The Sun.
London, England, 1866-11-23 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 23, 1866

leave a margin of profit on the return of these bonds
they will as quickly go back. Europeans may rest
assured that American investors prefer their own
Securities to any other, and the main portion of
their debt will, under almost any circumstances, be
due to citizens of the United States. A certain
portion of these Bonds are merely used as a medium
of exchange, and become circulated throughout
Europe. But their drift is into the hands of
permanent holders in America, and to be used
as a means for the investment of trust-money,
and other purchases requiring undoubted secu-
rity. As the bonds floating between the con-
tinents become absorbed, the tendency will be
to rise rapidly in market value ; and this process
will be facilitated by the constant purchases on the
part of the Government, with the object of extin-
guishing the debt. —A fly/0 -A in erica n Times.

two-gun screw iron ship, 4,173 tons, and 700-horse
power, built at Birkenhead by Messrs. Laird, one
of the new class of veseels for the conveyance of
troops to India.
The double screw steam gunboat Vixen, 4, from
the eastward, arrived at Plymouth on Wednesday'
She is now at Devonport, undergoing some slight
alterations.

The iron screw steam storeship Buffalo, 2, arrived
at Plymouth on Wednesday evening.

The armour plated screw steamship Orion, 24,
Capt. C. S. S. Stanhope, was placed on IVednesday
in No. 2 dock, Keyham Steamyard, to have her
bottom cleaned and screw adjusted.
The iron armour plated screw steamship Achilles,
26, Capt. E. AV. Vansittart, i 3 ordered to be docked
to-day (Friday) in Keyham Steamyard. She will
be followed by the Caledonia.
The screw steam corvette Satellite, 17, Capt.
Edye, left Plymouth, on Thursday, for China.
The Orontes, screw troopship, Capt. H. W. Hire,
arrived at Portsmouth yesterday from Kingstown,
Ireland, with the depots of the 64th and 73d Regi-
ments on board. The Orontes went into Portsmouth
harbour on arrival at Spithead, and will disembark
her troops this morning at the dockyard. The de-
pot of the 64th Regiment will proceed to Parkhurst,
Isle of Wight, and the 74th depot to Shorncliffe.
The keel of a small gunboat, to be driven by twin
screws, with independent working engines, has been
laid down under No. 4 building shed of Portsmouth
dockyard. She is to be named the Ringdove, and
will be of 663 tons, and of similar dimensions to the
Plover, now building at Deptford yard.; The Ring-
dove's frame is being converted from that of the
harlequin, a partly built 17 gun corvette, recently
taken down from one of the building shipways of
Portsmouth yard.

The Hector, armoured iron frigate, at Portsmouth,
Captain W. G. Luard, has sent down her foretop-
mast and other upper spars alongside Portsmouth
Dockyard, in process of refit for sea by the 28th
inst. The Research, armoured wooden sloop, Com-
mander R. Scott, and the Helicon, paddlewheel
despatch vessel, Commander E. Field, are also push-
ing forward their refit for sea at the same port, to
complete on the same date as the Hector.
The Vulcan, screw iron troopship, was taken into
dock at Portsmouth yesterday for survey and repair.
The Prussian screw frigate Gazelle, Capt. Henk,
sailed from Spithead yesterday, at 3 a.m., for the
Mediterranean.

The entry of lads for the Royal Navy has consi-
derably increased during the past month at Wool-
wich.

The following appointments were made yesterday,
at the Admiralty :—Lieut. A. T. Brooke to be flag-
lieut. to Rear-Admiral the Hon. Geo. F. Hastings,
C.B. ; Lieut. Hunter Kent to the Lion ; Hon. Harry
de V. Pery, naval cadet, to the Zealous ; Henry
Cook, chief engineer, to the Indus, for charge of
the machinery of the Malabar ; Henry Perry, pay-
master, to be secretary to Rear-Admiral the Hon.
Geo. F. Hastings, C.B. ; Wm. 11. Hyde, assist.-
paymaster, to the Pembroke ; John N. Colborne,
assist.-paymaster, to the Donegal ; Frederick C. M.
Sadler, assist.-paymaster, to the St. George ; Michael
L. Gedge, assist.-paymaster, to the Excellent ;
Matthew Wellington, assist.-paymaster, additional,
to the Zealous, for Rear-Admiral the Hon. Geo. F.
Hastings's office ; Chas. R. Drew, assist.-paymas-
ter, to the Zealous, as secretary's clerk ; Jas. T. A.
'White, master's assistant, additional, to the For-
midable, for the Lizard; and Frank E. G. Dent,
clerk, to the Zealous.

