The Sun.
London, England, 1832-05-01 00:00:00

• •
BPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

In. proportion as the 101. qualification is now,
and has from the outset been, held by the
British people the most important-amongst She
constructive enactments of the Reform Bill, in
the same degree is the deinoliii-91i 'of that vital
clause regarded as indispensable to. the interests
of the Anti-Reform faction. If 'Lord Salisbury
should persist in his motion (and it is•thought
that he ;will do so) for instructions to the Com-
mittee, of a nature to pledge the House, when
carried, against the great principles of the Bill, as
developed in its' leading provisions,—that. is,
against those portions of it which, being most
beneficial in the eyes of the country, are, for
that reason, most, hateful to: the boroughmonger
Lords,—it is well understood that the chief
effort of the Noble Marquess and his friends
will be turned towards the 101. franchise. The
antipathy expresse'l by these conservators of all
abuses to the plan of enfranchising four metro-
politan districts, is in reality an abhorrence of
the 10/. clause. We are asked by some of
them, " What cares the rest of England
for any disappointment which London may
endure, from - a rejection of this project for
giving her eight additional representatives ? Is
not London already looked upon as of too pre-
ponderant influence throughout the kingdom ?"
Those who put such a question, have either some
insidious purpose in their head, or they betray
an equal ignorance of the Bill, and of the na-
tional feelings. Why has it been determined to
• double, the representation of the metropolis ? Is
it for the love of London or -her inhabitants
merely ? No ; nor is it from disesteem of Mr.
Banker, or 'frOin - hatred or -contempt of Lord
Monson and Messrs, Alexander, that Corfe
. Castle, Gatton, and Old Sarum are to be dis-
franchised. It has been wisely considered by his
Majesty's Ministers, and .by the House of Com-
mons, that the general well-being of the whole
community demands the right of sending Mem-
bers to Parliament on behalf of all bodies of re-
sident Englishmen, combining the visible essen-
tials of number and property, as the least erring
indicia orintellectual and moral fitness for the
exercise of political power in a manner advanta-
geous to the State. It has, on the same ground of
general usefulness, been decided, that places not
containing those evidences of political efficiency
which are annexed by common reason to nurnbers
and property united, such as Gatton, &c., ought
not to be intrusted with the choice of legislators
for the empire. There is no- favour to the
crowded, rich, and intelligent capital ; no harsh-
-I,ess towards the desolate, miserable, rude, and
dependent borough. The nation considers that
a trust so mighty as the choice of representatives
for 24,000,000 of people cannot safely be com-
mitted to one lord or squire, and his domes-
tics; it exclaims that the trust cannot safely be
withheld from several hundred thousands of men,
as a body the' most affluent, instructed, energetic,
fimiliarized with the working of public atlisirs,
and, in their fates and fortones, least capable,
--ruing all their fellow-citizens throughout the
realm, of being severed from the interest of the
entire commonwealth. Let not Lord Salisbury
or his evil cousellors, therefore, persuade them-
selves that the metropolitan question can be dis-
posed of as they desire that it should, namely,
by a rejection of the clause for enfranchising the
four great districts—without-alarming .and re-
volting the nation at large. We warn them that
any such attempt will be regarded by the peo-
ple of all the towns in England as a direct and
moral attack upon their own rights, their own
pretensions, their own prospects and hopes ofbeing
received by virtue of similar-qualifications into the
arms of the representative constitution. To vote
against the Tower Hamlets, and Marylebone,
and Lambeth, will be to declare war against
:Vianchester, Leeds, and Birmingham,—to an-
nounce that the principles on which the metro-
polis lays claim to far less than her due share of
"epresentatives to Parliament being set aside by
the Anti-Refbrm Lords, the same principles are
to he in every other part of England treated
with the like insolent hostility. If the argument
of population, property, knowledge, contribution
to the public necessities in the shape of taxes,
and connexion with the public welfare by innu-
merable ties,—if that argument have no force in
the case of London, wherefore should it have
any at Leeds or Birmingham ? But if,—and
that is the pith of the whole subject—if the 10/.
franchise be overpowered in and near the metro-
polis, where else will it be secure? The-assault,
we repeat, is upon the 10/, qualification ; and if
in London and its neighbourhood that qualifica-
tion be abolished, does Lord Salisbury or-any
Anti-Reformer of his brethren, even the
.most &hallow and stupid of their tribe,—does
he flatter himself that the population of
the rest of England will look on with indifference
and wait unmoved till the axe of the con-
servators shall follow up the blow against the
other town constituencies ? It is, my Lords, a
common cause throughout the kingdom. All
the feelings of devotion to this great cause are
national : they are more intense and far more
universal than any to which the most renowned
revolutions of modern history can be attributed.
The downfall of Charles I.,—the expulsion of
his son,—the sympathy of the thirteen United
States of North America wi I i Boston,—the
French hatred of Poiignac's administration,—no
revolutionary catastrophe can be traced to :ienti-
inents io unanimous, supported by reasonings so
just and irrefutable, as are at this moment ready
to show themselves in England at the first mo-
ment of intelligence being received by the people
that the boroughmong,ering power has succeeded
in expunging the 101. qualification from the Bill.
It is for their Lordships to beware while caution
Can avail them any thing. The. Catholics of
Ireland would at one period have accepted grate-
fully, and as a generous boon, far less than they
afterwards wrested by main force, and amidst
threats and heartburnings, from the haughtiest of
their opponents. The North American colonies
would once have been satisfied with the repeal of an
insulting tax. They were scorned by the enemies
of just concession, who abused them for revolu-
tionists and rebels : rebels they became, and cast
off the yoke which galled them. Now what is
the state of England ? The people cry out for
the Bill as being the least degree of liberty with
which they ought to be contented, The Anti-
Reformers refuse : they call the nation " a mob,"
and call themselves the " monarchy." Will the
mob be less inclined to overturn that so-called
monarchy, by seeing in it an insurmountable ob."
stacle to the attainment of the degree of power
which is necessary to the safe-guard of every
man's purse and person ? But what if the-Lords
reject the 10/. voters ? Will the people sub-
mit ? Already they exclaim on every: side,
" Give us this Biil, or we will have snore than
the Bill." Just so it was when Charles :Ten-
dered nugatory the petition of right,—just so
when the fair and humble petitions of- the
colonies were scouted,—just so when the long
withheld enjoyment of their rights from the
Cathtlics opened up the " repeal ths tnion.

