The Sun.
London, England, 1832-06-09 00:00:00

BAIL COURT.-(THIS DAY.)

Mr. Justice PATTESON sat in this Court to receive jus-
tification of bail, and afterwards took common motions.

COURT OF KING'S BENCH.--(THIS DAY.

Their Lordships were occupied this morning in hearing
arguments on cases from the Courts of Quarter Sessions,
chiefly relative to the settlement of paupers.

PREPARATIONS FOR CELEBRATING
THE PASSING OF THE REFORM BILL.

Preparations upon an extensive scale have already com-
menced for the public celebration of the passing of the
Reform Bill. The fete is to commence on Friday next,
the anniversary of the day on which King John signed
Magna Charta, and continue the following day and Mon-
day. The Burlington Arcade is to be fitted up as a ball.
room, for which purpose the pavement will be covered
over with Indian matting. Mr. Herbert, the builder, has
subscribed 1001. towards defraying the expenses, and the
residue is to be made up by the inhabitants, who will have
the privilege of disposing of tickets of admission, of which
800 will be issued. A Military and Quadrille Band have
been already engaged, as also have two professor. of
dancing, to act as Masters of the Ceremonies. Two of the
houses in the Arcade are to be fitted up as saloons for re-
freshments, which will be supplied by Mr. Clapham, of
the Strand.

The Lord Mayor will entertain the whole of the Ca-
binet Ministers, and Members of the House, at the Man-
sion-house, which will be splendidly illuminated at night,
Saville-house, in Leicester-square, will be very splen-
didly illuminated, and a grand display of fireworks will
take place within the railings of the square, under the di-
rection of Southby, the artist. Another exhibition will
also take place in Hyde Park, by the same artist.
Birmingham will be splendidly illuminated on Monday
night next, and the rejoicings will continue the whole of
the week...—Morning Chronicle.

SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE-(THIS DAY.)

FROM LLOYD'S.

PORTSMOUTH, JUNES.—Wind W.S.W.—Arrived the
Sylvia transport from Gibraltar.
STANGATE CREEK, JUNE S.—Arrived the Loweatoffe,
Cook, from Alexandria.

CowEs, JUNE S.—Arrived the Hazard, Wenbery, from
Bahia.

FALMOUTH, JUNE 7.—Wind W.S.W.—Arrived the
Barrington, Tate, from Odessa. Off port, the James and
Ellen, Herelen, from Cette; Mary Pinel, from Gibraltar ;
Halsen, from Surinam; and William and Alfred,
Drysdale, from Antigua.
Bars Tor, Julia 7.—Arrived the Symmetry, from
Leghorn.

LVERPOOL, JUNE 7.—Arrived the Plato, Davis, from
Charleston ; Benjamin Morgan, Barthson, from Savan-
nah. Off port the Miranda, Taggart, from Demerara ;
Margaret, Carlyle, from Barbados ; Hibernia, Maxwell,
from New York ; and George IV., from Sicily.

YARMOUTH, JuNz 7.—Arrived the Louise, Douval,
from Hamburgh—leaky, bound to Calais; and Glaphyra,
Johnson, from London.

HULL, JUNE 7.—Arrived the Hoghton, Brady, from
Riga.

THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.)

CITY, T WEL VE 0' CLOCK.
Extract of a letter from Tampico, dated 12th April :
" The conductors from the interior are stopped for the
present ; it may be said none will come for two months.
None of the other states have yet declared for Santa Anna
except Tamaulipas ; of course, we are outlawed by the
Government. But Ministers must soon give up, as public
opinion is too strong against them. Every thing hitherto
has been conducted with the greatest propriety. There
has been no fighting at this place. Property will be re-
spected. Business is at a stand."
Montreal Papers to the 11th May, and Quebec to the
10th May, have been received at the North and South
American Coffee-house.

The Montreal Papers do not contain any news of con-
sequence. The Quebec Papers state, that it is now the
9th of May, and no sowing has as yet been done : the
snow still lies along the fences and in the woods, about
two feet deep.
The express from Paris this morning confirms what we
stated in our City article of yesterday,—that the barri-
cades which refused to surrender to the King's troops
would in a few hours be in their possessiou, and it was
expected that the riots by that time had terminated. In
consequence of Paris being again tranquil, and the King's
authority fully established, the French Funds have improvcd
to 68f. 85c., ex. dividend.

Our Funds this morning maintain their price: Consols
opened at 85i ; at present they are 851 to I, with little
doing.

In the Foreign Market there is nothing doing.
HALF-PAST ONE.
At present we do not hear of any later accounts
than those published in the morning from Paris, in town;
the blood shedding in that capital being over, and the Go-
vernment masters of the field of battle, the information
will not be of that importance as previously received. Still
we are anxious for news from other parts of France, La
Vendee, and the South, as the affairs of the capital
might be a combined movement, but the loyalty of the
National Guards and troops of the line of Paris, will no
doubt animate those in the various departments, and they
will follow the same example and act with the greatest
vigour. Psris being put in a state of siege, numerous
domiciliary visits will take place, with a view to find out
the instigators of the seditious movements, and no doubt
the papers will be filled with numerous Ordinances of the
King. It will be difficult to ascertain the number of
killed and wounded in the late affairs, as numbers are said
to have been thrown into the Seine.

