The Sun.
London, England, 1832-08-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT.,OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

An excellent treatise has just been published
by Mr. Mundell, who-has already favoured the
work! with several excellent pamphlets on the
subject of the state of the country. The title of
the present treatise is " A comparative View of
the Industrial Situation of Great Britain, from
the year 1775 to the present time ; with an ex-
amination of the causes of her distress:' Mr.
Mundell, after showing the increase in our in-
dustry, our exports and imports, our shipping,
proceeds to notice the fall in the declared value
of our exports and imports. It so happens (he
observes) that the amount of our exports in
official value, in 1800, was 22,831,9361., and in
declared value 36,929,0071.; so that our
amount of exports in 1811 only 1,108,4041.
under their amount in official value in 1800,
shows a difference of no less than 6,078,3291.
below the amount of declared value hi 1811,
being a fall of upwards of 20 per cent. What-
ever the cause of the fall of prices, therefore,
may have been, it is certain that it began in this
year, and was to this extent. It is not less cer-
tain, that previous to 1811 declared value con-
tinued to gain upon official value ; but that
since 1811 official value has continued to gain
upon declared value; and the differences, while
they mark the continuance, also show the amount
of the depression." Mr. Mundell attributes the
depression to a cause which began to operate in
1811, and has continued to operate ever since.
namely, the defalcation in the supply of gold and
silver, occasioned by the overwhelming of the
South American mines by the revolution in the
mining districts in 1810 ; at which time
the a4nual supply from these mines was
nearly forty-eight millions of dollars, but
has not since exceeded twelve millions of
dollars. He examines the reasons urged by
Mr. Tooke, in answer to Mr. Jacob, and the
arguments in an article in Mr. Jacob's Book

on the production and consumption of the pre-
cious metals in the Number of the Edinburgh
Review for April, 1832—" It can no more
(observes Mr. Mundell) be explained how de-
pression should increase upon every article every
year, than it can be explained how a great and
sudden depression should have begun in the
yea'r 1811, otherwise than by a defalcation in the
supply of gold and silver from the mines;
which, in point of fact, we know happened in
that year, and still continues tb the extent of

three-fourths of the previous annual supply.
Other causes may account for the differences,
but no other cause can account for the com-

mencement or the continuance of the depression,
without the intermission even of a- single year.
Flow much of the amount of the depression
may arise from this cause, and how much from
other cluses, it is impossible to ascertain ; but
there is one among our articles of export, which
may afford reasonable evidence in this respect,
namely—tin unwrought. The Cornwall mines
are worked now exactly as they were in 1814.
Tit, is got no where else in Europe; and at
present, from Ito other than the Cornwall and
Banca mines. We have, therefore, in some measure,