thievery ease where a nation intrinsically power-
ful continues tobeill-treatetiby a faction which
owes its force to circumstances and to mere forms,
one demand grows upon another : exasperation
takes the place of reasoning, and resentment esta-
blishes hourly a new and exaggerated measure i)f
right. What is the language of Birmingham
at this moment ?--of Birmingham, which is the
barometer of the Reform feeling throughout
England ? Read : " Give us the Bill unmuti-
lated. Give us, above every thing, the 101.
clause, or we will find means of obtaining more
than this Bill holds out to us." What was said
at Dundee ? What at Edinburgh ? What is
threatened by the Leeds petitioners ? By all—
one and all—" the Bill, or mare." Lord Grey's
Government, we' are conscious, perceives this
electric state of the realm, and will act worthily
of the great occasion which betides it. Lord
Grey will not give up the 101. clause : he would
rather yield his head to the executioner. The
machinations of the Anti-Reformers, and that
machination in the employment of which they
set the worst examples of the most corrupt times
at defiance,—we mean unprincipled and inde-
fatigable slander,—are of a description which we
shall feel ourselves called upon to notice at some
future opportunity. But they will fail. The
Ministers need only stand their ground, reposing
implicit confidence in the people, repaying the
noble confidence with which their upright and
consistent Sovereign honours them,—and they
have nothing to fear from a faction, too weak,
providentially, to execute any part of its own
blind projects ; for the first step-proposed by the
Anti-Reformers would, under the actual temper.
of the people of England, he a headlong plunge
into revolution.— Times.
The Standing Committee of the Friends of

Reform in. Liverpool met at the Clarendon

Rooms on Saturday last ; and, as our readers
will see by an advertisement in another part of

our Paper, expressed, by an unanimous resolu-
tion, " their satisfaction at the present prospect
of the Reform Bill now before the House of
Lords, which they trust will be attended with
such a result as to render a further declaration
of public opinion unnecessary, and remove the
difficulties now attending the commercial affairs
of the country, in consequence of the delay in
passing that just and salutary measure in its in-
tegrity." The meeting adjourned to Wednes-
day, the 9th of May ; when the Committee will
be able, from the turn that affairs are taking, to
decide on the most eligible course under the
circumstances of the ease. In the petition to
the House of Peers agreed to at the meeting of
the burgesses and inhabitants of Dundee, on
Monday, the 23d of April, the evil of delay is
described in still stronger terms than in the
Liverpool resolution. The petitioners—

" Now beg leave to say, that their anxiety for the
speedy passing of that measure, so far from being abated,
is painfully increased, especially from experience of the
evils resulting to the trade and commerce of the country
from a dread of the convulsions to which the rejection or
mutilation of it might give ri•e--from a state of suspenie
and alarmLairgelnUted_And prolonged by the numerous, ,nd,

as it appearsTio your pelitioners; the improper and vexa-
tious obstacles thrown in the way of a satisfactory settle.
ment of the question."
The language of the speakers at the crowded
meeting of the inhabitats of that great and grow-
ing town was beyond all commendation :

