The Sun.
London, England, 1835-09-14 00:00:00

DAY•)

o' CL oolie
a
two ostenif.illiao
1, by the A
,et receive% the
'era Cruz e'

3rl
mail, bri
ne, of then the
tant, and "t 010
'gs a rellftbere,
the arrival -00
had been '°-'fbe
sanction. ,
)f insurrecroti,
that tlic u
t Badajoi 01:e of
re on the c

tits
its are tita-Con'
v, and tiletice
srntters
by Santa:tn-
a wing to t" bAce
dollars ant,
mining 3e
were gr- troc'
vessels, 24

Ana
- for 31011eY'lliog,
es this ono
10c
0
17 19 ;1i goer
116; E%6
n Satu"al;
"aavii.sed by close,
Dish Ben"'
at NO
morning es,
Portugticoitl.:l
s.er t2ents.,
1
of $
morning this
an
,nd-heldvr
nubl aflo
the Pub ) a be
zabel at
which ";° we'
insure
ad the
las a .0,
s 0
thmei°rnl'e2ttl::re'
tike;
to o ,0#
rn as a P Car'
)ng
I‘' •
r•
, at
them°.
n gOi" ds
~ reset. 13'00
16'113
d a 5
,ot so g°ort
at Presee 6135./.
"?ortugues-36
Mexican
00
0' Ci

1315
the IligbrelOch
westraho,rp;;l;
• his br°tre'ce9itoit
He has cup a:
3 the 'Ch bC '
nd %Ole 0'
d States.curred shoaci:eif
of Mr. dot e
vas wPr, boil%
fron 00i0t311;',,
be scas worP.l';
trcot -ff
er c,s cope
of 1105" the ho'
.ed to
es

heti -11 o
tol
thata ut
d o the
a °tonco
,°t c°°' t
abt, tha .4 sti
n what C
little
.
to then.
One °
0 Plai.eap eaeiletif
!ider't

