The Sun.
London, England, 1832-06-14 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JUNE 14, 1832.

(No. 12,404.)

THE POLES.

The following Address from the Literary Polish
Association to the People of Great Britain has just
been published :
" FELLOW. COUNTRYMEN ! With an anxiety pro-
portioned to the awful calamities of a nation which
deserves the sympathy of every living human breast,
we beg leave to explain to you the motives and the
objects of our present Association.
" We declare that the fate of Poland has im-
pressed us with sentiments which we find the power
of language scarcely ad, quate to express. We are
filled with grief that there has not been humanity
enough in the whole world to have interposed be-
tween the Polish nation and its destroyers ; and we
are still more struck with astonishment that all civi-
lized Europe has been so blind to the first law of
nature, to the law of self-preservation, as to permit
this aggression of a despotic Government on a
country whose fate is interwoven with European
safety and civilization, with the interest of the world,
and with the cause of human nature.

" In that outraged cause of human nature we feel

it a sacred duty not only to utter our own abhor-
rence of the atrocities committed, and still conti-
nuing to be committed, in Poland, but to ask for a
universal expression of British sentiments respect-
ing this unparalleled public crime.
" We conceive that the barbarity and perfidy of
the Northern Autocrat towards this brave and blame-

less people has been a mockery of all laws and
principles that insure the safety of nations and
the civilization of man. We defy the subtlest
casuist to give his cruelties the slightest shadow of
justification. They are crimes which pollute our
sight, and on which it is criminal to look with in-
difference. They are sins which must be expiated.
They are stains on the annals pf our species. They
are an affront to the civilized world ; but, above all,
they are an affront to Great Britain, whose Govern-
ment is solemnly bound by treaty to protect the last
remains of the Polish nation.

" By the treaty of Vienna Great Britain made
some small atonement (and small it Was indeed) to
the once glorious kingdom of Poland for the rob-
bery of her national greatness, and for three guilty
past partitions of her territories. It was stipulated
by the treaty of Vienna, that all the portions of that
Polish population, amounting to nearly twenty mil-
lions, which had bee❑ seized by Russia, Prussia, and
Austria, should retain their nationality in represen-
tation and civil institutions; though, unfortunately,
their constitutional freedom was then, most probably,
for some sinister purposes, very imperfectly defined.
But the Duchy of Warsaw received by the treaty
of Vienna the most definite and solemn guaran-
tees of being suffered to remain an indepen-
dent and free Polish kingdom. It was expressly
stipulated that the Emperor of Russia was to be King
of Poland in the right of its Constitution only. By that
treaty, a positive national and political independ-
ence was guaranteed by Europe to a remnant of the
Polish nation in the Duchy of Warsaw, guaranteed
by Great Britain herself; but Russia, in mockery
of all this, has set aside every engagement on the
subject. First of all, the Emperor Alexander re-
pented of his liberalism in having promised a con-
stitutional Government to Poland; and he behaved
even more inconsistently than Nicholas towards the
Poles, for he began by mildness, and ended by send-
ing his brother Constantine to rule over them. Still,
as long as Alexander lived, things were not so bad
in that country as after his death. Nicholas ascended
the Russian throne, and Constantine was made (vir-
tually) King of Poland. He swayed with a rod of
iron. His dominion was utter, and wreckless, and
lawless despotism. He committed crimes and cru-
elties which admit of no better apology than that he
was half a maniac. At the very moment the Em-
peror Nicholas, by his coronation oath, had solemnly
sworn to the Poles to maintain their rights, as they
were guaranteed to them by their Constitution, the
people beheld their noblest patriots chained and
dungeoned for simply claiming that Constitution.
Despair drove them, at last, to demand their rights
sword in hand.

