The Sun.
London, England, 1832-08-31 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS•

The whole influence of Prussian diplomacy
in Germany since the establishment of peace in
1815, has been directed to impose upon the
smaller states of' the Germanic Confederation,
not only the Yoke of' political supremacy, but
of commercial bondage. And, alter 14 or 15
years of persevering efforts, in which every art
of cajolery, of menace, of mystification, and
of misrepresentation has been employed, she has
at last succeeded to a considerable extent in her
object, and now calculates upon ultimate and
complete success. In order to show the mag-
nitude of the sacrifices which she has thus
exacted from her weaker allies, by stipulating in
favour of her commercial restrictions, we ought
to recollect the extent of the hardship which her
ill-judged policy imposes on herself. Prussia
is a country which has adopted, in their fullest
measure, the doctrines of our anti-free-trade poli-
ticians. She thinks that nothing ought to be
received from abroad which she can manufacture
at home—no matter at what price, or under
what disadvantages. Prussian Statesmen, like
our domestic anti-free-trade economists, to whom
we have alluded, entertain a kind of horror for
cheap foreign commodities. All their efforts
are directed to maintain a monopoly in favour of
their own manufactured articles—to buy nothing
which they can make at home, and, to send
abroad as much as they can. They reckon the
number of hands employed, even at an unpro-
fitable work, as so much gained in favour of
domestic industry, and thus put down lost or
wasted labour as a source of national prosperity.
Like the French, in the protection of their iron
and sugar trade, they refuse better and cheaper
articles manufactured abroad, because such arti-
cles, if imported, would interfere with the sale of
home products, which can only be disposed of
by an exclusive possession of the market,
or by the absence of all competition. Thus
(to mention an extreme case) their policy
would lead them to prevent the importation of
foreign wine, if they could produce a sufficient
quantity of wine at home by growing the grapes
in hot-houses. Thus, without making an ima-
ginary supposition, but stating only a known
fact, the Prussian imitators of our anti-free,
traders actually consume sugar made of beet-
root,
and drink succory juice for coffee, that
they may encourage domestic industry, and ren-
der themselves independent of foreign commo-
dities. To any person capable of the slightest
reflection, this mus appear a policy as absurd
as it is pernicious. It is the interest of na-
tions, as well as of individuals, to buy at the
markets where they find the cheapest and the
best commodities. By this means they obvi-
ously encourage the domestic industry that is
the most profitable to themselves. Foreigners
pryer think of giving us their commodities for
nothing. We must pay in the fruits of our own
industry for every article which is supplied by the
industry of foreigners ; and the only result of
any legal interference to prevent such a reason-
able exchange, is to direct our labour into un-
profitable channels, instead of allowing it to pur-
sue the eour,e in which it would produce the
greatest advantage to all parties. In stating this
opinion—which may almost be regarded as an
axiom or a truism—let us not be accused of de-
siring, by an immediate admission of foreign
competition into a market which has hitherto
been a monopoly, to sacrifice the private exist-
ing interests which have grown up under what
we contend to be an absurd system. That system
should be changed for the public benefit, but
with as little individual loss or inconvenience as
possible. Thus France manufactured sugar from
beet-root under Buonaparte at ss. a pound. By
opening the market to colonial sugarat a tenth part
of that price, the beet-root planters must hare
been ruined. In any change of state policy,
therefore, their interests ought to have received
a favourable consideration ; but surely it would
have been unreasonable in them to require that
the nation should for ever pay 1,000 per cent.
on its sugar for their exclusive benefit. The same
principle may be applied to the different articles
of English manufacture on which prohibitions
have lately been removed, or prohibitive duties
reduced ; and Prussian politicians might be sup-
posed, without any imputation on their patri-
otism, to perceive the same truth, and to act on
the same views of policy. But if such restric-
tions are impolitic and pernicious when imposed
by a particular nation upon its own industry,
how much more objectionable must they appear
when imposed by one nation on the trade of
another. Yet, to this thraldom, and this loss,
has Prussia reduced the foolish German Govern-
ments :;tom she has brought within the range
of her commercial treaties. Prussia may benefit
one class of her subjects at the expense of the
rest ;—Prussia, being a great state, may have,
00J unquestionably has, extensive markets
within herself; which render her comparatively
independent of foreign supplies, and reduce the
evils of her restrictive policy; but Bavaria,
Wurtemberg, Hesse Darmstadt, and the other
me nor principalities which have been dragged
within her toils,—which have adopted her tariff,
and even allowed their import duties to be levied
by her custom-house officers, have no such ex-
cuse for their folly,—no such mitigation of their
loss,—no such compensation for their sacrifices.