You have seer," said Provost Lindsay on moving the
petition, " 11' how small a majority the second reading of
the Bill has been carried—and yon have seen that some 01
_ . _ _

the Lords, either from ignorance or from wilful obstinacy,
have expressly stated that the majority of all classes, high
and low, is against the Reform Bill, and that a great re-
action has taken place in the minds of a majority of the
community. You have also seen that many of those Peers
who voted for the second reading of the Bill have declared
their intention of opposing several of its (lames in the
C.)mmittee. If one Lord oppose one clause, and another
Lord another clause, as they will certainly be joined by all
those who voted against the second reading, the Bill may
be mutilated and frittered down till it befr.ot worth taking.
(Cheering.) It was, therefore, incumbent on the people
to come forward in these circumstances, and state their
determination to have the entire Bill as sent tip by the
Commons—to show the Lords tbat no reaction has taken
place, unless what is meant by reaction be a. more decided
determination than ever in favour of the Bill.—(Conti-
tined cheering. )"

Mr. George Mike, in seconding the motion
['or the adoption of the petition, observed—

" All Government is merely a compromise. If man-
kind would universally abstain from inflicting injuries on
each other, there would be no occasion for any Govern-
ment whatever. But as this is not the case, Govern-
ment is indisp, nsably necessary for the protection of per-
sons and property : and the essence of a good Government
is, that these shall be protected at the least possible ei-
pense. The enormous expense at which the Anti Re-
formers wish us to pay for our protection, is the cause of
our quarrel with them. They tell us that we are, upen
the whole, very well off in this country ; that, instead of
being dissati4ed with things as they are, we should be
tharkful that our heads are allowed to remain on our
bodies.—(Cheers and laughter.) This may be very con-
venient doctrine for them, but it is not so palatable to us.
We want them not only to let our heads alone, but to keep
their fingers out of our pockets. We know the bad system
under which we have been governed—we have met three
times to petition for its correction; and if we are required
to meet another time on the same subject, it will be to do
an act of our own in our own favour.—(Tremendous
cheers and laughter.)"

The Oligarchy may be assured, that in se-
parating themselves from the people, and as-
serting claims irreconcilable with the principles
of justice, and with the dictates of common
sanse, they will not only not succeed in retain-
ing their usurped power, but will deprive them.
selves of the authority which otherwise might
be conceded to them. Mr. Milne does not
mince the matter. "If we are required to meet
another time on the same subject, it will be to
do an act of our own in our own favour." Now
let the Boroughmongers put this plain question
to themselveg. What sort of a system must that
be, 'which drives an orderly calculating people
like the Scotch to hold a language like this ?
The Scotch are not a people lightly moved ; but
when they move, they generally move to some pur-
pose • and they have one quality which Noble
Lords would do' well to study; they are an
earnest people—they seldom hang - between
opinions, but take their course decidedly. They
have decided, and they will act on their decision.
In the admirable petition, the inhabitants of
Dundee bring the following charges against the
oligarchical system
" It is for no vague or indefinite objects that your peti-
tioners wish the representation of the people in Parliament
to be reformed : they know, from sad experience, that
there has been a long course of misgovernment in the coun-
try—that wars against liberty, or for objects utterly inade-
gusto, have been undertaken and prosecuted with an ob-
stinate, foolish, and wicked perseverance—that armies
have been maintained in time of peace, not to protect the
people, but to repress the manifestations of their well-
founded discontent—that places and pensions have beet
needlessly multiplied, and sinecures have prevailed, for no
other purpose than to perpetuate the powee of abuse—
tbat the repeal of laws revolting to humanity and to corea.
mon sense has been pertinaciously, selfishly, andsuccessfuby
resisted—that the enactment of good laws has been found
nearly impracticable, whilst the passing of enactments
trenching on the literties of the subject, or for establish-
ing and perpetuating the most pernicious monopolies, has
been a matter comparatively of easy accomplishment—that
erea the spread of education amongst the people has net
only been neglected but shamefully opposed, and that, too,
by those who receive from the community enormous emolu-
mentsunder the pretence of instructing them—and the dif-
fusion of knowledge by other means has been impeded and fet-
tered in a mischievous, be, barons, and unchristian manner." '
- And. they tell their Lordships that
a large ex-
._
• 4