" But that despair, say their slavish enemies, was
not uninfluenced by a hope that France would assist
them. And there are amongst ourselves some per-
sons in whose eyes this circumstance is a taint on
the Polish cause. Verily, fellow-countrymen, we
would wish to unite the voices of all true Britons in
sympathy with the Poles, without regard to their
difference in party politics; and it has been no small
satisfaction to the members of this association, that
it has already convened men of the most opposite
political sentiments on other subjects, but who, on
this subject, have only one opinion. As friends to
Poland, it is not our province to offer any remark on
the l
whateaysetr I.i?trench was, revolution
vme obreee
nt h amp()
stth i
natural that
and justifiable that the Poles should have availed
themselves of it. The Government of Russia was,
day by day, tightening the screws of their to
tu
r
They had bled for the French nation ; and if
therree.
was faith or gratitude among men, they had a right
to expect aid from France. Another such opportu-
nity might never again occur for their bursting from
their bondage. And were the Poles, we ask, to
throw away a chance of self-deliverance by scru-
ples about the virtual propriety of the French or
Belgic revolution ? Because the grievances of those
nations might not he great, were their grievances
slight or imaginary? And because the French and
the Belgians would not endure some wrongs were
the Poles to endure interminable misery. No; the con-
verse inference was directly necessary. The en-
submissiveness of others was a reproach to their
submissiveness. And though there is no great need
of justifying the late French Revolution to the ma-
jority of Britons, yet it requires no specific opinion
about that event to pronounce that if it hadgiven
a hope and an example to the Poles, it would not
reflect the slighte,t discredit on the Polish contest.
" There are certainly among us persons speak-
ing the same language with ourselves, and calling
the same soil their native country, who hate the
very heroism of Poland, because its rallying word
was liberty. But of what account are those persons
in Great Britain ? Do you respect them ? Can
you fairly reckon such slaves to prejudice among
your free population ? No, you despise them, and
we disdain to palter with them. We court univer-
sal British opinion, but not such atoms of its univer-
sality. Shades of Swift and Bolingbroke defend
the name of British Tory from their foul assump-
tion ! They are not Britons! They are not men !
They belong to brainless and heartless Entomology.
" The poles arose and fought with and intrepi-
dity that has scarcely its parallel in authentic his-
tory ; and but for the criminal interference of the
Cabinet of Berlin they would have beat the barbs.
rians.* As it was, they have thrown an immortal
glory over their melancholy name. And it is even
of this melancholy glory that the Autocrat wishes to
defraud them. He would abolish their language,
arid, not contented with robbing their heroes of life,
tie would rob the very dead of their memory, and
more
tehrtaisne
htheecmanfr(okm.rhußmaunt
lreetcuosllelocotikoiti.o
hTishmatories
prac-
tical determinations. Poland is to be for ever an-
nexed to the dominions of the Muscovite; its in-
•titutions and its language are henceforth to be
Russian ; and though Great Britain guaranteed to
hem a separate independent existence, the inde-
pendence of the Poles, as a nation, is to be
annihi-
kited. Meanwhile the Muscovite is sending, by
liousands and by tens of thousands, the wounded men,

In one of the numbers of the Society's publications a his-
tory of the policy of that government during the last contest
between Poland and Russia will be riven from authentic sources
.inct diplomatic documents

he weeping mothers, and the very youth from tht
chools of Poland, in chains to Siberia. Would to
'IA we could believe that report has exaggerated
hese atrocities. It would be wicked in us to shock
Jou with them, if they were not literally true ; and
ye would scorn to calumniate, if that were possible,

!veil the oppressors of Poland. But, alas! we
know those horrors to be too true. Authentic docu-
nents of too melancholy conviction lie before us.*
But we need not refer to such sources. Facts
enough are already known to all of you, and as no-
-orious as the sun at noon-day, to show the Auto-
crat's barbarity towards Poland. His own ukases
wow it openly..
" Fellow-countrymen !—ls all this outrage to
your humanity, as men, and is all this insult to your
honour as a nation, to be passed over unheeded ?
Not to speak of stipulations and treaties, not to speak
of the millions of money which you have paid, and
which you are still paying to Russia on the faith of
one treaty—you are spectators of a hideous enor-
mity; and, as human beings, you owe to humanity
your public protest and universal reprobation.
"As Britons, you owe it to your insulted em-
.