a monopoly of the article, and are enabled to suit
the supply to the demand, the increase of which,
as it should seem, should be to increase the
price. Yet the quantity exported has increased
yearly since 1814, until the three last years
that it has fallen off. The Finance Accounts
do not enable me to state how much de-
pression fell upon tin in common with other
articles of export in 1811 ; but since 1814,
the depression amounts to upwards of 50
per cent., which, as it appears to me, can be as-
cribed only to the defalcation in the supplies of
gold and silver from the mines, caused by the
consequences attending the return to cash pay-
ments in 1819, and the putting down of the
small notes in 1826." Mr. Mundell endeavours
to show that the defalcation must have had a
much more powerful influence upon general
prices than the alteration in the currency, to
which all the distress we have suffered has been
generally attributed :—" As the return to a me-
tallic standard," he observes, " for which pre-
paration was made in 1819, could not have ae
effect beyond the difference between the Mint
and the market price of gold, so the withdraw-
ing of small notes from circulation could not ex-
ceed the amount of the exchangeable value of the
gold required to take the place of the small
notes." The Second Division of Mr. Mun-
dzll's Treatise is on the subject of " Money
Restraints," and he exhibits in a distinct and
satisfactory, manner the injury which the country
sustains from the Bank of England monopoly,
:aid the benefit which would result from its abo-
lition. One of the parts of Mr. Mundell's
Treatise which will excite the most attention, is '
that in which he shows that the Corn Laws not
only do not benefit the landlords, but are posi-
tively the cause of the fail in rents. He shows
that the trade in corn was virtually free from
1773 to 1815 ; that in consequence the price of
corn was always the same at the shipping ports
of the Continent as here, with the difference
only of the expense of bringing it here—that the
home grower of corn enjoyed a protection under
the laws which prevailed previous to 1815, of
which he has been deprived by the laws which
have prevailed since—that under the former laws
the price of corn at the shipping ports being al-
ways the same with the price here, with the dif-
ference only of the expence of bringing it here,
a risk was constantly presented which the dealer
in foreign corn was afraid to encounter ; but
that now he is encouraged to purchase corn
abroad, which he stores in warehouses at home
for the purpose of foreign trade, and has thus
always a quantity ready to enter for home con-
sumption, when the price reaches the importable
price ; and that thus the trade of the dealer be-
comes the more certain, and the situation of the
home-grower more uncertain and hazardous.
The following excellent observations ought to be
taken to heart by every farmer :
" Every farmer knows that in bad seasons a high price
does not compensate for the smaller quantity and the infe-
rior quality of the grain he can send to market. The
attempt made by the corn laws to ensure to him a high
price in plentiful seasons has deprived him of a high price
on bad seasons. It has, moreover, made every season
eperate as a bad season to him : his crops are becoming
ivory year more scanty through the operation of r,strain-
ing corn laws, which, in place of preventing, progressively
increase the importation of foreign corn. A high price in
Great Britain, if it were suffered to arise from natural
causes, and to operate abroad as it does at tome, would
always ensure to him a preference in the home market;
but, produced by artificial means, the higher it is raised
by such means, it only enables the more distant foreign
grower to come into competition with the nearer foreign
grower, and all to come into competition with the British
grower in the home market, whereby his growth is pro-
gressively diminished, while theirs is progressively increas-
ed ; and all the benefits of an increasing price, arisitif
from the increasing demand of an increasing population, is
transferred from the British grower to the dealer in foreign
corn."

Mr. Mundell, in a Chapter entitled " Conse-
quences of the Restraint to Owners of Land,"
has the following startling observations :
" Mr. Burke said the 'Squires of Norfolk must have
dined when they attempted to regulate the price of labour.
It Le had lived until 1815, he would have said the Legit-

