The Sun.
London, England, 1835-04-18 00:00:00

principles and intentions with his own—men, too,
who to an equal liberality and integrity of opinion
should unite such talents in debate as could defend his
Government and its measures froifi the attacks of his

Tory antagonists. Here, again, from personal anti•
pathies and other causes, the Noble Lord had to en-
counter the most obstinate resistance. And, last of
all, Lord Melbourne recollected that he would, sooner
or later, have such a body of persons as the House of
Peers to deal with. The treatment which Earl Grey

and his Government received at their hands was of a
nature not to be soon forgotten. It was, therefore,
necessary on the part of Lord Melbourne that some-
thing ShoUld be done to counteract—it would have
been supreme folly to have supposed it could be dis-
armed—the bitter hostility of the hereditary branch
of the Legislature. Need we add, that the course
which he proposed, should the necessity
,arise,
and which he knew to be the only effectual course,
was one at which the mind of a certain per-

nonage revolted. Such, then, were the leading
obstacles which interposed to prevent the formation
of a Melbourne Administration. And is it matter of
surprise that such formidable impediments should
have obstructed, for a few days, the construction of
that administration ? Is it not the subject of marvel,
rather, that they should have been overcome—for they
are now overcome—so soon, if at all ? Nothing_ but
a moral courage which no difficulty could appal, could
have met the emergency of Lord Melbourne's situa-
tion
_for the last eight days. The Tories have been
' crowing at the full stretch of their voice for some days
past, at the apprehended impossibility of forming a
Liberal Government. They have been almost frantic
in the excess of their joy. Poor devils ! as Sterne
would have called them, we need not grudge them a little
merriment ;it will be but of short duration. Before
many days—possibly before many hours—elapse, they
will laugh on the wrong side of their mouths. Every
obstruction to the formation of a liberal Ministry is all
but removed ; and it is expected that several new writs
- will be issued this afternoon, in the room of those
Members of the Commons who have taken office The
. .

new Ministry, let us add, will be, as we always pledged
ourselves it would, one of a thoroughly liberal kind.
The mere announcement of their names will be to the
-country a sufficient guarantee for the character of their
measures. And the new Government will be as strong
as it will be liberal. It will have the means in its
power—Lord Melbourne has taken care to see to that
—of carrying whatever measures it brings forward. -If
that Nobleman has been a somewhat slow, it will be
found that he is a :Ave Cabinet builder. Neither
Court intrigues, nor open assaults—no, nor both to-
gether—will prevail against his Gbvernment.—Morn-
ing Advertiser.
The nature of the present struggle is briefly but
forcibly stated, in an article on the pamphlet of Isaac
Tomkins, gentleman, in the new number of the Edin-
burgh Review :
" In truth, England was, until 1832. governed by the Lords
and their natural connections ; for both King and Commons
were subject- to their sway. The Reform Bill happily con-
trolled the Lords, and, restoring our rights, gave us a chance
of finally abolishing the aristocratic usurpation. But the Lords
are still making a violent struggle, and are attempting to rule
with the Court, and in defiance of the people and their repre-
sentatives. Their attempt, however, must fail, and the people
be restored to their birthright."
Can any man doubt •that the people will hesitate
one moment as to the part they will act, if the Con-
servatives refuse to submit to the loss of their power ?
Bribery and intimidation may do much ; but it will
not enable them to effect their object. The Reform
Bill, we know, left many vulnerable points in the
Constitution; but the number of -men who are neither
to be bribed nor brillied will suffice for the defeat of
the Tories in all struggles for ascendancy. They may
flatter themselves with the idea that by frequent dis-
solutions they will weary out the people, and disgust
them with the exercise *of a franchise which subjects
them often to pecuniary loss (if they vote concien-
tiously), and always to great inconvenience. The re-
sult of a warfare of this kind may, however, be very
different from what they anticipate. The great fault
of the English people, no doubt, is excessive passiveness
and forbearance; but their patience, though great, has
its limits, and the Tories may find that they have
passed these limits when they haveleast dreamt of it.
The people have not yet, it is true, obtained from
the Reform Bill the results which they were led to
expect from it. They now know, however, why
Earl Grey was unable to effect all that they wished.
The battle has yet, in truth, to be fought, and when-
ever a Government evinces a disposition to proceed in
good earnest with the work, the necessary support
will not be withheld. On the subject of the expecta-
tions of the people from a liberal Government, the
following observations of the writer of the article in
the Edinburgh Review above alluded to, are truly ad-
mirable :
" The Reform Bill restored the Constitution, stripping the
Aristocracy of its usurped power and influence. But the
latter body has been very far from yielding; instead of sub-
mission it meditates revolt, and is now making a last effort to
regain its ascendancy. No man doubts that it will be de-
feated. But, then, the people must be enabled to enjoy some
of the substantial benefits which they have so well earned.
The blessing of cheap government is yet withheld, and it is
the people's right. A monarchy, with all the splendour which
the sovereign should have, nev©r will be unpopular in this
country, nor will the cost of that just dignity ever be grudged
by the people. _ But the people will grudge all that needless
addition to this necessary expense—all that extra charge which
they pay for the aristocracy and not for the Crown—an expen-
sive and aristocratic Church, when a reformed one would be
enough—a large pension-list and numberless useless places, for
the wives and daughters, the sons and the sons-in-law, of the
nobility—above all, an expensive colonial establishment, to
make places for the Peers and their connections—foreign mis-
sions to serve the like end—and a large army only wanted for
protecting those colonies,
,and adding military to the clerical
and civil patronage of the favoured order ; all this the people
does sorely grudge—all this it will more and more grudge—all
this it has a good right to grudge, and to try every lawful
means for shaking off, as a burden which bears down the in-
dustry of the country to the very ground. Our representa-
tives may flatter themselves that lesser reforms than this real
and substantial relief will satisfy the community—they are
grievously mistaken. Constitutional improvements and law
amendments are of admirable merit; but the main end of all
laws, and of every constitution, is the solid happiness of the
people—and for this end, the people must now have cheap go-
vernment, and a limited monarchy, .which the English people
love, and not a haughty and extravagant aristocracy, which
they detest."—Morning Chronicle.