The following appointments have been made in
the Royal Naval Reserve :—II. G. Sanders, Edgar
Willbeek, and IVm. C. K. K. John to be Sub.-
Lieuts.

at the same time that it promotes those branches of
industry which, whatever may be the present sacri-
fice, will become rooted in the country, and eventu-
ally tend to national prosperity. Then, in the
future, when the position becomes equal—that is,
when manufacturing industry in America is able to
compete on equal terms with the manufacturing in-
dustry of Europe, and the diversified interests of
the country are secured, no further sacrifices of the
people will be necessary—the true principles of po-
litical economy will become applicable, and Free
Trade be adopted. At present the adoption of
Free Trade by America would vastly benefit Europe,
and might benefit the present generation of
Americans. But America will not legislate
for the benefit of Europe ; , and is willing to
submit to individual loss to secure in the
end a great result. It is in vain to argue on ab-
stract principles to prove Free Trade right and
Protection wrong with people who admit the truth
of the principles advanced, but declare that they are
actuated by other motives into which these prin-
ciples only casually enter. The circumstances are
peculiar, and Americans hold that they are better
judges of these circumstances than European poli-
tical economists. They have the example of the
Southern States before them as to what became of
a purely agricultural system. They are equally
opposed to erecting any one State into a purely
manufacturing district. They maintain that agri-
culture and manufactures should go hand in hand—
that the mill should stand in the neighbourhood of
the farm, and that every community should be
within itself as complete as it can possibly be made.
They hold that nature alone should place limits on
the productive industry of each State of the Union,
but that no artificial restrictions in favour of any
foreign country should be allowed.—Anglo-Ameri-
can Times.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.--The Recruiting Commissioners were
brought at the close of their report to a very gene-
ral but very necessary conclusion, on which, though
it was the most important subject of their inquiry,
they found themselves with but little room to expa-
tiate. They had remarked, truly enough, that the
military forces of this country were organised in
two distinct establishments—the army for general
service, and the militia for service at home. They
had further remarked that recent events had taught
us the necessity of maintaining a far stronger force
for home service than formerly, and of keeping it
in greater readiness for action. Now, as they did
not propose to increase the strength of the regular
army, it was obvious that they must come to some
reform of the militia, and that, in fact, was their
conclusion. They had, however, devoted almost
the whole of their report to the comparatively
limited question of providing with greater ease and
certainty for the periodical recruiting of the regular
force ; so that when the momentous question of a
reserve appeared for consideration it was despatched
in the following words :—" We are of opinion that
it is to our militia we must look for the solid and
constitutional reserve of the country, and we would
earnestly recommend that more attention should be
given to its organisation ; that its numbers should
be maintained up to the full legal quota, and that,
so far as is possible, the period for drilling the re-
cruits should be more extended." In those very
general terms is comprised all that the commis-
sioners have to say about the maintenance of an
efficient reserve for the protection of the kingdom
under the conditions, of modern warfare, and we
shall best understand the insufficiency of the sug-
gestion if we imagine the actual realisation of the
contingency against which preparations are to be
made. Let us suppose, then, that an invasion of
England has been attempted, and that an enemy has
landed on our shores with such an army as powerful
monarchies now bring into the field. 'We should be
called on, therefore, to meet this army on the instant
with an organised force of at least 100,000 men,
and we should require at least 100,000 more to sup-
port them. What means do we possess for such a
purpose ? The regular army, to which would be
our first appeal, might supply, as the Commission-
ers observe, a contingent of some 40,000 or 50,000
' effective troops of all arms, and this calculation is
certainly as liberal as possible. If the militia, in-
stead of being, as it is, imperfect, were all that the
Commissioners recommend, we might possibly have
80,000 or 90,000 men of this force at our disposal ;
but it is still certain that under our present system
even this army co_dd not be immediately brought
into the field for active service. If any military
commander were asked to state upon paper what
he would require for a month's campaign against
an invading army, his requisitions would be simply
equivalent to a catalogue of our deficiencies. The
only way to look at this subject is to imagine
the reality of the presumed occurrence. We,
should have to march against the suppos sd enemy
exactly as the Prussians marched against the Aus•
trians—only with still less chaice of time or place.
But the Prussians had behind their first line of
