The Sun.
London, England, 1859-09-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 17, 1859.

[AnvEnrisEmENT.]—lfolloway's Ointment and Pills.—
Female Complaints.—Climate, fashion, and neglect hurry
thousands of our daughters prematurely to the tomb, each
and all of whom would still have been their parents' pride
had Holloway's remedies been applied without delay. On
them all may rely for restoring health when natural func-
tions are suspended or morbidly sluggish. Under the
genial influence of liolloway's preparations beauty, vigour,
and vivacity are rekindled. The ointment should be well
rubbed over the kidneys and bottom of the stomach every
night on going to bed. The effect will be marvellous.
Eight or. ten pills should be taken nightly for some little
time while using the ointment, in order top urify the blood,
cleanse the system, and correct all obstructions.

THE CONSERVATIVE FESTIVAL Al
MAIDSTONE.

No stronger testimony could be adducedin favour
of Lord Derby's late attempt to conduct the affairs
of this mighty empire than the fact that it enlisted
the sympathies and commanded the respect of many
high-minded statesmen, who do not generally fol-
low the lead of either party into which politicians
are usually divided. The independent criticism of
such men is sufficient to stamp the character of the
intrigues by which that Administration was ejected
from office, and the fact that the proceedings of
Lord Palmerston and his allies are by them con-
demned speaks volumes. Thus the grand Conser-
vative festival given at Maidstone to commemorate
the triumph of the Conservative candidates for
West Kent, was presided over by Earl Stan-
hope, better known to the public as Lord
Mahon. Distinguished both as a statesman and
historian, the noble earl has never figured promi-
nently in mere party warfare. Our readers will re-
member that lie was appointed his literary executor
by the late Sir Robert Peel. Upon his accession to
the peerage a few years since he was not a member
of the House of Commons, and in the debates in
the new sphere on which he then entered we do
not find him enlisted strongly on either side. Yet
the noble earl has always stood well with the pub-
lic, and his " History of England from 1713 to
1783" bears away the palm from all others by its
strict impartiality. That such an independent po-
litician should deem it his duty to assume a more
decided attitude, and to preside at a banquet in-
tended to commemorate a victory gained over the
Liberal candidates, shows that a period has ar-
rived when even peace-loving and moderate men
cannot remain silent. It would be a breach of duty
for them in such a crisis to keep aloof from the
struggle, and their example must have the effect of
exciting general enthusiasm in the good cause.
The duty devolved upon Earl Stanhope, as chair-
man at the banquet, to propose the toast of the
evening, " Success to the Conservative Cause in
West Kent," and in the execution of this pleasing
task the noble earl stated the reasons that had
induced him to assume a more decided attitude in
political matters. Earl Stanhope explained that
for the last few years he felt it his duty to " abstain
from taking part in any party celebration," and
that even on taking his seat in the House of Lords,
he did not " seek to connect himself anew with any
political party. He was content, as an individual
peer, to consider measures as they came before him,
and he decided on them as his conscience might de-
termine." The factious tactics of members of the
" great Liberal party" induced him to relinquish
this neutrality. When the adverse vote against
the late Government was obtained by a coali-
tion between discordant sections several persons
thought fit to refer to Lord Stanhope's judgment
and counsel as to the course which they ought
to pursue. The struggle had assumed such a
character that neutrality became impossible. Earl
Stanhope felt that Lord Derby and his associates
had been unjustly treated, and he did not lack the
manliness to give expression to that opinion. This,
naturally enough, brought the noble earl forward
more prominently ; and he explained that " it did
appear to him, that, taken as a whole, tie Govern-
ment of Lord Derby was entitled to support. The
foreign affairs of the country had been conducted in
accordance with the just requirements of the honour
of the iiption, and with an unremitting anxiety for
the preservation of peace, while in domestic affairs
there was, with the desire to maintain the institutions
of the country, a readiness to frame and bring for-
ward measures of practical amendment." Having
once made up his mind on these points, Earl Stanhope
showed that he did not lack enthusiasm. The counsel
he then offered to private friends indeed placed him
"more in a party character and position than he
had been for some time past." But this was not to
him a subject of regret. It brought him on his own
admission, into cordial co-operation and communica-
tion with gentlemen whom he highly respected, and
who had assembled to do honour to the same cause.
