The Sun.
London, England, 1832-05-31 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, MAY ;31, 18;32.

trig .„
will not, permanently occupy Italy to main
t:iin either the Pope or the Dukes and Duche,ss
, in question on their respective crazy thrones
and if there were no other reasons against thi'
permanent occupation, there is at least one whid
is sufficient, and that is—the expense! Now, then
' do not believe that the affairs of Italy are settled, or
are settling ; do not believe that Austrian and
French troops can retire as soon as Swiss troops shall
arrive ; and that these Swiss troops in Italy will
be able to maintain order, or prevent the pro-
gress of the principles of freedom ! Do not
suppose that a state of things can be permanent
which must be maintained by foreign bayonets.
Louis XVIII. and Charles X. had Swiss troop,
to defend them against their own subjects ; but
what became of these Swiss troops in the days of
July, 1830 ? In Italy, the people demand
liberty, popular institutions, and a representative
government ! Instead of ceding these, the Pope
calls to his aid Swiss soldiers, who are to fight
for order, i. e. for despotism. The end is cer-
tain—and the holders of Papal stock will one
day bite their nails and curse their own folly.
Italy will become one vast republic ! This is
the form of Government suited to the people—
to their climate, tastes, wants, mode of life—and
this is the form of Government which will secure
to them the greatest possible good on the lowest
possible conditions. Cheap governments are
demanded everywhere ; and as the population of
Europe increases, so the wants of Europe aug-
ment, and the necessity for economy is aug-
mented. I hold, then, the Pope to be a mere
locum towns. In a short time his race, and
that of his successors, as temporal Princes, will
be over—and no arrangements now proposed
will prevent the triumph of the principles of de-
mocracy in the South of Europe. Piedmont
and Savoy are demanding freedom. The new
Monarch of Sardinia has made many conces-
sions ; but these must be greatly increased, or he
also will find that his throne will pass from under
him. Do not be deceived by the assurance of
the timid or the ignorant. There is a vast con-
spiracy in Europe to secure to the people their
rights, and Italy will be most forward and most
enterprising.
" How will all this terminate in Spain ?"—I
am averse to propaz,,andism. Yes, believe me,
I am averse to it—that is to say, I am averse to
compelling by force any people to reject a Go-
vernment which they possess simply because it
exists, and to demand another for themselves
simply because their neighbours shall have
changed theirs. If the inhabitants of a country
shall be satisfied and happy under an absolute
Monarchy, I would not carry to them drapeau
tricolor, and proclaim a republic. This would
be tyranny, and not liberty. But then, on the
other hand, I am averse to intervention against
liberty and in favour of despotism ; and I main-
tain that Stain has in this respect been most
cruelly and unjustly treated. The inhabitants
of Northern Austria, and Northern Russia, and
Eastern Prussia, I leave where I find them. I
find them ignorant, and wedded to prejudices
and to existing institutions; and though I know
that their present state of bondage is opposed to
their dignity as rational beings, yet I will not,
against their will, compel them to be free. But
neither would I send an army to Spain to crush
the brave Constitutionalists, to fill the prisons,
to banish all that is most virtuous and honour-
able from the country—and to re-establish the
influence of the ignorant, depraved, and intole-
rant. Yet France has done this ; and when in
the autumn of 1830 the brave Mina and Valdez
attempted a movement on the frontiers of the
Peninsula, the French Government, or rather
Louis-Philippe, prevented their organization after
having at first encouraged it, and compelled the
refugees to return to the interior of France at the
point of the bayonet.
But do the Spaniards desire freedom ? I
answer—Yes ! Do they desire a Republican
Government? I answer—No ! They wish
for a Parliamentary Government after the man-
ner of England. There are thousands and tens
of thousands who have no wish at all—who are
priest-ridden—governed by the monks, those
old enemies to liberty, and who only desire to
pass through life without emotion and into pa-
radise without pain. There are thousands and
tens of thousands who know not what Govern-
ment means—who bow to the King as the Nat-
chez. yell when their savage chief approaches
them, from instinct, and who would range them-
selves under the standard of the monarch for
fear of punishment in case of their refusal.
I speak not of these. There are also thousands
of Spaniards who prefer absolute monarchies—
who think they are the best forms of Govern-
ment, and who have an abhorrence of constitu-
tional or democratic institutions. —I speak
not of these. After all, these, when added to-
Igether, do not form a tithe of the enlightened
or reasoning portion of the population. More
than nine-tenths of the instructed desire liberty,
and the establishment of the elective principle
in the Government. They have proved this
already, and the history of the Cortes is a bril-
liant page in their past existence.
The present condition of Spain is not per-
manent; the Government is in debt and cannot
pay its creditors ; the nation is in debt and will
not pay its creditors whilst the present Govern-
ment shall exist. The army is disaffected or
Constitutional ; the emigrants are numerous and
enterprising. Spain has lost her colonies, her
trade, her commerce, her position in Europe,
her credit and her influence ! The Govern-
ment is always fearing plots—always detecting
conspiracies—existing only by the hour, and
never knowing what may occur in the next day.
This is not a permanent state of things, and it
is quite impossible that Spain shall continue to
exist for ever in its present unfortunate position.
Perhaps the people may be driven to revolution
by ruin—bankruptcy—and national misery.
Perhaps by the triumph of democracy in France
—perhaps liberty may march from Portugal to
Spain, and reach the palace of the trembling
Monarch in her Bonnet Rouge, whilst he is
only dreaming of new decrees and absolute
orders. The fate of Spain is involved in mys-
tery ; and yet we know that the present condi-
tion is merely transitory. But most probably
the Spaniards will first establish a Parliamentary
Government, which will prepare the way for the
triumph of more popular principles.
" How will all this terminate in Portugal?"
and first of all let me dispose of a preliminary
question ; how will terminate the expedition of
Don Pedro against Don Miguel ? I confess to
you that 1 take p 0 interest in these family guar-:

