The Sun.
London, England, 1835-08-31 00:00:00

FASHIONS FOR SEPTEMBER.

TOILETTE NEGLIGEE DU MATIN.—LOW dress of jaconot
muslin, the corsage fitting tight to the bust ; the skirt and
sleeves excessively full : pelerine of sprigged India muslin,
trimmed with narrow lace, put on with some degree of ful.
ness. The pelerine has two falls and a collar; it is plain at
back, rounded off at the shoulders, and crosses beneath the
ceinture in front, in the style of a half handkerchief. Cap
of tulle tiro"; the crown has a small round piece put in at
the top of the head, and the head-piece, or caul, is rather
deeper at the rialit than at the left side ; the borders, which
are guiffres, are- made to stand back from the face ; a large I j
bow of sarsnet ribbon is placed at the left side ; iu the temples
nre a few small boas, or puffs of ribbon ; the hair is in ban-
deaux ; a very stanfl chain crosses the brow, in guise of a
fertimire tyaiasol of poux de sole ; black shoes of drap de
sole, silk etociings, and white silk gloves.
ToiLETTE VigiTEC--.DreSS of white embroidered mus-
llrt I# mantelet to match. The sleeves of the dress are
all the Way down, and finisted at the wrist
with a narrow poigflef, skirt is ornamented at bottom
with a deep flounce. The iatticlot 14 large, reaching with
the trimming 'which,- is tolerably deep, as low as
tilevtaig dt• 1,30 cl it la ,tirjuope, on the shoulders, and
is sloped of gradually towardsfront, it passes '-aloes
Taeatit t beinttir; tild4 rent as fat' as the 1....
PrilAtA 17 h tttatitelet at the neck ;
trimming of lace or embroidered muslin put en full. Cha-
peau d Angtaise ; tile crown and front perfectly on a line.
The hat is of straw, and ornamented with a garniture de paille,
a roll of straw put on at the edge. The trimming consists of
ri sittple mrstiot ribbon pat across the hat. Another is of paille
de riz ; it is likewise of the coal-skuttle form, but more
trimmed, having a large bow of sarsnet ribbon placed at the
right side, from whence spring a branch of moss ro.:es. A
veil of. tulle illusion ornaments the front of the hat. The
dress is of pow► de soic. Brown shoes of satin Turc, white
or straw-coloured gloves, fan, hair in ringlets or bandeaux.

POLIGNAC AND Ifig rgri•LOW•VmsoNEits.---
The National, a Republican Journal, proclaim; lb, new la"
on the Press to be the most formal mcicmtptioti of the ne-
.
volution- of July. It is impossible, aster having voter! L...
laws, to leave the Ministers of Chalet X. any longer at Ham.
In fact, the liberty of the Press is to be brought below that
which existed under the Ministry that the Ordonnances pre-
paratory to the Revolution. Those Ordonnances were to re-
tiree the Press nearly to the same point as is to be effected by
the present Bill. is then admitted that the Ministry of
Charles X. were right in net tolerating a Press opposed to
the prineiplea of the Government. How, then, can they be
retained confinement at Ham ? It is an iniquity not to re-
store t:nem to society, which has every p,ossible excuse to
make for having for five years past misunderstood the necessi-
ties under which they were placed.
In a cause tried last week in the Nisi Prius Court
an Amazon, dressed in a riding co: / and hat, appeared in the
witness.box. " Take off your hat, . 71411!" cried Lord Abinger.
" I'm not a man," rejoined the indig !pant heroine. " T hen,'
saidjhis Lordship, ,'Trn no Judge.; 's"

