The Sun.
London, England, 1832-10-22 00:00:00

PRESENT STATE OF PUBLIC OPINION

IN Fl 3 \NCE

(From the Morning chronicle.)

The leaders of the French Liberals are divided into
three great parties. First, we have the Gauche Party,
represented by such men as Berenger—Bignon—and the
Temps. They claim Dupin, and Dupin claims them ; but
I fear he belongs to the " juste milieu." These men are also
represented by the Constitutionnel. They love constitu-
tional monarchical institutions—they think, that though a
Republic is the best form of government for a new state, it
is not for an old one—that republicanism would not do in
France—that it would involve her in war—and that
though the Charter of 1830 be defective, yet that it is better
to keep that which we have, and endeavour, by degrees,
to improve it—than to risk the return of the Doctrinal and
then of the Royalist systems—which, they much appre-
hend, would be the consequence of any new insurrection at
Paris. This party, however, is decidedly patriotic. It
would not consent to the ruin of Poland—nor to the
invasion of Italy and Germany by Austria—nor to
the interference of Spain in the affairs of Portugal--
nor to the disgrace of France in the Belgian question.
This party would tell Europe plainly, " we admit that we
desire peace, because we think that the cause of the people
is always best evinced by peace, and can seldom be bsne-
fited by war. But though we desire peace, we will make
no snore sacrifices. It is as much your interest to secure
peace as it is ours—you cannot afford war any more than
we can—we have a larger and snore enthusiastic army
than you have—and if the affairs of Belgium are not set-
tled to the satisfaction of the Belgians, we shall take the
matter into our hands and arrange it without your inter-
vention. You must also now disarrn—put your military
establishments on a peace footing, and show, by your ac-
tions, as well as by your words, that you desire frankly
and sincerely to he at peace with France, or we shall march
an army to the Rhine—an army to Warsaw—an army to
Italy—and an army to the Pyrennees. We will not, in fine,
remain any longer in this state of doubt ; and we will
have, without delay, certain peace, or certain war !"
These are the opinions, and these would be the words,
or nearly so, of a " Bignon and Dupin," " Berenger" and
" Temps" or " Constitutional" Government in France,
and for this party today there is a decided majority in
the present Chamber of Deputies. A Dupin—Bignon
—and Berenger Ministry would have two thirds of the
Chamber of Deputies for it as at present constituted ;
hut a new Chamber would be still more liberal !! The
interior policy of this sort of Administration would be
rather too monarchical for France. It would not extend,
as it should do, the suffrage to a large body of constituents,
i. e. to all who are National Guards—for I hold that every
man who is deemed worthy to be a National Guard, must
also, both physically, morally, and mentally, be worthy of
voting for Deputies to the Chamber. This Gauche Ca-
binet would also in time find, that on many questions of
vast importance to the permanent well-being of France,
they do not think with the majority of the nation—but
yet they would prepare admirably the way for an extreme
Gauche, or Odillon Barrot Administration ! The Am-
bassadors at Paris felt this, and therefore they pressed the
appointment of the Doctrinnaires. This Gauche or
Bignon and Berenger party, would nut grant more liberty to
the Press, but it would not prosecute, as do the juste-
milieu and the Doctrinnaires. It would not resort to
il'egal measures—to "states of siege" or martial law, or
" prevotal Courts ;" but it would resort to all legal mea-
sures for putting down the carlist party, arresting Carlist
intrieues, and bringing to a settlement the affairs of La
Vendee. This Gauche or Berenger party is infinitely
more popular and national than the juste-milieu or than
the Doctrinnaires, but it resembles the mission of John the
Baptist, who prepared the way for one who was greater
than he, and whose shoe latchets he was not worthy to
unloose.
THE SECOND PARTY IS THE ODILLON BARROT PARTY
—And this is the party which must triumph in France
unless its success is to be impeded by foreign war and a
third Restoration ! I say " unless," because, since the ap-
pointment of the Doctrinnaires, this "unless" is necessary
to be put in on every occasion, and in every letter and
discussion. The party of M. Odillon Barrot is the party
of the mass—of the millions—of the patriotic portion of
the National Guards, shop-keepers, and small merchants
—of the patriotic portions of the rentiers and officers of
the National Guards—of the patriotic portions of the army
and navy, and of nine hundred and ninety out of a thou-
sand of the students at Schools and Colleges. This party
is therefore immensely numerous, and is represented by the
most talented journals in France. It is true that they are
divided into two fractions—the one who think that a Mo-
narchy, surrounded with Republican institutions, might
be made the permanent Government of France—and the
other, who think, that after the experience of the two last
years, this union is impossible—and that in two or three
years the Republican institutions must gain the mastery.
All, however, agree that no legitimate throne, or quasi legi-
timate throne, can be permanent in this country—and that
any attempt to deprive the people of the programme of the
July Revolution must be ultimately abortive. The Cour-
tier Francais, Message,. des Chambres, and Journal du
Commerce, may be said to represent the one faction—and
the National to speak the language and thoughts of
the other party. Yet M. Odilllon Barrot is their mutual
leader—and both fractions roost deservedly place con-
fidence in him. First of all, both parties are for ob-
taining the Republican institutions with the Monarchy
—and wish to see triumph everywhere the principle of
' Election," or the interference of the people by voting by
ballot in all their stfairs. When these institutions shall
surround the throne, it is possible that the two fractions
might divide—but all are united in obtaining this result
in effecting this national triumph. The Odillon Barrot
party is " the Compte Rendu" party! One hundred and
sixty have already signed that document, and at least from
15 to 20 more will vote with it, though their signa-
tures are not affixed to the document. This party is
called abroad " The War Party." This is a false applica•
tion of terms. M. Odillon Barrot is an opulent man—
roost of those who are active agents of his party are
opulent too—they have nothing to gain, and touch to
lose by war. They must pay war taxes, they must send
their sons and nephews to the army, and they must stand
the chance ; for in war there are the chances of war—of
seeing once more their fine estates and noble chateaus oc-
cupied or overrun by foreign armies. But though they have
nothing to gain by war, and cannot desire it for the sake of
oaring cannon, or sieges, and marches ; yet they are riot
for submitting to the despotic policy of the Holy Alliance,
and desire to see the people of Italy, Germany, Poland,
Belgium, Spain, and Portugal as free and as enlightened
—as happy and as civilised as they appeared to desire to
be when they rose in 1830 and 1831, to break the fetters
which had bound them during the Restoration. This
party also claims the union of Belgium to France! It is
right in thus acting. All other combinations are tempo-
rary, shuffling, postponing in their character. The union
of Belgium to France can alone secure to the former
country happiness and prosperity. The Odillon Barrot
party would openly espouse the cause of Donna Maria—
would not prevent the entry of Mina, Valdez, and the
Spanish Refugees into Spain—would not allow the Ger-
manic Confederation to be swamped by the Governments
of Berlin and Vienna—and would tell the Austrian army
to retire front the Papal States, and leave the Pope and
his subjects to settle their differences among themselves.
The Odillon Barrot party would demand—and would not
demand in vain—the nationality of Poland—would secure
to Greece her just limits and national institutions—and
would hold out the right hand of a sincere and honest
alliasce to a reformed Government of Great Britain. The
Odillon Barrot party would compel Europe to disarm, or
else go to war—would vanquish in one month the counter-
Revolution—would put down in 15 days the Insurrection
in La Vendee—and would convince European despots that
France was no longer to be trifled with and derided.
The Odillon Barrot party would extend the elective suf-
frage—diminish the public burthens—revise the jury and
the press laws—throw itself on public opinion—would nut
lie obliged to resort to illegal measures and extraordinary
and unconstitutional tribunals—would have no insurrec-
tions to fear at Paris or in the departments—would re-
move the Carlists and Henriquinquistes, the Doctrinnaires
and the deplorable juste-milieu from office in the pro-
vinces, where they do even more injury than at Paris—
would place the finances of the country on a proper basis--
would revise the Charter—make a National Senate instead
of a trumpery and despised Peerage for life, only named
by Alinisters—would render the agents of the Government
responsible, from the Prime Minister to even a Prefect of
Police—would destroy sinecures—abolish useless places,
and march with the nation and the revolution of July.—
This party has the departmental press in its favour.
Wherever its active members go, they are received with

