The Sun.
London, England, 1835-05-21 00:00:00

DEPARTURES.

Lady Clinton, for Windsor; Hudson Gurney, Esq., M.P.,
from St. James's-square, for his seat, Keswick Hall, near
Norwich ; Sir Lawrence and Lady Palk, from Symmons's
Hotel, St. James's-street, for their seat in Devonshire ; James
Taylor, Esq., from ditto, on a tour ; Mr. and Mrs. George
Ward, from the Cavendish Hotel, Jermyn-street, for their
seat, Northwood Park, Isle of Wight.

THE ANCIENT CONCERTS.

SIXTH CONCERT.

The sixth ft,:eting of this Association was held yesterday
evening at the Kth-t;'s Concert Rooms, Hanover-square, under
the superintendence of his Grace the Archbishop of York,
who, in the absence of the Earl of Fortescue, undertook its
direction. To this dignified sOagenarian, who appears as
vicar-general for all his absent ai;A slothful brethren, the
audience was indebted for a selection of music from the works
of Handel, Haydn, Mozart, and other composers too nume-
rous, and some of them too contemptible to I•;.articularize.
We could not but feel charmed by the devotiona► feeling
which appears to have been the leading characteristic of the
programme, although our faint and obscure notions of eccle-
siastical orthodoxy will not allow us to bestow that full meed
of approbation which such a laudable circumstance in justice
demands ; inasmuch as we found some of the transitions from
the varieties of this sublunary scene, to the mysterious solem-
nities of the unseen world, rather too sudden and violent for
our terrene and less imaginative tastes and feelings. We
could not perceive the most distant connection between the
" The Bright Ey'd Flora" and " Breathing Zephyr" of Mr.
Hobbs, and the " Emmanuel, God with us" of Miss Pos-
tans, to which succeeded the voluptuous and tender strains of
" Il mio tesoro" from Don Juan, followed immediately by the
chorus, " For unto us a child is born"—" The Mighty God,
the everlasting Father, the Prince of Peace." Nor could our
crude and unformed ideas of propriety fully sympathise with
the spirit that led the Director to introduce Miss Kemble's
beautiful solo, " 0, magnify the Lord," by an old opera over-
ture of Handel, and follow it by the lay,
Heigh ho ! sing heigh ho ! unto the green holly
Most friendship is feigning, most loving mere folly :
Then heigh ho the holly,
This life is most jolly."
This misanthropical ditty was succeeded by the " Ombra Ado-
rata" of Malibran, and then came a beautiful and scientific com-
position of Mozart—a Hymn of praise to—
" Earth and Heaven's great Creator,
Sinful man's sole Mediator."
All this appears to us to have been dictated by very bad taste,
and we fear our religious notions are as widely different from
those of the Most Rev. Director, as we know our musical
ones to be.
The selections from the " Seasons" of Haydn was a novelty
at these concerts, and would have met with more attention if it
could have had the benefit of a rehearsal—the public re-
hearsal, so called, is a mere farce. Mozart's lovely ottetto
was compelled to give way for a stupid March of Haydn (which
of the Haydns, we wonder ?) because there was no opportu-
nity to put one or two of the gentlemen right. A similar
misfortune attended the highly descriptive introduction to the
Trio and Chorus from the " Seasons," which was to have been
performed at the second of these Concerts. In that instance
the whole of the rising dawn with the curious crow of the
cock, given to the oboe, was omitted—it having been
murdered at the rehearsal. Madame Malibran made
her appearance in the " Non pin di fiori " of Mozart;
but, unfortunately, her exertions in the previous part
of the evening at another place had destroyed the purity of her
intonation. She nevertheless executed this most extraordinary
and difficult scena in a way which defies description. Her con-
ceptions are so grand and daring, that she will leave rivalry
hopeless long after the purity of intonation may fail her. We
have had previous occasion to mention, in terms of high com-
mendation, the chaste and pathetic execution of Tamino's
scena by Rubini, who repeated his performance this evening
to the manifest delight of the audience. He was less success-
ful in the cavatina from Don Juan. How the Directors can
persist in overlooking the writings of Mozart we cannot ima-
gine, who, of all musicians, is the most voluptuous and ten-
der, the most varied and sublime. If nothing but puerile exag-
gerations and feeble ornaments can supply the deficiency of
interest to be found in the imbecilities of Millico, we
should recommend the future absence of his name from the
schemes of these concerts. Dr. Crotch some time since com-
posed a motett upon some words of Thompson in the nature
of a solo for a bass voice accompanied by a choruss. The
chorus singers repeat the words " Hallelujah, Amen," whilst
the solo performer imagines he hears " the full celestial choir"
chaunting their " awful anthems" through " heaven's high
dome." The music is in that barren and bastard style which
• distinguishes all our modern composers for the church ( Wesley
alone excepted), and displays but little novelty and no genius.
