The Sun.
London, England, 1832-06-04 00:00:00

FRENCH PAPERS.

?From the Messager des Chambres of Thursday.)
It is stated that another rencontre took place on
the 27th, between the Chouans and the troops and
National Guards, when the conflict lasted for six
hours; a great number of the rebels were slain, and
the field of battle remained in possession of the
pa,tiotg.
The state of General Lamarque'shealth is not any
/getter. It is thought that had he not been de-
prived of his Governorship-General of La Vendee,
affairs would not have been in their present unhappy
state.

(From Galignani's Messenger.)
The following is the declaration of the opposition
deputies who assembled on Monday at the house of
M. Laflitte. To the signatures affixed it is expected
that the names of many others now ahient from
Paris will he added 7.

" To our Cocretituents—The undersigned Depu.
ties, who are at present in Paris, convinced of the
danger of a system which is leading the Govern-
ment farther and farther from the revolution which
created it, consider it an important duty, under the
existing circumstances of the country, to render an
account to their constituent!' of their principles and
their votes. Though it has not been in their power
to bring back their Government to measures which
will insure its preservation, it is at least in their
power to point out the danger. Our revolution of
1830 has been differently construed. some have
seen in it only an incidental modification of the resto-
ration, and have concluded that the men and the
principles of the restoration ought to be the men
and the principle, of the new Government. The pre-
valence of this opinion has been exemplified in all the
phases of the late longandbarren session. I' was evi-
dent in the debates upon the Civil List, the Peerage,
and the organization of the army; it presided over the
discussion of the Budget ; it directs the Administration
of the empire, and regulates one Conduct towards
foreign powers. Others, amongst whom are the
undersigned, greeted in the revolution of July the
definitive consummation of the principles and rights
which were proclaimed by the great revolution of
1789. These principles and these rights form the
bases upon which they could have wished to teta-
Nish the throne. Their speeches and their votes
have been constantly in conformity with these sen-
timents. Thus, in the discussion of the civil list,
we considered that the new monarchy had other
elements of strength and permanence than the dis-
play and corruption of old monareNes, and that,
fortified by its popular origin, and the deliberate
assent of the people, there could be no need for
acting upon the imoginaiion by investing it with
opulence, nor to purchase its adherents. The at-
tempt made, in the same discussion, by one of the
Ministers, to re-establish in our language, and in
our political laws, the old feudal expression I sub-
ject,' we felt ourselves hound to protest again's,.
The debates on the constitution of the peerage pre-
sented a wide field, in which the supporters of the
doctrines of the fallen regime expressed at once
their wishes and their regrets. To hear them, there
was nothing more sacred than the privileges which
existed previous to the revolution, and no state, no
society, could possibly be lasting without an here•
aitary peerage. This was the idea of the restora-
tion. For ourselves, faithful to the principle of
equality and national sovereignty, we succeeded in
cawing the wish of the country to prevail, and the
hereditary descent of the peerage was abolished.
'We wished for more; we demanded that the legis-
lative power, even in the other Chamber, should be
derived from a delegation of the Sovereign, that is
to say, from the nation. We did not wish that cer-
tain peers should have the right to style themselves
more legitimate than the King. We conceived that
the revolution ought to elect its legi•lators,as it ought
to have instituted its judges. The majority, however,
was of a different opinion—time and experience
will decide between the majority and us. The
army was the object of our most anxious solicitude.
To repair the past acts of injustice of the restoration
towards it,—to render it in future formidable to the
enemies of France, without endangering eternal li-
berty by it,—to insure promotion, not for favour-
itism, but for services,—to diffuse instruction
through all the regiments ; and, in fine, to insure
for the soldier every possible amelioration of his
condition, was our object. The proposition for ac-
knowledging the promotions and decorations granted
during the hundred days was adopted by both
Chambers, and thus satisfied the first of these
wishes. It was for a legislative enactment to grant
reparation, which was not confined to individuals,
but extended to a collective body. Without either
giving or refusing the Royal assent, the Govern-
ment substituted an ordinance for a legislative act,
thus treating the initiative privilege of the Chamber
with contempt, violating the rules of constitutional
competency, and even the material forms established
for the refusal of assent. It was our duty to pro•
test. Two systems for the organization of the army
were presented. One, which required a powerful
corps of reserve, composed of the Garde Nationale
Mobile, and of soldiers who had been discharged
from service, would have admitted of a reduction in
the force and expense of the standing army. The
other, on the contrary, left the Garde Nationale
Mobile without organization, and thus rendered ne
eeesary a greater number of soldiers to be constantly
embodied. The former and most economical system
which would have facilitated the fusion of the Na-
tional Guards with the army, was ours, but the latter
obtained the majority. The budget was expected
to unite all parties in one general view of effecting
retrenchment, and relieving the burdens of the
people. The supporters of the system of restore•
Lien, however, found all the existing expenses legi-
timate, and all the taxes duly assessed, and, not
content with urging the painful argument of neces-
sity, they undertook to establish the outrageous
theory that an increase of taxes is a benefit. We
wish that the revolution should bring its dower to
the people. Far, however, was it from our wish
to compromise those resources which were neces-
sary for the defence of the country, but a more
simple and economical system, a better assessment
of iruposts, a mode of levying the taxes less vexa-
tious, would have diminished the public burdens,
they would have become more equitably distributed,
and less oppressive to the labouring classes. We
were also divided upon questions of internal admi-
nis'ration. We wished, as much as our opponents
could, the repressio❑ of all attempts against public
order. Convinced that security is the chief want
of a people whose existence depends upon their in-
dustry, we thought that a popular Government
would show more energy in preventing disturbance,
and more moderation in repressing it when it broke
out. The Government, however, which so much
boasted of its strength, has been obliged to confess
that its violent measures hive only had the effect
of rendering resistance more systematic in every
part of the country, and of throwing the most de-
voted parts of the population into a state of irrita-
tion and disorder. With regard to the persons el--
gaged in the administration, it was easy to perceive,
after the fall of a Government on which the exist-
ence of many depended, that some must be found
who were enemies to the new order of things. The
Government, however, deluded by false doctrines
and unjust prejudices, have only seen enemies in
those who fought to establish it. A member of
the opposition wee desirous that Fiance should
know whether her Government had sufficient deter-
mination or not to identify itself with the revolution
of July. 'llea proposition of M. de Bricqueville
having failed in the preceeding sessions, was renewed
in the last. It appears as the presentiment of
a recent attempt, which was then in medita-
tion, and to which the Government, if we are to
believe its official organ, had already the secret.
The Ministerial party, however, exerted their united
efforts to prevent this proposition, and even after it
had been voted by both Chambers, a reluctant dis-
position delayed the Royal sanction, as if to afford a
tacit protection and a motive for absolution. This
system of temporising comprises the internal peace
of France, and excites doubts in timid minds as tp
the stability of a Government which appears itself
to eeterintin doubts. The last session nu expected