lators of the United Kingdom must have supped as well as
dined when they attempted to regulate the price of corn.
" The result has been, that notwithstanding the high
price of corn, the rent of land continues to come down.
Rent being the surplus produce which remains after de-
fraying the cost of production, it necessarily follows, that
' as the price of corn rises, the cost of production is in-
creased, because the price of food enters into the cost of
every thing; and as cultivation declines, produce diminishes,
as has been shown in the three preceding chapters ; so
that, if the operation of restraining Corn Laws in this re-
spect be suffered to proceed much longer, there will be no
surplus produce in Great Britain ; in other words, there
will be no rent, and owners of land must themselves be-
come the cultivators of the soil. It is by the increase of
produce alone that the rents can be raised, and by prevent-
ing its diminution alone can they be maintained. Now,
the necessary operation of the present Corn Laws being
to diminish the gross produce, it requires no ghost to tell
us, that in proportion as the gross produce diminishes, so
must the surplus produce, unless the co.t of production be
diminished; but the necessary operation of restraining
Corn Laws being also to increase the cost of production,
cur Legislators, in passing such laws, to make use of a
vulgar, but forcible expression, ' have lit the candle at
both ends.'"
Mr. Mundell shows next in what manner the
Corn Laws have operated on the agricultural
labourers, and places chiefly to their account
the vicious administration of the poor laws, lead-
ing necessarily to a redundancy of labourers.—
He connects the fires, too, with the system. He
ridicules the absurdity of the pretence that high
taxes render corn laws necessary, which is merely
another version of the immunity from tax-
ation of the French Noblesse. He proposes
that corn should be always importable, on pay-
ment of an eighth part of its value, according to
the highest price of the kind of grain imported
in the London market in the week immediately
preceding the importation, and providing that
grain shall be always importable, and shall enti-
tle the exporter to a twelfth part of the value
calculated in the same way. But we must take
our leave of this Treatise for the present.—
Morning Chronicle.
We regret to perceive, in our yesterday's
Report of the Reform Festival of the National
Political Union, that " when the Chairman
(Mr. Hume) proposed the King,' he was an-
swered by loud cries of no, no !' from all parts
of the room. At least five-sixths of the com-
pany refused to drink the toast, and the band
striking up Rule, Britannia,' instead of the cus-
tomary air, was greeted with three cheers." We
say we regret this ; because, speaking conscien-
tiously, we do not think his Majesty merits such
treatment. We think we can guess the cause of
this display of feeling. We have no doubt that
the wounds caused by the resignation of Earl
Grey's Ministry have been re-opened, when
hardly well healed, by the signature of his Ma-
jesty, as King of Hanover, to the accursed De-
cree of the Diet of Frankfort. We detest the Decree
as much as any Memberof the Political Union can
do ; but some allowance ought to be made for the
circumstances in which the King is placed with
regard to Hanover. In fact, we do not believe
that his Majesty knew anything at all of the
matter, till his attention was drawn to the sub-
ject by the sensation produced in this country.
The people of England do not go along with the
Political Union in this matter. The people of
England must know that they owe much to his
Majesty for his support of Reform. They know
what has taken place under the countenance of
his Majesty; but they cannot know what might
have taken place, if his Majesty had not made
it a condition with the Duke of Wellington to
give as large a measure of Reform as that of
Earl Grey. We, for our part, should have been
sorry to see an attempt made to try what could
be done in this country to carry a measure against
the determination of the King, and the re-
sources at his command. The report states that
Mr. Detrosier, " after condemning his Majesty's
application to LordLyndhurst as a gross insult to a
people who prized honour, who valued honour and
morality, exclaimed, but what must we think of
the Duke of Wellington at this juncture ? The
Duke of Wellington was again ready to take
office. It, indeed, had been said, that Majesty
did endeavour to save itself from the imputation
of a breach of faith, by stipulating with the
Duke that he should carry, if not the whole, the
greater part of the Bill." The Duke of Wel-
lington is fair game. But why must such a hard
measure be dealt out to the King, to whom we
are indebted for the proud distinction of obtain-
ing without bloodshed and domestic confusion
one of the greatest revolutions ever obtained by a
nation ? Let not Reformers so soon forget what
they owe to our Monarch. Allowance ought tc)
be made for the very critical circumstances in
which he was placed, when he hesitated to give
a power to create Peers, while on the other hand

justice should be done to the great service we
obtained from his name and countenance. It
certainly does seem singular that the very best
King of the Hanover Family should be the first
to whom a slight was ever put at a public meet-
ing.—Morning Chronicle.
We have seen a letter from a respectable
British merchant at Lisbon, dated the 4th in-
stant, which states, that as he was closing his
correspondence, he had just received intelligence
that the garrison of the fortress of Almeida had
declared for Donna Maria, and had hoisted the
colours of the young Queen. We cannot vouch
for the fact itself, though we can for the respec-

tability of our informaiit.—Times.
In reading the detailed account of the inter-
view between the deputation of certain parishes
in the neighbourhood of Cork, and the Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, in which the former pe-
titioned his Excellency for an inquiry into the
circumstances of dispersing a recent popular
meeting in that district, we almost regret that the
audience was not accompanied with such official
etiquette as would have prevented a familiar con-
versation, or that it was not so confidential, as
would have secured the suppression of the dia-
logue. While we say this, we do not mean to