Without possessing manuthctories of' their own,
requiring their alleged protection, they have re•
nounced the advantage of taking their supply of
manufactured articles from the cheaper markets of
France and England, and have agreed to con-
ke themselves to the more costly and less per-
fect f4brics of Prussia. And what compensa-
tion does Prussia make for this sacrifice ? Why,
nine that we can perceive, but the honour of her
more intimate alliance, and the trouble of per-
suading time smaller Courts that it is more pa-
triotic—e-more like honest, good Germans—more
becoming the members of the Germanic Diet—
to he plundered by a German confederate, than
to be profitably served by an equitable stranger.
We have before us the commercial treaties con-
cluded by Prussia with Hesse Darmstadt in
1828 ; and between Prussia and Hesse Darm-
stadt on the one part, and Bavaria and Wur-
temberg on the other, in 1829 ; and we scarcely
believe that such an instance of overreaching on
the one hand, and of simplicity on the other, can
be found in the diplomatic transactions of
modern times. The latter consists of 21 articles,
and not one of them is in favour of the weaker
party. The first declares the trade between the
dominions of tie contracting parties free of du-
ties ; and the second contains exceptions, some
of which are intended to be permanent, and
others only temporary. Under the firzt class of
exceptions are comprised salt, playing cards,
beer and liqueurs, tobacco and wine, refined sugar,
corn, flour, all kinds of cattle, and fresh or salted
meat. These, being the produce of all the
states entering into the contract, are reciprocally
admitted into each, on the payment of a small
duty,--which
is intended to be permanent.
Tile temporary exceptions include almost all
le': of manufacture, such as cottwi,

silk, cutlery, all kinds of hardware, and
others. The
.duty of admission on these
articles was reduced, as between the contracting
states, 25 per cent. below the tariff of Prussia,
till 1831, then 50 per cent. below that tariff, and
at last was to be entirely abolished. The Prus-
sian tariff on these articles entirely excludes
foreign competition from the Prussian markets,
and Prussia, by thus having free access to the
Bavarian, Wurtemberg, and Hessian markets—
closed against other foreigners by her own tariff—
will have a monopoly of the latter. Thus these
poor honest confederates will be obliged to pay
for Prussian cottons, woollen cloths, cutlery,
silks, aed other manufactures of the kind, dou-
ble the price for which they might be supplied
by England or France, and will derive no ad-
vantage from the restriction but the power of
disposing of their cattle, pigs, beer, and tobacco,
in the Prussian territories. Never, probably,
were sensible men so duped. Let us hope,
however, that such an unequal convention will
not be converted into a permanent arrangement.
There are jealousies and antagonist interests
at work, which, independent of the sense of
its injustice, must tend to hasten its dis-
solution. We have before mentioned that
the diplomatists of the general Diet could ne-
ver yet come to any satisfactory arrangement re-
specting the most essential object of their league,
the regulation of their commercial relations, and
the removal of fetters from their internal trade.
This object seems as far from attainment as ever.
Besides Austria,—who has hitherto stood aloof
from any commercial combination with the other
members of the confederation,—we have two
separate sets of commercial confederates or minor
commercial leagues formed already out of the
general union—namely, that of t‘hich Prussia is
the bead, comprising Prussia, Bavaria, Wurtem-
berg, Hesse Darmstadt, and latterly Baden ; and
that of which Saxony is the chief, including
Hanover, Hesse Cassel, Brunswick, two of the
free towns, and some of the smaller principalities.
The interests of these commercial leagues, or
Custom-house confederacies, are so opposed to
each other, that they cannot be expected long to
range themselves under the dictation, or to adopt
:he exclusive system, of any one State ; and so
long as any considerable number of them stand
out against Prussia, her influence is insecure,
and her despotism may be overthrown.—Times.
Some of our contemporaries appear disposed
to regard the Portuguese question entirely on
general grounds, without the slightest reference
to the immediate interests which this country
has in the success of the Constitutional cause.
Whateve; may have been the original views of
the partisans of Don Pedro as regards us, it is
now perfectly clear that our commerce will gain
materially by the overthrow of the Usurper.
