The Sun.
London, England, 1832-01-27 00:00:00

tent to consider the question.—(Cheers.) No payment was to be
made until the sth of January.—(Continued cheers.) Nothing
could have been more easy than for the Noble Chancellor of the
Exchequer to have come down, stated his doubts upon the letter
of the Act, and demanded a new one, to carry into effect our
equitable engagement—if such, indeed, existed.—(Cheers.) The
question was if, under the joint authority of the Convention and
an Act of Parliament, the Noble Lord was justified in paying the
money ? He did not know whether there were or were not any
secret engagements, but on the words of the treaty he cer-
tainly had no authority.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord wished
to interpret this treaty as referring simply to severance by ex-
ternal violence ; but what authority had he for this ? The Soli_
citor-General, indeed, quoted one of Lord Castlereagh's speeches
—but in that very speech he found it mostfully declared that the
payment was to be continued so long as it was payable accord-
ing to the terms of his Majesty's engagements, as specified—as
specified in the Convention.—(Here the Right Hon. Baronet read
some extracts from a speech of Lord Castlereagh's, in explana-
tion of the treaty of 1815.) But then, said the Attorney-General,
do not take the treaty in English. No, it was too plain—it
spoke positively of the separation by severing—that is by force;
or by passing away—that is by some other mode of transaction.
—(Cheers.) No, said the Attorney-General, look to the treaty
in French—(Loud laughter and cheers.) Well, let them look,
and what did they find ? Soustraire ala domination—as an-
swering to pass from; and that this could mean no sever-
ance from external, he proved by quoting the words of
the Dutch Minister, who, in alluding to Luxemburg and
Limburg, spoke of their separation from Holland by the words
de les soustraire a l'autorite legitime—to express the passing
away of these provinces from Holland without foreign force.
Nothing could in his mind be more futile than the arguments
which had been advanced on the other side. The first was, that
England was a party to the severance ; this was clearly proved
by dates and events not to be the fact, yet the Ministers held it
fora ard, and seldom had he seen men who, to escape from a
blunder, were so eager to charge themselves with a crime.—
(Loud cheers.) For, from our relations with Holland, a crime it
decidedly would be if the separation had taken place in the words
of the Attorney-General by our procurement.—(Loud cheers.)
if we were a party to the severance, equally so was Russia;
therefore why should we be asked to continue this payment, the
object for which it was made having ceased to exist.—(Cheers.)
The argument for its permanency, under all circumstances, was
perfectly ridiculous. If Belgium became of its own free will
united with France—if the Duke of Nemours had accepted the
Sovereignty which was offered to him, would we, in addition to
losing all the money we had, conjointly with Holland, expended
on the fortresses, be likewise compelled to continue this
payment to Russia ?—(Loud cheers.) In a word, if France were
to get possession of Belgium by intrigue, or any other way but
absolute force, would we be compelled to continue this payment
to Russia ? Oh, the thing was utterly ridiculous. The Right
Hon. Baronet then read the resolutions, and observed that if
there ever yet was a syllogism in which the two premises con..
tained the conclusion, it was that of his Right Hon. Friend, as
expressed In his resolutions. The Noble Chancellor of the Ex.
chequer, however, said he did not object to the major, nor to the
minor; but he was so arbitrary as to the conclusion which was
obtained in them, that he insisted the House should object to
that.—(Great cheering) They had two courses to pursue with
re•pect to this question. If they voted against the motion they
for ever precluded themselves from the possibility of disputing
this payment. On the contrary, if they supported it, they
reserved to themselves the right of considering the nature of
the alleged honourable obligation. He hoped those gentlemen
who had supported Reform would yet reserve to themselves the
humble privilege of deciding on this simple question—and he
could only say, that if they now voted in conformity with the
Ministerial wish, they would afford an argument in favour of
Reform stronger than their reason or their ingenuity had ever
yet devised.—(Loud and long-continued cheering )
Lord PALMERSTON confessed he had never heard a case
supported in that House by such contrary arguments. In fact
they were at perfect variance with one another; and even his
Right Hon. Friend (Sir Robert Peel), notwithstanding the at-
tacks
which he had made on the Government, adnuited that, as
he had not seen the papers which had been laid before the Law
Officers of the Crown, he could not form an opinion. Was this
country to take base advantage of the words of the treaty for the
purpose of preventing Russia from advantages on account of
conduct in which she was no party ?—(Hear.) Was it a crime,
to endeavour, as his Majesty's Ministers had endeavoured, to
avert war and perpetuate peace ? They did not choose to in-
volve Europe in blood. Having been parties to that separation—
having not called upon Russia to exhort her military means to
prevent that separation, but having gone hand in hand with her to
affect that separation, were Ministers now to turn round and say
to Russia, .‘ We have gone along with you for eleven months in
friendly negociations, w th a view of preserving the peace of
Europe, and now we have got you to the point—(Hear, hear)—and
Belgium is separated from Holland, you must pay us back that
money which, under the simplicity of heart, was paid you ?"
He should be sorry to belong to any Government that con-
ducted its affairs upon principles so base and contemptible.—
(Hear.) The principle laid down by the Right Hon. Gentleman
was, that the separation of the two countries had taken place,
but he had not shown when • and he (Lord Palmerston) was
not aware, up to that moment, that the King of the Nether-
lands had acknowledged that the Sovereignty of Belgium bad
passed away from the House of Orange.—(Hear, and laughter.)