So Earl Stanhope could refer in eulogistic terms to
the triumph they had achieved in West Kent, and to
the gratifying result of the late general election as
far as the Conservatives are concerned. While
refusing to offer anything like a predetermined
or undiscriminating opposition to Lord Palmer-
ston and his colleagues, Lord Stanhope
points out two unfavourable and unpromis-
ing circumstances in the formation of the
present Government. These were, first, the entire
exclusion of Irishmen from any share in the new poli-
tical and Government appointments; and secondly,
the elevation of certain adherents of the Whig party
to the peerage. They are both, in fact, mistakes of
the gravest character. It is an act of injustice to the
Irish people, while great questions affecting their
interests are pending, to ostracise, as it were, Irish
statesmen. Nor was the indiscriminate manner in
vihich honours were conferred one whit less deserv-
ing of censure. Mr. Smith, Sir Benjamin Hall, and.
Mr. Labouchere were sent to the Upper House be-
cause they were not qualified to fill an office in the
Cabinet. The system of converting the Upper
House:into an asylum for destitute and incapable
Whigs fully merits the censure conveyed by Lord
Stan hope. It is, as he justly remarked, a remnant
of the old Whig party system of carrying on the
Government by means of the great Whig houses.
These leadees have of late put forward the preten-
sion that they possess the prescriptive right to
gorern. This is the hobby that Lord John Russell
rides whenever the opportunity occurs. Nobody
else is to be permitted to meddle with reform
because he has tried twice and failed. This was
the plea under cover of 'which he iierought forward
the most factious motion ever made in the House
of Commons, and on a similar plea three legislators,
who in various departments had failed most miser-
ably, had greatness thrust upon them.
The malpractices, the intrigues, the party conflicts,
that have compelled Earl Stanhope both to speak
and to act with vigour, have during the last few
months had a wonderful effect upon members be-
longing to the more moderate section of the com-
munity. They perceive that a contest impends in
which it will be treason for any one to remain neu-
tral. A fierce onslaught is to be made on all the
most honoured institutions of the country, and the
experiment tried to place all authority in the hands
of a class. Hitherto we have been ruled by men of
position and intelligence ; henceforth we are told
by these later luminaries that the mob are to wield
the supremacy. It is evident that the English na-
tion will not submit to such despotism. Principles
will once more be weighed and examined, and the
value of party government understood and appre-
ciated. And at such a crisis the testimony of
Earl Stanhope as to the real efficacy and authority
of Conservative principles is doubly important.
" Above all," Lord Stanhope urged, " let them
cherish Conservative principles with regard to all
public questions—implying by Conservative prin-
ciples the maintenance and promotion of the an-
cient institutions of the country. This lie took to
be the meaning of true Conservative principles, the
support and maintenance of our ancient institu-
tions. Not that this definition of Conservatism
was to be taken as excluding measures of improve-
ment and repair, but the very reverse. They all
knew that reconstruction and repair were called
for in all material things—that repairs aye,
and large repairs—might often be necessary for the
preservation of the fabric. Changes, and consider-
able changes, might be made, provided they were
made upon the principle of tending to support and
strengthen those old and glorious institutions in-
herited by us from our forefathers. There was a
great and vital difference between those improve-
ments that thded to give new nerve and vigour to
the fabric and those changes which the revolution-
ists of the day had called for, asking them to sub-
vert the fabric altogether." It is not salutary
change but wholesale destruction to which all Con-
servatives are opposed, and the career of the late
Government furnishes several proofs that the Con-
servatives are more entitled to the designation of
" Liberal" than the party who usurped that title.
Mr. Bright and his supporters, by their reckless
conduct, are actually imparting strength and power
to the Conservative cause. People not only mistrust
these demagogues, but all politicians that depend
upon them for aid and encouragement. The present
coalition offered office to Mr. Cobden, and actually
includes Messrs. Gibson and Villiers, two of his lieu-
tenants, in its ranks. Although it is an exclusive
Cabinet its existence depends upon .the favour of
members of the revolutionary school. Such an in-
congruous gathering will soon bring the vessel of the
State amongst the breakers. But the peril is fore-
seen and a way of escape afforded. The party that
can command a majority in the country as well as
in both houses of Parliament, has the sole right to
the direction of public affairs. When they are
summoned to the helm the danger will disappear,
and England will be restored to the position which
she has, by the fatal policy of the coalitionists, so
suddenly forfeited. The duty of all is to be pre-
pared for an emergency, and we cannot point to a
better example than that afforded by the conduct
of Earl Stanhope. The noble earl desired to re-
main in a neutral and independent position, but
felt forced to take a more decided part, from the

injustice practised against Lord Derby and his col-
leagues, and the disastrous consequences with
which the country is thereby threatened.—Morn-
ing Herald.