HULL EASTER GENERAL QUARTER
SESSIONS.

John Bradford and Ambrose Evans, privates of the 22d
regiment, stationed at the Garrison, were indicted for a
misdemeamir, in having, on the 10th of January, with ten
others, riotously assembled together, and assaulted Robert
Agars, John Brocklebank, and William Criton. A second
count charged them with a riot, and a third count with a
common assault.

Mr. RAINEs appeared for the prosecution.
Robert Agars sworn—Lives in Drypool. Remembers
Saturday night, 10th of January. Was near Mr. Gibson's
yard, in Union-street, at eight o'clock. John Brocklebank
was with him. They met five soldiers walkinc, arm in arm.
They were in liquor. They made way for them, but they
were not content with that, and gave him and Brocklebank
a shove into the middle of the road. He told them to walk
quietly along, When they struck him and his companion
with their canes. A general fight then took place, and he
was stabbed in the thigh by Bradford. He could swear to
him. He had only one stripe on his arm. Kneiv.him also
by his face and his voice. None of the other soldiers had
fire-arms. Was under the care of a medical man for a
month, and confined to his house for a fortnight, in conse-
quence of his wound.
John Brocklebank—Lives in Adelaide-street ; corrobo-
rated the statement of last witness ; the soldiers first
knocked him down and struck him with a bayonet ; they
were drunk ; Bradford was the one who struck him with
the ba:tonet ; he had a stripe on his arm ; heard him say
he should like to have his bayonet in some of the English
b-- ; he ran away afterwards as fast as he could ; he
was quite sober.
By the prisoner Bradford—He (prisoner) had one stripe
on his arm.
By the RECORDER—Is sure Agars struck no blow first.
William Criton was coming from the Garrison on the
night in question. Heard Agars say " They have stabbed
my thigh." He then ran up, and a soldier struck him on
the head with his fist ; he struck again, upon which the
soldier struck at him with a bayonet ; he then knocked the
soldier down. He received four cuts on the head and face.
Could not say who it was that struck him.
By a Juror—Agars and Brocklebank were sober.
- James Allison—is a constable. Remembers Saturday
night, the 10th of January ; was called into Uhion-street
about eight o'clock ; saw the prosecutors and tl;e soldiers
there ; he took the prisoners at the bar into custody ;
they were going' towards the
.garriou ; pzine. bilt Brad-