The Sun.
London, England, 1866-03-09 00:00:00

Important Speech of President Johnson.

Washington's birthday was celebrated throughout
the United States on the 22d ult. At Washington
a large and enthusiastic meeting was held, at which
resolutions in favour of the policy adopted by the
President in vetoing the Freedmen's Bureau Bill
were passed. After the adjournment of the meeting
the persons composing it proceeded to the open
space in front of the executive mansion. President
Johnson thtre made a speech, in which he reiterated
his policy, and declared that that policy was to be
pursued. The following is a full report of the
speech
_ _ _

Fellow-citizens,—For I presume I have the right to ad-
dress you as such—to the committee who have conducted
and organised this meeting so far, I have to render my
sincere thanks for the compliments and approbation they
have manifested in their personal address to myself, and
in the resolutions they have adopted. (At this point a
firemen's procession attracted the attention of a portion of
the crowd, and created such a disturbance that the Presi-
dent was unable to proceed for several minutes. Mr. Fen-
dell, the chairman of the committee, in vain endeavoured
to restore order. Hon. Green Clay Smith then took the
stand and succeeded in making himself heard, and
in bringing the crowd to something like silence.)
The President proceeded—Fellow-citizens,—l was about
to tender my thanks to the committee who waited
upon me and presented me with the resolutions adopted
on this occasion—resolutions, as I understand, compli-
mentary to the policy pursued by this administration since
it came into power. lam free to say to you on this occa-
sion that it is extremely gratifying to me to know that
so large a portion of my fellow-citizens approve and endorse
the policy that has been adopted, and is intended to be
carried out: (Applause.) That policy has been one which
was intended to restore the glorious Union of these States
and their original relations to the Government of the United
States. (Prolonged applause.) This seems to be a day
peculiarly appropriate for such a manifestation—the day
that gave birth to him who founded this Government—
the Father of his Country ; of him who stood at the head
of the Government when all the States entered into the
Union. (The firemen's procession again succeeded in
creating sufficient disturbance to make the President un-
able to be heard. The President good-humouredly re-
marked : " Don't interfere with them ; they are right, and
always were right.") Ile proceeded :—This day, I say, is
peculiarly appropriate to endorse the restoration of the
union of these States founded by the Father of his Coun-
try: Washington, whose name the city bears, is embalmed
in the hearts of all who love free Government. (A voice—
"So is Andrew Johnson.") Washington, who, in the
language of his eulogists, was "first in peace, first in war,
first in the hearts of his countrymen." No people can claim
him ; no nation can appropriate him ; his reputation and life
are the common inheritance of all who love free Government.
I, to-day, had the pleasure of attending the National
Washington Monument Association, which is directing
its efforts to complete the monument erected to his
memory. I was glad to meet them, and so far as I could
to give them my humble influence. A monument is being
erected to him within* a stone's throw of the spot from
which I address you. Let it be completed. (Cheers.) Let
the pledges which all those States, assocations, and corpo-
rations have placed in that monument of their faith and
love for this union be proseryed. Let it be completed, and

PRICP 4d.
STAMPVD sd.