banquets and serenades—whilst the poor juste-milieu are
saluted with Chariraris and execrations. This is the
National party ! Do you think it can be permanently
kept out of power, and from directing the affairs of
France? I tell you—No ; a thousand times no—it is
impossible!
The third portion of the active part of the Liberals are
Republicans—and are represented by the Tribune, the Na-
tional, and the Revolution. You must not suppose that
Lafayette belongs to this party. He does not. He thinks
—believes—nay, is convinced, that ultimately a Repub-
lican Government will be established in France; but for
the present, he is for a popular throne surrounded with
Republican institutions. Some persons say that this is
jesuitical on :he part of Lafayette. I deny this. Lafa-
yette is not for pressing upon France what France does
not for the moment demand, and does not appear to be
prepared for. As France for the moment only requires a
popular throne, and that throne surrounded by republica❑
institutions, why Lafayette asks for no more than this for
France. In common with such men as Berenger, the
songster of France, and with Lafitte, who ruined himself
to save his country, he thinks that the moment has not yet
arrived for declaring a republic, and that we not only do
not serve, but injure the cause of true liberty, in attempt-
ing to force on a people any fat m of Government, how-
ever desirable, which is not understood or claimed by the
mass.

The active and immediate Republican party is, how-
ever, very numerous; and every approach which the Go.
vernment makes towards the Droite, or towards the Car-
lists or Henriquinquistee, adds sensibly to their numbers.
Their journals are talented—but the best by far is the
National. Indeed the National is the best written liberal
journal in France, as the Gazette is the best written
Royalist pper. The leaders are various—hut M. Cabet
—M. Gamier Pages—M. Laboissiere—M. de Cormenin,
&c. are the principal and most influential. The editors
of the Tribune are also much looked up to—and their
actual bodily sufferings fur their political opinions have,
of course, added to their popularity. 0. P. Q.