The Consol Market remains STM ; in the early part of
the morning they were done at 85 to lA ; since which the
Market has recovered, and may be quoted at present at
85% A. Some business has been doing, but not to any
considerable extent.

In the Foreign Market most of the Securities have
improved. _ _

THREE O'CLOCK.

Como!, for account 85i.:

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Our journal again teems with the details of
the war in Paris. The capital has been de-
clared in a state of siege,—churches carried by
storm,—battles fought in street after street. Let
us, however, before we go one step further, ex-
alain our own views. We wish, then, our
country to understand us thoroughly. We are
not with the Republican party, most of whom
ire the refuse of the tyrant Btionaparte in
France. We know that they hate England, and
we hate them. We despise the legitimates also,
for uniting with them, as much as we despise
the mean and haughty Tories of this country for
uniting, as they would do, and as they began
to do, with the lowest radicals, in order to over-
throw a constitutional Reform. With this ex-
planation we may proceed. We think the Go-
vernment of Louis-Philippe hasgrossly erred ; hut
we believe that it has erred from no disposition
to subvert or impede the constitutional rights of
Frenchmen. It has been weak, vacillating, tem-
porizing, between two factions ; but its intentions,
we believe, have been such as the best friends
of the constitution would applaud, much as
they may lament or even despise the weakness in
executing them. NA e wish, therefore, that the
constitutional party may prevail, and we think
that after some concessions made in a frank
spirit, it will prevail. In the first place, none of
the troops of the line have yet displayed any
symptoms of disaffection to the Crown. They
have exerted themselves in their efforts to put
down this furious and formidable insurrection.
The National Guard have shown a natural re-
luctance to fight against their fellow-citizens ;
yet even the National Guard have fought, in
many instances, by the side of the regular army,
and there is, that we can see, no one striking in-
timation of an instance of dereliction on their
part, except in the case of the corps of artillery
of the National Guard, which is dissolved. A
Mayor of an arrondissement is also stripped of
his civic honours. But there is no appearance
of faltering on the part of the King or his in-
complete Ministry. lf, indeed, they had shown
equal promptitude and vigour in repressing the
tumults in the south and west, this catastrophe at
Paris would never have occurred. After consi-
derable delay, they declared four districts of the
south and west in a state of siege : without any
delay, they pronounced the city of Paris to be in
a state of siege, and the tone of the document
by which the state of siege is proclaimed is
sufficiently resolute. In matters of civil conflict
it is impossible to foresee the issue. We have
our opinion and our wishes,—the one may be
erroneous, and the other disappointed : of this
only we are certain, that the quarrels in France,
as long as they are confined to France, are
French quarrels only ; other Governments have
nothing to do with them, but to regret their
existence, and desire their termination. Our
earnest prayer is, that the result may be, not
that which such conflicts too frequently induce,
the destruction of liberty, but the consolidation
of just and constitutional rights,—not the dis-
turbance of the peace of Europe, but the esta-
blishment of a pacific system on a firmer basis
than that which now exists.—Times.
Since this was written, we have received let-
ters from Paris of Thursday afternoon, which
announce that the sanguinary insurrection which
had raged for nearly two days had been put
down. It is gratifying to humanity to learn this
fact ; but it is lamentable to think, at what an
expense of blood the triumph has been gained,
and even what sacrifices of liberty the public
have yet to apprehend. The Government of
Louis-Philippe, instead of adopting—what we had
hoped, and still hope they will adopt—a more
liberal course towards the malcontents, in order
to convince his faithful subjects that their confi-
dence has not been misplaced, and that their
assistance in the late revolt will be repaid by a
more ample measure of freedom, has ordered
the printing presses of several journals to be ar-
bitrarily broken, and has declared Paris in a state
of siege! It is difficult for us, at this distance,
to estimate the policy, or to ascertain the neces-
sity, of such rigorous measures. And, as we
have before stated, we claim no right to interfere
with foreign Governments; but this we may say,
that though order and peace are excellent bless-
ings, they may be too dearly purchased, and
that if arbitrary regulations are to be enforced, it
matters little under what dynasty they are
enacted, whether under that of a Bourbon or
an Orleans. Our private correspondence of
Thursday, and the extracts from the Paris
journals which follow it, taken in con-
nexion with the narratives of the two preceding
days, will sufficiently explain the course of the
late lamentable transactions. Though appear-
ances were at first menacing to the very existence
of the Government, the result of the struggle has
been such as the declarations of the French press,
and the present cast of French parties, might
have led us to anticipate. It is now quite evi-
dent that the disturbances began by a kind of
accident, however much the combatants had pre-
viously been prepared for a trial of strength on
a proper occasion. The death of General
Lamarque was not confidently expected till the
day on which it happened. In France there is
little time allowed between the death and the
interment of the most eminent citizen. There,
fore, the revolutionary or anti-revolutionary ii o.
tion, the Carlists or the republicans, had not that
leizure for forming their schemes which they
would have had, had they chosen the celebratio4
of a patriotic anniversary, or the observance of
a ceremony long announced. As soon as the
General did die, his partisans lost no time in in-
viting crowds to his funeral, and in preparing to
use his remains as an instrument against exist-
ing order. Revolutionists of all kinds and de-
grees—deputations from the different schools in
the capital—workmen from the suburbs—foreign
exiles from all nations—flocked by concert
to his obsequies as to a theatrical exhibi-
tion. We do not blame the scenic representa,
tion, which is consistent with the manners and
feelings of our neighbours,—we merely mention
it as a reason why the crowd was greater, and
consequently why the funeral mourners of
the gallant General were nearly commensurate
with the number of his political partisans. But
the accident of the insurrection would seem to
have been even greater than that of the assemblage.
It was not till all the ardent harangues which our
pedantic neighbours will deliver over a patriot
et e
st
had been heard, and the last firing over the dead
had ended, that the firing—(by whom begun is
yet doubtful)—on the living commenced. As
soon, however, as an opportunity was given or
takenents
showedof
commencing
themselves
the
both
i
insurrection, the insur-
g)rep:crcetdaaat
id
i.re-
solute. We have as yet seen no
mate of the amount of the insurgents, which at
one time is called 1,500 or 2,000, and at
another time raised into a great army, nor does
my account appear of the number killed or
wounded. The ordinances for dissolving the
artillery of the National Guard, and suppressing