in this connection let me refer to the motto upon the stone
sent from my own State. God bless—(A. voice —"And bless
you")—a state which has struggled for the preservation of
Union,athnedisnow gl
sintrtuligefiinelgd and in the councils of the nation,
in consequence of the interruption
that has taken place in her relations with the Federal go-
vernment, growing out of the rebellion, but struggling to
recover those relations and take her stand where she has
stood since 1796. A motto is inscribed on that stone sent
here to be placed in that monument of freedom and in
commemoration of Washington. I stand by that sentiment,
and she is willing to stand by it. It was the sentiment
enunciated by the immortal Andrew Jackson, " The Fede-
Uuion—it must be preserved." (Wild shouts of applause.)
" The Federal Union—it must be preserved." Were it
possible to have the great man whose statue is now before
me, and whose portrait is behind me, in the Capitol, and
whose sentiment is inscribed on the stone deposited in the
monument—were it possible to communicate with the
illustrious dead, and he could be informed of or made to
understand the working and progress of faction, rebellion,
and treason, the bones of the old man would stir in their
coffin, and he would rise and shake off the habiliments of
the tomb; he would extend that long arm and finger of
his, and he would reiterate that glorious sentiment, " The
Federal Union—it must be preserved." (Applause.) But
we see and witness what has transpired since his day. We
remember what he did in 1833 when treason, treachery, and
infidelity to the Government and constitution of the
United States then stalked forth. It was his power and
influence that then crushed the treason in its infancy. It
was then stopped ; but only for a time —the spirit con-
tinued. There were men disaffected to the Government,
both North and South. We had peculiar institutions, of
which eomo complained and to which others were at-
tached. One portion of our countrymen advocated that
institution in the South ; another opposed it in the North;
and it resulted in creating two extremes. The one in the
South reached the point at which they were prepared to
dissolve the Government of . the United States to secure
and preserve their peculiar institution ; and in what I may
say on this occasion I want to be understood. There was
another portion of our countrymen who were oppesad to
this peculiar institution in the South, and who went ip the
extreme of being willing to break up the Government to
get clear of it. (Applause.) lam talking to you to-day
in the common phrase, and assume to be nothing but a
citizen, and one who has been fighting for the constitution
and to preserve the Government. These two parties have
been arrayed against each other ; and I stand before you
to-day, as I did in the Senate in 1860, in the presence of
those who were making war on the constitution, and
wanted to disrupt the Government, to denounce, as I did
then in my place, those who were so engaged as traitors.
I have never ceased to repeat, and, so far as my efforts
could go, to carry out the sentiments I then uttered
(Cheers.) I have already remarked that there were two
parties, one for destroying the Government to preserve
slavery, and the other to break up the Government to destroy
slavery. The objects to be accomplished were different, it is
true, so far as slavery is concerned, but they agreed in one
thing, and that was the breaking up of the Government.
They agreed in the destruction of the Government, the pre-
cise thing which I have already stood up to oppose.
Whether the disunionists come from the South or the
North I stand now where I did then, to vindicate the Union
of these States and the constitution of the country. (Ap-
plause.) The rebellion or treason manifested itself in the
South. I stood by the Government. I said I was for the
Union with slavery ; or I was for the Union without slavery.
In either alternative I was for my Government and the
constitution. (Applause.) The Government has stretched
forth its strong arm, and with its physical power has put
down treason in the field. Yes, the section of country
which has arrayed itself against the Government has been
put down by the Government itself. Now, what do these
people say ? We said, "No compromise; we can settle this
question with the South in eight-and-forty hours." How ?
" Disband your armies, acknowledge the constitution of the
United States, obey the law, and the whole question is
settled." Well, their armies have been disbanded. They
come forward now in a spirit of magnanimity and say,
"We were mistaken; we made an effort to carry out the
doctrine of secession and dissolve the Union, but we
have failed; and, having traced this thing to a logi-
cal and physical consequence and result, we now again
come forward and acknowledge the flag of our coun-
try, obedient to the constitution and the supremacy of the
law." (Cheers.) I say, then, when you have yielded to
the law, when you acknowledge your allegiance to the
Government, I am ready to open the doors of the Union,
and restore you to your old relations, to the government
of our fathers. (Prolonged applause.) Who, I ask, has
suffered more for the Union than I have ? I shall not now
repeat the wrongs or s'iffering inflicted upon mo ; but it is
not the way to deal with a whole people in the spirit of
revencre. I know much has been said about the exercise of
There is no one who has laboured harder than I have to
have the principal conscious and intelligent traitors brought
to justice; to have the law vindicated, and the groat fact
vindicated that treason is a crime. Yet, while conscious,
intelligent traitors are to be punished, should whole States,
communities, and people be made to submit to and bear the
penalty of death ? I have, perhaps, as much hostility and
as much resentment as a man ought to have; but we should
conform our action and our conduct to the example of Him
who founded our holy religion that I would liken this to it
or bring any comparison, for 1. am not going to detain you
long. But, gentlemen, I came into power under the con-
stitution of the country and by the approbation of the
people. And what did I find ? I found eight millions of
people who wore in fact condemned under the law, and the
penalty was death. Under the idea of revenge and resent-
ment, they were to be annihilated and destroyed. 0, how
different this from the example set by the Holy Founder
of our religion, whose divine arm touches the horizon
and embraces the whole earth! Yes, He who founded
this great scheme came into the world and found our race
condemned under the law—and the sentence was death.
What was His example ? Instead of putting the world or
a nation to death, He went forth with grace, and attested
by his blooil and his wounds that he would die and let the
nation live. (Applause.) Let them repent and lot them
acknowledge their allegiance. Let them become loyal and
willing supporters and defenders of our glories stripes and
stars and the constitution of our country. Let their leaders,
the conscious, intelligent traitors, suffer the penalty of the
law, but for the great mass who have been forced into this
rebellion and misled by their leaders, I say leniency, kind-
ness, trust, and confidence. (Enthusiastic cheers.) But, my
countrymen, after having passed through the rebellion and
given such evidence as I have—though men croak a great
deal about it now—(laughter)—when I look back through
the battle fields and see manyof these brave men, in whose
company I was in part of the rebellion where it was most
difficult and doubtful to be found; before the smoke of
battle has scarcely passed away ; before the blood shed has
scarcely congealed, what do we find ? The rebellion is put
down by the strong army of the government in the field ;
but is it the only way in which we can have rebellion ?
They struggled for the breaking up of the government, but
before they are scarcely out of the battle field, and before
our brave men have scarcely returned to their houses to
renew the tics of affection and love, we find ourselves
almost in the midst of another rebellion. (Applause.) The
war to suppress our rebellion was to prevent the separation
of the States, and thereby change the character of the go-
vernment and weakening its power ? Now, what is the
change ? There is an attempt to concentrate the power of
government in the hands of a few, thereby bringing about
a consolidation which is equally dangerous and objection-
able with separation. (Enthusiastic applause.) We find
that powers are assumed and attempted to be exercised of a
most extraordinary character. What are they ? We find
that governments can be revoluaionised—can be changed
without going into the battle-field. Sometimes revolution
the most disastrous to the people are effected without shed-
ding blood. The substance of our government may be taken
away, leaving only the form and shadow. Now, what are
the attempts? NA hat is being proposed? We find that, in
fact, by an irresponsible central directory, nearly all the
powers of government are assumed without even consult-
ing the legislative or executive departments of the govern-
ment. Yes, and by resolution reported by a committee on
whom all the legislative power of the government has been
conferred that principle in the constitution whichau
rises and empowers each branch of the legislative
depart-
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they had neither the right nor the power. The issue has
been made, and it has been settled that a State has neither
the right nor the power to go out of the Union. And when
you have settled that by the executive and military power
of the government, and by the public judgment, you turn
round and assume that they are out and shall not come in.
(Laughter and cheers.) lam free to say to you, as your
executive, that I am not prepared to take any such position.
I said in the Senate, at the very inception of the rebellion,
that States had no right to go out, and that they had no
power to go out. That question has been settled. And I
cannot turn round now and give the direct lie to all I pro-
fess to have done in the last five years. (Applause.) I can
do no such thing. I say that when these States comply
with the constitution, when they have given sufficient evi-
dence 01 their loyalty, and that they can be trusted, when