The Sun.
London, England, 1859-12-05 00:00:00

AGRICULTURAL MEETINGS.

STURMINSTER.

• The annual meeting of this society took place on
Thursday at Sturminster, and in the absence of the
Hon. W. H. B. Portman, M.P. owing to an acci-
dent in the hunting-field, Mr. H. K. Seymer, M.P.
officiated as president.
There was a capital show of stock, and a number
of silver cups were awarded to the owners of the
best animals. Premiums were also given to a num-
ber of labourers and domestic servants. and many
of the gentry and leading agriculturists of the
county afterwards dined together at the Crown
Hotel.
The usual loyal toasts having been drunk, the
health of " the Members for the County" was given
by Mr: M. Yeatman, son of the chairnian of the
Dorset Sessions.
-Mr. H. G. STURT. in returning thanks, said
there were some questions of national interest to
which he would briefly allude—these were the dif-
ficulties in China and America, the state of our
re-
lations with France, the question of entering into a
Congress, and last, though not least, the subject of
Parliamentary reform. These were all delicate ques-
tions, but if they were dealt with in a straightfor-
ward manner the difficulties with which they were
surrounded would be surmounted with credit to the
Ministry and with advantage to the country. He
said this because he had observed during the time
he had been in Parliament that Governments had
fallen and Cabinets crumbled to pieces through a
sheer lack of common sense in not asking or caring
about the public opinion of the country. He would
give them an example, and ask if his statement was
not fortified by facts and corroborated by evidence.
He would take first the Government of Lord Pal-
merston which preceded that of Lord Derby. If
Lord Palmerston had come to him or any other gen-
tleman present, and said, " We have received a me-
nacing, if not an insulting despatch from the French
Government, but as we are in alliance with the
French we do not intend to answer it," what: would
have been the reply?" Why this—" Noble viscount,
you may answer that despatch or not as you like, but
if you don't the moment Parliament meets out you
go. (Laughter.) Not to allude to one side more than
another, he would go to the Government of Lord
Derby. If Lord Derby had said, "We are going
to bring forward a Reform Bill, by which we are
going to disfranchise 300,000 freeholders," he
should have replied, "My dear Lcrd Derby, you
may bring forward your Reform Bill, but you have
just about as much chance of carrying it as you
have of discovering the philosopher's stone." He
mentioned this because he understood—and he
would tell them this, a Cabinet secret—that there
had been considerable difference in the Cabinet on
the subject of the Peiho expedition. Four or five
members of the Government had opposed the send-
ing. out of any naval or military expedition, or the
claiming of any sort of indemnity from the
Chinese Government. Had their recommenda-
tions, however, been adopted he believed that
the existence of the Government would not
have been worth a fortnight's purchase
after the meeting of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) He
didn't know what Lord Palmerston would have
- said, but he (Mr. Sturt) should have said, " Those
couples want draughting." (Laughter.) Well, the
more vigorous policy had succeeded, and we were
about to engage the Chinese, in company with the
French. He himself was rather opposed to our
engaging in any military expedition with the
French, because in the Crimea we got all the fight-
ing and they got all the glory—we got all the kicks
and they got all the halfpence. (Laughter.) He
did not blame the Government, under the circum-
stances, for what they had done, but he hoped that
orders would be given to our generals that if this
or that fort were to be taken it should be done by
our own men, and that if we won, as of course we
should, that the credit due to the victory would
not be swallowed up in the flowery reports of
oar Imperial ally. (Cheers.) Having thus
touched upon our Imperial ally, he was
almost compelled to say a ,word upon our rela-
tions with France. He had no hesitation in saying
that the Emperor Napoleon was a very expensive
ally, for there was not a gentleman present who
was not in the habit of paying large sums of money
solely on account of the policy of his Imperial Ma-
jesty. Within the last eight or ten years the Em-
peror had increased his navy to a most unprecedented
extent, and as a necessary consequence we had been
obliged to increase our own. Would they believe it,
that since the war of 1815 we had spent £300,000,000
on our navy ? Still, it was so, and the mere mention
of the figures was enough to make his hair stand on
end. It was difficult to know what to do, but at pre-
sent oar alliance with France was like one person
greeting another with his right hand and holding a
revolver behind him with his left. (Cheers.) Te
Government, however, had taken every precaution,
and had exerted every influence to avert the impend-
ing danger. They had given countenance for instance
to the formation of rifle corps, which was a very