pire to call to account an insolent tyrant, who
slaughters, proscribes, and threatens to annihilate
the independence of a people whose independence
was guaranteed by yourselves. Nay, more—we
conceive that your very security, as a free nation,
is compromised, by permitting Russia to gorge and
strengthen herself unmolested on the gore and ra-
pine of Poland I Is this not, by sufferance, helping
the cannibal to a diet that may one day nourish him
to attack yourselves ?
" Weigh all the consequences that will result to
the world and to yourselves, if you suffer the se-
parate independence of Poland to be annihilated.
The subject is worthy not only of your strong feel-
ings, but of your deep and deliberate consideration.
It is not to your mere feelings, but to your judg-
ments also that we would wish to appeal. Our
object is to fix British attention on Poland and on
Russia ; to diffuse a general knowledge of the his-
tory and events of the ancient kingdom of Poland ;
to collect all such information as may tend to pre-
serve in the public mind a lively interest in the con-
dition of that unfortunate country; and to have the
cause of Poland discussed by all classes of Bri-
tons. Without such a discussion the commonest
observer may, no doubt, see that the fate
of the Poles is cruel, and that the conduct of
Russia is atrocious. But, without examining the
subject, few will understand the full extent of cala-
mity which Poland has yet to endure, and the ter-
rible prospects for which Europe must be prepared,
from the progressive triumph of Russian despotism.
It is in order that the subject may be universally
discussed that we have associated. The British
Press, no doubt, acts well with regard to Poland,
but its efforts ought to be seconded by some per-
manent body, who may select, gather, reprint, and
diffuse its most valuable articles on this most inte-
resting topic; for nothing is more remarkable than
the fugaciousness of the ablest essays of the daily
Press. In addition to the task of reviving such
essays,we shall publish all the intelligence we possess
respecting Poland ; we shall describe that country
as she once was, the parent of heroes and of sages;
and we shall delineate her as. she now is, the aban-
doned victim of spoliation. We shall try to make
the simplest mind understand what Russian policy
ever was and constantly is, and what you and all
Europe will be if you curb not her liberticidal designs.
" We are convinced, fellow•countrymen, that
there reigns among you a general concern for the
fate of Poland, and a general feeling of indignation
at her oppressors. But, without impugning British
humanity, without disputing that the periodical
Press has honourably advocated the Polish cause--
without denying that popular sympathy has been
several times strongly manifested in its favour—and
without forgetting how much your domestic politics
have lately distracted your attention from this foreign
tragedy—we are still compelled to remind you that
for any practical results your sympathy with the
Poles has hitherto been of no earthly use to them ;
and that, supposing your sympathy had changed sides
arid gone over from the Poles to Russia, the fate of
unhappy Poland could not have been worse than it
now is