insinuate that every word and observation of his
Lordship is not marked with the acknowledged
frankness and manliness of his character,—or
that, as an individual, his observations on the

topics brought under his review do any discredit
to his good sense and liberal opinions. But a
familiar discussion with public complainants, on
matters of state involving his own conduct,—un-
guarded replies to very guarded and deliberate
remarks,—unreserved confidence to men speak-
ing in the name of all Ireland, and taking
notes for a report to all Europe,—little unre-
strained expressions of impatience and wounded
pride, which would have become privacy,
addressed to the acting orator of an im-
passive city,—seem to us to betray in his
Excellency a departure from official discretion
and conventional dignity. They probably do
more. Some of the controversial replies which
the frankness of the soldier led him to make, on
the necessity of the Union, and the helplessness
of Ireland, if cut off from the English markets,
may be misconstrued to his prejudice, and in-
crease the growing unpopularity of which he
justly complains. It is always dangerous to dis-
cuss personal or political matters before a public
body, with the openness and sincerity of a man

making a soliloquy ; while the antagonist party
never forget that they are on the stage, acting
before a great audience, and are prepared to take
advantage of every'unconscious gesture, or un-
guarded phrase, which promotes their objects.
These remarks on the form in which this singular
and interesting conversation appears, will, we are
convinced, give no offence to his Lordship or
his friends. The matter and substance of his
declarations, we are as willing to contend, do
honour to his feelings. Ireland owes him a debt
of gratitude, which she would willingly have
paid, had her better dispositions not been per-
verted by malevolence and misrepresentation.
Never was there a Government in Great Britain,
notwithstanding some weak misgivings, more
sincerely desirous to do justice to the " sister
island," and never was the British Government
represented by a Viceroy of a more upright
character or of better intentions. His ardent
zeal and indefatigable exertions for the welfare
of Ireland would have procured him universal
gratitude and esteem in any country less divided
by faction and party violence. But at the same
time we must mention, that if his observations
are properly reported, we cannot concur in his
interpretation of the law respecting public meet-
ings. In order to justify the interference of the
local authorities to prevent or to disperse them,
they must either be assembled for an illegal ob-
ject, or must be of such a character, for numbers
and excitement, as not only to create terror for
the public peace in the minds of persons " of
delicate nerves," but rational apprehension
among respectable and sensible citizens. If it
could be made out that this assemblage, which
was to take place on a Sunday,—and which we
allow, from this circumstance as well as others,
was of a suspicious aspect,—intended not only
to agree to wear Irish manufactures themselves,
but to prevent their townsmen from wearing any
thing else,r--then we admit that it would have
been illegal, and that the authorities only did
their duty in dispersing it. The petitioners,
however, alleged otherwise, and though we can
see no object in collecting 50,000 persons to
resolve upon doing an act which each of them
might have done for himself, we think that the
Lord Lieutenant has acted right in acceding to
the inquiry which he at first resisted, and which,
as he anticipates, will most likely result in a jus-
tification of the magistracy.— Times.
An evening paper has described, in some ge-
neral gossip respecting the Bank Committee, the
objects to which its inquiries have been chiefly
directed. As this Committee was professedly a
Committee of secrecy, and as the report, which
will leave its proceedings a secret no longer, is
not yet printed or distributed, we are unable to
say how far our contemporary is correct in his
outrne.
" The points" (he says) " to the elucidation of which
the attention of the Committee has been most particularly
directed are these :
' " Whether the control of the circulation of the country,
the issue of that part of the paper circulation which prac-
tically forms the substratum of the whole currency of the
country, should be intrusted to any one particular body, of
whatever character.
" Whether, if it be determined that the management of
the circulation should be vested in one body, that body
should be in the form of a Board regularly appointed to
superintend the circulation, or should be a commercial
body, constituted as the B ink of England now is. Con-
nected with this is the question of the degree and nature
of the privileges which should be granted to such a body,
and the regulation to which they ought to be subjected.
" Another question to which the attention of the Com-
mittee has been directed, is the preent siate of the country
circulation—whether any measures are required, and if
any,
.what measures, to improve or give security to the
est tiny system." _