tension ,of:tthe.elective franchise is looked to le
the "people as the chief means 'of neutralizing 11c
influence of the small boroughs sufficiently which
it is proposed shall still be allowed to send. Mem-
bers to Parliament ; they-trust that by raising
the qualification, their Lordships will not give
occasion to the people to believe that they are
anxious thus to secure indirectly the pernicious
power of the Oligarchy ; and that as " the pre-
sent measure of Reform has the cordial assent of
the great bulk of the wealth, intelligence, and
physical force of the nation, any curtailment of
its efficiency by your Lordships cannot be per-
manent." We confess we are partial to this
plain speaking of the good people of Dundee.
In the House of Lords, for obvious reasons,
the truth can at most be indicated. The mo-
tives of the speakers are not questioned. Though
the object of the Bill is neither more nor less
than to put a stop to the career of the plunderers
of the public, and the opponents of the measure
are about as impartial judges as thieves in the
case of a preventive police, they are yet all ho-
nourable men, and the courtesy they extend to
each other leads to an assumption of honesty by
several speakers, as much in character as the co-
vering of the lion's skin to the ass. But the
inhabitants of Dundee tell their Lordships that.
the system to which the people are determined
an end shall be put is one of fraud, oppression,
and peculation—that Boroughmongers have
made wars to enrich themselves at the public
expense, and Bishops in the receipt of enormous
incomes, 'given for the professed purpose of in-
structing the people, employ themselves in pre-
venting the diffusion of education among those
whom they are bound to instruct. This is as
it should be. One great argument of the Re-
formers at Liverpool, Dundee, and elsewhere,
is the injury to the trade and industry of the
country caused by the delay of settling this mea-
sure. Indeed, such is the mischief which con-
tinued agitation for such a length of time has oc-
casioned,- that if an idea had. been entertained
by persons of influence throughout the country,
'of the length of the delay which would inter-
vene between the first proposition of Reform and
its final decision, we question whether effectual
means might not at once have been resorted
to for quickening the issue. As it is, how-
ever, the dissatisfaction of the people with
die delay affords a most satisfactory refuta-
tion of those who contend that the present Bill
will be but the beginning of agitation, and that
the present Bill will only add to the power of
the party of the movement to carry more ex-
ensive Reforms. Much, of course, will depend
on the extent to which the present Bill answers
the just expectations of the people. The peo-
ple conceive that the business of Government
ought to be conducted for the interest of the
governed, not of the governine; consequently
that it should be conducted without any unne-
cessary expenditure. ' They suppose that by the
present Bill a majority of members will be re-
turned accountable to constituents identified in
interest with the nation. If the House of Com-
mons so returned prove an efficient guardian of
the public purse—if it legislates without•refer-
ence to any particular order in the State, but for
the general good—if it identify itself with the
nation instead of opposing the nation—we have
no doubt the people will not hazard the solid
advantages of which they are in possession for the
sake of an imaginary perfection. The defects which
time may discover in our institutions will be cau-
tiously and maturely considered. The working of
the Reform Bill is as yet only matter of conjec-
ture, though we think that there is every chance in
favour of its working well. It would, however,
be absurd to suppose, if the Bill do not cure the
evils which have led the people to desire it with
so much ardour, they should still sit down pa-
tiently tinder it. It is the business of a wise
man not to remain with his hands folded under
evil, but to endeavour to discover a remedy :
and, if one fail, to try another. It is therefore
no argument against Reform, to say, that if it
should not answer the well. founded expectations
of the nation, further Reform may be called for.
We presume that no one will contend that the
prosperity and happiness of the people - ought
not to be the end and object of all government,
and if that end is not attained, a further change
is justifiable. Our contemporary (the Standard)
asks, " With respect to the circumstances under
which the Bill has been introduced, and the cir-
cumstances under which, if ever passed, it will be
passed—are they such as can hold out any hope
of a final arrangement ? The measure, it is
confessed by its authors, has been introduced in
its present shape under the influence of mere in-
timidation—by such influence have they pro-
tected its progress, and by such influence only
do they promise to carry it into effect ; but
when were concessions made to menaces ever
final ?" This would be an argument against all
change whatever ; for we question if any abuse
was ever yet abandoned voluntarily by those who
profited by it. The British Constitution is the
fruit of a series of concessions to menace, and
sometimes actual force. The question as put, with
all deference to our contemporary, is without
meaning. There are different sorts of concessions,
and the effect of them is equally different. If a man
charges you with a horrrible crime with a view of
extorting-money, concession to menace will lead
to further demands. Aggressive threats will be
encouraged by the disposition to yield on the
part of the threatened. But if I catch a man
trespassing on my property, and insist on his de-
sisting from such a practice—if the party yield
to this just demand, from intimidation if you
will, why should that concession not satisfy me ?
The whole question, as to the concession, re-
solves
itself into whether the party conceding
still retains what ought also to be conceded, and
whether that which ought to be conceded, is of
material consequence. The question of our
contemporary supposes an antagonism of inte-
rest between the party conceding and the people ;
and in that case, no doubt, the people may deem
themselves entitled to demand that no separate
interest shall stand in the way of their pro-
sperity. But the people will not commit alelo-
de-se. We do not find the people of the
United States tempted by the concession of
their unlimited freedom, which they extorted
from Great Britain, to interfere with property,
to promote anarchy, in short, to rush on self.
destruction. On the contrary, they are noted
throughout the world for prudence and circum-
spection—for enterprise and daring in their
schemes, and coolness and caution in the exe-
cution of them. We find them on sea and on
land our
concessionprincipal rivals. The doctrine, then,
that to
thei languagentimidatioii
of
invitmesent,o
who,
having e r
demands,
is
having already more than justice, are determined
that others shall have less. It is the language
which every usurper holds. The people shall
not, forsooth, have part of their claims, because
they may be encouraged to demand the whole.
But (adds bur contemporary) the professed object of
the phrase
ywteo
sruepepd6e,re, is the Constitution
mthoereßdeefoinTeraßnicilsi,isfogrentehria.l,l
rEstoringtothetiVypePoples
the pee le from a vile oligarchy,'
tshibeirle trigranbsula,t,ia,nroocfujog

