The Sun.
London, England, 1835-03-02 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, MARCH 2, 1835.

Commons met with that . made itself disgracefully me-
morable by replacing the malt tax, at the command of
the Minister of the Crown, within three days after
abolishing it. We cannot regret the extinction of that
Parliament which received Lord .Althorp 's " boon to
the female population" with cheers, and worse than
wasted the greater part of last Session: in preparing
for the backs of the English poor the Malthusian
scourge of the Poor Law—the Parliament that voted
for the continuance of the Assessed Taxes, until the
voice of the indignant country forced the Ministry to
surrender the house tax—that voted against the aboli-
tion of the barbarous practice of military flogging, and
the equally barbarous and cruel practice of impress-
ing seamen—that voted for long Parliaments just as a
party in the present House complain of having been
sent to their constituents before the seven years were
tun out—the Parliament that treated all. laudable and
humane attempts to introduce habits of temperance
among the people, and thereby stay the progress of
misery and crime, with laughter and contempt. No,
we cannot regret the dissolution of such a Parliament;
nor can we see that the progress of real reform was at
all interrupted by depriving it of an existence that must
have been a source of lamentation and misery to itself
from the moment that it lost its incomparable Althorp,
—from the moment that accomplishedinancier—whom
shepherds and their dogs will long regret—ceased to
spread the wings of congenial dullness over the Legis-
lators who were but too happy in following him to care
much whether he danced them backwards or forwards,
and whether his course was a reform minuet or an
anti-reform gallopade. As to the interruption of any
public business, the dissolution caused none, because
it took place when Parliament was not assembled, and
at a time when it is not in the habit of assembling.
So much for this poetic fiction I—Morning Herald,
The mild, yet dignified, courteous. yet spirited, re-
ply of our good and , gracious Sovereign to the
amended (?) Address of the Commons' House of Par-
liament,. cannot, we would hope, fail to produce bene-
ficial effects, as manifesting at once the moderation
and firmness of the responsible councillors under whose
advice it was given. It would appear, indeed, that the
body to which we refer, must have had some idea of
the truths they would hear from the altered tone which
pervaded its debates during the last few evenings. Blus-
ter is fast surrendering its place to complaint, anger
yields to sorrow, and although we do not believe that
Lord John Russell, O'Connell and Co, are one whit
better disposed to the Administration than they were
a fortnight ago, or more inclined to maintain the cause
of order and good government, they cannot resist the
external symptoms of confidence in his .Majesty's Go-
vernment which have displayed themselves in a thou-
sand different ways during the past week. Let us
notice, in the first place, the utter failure of the
attempt to inflame the public mind. Had there
existed in the breasts of the English people a
distrust of the Administration of Sir Robert Peel,
would they have been calm, on : finding such
fractional majorities against the Ministry—majorities
which might at any moment be converted into minori-
ties? Would they not, we ask, have covered the table
of the House with petitions, beseiged the Throne with
addresses, conveying their sentiments on this important
topic ? As to the sophism, " Why do not the friends
of the Government declare their opinions in a similar
manner ?" the answer is plain. Conservatives are na-
turally quiescent—too often apathetic—at any rate
agitation is not part and parcel of their stock in trade ;
besides, they will not believe that three hundred and
six gentlemen, united by similarity of sentiment on all
vital and on most important topics, men •of talent, cha-
racter, and station, can be beaten in the long run by
that strange medley of animals, that " Noah's
ark of Reformers of all grades," which figures
no the Opposition benches. Conservatives read
the speeches delivered on both sides, and they
know that if their fellow-citizens possess one
atom of fairness or even common sense, the truth,
must prevail. Let us put a case. We will
suppose a stranger of average ability, and entirely in-
different as to the party politics of this country, to take
up the debates of the past week (we will say nothing
of that on the election of a Speaker, "let bye-ganes
be bye-ganes," as Joseph Hume, of whom more pre-
sently, would probably observe). He commences with
the speech of Lord Sandon, and he there finds no
bigotry, no determined opposition to all changes ; he
even discovers that the Noble Lord supported the
principle if not all the details of the Reform Act, yet
refuses not his valuable aid to a Government which,
however opposed to the measure during its progress,
shrinks not when it has passed into a law from giving
full and free effect to its legitimate spirit. He pro-
, ceeds, and arrives at the speech of Sir Robert Peel.