As the worthy Doctor is, we arc happy to say, in the land of
1 the living, we hail the introduction of his compositions as an
indication that the Directors are about to get rid of a most
absurd regulation—that of debarring themselves from the
compositions of living writers. We may now expect to
hear. Spohr and Cherubini ; and possibly the " Confitebor,"
" In exitu Israel," and " the Ode to St. Cecilia," of
Samuel Wesley, may now be introduced to the public no-
tice. Since the days of Harry Purcel, we know of no com-
poser to equal Samuel Wesley in the strict ecclesiastical
school, but of whom Lord Burghersh and his Grace the Arch-
bishop, we suspect, are most profoundly ignorant. The motett
was most execrably performed ; Mrs. Kynvett and a batch of
archiepiscopal cherubims were secreted behind the royal box,
whilst Mr. Phillips retained his position at the extreme of the
other end of the room. The efforts of the " full celestial
choir" were anything but cherubinical, and the grumbling
noise,they produced more like the unearthly sounds of the
spirits from the vasty deep. In one respect they became ethe-
rial, for they lost all notion of the lime they started with, and
Mr. Knyvett, by going to the organ, with the forlorn hope of
setting them right, enabled the audience to calculate also how
much they were out of tune. We trust this absurdity will
never he repeated.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS..

The election of Lord John Russell by the constituency
of Stroud is a remarkable event in the life of that politi-
cian, marking, as it does, the precise period at which
more numerous, respectable, intelligent, and independent
electors of South Devon determined not to have any thing'
more to do with, his Lordship. Upon such an occasion it
was natural and proper that the Noble Lord should make.
a speech, and a speech he accordingly made. His speech
very naturally and properly, also, upon this occasion, would
be the very best of which he is capable ; first, to show the
electors of South Devon what a treasure they had thrown
away in their old Representative ; and, secondly, to prove
to the .men of Stroud how rich and rare a prize they had
gained in their new one. The Stroud speech of the
Noble Lord has every possible right to be regarded as his
crack oration. His actual position, every circumstance
that surrounded him, required that in this instance he
should put forth his whole strength, and draw with
unsparing prodigality upon his choicest and most valued re-
sources. The ostensible leader, in the House of Commons,
of the Melbourne O'Connell Ministry, addressing the new
constituents who had just elected him, in their mercy, after
his rejection by the county he had long represented, and
recollecting, as he must, that the leader of the Conservative
party in that assembly had recently made a speech which
every man, woman, and child in the three kingdoms, who.