troops a second line equally good, and behind
this a third as able as the others. Of still greater
importance is it to observe that all these troops
I formed so many portions of one homogeneous, well
amalgamated army. Some were on active service ;
some had been called out as reserves ; but all had
been trained to act together ; all knew their
places, and the whole machine could be put in
motion ,sith as much ease and steadiness as a
column marching out of Aldershott. Nor was this
all. In attendance on those divisions were all
the subsidiary forces which an army in the field
requires, and every one of these departments was as
complete and as effective as could be wished. Every
inch of the country to be traversed was known ;
every possible obstacle anticipated, and communi-
cations, under all imaginable circumstances, were
infallibally insured. Food, ammunition,medical aid,
and comforts were all secured in adequote supplies
by services properly organised beforehand, so that
the efficiency of the entire army was guaranteed.
Nothing less than this should we also require in the
event of an invasion, and how much of it have we
got ? We have not got even the men to begin with.
We may allow that our regular army of 40,000
men would be supported by as good an auxiliary
force of Volunteers as could be desired ; but of the
militia, or army destined by constitutional theory
for this particular service, how much could we com-
mand ? Perhaps hardly 50,000 men ; but even
that is not the most important point. These militia-
men—whether few or many—would certainly not
be competent in respect of discipline or practice to
enter the line with regular troops. They would
bear no such relation to the men of the line as the
Prussian Landwehr bear to the Prussian army.
There would have been no previous association, and
there could be no practical amalgamation. Accord
ing to theory, there ought, for this particular kind
of service, to be as complete an analogy between a
regiment of militia and a regiment of the line as
there is between one regiment of the line and ano-
ther. The militia, we repeat, is nothing but an
army exempted from foreign service. For home
service it is, or should be, as real, perfect, and dis-
posable an army as the regular army itself. We
need hardly be at the pains of adding that in fact it
' is no such thing. The first step. therefore, after
raising our home army to a proper numerical
strength, is to assimilate its quality as regards its
special duties to the quality of the line, so that one
force may be competent to co-operate effectively
with the other in the hour of need. After this how
much is there that remains to be done in the subsi-
diary departments ? Have we any organised means
whatever for supplying an army of evenso,ooo men
with victuals, munitions, and medical comforts at
that " sudden call" which the commissioners find
themselves compelled to contemplate ? We need not
pursue these inquiries. Any person, whether soldier
or civilian, will answer them quickly enough for him-
self. We must expand, therefore, the concise gene-
ralities of the Commissioners' Report into more
definite considerations. True enough it is that
the whole problem before us is involved in the
" numbers" and " organisation" of the militia ; but
the numbers, it is evident, should be increased ;
while, as to the organisation, that is a term which
comprehends in itself all the conditions we have
been describing. There are two methods of " or-
ganising" the militia—one by making it mainly a
force of retired soldiers, like the Prussian Land-
wehr ; the other by keeping it, as it is, a dis-
tinct army. The Commissioners incline to the
latter ; indeed, they wish to see re-engaged in the
regular army all those time-expired men who, upon
the other system, would fall into the militia, This,
however, is a point deserving of serious attention.
In times when the distinction between the army and
the militia was preserved by the broad contrast be-
tween compulsory and volun Lary service there might
be good grounds for keeping the fact always in view.
But at present, with the ballot for the militia in
abeyance, the recruits for the two services are drawn
from the same sources and in the same manner, and
it is a question whether this recruiting might not
be conducted more effectually by making ser-
vice in the line shorter and easier on condition
of subsequent service in the militia. In other
words, we should enlist men for both our armies at
once—for the regular army up to a certain fixed
period, and for the home army afterwards. This
plan, we are aware, is not universally popular with
militia officers, many of whom would rather see the
militia feeding the line than the line feeding the

militia. But the former practice, though very
good for the first army, is not good for the
army of reserve, and the more the subject is dis-
cussed the more plainly, we think, will it appear
that we cannot successfully organise our militia
without connecting it practically with those troops
by whose side and in whose company it must act if
the hour of action were to come. In former days
we had only to consider the efficiency of the regular
army ; we have now to consider the efficiency of a
second army, as large and as important as the first,
and we can no longer impair the strength of the
former for the sake of the latter.