Here his attention. is sure to 'be fixed. Profound,
statesmanlike views, liberality of sentiment, acuteness,
wisdom, meet his aye in every line. "Who is Sir Robert
Peel ? " would be his first inquiry. The chief responsible
adviser of .the Crown, the man to whom the Conser-
vatives of the House of Commons look as their leader,
would be the reply. Happy the country which pos-
sesses such a Minister, is the natural observation. He
continues. Lord Stanley's speech presents itself to
view. Who is Lord Stanley ? A young nobleman,
whose character and abilities contributed materially to
the success of the Reform Bill ; a member of Lord
Grey's Ministry, who resigned when he thought that
its projects savoured not of reform, but of revolu-
tion. The same remark applies to Sir. James Graham,
who is described to him as a Baronet of the highest
character, of large fortune, anxious to take a part
in legislating for that country in which he has so deep
a stake. Our stranger proceeds in his studies.
The addresses of Mr. Secretary Goulburn, Mr. Ser-
geant Goulburn, Mr. Praed, Mr. Milnes Gaskell,
Mr. Grove Price, Mr. Maclean, and Mr. Finch attract
his attention. Who are these gentlemen ?—is his
next question ? The first he is told is Secretary of
State for the Home Department, one whose business-
like habits, industry and talent, qualify him eminently
for that important office, and who invariably brings to
the discussion of every subject a comprehensive and
well-selected mass of accurate and useful information.
Who is Mr. Sergeant Goulburn ? An eminent Ad-
vocate, whose forensic reputation, and admirable mode
of administering justice in the important borough he
now represents, recommended him to the notice of a
grateful and enlightened constituency, which returned
him by a large majority. Mr. Praed ? A man of
acknowledged abilities, distinguished as a scho-
lar from his youth upwards, all who know him
augur great things from his genius and industry. He
learns next that Mr. Milnes Gaskell is the representa-
tive of an ancient and honourable family, devoting his
energies to the service of his country.. Mr. Grove
Price he is informed is a gentleman of the highest cha-
racter for consistency, moral courage, and indomitable
energy, respected even by his bitterest opponents for
the honesty of his views and the ability with which he
enforces them. Mr. Maclean does not pass unnoticed.
A young Barrister, selected by the city of Oxford as
the guardian of its rights and privileges,. distinguished
by academical honours, and the subsequent application
of the learning by which they were acquired to the real
business of life. Mr. Finch, he is instructed, is a Gen-
tleman of fortune and independence, Who has sur-
rendered the comforts and ease of private life, thus
obeying the all but unanimous call of the electors of
Stamford, whose interests could not be entrusted to
better or honester hands. Our stranger is, of course,
highly pleased with this recital. He sees, however,
the names of Russell, O'Connell, Morpeth, Lushing-
ton, Gishorne, Harvey, and Hume among the speakers
on this occasion, and his attention is naturally ex-
cited to know something about them. His laudable
curiosity is gratified. He is informed that Lord John
Russell is the son of the Duke of Bedford, a Noble-
man whose family was originally advanced, not for
merit, but by the personal favour of the. Sovereign of
that period ; that the Noble Lord himself was once
the most strenuous (as far as his humble capacity
admitted) champion of close boroughs ;,.that he after-
wards retracted every sentiment he had most loudly
proclaimed upon this subject ; that, being after long
delay admitted into the Cabinet, his colleagues never
consulted him on any important occasion ; that he
had now been permitted to step into the leadership of
the reduced and enfeebled Whig Opposition as the fittest
man to conspire and co-operate with the -British and Irish
leaders of its new Radical auxiliaries. Of O'Connell
he is told that he is a noisy Hibernian, with a &rest

flow of speech and a surpassing power of scurrility, who
makes a vast merit of giving up a professional income
of about 5,0001. a year, and of receiving, in lieu
thereof, from a starving peasantry the poor pittance of
15,000/. ; a man uninfluenced by any feeling but that
of the grossest selfishness, unrestrained by any Con-
siderations except those of personal gratification and
sordid ambition. Lord Morpeth he will discover to
be a Whig poetaster, who, having proposed Sir
Charles Manners Sutton for the Chair of the House
of Commons in 1833, voted against him without
rhyme or reason in 1835. Dr. Lushington will be
described to him as a man exhibiting all the viru-
lence of O'Connell without a tithe of his talent,
all the democratic recklessness of a Wakley without
an iota of his consistency, one of the King's Ec-
clesiastical Judges, and yet an habitual reviler of
the Monarch and the Church ; a noisy declaimer
against abuses, real or imaginary, yet luxuriating on
the emoluments of eight or ten different offices,
For Mr. Gisborne's qualifications as the Representa-
tive of a great county, our stranger will be referred to
the opinions of the Nobility and Gentry of the dis-
trict, as demonstrated about a year and a half ago.