A strange delusion is said to exist in the minds of
some people respecting the dominion of the House of
Commons in now granting, or withholding, or modify-
ins the Supplies w.hich were voted in last April. It is
said that the Money Bill, which when passed into a
law is called the Appropriation Act, is a mere matter
of form, giving legislative sanction to the votes upon
the Estimatei ; that the money was, in fact, granted
when the Estimates were voted ; and that the resolu-
tions of the House, made upon these Estimates, are
irreversible fiats, binding, whether for welfare or for
-uin, upon the Commons of England. Doctrine more
sus than this seas never ;opounded. It is as
moms,. .
perit of falsehood. It may suit the purpose
full of
But it shall not be broached
of the passing
without meeting prvtnpti and emphatic denial. It will
receive no sanction from !Ile direct, plain-thinking
sagacity of the British people. .The consequences to
which it would lead are as frightful fdr their danger, as
they are revolting for their absurdity. Enousce this doc-
trine in plain English, and it amounts to this---4bat if in
the interval between the voting of the Supplies and tile
passing of the Act (which, observe, is necessary to
make the resolution law) circumstances shall occur
totally changing the state of things in the nation, and
pregnant with peril to the constitutional monarchy of
England—for instance, if there shall happen a demise
of the Crown—if a popular Ministry shalt be dis-
missed by a new Monarch—if their places shall be
supplied by traitors who shall abet the infatuated
holder of the sceptre in designs raj on free institutions,
whether with or without the aid of ati:!iated and secret
societies, corrupting and denationalizing the army of
the State—in such state of things, the Cosimons of
England—the guardians of the nation's purse. And of
the nation's safety—shall be still bound to give to the
detected traitors the sinews of a war in which they are
to achieve the extinction of British liberty I We state
the proposition thus, because to this extent it must be
carried. The most effectual mode of testing such a
doctrine is to apply it to a state of fact, extreme,
not probable, but which no man in his senses will
say is wholly impossible. So applied, it is not
merely a dangerous theory, it is stark-naked nonsense.
The Act of Appropriation is, in point of form,
founded on resolutions of the House of Commons ;
but these resolutions are but the expression of
the intentions of the House, entertained upon a view
of existing facts, and of the actual 'policy of the
Crown and its Ministers. To say that these resolu-
tions cannot be modified, according as new circum-
stan,,Ts shall induce new necessities, or suggest wiser
.to deny to the Senate which passes them
courses, re
the character oi" a deliberative assembly. It is, more-
over,conduct of Parliament in a vast
analagous and daily occur-
to condemn the.
variety of matters, striett).
,they become laws. In
-
ring. Resolutions in both h: uses are, in matters of
detail, constantly modified before
matters of principle, the departureseom them occurs
more rarely, because these form the sub)ects of graver
deliberation, and they are not often liable to affected
by change of circumstances. Every one remsmbers
the memorable instance in which, in Lord Althnsn's
time, the House of Commons, after an interval of ri
few days, reversed, on reconsideration, a solemn vote
respecting a tax then the subject of great anxiety
and excitement. The resolution for inquiry into the
conduct of Baron Smith, and its sudden reversal,
is in the recollection of us all. Whosoever else may
urge this submissive doctrine, the Tories, at least, are
robbed of any argument grounded on the supposed
inability of the House of Commons to reverse their
own vote in legislating upon . the subject of it ; for
they are now preparing—and in the case of a money-
bill, too—to send back to that House a piece of legis-
lation, changed in the very point of contradicting the
vote upon which the Tories resigned office, namely,
the resolution for appropriating to the purposes of
general education the surplus Church revenues of
Ireland. They strike the clause of appropriation out
of the Irish Church Bill : they ask the Commons to
pass it ; and, in passing it, to pronounce legislative
condemnation on their own resolution. And yet
these same Tories are now loud in exclaiming,
<< What modify the Supplies ? You can't ; .you
have stated your intention to accept a certain bill of
exchange ; and though we shall strive, and we hope
successfully, to -get at the proceeds, and apply them as
we like, and against your wishes, and in order to se-
cure and extend our power—ay, and to ruin yours—
your expressed intention is an irreversible senteoee ;
and, whether you like it or not, you must not only ac-
cept the bill, but pall it.'' We should like to hear this
kind of language addressed to an English merchant by
some rival trader whom he had thought his frieod,
whom, in an hour of too confiding generosity, he had
expressed an intention of accommodating with an
advance of money, but who, as he afterwards
found good reason to know, intended to employ
this very money in swamping the donor's trade.
We should like to hear the plain Englishman's
answer, when told, '' Sir, you must give me your
money—ay, must,
that's
the word—you must
give it, though you know I will try to ruin you by
the use of it ; for you know also, that the last April
you kindly said you resolved to afford me this ac-
conunodation." "'We should like to hear the English-
man's reply ; but we certainly should not he ambitious
to be the owner of any, not even the dullest, part of the
applicant's person. When the voting of the Supplies
is in performance of a national contract, or constitutes
a new pledge of the faith of the nation, then, indeed,
it.„, and. ought to be, irreversible. Why ?—Not be-
calm-it a resolution of the House ; not upon any
grounds of sse know not what absurd and unintelligible
technicality ; btu, because right policy, and what is the
best policy, common honesty, demand its fulfilment.
An Englishman's word be as good as his bond ;
amid though the word is spoken only in the shape of ex-
pressed intention, no innocent par:v should suffer. by
dibappointinent in a feather's weight or a farthing value.
Every public creditor must be paid. Every public con-
tract must be performed. But we hold it to be a propo-
sition too plain for dispute, that the House of Commons,
until they become parties to an Act of Parliament grant-
ing and allocating the public revenues, remain the
arb.iters of the time, and the manner, and the proportions,
in which these revenues arc to be applied—bound
only by engagements or which prudence and honesty
require • the fulfilment so hound only because prudence
and honesty impose the obligation, but wholly unfet-
tered by any technical clams created by the expres-
sions of opinions and intentions of which new events
may have taught the folly, and the fulfilment of which
may involve ,the grossest breach of public trust, and the
-Milt of treason against the nation. We trust we
j" ,e,l no professed friend of the Ministry, or of the
shall
people, liffios up his voice in the House of Commons'
in utterance of threw crude absurdities. If the post
business can be genre without resorting to their greatest
and surest engine of redtsss,
well and good. But let
no tamed coward make the vain attempt to. hide
his white feather behind the miserable gauze of the
topic—for we will not condescend to call it argu-
ment—which we have been here denouncing.
There is, at the present moment, and its order
to achieve every public object, not the least necessity
for what is called, by a strange blunder, " Stopping
the Supplies." The portion of the public revenue
destined for the public creditor, and applicable to sus-
- - the public credit of the country, is in no manner
tan.. -ny case of the purse-strings of the nation,
involved iii s • necessary for the Commons to re-
to which it may tn. • • House of Peers from being,
sort in order to prevent the • • 'sies of the empire.
in effect, the arbiters of the des'...
wEveryle even
tal sttirlree
,oaf
mp
br
edrtsm
nptrheecaution maJ -
public i•dbse
sstLe:dul are
thll
Lords refusing to pass a qualified
left no fluctuating chances to trade with.
thin tho
to that notion, which we read somewhere wt
e ]writer some
last day or two—the invention of som
as
corner of the Press, which occurred to sins half
Approprittstiofotir
awake, half in sleep, he yawned over the
of his lampsess‘ve shall only apply the 4;;c141". 9,7 11?)-6'