HERALD.—There has been a very successful Con-
servative gathering at Bradford. It is remarkable
how, in the centres of working c'ass activity, the
opinion of the industrious classes is protesting
against the Radical agitations of the day. At Brad-
ford, on Tuesday evening, a Working Men's Con-
servative Association was inaugurated, in connection
with similar societies throughout the West Riding.
The meeting was, at least, equal in number to any
Liberal concourse ever witnessed in the town. It
was strong and it was unanimous. There was no
space, indeed, for the thousands who desired to join
their protests with the voices of the Conservative poli-
ticians attending. The names of the present Ministers
were emblazoned on the walls, and were mentioned
amid tumultuous cheering. We do not refer to this part
of the demonstration as to any great evidence of a
political fact. It simply shows that statesmen may
be at once Conservative and popular, and that work-
ing men--the best instructed of them, at least—
acknowledge the services and respect the characters
of such men, high in the service of the State, as it is
the business of Radicalism to revile. We count
among them Mr. Ferrand, who has been, during the
whole course of an honourable career, friendly to
popular interests, the butt of Radical detractors.
That gentleman has ever been an advocate of true
working-class interests; in Parliament he always
protected the social rights of his constituents ; out
of it he never failed to be forthcoming on occasions
of public importance—in fact, he has invariably
been a man of fearless speech, honest principle, and
consistentreasoning. And in the House of Commons
the 'Whigs generally dreaded him. He was too can-
did to suit their morality. But, then, this good old
English gentleman was too thorough to be put
down. He had the blood of a spirited ancestry in
his veins. As he told the Bradford people his grand-
father was, when this country was menaced by in-
vasion, the elected head of the Bradford volunteers,
and he himself, a Conservative of Conservatives, is
president of the local Working Men's Association,
formed to defend the institutions of England against
the conspiracies and attacks of unscrupulous dema-
gogues. He renders useful service to them when
he explains how they might be deceived and robbed
by their specious flatterers. He instances the case
of Bradford itself. Could its important trade hold
but for twenty-four hours against the despotism of
the London committees ? Assuredly not. The fol-
lowing is a pregnant sentence :—" There is nothing
so timid as trade ; and working men have nothing
so much at heart as the successful trade of this
country." It is a platitude to say that industrial
and political confidence are inseparable. But, Mr.
Ferrand asks, what is the present state of the agi-
tation with reference to Mr. Bright's propositions
—whatever they may be, for we know nothing of
them yet ? Mr. Gladstone and the member for Bir-
mingham have talked upon the subject during many
eveuings for hours together. They have scorned
all idea of preferring the educated, the
frugal, and the industrious, before the idle,
the drunken, the thriftless, and the ignorant.
The former, Mr. Ferrand has the courage to
affirm, are the very men whom Mr. Bright would
dislike to see entrusted with power. Then what, if
not revolution, is the purpose and hope of his advo-
cacy ? He wants to confer supreme authority upon
the illiterate, and therefore dangerous, classes. But
we agree with Mr. Ferrand upon another point.
Mr. Bright's audience is exceedingly limited. It
consists of the untaught and the prejudiced. We do
not say that he fails to collect large gatherings ; but
those who listen must be distinguished from those
who follow, and a stout of applause does not al-
ways indicate a compliance of opinion. Mr. Ferrand
when in Parliament was at all times an active and
useful member. His recentspeech at Bradford makes
us wish to see him in the house again, if possible,
before another session opens. For he has the real in-
terests of the community at heart. Who more 'per-
sistently than he has advocated what Lord Manners
calls " the legitimate claims of labour ?" His protest
against Mr. Bright is to the effect, virtually, that
England will not sabmit to be socially conquered
out of all independeuce by the working classes. That
raises a very different question. Mr. Ferrand con-
cedes, as he has invariably conceded, the rights of
trades societies and organisations and of unions,
with the object of defending their industry ; but
will any artisan of independence or intelligence tell
him that he may lawfully deprive another man of
the liberty to sell his labour wherever or at what
price he pleases ? This is the point which Mr. Fer-
rand puts keenly and effectively. But these orga-
nisations are to have a second purpose, at the insti-
