disinterested and patriotic man-
ner in which he came forward to support the Liberal
cause at the present momentous crisis of public
affairs, and more especially for the kind manner
in which he placed himself in the hands of his
committee" (in assenting to their wish that he should
not proceed to a poll).

A few Liberal electors tendered their votes, but
the understanding that Mr. Long withdrew from the
contest was honourably observed by the great ma-
jority of the party. The polling being thus nearly
all on one side, very little of the excitement of a
contested election was displayed, and the town wore
throughout the day a most peaceable and orderly
aspect.
A large assemblage of electors and non-electors
took place at the Public Hall to hear the declara-
tion of the poll. The Mayor (Mr. Jacob), accom-
panied by the Solicitor-General and his friends,

made his appearance on the platform at 7 o'clock.
His worship declared the numbers to be as follows :
For Mr. Bovill •.• ... 316
For Mr. Long ... ... ... 11
He therefore declared Mr. Bovill to be duly elected
for the borough of Guildford.
Mr. Bo viLL, who received a most enthusiastic
welcome, said he bad now the honour of being again
the representative of one of the most honourable
and independent constituencies of the kingdom. The
electors had been taunted that morning, in the pla-
cards issued by the Liberal committee, with having
had an extraordinary pressure put upon them. He
would, however, ask what pressure had been put
upon the 316 electors who had come to the poll when
there was no necessity for doing so ? (Cheers.) He
could assure them that a great many more would
have come if it had been necessary. Some of the
friends of their cause when they were told that the
election for Guildford was regarded with interest by
the whole community did not hesitate to travel
some hundreds of miles to support and return him
as their representative, and to record their votes
in favour of constitutional government. (Cheers.)
His honourable opponent, Mr. Long, whom he
should have been glad to see there that night,
had been pleased on the nomination to give
the electors a reason why he bad come for-
ward. He said he had done so because he could not
help it. Some one had asked the reason why Mr.
Pocock did not come forward to contest the borough
on the Liberal interest, as he had done at the last
election, and the reason given was that he, too,
could not help it. (A laugh.) That seemed to be
the fate of the party. Having come forward, why
did Mr. Long go away ? There was the same an-
swer—because he could not help it. (Laughter.)
And why did the committee request him to go away?
Because they could not help it either. (Laughter.)
And did they know why nobody could not help it ?
Because their opponents had made a canvass of the
town, and knew the feeling of the electors. He un-
derstood that they were out early and late, and that
certain mysterious strangers were observed in the
town. They were, however, so well watched that
they were unable to operate, and at length they
were fairly run to earth. (Cheers.) It was unneces-
sary to remind them that the number of votes
polled for him by no means represented the number
of promises he had received or the number of those
who intended to vote for him if their votes had been
required. Last year they heard a good deal about
the " eleven" of the county of Surrey, and now
that very eleven had turned up and had voted for
Mr. Long. (Laughter.) His hon. colleague
(Mr. Onslow) told the electors yesterday that
the eyes of millions of their countrymen were upon
them. For himself he rejoiced that this issue bad
been placed before them, because it would show
whether on the first contested election of a member
of the present Government for an English borough
that borough approved or not the principles of the
existing Government. (Cheers.) Having again
thanked the electors for the honour they had con-
ferred upon him in sending
.him to Parliament for
the fourth time, and for the kindness he had re-
ceived upon his present canvass, the hon. and
learned gentleman concluded his address amid the
enthusiastic cheers of the meeting.
The proceedings terminated with the usual com-
pliment to the Mayor.

No sooner had Mr. Bovillreturned to his carriage
than the crowd outside the hall detached the horses
and drew the hon. and learned gentleman in triumph
through the principal streets of the town. When
Mr. Bovill had been escorted to his hotel, the White
Hart, the cheers of the crowd in the street were re-
newed, and it became necessary for the hon. and
learned gentleman to come to the balcony to bow
his acknowledgments. The same demonstration of
good feeling and cordiality accompanied the Soli-
citor-General to the railway station on his return to
town.

to►►g. The readings of the barometer at the station
also afford the most curious data, which until now
have been almost entirely overlooked in electrical
science as connected with the submarine cables. It
is found that exactly in proportion as the barometer
rose the resistance of the current increased, and vice
versa. In plain terms, a low barometer meant a
good cable, and a high barometer a bad one. An-
other curious circumstance which has sometimes
been noticed, but never carefully recorded till now,
is that between 12 and 2 in the day, and only at
those hours, the cable is always at its worst. It is
impossible, however, to enter into this question at
length now, when the Racoon is on the point of
starting round to Berehaven, and in search of the
'William Corry. But enough has been given in out-
line to indicate that a mass of most interesting and
important facts remains to be disclosed, which may
perhaps hereafter have a most important bearing on
the whole theory and practice of submarine tele-
graphy.