The eminent name of Daniel Whittle Harvey would,
of course, demand some explanation. The fear, how-
ever, of the Sergeant-at-Arms, with the unpleasing ac-
companiment of the Speaker's warrant, may restrain
the informant from rendering a full measure of justice
to the rejected of the Inner Temple, the accepted of
Southwark. But who is Joseph Hume ? The lauda-
ble curiosity of the stranger will be gratified here ;
Joseph, he will learn, is an individual who, originally
a Tory, ratted with very great alacrity, when ' he
found a proper value was set upon. his services by
that discriminating party. By dint of some in-
dustry and perseverance, combined with matchless
effrontery, in spite of two or three unfortunate
peccadilloes touching Greek Loans, &c., the afore-
said Hume became, he will find, Member for the
county of Middlesex, a station he is not very likely to
occupy much longer. Surely, then, our stranger might
be expected to observe the Administration which em-
bodies so much talent and worth, meets with cordial
and triumphant support from the nation. He is an,
swered in the negative. He is assured that the unholy
combination, the omniunz gatherum of all factions
which have ever existed, are banded together to cur-
tail, if possible to destroy, the just prerogatives of the
Crown in order to attain their own mean and selfish
objects. Will they succeed is the next inquiry ? No,
the people of England will never submit to the inso-
lent dictation of a faction which seeks not the welfare or
prosperity of the land, but would sacrifice every interest
of the country, and the country itself, rather than forego
a tittle of the advantages they expect to realize from
the accomplishment of their views—of persons : who
have not the common foresight which generally belongs
to the least intelligent part of human beings, and who
can observe nothing beyond the chances of an imme-
diate and temporary success—who respect not those
institutions which have stood the test of ages, and
which are essentially and inseparably interwoven 'with
the honour and happiness of the realm—who cannot
appreciate the beauty of a structure perfect in many of
its component parts and excellent as a whole—a struc-
ture of which it has been admirably said by Southey,
in that paragraph which, quoted by Mr. Sergeant
Goulburn at the conclusion of his eloquent speech
was not distinctly heard owing to the cheers which
that address elicited at its termination—" that if ever
it should be broken, it will be by the combined forces
of Popery, dissent, and unbelief (O'Connell, Wilkes,
and Co.), marching together under one political
.flag."
—Morning Post.
There were many rumours afloat yeaerday respect-
ing a split in the present Cabinet—a thing by no
means unlikely, and that what we stated the other day,
respecting a coalition between the Stanley party and
Sir R. Peel, had been all but realized, the Duke of
Wellington surrendering at discretion, and leaving his
colleagues to fight the battle of anti-Reform as they
best might. Of the actual result we know nothing ;
but as the Tories are willing to bid high for the ser-
vices of all those who voted for the Reform Act, it is
not improbable that there may be something like an
approach to truth in it. So much the better. Stanley
has lost caste already, and the sooner he joiiis Peel,
the better for the cause of the people.—Morning Ad-
vertiser.