No-w, all these are very proper, and even
very necessary, points of discussion in the report
which must result from the evidence taken by
the Committee, or in the legislation to be
founded upon the facts which it has elicited ;
but we very much question whether the Com-
mittee can have taken the opinion of their wit-
nesses, on such topics, as authority ; or whe-
ther that opinion, if taken in the loose inconFe •
cutive manner of a Parliamentary, perhaps of a
par►y, examination, can be of much value. At
any rate, when the report appears, we shall
rely more upon the tendency of the facts which
the witnesses produce, than upon any opinions
which they may give. The course of the in-
quiry was naturally, from the beginning, sketched
out in the reflections of every man whose turn
of mind inclines him, or whose studies accus-

torn him, to the consideration of such subjects.
The Bank of England, by its exclusive posses-
sion of the privileges of a joint stock banking as-
sociation, in this great country, and by its pecu-
liar advantages i❑ transacting the business and
engrossing the patronage of Government, as well
as by its immense capital, had nearly got the abso-
lute command of the currency of the kingdom.
It had, indeed, a little relaxed that monopoly
in 1826, by permitting banking companies of
more than six partners to be established beyond
a circle of sixty miles round Londo❑ ; but it had
conteracted the effect of the grant, by establish-
ing—as rivals to the new establishments—
branches of its own, and had nearly rendered it
nugatory by the difficulties which its reserved
right threw in the way of communication with
the centre of all business—the metropolis of the
empire. Next year this monopoly, at present
guarded by the charter, expires ; and the Go-
vernment, by the growing intelligence of the
country and of the age, has not been permitted,
as formerly, to renew it, without a full inquiry
into the whole circumstances of the circulation,
which the Bank has hitherto increased or limited,
altered or controlled, at its pleasure. Being
now, therefore, as free to have a Bank of Eng-
land, or not, as in the time of King William,
when the first charter was granted,—and having
gained nearly a century and a half's experience
of one great and despotic establishment, three
questions naturally occur to be resolved by the
evidence taken before the Committee. 1. Shall
banking establishments, with the power to issue
promissory notes under certain or no restrictions,
be permitted, without any limit as to their num-
ber, or inequality as to their rights ? Would
such a system be safe and advisable for a
country like this, by requiring a deposit of
funds in the Government securities to the
amount of the issues of each bank—or by allowing
them to enjoy theircredit without such a deposit
2. Should it not be thought advisable to assimilate
the whole paper circulation of England to that
of other parts of the empire where there is no
single privileged bank—is the Bank of England
on its present footing, and without any national
participation ir. its gains, to be allowed to sup-
ply the circulation as formerly, without affording
any additional control over its issues to the Go-
vernment or to the public ? And 3dly, if neither
of the two former plans presented sufficient mo-
tives for adoption, would it be advisable for the
State to take the paper as well as the metallic
circulation into its own hands ; to appoint a
Board of Commissioners to issue notes on the
credit of Government, as they are now issued
on the credit of the Bank of England ; and thus
not only to give their holders the security of the
whole national resources, but to derive a revenue