the Polytechnic School, may be justifiable or ne-
cessary measures of severity. This part of the civic
force has generally been thought superfluous for
the general preservation of order, and has besides
been filled by young men who, at the trial of the
Ministers in December, 1830, were prepared to
turn the cannon against the authorities in
whose name they were called into action. With
regard to the Polytechnic youths, it seemsbut right
that some of them should be punished for a breach
of discipline escaping from their college, contrary
to orders, though it seems unjust to inflict upon
them all the penalties of a seditious movement.
Such an establishment, however, is better re-
moved from a turbulent metropolis. While
these examples of rigour against republican agi-
tators are going on in the capital—while great
numbers are killed in the streets, and greater
numbers are imprisoned, with a prospect of the
guillotine—the public have a right to demand
that a similar severity of justice should strike
the Carliets of the west. Unless examples be
made on one side as well as the other, and unless
that side be punished to whom a mistaken, nay,
a criminal indulgence has hitherto been extended,
the Government of Louis-Philippe will not
stand a month. Above all things, his Majesty
should endeavour to heal the wounds of the na-
tion, by consulting the opinion of those in whom
the nation has reposed its confidence. The for-
midable party who have signed the Laffitte mani-
festo cannot now be despised with impunity, and
must furnish Ministers either to modify the ex-
isting Cabinet, or supply its place. The news
from LaVendee will be read with interest.— Times.
We have joined in the censures cast upon
Lord Palmerston for his more than suspicious
preference of Holy Alliance diplomatists, as agents
of the policy of a Whig and liberal Administra-

Lion. There appeared to us, however, to be
the best ground for expectation that Lord Pal-
merston would be prevailed upon (as well by
the general feeling among the friends of his col-
leagues, and the almost unanimous remon-
strances of the Press, as by a sense of what was
due to the national interest, and to his own
honour) to consider and amend his future ap-
pointments, with some reasonable view to the
fitness of things—that is, to the necessary re-
lations between the parts of the same Govern-
ment, and to the security of one portion against
the efforts of another portion to determine and
subvert it. We still give ample credit to Lord
Palmerston for a desire to realize such expec-
tations, the failure to do which must in truth
expose his Lordship to a belief on the part of
all right-feeling men, that he is not cordial in
his attachment to Lord Grey's course of policy,
or anxious for the stability of the existing AA-
ministration. Therefore it is, that we regret the
slanderous rumours now circulated respecting
some intended appointments by Lord Palmer-
ston. Is this a season at which a personage of
the very slender and fragile pretensions of Sir
Charles Bagot would be chosen by any
Minister who felt for his country's inte-
rests to represent and enforce the liberal
policy of Great Britain at the Court of
Nicholas, just reeking with the blood of
Poland, and bursting with malignity towards the
Belgians and the French ? On the score of ta-
lent, we ask, would a Tory Foreign Secretary
select Sir Charles Bagot for the task of watch-
ing, over-awing, and restraining Russia ? We say
nothing of the political bias of this gentleman,
but that he is (besides being an extremely
courteous and polished gentleman) married to
the daughter of Lord Maryborough, and to the
Duke of Wellington's niece ! Again, is there
any Minister but the rankest Tory who would
think of recalling Lord Stuart of Rothsay into
active service ?—a functionary, we readily admit,
of great skill and talent, but an avowed and de-
cided enemy of the present Administration.
Should Lord Palmerston have in reality the de-
sign imputed to him by the above representa-
tions, there is no use in mincing matters,—Lord
Palmerston is unfit to remain an hour longer in
office by the side of Lord Grey.—Times.
Certain organs of the defunct rotten borough-
mongers—about, we suspect, to perish in the
same funeral pile with their employers—assume
a reaction among the Berkshire freeholders, be-
cause Mr. Palmer has been chosen knight of the
shire. What is the fact ? The respectable and
amiable character of Mr. Palmer having secured
him against all private enmity, and the notion
being set afloat that Mr. Palmer had announced
his conversion to Reform, the feeling, in
which alone the contest originated, that none
but a friend to the Bill should be elected, began
to shekel], and was at last almost paralyzed by
the growing confidence in the unobstructed pas-
sage of that Bill into a law. This we believe
to have been, in a few words, the history of the
Berkshire election. It proved any thing but a
revulsion of the public sentiment, for it is obvi-
ous that had any such reflux been discoverable,
Mr. Palmer need not have professed his own
recantation of borough-Toryism, and assuinp7
tion of Reform principles, but would have
gloried in his perseverance and " conservative"
hatred of all change. The difficulty, as Sir
Francis Burdett remarked, of " catching any
man who is not a Reformer,". speaks volumes
for the genuine feeling of the people, and for
the rapid and unfluctuating spread of the politi-
cal reformation. However, the country must be
told what are the duties which henceforth de- I
volve upon Englishmen. Freedom is no sine-
cure, and was not designed to be so. Power I
implies trust, and trust responsibility ; n'or can
the political obligations of a free English elector
be discharged without a sober and diligent exer-
cise of his judgment upon the qualities of those
who aspire to the public confidence. More of
this anon.—Times.