The answer of his Majesty's faithful Commons to
his most gracious Majesty s Speech, and also the reply
of his Majesty thereto, will be found elsewhere, but
will scarcely pay a perusal. It is remarkable for no-
thing but its inanity, its vagueness, and total inconclu-
siveness, unless indeed we except the brief, but equally
inconsequent expression of his Majesty's regret that his
Commons do not concur with him as to the policy of
the appeal which he lately made to the sense of his
people ;—yet our contemporary, the Standard, regards
it as a matter of impossibility, that its firmness, its
good temper, and its good sense, should not be ad-
mired 1 If there be firmness in not acceding to the
thrice-expressed desire of the representatives of the
people, for the dismissal of his Majesty's present
Advisers, why then there may be some portion of
that miscalled firmness, which generally passes cur-
rent with the wiser part of mankind for obstinate ad-
herence to that which is wrong—if there be gthooend
e e
sense" in replying in such truisms and vaguxpres-
sions as mean nothing, and lead to nothing,
we must confess that the document contains as many
grains of good sense as there are sentences in it—and
if the Standard mean that the King has a right to
insult the Commons whenever they may present an
Address to him which is not in accordance with his
private feelings, or the discharge of his public duties
—why then, also, the reply may be deemed good-
tempered ; but, after all, what is the amount of the
utility of so much temper, good sense, and firmness ?
Were ever such excellent qualities so completely
thrown away and wasted as in the present instance ?
Was there ever such a vain interchange of words be-
tween subject and Sovereign ? " Vanity of vanities,"
saith the preacher—" all is vanity." It would have been
much more to the purpose had his Majesty told the
Commons at once that he was aware of the
dissatisfaction of the people at the dismissal of
his late servants—the dissolution of the late Parlia-
ment, and the deliverance of the Government into the
hands of an anti-national party—that he. was also
sensible that the, country had no confidence in the new
Government, and that it would be beaten on every
question which it might submit to the consideration of
the House of Commons ; but that he was, neverthe-
less, determined to persevere, and to keep them in
power while he could, against the declared will of the
people. Such an answer, we repeat, would have been
infinitely more to the purpose, than the wordy and
inane document—from which, however, the same infe-
ference is to be drawn—which his Majesty's Ministers
thought proper to put into the King's mouth ; and
what is more, would have been much better under-
stood by the people. We must be content with it,
however, as it is, for the present—and wait, with
what patience we can, for the answer to the next ad-
dress from the House of Commons, which, according
to all appearances, is at no great distance.—Morning
Advertiser.
We heard last night, on good authority, thatt-a split
has already occurred in the Ultra-Tory Ministry, and
that the Duke of Wellington, and some of his more im-
mediate partisans and personal adherents retire from the
Cabinet. We have no doubt that this disruption must
take place, if it has not already occurred. We have a
Ministry, but no Government. The Cabinet, from its
composition, possesses not the confidence of a majority
of the Commons. Whatever tactics Lord Stanley and
his tail may temporarily adopt, it is evident that they
cannot effectively coalesce with the Wellington-Peel
Ministry. The substitution of Lord Stanley for the
Duke of Wellington cannot give to Sir R. Peel any
additional strength. The King can be extricated from
his difficulties by the retirement of the entire Adminis-
tration, and the union of the whole Liberal Party,
which possesses all the necessary essentials for a
strong and reforming Cabinet. In the meantime, we
forbear giving publicity to many rumours which reached
us last night. If the Tories cannot agree even with
regard to a short measure of reform, we must not ex-
pect from their hands any real liberal policy. We
suspect that the Conservatives are now sensitively
aware of the perplexity and political difficulties in
which they have so wantonly involved the King. His

Majesty could not fail on Saturday to perceive that
the Reformed House of Commons, notwithstanding
the corrupt practices and electioneering influence of
the Tories, will not submit to the imposition on the
country of a Tory Ministry. We do not doubt that
we are on the eve of some curious Ministerial changes.