capital movement. It ought to be encouraged
throughout the length and breadth of the lend, for
the panics by which England was occasionally
seized were humiliating to the country. (Cheers.)
He thought we ought to take such steps to put the
country in such a state of defence that it might
defy the world in arms ; and he was certain that
every person present would be ready to make any
sacrifice to bring about such a result. (Hear, hear.)
They had heard something of a general disarmament,
but he hoped_the answer of the Government would
be, although in more diplomatic language, " Catch
a weasel asleep." (Hear, hear.) It was all very
well for the French, with their system of conscrip-
tion, to make such a proposition. The French Em-
peror had only to write a few lines to raise as many
soldiers as he liked ; but it must be remembered that
in this country the raising of an army was a work
of time. (Hear.) No doubt we were Eying in mo-
mentous and critical times, and ho hoped that in
the ensuing session the Conservative party would
offer no factious opposition to the existing Govern-
ment. Parties in the House of Commons were, no
doubt, evenly balanced, and there would probably
be great temptations to a trial of strength in the
ensuing session, but he himself would be no party
to a factious vote as loam as the Government kept
us prepared against every foe. (Cheers.) With
regard to the subject of Parliamentary reform, he
said the necessity of a change had been acknow-
ledged by all parties, and therefore the sooner the
question was set at rest the better. That question
would doubtless be the battle-ground of the ensuing
session. He had no doubt the Government would
bring in a Reform Bill, hut he was afraid that his
party (the Opposition) ;would attempt to make po-
litical capital out of it. It was a most dangerous
question. The country was quiescent it was true ;
but in his opinion that was the very time to legis-
late u:)on it. He only hoped the Government would '
bring in a moderate bill, and one which would set
the country at rest for the next 25 years. Not-
withstanding the temptations there might be to turn
out the. Government, it was the bounden duty of
every Conservative, and of every man who called
himself a Conservative, to support such a measure,
and to assist in carrying it into effect. (Cheers.)
Mr. KER SEYMER said he had lately read in the
Economist that county members at all the agricul-
tural meetings were raising the war cry in order to
avoid disagreeable questions between landlord and
tenant. Now, he (Mr. Seymer) was not aware
that there was at this moment any disagreeable
questions between landlord old tenant ; if there
were, he should have no hesitation in discussing
them. He had already dealt with every question
that could possibly arise—rents, poor-rates, cottages,
game laws—without the slightest hesitation; but
he must say that, although it might be desirable to
talk in, public on public questions, a great deal
inoropight be done in five minutes' conversation
between landlord and tenant than by all the discus-
sions that could possibly take place at agricultural
meetings: (Cheers.) Having already exhausted
those topics he would proceed to offer a few re-
marks on the subjects broached by Mr. Sturt. They
all knew that the English were a peaceable people,
that they were capital fighters, but that they would
a thousand times rather go on improving the breed
of cattle and on making a steady, quiet, commer-
cial, and manufacturing progress than go to war.
We had no wish to send out a single man to invade
France or any other country ; but, while such was
the feeling on this side the channel, he regretted to
say that there were thousands on the other side
who would like nothing better than a "go" at this
country. That was exactly the difference between
the two nations—we wished for peace and the
other wished for war, and more particularly for
war with this country. Our French neighbours,
a
rs,
who possessed many excellent qualities, were so
restless that, having upset halta-dozen Govern.
ments of their own, they now wished to disturb the
peace of E trope, and We had therefore become
alarmed. TI ds time last year Europe was in a state
of profound p: !ace. Everybody knew at that time that

Austria did not govern her Italian provinces as. she
ought, but the mere fact of that misgovernment
could have ahbrded no ground of offence to France,

and Franco liad no more right to ;o to war with

Austria t:tatt ':with England:

And yet, at the be-

ginning of January the French Emperor came out
with a warlika speech, and it was evident from that
time that Frv.n ce was determined to pick a quarrel
with Austria.. That quarrel had resulted in war,
and we were, told that it was all for an idea. Now,
people who v ren t to war for an idea were most dan-
gerous enen %!..es, for it was impossible to say what
the next idea niight be. (Hear, hear.) We Eng-
lish were prr etical men ; if we went to war it was
for a substantial interest, but when another country
went to war for an idea we could never be safe.
The next ides might be to avenge Waterloo, and
that, he belie ed, was the idea of France. If so, we