The Sun.
London, England, 1866-05-01 00:00:00

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tbhaees erdecwena s
since the soundness of the principles on
recent debate
provisions not do fir etthchteel ympoudt e Redistributioninby issuem.
h i:ha Bill,nt d
whiche
' be introduced, though probably not proceeded with
the
session, are still unknown. In the course of
Govern-
ment propose to extend the
franchise
was freely can-
vassed, but it will be in
committee that the house
will for the first time be called upon to determine
p anis
whether the Ministerial 1 '
a sound one. In the
discussion:: which must then ensue it will not only be
impossible, but it would be improper,
to disregard the
provisions of the supplemental bill for the redistri-
buticn of seats ; and the difficulties with • •
which tho
Government will have to contend " h witin conse-
quence, be considerably enhanced. It 'must never
be forgotten that, in withholding all information
respecting the redistribution scheme, the Ministry
merely temporarily averted a danger which was in
its nature inevitable. It is fair to assume that the
smaller boroughs are those which are threatened
with destruction ~ and, as selfishness is not un-
known in the electoral body, it may come to pass
that the representatives of those boroughs may have
conscientious qualms against committing an act of
political suicide, and, although pledged to support
Reform, may look forward with some confidence to
receiving absolution from their constituents for
what might by some be deemed an act of inex-
cusable tergiversation. It was constantly suggested
in the course of the recent debate that the Ministry
must have had very cogent reasons for withholding
all information respecting their intentions in regard
to the redistribution of seats, or they would not
have staked their existence on what otherwise
would have been an act of unpardonable obstinacy.
This argument possessed considerable weight. If,
however, the reasons which operated so strongly
in inducing the Government to pursue the excep-
tional course they adopted were as valid as is
generally supposed, the perils which environ the
Ministerial measure remain practically undi-
minished. One of the most striking peculiarities
of the issue of the recent struggle was furnished by
the nature of the subject-matter of the dispute.
The question was one of domestic policy, and it was
also one which of all others has been most can-
vassed; - At a time when the distinctions between _
riaval parties have beeri almost obliterated, Reform
h
supplied a common vantage ground to both
Conse •
rvatives and Liberals. Lord Derby, like
Lord Russell has .
endeavoured to improve upon the
Reform Act of 1832, and the followers of the one as
well as of the other have sought the suffrages of
their constituents by promises to remodel our sys-
tem of Parliamentary representation. At the last
general election there
owneas.but less said about Reform
than at the preceding
which was then given to the Liberalthe party large majority
s-
tionably afforded to the Ministry notenly a strongunque
temptation to devise a scheme of Reformbut
g
them the ready means of carrying that scheinetaovae
successful accomplishment. Conservatives and
Liberals were alike pledged to an extension of the
franchise, and both were equally anxious that a
vexatious question should in some way or other be
determined. Never, then, did so many circum,
stances conspire in favour of the success of a well-
devised measure as those which combined to secure
for the present Prime Minister the realisation of
that which for many years past has been his fondest
dream. If he could but carry to completion another
measure of Parliamentary Reform, he was prepared
to " rest and be thankful." That hehasso nearly
failed will probably be regarded as evidence of mis-
management somewhere. The clumsy workman
blames his tools, and the more violent supporters of
the Government load with abuse those whom they
denounce as political renegades and traitors to the
cause they were pledged to defend. The traitor and
the renegade, however, invariably desert their
friends with a view to their own personal advan-
tage, and it is difficult to discover what unworthy
motive the secessionists on Saturday morning could
have had for swelling the ranks of a minority.
Whether they acted rightly or wrongly in adopting
the course they did, may be au open question ; but
that they acted from a conscientious distrust in the
policy of the Government no one seriously can en-
tertain a doubt. For the creation of that distrust
her Majesty's Government had only themselves to
blame. They have still an opportunity of retrieving
the error they committed, and it is hoped they will
turn that opportunity to good account.