No partial patchwork of the tottering fabric of Sir
Robert Peel s Cabinet will hold it together. It cannot
exist—and the defection of the more violent and dis-
creditable portion must be soon followed by the disper-
sion of the remainder. They endeavoured to fortify
themselves against the people ; but their works have
been found untenable, and they will soon be forced to

dislodge.—Morning Chronicle.
Lord John Russell will this day ask Sir Robert
Peel some questions respecting the threatened dissolu-
tion of Parliament. The proper way of meeting a

menace of this kind is to grapple with it, for if it be
mere vapour, it will be dispelled ; and if, on the other
hand, the thing is intended, it is defeated by the dis-
covery. We are sure of an advantage either way.
The exposure of an empty threat doubles the confi-
dence which it has been put forth to shake ; or if there
is solid mischief in it, to be forewarned is to be fore-
armed. If our Tory Ministers will tell the country
that they propose to try the Prerogative against its
spirit, the very power will be called forth, in the fullest
development, whiCh they madly or wickedly hope to sub-
due. The King may be advised to dissolve Parliament,
but he will do well to ask his councillors whether they
can advise him further how to .tlisolvo the constancy
and courage of his people, ;;;vhich have ever, been
found to rise with the atteml)co,o vanquer them. The
mere talk of such desperate expedients answers all the
purpose of the Tories ; and it for the honour of the
House that the emptiness of such bluster should be
shown, and that the representatives o. ,e people
• should not be supposed under intimidation .x.cellently
Mr. Gisborne observed,
" 1 think we have a right to know from the Right Honour-
able Baronet on what terms we sit here ? I think we have a
right to know from him whether we are at liberty to come to
more than one division ? or, to put the matter in the plainest
terms, whether our eristence as a Parliament depends on our
supporting the present Ministry ?—( Immense cheering.) We
have a right to know, Sir, from the Right Honourable Bart.,
whether, having made an appeal to the people, he Means to
abide by it ? I press the Right Honourable Gentleman to
answer this question—( Cheers.) If he do not answer it, we
shall know what confidence he deserves from this House and
from a great and determined people."—(Tremendous cheers.)
The present Ministry has certainly given an ugly
specimen of its mode of disposing of an adverse parlia-
ment in strangling the last without suffering it to
utter a voice ; and after this summary example, even if
the threats had not been put forth which have been so
freely used, it would be well to come to an understand-
ing with the government as to the conduct it intends to
pursue towards the House of Commons—to what de-
gree it will tolerate the representation of the people—
what votes it will treat with contempt, or punish with
dissolution. Highly convenient it would indeed be,
that a list of the Ministerial rules for the direction of the
House should be inscribed on the walls of the House like
the regulations in a servant's ball, so that Members
might readily see the inutility or penalty of stating the
opinions or advocating the interests of their consti-
tuents. The Times has given us one rule for such
a tablet—namely, that twelve such votes as those
on the Speakership and the Address would be un-
heeded by the Ministry. According to the showing
of the different organs of the Government, the Duke
of Wellington, Sir Robert Peel, and Lord Lyndhurst
are to the omnipotence of the Legislature what the
Fates were to the gods of the ancients—tile children
of darkness ; one spins and another cuts threads of
life, and their behests are not to be disputed by those
to whom omnipotence is assigned. Sir Robert Peel,
our Clotho, has protested that, after the passing of the
Reform Bill, he saw the necessity of adapting the
Government of the country to the great change or re-
volution which had taken place ; this discovery he
never mentioned while the Whigs were in power, but
from what we have seen and heard of his system since
he has. been in office, the plan seems to be simply
this, that as a majority of the House of Commons
can no longer be packed, the Administration is to be
carried on in contempt and defiance of it. The reso-
lution appears to be, " Since we cannot controul
we won't heed it." The Tories adapt themselves to
the altered circumstances produced by the Reform Bill,
by declaring their intention to hold office, notwith-
standing the adverse votes of the representatives of the
people. The experiment would be a short one. And
as if it was not enough to tell us that they will not
heed the judgment of the House when it is opposed to
them, they add that they will dissolve and dissolve
again and again till they get a compliant Parliament.