Don Pedro has already reduced the export du-
ties to one per cent., by which the pipe of Port
wine, which, until lately, has borne a charge of
more than 21., will pay only (1,500 reas);
and, by abolishing the infamous monopoly of
the Oporto \Vine Company, he has thrown open.
the whole country to the growth of the vine ; so
hat, instead of the produce of a few leagues
within the line of demarcation of the monopoly,
there trill be an immense cultivation for the Bri-
tish market, not only of the wine called Port, but
also of Burgundies and otherlight wines,for which
the soil is well calculated. For a short time, per-
haps, the growers, looking more to quantity
than quality, may ship some inferior wines ; but
[he evil will soon be corrected, and they will
find it to their interest to cultivate carefully, and
,;reduce the finest qualities. It is the intention
of Don Pedro, in the event of success, to reduce
all the import duties, and throw open, as far as
:he Spanish Government will allow, the trade with
Spain. This, with the abolition of tithes, which
he has already decreed, will give a great impetus
to trade in Portugal, and will necessarily increase
the demand for British goods. How different
has been the conduct of Don Miguel ! From
the day when he assumed the reins of power he
!his imposed all possible restrictions on British
commerce ; and only a fortnight ago, whilst he
issued an edict prohibiting the entry into the
port of Lisbon of any British vessel, he made
an order for the admission of four Austrian ves-
sels, only one of which had arrived—thus allow-
ing for three more to arrive. On the score of
interest, therefore, to say nothing of the broad
question of political ffeedom, we are bound to
assist the cause of the young Queen of Portugal
Against the Usurper.—Morning Herald.
It is already discovered in every part of the
country where any canvassing is going on, pre-
paratory to the next general election, that the
Reform Bill is not, for the present at least, likely
to produce that complete extinction of the influ-
ence of property which the most numerous, the
most sincere, and the most zealous class of its
eipporters had chiefly in view, for sake of which
they responded so manfully to the admonitory
hints of the Ministerial Journals, and wielded
their bludgeons and projected their brickbats
with so much patriotic energy. In the towns it
is fOund that the radical voters are fearfully re•
duced in number by that horrid test of pay-
ing taxes, and that the decent, orderly, and
conservative portion of the electors have in the
-ame degree obtained an augmentation of re-
lative importance ; while in the counties the
honest yeomanry are seen to he yet generally
devoid of that self sufficiency and overweening
conceit which should lead them to despise the
opinions and repel the influence of their land-
lords and superiors. Accordingly there is no-
thing but disappointment among the revolu-
tionary party, and they are beginning to clamour
more vociferously than ever for the ballot, and
for that other nostrum, universal suffrage, by
which they imagine the revolution they desire
may be happily completed. Let these further
concessions be made to them, and still it would
be found that disappointment followed the tri-
umps of the revolutionary faction ; still would
they be embittered and infuriated by the disco-
very that enough had not yet been done for the
purpose of substituting in the affairs of Go-
vernment the authority of the lower classes of
society for that of the upper ; and, of moral
necessity, their next desire and attempt would
he to obtain their end and aim by the only
means which can ensure its accomplishment, .a
direct attack upon property as an institu-
tion, an explosion of the very foundations of
the social edifice. What would be the natural
effect of vote by ballot ? To enable, perhaps, a
sly, cautious, and reserved man, one man out of
ten thousand, to give now and then a vote of
which his neighbours, and especially that neigh-
bour from the reach of whose power he desired
to escape, would not be as cognizant as himself.
This would be the whole possible gain to indi-
vidual independence that the ballot could pro-
duce, for in every other case the vote would be
as fully known from the previous and subsequent
convrrsation and demeanour of the voter as it is
now from the poll book, and all the same in-
fluences would operate exactly as at present.