PRICF 4d.
STAMPED sd.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Mr.
loifinglake'S amendment
TIMES.—The conversation in the House f C
mons yesterday afternoon give us som hoop
dttllali
eye laeaniblldoo
luionrfst
co f th e lastm o n t h wi 1 1 i te b e t lei r otoillisnarnt
laiveary:wbenwt
eifrea.ny final settlement ofl loteform be ar-
rived at it can onl bA by. avoiding a repetition of
the errors hithertoy committed We have spent a
amoovit:tiinmenedtiscussinc, Reforn,l,. and what has been
bill For rvevdh ti :de:hi
troorhidal
\tali
yisv:reliwolv. unt
1,
elsGi
nffes
eof:asarus.
indniaolssolr.
tl
l• i
yt
yTnlcehl
:7
eeen
shs
sicaaonrruetyes
ference to other lo nt el:as t sttial
et epmoel ni
etyyoefs tteirl e-
complete scheme of
this
c ount ihe:
s, b y
aiNhiiiiiiatastri
sr
toitieitirleise rfbtrio.aoifluacgii llhei
stde. i
Ili
nt 00 nbpo
atr hor
leui
ag irah) Is:
aaatnodaf
savinff
aeaydsoughtetfoopreassgNoviintghout any re-
gr ethhdei ring- i aj 43
f
ablac
upon the ..e r
er all
ng
at nneyn t:.iri yo ni
a- i es ai
sstue rde ,a
pbount
lb the Government pro-
act,
nphomoiens
ttartdt
nelnsee.lcaeisd:
into com-
notice book, and the Gove is still on the
with their promise, undertakrent Government in accordance
clueing their Redistribution Bic; meet it by intro-
and deferring the consid •
eration of the
Bill on Monday . next,
Bill in committee until the joint Franchise
bills shall be thoroughly understood
effect of the two
It is evident,
therefore, that so far from saving time have lost
time through the transparent manceuvrewedopfed by.
the Government. The House of Common',
in-
deed, decided that some Reform is desirables hbas, somuch was acknowledged on all hands beforeut ft
has further decided that some reduction of the-
rental qualifications in boroughs and counties is
necessary part of a Reform Bill, and this also had
previously been supported by a concurrence of ,
opinion almost universal. What the reduction is
to be still remains undetermined. It may be that
the Ministry have a very clear notion of what alte-
rations they will accept and what they will resist,
but the Chancellor of the Exchequer was very care-
ful not to commit himself. The House of Com-
..
consented
veryaotroft
sa 0 muchfse
aCom-
mons

mons heard nothing more about " standing or
falling ; the " bridge is not broken," " the boats are
not burnt," and the Government is as free as Par-
liament itself to watch the signs of the times, and to
steer their course so as to run least risk of
damage. If we insist upon the waste of precious
time which has been the net result of a month's de-
bate, it is in order that no more time may be wasted.
The opportunity is still favourable, though we must
be expeditious if anything is 'to be done this year.
Thanks to the good sense of the country and the
false position taken up by the Government, the
attempt to kindle a flame of agitation has proved a
failure. We have almost forgotten "incendiary
letters" and "pilgrimages of passion." We have had
a great party fight, and now find, perhaps somewhat
to our surprise, that we are agreed. The victory of
the Government is as famous as Blenheim, and it
would be as hard for one of the rank and file on the
Ministerial side as for the peasant in Southey's bal-
lad to say what it has all been about. The sup-
porters of Lord Grosvenor's Amendment were
ready to deliberate upon a scheme of Reform pro-
vided it were submitted to them in its integrity ;
the Government were ready to submit their
scheme in its integrity, provided the opposition
were content to deliberate upon a scheme of Re-
form. It was for a punctilio like this that a Ministry
was put in peril, and, what is, perhaps, of more
consequence, the settlement of a great constitutional
question hazarded. The experience is so painful
that we would readily forget it, but perhaps it may
save us from worse blunders. We are still on the
threshhold of Reform, after having squabbled for a
month which foot shall be put foremost in crossing
it. It must be for the benefit of all parties that
Reform should be settled. The Ministry would be
discredited if they were to fail now that the field
is clear before them, and the Conservative party
must be conscious that if any chance should give
them power they would be unable to retain it so
long as the redress of the anomalies of our repre-
presentative system remains unaccomplished. The
advice which Mr. Bouverie gave last night to both
parties was so sound that we almost despair of its 1
being adopted. Good advice is very seldom taken. 1
Mr. Bouverie declared that the Government had
made a great mistake in the way in which it first
approached the Reform question ; but that difficulty
is now, happily, surmounted. When the Redistri-
bution Bill is brought on next week, it can, as he
pointed out, be referred with the Franchise Bill to
one :and the same committee, and the house will
then have the whole scheme before it, and will be
competent
to 'Th
deal with it as a whole. e uneasi-
ness which is always excited by the contemplation
of an incomplete measure will be removed, and we
may reasonably expect that discussion itself will be
limited when the objects of discussion are strictly
defined. When a legislative assembly is asked to
legislate in the dark, much random declamation and
many vague arguments are inevitable ; but when
the scheme of Reform is definitely revealed a bound
is set to the discursiveness even of the House of
Commons. A week must elapse before the details
of the complete scheme are laid before Parliament,
and a still longer time before they can be discussed;
it is, of course, possible that much may happen in
the interval to change the relative position of parties,
but we hope the conditions under which alone Re-
form is possible will not be forgotten. The Govern-
ment have before and behind them a numerous and
powerful body which will not tolerate any second
attempt at a surprise. There must be the utmost
frankness and plain-dealing, and if anything is to
be done respect must be paid to the convictions of
a minority, which may at a moment be turned
into a majority. It is, of course, undesirable that
a Reform Bill should be passed which is only a
Reform Bill in name ; but it is equally vain to
think that the present Parliament, or that any
Parliament, will sanction legislation on the basis
of numbers or enfranchisement on the plea
of a fellow humanity. It would be idle to defer
reform under the hope that principles such as these
can ever be accepted by statesmen trained as ours
have been to look to results. The Redistribution
Bill must be•sueh that the joint effect of it and of
the Franchise Bill must be in harmony with Eng-
lish traditions and English sentiments. The other
condition indispensable to the solution of the reform
question is a determination on the part of the Oppo-
sition to help it forward, and to abstain from snatch-
ing a victory even if it be thrown in their way.
There can be no doubt of the wisdom of sacrificing
an empty gratification now to reap a more endur-
ing triumph hereafter. If the ConserrativF party
were to come into power while reform remains un-
settled, they would not only be hampered by a diffi-
culty which they could not solve, but they would
give the Liberal Opposition a bond of union which
would soon heal old differences, and bring them
back again to office with renewed vitality. There is,
according to Mr. Bouverie, a fund of good sense in
the House of Commons which would enable it to
settle the reform question were it properly ap-
proached. We hope this estimate of the house will
be approved by experience. One false start has been
made, but luckily nobody has yet been thrown out.
Is it impossible that with the wisdom of experience,
and a common desire to avoid the disgrace of another
failure, a second attempt should be made leading to
a more successful issue?