has been taught to read, had been reading with eager ad-
miration, was bound, as every body must see at a glance, to
make a good speech, if he could. We cannot, in justice to
Lord John Russell, withhold the expression of our belief

that in the position he filled upon this important occasion,
and with the strong incentives which urged him, on every
side, to his utmost effort, he would have made a good
speech had it been in his power. His speech,
Lowever, as every one who reads it will admit, so
far C."om being a good one, is one of the most miserable
pieces of twaddle that ever fell from the lips of a
public man in Great Britain. It is a speech which, low as
the general ckAracter of Parliamentary oratory is, at the
present day, wouLd positively have disgraced any third-rate
man of any of the numerous parties in the present House
of Commons. There is not one of O'Connell's tail, not
one of the Metropolitan Members, not one even of the ad-
mirers and followers of Mr. Hume, who upon such an oc-
casion, or upon any or no occasion, could not have made a
better speech. We read it when it first came to our hands
on Tuesday night, in the expectation
.that we should at
least have found in it some gleams of thought. We read
it again and again, last night, in the idea that there
might be something in it, which had before escaped
us—until its perfect inanity gave us the head-
ache. It was all in vain. We could not find a
thought, which has not been among the most
common of the common-places of the Whig-Radical press
ever since the moment when Lord Melbourne and his col-
leagues were dismissed from office. Never before has it
been our fate to see so perfect a specimen of impotence and
sterility. We must positively entreat our friends of the
City of London Conservative Association to append this
speech of Lord John Russell to their corrected edition of
the late speech of Sir R. Peel, that all the world may have
in their possession a new and lasting proof, a clearer proof
than has yet perhaps been given, of the immense difference
between the two Parliamentary leaders. The contrast
which wouid thus be presented must surely be enough to
sink the party- which acknowleges Lord John Russell for
its leader. The hackneyed topics of the gratitude due
to the authors of the Reform Bill, of the just and
necessary consequet2ces of that measure, and of the
inability of any other Statesmen than its authors to
work out those consequences, constituted the whole
oration of the Ministerial leader. Surely Lord John Rus-
sell does not expect the peopie of England to forget that
there has been no equal period to that which elapsed since
the passing of the Reform Bill, from the conclusion of the
war with France to the present day, in which more was not
done to improve, in the liberal sense of the word, the insti-
tutions of the country, and to economise its resources, than
the Reform Ministers, with the advantage of an obedient
House of Commons have accomplished or even attempted.
Was it Lord John Russell, or his party, or his Reformed
Parliament that effected the most valuable reforms made,
in modern times, in the laws of England ? Is it any of
these that hail the chief merit of reducing the national
burdens, as they have been reduced since the year 1815 ? Is
it by any of these that the Test and Corporation Act was
repealed, or that his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects
in Ireland were relieved from the civil disabilities of
which they complained And what reason can Lord
John Russell advance why the statesmen who accomplished
such important changes as the above cannot accomplish
every other change that the times require, or the deliberate
and confirmed opinion of the country really demands ? He
offers no other reason than the cuckoo cry that he and his col-
leagues are the authors of the Reform Bill, and that the
Statesmen who are his rivals were its opponents.' This
reasoning, if the fact upon which it rests were admitted, is
inconclusive ; but the assumption upon which it is founded
is not admitted, and is not true. Lord John Russell cannot
reckon among his colleagues or supporters all the 'statesmen
who co-operated with him in carrying- the Reform -Bill ;
many of the best and most able of whom are, on the con-
trary, the most determined opponents of his present policy,
and that of the colleagues or confederates with whom he
is now surrounded. Are Lord Stanley, Sir James Graham,
Earl Grey, the Duke of Richmond, and . the Earl of
Ripon, men so inconsiderable in the estimation of the
magnificent Member for Stroud, that their secession from
a political party—their secession upon principle, is not to
be regarded as the symptoms of any important change in
the character or objects of that party ? Were Lord John
Russell and Mr. O'Connell everything to the Reform Bill,
and Lord Stanley, and Sir James Graham, and the other
seceders from the O'Connell Ministry, absolutely nothing ?
The new Member for Stroud must have been dreaming
when be spoke, or he would not have repeated, even to
the people of that borough, the absurdities by which the
journals in the interest of the Administration have endea-
voured to separate from the cause of Reform the name of
every supporter of the Bill who has too wuch patriotism; in-
telligence, and spirit to follow the example. of Lord John
Russell, and enlist under the banners of Mr. O'Connell, for
the destruction of the Irish branch of the Church of
England, and the establishment of Popery in its place. The
speech of Lord John Russell contains no distinct allusion
to any measure which the present Administration has in its
contemplation. All that we can gather from it is that.
something or other, nobody can tell what, will be, attempted
upon the subject of Corporation Reform. With an attempt,
probably a foolish and abortive one, to change the character
of the corporations of the kingdom ~- the zealous and sinr3
Reformers, now in office, intend, it seems, to satisfy them-
selves for the present session of Parliament. Will this
satisfy those who preferred them to Sir R. Peel and his
colleagues, on the ground of their being more resolute and
efficient Reformers ? Will this be thought sufficient in re-
demption of the pledges implied in the Parliamentary
harangues and votes by which they displaced their prede-
cessors ? If they expect to be so easily let off they reckon,
we imagine, without their host.—Morning Post.