/-i-7 ,

R. O'CONNELL IN MANCHESTER

In our last we noticed a letter, announcing the intention of
hMerly.
aos:Chootzeevllrt,o be in Manchester last Monday evening ;
prevented by his Parliamentary duties from
arriving_ before Wednesday evening.
He brought with him
Mrs. O'Connell, and we believetw-o of his sons, and took up
his quarters at the York Hotel. A number of the lower
classes of his countrymen, having heard of his arrival, went at a
late hour to the house of Mr. Thomas Potter, at Buile Hill,
to request that
gquest he would deliver his public address in Steven-
ts.noe;square, on Thursday at noon, instead of yesterday, as pre-
viously announced. To this request Mr. O'Connell, on its
'subsequently communicated to him, acceded, and accord-
irtiiyngon Thursday morning a large number of his countrymen
assembled, and proceeded to Pendleton for the purpose of es.
ceiling into the town. The Hon. Gentleman, after break-
fasting, as we have been informed, at Buile Hill, joined the
procession in a carriage and four. He was very enthusiastically
received. The procession was headed by Mr. Thos. Oates, and
two other persons on horseback, and consisted of a number of
Peelole bearing wands headed with shamrocks, &c., and wear-
c, green and white favours ; they had also a band of music
O Connell and a variety of flags, one of which was inscribed " Daniel
Ireland's pride, the regenerator of his country."
Another, " The friendly sons of the Emerald Isle ;" a third,
``Roderick O'Connor, monarch of Ireland," &c. We ought,
in justice to all parties, to state, that the procession was
entirelygot up by the operatives and Irishmen, and that the
iNo.namitee for conducting the arrangements of the dinner to
Ir. O'tConnell had nothing whatever to do with it. Although
numbers of persons betook themselves to Stevenson's-square
at early as twelve o'clock, the procession, winding its way
the throughrey the principal streets of the town, did arrive
till about a quarter before three. As the carriage, on
the bent of which were seated Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Thomas
Vctter, could not make its way through the then very dense
erowd,
Mr. O'Connell proceeded on foot with some difficulty
to the hustings (which were erected in a timber yard near the
"ler
le of Spear-street and the square), amidst the cheers of
tee of
He wore a military cap and cloak, and appeared
Iri4 geed health and spirits. With or near him to the hustings,
Ile saw Mr. C. J. S. Walker, Mr. Thomas Potter, Mr. James
4111.135 en, Mr. G. H. Winder, and others. Mr. Thomas Pot-
ter
.introduced him to the meeting, which, at this time, and
P
__Prig the greater part of the proceedings, must have corn-
rised between sit and seven thousand persons.
dr Mr. O'CONNELL. as soon as the cheers had subsided, ad-
eased the multitude nearly as follows: I wish my voice
seed by
to my inclinations—for if it were it would be
by every human being here, and a glorious sight it is to
such myriads congregated in the multitude which I be-
hold before me, to see so many of God's goodly creatures
language of my feelings into that species of utterance, which
Lie it commands silence, would be rewarded by the lan-
guage I should utter. But I fear I shall hardly be able to
deaveY to you that which makes it my duty humbly to en-
a our to unite this enormous multitude in the struggle that
great British and Irish nation have now to make, to consoli-
date their liberties, and to secure good government and cheap
oyernment.—( Cheers.) We are come to a crisis in the af-
airs of this country; end I rejoice much to see that the
Presence
dit tell of so insignificant an advocate of the great cause of
human liberties, has brought together so many and such ap-
i,,.ucling multitudes. I wish you could all hear my gratitude.
You how you shall see it. You shall see it in le-
efforts for the common good.—( Hear.) But princi-
readY, and above all, what brought me here is just this. I
°Tie as a missionary. I see that the people of England neces-
sarily will achieve their objects. The House of Peers, at
:).rfesent organised and arranged against the progress