There is one species of the influence of property,

indeed, and it is the most coarse, sordid, de-
grading, and pernicious of any, the direct influ-
ence of money, which the system of secret voting
could scarcely fail to produce. The candidate
intending to exercise this powerful means of
persuasion would no longer address himself to
individuals, but to Clubs ; and instead of paying
away large sums of money to improve the chance
of his election, would willingly impound still
larger sums to be added to the funds of the
electioneering society in the event of his success,
and returned to his own pocket in case he should
be defeated. The machinery for this kind of
traffic can easily be established anywhere, as
every body who knows any thing of the manner
in which elections have hitherto been carried on
in several of the open boroughs under the old
system must be aware. That it would be esta-
blished extensively under the ballot system
whoever has had the least experience of the
conduct of the lower class of voters in scot and
lot boroughs must feel fully convinced. And
with respect to universal suffrage, how is it
possible that the most unlimited extension of
the franchise could lessen the power of those
who possess the means of influence, when nearly
the whole of the class whom it would add to the
existing constituency would consist of persons
essentially dependent, from their situation and
circumstances, upon the will of others ? The
disappointment which the Reform Bill has pro-
duced to the revolutionary faction is in short in-
cidental to the state of society upon which that
measure has been brought to operate. Disap-
pointments, equally or still more severe, must,
from the same cause, follow every future Reform
which may be attempted, and thus, step by
step, we may be brought nearer to that fatal
point, when the existence of property shall be
considered by all who have not obtained what
they deem a satisfactory share of it a nuisance
and a curse, and when society shall tremble on
the verge of dissolution.—Morning Post.
At the German meeting held yesterday at the
Crown and Anchor Tavern, a resolution to esta-
blish a German newspaper in London on the
principle of advocating the restoration of the
violated treaties and outraged liberties of Europe,
was adopted by the meeting. This is fair and
reasonable. Germany is the land of free spe-
culation in all that regards the affairs of another
world ; but the moment a writer looks a little
narrowly into what takes place round about him,
he is stopped short in his career. Much good
may, therefore, be done by the establishment of
a newspaper in which facts relating to impor-
tant personages may be chronicled. In all mat-
ters of pure speculation the Germans write with
much greater freedom than we do. But to show
the difference between speculation and real life,
we may observe, that we do not believe the cir-
cumstance of the late Grand Duke Constantine's
having shot a postilion in the state of Weimar,
for not driving as fast as he wished him to do,
was ever yet stated in any German newspaper,
though a matter of notoriety in Germany. The
extracts from the German Papers given in the
French and English Journals sufficiently prove
that liberty of the Press, in the sense given to
it in England and France, does not exist in
any part of Germany. A letter which we have
extracted from the Glasgow chronicle, which
that paper states to be derived from an intelli-
gent Scotch gentleman now travelling in that
country, is well deserving of a perusal, in more
respects than one. According to the account of
this traveller, the people of the North of Ger-
many, in general, give themselves very little con-
cern about politics, and the Prussians approve
of' the proceedings of the Diet. We suspect
that the fermentation is nearly confined to the
countries on the Rhine, the inhabitants of which
are more active and animated than the Germans
of the great Plains of the North. This writer
confirms the statement we have frequently heard,
that the King of Prussia is not merely beloved,
that. he is adored by his subjects. " They af-
fect sympathy with the Poles, yet approve of
their being driven out of their kingdom; because,
forsooth, the Emperor of Russia is their beloved
King's son-in-law!" All this appears to us
very degrading ; but the Prussians are happy—
and what more can Government do than content
the governed ? " Wisdom comes with lack of
food," says Coleridge. The Germans, it seems,
are too happy to be as wise as we could wish them.
This Correspondent of the Glasgow Chronicle
who had been used to the pale faces and lantern
jaws of Lancashire and Lanarkshire, observes,
" it is quite a pleasure to see the lower classes
in Germany—they appear to be so well off and
happy. Every man, even the poorest, has his
pipe and his coffee, and the women, with their
children, are well dressed and clean. Upon the
whole, the labouring classes in Germany seem
to live, in some measure, for enjoyment, and not,
as with us, for die purpose of keeping themselves
in existence. Let any man visit the manufac-
turing districts of Saxony with the hien farm
houses, and he must declare that, though he does
not find the wealth of England, neither does he
find the poverty and misery." The same account
is given by all intelligent travellers. Mr. LotidoN,
an excellent judge, was struck with the great
superiority of the lower classes in Germany to
the same classes here, and remarks that the
fbrmer were much more civilized, and possessed
of a number of sources of enjoyment unknown to
the latter. He adds, that some admirers of' Spar-
tan virtue regretted the communication of' too
many sources of enjoyment to the people, as it
tended to make them too fond of' this life. How-
ever this may be, it is quite clear that they
who infer from the facility with which the people
can be rouzed in our manufacturing districts,
and Ireland (the lazzaroni of' which, so far from
knowing anything of the enjoyments of life, can
hardly be said to possess the barest necessaries),
that resistance can be organized with equal faci-
lity in Germany, will probably find themselves
much mistaken. The Correspondent of the
Glasgow Chronicle says, " As regards Prussian
affairs, things are exactly the reverse of what
they were nine years ago in Berlin. Then the
King was hated, and the Crown Prince be-
loved : now the Crown Prince is hated, and it is
too little to say that the King is beloved—he is
actually adored, and that not only in Berlin, but
in every part of Prussia north of the Rhine.—
I naturally inquired into the reason of so great a
change, and got what appears to me a singular
explanation of it, namely, that the Crown Prince
is the man of the Aristocracy, and the King is the
man of' the people. The Prince may be the man
of the Aristocracy, but in what respect the King
is the man of the people I do not understand.—
lie has cheated the people out of a Constitu-
tion promised in so solemn a manner, and that not
as a gift, but as a reward for services to be per-
formed, and which have been performed. The
esteem in which such a King is held is certainly
a proof that the Prussians are pretty indifferent
about getting the Constitution so long promised.