" We can further assure you that the Russian
Court, which, through its emissaries, is ever watch-
fully feeling the pulse of public opinion over Europe,
has hugged itself joyously into the belief that Great
Britain cares very little about the Polish nation.
Shall nothing be done to check this joy of the op-
pressors ? Are we to hear the Russians boast in
our highest circles of their Emperor's triumphs
obtained by perfidy over a generous and guiltless
people ?
" But, fellow-countrymen, we wish to make no
appeal to your feelings on this subject without having
facts for the groundwork of your sympathy. In-
deed there is a vagueness of information respecting
Poland that impedes universal interest. Knowing
her cause to be just, we wish that interest to be not
merely general, but universal.
" Besides this vagueness of information which
ought to be cleared away, there are positive false-
hoods respecting the Poles, inculcated by their ene-
mies, and fostered by ignorance, of which many
minds still require to be disabused. Those enemies
give out, for instance, that it is no cruelty to make a
Polish peasant the serf of a Russian master, because
he, the Pole, is only a serf under a Polish landlord.
This is utterly false. The Polish peasant is alas!(
we may now only say that he was) a cottager, and
not a serf. He differed in no respect from the Eng-
lish small farmer but in this, that he paid his rent in
labour, and not in money. His labour, however,
was limited and defined, and it left him full leisure
to cultivate his own farm. As long as he could find
a substitute for that labour he could go where he
liked, being neither adstrictus glebce nor transferable
by sale. But, now, with a Russian master, who
can tell what his lot will be ? The Polish
peasant was a free man ; lie himself and his
children might go where they chose. The Rus-
sian serfs are like cattle, the absolute property
of their masters, who may sell and dispose
of them in any way they think fit, drawing an an-
nual revenue from them, whatever the serf's trade
or abilities may be. The Russian servants are
household slaves to all intents and purposes. The
Polish servants were free, and received their wages
like our own ; but Poland being now incorporated
with Russia, without a separate political existence,
thousands and tens of thousands of her patriotic
peasantry will be dragged into Russia, under the
plea of military conscription, to be there degraded
under the lash of Russian discipline, and levelled to
the condition of brute animals. The Polish soldier,
too, was well paid, he had six times the pay of a
Russian soldier. The Polish officer was kind to
him, and softened as far as he could the tyranny
of Russian discipline. No ! the Polish pea-
sants were not slaves ; and the manner in which
they always fought belies the assertion. Such, in-
deed, is the horror of the commonest Pole at
being given up to Russia, that the refugees in Prus-
,:la preferred being shot by tire Prussians to return-
ing homed- Terrible indeed is the degradation
that awaits the meanest Polish peasant who shall
be now be thrown back upon this wretched country !
With a Russian master, lie will be no longer a
Pole—no longer a man ; he will be as depeudent
on his owner's will as a beast of the field : he may
he bought, he may be sold, he may be sent at the
* These documents and other papers will shortly appear in the
first volume of the Society's publications
t See the letter addressed by 'l'. Howe, Esq., of the United
States, to Thomas Campbell, Esq., and other papers, in the next
publication of the Society,

fz,mperor's pleasure to Siberia; but, in `that care,
►e must have his owner's permission to carry with
►im even a handful of the dust of his native soil in
addition to the weight of his chains. The very
•ustom of the Poles to which we allude is a mark
if their attachment to their native country. When
i'orced to leave it they take with them a small por-
,ion of their native earth, that it may be buried with
hem in their coffins if they should die abroad.
Slaves are not apt to be so romantic.

" The entire British community is very far from
being fully aware of the horrific amount of human
misery that has been bespoken for unhappy Poland
since the Autocrat decreed her annihilation. Exe-
crable as the old partition of the country might be,
it included no horrors like those which are now
going on. Independently of confiscations and
punishments, the Emperor is making war on the
very sources of civilization; he is carrying off libra-
ries, abolishing the study of philosophical and poli-
tical science in the schools of instruction, and pro-
scribing all the moral knowledge that ennobles man.
The sufferings of Poland are prospectively deepen-
ing. Many well-meaning persons may no doubt be
heard to observe that the evil is now done, that it

cannot be undone, and that it must be submit ed to.
But whether it must be submitted to or not, the evil is

not yet done ner half done—it is only begun,and it will
require much time, and blood, and tears, to be con-
summated. Let the Poles, say thoge good-natured
observers, live but quietly under Russia and she
will spare them. But no, we say, and we can
prove it, Russia will not spare them, and, in con-
sistency with her savage policy, she cannot spare
them. As she has begun so she must end with them.
In plain truth she can have no reign over Poland
now but a reign of terror ; and, if Europe permit her,
she will beyond all doubt annihilate Poland with
atrocities on a larger scale than human history has
every recorded.
" If permitted, Russia will not at once, indeed,
but she will systematically and surely, and not very
slowly, exterminate the flower of the remaining
Polish population, and leave the forlorn residue ex-
actly in the same state that the Helots were in un-

