The Sun.
London, England, 1859-12-05 00:00:00

must look out for squalls. (Hear, hear.) ,If he were
asked his opinion, he should say that the whole
matter rested with ourselves. His belief was that
the Emperor of the French was a wary and clever
man, and that he bad no desire himself for a war
with England ; but he was obliged to do that
which was necessary to keep him on his throne.
(Hear; hear.) He might have no desire to attack
or invade this country, but it must be remembered
that the army was his master, and that if the feel-
ing of that army was in favour of war, he must
engage in it. It therefore rested with ourselves to
show such a bold front that, whatever the desire
might be, the actual operation of invasion should
not take place. (Cheers.) The Emperor Napoleon
was too prudent -a man to think seriously of invad-
ing England unless he had, or thought he had, the
command of the Channel, for without such an advan-
tage he would soon lose all communication with
France and his army would have to surrender as
prisoners of war. It was therefore highly important
that we should look to our fleet: (Cheers.) But, sup-
posing it possible, as had been suggested, for. the
French fleet and the French army to slip' over in a
fog, he believed that such a spirit had been aroused
among the general population as would show the
enemy that we were prepared to resist foreign
aggression to the last. (Cheers.) Looking at the
great interests we had to defend, he would say, wo
will continue to arm, and we will not disarm.
(Cheers.) He highly approved of the rifle movement,
and ha would tell them why. If the French Em-
peror talked about a mutual disarmament, he could
not ask us to disarm our volunteers, who, to a great
extent, had been at the expense of their own equip-
ment. (Cheers.) As long, therefore, as we had
200,000 or 300,000 men ready tofight for the coun-
try he thought we should do pretty well. (Cheers.)
At all events, he thought our position was better
than it would have been if the alarm had not been
excited; and he was not one of those who thought
the language of the English press had been pro-
ductive of harm. Expressions might have been
used with reference to the French Emperor which
all must regret, but he believed that the repeated
appeals of the press had had the effect of bringing
about the volunteer rifle movement. (Hear, hear.)
It was hard for Englishmen to realise the idea of
being attacked by a foreign enemy, but having at
last realised such an idea, woe betide the enemy
that dared to assail them. (Cheers.) These were
his feelings on the great topic of the day. He
should not detain them on the question of Parlia-
mentary reform, because he thought it rather a bore
and should have been content without it. The
China qunstion. was an important one, and the Ame-
rican dispute was of a somewhat ticklish character;
ha should not, therefore, touch upon it, more par-
ticularly as the Americans were so sensitive that a
joke in an English novel was almost calculated to
bring about a war between the two countries.
(Laughter.) All he would say was—let us take
care to defend our shores, and let us hope that no-
thing will occur to prevent a continued cultivation
of that good feeling among neighbours which social
gatherings like the present have a tendency to pro-
duce. (Cheers.)
Several toasts of a local character were after-
wards given, and the speakers, one and all, ex-
pressed a very strong feeling in favour of the
volunteer movement.

LEICESTER.

