The Sun.
London, England, 1835-04-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Peel Ministry, it will be seen by the Parlia-
mentary report, is now at an end. The real nature of
the question by which the fate of that short-lived
Administration was precipitated has been well set
forth in the several speeches of Sir Robert Peel, with
remarkable force and clearness. Nor are the succes-
sive phases which the proposition of Lord John Rus-
sell assumed from the first vote on the Ist instant to
the last and decisive one on Tuesday evening pointed
out by the Right Hon. Baronet in less discrimating
terms. The first resolution, which underwent a dis-
cussion of three fatiguing nights, asserted merely a
general rule of action for a case which might never
happen. A surplus being taken for granted, al-
though the instrument through which the mover of
the resolution had himself agreed to ascertain the
fact, was still in a state of unfinished operation,
and although his Lordship had but a few months
ago refused to anticipate the report of the Com-
missioners, or to legislate on a vague hypothesis.
The Noble Lord and his allies, however, thought fit,
at once, to condemn their declarations and votes of last
June, and virtually to supersede their own Commis-
sion which had, at that tune, served them for a pre-
tence whereon to ground their dissent from the propo-
sition which they have now, under circumstances
precisely similar, forced through an almost equally
divided House of Commons. But the resolution
of Tuesday last appeared in quite a different shape
from the former one, which had prescribed a gene-
ral application of an imaginary surplus. The reso-
lution of last Tuesday went to annul, so far as a
preliminary pledge could do, the right of Parliament
to pass any measure for the commutation of tithe upon
which this alien and exotic resolution should not be
ingrafted. Why, then, such a confusion of things in-
trinsically separate ? What is there of necessity com-
mon between a law which enacts that what is now tithe
shall hereafter be land-tax, and one which appropriates
an assumed surplus of such land-tax (already short of
the tithe by 25 per cent.) to certain, or rather uncertain,
uses ? Sed aliter visum. The resolutions were car-
ried, and 40 others, however anomalous, would have
been so, had they proceeded from the same quarter, and
contemplated the same purpose—a purpose which has
now been fulfilled. For the detailed and all but insu-
perable difficulties which must attend the application of
the new principle, and which were so strikingly illus-
trated by Sir Robert Peel in his reference to the opposite
condition of parishes without Protestants where there
are large incomes enjoyed by the clergyman, and parishes
where the clergyman is on the verge of famine, but in
which Protestant parishioners abound, we apprehend that
there will be ample opportunity to enlarge upon such
cases, and upon the gross injustice of the rule avowed
by Lord John Russell, who refuses to let the wants
of the ill-paid incumbent be provided for out of the
superfluous revenues of a sinecure, but would in pre-
ference turn them over to the uses of Roman Catholic
education. In truth, the question is not now the
maintenance of this or that general proposition. We
have a near and overwhelming interest at stake—
namely, the existence of those institutions, munici-
pal and ecclesiastical, in which is embodied the Pro-
testant commonwealth—that is, the essence of British
power throughout the whole of Ireland. To us, we
confess, no doctrine upon the subject is half so fright-
ful as is the practical necessity under which the suc-
cessful assertion of that doctrine, just broached by
Lord John Russell and his party may, by possibility,
have placed the Crown, of transferrinr- its confidence,
its authority, and patronage, from th ,e Ministers who
feel a sympathy and anxiety for the Church, to
others who seem blind to the dangers in which their
recent policy has involved her. It is to be remarked,
that, whatever construction the words of Lord John
Russell's resolution may naturally bear, the construc-
tion put upon it by some of his prominent supporters
goes directly to identify it with the downfall of the
established church of Ireland. The whole of --Mr.
Gisborne's speech in defence of the resolution was an
attack upon the Irish church—not in its superfluities,
not in its abuses, not in its degeneracy, not in its want
or its susceptibility of improvement, but in its exis-
tence as a political and religious institution. Are
we, then, blameable for asserting that when such
facts are combined with the obvious and extreme
difficulty of so constructing a Whig Administration
as to guard against O'Connell becoming one of its
chief functionaries in the Irish department, the whole
Church of Ireland and the Protestant institutions of
.that country, being the most solid bonds of its con-
nexion with Great Britain, run an imminent risk of
immediate and irrecoverable ruin ? Nothing can be
more manifest than the close concert which exists
between the Destructives of Great Britain and Ire-
land. The former have, we sincerely believe, no worse
offence to answer for than a rash and shallow applica-
tion to the latter country of reasonings drawn from
English habits and experience. But it will not do.
There is a power at work in Ireland unknown to the
written Constitution—to the legislative and executive
authorities of the State—a power before which the law
quails, and allegiance pays the penalties of treason.
This power, the joint progeny of barbarism, supersti-
tion, privation, and oppression, governs three-fourths
of human action in Ireland ; yet it is little taken into
account here by those Englishmen who interpose
most busily in suggesting nostrums, for the cure of
Irish evil. But it is well understood by the Irish revo-
lutionary party themselves, who aid the blindness of
English theorists, and craftily join in and swell their
exclamation against coercive laws in a country where
a tyranny against law has taken root, more fierce and
dreadful than any civilized Legislature had ever yet to
cope with. Our alarm is, therefore, occasioned by
the likelihood to which we cannot be insensible, that
those who are willing to uphold the 'onstitutional
authorities in Ireland, and to obey the law, will be laid
more than ever prostrate before the enemies of both.