from the operation to the public itself? In
favour of such a scheme it might be stated,
that every man would be as safe in holding
these notes as in holding Exchequer-bills, or
money in the funds ; that as the Bank capi-
tal is all lent to Government, the present
bank-note has no other foundation than the credit
of these state notes, which might be afterwards
issued more directly from Government ; that
supposing the issue to be the same as the Bank
of England, the present dividends paid to the
Bank proprietors, or at least a million sterling,
might be brought as a saving into the national
Treasury ; that the Board, being made Parlia-
mentary, might be released entirely from the im-
portunities of a needy existing Administration ;
and that being compelled to limit their issues to
a sum much within the public demand (allowing
the deficiency to be supplied with coin), and ob-
serving regularly the state of the exchanges, a
stop would be put to those fluctuations in the
value of money, and to those frequently-recur-
ring panics, which have hitherto marked the ope-
rations of the Bank of England. We ourselves
say nothing about the advantages, disadvantages,
or eligibility of any of these schemes at pre-
sent. We merely state them, as the chief
possible combinations to which the inquiries of
the Committee must have been directed ; and we
wait for the evidence to see how far any of
them is countenanced by facts. In favour of
the two former plans we have some experience,
though that experience is not always favourable
to their policy. The latter, guarded as we have
pointed out, depends more upon theory. No
notes hitherto issued by Governments have
maintained their value; but we must add, that
none but arbitrary Governments have hitherto
attempted the operation, and that IVlonarchs
who rob their subjects by clipping their coin, or
debasing their standard, are not likely to respect
paper credit. We wait with impatience for the
report of the Committee, From which we expect
some curious disclosures on the history of the
Bank of England, as well as some curious opi-
nions on banking in general. Even when laving
the foundation of the restriction act in 1797,
the great mysterious establishment in Thread-
needle-street refused to give the full statement of
its accounts ; and the amount of its bullion was
only learned by the discovery of the key to
its secret cipher. We need only add, that
in our present unacquaintance with the
evidence, and the necessity of studying
it maturely, preparatory to the adoption of any
practical ineasure,—in the present stage, like-
wise, of the session, and state of the representa-
tion,—it would, indeed, have been monstrous to
have acted on the advice of the Tories for even a
limited renewal of the charter, when a reformed
Parliament is so near at hand, and when so much
light may be expected to be thrown on the sub-
ject in the interval by public discussion. By the
way, we mention an absurd report in circulation,
that at the Bank meeting on Thursday it is to
be proposed to elect Mr. H. Palmer Governor
for life. We call this report absurd, because it
must be known to the proprietors that such a
transaction would be as direct a breach of their
charter as the creation of 24 new Directors. As
for the honourable gentleman himself, our ap-
prehension of any formidable results from his ex-
ertions would not be increased, though they
made his high office hereditary in his family, in-
stead of decreeing him the Bank crown for
life.— Times.

The Government—the " liberal" Govern-
ment—in their prosecutions against the Press
in Ireland, seem to have taken a leaf out of the
book of Casimir Perier's policy, whose chief
acts of government were to persecute the Press
and truckle to the Holy Alliance. In the lat-
ter of these accomplishments of English states-
manship, in the 19th century, our Government
has rivalled his, and, as evidence of their sub-
serviency to the wishes of the " Great Powers,"
who are now openly engaged in the work of
establishing a military despotism over the whole
of the Continent, we have the Palmerston pro-
tocols, which inverted the order of stage
proceedings by placing the " farce" before the
" tragedy." We have the job whereby England
was made tributary to Russia, and the gold of
the over. taxed people of this country transferred
to the coffers of the merciless Autocrat, just in
time to enable him to make his last successful
efforts for the destruction of unhappy Poland.
We have also the cancelled treaty of Vieona—a
treaty to which England and France were par-
ties—a treaty that as solemnly bound those
Powers to protect the independence of Poland,
as, at least, another treaty did to guarantee the
Russian-mDutrcehmLaionaend, atsmiltoeidi
to revoke, by his own authority, wthout
ayPseatYlimtheonilsitatnrodelattyahmeiddid the insolent Autocrat dare
i
consulting the other Powers, and dash this
insult in the teeth of England, at the very
moment when, thanks to the pusillanimity of her
councils, he was pocketing her gold. We have
also the adhesion of the King of Hanover to
the tyrannic decrees of the Holy Alliance, of
which the Diet of the Germanic Confederation
is but the tool ; and, although Lord Palmerston
tells us that the Ministers of Great Britain are not
accountable for this, and that his Majesty has
acted upon the responsibility of his constitutional
advisers of Hanover, yet we cannot free our own
Ministers from all blame in this matter. They
know that, if the consequence of such conduct
on the part of his Majesty were the invasion,
hereafter, of Hanover by a French or any other
foreign force, England would be called upon to
enter into a war for the defence of that territory.
Therefore it behoved them to have done all in
their power to have prevented the adoption of a
course of policy in Hanover which may have the
effect of leading England into a war, and that,
too, a war against all English principles—against
all English feelings—a war in support of the
atrocious despotism of Russia, and her military
allies, against the rights and liberties of Europe
--against all freedom of opinion, and even
against civilization itself. But, as to the other
great act of statesmanship displayed by Casimir
Perier, and to which we before alluded—we mean
the persecution of the Press, we have it imitated
in Ireland, simultaneously with the crusade now
making against that great organ of opinion in
Germany. That there has been strong feelings
expressed in the Irish Papers upon questions
relating to the Government of that distracted and
unhappy country cannot be denied—that there
has been much wild declamation and intempe-
rate expression indulged in by the writers in
those Journals from time to time, is equally cer-
tain. But it would be difficult to point out any
passages in them, even on the tithe question,
which surpassed in violence, and a tendency to
popular excitement, a great deal of what was said
by some Members of the present Administration
during the debates on the Reform Bill, especially
in reference to the House of Lords, or a great deal
of what was published at the same time by the
portion of the Press which is notoriously under
their influence, or, at least, affects an intimate