The whole system of' Prussian politics has been
to render the King more despotic." We have
here another instance of the difficulty with which

a man can enter into the views of the people of
another country. A history of internal affairs
of Prussia will account for the popularity of the
King. During his reign, the privileges of the
Noblesse, to hold exclusively Commissions in
the army, have been abolished. He has abo-
lished all the remnants of feudal oppression,
and, indeed, effected one of the most extensive
revolutions of property ever known in Europe,
for the benefit of the cultivators of the soil.
Without the despotic powers possessed by the
King, these great changes could not have been
effected. Prussia is, in fact, a democracy, with
an absolute head. The son of the Prime Mi-
nister serves his time as a common sol-
dier beside the son of a peasant. When
a Professor from Bonn was here lately, he
observed, in England everything is aristocrati-
cal, with us everything is democratical ; and
he mentioned that the son of his patron, a
Minister of State at Berlin, stood sentry at the
door of the Colonel of his regiment at Bonn,
and that the father had requested him to attend
to the education of the youth during his spare
hours. The reason why England got so much
the start of Scotland was, that the Kings of
England became at an early period sufficiently
powerful to crush the aristocracy ; whereas, the
Scotch aristocracy withstood their Kings, and
preserved their liberties—that is, the liberty to
oppress the people. The King has, from a
remote period, been a watchword in England,
because the King, in the minds of the people,
was associated with the idea of protection from
the aristocracy. Goldsmith seizes this idea when
he exclaims—

" Yes, brother, curse with me that baleful hour,
When first ambition struck at regal power."

We have an exemplification of the difficulty
of extricating a people from the withering grasp
of aristocracy without a strong government in
Ireland. Had the power of the despotic Kings
of England extended to Ireland (they only
had a corner of the country), there would not
now be so striking a difference between the
lower classes of Ireland, and the lower classes
of England. Were the King of Prussia
to have possessed Ireland for twenty years,
the country would now be prosperous.
He would have taught the Squirearchy of that
mis-governed island, that the happiness of a
whole nation ought not to be sacrificed to a
caste. But no Ministry under an Aristocratical
Government, like that of England, since the re-
volution of 1688, could have ventured on any
measure distasteful to the Irish landlords. We
doubt much whether, under a reformed Parlia-
ment, any Ministry will even dare to propose any
strong measures to protect the Irish peasantry.
The very men for whose sakes a well-intentioned
Ministry might exert themselves, would probably
be the first to turn against them ; so difficult is
it to protect ignorance when interested cupidity
is in the way to turn it to a sinister account. It
would, in fact, seem, that i❑ the history of civi-
lization, something like despotism is necessary
to rescue the people from the withering grasp
of Aristocracy. It is certain that wherever the
Aristocracy has not been humbled, the body of
people are oppressed—from Poland, Livonia,
Courland, the North of Germany, to Naples and
Sicily. Everywhere the presence of the Baron in-
dicates suffering and oppression. Hippel, a dis-
tinguished German writer, who was at the head
of the Magist:acy and Police of Konigsberg, in
his Autobiography, giving an account of a
journey to Petersburgh, says—." It would be
difficult within seven (German) miles—for that
is the distance of Riga from Mitau—to find so
great a difference in the people as I was struck
with here. In the free State of Courland (now
belonging to Russia) there prevails a way of
thinking and speaking quite different from that
in the Monarchy (of Prussia). To confess the
truth, the Monarchy in my then age (I was in
my 20th year) pleased me much better than
liberty. Without doubt my soul, which always
strove after freedom, would have been much
more in its element if the Aristocratic customs
which prevail in Courland had not exhibited
liberty to me (if Aristocracy deserves the name
of liberty) in anything but an inviting aspect;
fur man is nothing there, and the Nobleman
everything. Is that freedom, where even the
laws of humanity are trodden under foot ?" The
traveller, Humboldt, who had ample experience
of the state of things above described, deems the
condition of men under an Aristocracy hope-
less, except some great convulsion take place.
