The Sun.
London, England, 1859-08-22 00:00:00

ME ITALIAN CONFEDERATION.

(From the Times.)
Whatever may be the resolutions locked up in
Imperial breasts as to the future destinies of Central
Italy, the present appears as flourishing and as
peaceful as though Austrian dominion had never
been, and French policy was not to be dreaded.
The last Turin telegram would not lead us to believe
that there was any influence outside Italy which
could have any bearing upon Italian fortunes.
" A defensive League," it tells us, " has been con-
cluded between the States of Central Italy." The
sheep are clustering together, but there is no hint
that any wolf threatens. " Prince Hercolani, the
delegate of the Government of the Legations, has
signed the act of accession to the league." We might
imagine that we had opened a pagl of Sismondi,
and that some sovereign Italian Power of undis-
puted legitimacy was arranging an alliance or mak-
ing up a feud. The people of Italy are making
haste to do what the Emperors at Villafranca de-
clared they would favour. In a little time the
Italian Confederation will appear as a self-born
reality in Europe. It is growing from chaos into
form, and from form into organic existence, and
from organic existence into vital action, with a
rapidity and a graduated progression which as-
tonishes the world. It was but yesterday that, at
the instigation of the Emperor of the French the
people broke up their old Governments and civilly
dismissed their old rulers, leaving themselves
powerless against the enemies of order. To-day
they have organised their police, constituted their
magistrates, levied a numerous army, elected
representatives who are met in Constituent Assem-
bly, and have united in a defensive league to resist
all oppression from without. The gourd of Jonas
did not rise more quickly than has this Italian Con-
federation under which the people of Italy seek
shelter from the too scorching rays of Imperial
favour. A little more delay, a little seascn for
further consolidation, some short space to fix in the
European mind that this unity is not a passing
caprice but a political faith, and who knows how
strong this Confederation may grow, both physi-
cally and morally, while ill-wishers are looking on
with more curiosity than apprehension, and are
postponing the moment for sweeping it all away ?
Already things have gone far beyond the project
entertained at Villafranca. Central Italy is already
a Confederation, perfect in all save one requisite,
and especially strong in that particular imperfec-
tion. It has an enthusiastic people, a resolute Par-
liament, and a respectable army, but it has no sove-
reign. There aro one or more crowns to give away,
and candidate may come from all the world except
only from the Austrian army. This is a strong
position, and, if it can be made good for a reasonable
time, the United States of Central Italy will soon
become a fact to which diplomacy will have become
reconciled. It would be as difficult to reconstitute
the kingdom of Poland, or to subvert Belgium, or
to restore Greece to the Porte, as to interfere from
without to break up by force this new European
Power.