eels. No doubt usurpers are very sad fellow
and merit the gibbet or a state prison—but hi-
tory has supplied us with the lives of so man,
" legitimate usurpers," who have usurped th,
power, rnzhts and privileges of the people, that
reserve all my indignation for them. Still, better
Don Pedro than Don Miguel—and better th
promise of a Constitution and hope ofprocuring
it than no promise amino hope at all. But will thr
Portuguese obtain from Don Pedro and his
daughter all that they require, and all that is ne-
cessary for the greatest possible happiness of the
greatest number for the longest period of time ?
May I be permitted to doubt this ? May Ibe al-
lowed to say that I do not expect much from the
Braganzas or the Bourbons? They never can really
love liberty. They may adopt it as a necessity,
or yield to it as an urgency ; but they can never
love liberty. Portugal will probably accept the
Constitution as offered by Don Pedro in the
name of his daughter ; but Portugal will not
from thenceforth settle down into a state of per-
manent order and tranquillity. All that is en-
lightened, patriotic, talented, and respectable in
Portugal, or banished from it, is democratic.
The Portuguese have learnt to distrust Kings ;
and the schoolmaster will teach their children
that the history of Kings has been from the be-
ginning that of rapine, war, injustice, oppressive
taxation, persecution, intrigue, and cold, heart-
less tyranny. I regard the triumph of demo-
cracy in Portugal as eventually certain ; but in
the mean time we may have years of a Parlia-
mentary Government as in England, and which
will lead the way to the result most to be desired
—the success throughout Southern Europe, of
transatlantic Republicanism.
" And how will all this terminate in Ger-
many ?" By Germany here I must be under-
stood as speaking of Bavaria, Baden, Nassau,
Hanover, Saxony, and all the smaller States of
the Confederation, and not as speaking of either
Prussia or Austria ! Well, then, in all these
smaller States there exist great agitation, discon-
tent, and a determination to fight the battle,
which must sooner or later be fought, between
the Kings on the one side, and the people on
the other. In these small States the fate of Po-
land has been the exciting cause. Her fall is
viewed with horror, and her independence is the
constant subject of the thoughts and desires of
the rising generation. The Sovereigns of two of
the. Northern States are aware of this. They
fear lest Germany should become Republican,
and lest uniting to Poland, she should become
an effectual barrier to the overgrown influence of
Russia and Prussia. The Sovereigns of the
North are, therefore, uniting with the petty
Princes to put down the Press in Germany—to
suppress national associations—and to prevent
national fetes and convocations. But hitherto
their exertions have proved fruitless—and the
youth of Germany are coming forward by tens
of thousands to oppose the efforts of intolerance,
prejudice, and absolutism. Do 1 ask " how
will all this terminate in Germany ?" Why by
the overthrow of these petty Princes—by the
destruction of their political system, and by the
establishment of popular anu Democratic uo-
vernments. The present Governments are too
expensive—too anti-national—too disposed to
league with Russia and Prussia, as well as with
Austria, against the people to be permanent ;
and it is by no means improbable that the first
great step which will be taken in Europe by the
millions towards a general European emancipa-
tion, will be taken in Germany, or in Great Bri-
tain The triumph of the trans-
atlantic principles of Government in Germany
I regard as certain.
I intended, when I commenced these letters,
to have concluded my subject in three commu-
nications ; but I must extend them to a fourth,
in which I shall reply to the all-important and
all-engrossing question of the day, " How will
all this terminate in England ?"
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
0. P. Q.