connection with them. Besides, the Whigs had
always professed, when out of office, to be against
all prosecutions of the Press for matters of poli-
tical opinion--they often joined in the toast of
" The Liberty of the Press ; it is like the air
we breath—if we have it not we die !" But
perhaps they only intend, like Sir James Scar-
lett, to make the Press respectable by process of
Crown Law. We will only add that, if the
Irish Press be made silent or servile, the English
Press may, probably, be taken into the same re-
spectable protection.—Morning Herald.
In our preceding columns will be found a
very interesting account, copied from a Cork
paper, of an interview granted by the Lord
Lieutenant to a deputation from two parishes of
that city. Instead of endeavouring to render
agreeable to his Excellency his visit to that part
of the kingdom, the radicals came prepared
with a lengthy memorial, casting personal reflec-
tions upon him for alleged inconsistency on the
subject of Irish manufactures, complaining of
the conduct of the magistracy and military in
dispersing a menacing assemblage of 50,000
malcontents on the 15th ult., and demanding
an inquiry into that transaction. Upon this
memorial the Noble Marquis animadverted in
a manner highly creditable to his spieit as a
Chief Governor and his feelings as a man, ai:d
maintained the argument throughout with firm-
ness, dignity, and success ; also preserving at
the same time perfect good humour, with the
exception of one or two momentary ebullitions
of indignant feeling. He fully vindicated the
conduct of the Magistrates on the occasion com-
plained of, and announced the resolution of
Government to pursue vigorous measures in
suppressing that system of agitation which is the
great bane of Ireland. We are happy to find
that his Excellency has at length learned by expe-
rience the true character of the Popish faction.
In the course of the interview he observed that
he had been " the immediate cause of Catholic
Emancipation ;" but that his efforts in that
cause, by which- he lost the confidence of his
party and the friendship of his King, had met
with " a most ungrateful return." However
popular at that time, he declared he had since,
in consequence of the machinations of agitators,
become the most unpopular man in Ireland.
Such is the character of papist gratitude and
moderation given by one who sacrificed so much
for them. Let but the Government abide by
its present determination, as announced by his
Excellency ; let it abandon its temporizing po-
licy, and assume a bold and firm attitude, and
nothing more is wanting to restore to Ireland
that tranquillity of which the wiles of the priest-
hood, and the vile machinations of self-interested
demagogues, have till now deprived her.—
/I tooting Post.