flsocial improvement, must necessarily yield to the
oral influence by which they are surrounded—they must
encede to England—(to be sure they will do it bit by bit only,
ndd with a bad grace)--all that England can desire. And
.haps it is more desirable that political changes should be
fltra.ardtijeonby degrees ; because, when made in that manner, they
ire° Perfectly free from all the crimes of revolutionary vio-
l:" ; and though it may be less satisfactory to receive but
by portion as it is granted, they at length become per-
4;et'Y useful by the aggregate of small and detailed improve-
°Lilts. Yes ; England is safe ; and Scotland has already
Zuleved more than England or Ireland has obtained ; for
kcfcoitland has got corporation reform. as well as parliamentary
14Arm. England has got only an instalment of that reform,
." Ireland has got of it just nothing at all.—( Laughter.)
thl.ld the Lords, they would not give us that same, namely no-
if they could help it. Wait awhile, boys.—( Laughter.)
4lnn coming round to obtain your sympathies in support of
1,181 Englishmen and Scotchroen to do justice at length to
A Ireland. I am come to tell you that my heart and my
ta-ns, too—for although I am a grandfather, I have strength in
.rtn still—are
British to be bound u in the great cause of
e liberties of the empire. All. I ask is justice for
zrei
it, alld• I'll never take less, nor will I be satisfied till I get
Cheers. ) I tell the people of England we would not
us:. for that sympathy, if they bad found us shrinking from
Leir contest when we could assist them in the battle
14. thuir liberties. I would remind every man who is here to
jjar me. in this assembly, I would call to his recollection the
tifnstuirY osr the last four years, and would ask him, " there a
division in Parliament, on any measure, that went to
s`jseri the burthens, or to increase the franchise, or to procure
ti - 41nelioration of institution for the people of England, that
hei.,lrish Members were not found in the majority, voting for ?
nOt an imaginary thing, nor any false statement of mine
413 It literal. truth ; and I am proud to say that even in the
conrefermed Parliament, when the Reform Bill was read a se-
snd time in the Parliament of 1831, there were a majority of
ti.c°tell Members against it, nearly 10 to 1, because at that time
teleifeB,e:oteit people had no voice in the. choice of their repre-
ke„ves; there were even majorities of English and Welsh
robe but the Bill was read a second time, because the
ICI4,ItY of Irish Members put down the English, Scotch, and
4-`B[l major ties. I would remind every Englishman who
kilts:Me, that during the present session of Parliament, the
ay of the Irish Members have contributed in the same
0,-Y to English _freedom. In the great battle for the Speaker IP, there was a. majority of 27 English Members against the
laea,le, and for :Manners Sutton and the aristocracy ; there
14.11c;_i majority of nine Scotch Members on the other side,
t4lO reduced tbe English majority of 27 to.lB and.then
in +if le, the Irish majority of 33, leaving the ultimate majority
-I,"' including- the two tellers, by which we triumphed
itl"e Etat battle this session over Wellington and Peel.
he s 3;; do dwell upon these things ? Is it of any vain
sheav,-0g ? Oh, no. I only speak of them in order to
l br others in England that we deserve a participa-
tt-" 41 their
.rights, because we were ready for their fight, so
lie-svould he
.for our own ; and I say that we are doubly closer-
trilar it, be cause if we consented to take less than Great
tifft e.-41 agreed .to take, we should be unworthy the fellowship
eent,,,,-" . ra en. Vile insist upon as much, and we will never be
of with less. What is it that I would animate the people
ter witgland to 9 I would animate them, one and all,—no mat-
taks."'ether a visa .n has a franchise or not, he is a man, and
selves Part in public opinion,—to insist upon justice for them-
larld-; and justice :for us, because Parliament will despise Ire-
-14.; d the English do not assist her; and I tell you, I, who
that atVemg the d ,tided advocate for the Repeal of the Union,
English o_nly.rea• tn why I looked for repeal, was