TUSCANY.

( From the Times' Correspondent )
FLORENCE, SEPT. 12.
The people here have survived the article in the
Maniteur. The Emperor Napoleon can puzzle and
perplex, can startle, and even annihilate, but can •
not deceive the Italians. They never believed, never
trusted him. When, in August of last year, he in-
timated to Count Cavour, at Plombieres, that
" France mu3t flow over, and the tide must set in
upon Italy," that great and good gambling states-
man, who had all Italy in the leash, wisely decided
for himself and his countrymen that it was better
France should come in as a friend than as a foe.
The game was a hazardous one, but circumstances
allowed the Italians no alternative. Between the
French Monarch and the Sardinian Minister three
points were clearly settled. Piedmont agreed to
the cession of Savoy and Nice to France. Piedmont,
in return, secured all Italy, from the Alps to the
Adriatic. Tuscany, or Central Italy, was to be
erected into a kingdom for Prince Napoleon Jerome.
Cavour and the Italians had no faith that the Em-
peror would abide by his own terms of the bargain.
Up to the day that French soldiers first landed at
Genoa they had no firm hope that war would even
begin. But hostilities broke out, and Cavour and
Italy, from choice no less than from necessity, lent
themselves passively to all Napoleon's behests. The
Italians fought manfully by the side of the French;
they rose when, where, and as they were bidden.
At every forward step of the allied armies Piedmont
hastened to secure the share that was allotted to
her. She took direct, immediate, and sovereign pos-
session of Massa and Carrara, of Parma, Modena,
and Milan. She dared not touch Tuscany, and fore-
bore meddling with the Legations, well knowing the
designs that France had on those districts. All was
done as per programme, and had the enterprise been
followed up to its termination every one would have
remained with his own preassigned part of the prey.
Of all the men who had been charged with the
task of working out that great scheme only one was
ur successful—and that was Prince Napoleon Jerome.
Whether it was owing to that excessive cunning
which often ends by overreaching itself, or whether
the antipathy of the Tuscans to the person of the
Prince and their strong national aspirations stood
in his way, certain it is that the Commander-in-
Chief of the Fifth Corps marched from Tuscany into
Lombardy, as the Italians have it, " colle give nel
sacco," that is, re infecta. The French. Emperor, per-
haps, thought himself cheated ; he fancied he per-
ceived that " la biscia aveva beccato it ciarlatano,"
or that he played there the part of "the biter bit."
He threw up the game in dudgeon, and came to
terms with Austria at Villafranca.
Now, in their tarn, the Italians were the losers;
and now the Emperor, whose first design was per- ,
haps merely that his allies should not have their
share of the bargain while he was swindled out of
his own, gradually saw the possibility of turning
the tables upon them, by still getting his own share,
and doing them out of theirs. He agreed with Aus-
tria upon the restoration of the runaway sovereigns
of Central Italy, at the same time that he declared
those princes should not be brought back by foreign
armed intervention. He thus gave Austria a pro-
mise which he well knew would never be realised,
and encouraged in the Italians hopes which he was
equally sure would lead to nothing but disappoint-
ment. The result of these manoeuvres was fortunate
beyond his most sanguine expectations., The Italians
proved stubborn to the last, and they proceeded in
their career of emancipation with a steadiness, unani-
mity, and dignity which not only enlisted the sym-
pathies of Europe in their behalf, but brought even
Austria to the verge of despair, and inclined her to
renounce the benefits accruing to her from the ful-
filment of that part of the Villafranca compact.
Matters having been brought to this satisfac-
tory point, what says the Imperial writer in the
Moniteur? " The Archdukes shall not be brought
back by the armed interference of a foreign
Power." Consequently Austria must, for ever
give up every thought of re-establishing her sway
over Central Italy. The Italians, however, " have
been wrong in thwarting the consequences of the
Treaty of Villafranca." " They have nothing to
hope from a Congress, and must prepare for new
calamities." The Italian; shall not have their
Princes forced upon them, but neither must they
hope that France or Europe will ever consent to
their scheme of a union with Piedmont. Their vote
of the decheanco of their sovereigns was a matter
which concerned them alone. Their vote of an-
nexation to the North Italian Kingdom depends on
them no less than on King Victor Emmanuel; and
Austria, France, and Europe will know how to tie
down the hands of the King, so that the tender of
a Central Italian crown to him shall come to nought.