AUSTRIA AND ITALY.

VIENNA, April 27.

An article in the official journal enumerating the
various armaments known to be recently under-
taken in Italy has excited much public attention in
this capital. After citing cases, and stating that his
information is derived altogether from Italian
sources, the writer proceeds :

"Even the intelligence of impending agreement between
the two great German Powers has been unable to effect
much change in the tone of the Italian Press. We have
again before us a large number of warlike items, com-
mented upon by all in that defiant manner it is thought
may be adopted towards Austria. These confirm and
supplement the- above facts. Nine infantry regiments
have lately been sent from Naples to Upper Italy, and the
entire garrison of Messina, with the exception of a smal
body occupying the citadel, ordered to be ready to march.
mustb ogran,
bbe
tpe
rde paasretdh eatua' hnoyl em
oeffective
tsat
kr een
tghtel
Official notices are issued that no furloughs whatever will
fioelfdt.heWaormrkys
in the naval departments are being carried on, and the
equipment of the fleet is rapidly proceeded with. Similar
activity prevails without intermission in the foundries and
arsenals. Gunboats are being armed at Naples, numerous
depots have been established, and upwards of 400 reserve
officers have been called out. The Italia Militaire publishes
the 23dbulletin of appointments andpromotions, and in this
number alone 169 sub-lieutenants of infantry are promoted
to be lieutenants, and 171 half-pay lieutenants are called
out for active service. The Bolognese Correspondence dell
Emilia characterises the proceedings of the Government by
stating that it is zealously pushing on the armaments
(alacremente spinge), and that all strong places are either
already armed or in course of armament, while large con-
centrations of troops are being made at the places best
fitted for their rapid transport. In connexion wiih these
facts is the announcement that upon several of the north
Italian railways a double line of rails has been laid to faci-
litate the conveyance of troops. Lastly, we may add that
most positive information has been received of the fortifi-
cation of Cremona, and of the Italian Government having
purchased large numbers of horses.
" Information of such moment, which, however, only
confirms the announcements made through other channels
to the Imperial Government, and must be considered as the
corollary of the declaration recently made by General La-
maxmom to the Chamber—when he unreservedly held out
the prospect of an attack upon Austria in case of her being
at war with Prussia— could not ultimately remain without
influence upon the decisions of the Vienna Cabinet. Irre-
vocably as it adheres to the principle of making every sac-
rifice of European peace, carefully as it desires to avoid the
mere appearance of taking up an attitude offensive to Italy,
it could not, and dared not, expose the State to the eventu-
alities of a war of aggression, undertaken in wanton out-
rage, without legal ground or external cause. It had to
consider that no one guarantees our Italian possessions,
and no one threatens those of Italy ; that we are therefore
cast entirely upon our own resources for defence in that
quarter. It was the more requisite to look to the security
of our frontier, to hold ourselves ready for defence, because
we have to protect an extended coast-line with difficult
ways of communication. Up to this protection, and only
so far, reach the resolutions of the Austrian Government .
that limit it does not intend to overstep.
public opinion.a oaindb Europe " The Government of King Victor Eranian_ue: _playsifaint
unworthy game with the
treeparremse.nts,aienweavyees:;mbeepepfpoolluernd-d
; intention itsttac
tunity of most distinctly reputtang
• ;cable proof ofdesire
The itself
Austrianas threatened
Government
in g Italy. It has
given anthueniast fow days in its difference
to keep the peace withainpe by
hAnausstri
al to the conservative and non-
e Prussia. It
"fnitsPpolien and to the purely defensive
aggressive system. 0.
preparations. For months past, on
character of its tuilitatrYcontemptuous and defiant
the contrarn the PA'sustria from Italy. No Goanlanguage
has been hurled a
r that did not include in vernmentshas
succeeded to vow
`acquisition Venice •; no •
its programme'
the attack upon Austria party exists that would
refrain from an
than that of opportuneness. If, therefore, Italy, without
without the shadow cause,
of Austria, suddenly launches out into the most extensive
armaments, the world in general
manners Government. But Austria will
will be as little at a loss
Rs the Austrian Government to discover what degree of
importance dwells insuch .
a step of King Tictor Em-
read armed for defence."