Hear.)
the
t
as loa " Farliamenz was not doing us justice.—.(
justice
. B
tiet• kg Its we have, the hope of obtaining that from) a
f I la" Parliament, so long shall I be content to look to them
Let 117ellington and Peel shut the door of hope
4111?' Me, arid then shall look again for Repeal ; and Heaven
letid I should ev a. be contented till Ireland is as well go-
Learn,. as any oth.n- part of the British dominions.—( Hear,
vier but how do I seek to achieve it? Not by force—not by
exice---not by secret and illegal] associations.—( Hear. )
very ere is
nothing.w.orse than a secret society. It must in its
Public be illegal, and it is my duty as a lawyer and a
everic Mau to pro nounce to you distinctly my abhorrence of
Y illegal society. Why, do you remember the six poor
t'ovoilirers from Dorchester? They thought they were doing
of the and uninstructed, they did not know
Act of Parliament that made this thing illegal ; and
eith or them were t ern from their families, and sent to the
er extremity of the globe, leaving their wives, and chil-
dren
and mothers, and sisters, in poverty and distress.
114. Prosent Govornment will bring back four of them im-
ZrlatelY ; and tb,e remaining two will be brought back in
inclthker Year or ve ar and a half. But if Peel and Welling-
seven "ad remained in office, these men would have been for
NZII
dogl years transported from their native country.
y I
mention that case? To put you on your guard,
3,04 am inciting you to Constitutional exertions, by showing
that no man can ever be safe who belongs to a secret
I ,t3r. I may be told, perhaps, that Orangemen are safe.
thn You they won't be so long.—(Chcers.) I tell you that
oe? be prosecuted and put down by the law. Only
be thin be
would enable them to continue, and that would
the Peo oppixite and counteracting illegal society. I have told
Zs ple this in Ireland ; and in the County Meath in one
ech I put clown forty-three ribbon societies, and made the
ta O give them up, because they were illegal, and only encou-
• erect and gave an excuse to Orangemen. That is always the
I t of Mega.' societies. In the county of Tipperary I
Rib it. In Kerry I got the men who were swearing in
butdismit.sed from the county in disgrace. I tell you
Only that you ought not to belong to any secret society,
f that you are great fools, besides being criminal, if you do;
.21.
ono man is safe for five minutes against a spy. Why the man
m Went to Armagh pretended to be not only a Catholic, but
h devout Catholic. He went to communion, the miscreant !
• any morning he saw the people's blood flowing. How could
One guard against them ? What did he do ? He swore
Wesson
.2s°ll against them though they were only in an illegal
iety ; and if we had not blown up his character, he would
4ye hanged twelve innocent men. He accused but ten of
nlr sparing two to be witnesses against the others ; but
thin,
these two were put into the box, the judge asked
the'tn% ", Were you present 2"—" Yes."—" Then go into
150r_ noc,t---you can't be witnesses." So that no mem-
tai,' of a' secret society going to give evidence can
ndi whether they mayn't become included in the
tctment, and, instead of witnesses, find themselves prisoners.
imes this to the people of Ireland ; for Paddy is shrewd some-
n, and ILT bit his lips and I saw a determination upon him
:tv!! to allow miscreant in this way to skew his blood. So
j 0° man go a,liroad, as they have done there, pretending that
I rovie not spoke, n to the people on the subject. I did there ;
enutluere ; and h ere and there I denounce as an enemy to his
having trY the man who belongs to an illegal society. And,
everg done that, denounce as the enemies of this country,
exe4 at,an possesses leisure and intelligence, that does not
himself in forming a moral and public combination, join-
. angd Itlpub/ic combinations of every kinl, in the eye of the law
of prest !nee of the magistracy, to forward the great cause
114 ,le iihe rty. Wo have arrived at a crisis. Sir Robert
More shame
n the one side as the advocate of the aristocracy.
'e shame co.
for him ! His father was a respectable operative,