to be particularly devoted to the realization of the
promises of the Charter. The Chambers were to
have constituted the municipal 'system, were to have
settled the responsibility of Ministers and of all the
agents of the t4overnment, to have authorised pri-
mary schools, and established the freedom of in-
struction, We urged the fulfilment of these pro-
mises, wre demanded 'a enhicipal system which would
leave minor local affairs to he regulated within the
several districts, simplify the more important con-
cerns, extend throughout the country political life,
and grant the rights of citizenship to the greatest
possible Number of eifzens. A wide and liberal
organizwion of each depertrine.nt and commune would
become the most p"owerrui means of insuring strength,
public orde;', and prosperity. Bills were forced from
the Ministry by the urgency of public opinion, but
they were neutralized in the Chamber by a secret
influence, and finally extinguished by indefinite ad-
journments. Such were our views w ith regard to
our internal policy, but we were, however, unable
to secure their adoption. In the relations of France
with foreign powers, our standard has still been that
of 1789,—n0 war of ambition or for conquest, but
absolute independence of ail foreign influence in our
intcrital affairs. It was With shame that during
the session we several times heard the agents of the
Government speak of the fear of dipleasing foreign
Cabinets. We thought that France was for ever deli-
vered from such humiliating influence ; the do not dis
avow our lively sympathy with the happiness and
liberty of other nations) but we have never set up
the pretension of subjecting them to our institutions.
After the subversion of the dynasty imposed by the
Holy Alliance, it was the duty of the Government
to watch closely the twos ements of foreign Mo-
narchs, and especially to prevent them extending
augmenting their power. The Government
itself acknowledged this duty when it announced to
France its intention of succouring Italy against
Austria, and of protecting the nationality of Poland
against Russia And yet, notwithstanding these
positive promises,—in spite of both the old and new
interest of France,—it has abandoned Italy to the
domination of Austria, and suffered Poland to pe-
rish, unfortunate Poland, which it was in our power
to assist, whatever has been said to the contrary in
the Chamber, and which it was our duty to save.
Let it not be thought that measured and firm lan-
guage would have led to war; we, on the contrary,
believe that it was the only and the surest means of
preserving peace. In short, peace sviih the inde-
pendence and dignity of France; order by liberty,
unalterable fidelity to the principle of the revolu-
tion of July, a principle of nationality, justice, order,
glory, and moderation,—liberty and general civiliza-
tion, a glorious and pure principle, which we wish
to promote, which all our votes have faithfully ex-
pressed, and which oor hearts have never betrayed :
such has always been and always will be our poll-
tisal creed. Far from us be it to imitate our
adversaries in their violence and calumny. But
let the men of the 13th of March tell us whe-
ther one of their promises has been fulfilled.—
They were to rally round the throne every opinion,
but they have caused fatal divisions among generous
men, united by the love of liberty and a sense of their
country being in danger. They were to consolidate
the revolution, but they have removed its natural
supports by the dissolution of the 'National Guards
of the most warlike and faithful towns. They were
to favour the liberty of the Press which saved
France, but they have fettered it by their prosecu-
tions, ruined it by imposts and fines, and corrupted
it by amortissements. They know that the im-
mense majority of the nation and the Chamber of
Deputies wished to abolish the hereditary descent
of the Peerage, but they treated the wishes of the
nation and the Chamber as visionary and absurd.
They declared that they would cause legal order to
prevail, and yet there is not a law the application of
%%bleb they have not perverted or falsified ; that
they would derive their support from the Chambers,
and yet they have stifled their proposition of laws ;
that they would discharge by hospitality the debt of
France towards the Polish, Spanish and Italian re-
fugees, and yet they have branded this hospitality by
the shameful condition which they have attached to
it. They pledged themselves to afford us internal
security, and yet it has always been distutbed by
commotions, violent conflicts between the people
and the authorities, and by the audacious and
daily-increasing aggressions of the partisans of the
fallen Government. They announce to us a general
disarmament, and yet they have led us into a la-
byrinth of diplomatic intrigues so inextricable, that
it is impossible even for them to assign an end to
this state of anxiety, which is neither one of peace
nor war, and which annihilates our commerce. Fi-
nally, in what situation does the system of quasi-le-
gitimacy leave France after two years' experience ?
Abroad, is not the coalition of Kings more menacing
than ever ? At home, is not civil war evident ?
Are not the troops which skirt our frontiers, those
plots and disturbances constantly renewed in the
west and the south, sufficient to open the eyes of
the Government ? Before it decides, will it wait
until our departments are in a flame, our provinces
invaded, and France so compromised, that she can
only be saved by sacrificing both her sons and her
treasures ? We declare with painful and deep con-
viction, that if this system be prolonged, the re-
volution of July and France will become a prey to
their enemies. The restoration and the revolution
are recommencing an old struggle which we thought
was at an end. Let the Gevernment choose : the
equivocal position in which it has placed itself is not
tenable. It gives us neither the strength of the re-
storation which is irreconcilable, nor that of the re-
volution, which has become irritated and distrustful.
France of 1800, like that of 1789, thought that
hereditary R'yalty with popular institutions had
nothing incompatible with the principles of liberty;
let the Government of July, therefore, confidently
return to the conditions of its existence. The whole
world knows what power the French revolution
affords to those to whom it is devoted; but it
wishes that the latter should also be faithful to it
without disguise or afterthought. As for 113,
united by the same devotedness to that great and
noble cause for which France has been fighting for
the last forty years, we will forsake it neither in
its successes nor in its reverses. Our lives are de-
voted to it, and we are confident that it will be
finally triumphant.
" Paris, May 28, 1832.
" Allier, Audry de Puyraveau, Argo, Bacot, Ba-
voux, Bernard (du Far,)Blaque-Belair, Marquess
de Bryas, Cabet, Comte, de Corcellea, Cordier, de
Cormenin, Count Duchaffault, Duria-Dufresne,
Galabert, Garnier-Pages, Gauthier de Rumilly,
de Girardin, de Gouve, de Nuneques, d'Heram-
bault, Jolivet, Laboissiere, General Lafayette,
George Fafayette, Jacques Laffitte, General Laf-
Sae, General Lamarque (by proxy, being on his
death-bed) Larabit, Lenouvel, Marchal, Mauguin,
Marquess de Mornay, Nicod, Odillon-Barrot,
Portalis, Pourrat, Taillandier, Tardieu, Thiars,
de Tracy."