POST.—The result of the deliberations of the
Cabinet Council on Saturday last having become
generally known on the following day, the state-
ment made by Mr. Gladestone in the House of Com-
mons last evening was deprived of .the charm of
novelty. It is now, however, officially declared
that the Government do not see in the narrow ma-
jority by which the motion for the second reading
of the Reform Bill was carried any reason for de-
sisting from their efforts to carry that measure
through its subsequent stages. On Mondayh reds'
even-
ing Mr. Gladstone will lay the bill fonr_ t
asesoon
tribution of seats upon the table, %0,11
as members and the public btaypehiv.„ t_h—e cecTd-
portunity of studying its contenatstlpt
with the original measure.
an en-
regarded as
what, when completed, willo _
ever, be made to combineNhteohe
ohilavoef
f t s ever
fanlrisiweiexci itl2:eronhnd: 1;
rno -gf
tire scheme, and the fatede
dependentin of that of
the franchise will be
eficil.:dePastr:ti:efovninitd.Phitie'ir 0 w n
the measuresredistribution
boundaries.eesnd c ts tt inr
ei
il
ihtluhvte
lei
st
of a
per-
An Administration must be
isleoa seats
fault
td the settlement e
illhgttncrealGrfe:oeetetirj 1 riet
Imi
stability, and if they
the best
sisting
judges °
that
erred in believing they possess such a
have
troublesinor:the
majority in the House of Commons as will enable
them to carry their designs to a successful termina-
tion, they must, at a later period, abandon the
prosecution of an ineffectual struggle. If, on the
other hand, their efforts are crowned with success,
they need no ampler justification for the policy they
have pursued. In estimating the probabilities of
the Government being able to carry their measure
successfully through committee, two circumstances
'must not be lost sight of. In the first place, the
smallness of the majority by which Earl Grosvenor's.
amendment was negatived furnishes no test of the
feeling vith which the bill is regarded by the house,

TII
Ey
conspiredEN-QUEEN
firm and proud, as behoved a granddaughter ofX-,.4.11EEN OF THE FRENCH.—Religion and
destiny
to soften her character, naturally
a la
Theresa, with gentleness and indulgence. Anger and
hatted had no place in it: sho could find excuse for all
faults and all sins. She lately learned with much pain the
news of the death of M. Dupin, who had accepted
office from Napoleon 111., though ho had been
the friend and counsellor of Louis Phillip°. She was so
accustomed to him; "it always seemed to her as if she
"
would again hear his step and tbo noise of his shoes." She
was adverse, as the king was hmiself, to social execu-
tions," much as she cared for honesty and virtue.
Indulgent as she was, there was about her an air of un-
doubted authority which was never lost even in the circle
of her own family. It was touching to see the almost
childish deference shown to her by such strong, energetic
men as the Duke do Nemours, the Prince de Joinville, the
Duke d'Aumale—warriors, men of action, used to com-
mand. She Was, as it wore, the living of the faisce4u of
the Orleans. They all felt it : she was not only their
mother, sho was also their queen. —From Macmillan's
Mayazinefor Noy.