der Sparta, deprived of every means of fostering
and preserving their nationality. Before Warsaw
was last taken different plans had been already dis-
cussed by the Autocrat's Cabinet as to what should
be done with the unhappy kingdom of Poland in
the event of its resubjugation. Conciliation was
out of the question, and was never mentioned. But
to get rid at once of millions of Poles, by sudden
slaughter or dispersion, was a difficulty even to their
merciless conquerors. It was therefore determined
that Poland should be politically put to death, by
the translocation of as many Russians as possible
into Poland, and of as many Poles as possible into
the wildest parts of Russia—first, on pretext of pu-
nishment, and secondly, under that of military con-
scription. Now, if we consider the two-fold effects
of this translocation, it may fairly be questioned,
whether the sentence of sudden death on millions of
Poles would have been a harder sentence than such
a wholesale mode of national destruction. The
most merciful fate that a Pole can now expect is to
be spared being sent into Siberia. In fact, the
equalization of slavery in both countries, Russia and
Poland, as well as the acquisition of foffeited Polish
estates, was again anticipated as a blessing by the
Russian aristocracy ; as a repetition of the scan-
dalous robbery which took place after the last par-
tition, that would well reward all the trouble of re-
conquering the country. The first tidings of the
Polish insurrection, though it alarmed some of the
Russian nobility, gave joy to most of them. It was
awkward, they said, to be obliged to hear at St. Pe-
tersburgh of a Diet of Representatives at Warsaw,
and of a people setting up for a Constitution whilst
the Russians had none.
" On these confiscating and translocating schemes
towards Poland, Russia has begun to act in right
good earnest. Some of her atrocities have Leen laid
hare to the public view, but only a sample of them.
We spare ourselves for the present the task of re-
citing their disgusting details. Painful, however,
as that recital would be, we are prepared to show
that the outrages inflicted on this friendless people
have never been exposed to their full amount. It
is our duty to assure any such persons as may fondly
believe that the sufferings of Poland are at their
close, or that they will terminate with her submis-
sion, that they are much mistaken. Suppose, al-
though it is no very easy supposition, that their
oppressors could heartily forgive them, still those
oppressors cannot forget that the Poles are a brave
and a sensitive people, and that they have among
them the remnant of a chivalrous nobility, and of
a bold and patriotic peasantry. What security of
tenure can oppression ever have over such a
people, while there remains a portion of them un-
able to forget that they are Poles ? And how
can Russia fulfil her threat of annihilating Po-
land but by annihilating the spirit of the na-
tion ? She must necessarily persevere then in
the translocating system. She must continue
to cover the roads of Russia with Polish pri-
soners—and pretences will never be wanting. She
must get rid of all, or as nearly as possible of all,
Poles who are discontented, or suspected of discon-
tentment. She roust deflower the nation, and, by
one means or another, dispose of all its patriots,
high and low, who may have either spirit or pro-
perty. Russia will do all this, if she be permitted;
and she will leave at last in what was Poland no-

thing but an abject population—poor, knouted, en-
slaved, without a public-minded nobleman, or cler-
gyman, or scholar, to speak to their countrymen in
their own language. As the annihilation of Poland,
however, has not been yet consummated, Europe
might still prevent it; and the voice of Britain, al-
ready challenged by her insulted dignity, would be
of no slight avail in awakening European remon-
strance. It is not for us to detain you with dis-
cussions on foreign politics ; but thus much we may
say, without fear of contradiction, that over all the
Continent of Europe there is among the people only
one voice and feeling respecting Poland. But the
Continental
press being enslaved every where, ex-
cept in France, the subject cannot be discussed
on the Continent with due publicity. On that ac-
count it is the more incumbent on the free and pa-
triotic press of our own great country to continue
the discussion ; and when our domestic affairs shall
be more settled, as we trust they will soon be, we
expect that this momentous foreign question will
obtain a large share of public attention.
"And we hope, fellow-countrymen, that it will
obtain more than your transitory attention. Ge-
nerous as Britons are, it seems as if Poland were
fated to experience their generosity only in fond
words and fits of recollection. At the treaty of
Vienna we have heard of independence having been
secured to a remnant of that once great kingdom. A
constitution, too, was promised to the Poles, and it
was given to them in writing, but they were scan-
dalously withheld from enjoying it; and for years and
years they suffered injuries, inferior to their present
calamities, no doubt, but still deep and dreadfulin-
juries. Yet, who among us, during all these fifteen
years, ever felt for the Poles, or perhaps, ever
thought of them? Their wrongs were intlicted in
silence; and Poland though man owed her benefits,,he
w as chained, like P;oinetheus, unseen by Th
e
first
first intelligence of what this gallant nation had
suffered reached us in the clash of the swords with
those of their oppressors. Is it destined to be
so once more ? And is this people, that produced
Casimir, Copernicus, Sobieski, and hosciuko--this
people, once the deliverers of Christendom, and to
his day the models of modern heroism—is this
people to be the theme of a day, and then to be ,

(PRICE 7D.)