gation of Mr. Bright. The trades are to unite as
Parliamentary Reformers. Some of the most re-
spectable among them refuse to do it, or to obey
the behests of Mr. Potter's deputations. In con-
nection with this subject Mr. Ferrand very fairly
quoted from a speech of Mr. Gladstone's a remark-
ably mischievous passage, capable of a double appli-
cation. It ran to this effect :—" We are told that
the working classes are given to strikes. 1 believe
it is the experience of ' the employers of labour
that these strikes are more and more losing the
character of violence and compulsory interference
with the freewill of their own comrades and fellow-
workmen." Is it true? Can the assertion be sus-
tained ? Was not Mr. Gladstone making use of a
fallacious assertion as a party argument ? The
public will be grateful, therefore, to a politician so
well informed and dauntless as Mr. Ferrand, who
does not-hesitate to challenge these popular clap-
traps, and, further, who can render the plain truth
intelligible to an audience of well-instructed opera-
tives. The employed and the employers, Mr. Fer-
rand says happily, should be entwined as the ivy
upon the tree ; without that association there can be
no commercial prosperity. Which counsel is best—
that which encourages heart-burning and bitterness,
or that which would promote mutual goodwill and
amiability ? We can see the answer in the results.
How many strikes within the last two years have
rent the industry of England, have interrupted her
manufactures, and have stopped her trade? But,
urge the Radicals against whom Mr. Ferrand
contends, we have nothing else to do when the
capitalists combine.. What are the facts, as
he illustrates them ? There is a working man in
the House of Lords. There are several in the House
of Commons. "I myself," said Mr. Brotherton,
the late member for Salford, " worked in a factory
when I was a boy." "Am I blamed," asked the late
Sir Robert Peel, " because the Queen sent to
Rome for the sou of a cotton-spinner to make him
Prime Minister of England ?" Mr. Ferrand is
thoroughly iu the right. All this talk about the
aristocratic exclusiveness of our institutions is the
most palpable and absolute trash. We accept, upon
Mr. Ferrand's personal authority, the statement
that Mr. Forster himself, the Radical member for
Bradford, was originally a lad employed at a loom
in Norwich. If so, all honour to him for it, and
he may repeat the proud boast of a Judge—among
the most -distinguished who ever sat on the bench—
" When I was a journeyman carpenter I dreamed
that I might one day be head of the law in Eng-
land." 'Well, we will not dwell upon this topic,
although Mr. Ferrand illustrates it by some
pungent anecdotes, because he races on to other
subjects, dealing with them in his own rapid, easy,
and irresistible manner. With regard to Mr Bright,
he says—and Mr. Bright :should be the last man to
complain of freedom of speech on the part of a con-
temporary in Parliament—" a greater political
coward never entered the House of Commons."
That observation was received by the working men
of Bradford with inextinguishable enthusiasm.
Again, "in all my life I :never heard him make a
speech which inculcated peace and goodwill among
men." Mr. Ferrand has a blunt way of uttering
bard truths ; yet can it be denied that however hard
they are truths nevertheless ? We have no doubt
that such associations as the Bradford Conservative
Society, acknowledged and adopted by men of in-
dependence, eloquence, and sagacity, will go far
towards the spreading of a healthy political opinion,
and will far better represent the sentiments of the
educated working classes than any noisy conven-
tions assembled to hear the declamations of a viru-
lent demagogue. The man may be admired for his
talents, and by the exercise of them may attract
miscellaneous audiences ; but meetings of this sort
are more highly and nurely inspired, and more
representative of the true heart of the country at
large.

A Susrrcious VESSEL.—GREENOCK, Nov. 20.
An Oban paper has the following :—" On Wednesday a
large steamer lay in Chicken Head Bay, Lewis, and on the
Custom-house officer wishing to go on board he was
peremptorily refused and warned to keep off. As yet no
person has been able to find her character and pretensions.
The crew pretended to be ignorant of English."
YELLOW FEVER.—Her Majesty's Government
have received, through the Foreign-office, information that
the mail steamer Empress Eugenie, whiclt arrived at St.
Nazaire on the 19th inst., had had during her passage from
ItexicO fourteen cases of yellow fever on board, seven of
which had terminated fatally; no case, however, having
occurred among the passengers. The Empress Eugenie
had been placed in quarantine, the duration of which had
not been determined at the time when the information was
sent by her Majesty's ambassador at Paris.