The Tories are determined to fall by self-destruction.
We have foreseen, for several weeks, the consequences of
their last movement. " Conservative Societies," for the
propagation of Tory principles, impose on their poliCeal
adversaries the necessity of adopting counter-associations in.
self-defence. The Orange So;;icties in Ireland called into
existence the Catholic Association. A " No Popery"
howl was the prelude to the national demand for a full
restitution of the rights of conscience. Persecution of the
humble advocates of Parliamentary Reform recruited the
ranks of its adherents ; and we have recorded, within the
last few years, the successive triumphs of popular questions.
The Tories, having been signally defeated by the Peo-
ple in the great national contest for the amend-
ment of the Representation, have lately concentrated
all their forces with a view to destroy its efficacy. We
predict that they will have in their second project no better
success than in their first. If they failed in their attempt
to withhold from the nation the instrument of legislation,
they may rest assured that they will not prevent its use.
Agitation has been a losing game to the Tories. Designs
of Tory " re-action" have aways failed. The Tories in
vain put forth their utmost strength during the discussions
on the Reform Bills. They fruitleSsly poured forth their
lamentations and fulminated the most awful predictions ; in
vain they circulated their county protests with an indus-
try worthy of a better cause ; in vain they deluged the
Court with addresses—all these old party devices were
treated with contempt by the people. We give them
credit for " dying hard," but the faction must and
will expire, notwithstanding its protracted vitality.
Their last desperate resort—the formation of Poli-
tical Unions and Conservative Clubs—is an act of sui-
cide. " Two can play at that." Experience is on the
side 'of the Reformers. We are at a loss to conceive
what the Tories can gain by this destructive system.
It must necessarily compel the Liberals, of all grades of
opinion, to unite cordially against the common enemy. The
sanction of these offensive associations by the clergy espe-
cially is fraught with danger to the National Church. Po-
litical priests have always ruined their establishments, and
it requires not the gift of prophecy to foretel that if the
State Clergy of England continue to pursue their recent
course of electioneering partisanship, they will undermine
the foundations of the Hierarchy, and utterly alienate from
themselves the great majority of the laity. A. temporary
success would only accelerate their ruin, and we warn them of
the destructive rlrecipice towards which they are rushing blind-
fold. Every real friend of the Monarchy and Aristocracy of
this country must view the party conspiracies Against the
liberties of the people ‘sith apprehension and dismay. Un-
less the influential members of the Liberal party come
forward to resist and counteract these Tory Clubs, we see

no
prospect of salvation for the-British Constitution. The
design of the Tories, we repeat, is palpably again to dissolve
the Parliament—to pack a House of Commons with an
- anti-national majority—fa use -the Court for their party
purposes—to oppose all those reforms which are loudly de-
manded by public opinion, and to reinstate themselves once
more in power. Temporary success would array the
people against the Crown and Aristocracy, and all the
intervening classes of society would be sacrificed as
political links in our mixed form of government. To
prevent this certain consequence of Tory domination
in the Legislature and Executive, the leading ad-
vocates of popular opinions are imperiously required
to resist these Tory Clubs. Societies for political orga-
nization are unquestionably evils ; but the Tories have
thrown down the gauntlet, and it must be promptly taken
up. No alternative remains. Loyalty to the Sovereign—
respect for the Aristocracy—the interests of the middle
classes and of the people at large—demand that these
mushroom Tory Associations should be defeated by counter.
societies. 'When the Tories declare an armistice, let us
meet the flag of truce ; but in the meanwhile the Reform-
ers treast take care that their enemies do not steal a march
on them. We want no societies to propagate liberal opi-
nions ; the Printing Press and Education are our instru-
ments of conversion, but the Reform Bills are implements
of political power, the use of which must not be neglected.
The ensuing Registration, now nigh at band, requires the
devotion of Reformers, and to that the Liberal party must
direct all their energies. It must not be surrendered. to the
exclusive keeping of the Tories. We fervently hope that
public attention will be attracted to this all-important sub-
ject.—Morning Chronicle.