The operation which is now passing before us is
one which, if it shall be conducted with persever-
ance and moderation to the end, will be one of the
greatest events of the age in which we live, and
will have but few precedents in history. We can-
not too persistently claim for it the attention of
English readers. For weal or for woe the time will
soon come when some Power will interfere, or will
attempt to interfere, and it is desirable that Europe
should be kept informed of what is passing. The bee.
are working under a glass hive, and some hand will be
stretched forth to seize the honey. A crisis cannot
now be long delayed. Either France and Austria
have a common policy, which will be developed in
due season, or these two Powers have conflicting
views, which are now kept in check by mutual op-
position. The first supposition is not favoured by
the probabilities of the case ; the second is more
likely and more in unison with the position the two
Emperors now occupy. But the time must soon ar-
rive when the Emperor of Austria will see that by
no means but by force can the stipulation for re-
storing the Archdukes be carried out, and when he
will fully understand whether the French Emperor
will aid him or permit him to invade Italy for this
purpose. The time will also soon arrive when N-
apoleon 111. will have to compute whether the turn
which affairs are taking in Central Italy is con-
sistent with what ho considers his interests. When
this crisis has come there must be action of some
kind. Italy seems ready to appeal to an European
Congress. She boasts that she has upon her side all
the justice which could sway the judgment of an
assembly which would decide upon moral grounds.
Tuscany and the Roman States and Modena are now
in a position to show that their acquiescence since
1821 in the rule of their now expelled Sovereigns
has been solely owing to the pressure of Austrian
force. Austria has said, and the Grand Dukes
have said, that the people were contented, and
would have been happy but for the agitation of a
few factious and turbulent spirits. Recent events
have, however, rendered any such pretence impos-
sible for the future. When Austria, after her first
reverse, ordered her troops to withdraw to the
left bank of the Po, she admitted that, for her,
Central Italy was an enemy's country. When
these troops were withdrawn, no turbulent and fac-
tious spirits attempted to create terror in the capitals
of the States and in the palaces of the unprotected
Sovereigns; but these Sovereigns, as a matter of
course, go forth to the Austrian camp, and the peo-
ple speed the parting tyrants will all civility, but
without a sign of sorrow. Leghorn, and Modena,
and Bologna were thus left without a Government.
As upon former occasions, so in 1859, society has
left studiously without protection. The opportu-
nity was open for the turbulent and factious spirits.
But either there were none, or they were kept in
repression by the united popular will. The Arch-
dukes did not lose a horseshoe. There was no
disorder. There was no opportunity given for
contrasting before Europe the extravagances of a
dominant mob wit h. the mild and regular Govern-
ment of an Austrian Grand Duke. Even those
secret Austrian agents who, under the mask of
fierce patriotism, are accustomed to inflame the
populace, and to fraternize with the Austrian
officers who come to repress the disorder, could
not upon this occasion do their ordinary work.
Throughout all this revolution there has been no
murder and no butchery except only at Perugia.
Whatever violence there has been has been on tho
side of legitimacy. Austria has had her military
execitions, the head of the Catholic Church has
had his massacre, but the people of Italy have
not a spot of blood upon their hands. If Europe
should choose to take up this matter as one of gene-

ral safety it is thus the parties would appear before
the tribunal.

But is an European Congress necessary or desir-
able ? So long as Italy is left alone to consolidate
her nationality she wants no Congress. A Congress
could do her no good, and would certainly do her
harm. Italy before a Congress would be a sup-
pliant at a tribunal where the strong man appealed
against would be the most influential judge. The
discussions would turn upon compromises and sub-
missions. There would certainly be a series of con-
cessions proposed—and who but Italy could be
called upon to concede ? No one would think of
asking Austria to give up Mantua or to withdraw
from Venice ; but there would be abundant pressure
brought to bear upon Tuscany to be content with
something less than Tuscany now has, and with
the people of the Legations to return with some
illusory securities under the sovereignty of the
Roman Pontiff. This is what a Congress would
certainly do, and this is work at which we should
not like to see an English Minister assisting. The
Italians have hitherto relied upon themselves. It
is the best proof of a fitness for freedom. The
truth is hackneyed in every form of phrase in prose
and verse ; but still it is an invariable truth, that
the only hope of success is in native courage.
Hope in the wisdom of the Representative Assem-
blies, hope in the enthusiasm of the people, hope
in the courage of the army of Central Italy,
hope in the devotion of Garibaldi; but repose no
hope in this or that Emperor, or in this or that
sympathizing Power ; still less repose your hope
upon an European Congress. It may be that there
is good reason to hope in each or all of these latter
aids ; but, to enable them to help her, Italy must
help herself. She must go on as she is now going
on,—consolidating, building up, uniting, welding
herself into a fabric which it will require great
physical force to break. There was in old times an
Italian who by judicious delays saved Italy from
foreign subjection,—" Cunctando restituit rem." Is
it not possible, then, that this same course of policy
may operate once more to a similar success? To
Italy we would say—Labour while this delay is
granted. The time may come when an European
Congress may be useful to set the seal of authority
to a status quo, and to give to a formed Italian Con-
federation the stability of a State protected by an
European guarantee : but that time is not yet.