The private epistolary correspondence of a
lady of rank, shortly to be published, will, it is said, sur-
pass in interest the celebrated " Tour of a German Prince."
The work, which is to be called " The Private Conti-
nental Correspondence of a Woman of Fashion," will,
we find, comprise sketches of the Courts of England and
France from the year 1815, interspersed with original
and piquant anecdotes of all the distinguished individuals
who moved in the brilliant circles of both countries.
REJOICINGS ON THE PASSING OF TIIE
REFORM BILL.—The inhabitants of this town are to
meet on Monday morning, at the Town Hall, to fix on
the most effectual and appropriate plan of testifying their
joy when the Reform Bill shall have received the Royal
Assent. It is wished to avoid a general illumination, as
it would, by confining people to their houses, prevent that
universal interchange of social fellowship and mutual con-
gratulation which the occasion demands. a übtless the
column, tewn-hall, and other public buildings and offices,
will be illuminated, end 'any private individuals who
choose, may adopt this method of testifying their loyalty
and gratitude for the important privilege about to be ex-
tended to this town, in common with other places enfran-
chised by the Bill. Various schemes are suggested, such
as public entertainment, processions, bonfires, &c. &c.,
but as the period of the meeting is so near, it will be un-
necessary more particularly to allude to them at present.—
Deco:wort Telegraph,

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