It has been tauntingly asked by the champions
of old abuses—the admirers of the inviolability
of established misrule and oppression—what has
France got by the revolution of 1830 ? Is she
more contented or happier than before ? We
readily admit that France has got very little by
the revolution, which cost her so much blood.
We must also admit, looking to the internal dis-
sensions which have wrought so much evil in
the metropolis and throughout the country for a
great while past, France is not a whit more con-
tented or happy than she was before the "glorious
days" of July. We make these admissions,
while we deny the inference drawn from them by
those political reasoners, who, like Sir Robert
Peel, revive in England, at the present day, the
doctrines of Sir Robert Filmer, the great apostle
of the " divine right" and passive obedience in
the seventeenth century—the antagonist of Locke
and liberty, and common sense. If we had been
in the habit of praising the Government of Louis-
Philippe—if we had been used to describe it as wise,
liberal, and enlightened, worthy of the spirit
of the age, and acting upon the principles of the
revolution on which it was founded—if we had,
like some of ou r liberal Contemporaries, applauded
the juste milieu party,admired the Doctrinaires,
and eulogised the trickery and deception of Ca-
simir Perier's policy, which he mistook for states.

manship ;—if are had, in short; given it as oul
opinion that Louis-Philippe had fulfilled th,
promises which he had made to the people—

that he had done all in his power to ameliorate
the institutions of the courtly, to promote th,
security and maintain the honour of France—it
would be impossible for us, in that case, to dis-
pute the inference of Sir Robert Peel and his
Tory friends ; it would be impossible for us to
deny that a good Government had been more in-
jurious to France than a bad one, and that the
following up the principles of the revolution had
plunged her into greater calamities than the
ty-
ranny which she had overthrown. But we have
not placed ourselves in that situation in which we
must either deny the existing evils of France,
or, by admitting them, confess that they are the
inevitable consequences of the revolution of
1830. That revolution was as necessary and as
righteous a one as our own revolution of 1688,
and partook, far more than our's did, of the
spirit of a national movement. But William 111.
was a different man from Philippe of Orleans;
he did not make it his study to enter into a
wretched system of compromise between the
principles of the revolution which placed him on
the throne, and those of the expelled dynasty,
by whose crimes against the Constitution that
throne was forfeited. It was not a nondescript
system of policy, such as that nicknamed the
juste milieu, which William adopted. We
do not approve of the whole of his policy ; his
system of finance we have on other occasions
condemned. But generally speaking, in other
respects, his policy was as wise as it was ener-
getic ; it was identified with the opinions of
the age and the glory of the country. Of
William it might be said, as was afterwards
said of the great Chatham—a man whose
genius anticipated improvements, which it is
the greatest pride of modern statesmen to
reach—" with one hand he smote the House
of Bourbon, and wielded in the other the
democracy of England." He made England
respected abroad, while he preserved her peace
at home ; and to the firmness, decision, and
wisdom of his policy are we indebted for the
passing of the sceptre which had been wrested
'from the delinquent Stuarts into the hands of
the House of Brunswick. The policy of Louis-
Philippe, on the contrary, always has been, as we
have repeatedly said, to give hope and encou-
ragement to the partisans of the exiled dynasty,
and break down the zeal of the adherents of a
Constitutional Monarchy. We have over and
over again adverted to the system of incessant,
unrelenting, and inexpressibly disgraceful perse-
cution kept up against the freedom of the Pref.'s,
ever since he thought himself securely esta-
blished on the throne. We have also remarked