, and worked at a cotton factory ; he rrade a noble fortune by
honourable industry,—one of the finest things this country
ever produces and arising out of its great wealth : he realised
this with credit and integrity, and making every one happy
around him. He was truly an honour to England. Is it not a
shame then, for the son of this man, for the present Sir Robert
Peel, to forget the people? He ranges himself at the side of
the aristocracy. Now, though compared. to him, as a states,
man, I am insignificant—(" No, no ! ")—I am counsel on the
other side, I am for the people, and I am struggling for good
government, and especially to take the burdens off the peo-
ple, to look especially to economy, to see that every branch of
the general government shall be administered with as much
parsimony as a miser takes care of his household to save every
penny he can.—The Government ought to be miserly, be-
cause it is the money of the poor after all that they spend.
Cheap government is necessary for the poor : good govern-
ment is doubly necessary for the poor,—because if we had
good gvernment, nothing would be taxed but property in
its masses, and the articles which the labouring classes
consume would be totally free from taxes, as they ought to
be ; and I never will he content while one farthing remains
of the taxes upon malt, beer, or upon any other article
which the people in general consume.—( Cheers.) The
same with the bread tax. Why, all the property I have in
the world is land. They say that the corn tax is of use to the
landlords of Ireland. I don't care twopence whether it be
or not. It is unjust to prevent bread being cheaper than it is;
it is unjust to prevent the poor mother from getting a loaf
two-pence cheaper for her hungry children; and I am there-
fore the decided enemy of the corn laws. lam more. lam
of opinion that you will never have good government till the
duration of Parliament is shortened.—( Cheers. ) Why, if
you give a man a lease of his employment for seven years, he
will neglect it probably for the first four or five, in the hope of
getting a remission for the two or three last years. He may
be a rogue in the beginning, though he will promise to be good
in the end ; but, like other late penitents, the devil may take
him unawares.—( Laughter.) lam for short accounts. lam
ready to go before my constituents once in six months ii they
choose; but as the old law was for Parliaments to last three
years, I shall never be content till we get that. You'll know
the faces of your representatives then, as you ought to do.
But are they your's? The bulk of the working class want
protection, for they have no representatives at all. Nothing
can be more absurd than giving the franchise only to those
who pay a certain amount of rent. lam for giving every man
a vote.—( Cheers.) It is not proper that a house should consti-
tute a vote. There is not a man of you that is not bound to serve
in the militia ; and every one, therefore, ought to have
somebody to prevent the militia being called out improperly
or too often.—( Cheering.) There is a story that Benja-
min Franklin tells of a man in America. No person could
vote there who was not worth five pounds ; and this
man made up 4/. in money, and his ass was worth I/. He voted
two or three times; but just before one election his ass died,
and his vote was rejected, the returning officer saying " Oh ;
you can't vote : the ass made part of your qualifiation ; and he
is dead !" The man exclaimed " What !is it then the ass that
voted after all ? If I had known that, I would have brought him
to the hustings, and he should have polled dead or alive."--
Now in this country, though the ass does not make a part of
the vote, there are some who have thought that asses had a
vote once in the House of Lords, and you will probably join
with Beniamin Franklin in thinking that the ass has a vote there
still. Above all, my friends, I am decidedly for the vote by
ballot. Then a man can vote for whom he chooses, and no
one will be aware how the vote is given ; and no man will
bribe another, for if a man is rogue enough to take a bribe, he
will be rascal enough not to earn it afterwards. lam afraid I
am detaining you—(" Go on")—but as I am retained as
counsel for the people against Peel and Co., I thought I
would show you our side of the bargain first. What, then,
do the Lords want? To fasten their sons and sons-in-law,
and cousins and nephews upon the public purse, and in-
stead of giving them an estate to give them the public money.
That's the thing that has invoked England in debt.
And Peel stands up for that system ; and the people of Eng-
land, Ireland and Scotland, have already condemned him once,
and condemn him again they will as sure as ever he puts him-
self upon his trial. He talks of " the aristocratic principle in
the constitution." It does exist, certainly ; but how much the
better for it are we ? The Lords had the management of Par-
liament for 140 years after the revolution. What did they do
for the people of England ? They accumulated the entire of
the national .debt. They made all the taxation. Of what va-
lue to the people of England were the wars in Hanover ? Yet
they added 200 millions to the debt. What use was it to the
people of England to put down the people in America? Yet
the attempt to do that added 200 millions to the debt. What
had the people to do with the contest against France ? Nothing :
but it added 600 millions to the national debt. The national
debt is the legacy the Lords have left us ; and burthens of '
taxation almost innumerable, is what we owe to the House of
Lords, who managed the House of Common:: as they pleased
before the Reform Bill. Sir Robert Peel is with them. I