giving to the people a real representation.' Now, whe-
ther a democratical ascendency in the Constitution of
a country. be, favourable to changes, is not a question at
this time of day—it is the one paramount objection to a
very popular form of Goverument,in which all writers ui
the subj, ct are agreed. The British Constitution, there.
fore, having already proved the extent to which it is sus-
ceptible of change, by the Reform itself—will, by the
provisions of that measure, be rendered more susceptible.
And this is to be a final arrangement."
We have already, in a great measure, answered
these observations. The people, in an old
countiy like England, are subject to a law of a
very imperative character, which imposes on all
but a few favoured individuals, the necessity of
toiling in one way or other for subsistence, and
those luxuries which habit has rendered neces-
sary to comfortable existence. The people of
England and Scotland complain principally of
the delay in settling the Reform Bill—that it has
consumed that time which they can ill afford to
spare. Nothing,. for instance, at present, but
the conviction that an unfair advantage would be
taken of the silence of the people by a set of
insolent and impudent oligarchS, who pretend,
the moment the people are quiet, that a reaction
in public opinion has taken place, would induce
the people to submit to the inconvenience and
expense (for the expense is considerable) of
meeting in their different localities to give the
lie to the Anti-Reformers. The people wish
this Reform with all their hearts, because, by
submitting to one great inconvenience, they
hoped to be freed from future inconvenience.
They hope that, if they can once obtain effec-
tive guardians of the purse, they may pursue
their avocations in security, and without a con-
stant eye to their pockets. So far from dreading
a disposition to incessant changes, we are rather
inclined to dread the apathy of the people. As
to comparisons with France at the period of the
revolution—they are out of the question. In the
first place, France rushed from one extreme to
another—we are only reforming old and tried
institutions.. All the power and intellect of
France were in a measure centred in Paris, which
gave the law to the provinces. Here London
has no such preponderance. London is the seat
of Government, the seat of Parliament and the

supreme Courts ; but there is no di,position in
the great towns in every part of the empire to
show any particular deference to London. In

short, these towns as often lead as follow. Ano-
ther grand consideration in comparing. England
and France is, that we are fortunately, from our
situation, exempted from the necessity of keep-.
ing up a large standing army. Where there is
a large disposable force, in times of change and
revolution, the party which can gain over the
force obtains the ascendency. One revolution
thus grows out of another. Here, hitherto, rea-
son, and not force, has been trusted to ; and if
matters he settled without force, as we trust will
be the case, we see no reason to apprehend any
disposition to make the Reform Bill a measure
for an cadless succession of sweeping changes.—
Morning Chronicle.
The continued and hopeless illness of M.
Casimir Perier, it is now generally understood,
must speedily lead to .his formal cecession from
office, and affairs in France, unsettled and doubt-
ful as they have been since the Devolution, will

thus he reduced to a more critical and precarious
state than ever. The various party of the Op-
position, consisting of Carlists, Republicans,
and Napoleonists, who are all temporarily united
in one common effort to overthrow the dy-
nasty of Louis-Philippe, has gained extra-
ordinary moral strength by the catastrophe
that has befallen the Premier. It is his ener-
getic spirit that has sustained the Orleans throne
and the Cabinet amidst constantly increasing
difficulties, against which the upstart King feels
every day that he is less and less capable of con-
tending. Although M. Perier, from his impe-
tuous manner and decided tone, was never a
Court favourite, Louis-Philippe is conscious
that he will be perfectly helpless unsupported by
the President of the Council, who possessed
great strength of mind, decision of judgment,
and every quality best suited to the conduct of a
Government so beset with difficulties and dangers
as that of France at this moment. His system
and tact in procuring information respecting any
and every political movement throughout the
kingdom was not the least remarkable character-
istic of his administration. His private arrange-
ments are generally believed to have been perfect
in this respect. He had established channels of
communication quite distinct from those of the
Cabinet ; and through these, rather than from the
reports of prefects and police agents, he always
judged as to the necessity of moving troops, or
taking other precautionary measures in a par-
ticular district. These and other similar cir-
cumstances rendered M. Perier unpopular with
his colleagues, independently of his lofty bear-
ing, for he pursued his own course and acted
upon his own opinions, wholly regardless of
Cabinet considerations, on all occasions where
he deemed a prompt and decisive policy to be
required. Notwithstanding the remonstrances
of the King and the rest of the Cabinet)
proceeding from their fears of bold measures,
he has repeatedly declared that the suaviter
in moth) system cannot safely be adopted in
France, where the party of the reigning family
is reduced to a mere dubious majority in the
Chamber of Deputies, a few Jew stockbrokers,
the attach& of the Court and the Cabinet, and a
hired band under the control of the police. The
commercial body, consisting principally of Carlists,
and nearly all the respectability of France, are
decidedly hostile to the Government of Louis-
Philippe, as having arisen out of a convulsion
that has destroyed commerce,checked agriculture,
which was in a state of rapid improvement, in-
terfered with the arts, and demoralized the po-
pulation. M. Perier was the first Minister who
judged correctly of the state of affairs, and re-
solved upon acting vigorously for the support of
the existing Government. It has been a marked
feature in his policy to make constant and pointed
advances towards the army. He knew that the
only chance of security for the present family
was in the disposition of the troops to act against
the movement and Carlist parties ; for Louis-
Philippe is supported by no moral influence in
any part of the country. M. Perier's system
has hitherto preserved the throne to Louis-Phi-
lippe, who naturally locks with the greatest anx-
ity to the probable loss of this valuable Minister.
Our own Cabinet must also feel much interested