upon that narrow-minded avarice which caused
him to prefer gold to glory, and burden the suf-
fering nation with a Civil List which rivalled the
extravagance of Charles X. The conduct of his
Government to the Italians, Spaniards, and
Poles, may have recommended him to the patron-
age of Holy Alliance for a time, but the en-
couragement and betrayal of the cause of liberty
upon remarkable occasions will leave the impres-
sions of dark and indelible dishonour on the

history of France. The manifesto of the leading
men of the Revolution recently published, pre-
sents a catalogue of promises falsified, and griev-
ances created during the course of a scarcely
finished period of two years, during which Louis-
Philippe has occupied the throne, which it would
be difficult to surpass, in the same short period,
in the annals of the delinquencies of rulers. The
Men who signed that document—we mean the
declaration of the Opposition Deputies agreed
to on May the 28th—were among the foremost
of those who led the great popular movement in
1830, and placed Louis-Philippe on the throne.
If their timely advice had been taken the recent
revolt in Paris could not have happened. A
Paper, which is understood to be the official or-

gan of the present Ministry, and which has
been hitherto lavish of its praises on that sys-
tem of policy which Lonis-Phillippe has cul-
tivated since his accession to the throne,
and which only attained its perfection under the
Ministry of Casimir Perier, now changes its

;one, and asks " what is the moral supplied by
.he existing state of France ? Simply this—

that nothing can be more dangerolis than to
narrow and confine a legitimate vent for public
opinion, to straiten the basis of representation
as much as possible, or to exhibit a persecuting
spirit as relates to the Press. We are pf opinion
that to the latter mistake, in particular, the Go-
vernment of France owes no small portion of its
present embarrassments. The genuine lesson to
be learned from the present state of France is the
proof it affords of the wisdom and patriotism of
making those concessions in time which the state
of society imperiously demands." The difference
between the Government Paper which now utters
those sentiments and ourselves is, that we pro-
claimed such opinions relative to the French
Government, and the consequences of its policy,
fore the mischief happened, and our contem-
porary after. A few more such victories as the
King of the French has gained over his own
people will be as ruinous to him as the victories
of Pyrrhus. There has ever been someting fatal
in the laurels which a King gathers on the grave
of his slaughtered subjects.—Morning Herald.
We have seen, with deep and sincere regret,

the announcement in the Gazette of Tuesday,
of Mr. D. R. Morier's appointment, and our
hopes that a commencement of the cleansing of
the Augean stable had actually taken place, in
the removal of the diplomatic representative of
the Noble house of Percy, are cruelly disap-
pointed. We do not inquire into the extent of
Mr. Morier's abilities,—we do not enter into the
propriety of putting Mr. Morier over the heads
of others in the diplomatic line, for a fit person
ought never to be objected to because he has not
been in that line ; but we do find fault with the
appointment of a person bred in the Castlereagh
school, and rewarded for his services by the long
enjoyment of a very lucrative sinecure, more
lucrative than is generally known, and at the
abolition of which the Tories clamoured loudly
on the possessor's account until a handsome
pension was granted to him. We find fault,
particularly at this moment, with any appoint-
ment in our Foreign relations of persons who,
by their connexions, or their former conduct,
have been considered as belonging to the Castle-
reagh and Metternich Holy Alliance Diplomacy.
Our consideration abroad as a liberal Govern-
ment depends on the language our Foreign
Agents hold; and how can any foreigner con-
fide in the present Government if he sees per-
sons, who, under a Tory Administration held
Tory language, appointed to situations where at
least they ought to hold Whig language ? We
find fault with this appointment because one
Tory is appointed to succeed another Tory, and
thereby it is manifested to Prince Metternich
that his secret force still works in our Court.
We find fault with the appointment, at a moment
when well-founded doubts are entertained as to
the sincerity of professors of Whig principles,

and when it is necessary to mark consistency ,
and by all fair means to secure attachment t,
them ; and we consider this appointment to be.
on the part of Lord Palmerston. an experimeni
on public patience how far a Tory bias will be
submitted to—and, as an earnest for his future
work, the red riband comes at a sad moment.
Is Lord Stuart de Rothsay to be the successor
to Lord Heytesbury at St. Petersburgh ? What-
ever may have been Lord Palmerston's motive,
he has in this appointment given a new cause of
disgust to the Whigs, and he has proved that
where Whig and Tory claims were equal, he has
preferred the former, and confirmed the asser-
tions made by the Tory fine ladies in order to
entrap the young dandies, that " Tory patronage
is always to be depended on, Whig patronage
never." If Lord Grey means that his principles
should be rightly understood both at home and
abroad, he should cast his eye over the list
of candidates for appointments, and see that
none but persons attached to those principles
should be appointed by his Government to
places where a zealous support of them is neces-
sary.—Morning Chronicle.
That monstrous sinecure establishment, the
Scotch Court of Exchequer, has its champions
in the House of Lords, who would fain pre•
serve so valuable a source of patronage. It
has been proved to be utterly useless, and
even Lord Tenterden, on having been ap-
pealed to by the Lord Chancellor, observed,
" I have only to say that, for the last twenty
years, the Chief Baron and the other Barons of
the Scotch Court of Exchequer have been in a
most enviable situation." The Duke of Wel-
lington, who is again a political performer, hav-
ing had cause to lament the reductions effected
by himself, advocated last night the continuance
of this sinecure Court. "He was aware (he
said) that this Court had not sufficient employ-
ment, but still he doubted whether this was a
sufficient ground for abolishing it altogether.
It might be better to diminish the establishment,
or to add more business, instead of abolishing
the Court altogether, more particularly as the
Act of Union apuared to have been framed with
great anxiety for'The preservation of the Scotch
Legal institutions." Whenever the Act of
Union is appealed to, we are sure that the ob-