Iropped into oblivion, and annihilated ? En-
ightened England avert the doom !
" And can you avert it, fellow-countrymen. Your
,iplifted voice could countermand this hideous anni-
kilation. The Autocrat believes that you care no-
ling about the Poles. Ye men that have British
leans undeceive him, and let him know that even
the poorest man in England has a tear for Poland:*
Honour to that test of the poor man's sympathy !
Chat tear for Poland is a sacred drop, and it will
work like a holy spell against her unhallowed op-
pressors. At such a demonstration our hope re-
vives that ye will manifest an universal feeling ; and
rhough Poland, whose cause our hearts espoused, is
fallen, and though we mourn for her as lost, and as
(lead for the present, yet your strong compassion is
the Herculas that will restore her, like another Al-
cestis, from the tomb.

" rkhe Autocrat would pause before he said ' nay'
to the voice of twenty-four millions of Britons, who
may have difficulties, but none which, in a just cause,
they could not shake off, like ' dew drops from the
lion's mane.'

"it must rest with your general opinion, and it
will, no doubt, also depend upon circumstances, how
you are to treat the question of Poland as a practi-
cal political question of a party. We presume not
to advise you in what specific manner you should
declare your sentiments on the subject. We only
repeat our opinion, that an universal declsration of
your sentiments, in some shape or other, is due to
the cause of humanity, and to the honour of our na-
tive land. Give us your support, and we solemnly
promise that we will not slacken in the cause we
have espoused.

" THOMAS CAMPBELL, President.
" Sussex Chambers, Duke-street, St. James's."

• At the great meeting at Birmingham the people from Wo
verhampton had their banners inscribed with these words.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, JUNE 13.

Mr. BULLER presented a petition from 600 rate-
payers of the city of Exeter, in favour of the Exeter Im-
provement Bill.

Lord EBRINGTON presented a petition, signed by
2,400 rate-payers of Exeter, agreed to at a public meet-
ing called by the Mayor, praying the House not to
pass the Exeter Improvement Bill, without very im-
portant modifications. The petitioners preferred in-
curring whatever inconvenience might be created by
delay to the Bill, as it was now framed. The whole num-
ber of rate-payers were about 6,000, and as this petitio❑
was signed by 2,400, and the one in favour of the Billbut
by 600, it was only fair to presume that the majority of
the rate-payers were against the Bill.
Mr. BULLER then moved the third reading of the
Exeter Improvement Bill.
Lord EBRINGTON did not rise to oppose the Bill,
but to propose certain amendments, some of which he un-
derstood the Hon. Member (Mr. Buller) would accede to.
The Noble Lord went through his various amendments,
one of which was, that instead of 15 or 16 members of
the Corporation being on the Board, the number should be
reduced to six, and another related to a certain number of
Commissioners going out by rotation.
After some observations from Mr. Buck, Mr. Courte-
nay, Mr. Wilks, Sir G. Warrender, Lord Granville So-
merset, and Lord Ebi ington, the first amendment was
agreed to without a division.
Lord EBRINGTON then moved an amendment, to
the effect that all rate-payers should vote under this Bill
as under the former.

Alter a few words from Mr. Wilke, Mr. Buller, Lord
Ebrington, and Sir G. Warrender, the House divided,
when there were—
For the amendment 46
Against it
Majority —26

The clause was then ordered to be added to the Bill, by
way of rider.

The Bill was then passed.
Mr. BURGE wished to know when the Noble Lord
opposite intended, as we understood, to lay before the
House his promised plan for financial relief to the colonies.

Lord ALTHORP was not aware Government had en-
gaged to submit any measure for financial relief to the co-
lonies.

