The Sun.
London, England, 1866-11-22 00:00:00

The Ballot Society.

At the weekly meeting of the committee, held at
their offices on Tuesday, a letter from the private
secretary of Mr. Disraeli was read, in reply to the
following communication sent from the society, as
agreed to at a previous meeting :—" Offices of the
Society for Promoting the Adoption of the Vote by
Ballot, 61, Cheapside, London, Nov. 12, 1866. To
the Right Hon. B. Disraeli, M.P., Chancellor of the
Exchequer, &c.—Sir,—ln consequence of the
feeling which is generally prevalent, that the
Government, of which you are one of the principal
members, will introduce a Reform Bill in the next
session of Parliament, I am instructed by the com-
mittee of the above society most respectfully to call
your attention to the necessity of putting an end to
the corrupt practices that prevail at the elections of
members of the House of Commons. lam desired
to remind you that this society is not a party society,
and that its sole object is to enable the elector to
vote according to his own convictions. The commit-
tee advocate the vote by ballot, because they have
not been able to discover any other plan so likely
to protect the voter as the ballot. All the evidence
they have been able to obtain, whether from the old
countries of Europe, the new States of the Western
world, or the colonies of the British Empire, testi-
fies to the efficacy of the ballot in putting an end to
most of the evils which we have to deplore in this
country. I could refer you to several constituencies
which now return Liberal members for which Con-
servatives would be returned but for the influence
which employers of labour have over the persons in
their employ, and which influence would be de-
stroyed if the votes were taken by ballot. If you
wish it I can furnish you with much evidence of the
satisfactory working of the ballot in various parts
of the world, and I now enclose one of our last pub-
lications, containing the letter of a gentleman who
has witnessed the beneficial results of the ballot in
one of our own colonies. Could the Government be
induced to protect the voter from bribery and inti-
midation they would entitle themselves to the last-
ing gratitude of the British people.—l am, sir, your
obedient humble servant,

" J. F. BONTEMS, Hon. Secretary."
The following subscriptions were then reported as
having been received :—J. P. Spencer, £2 2s. ; T.
L. Openshaw, £1 ; Thos. Pilkington, £1 ; F.
Steiner, £5 ; R. Johnson, £1 ; S. Morley, £lO ;
C. Birdseye, ;J. Bennett, C.C., £1 is. ;A. J.
Larking, £1 ls. ; W. S. Burton, £1 ls. ; M. E.
Marsden, £2 ; F. Wedgwood, £4 4s. ; W. H. Ro-
berts, £1 ls. ; Stafford Allen, £1 ls. ; Col. French,
£1 ls., and sundry smaller sums.

The Aim and End of Good Government

It has been the earnestly indulged belief, grown
at last into a habit, for Americans to regard them-
selves as far the most happily governed people on
earth. Indulged in, too, for so long a period, in
one degree or another ever since the irst corners on
this continent emancipated themselves from the
actual presence of kings and courts, however these
for a time were represented by assumptious royal
governors, they have never experienced aught else
whilst peace reigned, but the right to express freely
any and all opinions, and to go and come as they
pleased. At no time compelled to defer to the pro-
gress of a royal cortege, or to see splendidly housed
—at vast cost to themselves—the scions and attend-
ants of kingly rule, they have really had none to
defer to or fear but themselves, until, we repeat,
they have at last come to consider their own form of
Government the only tolerable or desirable one on
earth. And if the late terrible, conflict has shaken
the faith of some in the power of republics to main-
tain harmony amongst their people ; if the horrible
events of the past few years have made men distrust
any and all forms of government, as capable of
insuring happiness and quiet and prosperity, these
doubts after all were not those of the majority,
since all through the late fearful contest there was a
steady belief, that with the overthrow'of this parti-
cular rebellion and its great ally and stake, slavery,
we should have peace forevermore, stability, a
new development of power and of prosperity such as
the world never before witnessed. Thoroughly
convinced that such was the case, both Government
and people hastened to claim these anticipated
fruits of the frightful ordeal. We had expe-imented
on each other in forging and using weapons of the
most awfully destructive kind, and we were swift
to claim from Europe pre-eminence in the ability
to make war, to burn and sink and destroy, as
witness our boasts, the exhibition of our engines of
destruction abroad, and with no thought that on
this side of the water there might ever again be
occasion to turn our hands against each other. We
did this in our simplicity ; in the sublimated faith
that we had fought for and won a peace that was
evermore to be lasting. In this entire belief ; in
this thorough faith in our form of government vin-
dicated, and faith as complete in the desire of the
whole nation for peace, the President and the Secre-
tary of War disbanded the armies which figured in
the conflict, with no more idea that peace was not
assured amongst ourselves, and more than an en-
forced peace, unity, than our rulers had of the same
result at the close of the war with Great Britain.
Is it too much to say that the people of the United
States have been badly deceived—deceived all
around ; grievously disappointed. Having fought
for peace, have they indeed won it ; won it in the
sense that Prussia has won in it ; that France won
it after the battles of Magenta and Solferino, or
that the allies won it after the terrible series of fights
in the Crimea ? With peace nominally won, are
not the people of the " greatest republic" known,
the " best system of government extant," still
standing with clenched weapons and fiery glances,
bent upon each other ; are we not now threatened
with anarchy, by the arts of demagogues, as before
we were victimised by civil war. Not content with
the sufferings and ruin inflicted upon each other in
the brief past, has not liberty degenerated into
license, until with no power whatever to check
savage quarrelling, indecent and angry reproaches,
all from the highest to the lowest, are involved in
new and threatening controversies, the conse-
quences of which, anew, nobody can venture to
conjecture. We say again, it is much to have
" free government," " constitutional govern-
ment," in name; but it is more for any people,
for a civilised people who value their homes,
who ask for security for their families, for their
property, to have security, safety, quiet ! It may
do for Tartar or Indian tribes to live in a perpetual
turmoil, because these can take flocks and herds and
tents, and migrate to suit the demands of the occa-
sion ; the avoidance of perils which in the shape of
war assail particular districts. ilut for any civilised
people, resident in cities and farm-houses, Govern-
ment should mean immunity from perpetual disturb-
ances ; and when a Government fails in this great
end, men may come at length to envy the subjects
of even the worst reputed government, where if they
are plundered by perspective or "divine right," they
at least—they, and their wives and children—are
not oscillating continually betwixt the evils of civil
war and possible anarchy on the one hand, and those
of stringent military rule culminating in " drafts,"
which, like the visitation upon Egypt, sweep the first-
born of both sides into hundreds of thousands of
newly-made graves, and all for the ostensible objects
of peace and good government. These are matters
for the American people to consider to-day ; and
especially are these things of moment to the people
of this city and State, as affairs stand at present.
And if the people, the great, sensible, reflective masses

will, upon any pretext whatever, suffer themselves

once more to have their future compromised; if
they will rush into new riots and fights to have
these heralded everywhere, to make the outside world

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shun this region as one given over to. chronic

troubles and dissensions, repentance will be indulged
at leisure, when investments in railroad lines, in
stores, manufactories, and all else remind them by
their depreciation of the costly mistake made.
There are things men cannot afford to do ; and of
_ _

all ruinous indulgences, the feuds of factions are

le worst in which a commercial community can

engage. And not too late, as yet, to take a sober
second thought, let our people—the wiser amongst
them—come to the rescue, and resolve that for no
cause shall we sacrifice the millions called for along
with the peace of our families.—Baltimore Com-
mercial.