ject is to carry some job,- or to oppose some im-
provement. Surely, after a lapse of nearly 130
years, the connexion between the two countries
is sufficiently cemented to allow measures for

any part of the island to be discussed on their own
merits, without reference to the Act of Union.
The security of the Scotch is, that they are now
so completely identified with the English in
their interests, that Yorkshire or Lancashire
is not more secure from any improper at-
tempt of the Legislature than Scotland. It may
safely be said that they alone who profit by
abuses look to protection from the Act of Union.
But the Duke of Wellington, in his anxiety to
protect this sinecure establishment, applies the Act
of Union to an Institution which has been created
since the Union. The Scotch Court of Exche-
quer was created by the 6th Anne, c. 26. It
was modelled on the English Court of Exche-
quer, with some slight exceptions, to meet the
Scotch law of real property ; the forms of pro-
cedure are English ; and the Judges are often
taken from the English Courts, as, for instance,
Sir Samuel Shepherd and the present Chief
Baron. As the great object with his Grace is
to preserve a Court, he proposes to add more
business, without concerning himself with a
question of some importance, one should think
—namely, whether the other Courts have more
business than they can perform ? If they have
not, the consequence of this addition would im-
pair the utility of some other Courts ; for it may

be laid down as a rule, that Judges, like other
men, are the better at their business the more
fully they are employed. The English Judges
are, in general, much better than the Scotch
Judges, and one cause certainly is, that they
have more to do. The long vacations of the
Scotch Courts are, no doubt, very agreeable to
the Judges, but the benefit of suitors is another
consideration. Yet this Statesman, who aspires
to the Premiership of this country, allows his zeal
for the continuance of a sinecure to betray him
into speaking at random on a subject of which
he knows as much as he does of the music of
the spheres.—Morning Chronicle.
We shortly alluded yesterday to the proba-
bility of either Lord Stuart de Rothsay or Sir
C. Bagot being appointed to succeed Lord
Haytesbury at St. Petersburgh. We confess we
then noticed the report more as an amusing ab-
surdity than as a likely event—information has,
however, since reached us, which inspires us
with no little apprehension. The employment
of Sir C. Bagot in this mission is confidently
expected in the diplomatic circles. If this be
true, a greater outrage could not be committed.
Sir C. Bagot, the organ of Lord Grey's Admi-
nistration ! The Tory nephew of the Duke of
Wellington—the Tory brother of Lord Bagot,
and the Bishop of Oxford, both the stanch op-
ponents of the Reform Bill—and the Ambassa-
dor under whose auspices the King of Holland
has resisted, and set at defiance all the protocols,
overtures, and threats of the Conference. This
man ought never to be employed again under a
liberal Ministry ; but even if he were, Russia
is surely the last place to which he ought
to be sent. Has not his want of success, to
use the mildest term, in advocating the in-
terests of this Government at the Hague, caused
mischief enough in the Belgian question—and
must he be sent to that Court in which the same

prejudices exist—the same hostility to all free in-
stitutions ? We have no hesitation in saying that
if liberal ambassadors had conducted the affairs of
this country at the Hague and St. Petersburgh,
during the last eighteen months, the affairs of Bel-
gium would have been long ago arranged, and that
we never should have been pestered with these im-
pudent and obstinate delays, which have been
notoriously founded on the hopes entertained by
the Dutch and the Russians, of a change in the
Administration of this country. Have the ac•
tivity and energy of Lord Heytesbury and Sir
Charles Bagot tended to dissipate these hopes ?
We say decidedly—no. In the first place, their
being continued in their situations for even one
month after Lord Grey's accession to power,
rendered his stability as a Minister doubtful in
the eyes of the Courts to which they were accre-
dited. In the second, their lukewarmness in ful-
filling their instructions must have convinced those
with whom. they transacted business, that either
they or their employers were not likely to remain
long in their places. In either case, a fatal blow
to English influence was inflicted. The results
of this miserable policy are too visible in the no-
torious fact, that the final settlement of Belgian
independence is as distant now as it was in Oc-
tober, 1830. e protest in the strongest terms
against the continuance of this system. Does
Lord Grey know anything of these appoint-
ments ? Is he ever consulted in them by Lord
Palinerston ? if so—we implore him, as he
values his high character and reputation as a