in an event which must materially affect their
Foreign policv.—Morning Post.

Itcan'hardly be doubted, or rather we should
say, it is a moral certainty, that if Ministers pur-
sue the same weak, vacillating, and temporizing
conduct with regard to the Court of Spain which
they have, hitherto adopted in their negotiations
with other continental Powers, the " pious and
beloved Ferdinand" will make common cause
with the usurper of Portugal, and march his
troops to his support, if he finds there is no. other
way of preventing the establishment oi a con-
stitutional throne in that kingdom. Those pa.
liticians who take the assurances of Ferdinand to
the contrary must be very simple persons, or very

willing to be deceived--for surely the previous
X perience of his character has fully shown that
~.here the interests of lii despotism 'arc at stake,
;;o assurance of Ferdinand's as to abstaining from
assisting those interests by any foul or dishO-
I,ourable means within his reach is worth a,straW.
f Don Miguel, by the most deliberate perjury
and treason, after swearing to the Constitu-
tional system, overturned it, and erected his
usurped authority upon its ruin&, Ferdinand was
guilty of a like peljury and equal treachery in
swearing to the Constitution of the Cortes, and
then taking the first opportunity of trampling.,
that Constitution under foot. He even perse-
cuted and destroyed the patriots who were mainly
instrumental in saving Spain from the yoke of
French dominion—who were the cause of his
deliverance from captivity, and of his elevation to
a throne ! Twice did Ire overthrow the consti-
tutional institutions of Spain—once by means
of the:priesthood, after his return from France,
and again, by the aid of French bayonets, after
the infamous invasion of Spain by the hero who
has since been keeping his martial propensities
in practice my making destructive campaigns
against grouse in the mountains of Scotland. It is

evident that such a ruler as Ferdinand must no

only have a very decided sympathy with Don
Miguel, with whom his tastes and virtues are in
common, but he must view with alarm aud hor-
ror the planting of a Constitutional banner in any
part of the• Peninsula. He must anticipate,
in the establishment of a limited Monarchy in
Portugal, the eventual overthrow of despotism in
his own dominions;. and feeling the cause of
DOn Miguel as his own, he will act just as
Austria has done in the Italian legations, what-
ever professions of neutrality he may make, un-
less the decided and unequivocal conduct of
England or France, or both, should inspire him
with those salutary fears which may make him
think his armed intervention too perilous an ex-
periment. From the side of France he can

have no rational cause of apprehension, for, al-
though the leader of that nick -named juste milieu
system which is daily plunging France deeper
and deeper in wretchedness, discontent, and all
the horrors of internal insecurity and commotion,
be, at present, incapacitated, his boastful, de-
lusive, and truckling policy survives, and is effect-
ing more for the re-animation of Carlism, and in

favour of a new restoration, than all the open
enemies of French freedom have been able to ac-
complish since the revolution. That Ferdinand
does not fear England either, we think he has given
substantial proof. If he had either respected
or feared the character or the power of England,
he would not have dared to order a British sub-
ject to be executed in cold blood, and even with-
out the form of a trial. The unexpiated and
unavenged murder of Mr. Boyd must have in-
creased his contempt for the power of England,
and his confidence in his own fortunes. If; also,
that be true which a Ministerial Paper announces
respecting an edict said to be issued by Ferdi-
nand, ordering all British subjects and others,
resident in the island of Teneriffe, to turn Ro-
man Catholics—take the oath of allegiance to
the Spanish despot, or quit the island in two
months, how profound must be the disdain with
which the Royal bankrupt of the Escurial has
been taught to contemplate the character and
power of this once mighty empire ! Has the Rus-
sian Ambassador no particular influence on the
councils of Ferdinand's Camarilla ? Are there no
assurances given from a Northern Power that no
danger will arise to Ferdinand, if he could ap-
prehend any, from preventing the establishment
of a Constitutional Monarchy close to his own
precarious despotism ? But whether he acts
upon his own views of policy in this matter,' or
in secret concert with others, certain it is that for
a consideaable time past, while Ferdinand has
been making to our Government professions of
neutrality in the forthcoming contest for the
Portuguese throne, he has been collecting all the
disposable forces of his kingdom on the frontiers
of Portugal;—and if England does not make
Such demonstrations as must alarm him for the
consequences, he will show just as much respect
for his repeated assurances of pacific intentions as
Louis XVIII. did, when after making our
Government believe that the army which he
collected at the foot of the Pyrennees was only
a cordon-sanitaire, suddenly poured them into
Spain, and Effected a despotic revolution !
Morning Herald.
INSOLVENT COURT, APRIL :30.