Fas est et ab hoste doceri. The adroit machinery by
which the Carlton Club have been long operating on the
public opinion of the country, and especially on its electoral
condition, is at last on the point of being counteracted by
the machinery of a better cause ; it will be (as it long
since ought to have been) met and foiled by the use of 'its
own weapons. A Reform Association has just been Permed
in the metropolis for the purpose of establishing se commu-
nication with all parts of the country ; and, 'among other
essential matters, for the purpose of organiiing a complete
system of registration. The new ckib, which already
reckons some of the wealthiest of the Whig Aristocracy,
and of the reforming commercial.iets among its members, is
so framed as to comprehend, the largest number of all
classes of Reformers. We understand that there have been
some provisional meetings of the club, and that another
will shortly be held for the purpose of placing the seal on
its organization. These are the true arms by which the
conspiracies of the Carlton Clubbists and the " Church and
State" associations are to be confronted and defeated.—
Morning Adiertiser.
Lord John Russell's unopposed return for Stroud, and
his Lordship's speech on that occasion, were communicated
to the public in the Times of yesterday. The address of
the Noble Lord to his new constituents was like other dis-
courses which have lately proceeded from the same source,
in something of an apologetic strain, like that of a man who
feels that reproach is familiar to him, and who comes pre-
pared with ready-cut and dry excuses. Lord John appears
to take credit for himself and his party, to the detriment of
Sir R. Peel, for his readiness to follow up the Reform Bill
by other measures, which his Lordship deems its " just
and necessary consequences." This may do for a party
audience ; but what is the fact of the case ? After Sir
Robert Peel was convinced by experiment that the country
disagreed with the views which he and his friends had
taken respecting the Reform Bill, and its effects upon the
Constitution, did he not manfully declare that it was his
duty to yield his own judgment to that of the great bulk of
the nation, and what it should be their will to require
through their representatives, that, to concur with them in
establishing as the law of the land ? Why should Sir
Robert Peel be accused of insincerity in such a declara-
tion ? Was he not aware—is not every man of sense per-
suaded, that the voice of the electors generally, must be
all-powerful over the decisions of the House of Commons,
and we want to know what purpose of party ambition could
be served by Sir Robert Peel and his Conservatives fling-
ing down defiance to the people so represented, and engag-
ing in a series of conflicts, wherein they knew that they
must be inevitably beaten ? Sir Robert Peel has surely
credit enough even with his Whig opponents, to convince
them that he could never dream of holding office by the
prosecution of a policy adverse to the spirit of reform, and
although they took advantage of a momentary coalition, ac-
cidental in its occurrence, and fugitive in its elements, to
expel him from office by a mere trick, they may depend upon
it that the people of England, the majority of whose repre-
sentatives voted with the Right Hon. Baronet, have not
affixed the same meaning to his declarations or intended po-
licy, as that which Lord J. Russell, in his self-complaisant
contrast between the Conservatives 'and the Whigs, has
been so ready to take for granted. Sir Robert Peel, both
in his words and measures, went as far as his conscience
approved, and as far as he could consistently, according to
his own opinion, with the deliberate sentiments of the Bri-
tish nation. Let us see how his acts did square with
his announcements. Lord John Russell talks boastingly
with regard to Corporation reform, although during his four
years' administration he and his colleagues went not an inch
further than the appointment of a commission to inquire ;
to the report of which commission, so soon as it should be
brought to light, Sir R. Peel, at the very outset, pledged
his Government that it and he would pay the most re-
spectful attention. Upon the question, therefore, of cor-
porate reform, the Right Honourable Baronet and his
declamatory critic at Stroud stand (barring the vast
preponderance of political character in the scale of the
Conservative statesman) precisely on the same level.
Then, look at these rivals (rivals ! we beg Sir
Robert's pardon), with reference not to their profes-
sions, but their acts. They both brought in bills for
redressing the grievances of Dissenters. The bill of Lord
John Russell was from beginning to e-nd complained of by
the Dissenting body as a flagrant wrong to their interests,
and a gross insult to their feelings, while the rest of the
world stood by and treated it with derision and contempt.