Statesman no longer to 'suffer such proceeding
He has acquired immortal honour by hi,
policy at home, which will confer upon him.
in the estimation of posterity, the titl,
of the Saviour of his country. Can hi-
be indifferent to the prospect of a far different
estimate being formed of his capacity for up-
holding the honour of England in her relations
with foreign countries ? He must forgive our
zeal. We entertain the most profound respect
for his character, and the highest admiration of
his talents ;• but in the proportion to the
intensity of these feelings, is our anxiety
that neither the one shall be tarnished, nor
the other disgraced by failures in his diplomacy,
which could be so easily avoided by common firm-
ness and decision. He, at least, can feel no in-
terest, or indulge no partialities in these appoint-
. ments. Let him further recollect, that the
people of England look up to him for protec-
t tion and support. They cheerfully place their
interests at home and abroad in his keeping ;
but they do not extend the same confidence to
all his colleagues. Their acts are watched with
increasing vigilance; and, undoubtedly, there is
no department of the Government, which in-
spires them with more jealousy and distrust than
that of our foreign affairs.—Morning Chron.
The Bill has received the royal assent ; but
the enemies of the people have, nevertheless, tri-
umphed in the Palace ; for the assent was given
by commission, as we feared it would, and not
by the King in person, as every Englishman de-
' sired. This unlucky proceeding on the part of
his Majesty is the only cloud upon the passage
of the Bill through its last stage ; and, as loyal
subjects, we deeply regret that it should have
been allowed, on the one hand, to cast a shade
upon the character of his Majesty as a Reformer ;
and, on the other, to darken, in the slightest de-
gree, the bright prospects which now dawn
upon the people of England. But the deed is
done, and cannot be recalled—the opportunity
which offered itself to King William, of re-
gaining his popularity—and never did a fairer
present itself—has been lost, and were lie to live
a thousand lives, and to possess a thousand such
opportunities, he never could make up for it.
A more important crisis in the nation's history
can scarcely occur, or one in which a King of
England could more effectually have attached
his subjects to his person and Government ; and
how foolishly it has been lost !—how likely that
those who have given the insult shall reap its
fruits ! Of the King, as the head of the Go-
vernment, we shall always speak, as in duty
bound, with reverence ; and towards the King,
as the individual who first patronized the Re-
form Bill—dissolved one Parliament, and pro-
rogued another in order to carry it—we must
always bear in our hearts the affection which the
consciousness of a great public benefit must im-
part ; but of those who have, in an evil hour,
given him the evil counsel not to give the Royal
assent in person—who have dissuaded him from
mingling with, and receiving the congratula-
tions of, his people—,who, in a word, have per-
suaded him to destroy by one act, not the only,
but the greatest title to fame which he could
possibly have possessed with posterity—we can
neither think or speak with patience. They have
done a deed of which they are not only unaware
of the results, but which, in its consequences,
may ultimately prove fatal to the very fabric of
the Constitution. What an opinion have they
not contrived to impart to the unreflecting por-
tion of the public, of Kings, and of Kings' wis-
dom What an indifference have they not
spread far and wide to the ease, the comforts,
and the respect due to the King of England !
How widely have they not thrown open the door
of innovation to those whose object is to destroy
the throne, and to establish a democracy on its
ruins ! Those who have sown the wind must
reap the storm ; and let them reap it, for they
deserve it. For us and the people of England,
it is enough that the great object of our present
labours and anxiety—we say now our present
labours and anxiety—the Bill for the Reform
of the Representation of the People of Eng-
land has passed its last stage, and been incor-
porated with the laws of the land. Our rights
and liberties are secure, beyond all reprisal, to
the extent which we desired ; and the only
matter respecting which we have now any oc-
casion to be anxious is that we may use them
well. And great need will there be that we
should use them well. The lever is in our
hands, but the resistance to be overcome has
increased, instea'l of being diminished. Lord
Grey and his Majesty's Ministers are not in
favour at Court—they are used for the time,
but not honoured—they are employed, but not
trusted—a faction inimical to the people of
England rules where they ought to rule, and the
first favourable opportunity will be embraced to
throw them out of office, and reinstate the mili-
tary dictatorship which they supplanted. But
what the people have done they can do again ;
and when we tell them that the continuance of
Earl Grey and his colleagues in office, or of Mi-
nisters of equally liberal principles, is a matter
against which the Court and its parasites are de-
termined, we mention a fact which will not only
maintain in existence all the machinery of the Po-
litical Unions, but which will render it a sacred
duty with every friend to his country to demand
a pledge from his representative in the Parliament
about to be elected, that he will support no Go-
vernment which is not substantially made up of
the supporters of Reform. In a word, the
sword must not yet be sheathed—the arms em-
ployed for carrying the Reform Bill must still
be bright, and well edged ; for the struggle is
but half over—the Reform Bill is but the means
towards national benefit, not the benefit itself—
and in order to realize the latter, all the means
that have hitherto been employed to gain the
tformer,mustbe employed
beoye keptdinf atavo bay a
uroftt least,he.att er—
he Court party must and
the Reform Ministry rendered secure of its place
in managing the affairs of the country. Parlia-
ment will be dissolved in a month hence at most
—the elections will commence soon afterwards,
and the Tories have already begun the work of
canvassing. Let the people be no less on the
alert—let them be true to themselves, and the
Court faction will have again to bite the dust.
Morning Advertiser.
The Reform Bill having now become the law
of the land, whatever may be our opinion of its
character or tendency, or of the mode in which
it has been forced upon the Legislature, or of
the actors by whose exertions this change in the
Constitution of England has been accomplished,
we shall no longer regard it as an object of legi-
timate hostility, but, while we watch its workings
with deep anxiety, contribute, to the extent of
our humble means and our limited sphere, to
cause it to work well. We would be un-
derstood then to speak no longer as Anti-
Reformers, but as British subjects, living and
willing to live in all duty and obedience, de-
sirous, if that may be, that we and :our fellow-
subjects should live in all felicity and peace
under a law in the enactment of which we have

