The Sun.
London, England, 1859-07-29 00:00:00

FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Lord J. RUSSELL, after having laid on the table some
to tinheaksetatthee statement
tuermfeenrefiwgnhiechffelrhe,ave
in
preference to answering various questions which arise from
day to day, I should wish to have postponed that statement
promisedpapers,sa
withkl— reln:irndg
to
had we not arrived at such an advanced period of the ses-
sion. I would still have postponed that statement had I
expected that before Parliament rose there was a prospect
that some definite settlement :would have been agreed to,
, either by the other powers cr in concurrence with Great
Britain, which I should be able to announce to the house.
But in the present state of affairs I think it would not be
right to withhold from Parliament a statement on the pre-
sent state of those affairs ; and, in beginning that, state-
ment, I am glad to find that in the /foniteur of this day
there is an announcement that the Emperor of the French
is about to reduce his land and sea force to a peace footing.
(Hear, hear.) I hope that announcement will be the augury
of continued peace. (Hear, hear.) I will not go into any
details respecting events with regard to which the house is
familiar. The house is well aware that peace was made in
a somewhat sudden and unexpected manner. (Hear, hear.)
The house likewise is aware that statements were made by
the contending parties—by the Emperor of the French on
the one hand, to the effect that lie had expected that if the
war had continued, its arena would be greatly enlarged, and
that he might have to contend on the Rhine as well as on
the Adige. The Emperor of Austria, on the other hand,
declared that the neutral powers were about to pro-
pose bases of a mediation, which bases would have been
less acceptable to Austria than the terms of peace which he
no
e a)reent can
o s a
t hobtained by direct negotiation with the Emperor of the
Yh—t notbe haveus e u
d i French. Now, though I think that both these reasons have
ma
acuertia)ienwevraelmidiigt
ye twarhat b theei r
eGa enry-
long time had elapsed; and it was impossible to say that
the neutral powers might not agree to some plan of media-
tion; yet in neither respect were the events thus foreseen
and foretold matters 'of .certainty: kith regard to We
neutral powers, at all events, that concert had' been agreed
upon by, I believe, any of them, certainly not by her
Majesty's Government, either with Prussia or Russia, or
both. There had been overtures of mediation made on the
part of Prussia both to London and St. Petersburg. The
despatch of M. von Schleinitz has been published in Ger-
many, and the papers I have just brought up contain the
answer of her Majesty's Government to that proposition.
But though these considerations have no doubt weighed
with the contending Emperors in favour of peace, yet I be -
lieve there is a reason which has not been given in the state
papers, but which, nevertheless, had its weight, and I
should say considerable weight, both with the Emperor of
the French and the Emperor of Austria. I think it was im-
possible that a sovereign who had never been on the battle
field could have failed to have been struck with horror
upon being present in a field of battle where more than
40,000—between 40,000 and 50,000 men:most of them in
the prime and vigour of life—lay killed and wounded. I
believe that sentiment had an effect upon the Emperor Na-
poleon, and I believe it made an impression on the Empe-
ror of Austria; and foimy part I think it no disparagement
of great sovereigns who have rule over mighty empires,
that, while they maintain the policy of sovereigns they
have the feelings of men. (Cheers.) The treaty of peace
which was made at Villafranca on the 11th of July, con-
sists of two parts which are very different in their nature.
One part is that which made peace between the Emperor of
the French and the Emperor of Austria on the
consideration of the cession of Lombardy to the
Emperor of the French, which was to be imme-
diately delivered to the King of Sardinia. Now with
respect to that matter, I do not think it is for us,
who have taken no part in the war, to comment on or criti-
cise. (Hear.) If the Emperor of the French thought that
he had made sacrifice enough of French blood and treasure,
and that the further prosecution of the war would lead to
an immense waste of life and property, I think he was fully
justified and authorised in concluding a treaty of peace.
(Hear.) On the other hand, the Emperor of Austria had
no doubt a full right, considering the further sacrifice of
men and treasure he would have to make, by the cession of
a province to purchase peace. That is a matter which was
for their own consideration. The cession ofethat province
does not make any such disturbance of Europe as to give
the powers of Europe a right to interfere with regard to
that settlement. But the other part of the treaty is of a
very different nature. It proposes an organisation for the
future government of Italy. I observe that a noble friend
of wine (Lord Elcho) has given notice of a motion with
regard to this country entering into any conference upon
that subject. Now I observe the notice is given in terms
which I must say do not at all apply to the proposition that
has been made to this house. The proposition is :—" That
it would be consistent neither with the honour nor the dig-
nity of this country, which throughout the late negotiations
has preserved a strict and impartial neutrality between the
contending parties, and which'
yours to prevent an outbreak of hostilities, to take part
in any conference for settling the details of a peace, the
of which have been arranged between
preliminaries
the Emperors of France and Austria." This is a pro-
which• everyone will agree. It is now merely
position m
a queStion of arranging the details of a peace on which