With a repeal project staring all England in the face,
what must be the mind of that British Minister who
would strip our Protestant institutions of even the
weakest of their outworks ?—Times.
Since the above observations were written we have
read the report of Sir Robert Peel's farewell speech,
formally announcing the dissolution of his Ministry.
Had anything been wanting to crown the public repu-
tation of the Right Hon. Baronet, or to enhance the
honour of that moral victory which he has achieved,
not only over political obstructions alone, but over
an entire host of political adversaries, his address in
taking leave of both yesterday evening would have
abundantly supplied the want. Clothed in a simpli-
city of language which the least instructed member of
the poorest constituency in England cannot fail to
comprehend, there are to be found in this speech of the
late Prime Minister, a command of temper, a modera-
tion of spirit, a respect for Parliament, a considerate
anxiety for the convenience even of his hostile succes-
sors, and above all a scrupulous tenderness towards the
safety and integrity of the Constitution, with a brave
scorn of becoming a party to blemish or impair it,
which must greatly augment the general regret that so
• able and
.right-minded a statesman is even for the
shortest time withdrawn from the national service.
Sir Robert Peel might unquestionably have clung
longer to office, had he valued office merely for its own
sake: but he judged in a manner more worthy of a
British statesman. He felt that it was of evil precedent
to exhibit to the country a Government enjoying the
King's confidence, and continuing to act in unseemly
defiance of the ascertained, if not formally signified,
distrust of the House of Commons. To exhibit the
Government in a state of hopeless feebleness, Sir Ro-
bert Peel judged rightly to be an outrage inflicted on
the Crown, not so much by the House of Commons
as by its own advisers. The vote, moreover, of Tues-
day evening not being, as the Right Hon. Baronet con-
ceived, at all necessary towards any end of legislative
policy, was construed by him and his colleagues into a
substantial vote of distrust in the Government. The
threatened resolution for an address to the Throne
was stated by Sir R. Peel to be a further ground
on which his resignation became still more una-
voidable, especially as it would have compelled the
Government to carry into effect, in relation to Ireland,
a measure in itself, as the Right Hon. Baronet had al-
ready shown, impracticable, and even in the attempt
most pernicious. Manfully, therefore, have the Right
Hon. Baronet and his colleagues decided (and the de-
cision was, -as Sir R. Peel informs us, unanimous) to

maintain their principles and sacrifice their power ;
thus giving a contemptuous refutation to the charge of
corrupt • apostacy which had been so often and so
shamefully brought against them by the lowest of their
factious assailants. We have not time nor space
at present to pursue this topic further. Enough
appeared in the deference and kindness shown
to the departing Minister, by the assembly
which listened to him, to convince any man of the
least foresight or discernment, that let who will
henceforth be in possession of the Government, it is
morally impossible for such a statesman, and such a
Parliamentary leader, as Sir Robert Peel, to remain
long in opposition. The country, we repeat, cannot
afford the loss of such a functionary, nor the Sovereign
that of such a servant, nor the Administration, whose
fortune it is to succeed him, a protracted struggle against
so formidable an antagonist on the Opposition benches.
His Majesty, it is understood, was greatly affected
by the resignation of his Ministers, though his reason
was convinced of its propriety. His Majesty, we be-
lieve, did not send for any adviser yesterday. The im-
portance of the crisis no doubt requires great delibera-
tion in all who will have to form a decision upon it.

—Times.
If ever there was a moment of which we had reason,
since our connexion with this journal, to be more
proud than another, it is the present-----when, after
having " nailed our flag to the mast " of Reform, and
reforming Ministers, we have the proud gratification of
declaring that " victory sits on our helm," and that
the object which we had in view, not only in point of
consistency, but in point of principle, being accom-
plished, that flag is again unfurled—without a stain of
enmity towards those whom it has at length compelled
to strike their colours—and, if we may be permitted
to say so, as an emblem of forgetfulness on our part
of every thing harsh or hard which may have been
said against us, or which the excitement of a great
national crisis may have prompted us to say in
turn. That the Tories have been driven out of office,
after one of the most desperate efforts to retain
it that was ever made by any English Administra-
tion, we most sincerely rejoice ; but we trample
not on the fallen foe—and we rejoice simply because
the good principle has triumphed over the evil—be-
cause an anti-Reform Administration has been at
length compelled to yield submission to the national
will, and that it must be succeeded by another accor-
dant with the feelings, wishes, and just expectations
and desires, of the people. Of what materials that
Administration is to be composed, we have yet to
learn. Lords Melbourne and Lansdowne were yester-
day, if we are not misinformed, with the King, and the
general expectation is that the former nobleman will
be the head of the new Government, not only in jus-
tice to his unquestionable talents, but as some apo-
logy for the unceremonious manner in which his
untried Administration was dismissed ; but whoever
may be the head of that Government, we trust that it
will be self-evident to him that it must be formed upon
the most broad and liberal basis. Pure Whiggism
is as completely extinct, in point of popular favour and
regard, as moderate Toryism, and to attempt a pure
Whig Government at the present moment, would be
just about as insane as to try one of purely Radical ma-
terials. The country will not be satisfied with the
former—it is not prepared for the latter ; tut a combina-
tion of the best materials of both would, we doubt not,
ensure the confidence of all parties, and give that repose
to the country which is so necessary to the revival of
its trade, I.hee sncouragement of its industry, and the
uphole;-g of its influence with foreign powers. For
the adoption of such a plan of Government, we believe
Lord Melbourne to be not only prepared, but anxious;
and should he succeed in gaining the confidence of the
King for the formation of such a Cabinet, we need
scarcely add that he will as certainly have our best
support, as the late Administration had our most stern
and uncompromising opposition.—MorningAdvertiser.