not seen reason to concur ; and, thus Speaking.
we think we have a right to reprove the intem-
perate and irrational reproaches which have bee),
cast upon the Sovereign by several of our con
temporaries, who have throughoutiplv because bi
theyceiardeL.n
supporters of the Bili, simply
sume that his Majesty has been unwilling to
give to it his Royal Assent in person. If there
be any individual in the State whose conduct in
every stage of the Reform question may claim
• an exemption from censure, all candid persons
must admit that it is his Majesty. He has from
time to time, and at all times, so far as is known,
acted upon the advice of his responsible and
constitutional advisers, except in the single in-
stance of his refusal to swamp the House of
Lords at the desire of Earl Grey—a refusal
which, whatever may be the consequences of the
Bill, posterity will probably approve, since it
rested upon constitutional grounds, entirely dis-
tinct from the merits of that measure. The
King continued to repose his confidence in the
Duke of Wellington, after his celebrated de-
claration against Reform, until, having been
defeated in the House of Commons, that Minis-
ter thought proper to resign. Earl Grey then
became Chief Minister of the Crown, and, from
the moment of his accession to office, there is no
pretence for saying that he has ever, with the
single exception above mentioned, been thwarted
or embarrassed by the personal disposition or
wishes of the Sovereign. When the Minister
to whose counsels he had deemed it expedient
to resort was a Reformer, the King became a
Reformer to the full extent of his constitutional
duty. When that Minister wished to resort to
the expedient of a premature dissolution of Par-
liament, in order to get rid of an adverse majo-
rity in the House of Commons, there was no re-
luctance on the part of the King to perform the
ordinary functions of Royalty on the occasion.
When the House of Lords had once rejected the
Ministerial measure of Reform the King offered
no impediment to its reintroduction. When the
determination of the King not to permit any
Ministers of his to pack the House of Lords had
deprived him of his Reforming Councillors, he
limited himself in the choice of their successors
to such men as would consent to realize the
popular expectations which he had allowed those
Reforming Councillors to excite. When, in
consequence of this limitation which he imposed
upon himself; he was compelled again to resort
to the same body of advisers, the King smoothed
the way to the success of their measure by the
exercise of his personal influence, preferring this
(how wisely is not now the question) to an un-
constitutional and extravagant exertion of his
prerogative. This brief review of his Majesty's
conduct is sufficient, we think, to show, not that
be is as enthusiastic a Reformer as some of our
contemporaries and some of his own servants
once thought it fit and decent and politic to re-
present him ; not that he is without these mis-
givings which must find place in every rational
and sober mind as to the result of a new Con-
stitution of the British Empire ; not that he is
willing to identify himself personally with the
Bill, and share the responsibility of his Mi-
nisters for its failure or success, but to prove that
he has throughout acted fairly and frankly by his
Ministers and his people, and to suggest the
strong probability that, however personally in-
disposed to such an exhibition, he would,
under the pressure of Ministerial advice, had
it been applied for the purpose, have undergone
the ceremonial for avoiding which he has been
so unjustly and disrespectfully denounced. Men
who really think they have acquired a great good
do not usually carp at the manner in which it is
conferred ; but the anger displayed by some Re-
formers on account of the King's preference to
one mode rather than another of giving his
Royal Assent to the Bill is so violent as to lead
to the suspicion that their affection for Reform
has never been any otlier than a disguise by
which they have thought it prudent for a time
to conceal their disaffection to Monarchy. Is
the'Reform Bill no longer of any value because
the King of England is not yet the slave of de-
mocratic tyranny, because in matters of political
indifference he can still indulge his own taste
and inclination, 'because he may not be dragged
out in public, whethers he will or no, to endure
the plaudits or the imprecations of street mobs,
according to the humour which may happen for
the day to be uppermost ? The Ministers,
although they could not decently urge their
Sovereign upon the subject, are probably disap-
pointed at the course he has preferred. To have
sent forth the Bill with the stamp of the King's
personal and cordial approbation would in some
degree have lightened that responsibility for its
consequences by the weight of which they may
well feel themselves oppressed. This is the only
point of view in which the question is of the
least importance; and, when so considered, the
determination of his Majesty would seem to
have been dictated by the nicest sense of justice
to his Ministers, his people, and himself.—
Morning Post.