The Sun.
London, England, 1866-06-04 00:00:00

The Ministerial Crisis.

(From the Examiner)
Government is attacked in one breath for dispro-
portions in its plan, and in the next for an approach
to symmetry abhorrent to our Constitution. And
apropos of that Constitution, we must say that we
rejoiced to see that Mr. Lowe closed his marvel-
lously clever speech with an appeal for mercy for it,
or at least some little time of grace for it to gather
its robes about it and fall with decency. We were
glad of this cry to spare the Constitution, " the life
and soul of this great nation," because we have
noted that no great beneficial change has ever
been proposed that the destruction of -the Constitu-
tion has not been predicted to follow. Mr. Manta-
lini did not poison himself oftener than the Consti-
tution has perished within the last forty years. It
perished of the Repeal of the Test Acts ; it perished
of Catholic Emancipation ; it perished of the Re-
form of '32 ; it perished of the Repeal of the Corn
Laws : and here it is, safe and sound, ready to
perish again of a small extension of the franchise
and small redistribution of representation. It may
be laid down as a safe proposition that no measure
is good for anything which is not said to kill the
Constitution. When Apollo Belvi, in the farce, an-
nounces his own death, he is asked of what he died,
and promptly answers, " Of sudden death, to which
he was very subject all his life ;" and the British
Constitution has the same liability, but is not a jot
the worse for it. And it may sing with the per-
sonages in Tom Thumb, who, having dolefully died,
spring up to life merrily again,
And if some folks please
We'll die again to-morrow.

The part has often been repeated, and can be
always repeated so long as there is fudge in the
world. But though we are glad to see the appeal
for mercy to the Constitution as the sure sign and
token of good in a measure, we are surprised that
it should come from a man of Mr. Lowe's wit and
humour, who must have had a sense of the absur-
dity of his high appeal for so small an occasion.
He must have laughed in his sleeve as he begged
pity, or, at least robbing time, for the often-doomed
Constitution.

(From the Observer.)
Her Majesty's Government are once more in the
midst of a crisis ; and those who think that the
one political object to which the country is
looking is the particular borough or county they re-
present, or the peculiarity of franchise, or corrup-
tion, or intimidation, to which they owe their seat,
may find some consolation in the announcement that
the Government is in a crisis. We have no reason to
dispute the importance of these matters ; but we
have reason to opine that those men whose thoughts
run in a groove somewhat different to the whips or
the attorneys must set about the serious considera-
tion of what is to follow from the defeat of the Minis-
try ; and to. do that they must review, and review
correctly, what has happened this session.
The Government, rightly or wrongly, determined,
with a majority of 60, to do that which their majo-
rity of 13-in 1859 considered impossible—namely,
to fulfil the promises of 1859, and bring in a Reform
Bill. But, foreseeing the length of debate to which
thatwould give rise, they thought it would be better
to confine it to a Suffrage Bill, expecting that they
would thereby neutralise the opposition naturally to
be expected from the members for small boroughs.
But the opposition witich the Government met
with was not from the members for small boroughs
only. It was from a third independent party, of
which the leaders are disappointed public men, and
the followers uninstructed politicians, eager to try
their hands at political intrigue, or their minds at
political thought. The Opposition, combined with
the whole Conservative party, forced the Govern-
ment to produce a Redistribution of Seats Bill along
with their Franchise Bill ; and having done so are
now complaining that the Government bill is not so
complete as it ought to have been if more time had
been given. It is just possible that the Government
might have succeeded better if they had taken some
other course than that which they did take ; but, on
the other hand, some critics might, assert that they
have tried everything to please their supporters,
and found them equally intractable in all. The con-
sequence of all this must sooner or laterbe examined.

(From the Saturday Review.)