Charles Sidney Smith was opposed by Messrs.
ADOLPHUS and BARRY, for the creditors, and sup-
ported by Messrs. COOKE and WOODROFFE.

The insolvent had been a linen and woollen-
draper, at Bedford House, Clapham, and the grounds
of opposition were, that he had fraudulently con-
tracted many of his debts, and also had made an
unfair disposal of part of his stock in trade. The
insolvent was discharged by this Court in 1821,
when his debts were under 2001. In 1825 he was
a bankrupt, for 1,600/., and still remains uncerti.
ficated. His present debts amount to 2,4001.
In October, 1830, he called upon Mr. RUdge, of
St. Martin's-le-grand, linen draper. On that occa-
sion he went by the name of Hallet, was called
H.llet, and answered tcs the name. He ordered
goods to the amount of 75/. to be sent to a house in
Blackman-street, over the door of which the name
of Millet Wes written. He also gave respectable
references in that name. He af'erwards negotiated
bills with Mr. Rudge, on which flatlet's name ap-
peared as the drawer. These facts were distinctly
sworn to by Mr. Rudge ; the insolvent, however,
swore he never went by the name of Haller. Mr.
Rudge's evidence was most fully confirmed by his
shopman. He was at length arrested by the name
of Hallet, and he then declared his name to be Smith.

Mr. Williams deposed, that the insolvent had
also dealt with him under the name of Hallet.

Mr. Petit, a furrier, in Great Distaff-lane, be-
came acquainted with him in September, 1831;
and trusted him to the amount of 87/. A, that

time, he said he traded as Sears and Cu., Clapham.
On that occasion he gave references to respectable
person:.
Mr. Parker, a linen-draper, had experienced
similar conduct at the hands of the insolvent, who
had told him his name was Sears; yet, notwith-
standing, he swore positively he never went by any
other name than Smith.

There were several other charges of a very simi-
lar character, and the COURT, after a most patient
investigation, observed, that the insolvent having
neglected to give one of his creditors legal notice
of his being about to appear, he must be remanded
for the present. They would however take thk
opportunity of declaring their opinion of his con-
duct, which was, that he had been guilty of the
grossest fraud upon his creditors,—that his connexion
with flatlet was a conspiracy to defraud them,—
that the whole case was one of acenumlative fraud,
and when the time arrived for them to give their
final decision, they should not be doing their duty
if they did not visit the insolvent with a length of
imprisonment fully commensurate to his most
fraudulent behaviour.

'file Memorial Bordelais, in giving an ac-
count of the debate on the second reading of the
Bill, mentions the following Pe( re 101 having taken part in
it : the due de Wonehelzenu, the due de Due/ginger-A,
Llrd Famoult, the Bi,hop of Zondoff, the Sfarquit. 01
Lundovn, al(' Lori 1C.6;740n

11A.MBURG PAPERS.

WARSAW, APBIL 18.--LA deputation of,
~f the priieipal landownct.s.will shorty go t~.
l'etcr4burgli to offer to his Iniperial Majesty thetillu.'
of the nation for the organic statute given taitPli.
o recommend to his Majesty4S gracious att,ol,
•ome wishes founded on local wants.
The ViCe•President- of Warsaw, has issued
prohibition of smoking tobacco in the streets.'
BERLIN, APRIL .23.—,HisExcelleucy
beatipieire, Russian Ambassador Ffxtraordinatt
Minister Plenipotentiary.to' this Court, hats, "
r
here from St. Petersburgh; and has already lisic
audience of the King, at which he delivere.ol'!
credentials.

APRIL 25.—M. Nixon, a British. Cabino'l
senger, has passed through this city on trii,ll
from St. Petersburgh to London, it .is saidll
orders for the exchange of the ratifications.
FROM THE MAINE, APRIL 21.--The ill MI
of the Duke of Reichstadt is said to cxeite'
prehension. It is said the young Prince has
pressed a wish to pass some months with his not
at Parma, but that it has been thought inacliisabl
comply with thi4 wish, partly becausethe presi
of the son of Napoleon might increase the agitsl
in that country, the inhabitants of which still-chei
the memory of that great man, and partly becaus
is not improbable that Italy may be shortly Oil
by the cholera.