Mr. BURGE called the attention of the Noble Lord to a
letter written by Lord Goderich, in which such a measure
had been expressly promised.
Lord ALTHORP replied that that proposition had
been subject to certain conditions which, the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman knew perfectly well, had not been
complied with.

Mr. K. DOUGLAS thought, after the unsatisfactory ex-
planations which Government had been in the habit of
giving on all matters connected with the colonial interests,
it was absolutely necessary that the subject should in some
regular way be brought before the House.
Mr. STANLEY moved the recommittal of the Irish
Reform Bill.
Before the question was put,

Mr. LAMB begged leave to present a petition from
Dungarvon, complaining that the Reform Bill for Ireland
would diminish the number of electors in that place from
850 to 200.

Mr. LEADER supported the petition, and complained
that the Irish population returns Lad not been laid before
the House.

Lord ALTIIORP did not think it necessary to inter-
pose delay, as the documents referred to would more pro-
perly be produced when the Boundary Irish Bill came to
be considered.

Mr. O'CONNELL considered the population returns
necessary to enable him to show the number of towns in
Ireland which either bad no Member at all or only one,
which exceeded in population and importance towns
which in England and Scotland had received the fran-
chise. The miserable substitute for those returns,
with which they were required to be content,
had only reached his hands that day; he must pro-
test, therefore, although as there were so many
points in the Irish Reform Bill on which he meant to
divide the House, he should not now trouble them
with a division, yet he must protest against their
proceeding, without at least the delay of a day
to study this document. So far as he could judge from it,
Dungarvon and Youghal would still continue nomination
boroughs of the Duke of Devonshire. The: liberties of
the latter being, by the Boundary Bill, cut off from the
town, and thrown into the county. He was informed
also that Bandon would still continue to be nominated
by that nobleman and Lord Bandon.

Mr. STANLEY said that the delay in distributing the
present document amongst Members had been quite un-
avoidable. But he could assure the Hon. Gentleman
that it contained no more information with respect to
population than papers which had been on the table
of the House for a month past.—(Hear, hear.) De-
lay, therefore, for the purpose mentioned by the
Hon. and Learned Gentleman was needless. This docu-
ment related to the Boundary Bill, and nothing but that.
The population returns were not as necessary in this case as
they had been in that of the English Reform Bill, because
there being no borough disfranchised or enfranchised, no
necessity was created for calculating the relative value
of any. With respect to Dungarvon, it had been
treated exactly in the same manner as Mallow, and
on the same principle; namely, that it was not right
that any man should possess a double vote on the
same property. That power had existed in those two
boroughs, but it was now proposed to continue it only in
the present life-holders. With► respect to the manner in
which the boundary line had been drawn round Youghal,
the general principle on which they had acted, had been
to draw the boundary line round all boroughs as close
as possible, because the borough returned only one mew-.
ber, whilst the county returned two. And that was
therefore considered the more desirable franchise.
Sir R. MUSGRAVE said that at present Dungarvon
was an open borough ; and the result of the present ar-
angetnent would be to make Dungarvon a close borough.
Ir Hun. Members sanctioned such arrangements, he con-
sidered they would act in total opposition to pledges
which they had given to vote for Reform.
Mr. KNIGHT wished to know whether, under the
present arranaeu►ent, a small bc.,,ogh which be saw at
the corner of the map was to bear the same name.—
(Laughter.) The name of the place at present was Snug-
barotigh.—(Loud laughter).
After some observations from Mr. STANLEY and Mr.
l'uwx a, the petition was read. .

Mr, LAMB, in tuoviug the priutiug of the petition,

tbseaved, that the principal reason which induced hi
•resent the petition to the notice of the , as that,
,mong other things, it prayed for the non-disfranchisemen t
if the 51. householders. He seeing no reason why so intel-
igent a class should be deprived of so great a privilege
Mould on all occasions use his utmost endeavours to
4upport the franchise of the 5/. householders.
Mr. STANLEY observed that they bad dealt with the
)/. householders in Ireland, in exactly the same manner
,s they had done in England ; they had retained the
ranchise to the present possessors, but had taken it from
prospective ones.