think he is mistaken. Well, lie makes a set speech at Tam-
worth, and rails against the House of Cammons. He says we
reformers are only for one house of Legislature. Now lam
for two. We have one that is honest and one that is
not honest. I want two honest houses. I want not one
white and one black ; that goes for nothing ; but we want two
whites, and throw the black out altogether. I want another
house—of Lords, if you please ; but let every county with
200,000 inhabitants—(and where counties have not that num-
ber, put them together till they have)—elect one man, a lord,
if you please; I have no objection at all, provided he be ho-
nest ; but let him be elected only for three or for six years,
and let him be responsible to the people.—( Cheers.) I throw
back from these hustings upon Sir Robert Peel the calumny
that we reformers want 'out one house of parliament. lam
as opposed to it as he can be, because if there were only one
house of legislature, a majority of that house, perhaps a faction,
would become the ruler of the entire nation. There is there-
fore a safety in a second house, on the simple principle of act-
ing as a check to the other against such undue power ; and I
am for two houses, but they must be two honest houses. But
Peel in his speech says that democracy has not flourished
in America. Why they began their war the year I was
born, and that was sixty years ago, and they have gone on
prospering ever since. And what could Sir Robert Peel
find against them ? Horrible outrages ; a murder committed
on five gamblers who came into a town and cheated its in-
habitants. They deserved to be ducked and sent away. The
people wanted to send them away ; they resisted, and in the
attack upon their place a physician was shot. The people got
hold of the five men and hung them. There they committed
murder, and for such proceedings I am as little the advocate
as Sir Robert Peel can be. But what does he do ? Ile attri-
butes that murder to their Government. Arc there no mur-
ders in this country ? Did Sir R. Peel never hear of Peterloo,
of what has been called the Manchester massacre'?—( Cheers.)
Why the actors in the hangings in America by what they
call Lynch law will be, as they ought to be, punished for their
crime ; and I'll warrant the American Government will do all
it can to punish them ; above all, I am sure it will never ap-
plaud or thank or reward any of them. But what did Sir
Robert Peel's Government do to the authors of the Manchester
massacre ? They gave them thanks and rewarded them and
honoured them.—( Hear.) I throw Peterloo in his teeth,
when he talks of outrages across the Atlantic. But is that
all? Did he never hear of Rathcormac, and Rathangan, red
with the blood of the grand-daughter of a blind and aged man?
Did he never hear of Wallscourt? Was it the democratic
principle that for 4s. 6d. slaughtered nine men in Rathangan?
Did he never hear of the widow Ryan, who breakfasted in the
morning with her two sons, fine youths, one 18 and the ether
22, neither of them married, nor even thinking of it till
their sister should be provided for, and their mother taken
care of. One of her sons left her in the morning. A demand
for 4s. 6d. was made upon her for tithes. The military fired.
She ran out wild—" Where are my sons?" She found a dead
body. She took it up to see the face. It was not her son ;
and she laughed—the poor woman laughed aloud, forgetting
there was another woman to weep for that boy. She took up
a second body. She laughed again a frantic laugh. It was
not her son. She went to the third. It was her boy : the boy
who had left her a few hours before, blood-bolten, stiff and
dead. As she said herself, " I did not cry; I never shed a
tear; but my eyeballs are coals in my head, and I shall never
have them quenched on this side of the grave." Did Sir R.
Peel never hear of Mooncoyne ? Were there any clergymen
engaged in the Lynch law in America? No. There were
two parsons at Rathcormac ; and I believe you had some cler-
gymen at your massacre here.—(" Aye we had.") I stand
here the advocate for democracy, and I say that it was a paltry
taunt of Sir Robert Peel against that great principle to
speak to an English public of a crime committed in America
by a mob, forgetting the outrages committed here and in
Ireland by military licence, authorised by the magisterial
power, and sanctioned by Government authority. —( Cheers.)
Well, I have talked long and upon many topics, and shall I
express to you my principal motive of action? It is to get
England to join with me in putting an end to the Walls-
courts and the Rathcormacs, and the Rathangans,----to put an
end to the system of forcing one set of people to pay for the
religion of another. Nobody comes up to you and says, lam
going to law—(a very foolish thing for any man to do if he
can help it)—and you say, " Well, what is that to me?"
" Oh," he replies, " I'll employ a lawyer, and you
must pay for him." If any man came to another in that
way he would laugh at him, or if he was surly
perhaps knock him down. If a sick man sends for a
doctor, he does not order his neighbour, who does not need his
advice, to pay for him. Why should I pay, then, for spiritual
doctors whom I don't want? The right principle is, Pay
for all you want ; and let others do the same." It is said that
in England common sense prevails; and that is a principle of
common sense. There is another which may be applied to the
lords. What title have they to legislate for us ? They have
two ; the present law, and the constitution. But they have
been changed, and why should they not be changed again ?
That is therefore no argument. What are the lords ? Here-
ditary legislators. Because the father was supposed to be a
good legislator, the son is to be so equally. Why, if a man
applied to you to make you a coat. " Are you a tailor ?"
" No, I am not ;. but my father was a tailor."—( Laughter. )
Is there a single man amongst you who would employ an here-
ditary tailor of this kind ? That principle of common sense
will go abroad about the Lords. Whether hereditary legislators
or tailors, we'll have none of the botchers at all.—( Laughter.)
Who is sending this principle abroad ? The Lords themselves ;
because they are showing themselves to be the arrantest
botchers that ever spoiled a job of work.—( Cheers.) They
attempted tb spoil the Reform Corporation Bill. We of the
Commons put as many good ingredients in it as we could ; but
like greedy children they spit in the cup, for fear any one else
would share it. We have cleansed it again, and strained the
liquor, and made it as good as we could. We believe it will be a
salutary draught, even in its present state, and next year we
will help them to quench their thirst with a good deal more of it.
( Laughter.) But to quit metaphor. I have been reproached
for tot kicking out the bill altogether, because, forsooth, the
Lords spoiled a part of it. I don't believe the English would