CIIRISTIANIA, APRIL 17.—A. house has lately
hired in Drammen, to be used incase of need
cholera lazaretto.

On the 14th instant the Supreme Tribunal
fenced the merchant Martin Petereir to death.
robbing the post-office, and murder.

HAMBURG, APRIL Hanoverian GO
announces officially that his Majes,y has been plea'
to accept the resignation of the Cabinet Minist
Count Van Bruner and Van Meding, with a grail
acknowledgement of their- long, useful, and fuitb
services.

BOAS EN- HALLE, HALF-PAST Two o'cLociu:
The chief bu,,iness in wheat was for shipment!
France and Holland, and prices at the beginning'
the week rose a trifle higher than the.quotations' !a$
have since needed to their former figures; 'P
arrivals having been so small may he attributed I
the holydays. Rye, price firm, but little doing.
From the 14th to the 20. h, inclusive, 94 vegse
with corn passed the SoUnd, of which 43 were boos
for Dutch, and 17 for British ports.
PRICE OF WHEAT.

Wheat, Auhalt, white Weight. Rix-dolhal
115 to 124.. 118 to ~
19
red 117 to 127 116 to J,r,a
------ Marks l2ll to 125......122 to
Mecklenburgh
Holstein, red 118 to 125......115 to I'7:
During the week 578 lasts of wheat have be',
imported, 348 exported, and there remains stock
bond 1,800 lasts.

Contrary to expectation no improvement has ta-
ke
place in the Stock Markets of Paris, Frankfort,
Berlin. This big, however, hot prevented pri ,
from rising in this place. Within the last few.deT
a number of transactions have been effected in IP;
scan, Austrian, and Danish Stock. Discount,
per cent.
Anglo-Danish Loan, 3 per Co End of APOlt .66.
Anglo-Russian Loan 96
Hamburg ditto • B”if
Russian inscription, 5 per cent. B7SS
Ditto, ditto, IR3I B6Na
Polish Bonds lO9
Austrian Bank Shares - . 1159
Ditto Metalliques • 68
EXCHANGES ON LONDON.
Hauacac, APRIL `27.-13 1214 ; two months, 13 10N.
BERLIN. APRIL 24.—Three months. 6 29.
STOCKHOLM, APRIL 19.—Ninety days, 13 40.
ST. PE rnasnuftan, Alum 18.—Three months, 10 7.19.
—Hamburg Reporter.

LONDON MARKETS.

PRICE OF BREAD.

The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis is Md. •fig
411). Loaf, There are others who sell from j4d. to I)4d.bti
that price.

• PRICE OF SEEDS.—ApriI.3O. " 0
•
New Englishßed Clover Seed (per Cwt.) —s. 523. fine —s.
...I
Old Ditto Ditto a4O / W V WI./ 0 W 41I"1010 Pe••••....I.III••• -s. —s. fine --E6 0,
New Foreign Ditto-------.—......-- 523. Ns fine ....S. :,-I.`
Old Ditto doe•••••••••••.•••••••••••••• -s. —s. fine —s• go
New White Clover---.....—...--.,-----. 525. 82s. fine --4. ji
Old Ditto Ditto. -s. —s. fine•--. 4. ;-,g,
New Trefoil -- ....... —s. 12s. fine 50s.
' 04
31d Ditto ..........--...
............ —s. —s. fine --s 40
Rib Grass ....................... •--s. 375. fine —O. gri
English Carraway 5eed............................ —s. .—s. 60s. fine ,:',
Foreign Ditto ....•. —S. ~41. --g. fine 50
Voriander •••••••••••••••••••••••waww...........••••••••••• ....1. ...S. fine . 255• 4
St. coin ...................(per Quarter)---. -5....13. fine —ll.
,0
Rye Grass .............................-..............;....... -it. +.lk. new 1200.
Pacey Ditto .
__— 40s. 565. new.—s• Linseed, for feeding -----. —a. 400.'fine .--s.
Ditto, for cru5hing...............--.........-.., 365. 40s. -a. fine
Canary Seed, New. - . . --s. '7os. 72s fine
'ate Old . —.._ —a. —s. --a. fine
White Mustard Seed .....(per Bushel)—... --s. 7s. Ss. 'fine
Brown Ditto —..... ... —s. 103. 17s. fin'
Turnip Seeds,
.R0und5.........—.--..-. —s. ...9. Bs. fine 1
i
Green and Red Ditto ..—....—..—......... •,,..S. —s. Bs. fine '9l
fares, Old —s. ss. fid. fine.",
Ditto New , --8. —s. fine —.4.00
Rape Seed, English, fine (per Last) 231. 271...... Foreign 20_±.".,/

riticEs OF HOPS.—April 30.
Kent Pockets _5l Os. 61. 2.5. te 61.05,

Svosexllitto

Essex Ditto