If Reform itself does not advance, and if the
prospect of -carrying a bill this session becomes
daily less, the debate which this great subject pro-
vokes certainly does not languish. It is maintained
with a vigour and a liveliness which show that this
Parliament is determined that, if it is to be the last
of unreformed Parliaments, as we sincerely hope it
may be, it will perish with the old reputation of
English Parliaments for debate undiminished, and,
we may even say, at its height. Mr. Lowe has
again made a speech, the wit, cogency, and fresh-
ness of which have delighted and captivated his
hearers. A new speaker on Reform, with novel
views and a clear grasp of principles, has also ap-
peared in the Attorney-General ; and once more
the discussion has come back to its old point, and
the main question has been brought into new pro-
minence, whether any Reform whatever is wanted..
The Conservatives made what we cannot but con-
sider a great mistake on Monday even in trying to
shelve the bill by advocating the insertion in it of
impossible 'clauses on bribery. For this is a mis-
take, unless they are really prepared to insist, with
Sir Stafford Northcote and Mr. Lowe, that no Re-
form is wanted. Captain llaytcr, by an amend-
ment hostile to the leading features of the measure,
has attempted to deprive the Government of the
opportunity of amending their Redistribution Bill
in
committee, even if they should be so inclined.
The entire measure, as Mr. Disraeli very truly says,
h andae ni Captain come
i
'fiters
for the first time before the house,
amendment
ssiisen. carried,Aud thewe
whole bill will be
at an
are very glad to see, from the speech of the Attor-
ney-General, that the Government
is ent will not consent to
thisht e amendment
regard for
otjihno
c'tre.roe?jvenctehdonoul.7)::
they
have o ffie if
the e
sligthey must, in that case, go out of
ciple being distinctly raised whether there
ies ptorilabe
-
a Reform Bill, and some of the leading speakers
for the amendment distinctly supporting it because
no Reform Bill is necessary, the difference of opinion
between the Government and the House will be far
too radical and deep for the Ministry to undertake
to guide Parliament if such an expression of adverse
opinion is recorded against them. This is quite a
'sthamatenthde-
dmieffnetr,enfetrcaszerfdromGrtehsavtenoefrLomrderGelryosvasekneodr
and did not invite the House to censure Government should alter its method of
tphreocle4diurnise..
Minis-
try, or to stop the bill altogether. procedure,
Ministry consent for an• instant to Nthoer
peraenpetshael
made by Sir John Pakington, that the whole sub-
ject should be referred to a Royal Commission. A
Ministry that consented to let the conduct of such a
measure be taken out of its hands, would instantly
lose the respect and confidence of the country.
content to drag Lordoln
the days ofMelbournenaeeatem patLibilbeer
aft the initiative, and
daring itself totake
one Commission
ficulties with anotherwhicher
itf
The consequence would solve the dif-
was
thealtt itself unable to grapple.
existence,
trusting Ministry
nevert
wasl
la t
took office, the nation hailed
den Sir Robert Peel
tadvent to
d guide.power o f a
And e statesmanvenifitwho could act and
e with delight the
were possible for a
Whig Government, resting on the vast inert power

of the Whig aristocracy to cling to office in a time
of political prostration and disappointment, it would
be the ruin of Mr. Gladstone to adopt such a policy,
even if he would condescend to accept the position
in which it would place him. Nor would the evil
be one that would merely affect individual statesmen'
It would have most dangerous consequences for the
whole system of Parliamentary government.

(From the Spectator.)
The prospects of the Reform Bill are not growing
bright. The Tories have resolved to support Capt.
Hayter's motion, the division on which will be taken
on Monday, and expect the support of many of the
thirty Adullamites, and of almost all members of
the menaced boroughs. Many Liberals, moreover,
who dare not stay away when the question is one of
reducing the franchise, can avoid a vote on the
subject of grouping, while that part of the scheme
attracts no Tories. It is considered even possible
that an affiance will be struck up between the Tories
and the more Conservative Whigs, that Captain
Hayter's motion will be carried, and that Government
will then resign without a dissolution, which in the
present state of opinion might be disastrous to the
party. The only chance for the bill is the adhesion
of that section of the Adullamites which honestly
wished for a complete measure, and having got one
will vote for it, and that is a very slender one.

(From the Times.)
To-night the House of Commons will decide upon
Captain Hayter's amendment to the motion that it
shall go into committee upon the Franchise and
the Redistribution Bills. Just a week has elapsed
since it was proposed " that Mr. Speaker do leave
the chair," and the interval has been spent in de-
bating amendments on the grouping scheme of the
Government. What may be the opinion of the
House upon Captain Hayter's amendment will be
soon known, supposing a vote to be taken ; but if we
assume the Government to succeed in defeating it
by a narrow majority, there will still remain four
other amendments to be disposed of before the Re-
form Bill can be considered in detail. It is certain
that sooner or later the bills must be withdrawn.
The belief that they will be immediately withdrawn
is already so universal that it will exercise a certain
influence on the vote of the house, if a vote be
taken. Men will not scruple to vote against the
amendment, and, indeed, will properly vote against
it if they know that its object is attained so far as
Reform is concerned, and that the Government is
saved. It is impossible to gainsay Captain Hayter's
description of the Reform scheme of the Ministry,
but we hope no member will have to determine
whether he will endorse it by a vote. The best, in-
deed the only, way out of the present imbroglio is
the withdrawal of the bills, with a pledge to repro-
duce them in an amended form next session.

(From the Herald).