The Emperor has three-fourths of the game in his
own hands. He has bent Austria to his own views,
even against her interests, for he has bowed her to
necessity. With Austria in his trnin, he can either
refuse to face a European Congress, or he will have
the power to obtain the Congress's signature to any
agreement he may have come to with Austria, and
it will go forth as a European fiat that the Central
Italians are quit of their Princes, but are not to be
united to Piedmont. Thus shall the field be free
for the French Emperor, or for his lucky cousin,
Prince Napoleon Jerome.
Now, is an open field always sufficient to enable
a champion to achieve his victory ? 'Will the mere
vacancy of the throne of Central Italy secure
the success of Prince Napoleon ? The Emperor
Napoleon well deserves all the difficulties which
are still before him, and is aware of the neces-
sity of more than ordinary caution and circumspec-
tion. I said in my last letter that after giving the
subject all mature consideration, I came to the con-
clusion that the arts litherto resorted to in order
to create a Plon-plonist party in this country
have been unavailing, and that that party has been
hitherto simply despicable both as to what con-
cerns its numbers and its personnel. I am fully
convinced the Palais Royal are acting without
the consent of the Emperor, who would rather
they showed less haste and less zeal in their in-
trigues. His day has not yet come. As yet the
Italians are flushed with the success of their an-
nexation endeavours, and unwilling to dwell on the
possible disappointment of their sanguine hopes in
that quarter; but let a day come in which France
and Austria, with or without the rest of Europe,
shall plainly intimate that the Po and the Arno
will never be allowed to flow in the same channel,
that the phrase "// n'y a plus d'Appennins'.! has
no more chance of becoming a truth than Louis
XlV.'s famous " II n'y a plus de. Pyrenees," or, in
a word, that Turin, Milan, and Florence shall never
be ruled by one sceptre—and then we must see in
what manner the Central Italians will be able to
avail themselves of their freedom of suffrage. Then
the Emperor may well fancy he will have them.
They will be made to choose a Prince, and that
must be neither a Savoy, nor an Austrian, nor a
Bourbon Prince. The world is wide for them to
choose out of, yet the cards are so well shuffled, the
sleight of hand player whirls them so rapidly be-
fore the dazzled audience, that only one of the whole
pack is obtruded before their gaze. There will then
be no lack of honest patriots to teach their country-
men the wisdom of submitting to necessity with a
good grace, illustrating the old French adage,
" Quand-on n'a pas ce qu'on aime, it faut diner ce
peo'n a."
Those among the readers of the Times who have
had the 'patience to read my letters ever since the
landing of the doughty commander of the fifth
corps, in May last, will be aware of the steadiness
with which the Emperor Napoleon has pursued his
scheme for the establishment of whathe calls French
influence in Central Italy. His tactics have changed
with the various phases of great European vicissi-
tudes, but the intent is the &my!, and he never per-
haps was nearer the attainment of his object than
he vows is. Austria gives up the game to him alto-
gether ; she leaves him an open field in the Lega-
tions and the whole Papal States. As the sworn
champion of the Papacy, the French Emperor must
needs leave his 60,000 men to winter in Italy ; they
lie in the way to oppose any outbreak of hostilities
between Austria and Piedmont ; they are at hand
to profit by the least disorder in the Duchies, in
Romagna or Tuscany, to have a pretext for violat•
ing the promise of non-intervention. We may have
the Pope's death presently, and the jobbing, ca-
jolling, h
rels)eunllty
ainngnopfeanicngon.cV;e. Naples also may
any is hardly an ay
in-
cident but it is sure to turn out in favour of the
n day andp
great French Cunctator. He has only to keep his
own counsel and bide his time. The wisdom and
moderation, the love of order of the Italians, may
vet baffle him for weeks or months, but the bitter
disappointment arising from the rejection of their
vote for annexation, and the sense of their aban-
donment by all the Powers of Europe, may work
greater mischief among them than either 'French
intrigues or Austrian threats.
One week, one month, perhaps, and the world
may see a French Prince of the blood seated on the
throne of Tuscany and Central Italy, another Prince

of the same blood wearing the crown of the two
Sicilies, or Southern Italy, and a French Cardinal, I
or an Italian prelate in the French interest, occupy-
ing the chair of St. Peter—a chair propped up by
French bayonets at 8010nbma, as it is now at Rome.
Piedmont, as the Turin Eiritto aptly expresses it,
surrounded by French forces on three sides, will be
nothing better—nay, something far worse, than a
French Prefecture, and Venice in the hands of Aus-
tria will be made to atone for the sins of her stiff-
necked sisters of Central Italy, agreeably to the
prospect ominously held out by the .iloniteur.