S ECON D EDITION.
SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock.

IM PERM L PA IMAM ENT

THIS EVENING.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The SPEAKER rook the Chair at Four o'clock.

Sir R. INGLIS presented a petition from the Clergy
of Rochest.rr, agrinst the Irish Education ; also petitions
to the same effect from parishes in Kent and Essex.
Lord MORPETH had also to present a petition on tha
subject of Irish Education ; but it took a different view
of it from that taken by those presented by the Member
for the University of Oxford. The petition was from the
Society of Protestant Dissenters meeting at Queen's-street
Chapel, Leeds, and they prayed that the system might be
persevered in.
The NOBLE LORD then presented a petition fram Sad-
dleworth and Shaw, praying the House not to grant any
supplies till the Reform Bill was passed.
Mr. O'CONNELL took that opportunity of stating
that the Irish Reform Bill was so deficient, that unless
Government gave way, he would oppose every part of the
Irish Supplies, vote by vote.
Lord MORPETH then presented several petitions
against the punishment of death for minor offences.
Mr. M'Kinon presented a petition from Leamington in
favour of the Boundary Bill; also, one from the inha-
bitants of the neighbourhood of Leamington, out of the
limits of the boundary, to the same effect.
Sir R. BATESON presented a petition from Belfast in
favour of the Factory Bill.—Referred to the Committee.
The Hot. BARONET then presented a petition from a
parish in Londonderry, against the new system of educa-
non in Ireland. The petitioners objected to the proposed
system, because it was likely to continue that wide breach
unfortunately existed at present between the Catholics
and the Protestants of Ireland.—Also, a petition from the
Sunday School Teachers of Belfast, to the same effect.
Major M'NAMARA said he could say that the whole of
the disturbances that had occurred in the County Clare
had arisen front the compulsory efforts that had been
made to force the children of Catholics to attend Protestant
schools.

Captain GORDON denied the fact stated by the lion.
Member.

Mr. O'CONNELL thought his Hon. and Gallant
Frnd
(Major Macnamara) must know the county of
Clare Friend (Major
than any Englishman, or even than any
Scotchmane
, who represented a part of Ireland, and be
would rather give credit to his Hon. Friend's statements
than those of the Hon. Member for Dundalk.
The HON. MEMBER. then presented a petition from
to the same effect.
Captain GORDON had, on a former occasion said a
few words en this subject, and the language he had used
had been criticised by the Hon. and Learned Member for
Kerry. How that Hon. and Learned Member dared to
use such a liberty he did not know; he had always used
the best language he was capable of, and had never used
the language of a pauper, or the vulgarity of a demagogue.
—(Order, chair.)
The SPEAKER called the Hon. Member to order. He.
ought not to use such personal language.
Captain GORDON Was sorry if he had trespassed upon,

( PRICE Ill.)

the rules of the House, and was ready to beg pardon. A
he meant to s ty was that he had never us, d the word ed.
cation, but had pronounce I it education, whether that w
English or not, he would leave for the Hon. Member f
Kerry to find out.
Mr. CUTL AR FERGUSON presented a petiti.,
crew Hamilton in favour of the Scotch Reform Bill—al,r
one from Kireudhright to the same effect; and one fron
some natives in India, complaining that the introducti,u
of Europeans into that country would destroy them.
Colonel EVANS said if there were any complants t.
he made against the introduction of the Courts of Law
into India it would he a good ground for an instigation.
hut tire one brought forward was not one entitled to con-
sideration.