His Grace the Duke of Rutland presided at the
annual dinner of the Leicestershire Agricultu:al
Society on Friday night, supported by Lord Ber-
ners, Lord Curzon, M.P., and about 200 of the
gentry and agriculturists of the county.
The noble CHAIRMAN, in proposing " The
Army and Navy," said—lt is needless for me to ad-
vert to their past heroic achievements, they are en-
graven in the hearts of every Englishman ; and as
to the future, I am quite sure that if their services
should ever be called for, which I pray God that
they may not be, they will act with the same bra-
very as they have ever shown. (Cheers.) Gentle-
men, there is also another corps whose health should
be drunk on this occasion; with the health of the
Militia and the Yeomanry Cavalry we will also
drink the health of the Volunteer Rifle Corps.
(Great cheering.) There is at the present moment,
gentlemen, a great movement going on in this coun-
try. There is very considerable alarm caused by
the feeling that our. defences are not in a perfect
state, that this country might be invaded by a
foreign PoWer, and that that Power would be
France. (Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, I wish
here to say that I, for one, have not shared in the
apprehensions that have been so generally enter-
tained by my countrymen. (Cheers.) lam now
speaking, mind, my own individual opinion, which
is worth nothing more than the individual opinion
of any man in this room. But I repeat again that
I, for one, think that we have been alarmed rather
needlessly. (Hear, hear.) I say this, gentlemen,
because I think that, if the Emperor of the French
had ever seriously contemplated the invasion of
this country, a man of his sagacity, of his foresight,
and of his intellect would not have allowed the op-
portunity to slip that was presented during the
time of the Indian mutiny. If he had contemplated
such a thing as the invasion of this country, that
was the time, that was the opportunity that he
would naturally have seized upon. ("Hear, hear,"
and cheers.) Now, gentlemen, I don't wish to be
misunderstood. By no means do I decry the mili-
taryardour of the country—by no means do I decry
the volunteer rifle movement ; on the contrary, I
give it my earnest and most sincere support. (Loud
cheers.) But the ground on which I rest my sup-
port is this—Formerly our defence was the ocean
and our fleet. (Hear, hear.) Circumstances, time,
steam, and science have swept away our defences.
(Hear, hear.) Formerly it was impossible for an
army to land here without having to encounter,
in a naval engagement, a superior fleet. That is no
longer necessary. It is now possible in a few
hours to land an enormous army in this country.
(Hear.) But, gentlemen, when I say, therefore, for
God's sake let us put this country in an efficient
state of defence—let us call cut the militia, encou-
rage the rifle corps, and do all we can to make our-
selves safe—l may also, let us not in the same
breath, which is not necessary, abuse the ruler
whom the French people have chosen, or run down
the church which they choose to support. (Cheers.)
Gentlemen, I am rejoiced to hear that you accord
with me in these sentiments, because I am quite
sure that these are the sentiments that become a
great and powerful country like England. Gentle-
men, I may be told that the press of France is en-
couraging and fomenting the invasion of this coun-
try, but my answer to that is, look to our own
press. What provocation is not our press giving ?
And if there is a feeling in France—and I fear to
some extent it is true—against this country, I ask
whether it has not been mainly fomented, and
whether it is not mainly owing to the vituperative
language that has been used by the press of Eng-
land ? Gentlemen, I beg to propose to you the
health of "The Army and Navy." (Cheers.)
Viscount CunzoN responded to " The Members
for the County," observing that though the rule for
the exclusion of politics was rather hard, he should
bow to it on this occasion, and would simply say
will regard to the state of the continent, he hoped
we should not be drawn into this congress. (Hear.)
We had nothing to do with the war, however we.
might sympathize with Italian independence, and
let those who got into it get out of it the best way
they could. (Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN, in giving the, toast of the even-
ing," Success to the Leicestershire Agricultural
Association," said—lt has given me the sincerest
pleasure and greatest possible satisfaction to have the
honour of presiding this evening at the anniversary
of this society. But. gentlemen, as Lord Curzon has
remarked, it is very difficult in these days fora person
like myself, who has no practical knowledge of agri-
culture, and who has a very limited theoretical
knowledge of it, to make a speech, if all other sub-
jects are excluded. But lam not so ready as my
noble friend to submit to a rule which would pre-
vent my speaking upon any subject in which the
interest of the farmer is bound up. (Hear, hear.)
I know, gentlemen, that great authorities find fault
when any member of the agricultural interest ven-
tures to go out of the routine system of the culti-
vation of farms, or the manner in which ploughs
should he used. (A laugh,) But, gentlemen, it may
be that those journals are anxious to prepare the
agricultural mind for the new state in which it ap-
pears Mr. Bright intends to place us. (Laughter.)
Mr. Bright evidently thinks it is no longer fitting
that the agricultural body should have any political

influence in this country-
of England. Mr. Bright
made a speech yesterday evening, and by that
speech I collect that, although the agriculturists
are not any longer to have any political power, so
far as I can understand the mass of figures with
which he overwhelmed his Liverpool audience, he
does not contemplate, while he relieves us from all
responsibility and all power, that we should be re-
lieved from all taxes. (Hear, hear, and laughter.)
He says, " Gentlemen, I don't wish you to be dis-
turbed by the knock at the door of the candidate
for your suffrages, but I have no objection to the
tax-coltector coming to you and asking you for
your money." I gather this, gentlemen, from the
speech of Mr. Bright, because I see that be alludes

to the tax on fire insurances, from which you are
exempted, and he says the tax is a very great
wrong. Mr. Bright talks of doing away with all
indirect taxes, and be mentions a great number of
them ; but I remarked that he never allndos to the
malt tax, which is an indirect tax of a very large
amount. Gentlemen, this is not, the place, the time,

or the opportunity, in an after-dinner speech, to
meet these arguments of Mr. Bright, but perhaps
you will allow me generally to state my own con.
viction that direct taxation is the very worst
taxation you can have--(hear, hear)—that it