The Sun.
London, England, 1832-01-31 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE r:JBLtc JOURNALS.

To observe the faith of treaties is a most
-sacred duty of Government. To exercise a
faithful stewardship of the public money is a no
less sacred obligation. In the one case the
members of the existing Government are trustees
of the national faith ; in the other they are
trustees of the national resources. If these two
duties happen at any time to clash, the obliga-
tion to observe good faith should, of course, pre-
vail. It would be a bad compliment to pay the
people of England to suppose that the best way
for Statesmen to obtain their favour is to save
the public money at the expense of the national
character and honour. The treaty relative to the
Russian-Dutch loan is one of those treaties
which ought never to have been made ; but,
being made, ought to be inviolably kept as long
as it existed to bind the parties. We say it
ought never to have been made, because it
sanctioned a most wanton and impolitic sacrifice
of English money, to feed the avarice and assist
the ambition of Russia. In the war against
Napoleon, whose ascendancy in Europe, com-
pared with that of the Russian Emperor, was
what civilized despotism is compared with bar-
barian tyranny, the Russian Government was
paid for defending itself out of the pockets of
the English peoule. Neither Russian policy nor
Russian heroism moved a step in the wars
against Bonaparte without being subsidized by
English gold. Whenever blood was shed for
what was called the " deliverance of Europe".
the treasure of Great Britain was squandered,
and dearly did the " nation of shopkeepers" hay
for the glories which our allies reaped in the
" iron harvests of the field." Peace came.
With the " settlement of Europe," and the con-
sequent removal of all cause of war, one would
have thought that the allies would have lost their
paymaster. Not so ; England had been so
lsvish of the contents of her purse in war, that
the Russian Government thought it possible
some plan might be devised to get a slice of he.
wealth in peace. We know how our then
foreign Minister, Castlereagh, was flattered,
wheedled, and duped, by the smooth and hypo-
critical barbarian Alexander. We know what
gracious attentions were paid him by the in-
sinuating Calmuck at "the diplomatic festivities
of Vienna—and England and Europe know,
and history shall tell, what services he ren-
dered to the condescending founder of the
,‘ Holy Alliance" in return—what advent-
a;es, obtained after a twenty years' war, he
them away—what national rights he delivered
up to despotic power—what British interests
he sacrificed to barbarian jealousy. It was wor-
thy of the Minister who handed over the friendly
and trading republics of Venice and Genoa to
the Austrian and Sardinian sceptres—that trans-
ferred Norway to Sweden, and Finland to Russis
—and, above all, having erected an " indepen•
dent" kingdom of Poland to be a check upon
Russian ambition, made. the Emperor of Russia
its King !—it was worthy of such a Minister to
become an accomplice or a dupe of the Cabinet
of St. Petersburg!' in the scheme which was con-
trived for the purpose of still obtaining some
portions of the "golden fleece" of England, to
enrich the Imperial purple of the Ruler of the
Cossack hordes. That scheme was the forced
and unnatural union of Belgium with Holland—
two countries dissimilar, and repugnant iu habits,
religion, language, historical recollections, and
national sentiments. This scheme, which it was
easy to foresee only laid the volcanic preparation
of a future explosion, was the source of preca-
rious aggrandisement to Holland, but of sub-
stantial profit to Russia, for it produced a treaty
which invested Russia with the prerogative to
receive, and allowed England the privilege to
pay ! A Convention was agreed to in the year
1814, by which it was stipulated " that to pro-
vide for the defence and incorporation of the
Belgic provinces with Holland, &c., there should
be a, sum paid to Sweden of one million—a
sum of two millions advanced to Holland for
fortifications, and a condition that England
should bear, equally with Holland, such further
charges as might be agreed upon between the
high contracting parties and their Allies towards
the final and satisfactory settlement of the Low
Countries in union with Holland, and under the
dominion of the House of Orange, not exceed-
ing in the whole the sum of three millions to be
defrayed by Great Britain." This indefinite
condition was reduced to a specific engagement
by the treaty of 1815, in which the King of the
Netherlands declares that " he is resolved to
proceed immediately to execute with his Im-
perial Majesty a Convention to the following
effect, to which his Britannic Majesty agrees to
be a party, in pursuance of engagements taken
by his said Majesty with the King of the Ne-
therlands, in a Convention signed at London on
the 13th of August, 1814." There was also a
reference made in this treaty to the permanent
cession of certain Dutch colonies to Great Britain
which had been taken during the war—but, as
Mr. Ilerries showed, it was evident, from the
beginning to the end of all our obligations, that
we stipulated for the interests of the King of
Holland, and, conjointly with him, for the pur-
pose of maintaining the incorporation of the
Belgic provinces with his kingdom. In the
treaties, and in the Act of Parliament framed
upon them, which Act was the only legal au-
thority for the Government to pay the sums
agreed upon, it was stated that equal payments
should be made in common by England and
Holland ;—so that as long as the treaties bound
the one Power they bound the other ; and, con
sequently, whatever subsequent event could
exonerate the one from payment would discharge
both. The question then arises, has such an
event occurred ? and this, in fact, was the simple
question which the House of Commons had to
determine the other evening, though the ques-
tion was complicated by the introduction of ex-
traneous matter, which, in some measure, ob-
scured and mystified it to the general apprehen-
sion. Some treaties cease and determine by
lapse of time, when they are made for a definite
period—some cease to be operative by the com-
mon consent of the contracting parties—and
others, through framed for an indefinite period,
are to determine upon the fulfilment of a condi-
tion subsequent, or the happening of a contin-
gency. Of the latter description was the second
treaty, relative to the incorporation of the Belgic
provinces with Holland. It was to determine
upon the happening of a contingency. What
was that contingency ? The passing away or
severance of the Belgic provinces from the domi-
nion of the King of Holland. There was a
clause which expressly declares that " It is hereby
understood and agreed between the high con-
tracting parties that the said payments, on the
part of their Majesties the King of the Nether-
lands and the King of Great Britain, shall cease
and determine, should the possession and sove-
reignty (which God forbid) of the Belgic pro-
vinces at any time pass away, or be severed train
the dominions of his Majesty the King of the