To-night the fate of the Reform Bill will be de-
cided ; and in any case, whether Ministers obtain a
majority or are again left in a minority, the measure
must be lost. Nobody now believes that it has a
chance of success. But Government, encouraged
by a last hope of retaining their places, have been
endeavouring to suggest a bargain which, while it
would involve the sacrifice of the bill, would enable
them to serve their one absorbing purpose, and
cling to their places. It is that a certain number
of/Liberal members at present hostile should be re-
called to their loyalty by a promise that in return
for their votes, should Captain Hayter's amend-
ment be rejected, the Cabinet shall for a year at
least postpone parliamentary reform. It is possible
though improbable, that the artifice may succeed ;
but it is altogether impossible that any set of states-
men in England could long continue, under such a
tenure, to hold the reins of Government. But
every likelihood points towards another defeat,
which this time must be final and crushing. At the
very twelfth hour Mr. Gladstone will surely have
made up his mind upon the course to be adopted.
According to his own statement, he had not done so
on Friday night, when questioned by Lord Elcho,
who spoke as if confident of a majority against the
bill. Any concession now must come with the
worst grace imaginable when the Government is in
a corner, driven to bay, and compelled to choose
between swallowing its pledges or surrendering its
places.

(I'rom the Daily News.)

The division which is expected to take place in the
House of Commons this evening will decide some-
thing more than the fate of the measures which are
condemned in Captain liayter's resolution. The
existence of the Government is at stake. There is
no use in cherishing any illusion upon this point.
We are not surprised that the section of the Liberal
party of which on Friday night Lord Elcho was the
spokesman should endeavour to conceal from them-
selves the real nature and full extent of the issue which
is impending. They startback in alarm from the ca-
tastrophe, which they have so nearly brought about ;
and dare no longer steadily contemplate it. Out of this
mixture of fear and hope have sprung the rumours
which have lately been cirlulated in the Cave, with-
' out reaching the outer world—rumours without
father, without mother, without pedigree—that the
Government do not intend to persevere with the
measures which they have announced over and over
again, by the lips of the Prime Minister, and of the
leader of the House of Commons, that they will
persevere with. Lord Elcho intimates for himself
and his friends, that if her Majesty's Ministers will
be satisfied with a nominal victory and will pledge
themselves not to make a real one, the party of
secession will again secede, and will desert their new
allies, as a few weeks ago they deserted their old
associates.

(From the Morning Post.)
In all governments, but most especially in con-
stitutional governments, is it essential that there
should be the most perfect good faith maintained
between the Executive and.the Legislature. Par-
ties are arrayed against parties, and battles are
fought and lost ;" but the parties must be arrayed
and the battles must be fought in fair and open
field. It is, therefore, with regret we allude to a
current report that the Government have made pro-
positions to these gentlemen who conscientiously
differed with them on the Franchise Bill which shall
have the effect of placing the Ministers in a majoriy
this evening, on the secret understanding that, hav-
ing obtained this majority, the Government are
afterwards prepared to give up the bill.
We do not hesitate to say that if such a compact
has been entered into it is difficult to say which
party plays the more disgraceful part—those who,
to save their places, propose such terms, or those
who, to save the Government, are willing to accept
them ; but we may presume to remark that beyond
these two parties there stands a third, namely,
the public ; and it is not to be tolerated that
on a great question affecting, to use the Chancellor
of the Exchequer's own words, the" flesh and blood
of the country," the nation is to be played off in
this manner—that Reform is to become, not a mere
game of shuttlecock and battle-dore from party to
Party, but that a really great issue is to be taken on
false pretences, and when a division has given a
majority to the Government, it is given on the
secret understanding that the object for which the
majority has been registered is immediately to be
sacrificed to keep a Government in office.

(From the Morning Advertiser)
Let Mr. Gladstone act this evening, not from mo-
mentary feeling, but, upon a large and grave view
and consideration of all the circumstances of the
country. Let him tell Mr. Disraeli plainly—" If
Europe were calm and tranquil, we should be
tempted to hand over the Government to you', and to
let you try your hand at the adjustment of this dif-
ficult question ; but circumstanced as England is
just now, we dare not take upon ourselves such a
responsibility. We must maintain our position, and
try to settle the question, in spite of all open or
covert opposition."

Yet we hope we shall not hear of an " adjourn-
ment of the whole matter until the session of 1867."
If the Bill is only to be introduced in March next
year, then, encouraged by what has just occurred,
the opponents will renew the attack after the same
fashion. Mr. Gladstone will be justified in holding
out one threat to the House of Commons and only
one. Let him not menace the house with a disso-
lution—still og let him threaten a resignation of