Such is the interpretation some of the keen-
sighted people about me put upon the severe and,
to say the least, ungenerous declaration put forth
by the official organ of the French Government.
It is only a repetition of the message brought to
Bologna and Florence by the Reisets and Ponia-
towsk3-s, whom nobody believed here, and whom
the French Government itself repeatedly affected
to disavow. The Emperor does not wish for the re-
storation of the fallen Princes of Central Italy, and
does not seriously chide the Italians for the stub-
bornness with which they thwarted the views
of the negotiators of Villafranca. He does not
believe that the leaders of the Italian movement
were " more preoccupied with small partial suc-
cesses than with the future of their common
country," or that a different policy followed by
them " would have bettered the condition of
unhappy Venice!' He does not believe that
" France made war for an idea," or that
" her task was accomplished." He does not believe
one word of what lie wrote in the Illoniteur, not one
word of what he ever writes or speaks. But the
Italians have very nearly provoked him out of his
usual temper. Their upright instincts, their dignity
and unanimity have roused the worst passions within
him. The cloven foot shows forth, and the ".new
misfortunes" that are said to be in store for Italy will
be the substitution of French ascendancy instead of
that Austaian influence which the Italians were by
Napoleon himself so loudly incited to shake off.
We had yesterday a grand review at the Cascine.
The National Guard made their first appearance,
mustered up in four battalions, the fourth part, as •
we are told, of the whole legion which is to be. The
papers reckon the soldier-citizens at 1,800, or even
2,000; but one of the staff-officers assures me they
were not more than 1,500. It is, however. a very
encouraging odvance from the statement I made 10
days ago, when, upon the same good authority, I
gave the number of the inscribed militia at 500.
Indeed, the organisation of this militia has proceeded •
at a very rapid pace, and the result is most satis-
factory. I have already repeatedly praised the manly
appearance and martial look of the fine Tuscan
youth. I must add that yesterday they went through
their evolutions with great precision, regularity,
and spirit. It would ilot be possible for any town
in so short a time to turn out mere recruits with a
more complete look and behaviour of veterans.
Were it possible to pick out from their ranks a few
companies to be trained as riflemen, or even artil-
lerymen, this merely civil institution could be easily
turned to useful military purposes. Their uniform,
a mere blouse and kepi, is both cheap and becom-
ing. They have a few old officers to command
them, and even, I believe, Sardinian sergeants,
to introduce the Piedmontese drill among them.
The Lieutenant-Colonel, Cavaliere Carl* Fenzi,
and others of the superior officers, are, how-
ever, laymen, elected by their companies, or
appointed by Government, out of regard for
their popular character and well-known active de-
votion t,.) their country's c iuse. On the whole, I do
not know a sight that could gladden a patriot's
heart more than yesterday's muster at the Cascine.
The battalions defiled before Baron Ricasoli, with
loud shouts of Viva it Re ! The baron did not ad-
dress the vast multitude, as was expected ; perhaps
his voice was not strong enough to be heard. His
harangue has, however, been printed, and appears
to-day in the newspapers. Here it is :
" Officers, under-officers, and soldiers of the Fl -
rence National Guard—The review I have just held
surpasses my expectation. After less than two
months' exercise, you shoived on the field as fit for
the use of arms as an old and regular militia. I give
you praise in ti e name of the country, and in the
name of our chosen King, Victor Emmanuel. I
trust the other legions of Tuscany will be equal to
you in their readiness to learn military manoeuvres,
in their diligence in the discharge of their duties,
in their respect for discipline, in their firm purpose
to ennoble and utilise the material exercise of arms
by the highest national feelings. We have the re-
putation of being a civilised people—by the prac-
tice of manly exercise we shall also acquire the re-
putation of a brave people. If ever the freedom and
independence which we have conquered were dis-
puted by any one—though I believe it never will
be—you, who are the guardians of internal order,
would manfully defend them, together with our
brave army, against foreign foes. I see shining on
the breasts of many of you the medal of honour ac-
quired on the Lombard fields 10 years ago. Your
behaviour, your earnestness to-day, assure me that
you all would know how to deserve it."
The Government opened yesterday a railway
branch from Sienna to Asinalunga. They were
greeted all along their progress by the most cordial
cheers of the assembled population. The remote
rural districts they traversed seemed. animated by
even greater enthusiasm in behalf of the union
with Piedmont than the people in and about the
capital.