dui
mono,

.

sixpeneL
first instal.— the
rest, when the. te.. paid ? The
real national debt improvement. We
have taken ten and sixpence in the pound from the botching
Lords, and we will make use of it to to get the other nine shil-
lings and sixpence which they owe us.—(Cheers.) They shall
never get a receipt either upon a stamp or without, till they pay
the debt to the last farthing ; and if they delay too much,
they may have to pay a little interest upon Cheers and
laughter.) This is a mission, my friends, that lam upon.
I am going round amongst the people of England and of
Scotland, to call upon them to act with common sense, to
avoid violence ; becaase, besides strengthening their enemies,
that is essentially wrong in itself. lam come to that time
of life that it has been my duty to look into the history of
great popular changes and alterations; and in the history of
the world from the earliest period to the present, I defy any
man to shcw me any good change brought about by violence
or fraud. I defy him to spew me any revolution achieved
by blood that did not make the country infinitely worse than
before. And of all the nations in the world, there is none
that can so little afford a scene of violence and bloodshed and
revolution, as this. It is not that I care for Lords or great
men—that they may be pulled down from their high station by
great changes, and I should pity their misfortune—but I look
to the humble part of the working classes. Suppose, that by
any convulsion in this country, the Manchester manufactories
were to stop working for ten days, what would become of the
wives and children of the operatives? A manufacturing and
commercial country can never afford a revolutionary change.
But, thank God, information spreads amongst you. The
operative classes are now better informed (I do not exaggerate
in saying so), than the Lords. I have seen letters from five-
and-fifty Lords, and I would take out of any Mechanics' Insti-
tution in the British dominions, six men by lot, and there is
not one who would not write a letter better than any of those
Lords. By the information which is spreading amongst the
operative classes, they will see that the revolutionary violence
would be destructive to them and their families ; and they will
see also that all the burthens of society will press with equal
weight upon the working man and the Peer, and they
will, therefore, join me, peaceably and tranquilly, but
effectually and determinately, to struggle with oppression,
till they get what I set out with looking for, good
and cheap government in this country.—( Continued cheering. )
There never was a revolution brought about by bloodshed that
did not put upon a people some Cromwell or Napoleon, or am-
bitious soldier of that description, that became ten times a
greater tyrant than the old ono they deposed. " Violence and
bloodshed are far from us ; but to make up for the deficiency,
I have been 35 years the advocate of the liberties of the peo-
ple—(my family are apt to live to the age of 96)—1 have 35
years to spare yet ; and in the mean time I will agitate the
public sense and feeling to discountenance and put down all
tyranny and oppression in this country. Oh, frown upon the
man who would oppress you. Touch him not ; but look him
as a mad dog and avoid his bite, lest he drive you to insanity.
It is in that struggle I now address you—it is that every man
who hears me may become an apostle of the sect to which I
belong—the sect that requires of and preaches to tha people
peace and peaceful exertion, and that asks for amelioration in
the way in which no good man would condemn it, and in which
God will smile upon it. Let every man who hears me carry
with him as much as he can of the moral sermon which I have
preached from this pulpit. But above all, let Irishmen
set an example of peace and order, and then we shall get
England with us in the fight of peace, as Irishmen have ever
stood by Englishmen in the fight of battles against the ene-
mies of their country.—(Cheers.) Let me conclude, then,
by imploring you to remember what I have been saying to
you. Avoid secret societies, every man of you. Let every
man discountenance in his neighbourhood those who are the
enemies of popular rights. Recollect that you have now a
House of Commons struggling for the people of England, and
that, while you have such a Parliament, and a Ministry that
are leaders of the people, believe me that with the exertions
that good men are making happier days will smile upon this
land ; and this great and glorious country that has in every era
of its history, shone transcendantly above the nations of the
earth, will arise from the present struggle, not " like a giant
refreshed with wine," or any figure of a violent nature ; but
like the bird of Paradise, refreshed from a period of repose,
and shedding from its wings peace, content, prosperity, and
happiness, to all nations.—( Immense cheering.)
Immediately after concluding this address, Mr. O'Connell
returned to the carriage, amidst the cheers and hand-shakings
of the crowd, and proceeded to his hotel. The concourse,
after giving several rounds of cheering for " Dan O'Connell,"
quietly dispersed.