At length the Tory Ministers have submitted to the
verdict of the people of England, pronounced on them
by their representatives in Parliament. Though they
have given much trouble by " dying hard," as we pre-
dicted they would, they have been at last " turned off"
in the proper quarter, with satisfaction to everybody
but themselves. The Ministry of the Tories has been,
in fact, nothing but a long-dying agony, and it is
better for their own sake, as well as for the spectators
of their desperate but useless struggles, that the coup
de grace has at length terminated the painful and
somewhat disreputable exhibition. The Duke of Wel-
lington announced the resignation of Ministers last
night, in the House of Lords, in a laconic style which
seemed to imply that the " least said was soonest
mended." Sir Robert Peel, in announcing the same
gratifying result, was more discursive—or rather, we
should say, that his whole speech bore evidence of the
distraction of mind under which he laboured in making
the communication—that he had come " post haste"
from Rome for nothing but to be subjected to five
weeks' humiliation, in attempting an experiment which
had signally failed. One admission of Sir Robert was
remarkably reiterated, and most satisfactory, as decisive
of the final extinction of Toryism. The ex-Premier
admitted that he had had a fair trial. He has, in-
deed ! Thanks to the patient moderation of the
Commons of England I he has had the " fair stand-up
fight" claimed for the Tories by Lord Durham, and
he and they have been beaten " deaf to time" under
the ropes. We hope they have got full satisfaction.
If the Right Hon. Baronet has demonstrated—as we
are willing to admit he has—considerable bottom,
pluck, and science in fighting a battle most pernicious
in point of precedent—it must be equally admitted, on
the other hand, that his victorious opponents have
deserved their triumph by the skill and perseverance
they showed in winning the victory, and the modera-
tion which, on the occasion of Sir Robert's rambling
apology for his "hundred day" administration, they
displayed in soothing his defeat, and letting him
gently down. The cheers of the Opposition were
considerately generous to the self-humiliated and fallen
Minister.—Morning Advertiser.
In the House of Lords, yesterday, after several pe-
titions had been presented on both sides of the guess
tion of Church accommodation in Scotland, and Lord
Brougham had given notice of a motion respecting
education for Tuesday, the Duke of 'Wellington sta-
ted, in a very few words, that his Majesty's Ministers
had tendered their resignation, and only held office till
their successors were appointed. In the Commons,
the Chancellor of the Exchequer also made a commu-
nication that all the Ministers had felt it to be their
duty to tender their resignations to his Majesty, and
that they nosy onlyheld the seals of office until successors
should be appointed. He made this communication
as soon as the hour for commencing public business
(five o'clock) had arrived, on moving the third read-
ing of the Mutiny Bill. It will be seen, on reference
to the Parliamentary report,. that he fully and tem-
perately described the motives which had led all the
Ministers to tender their resignations. They were
founded on the continued majorities against them,
and on the final adoption of a principle to the car-
rying of which into effect the Ministers could be no
party. Further the vote of Tuesday night was tanta-
mount to a declaration of want of confidence in the Mi-
nisters, for it assumed that the House had no confidence
in any measure that the Ministers might bring forward
on the subject of tithes in Ireland. They had con-
tinued in office as long as they saw any chance of ef-
fectually and honourably promoting the public service,
not allowing disgust, disappointment, or the conside-
ration of private feelings to have any weight with
them. That submission, however, had its limit ; that
limit they had now approached ; for, looking to the
little progress made with public business, and the de-
cisions on the last four debates, they saw that the
time had come for them to withdraw from further con-
test. The motion of Tuesday night not merely went
to declare want of confidence, but positively to recom-
mend a change of system in the government of Ireland.
To the introduction of that change the Ministers
could be no party ; they, therefore, under all these
circumstances, and believing that the Government of
the country could not continue beneficially to act
against decided majorities, felt that perseverance would
be fruitless. He suggested that there should be an
adjournment to Monday, except as regarded this day,
there being a ballot for an Election Committee. The
House would, therefore, meet, but not for public
business. Lord J. Russell (who entered the House