The Sun.
London, England, 1866-09-01 00:00:00

States had was to become the citizens of a great
German State than be at the mercy of foreign
princess? It is quite preposterous to talk after this
fashion when every one knows that no foreign prince
was interfering, or ever likely to interfere,,with those
places.

There are some citizens of the annexed States who
are mistaken enough to think that their best interests
will be served by a union with Prussia, but these do
not represent the feelings of the majority, and they
. themselves will soon find out their mistake. At a
meeting on the subject of unity, held at Leipsic the
other day, it was declared, among other things, that
" embodiment with Prussia would be the most de-
sirable fate that could befall Saxony !" Was
ever an announcement made of a more absurd
thing than this, to stifle the free growth of the
inhabitants iu strength and feeling? And to oblite-
rate the independence of the gallant little kingdom
will be the first work of the new masters, and then,
forsooth, we are told that the change is for the bet-
ter. As for its being necessary in the interests of
the country for the Saxon army to be merged in the
Prussian army that is likewise a most false asser-
tion. It may be difficult, if not impossible, to oppose
the Prussians, but to say that it will enhance their
prosperity to become incorporated with that mono-
polising house that has ruined so many is quite ridi-
culous. There are traitors in every camp,
however, and we regard those who favour
the annexation of their States to Austria as
aliens to the cause of liberty, and enemies to the
best interests of their fellow-citizens. They may
in some rare instances be honest in their utterances,
but we should think the greater part were com-
posed of men who expected to gain some advantage
or further some end by playing into the hands of
the invaders. The " unity movement," as it is
called, that now agitates Germany and Europe, is
one of the greatest pieces of humbug that was ever
known, and it only rests with time to prove to
those dispassionate politicians who trust in it how
mistaken they are in their sanguine anticipations.
All the cause of action that has been pursued by the
Berlin Government of late years forbids us to put
faith in its rectitude of purpose Or honesty of in-
tention. The game already played out in Schleswig-
Holstein will be renewed in the States so lately
annexed, and the world will have athple opportunity
of judging of the benefits derivable from Prussian
rule, and the wisdom of those who uphold ft.

. -Mr. LAING'S constituents have no reason to corn-
_ plain of any reluctance on his part to meet them,
' and to give a fair and straightforward exposition of
his political views. There had been some agita-
tion respecting Mr. LAING'S conduct on the Reform
Bill, and cynics, who as the event proves, knew
very little about the matter, declared that the
member for Wick would be afraid to face his con-
stituents. Mr. LAING thought proper to disprove
all these assertions, and to explain at some length
to a large and attentive audience his opinions on
the vexed question of the session. He met with a
fair hearing and a favourable reception, as he
deserved to do, for so far from being antagonistic
to Reform his speech showed him to be a sincere
and consistent Reformer, one who not only takes
up the cry of Reform to be used as political capital,
and to make sensation speeches about, but who
seriously and earnestly gives his best consideration
to a difficult subject, and really endeavours to re-
duce theory to practice. We commend Mr.
LAING'S speech at Wick to the attentive perusal
of all who are interested in Reform, since it
is temperate, clear, and liberal in its tone and
character, and gives evidence of being the utterance
of one who has really studied the subject, and is
willing to face its difficulties as well as to de-
claim about its importance. On one point we
regret to find Mr. LAING absolutely silent.
lie says nothing about the ballot, yet, as
one of the members of the Yarmouth Election Com-
mittee, he would have a pretty good idea of the
necessity which exists for some change in the
manner of conducting our elections. The honest
man in Great Yarmouth, says Mr. LAING, is not
he who does not take a bribe, but he who only takes
it from one side. Mr. LAING alludes to this im-
maculate constituency as a reason for doubting
whether a uniform reduction of the franchise in all
boroughs is desirable, but we very much doubt
whether a line could be drawn between different
boroughs. So far as the late Reform Bill was con-
cerned Mr. LAING says he voted for it, though he
did not heartily approve of a measure which left
the question unsettled. He voted for the £7 rental
in boroughs, and the £l4 rental in counties, and
voted also in favour of the Government in the last
decisive struggle, though he opposed them on the
question of bringing in the redistribution of seats.

His support of the bill was, however, due rather to
his desire to see the question settled, and to retain
a Liberal Ministry, than to any particular liking
for the measure. " Having got," he says, " a com-
plete measure of Reform, I voted for it on all sub-
sequent occasions. I did so with considerable
doubt, for there were many things in the bill of
which I did not approve ; but, on the whole,
I thought that, so long as there was a
chance of settling the question by any fair
compromise, it was my duty to cling to
that chance, and not to give a vote calculated to.de-
feat Reform altogether." The difficulties of an ac-
tual settlement of the question are, Mr. LAING
confesses, very great, but he does not think there is
any excuse for shirking them. The very reason
why the question of Reform should be reopened in
quiet times when there is no great practical griev-
ance, is, he considers, that we have an excellent op-
portunity for considering the whole question in all
its bearings. His own views on the matter are
definite enough, and he sums them up in a
few sentences. " The burgh franchise, in the
ordinary run of English burgh in any new
Reform Bill, can hardly be much higher or
lower than a £6 rating or a £7 rental franchise,
coupled with the condition of paying rates. That
of counties will probably be a £l4 rating franchise.
Any deficiency in the number of the working
classes thus enfranchised as compared with that
proposed by the bill of the late Government, should
be made up, and more than made up, by supple-
mental franchises based on property and education.
If three members are given to very large consti-
tuencies, the principle of the representation of mino-
rities should be coupled with it, otherwise these
large constituencies should be divided into districts
so as to diminish the expense of elections.
In any case from forty to fifty seats should be re-
distributed, giving half to counties ; and the prior
claim of Scotland met by giving not less than seven
seats, either taken from those redistributed, or by
an addition to the total number of members. The
boundaries of the burgh should be drawn so as to
include within the burgh all such suburbs as really
form part of the same commuity." Such, in sub-
stance, are Mr. LAING'S views, which on the whole
are just and liberal. It will be seen that he sup-
ports the principle of Mr. CLAY'S educa-
tional franchise, as a property franchise for
the working classes. Ile would give a vote
to every man who had acquired property to the
value of £4O in the savings' banks, or in lands,
houses, boats, and nets, or anyother stock in trade,