Whereas the measure of Sir Robert Peel cut away the very
roots of their grievauee for the Dissenters, granting them
all the relief they asked in respect of their family arrange-
ments, and imposing on them neither disgrace nor burden
in derogation of the boon. The truth is, thA the right
hon. baronet hit the nail upon the head, and drove it home
and clinched it ; his redress being that of a considerate and
enlightened statesman, while Lord J. Russell's was a childish
and ludicrous abortion, lacerating where it professed to heal,
and disgusting where it aimed to conciliate. Then, let any
honest and prudent man compare the tithe bills of the two
Administrations, and see is there a single point in which the
superiority of that brought in by Sir ILHardinge was not ma-
nifest over that of the Whigs, improved, as it had been, with
their consent, by the tender and health-working hand of Mr.
Daniel O'Connell. Another opportunity will soon arise
for treating in detail the Irish Tithe Bill of the Conserva-
tive Ministry, and therefore we shall now just observe, that
in simplicity, in efficiency, in real satisfaction to the land-
lords, in equity towards the Church, and in solicitude for
the public finances, it was a miracle of sound sense, into•
grity, and foresight, as contrasted with the Whig-Radical
production of the former year. One test of its unexcep-
tionable policy was, that the Whig leaders could net find
a word to say against it, beyond some inconsistent and bar-
barous absurdities touching the application of what still
remained undisposed of from the million previously destined
to the suLsistence of the starving clergy, who are now, if
the Whig Radicals abide by their late objections, left by
them to starve without remorse. Here, then, have we dis-
posed of the three leading topics of accusation which Lord
John Russell brought out as a text for his anti Conservative
speech to the Stroud gobemouches ; and when these, the
constituents of Colonel Fox, turned over by the Gallant
officer (for what consideration will appear by and by)
to the leader of Whig Radicalism in his extremity, when
they shall come to ask each other in a few weeks—" But
what has the country gained by the resolution about one
Irish Church ? How are we the better for at! the fuss
which it occasioned ?"—the answer will be, 'i'nat instead of
Sir R. Peel and the Duke of Wellingts,,n, the King has got
for his advisers Lord John Russell and Mr. Daniel O'Con-
nell ; an additional pension u;,on the list of ex-Chancellors,
and the certainty of a civ;l war to resolve the question now
again raised by William IV., after William 111. had once
effectually settled, it, whether the Crowns of Great Britain
and Ireland shall be worn or not by the same Monarch ?
There is not another syllable in Lord John Russell's speech
evhich calls for the slightest notice. He has slily abstained
from touching on the real and perfectly separate motives,
almost equally creditable, which weighed with Whigs and
Irish Radicals, to concur -in the same hostile operation
against the late Ministers ; that with the former section of
the confederates' body it was simply faction for the sake of
Place, whereas with the latter it was simply the nearer
prospect and more sanguine hope of seeing Whiggery
Swamped by revolution.—Tinos.
The. Marquis of Wellesley, who has either entered, or is
c-p, the verge of, hii 76th year, can want, we should ima-
gine,. no better reason than that for retiring even from
the office of Polonius to the Court—especially considering
that he has attained this ripe old age after " having lived
all the days of his life," and no small number of them, under the Torrid Zone. The Noble Marquis's
misfortune
seems to have been, that he did not knowthe exact mo-
ment vent when to leave the cares of office for the quieter -du-
ties
of declining age, and that, though a man of the highest
classical taste and attainments, the "solve senescentent" of
pf Horace seems to have been entirely lost upon him. The
result is, that the causes of his retirement from the House-
hold become equivocal and obscure, and professed avowals
of a directly opposite nature are imputed to him, and ban
died about with an eagerness which must be anything but
gratifying to a man who has filled for half a contury so
large a space in public life. As it is, the matter requires

some concise and authoritative clearing up. This, it was
expected, would have taken place in the House of Lords
on Monday. The reluctance to give this explanation
speaks volumes, while every day's silence increases the em-
barrassment. If age and infirmity alone were the reason,
they were as well known, and must therefore have operated
as strongly, when, only a month ago, the Noble Lord took
office. We will not attempt to recapitulate the various
conjectures which the Noble Marquis's retirement has
given rise to. Most of them must, of course, be errone-
ous. But such will always be the case when " more is
meant than meets the car."—Morning Herald.