Though we believe that the Monarchs of
Prussia have had the welfare of the people at
heart, have promoted education, and improved
the administratio❑ of justice, we are far from ad-
miring absolute authority. But, in speaking of
Governments—that may be comparatively good
which is yet far from the best. The time will
come when the people of Prussia, and the Ger-
mans in general, will seek for more than the sort
of animal happiness they now possess. An in-
telligent people will not leave to accident what
they can secure by Institutions. But it becomes
a question whether the Germans, enjoying, as
they do at present, the protection of equal laws,
and labouring under no particular oppressions,
are so far alive to the benefits of what they have
never much known—a free Press, that they will
arm to resist the Diet ? It is pretty clear, we
think, from the Correspondent of the Glasgow
Chronicle, that the Northern Germans will offer
no such resistance.—Morning Chronicle.

We Feel confident it must be a source of gra-
tification to those of our numerous readers who are not
unfriendly to averting a breach of the peace and an out-
rage on the moral impression of society, to learn that his
Alsjesty's Government, with a commendable discretion, has
superseded Sir CHARLES WETHERELL in his office as Re-
corder of Bristol at the present assize in that city ; thereby
etiving us their testimony to the doctrine that they unre-
servedly reprobate the assumption of a right not based on
expediency, and an earnest of their flexibility of opinion in
their willingness to separate in one individual the legisla-
tive and judicial capacity.—Cheltenham Chronicle.
DEATH OF DANDO, TuE NOTORIOUS
OYSTER-EATER.—We have this day to record the death
of the well-known DANDO, the terror of shell-fish-
dealers and other purveyors of the necessaries of life. A
few weeks ago, DAtino arrived in London from a victim-
izing tour which he had made in Kent, where he had been
several times imprisoned for his gormandizing feats, with-
out having the money to pay for his fare. He had not
been many days in town, before he was committed from
one of the p lice-offices to Coldhath-fields prison. On
Tuesday afternoon, about 5 o'clock, DANDO was violently
attack-A with cholera, and could not move off the seat he
was sitting on. A man, named MARTIN, went to as-ist
him, and he was removed to the infirmary. In a very
short time after, MARTIN was also attacked with the cho-
lera, and they both died in a few hours afterwards, within
an boar of each other, and were buried on Wednesday
afternoon. DANDO was well known at many of the
police-offices of London. He commenced his career in
London between seven and eight years ago, and has eaten
at one sitting 30 dozen of large oysters, with a propor-
tionate quantity of bread, porter, and brandy and water.
DAsnoo used to say that there was no man in London
that ever got so many dreadful b,atings as he had ; but
be never cared for them, with the exception of one he got
from a man who had newly set up in business at Ken-
siogton. Then, he said, he narrowly escaped with his
life, for, not being able to pay for a paltry three or four
i:ozen of oysters, he was dragged through a horse-pond,
rolled in the mud, and so belaboured with cudgels, that
his bones ached for a month after. He made a vow never
to go near Kensington again, and be kept his word.

INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, AUG. 30.

James Cohen was opposed by Mr. WOODROFFE
for the creditors, and supported by Mr. CooKE.
The insolvent is a Polish -Jew. His debts
amounted to about 3601., with the manner of the
disposal of which sum his creditors wanted to be
informed. He accounted for it by stating that he
had been afflicted with the cholera morbus, the ex-
pense of curing which was 42/. The expenses of
other complaints were about 30/. He had been
robbed by soldiers in Holland of 40/. He had re-
mitted 150/. to Holland, for the support of his wife
and children ; and his own travelling and other ex-
penses were about 100/. There was nothing for
the creditors. He invoked the High-Priest of the
Jews to vouch for his respectability, and was, as he
stated, furnished with vouchers to that purport. His
account of himself and his money transactions was
partly furnished by an interpreter; but in the course
of the case the interpreter broke down, and the in-
solvent explained, as well as he could, in broken
English, the nature of his dealings. He was, after
a tolerably strict examination, ordered to be dis-
charged.