We yet doubt, however, whether there are any-men so
mad or wicked as seriously to entertain the project of
wearying out the spirit of the country by repeated agi-
tation, or of exhausting duty by painful calls on it.
There is something diabolical in the design which con-
templates the destruction of public virtue by taxing it
beyond the common energies; but certainly it would be
apt preparation for a Tory Government. The country,
according to this threat, is to be put to the torture till
it consents to an Administration it abhors—by the
trouble, ferment, and expense of repeated elections,
it is to be tormented into the delivery of false suffrages,
as wretches under the question were tortured into giving
evidence against the truth. There is, happily, no
power adequate to the accomplishment of such a crime;
and the attempt to subdue the judgment of the country,
and by dintof injury to extort its suffrages for its injurers,
would speedily be cut short by the mighty resentment
and determined resistance it would provoke. The
short question raised by these insolent menaces is,
whether the House of Commons is to be returned ac-
cording to the pleasure of the Cabinet, or the sense of
the people. It is said (falsely we hope and believe)
that the Ministry will not suffer the existence of a
House of Commons adverse to it ; in such case, so far
as principle and practical results are concerned, it
would be better at once to propose to nominate the
Parliament than, by the method of exhaustion, drive
the people to Tory elections. Why, indeed, should
the country be put to the unnecessary trouble and pain
of fruitless choices ? and why should not the Govern-
ment claim to do at first what it hopes to bring about
at least by an injurious process?—Morning Chronicle.

VICE-CHANCELLOR'S COURT

WARRUN V. BUITON.-TAYLOR V. FILDES.

. .
This day was specially appointed for the hearing of tw
motions in these causes of very great interest to Methodists
The Court was crowded with respectable persons during
the whole day.
Sir C. WETHERELL, for the plaintiffs, stated that these
two causes were almost identical, the former relating to Dr.
Warren's title to preach in the Wesleyan Chapel, Oldham-
street, Manchester, and the latter to his title to preach in
another chapel, in Oldham-road, Manchester, which the
Learned Counsel should designate the Wesley Chapel.
And as the two motions which he had to make had the
same object, and were supported on both sides by the same
evidence, it was agreed they should be opened together.
In the former suit the bill was filed by the Rev. Dr.
Warren, who had been for many years a preacher of the
Wesleyan persuasion, against the trustees of the Oldham-
street Chapel. In the latter suit some of the trustees
of the Wesley Chapel have joined Dr. 'Warren in filing
the bill against the other trustees ; and both bills were filed
for the purpose of procuring a declaration that Dr. Warren
ought to be restored to these chapels from which he had
been, in the Learned Counsel's opinion, in the most extra-
ordinary manner rashly, hastily, unwarrantably, and ille-
gally removed. In 1833, Dr. Warren was appointed su-
perintendent preacher of the Manchester district. Such
an appointment lasts for a year, and if the Conference ap-
prove of the person, he is re-appointed for a second year.
Dr. Warren was re-appointed in 1834, and continued to
perform his duties in the series of chapels of which he was
thus the pastor and minister, over a congregation of above
'2,000 persons, with universal satisfaction. During this
time, circumstances occurred which led to the interference
of a body, the formation of which would be shortly noticed,
in a manner in which five minutes' calm consideration would
have shown it had no right to interfere. This body clothed
itself with a character of a Court, or Tribunal, convened
before it Dr. Warren as a sort of culprit, and awarded a
sentence of suspension against him, which it has carried
into effect by intrusively introducing a gentleman of the
name of Newton, whom it has assumed the right of ap-
pointing and clothing with the same name and functions
which legitimately belonged to Dr. Warren. The Oldham-
street chapel was founded in 1781, during the life of Wes-
ley. The land whereon it was built was then conveyed
to trustees, who are now represented by the present de-
fendants. A part of the trust deed is essential. Tho
chapel is held upon trust, in the first place, to permit