He denied that, according to the fair spirit of the treaty, the
case was one which justified England in attaching to Russia
the forfeiture, which was the object of the resolutions. The
resolutions meant a great deal—they were intended to fix the
censure of that House upon his Majesty's Ministers. If, in-
deed, Ministers deserved it, let them be so censured ; but let
not Hon. Members be entrapped into a vote—(Hear, hear)—
on the alleged ground that this was merely a postponerrent of a
money payment to Russia. Important, too, as the question was
to Government, it was not less important to the character and
honour of the country.—(Hear.) He felt that England was
bound bygood faith and honour to make the payment. This was
his opinion as a man of honour and a gentleman—as an adviser
of his Sovereign he felt that the engagement still subsisted ; and
as a Member of the House of Commons he thought the payment
should continue.—(Loud cheers.) If the resolutions should not
be negatived, he should not envy that man who had to conduct
the future negotiations of the country, for he would be taunted
and told that negotiations with this country was useless enter-
ing 11
upon, as it was probable they would never be performed.
Mr. PAGET then rose and moved the adjournment of the de-
bate to Tuesday next.

the engagement was to be gathered not from one article, tell to consider the question.—(Cheers.) No payment was to be ' SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. tage of this our own act to escape from Our pecuniary engage-' CHOLERA MORBUS, OFFICIAL REPORT.
made until the sth of January —(Continued cheers.) Nothing ments. Such conduct would be eminently dishonourable in a
but from the whole treaty, explaining one part by the context
more easy than for the could have been * Noble Chancellor of the private person, and he could not consider it otherwise in a
of another. another. The Emperor of Russia had entered into the treaty Exchequer to have come down, stated his doubts upon the letter The latter years of the late war, and the first years of the tion." His Lordship added that .. he had taken the opinion COUNCIL OFFICE, WHITEHALL.—(THIS DAY.)
under the expectation that it was the undoubted object of Great of the Act, and demanded a new one, to carry into effect our peace, were to Great Britain the most costly era in her eventful of the Law Officers of the Crown as to whether Government
was compelled to make the payment, and that opinion coincided -- - - DAILY REPORT of CHOLERA CASES.
hi. to. ry. The facility of coining money out of rags, and of
Britain to to preserve and maintain the consolidation between equitable engagement—if such, indeed, existed.—(Cheers.) The --
Holland and Belgium, and in his (Dr. Lushington's) judg. taninetotn was
pa if, under the joint authority of the. .
Convention and tainin loans to an amount, tempted our Government to acts of with his own. The Theposition fl • Lordship,that the only •
o us cause rs .. ,
the S, most indefensiblet There seemed to be no • .
the
of Parliament the Noble Lord was justified in paying of separation contemplated was external force, was stoutly corn- . ego th' 110
ment, the obligation could not cease to exist in consequence of money ? He did noeknow whether there were or were not any limit to the drain which the Ministry and the Parliament were batted. Mr. Pollock contended, that whatever the cause of the as.- CU
.0 a r, 0 8.. 0 'I?
the occurrence of circumstances never contemplated by the secret engagements, but on the words of the treaty he cer- disposed to make on the public resources,—they seemed to have disseverment, it left the King of Holland and the Government Placa. . .g.ds4 c) .:S 'Jr..> aal cl.,
parties. The object in 1814 was to make it the interest of tainly had no authority.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord wished no idea that our wealth could be exhausted, or that present pro- of this country in precisely the same situation with regard to the 2 4 Itri3Et ^. E g
Russia to maintain the consolidation of Belgium and Holland • to interpret this treaty as referring simply to severance by ex-. tusion would lead to future embarrasssnent. No foreboding
that stipulation ; and as to the argument drawn from this country 4 01 . . ? 00 oord So..
CZ - - Z q g ae rai:: 0 c;.•• 0
' ternal violence ; but what authority had he for this ? The Soli- felt of a day of reckoning,—no anticipation was entertained
having been a party to the severance, equally so was the Emperor C 4 ^' :
and Russia, at this moment, expected the treaty to be fulfilled citor-General, indeed, quoted one of Lord Castlereagh's speeches we should afterwards groan under the pressure of those burdens of Russia ; and if so, what right had he to demand the pay- ----
in its true and indisputable spirit. The Hon. and Learned —but in that very speech he found it mostfully declared that the which our prodigal liberality imposed. We preached a Eu- ment ? Mr. Horne contended, that family relations would have Jan.
Gentleman supported this view of the question by reference to payment was to be continued so long as it was payable accord- raopearan crusade against French despotism, and reicflotnhe cru-
,,e induced the Emperor of Russia to interfere to prevent the sepa- Sunderland
the sth article;and contended that Russia would be able justly ing to the terms of his
.Majesty's engagements, as specified—as 8 81e . Wherever any army ready to fight ration, and what, he asked, had prevented her interference, but
speafied in the Conventzon.—(Here the Right Hon. Baronet readoffered into the field, '
and having at last'
our money to bring it
to charge Great Britain with breach of faith, if she did not ad- some extracts from a speech of Lord Castlereagh's, in explana- secured our triumph,. we still continued our liberality and ex- that the question resolved itself into two parts. Ist. Were Mi.
here to an engagement, solemnly entered into, merely because tion of the treaty of 1815.) But then, said the Attorney-General, travagance, from a habit of giving and spending, and with nisters bound either strictly and legally, or if not strictly and le- Gateshead
unforeseen events had occurred. The spirit and not the pre. do not take the treaty in English. No, it was too plain—it a
.ttiotaalnA'orgatftulinoaesnsa that paper maotney mutstnot paid
lossin gaily, by equity and honour ? 2d. Had Ministers authority North Shields and
cise letter of the treaty ought to govern the decision of the spoke positively of thtehasteptaarisonnilyostehveerringd—ethoaft
tisratafootricoen; ? 1
becomeo permanent debts, of which 'lt girseanot always so aunnS under the
ethealamwetnot mva,ekree trliineepairegenuti?t tIf teh ey ht ntoot
and 25 18 8 1 5 20 105 38
House. It would be a waste of time to enter into a nice dis-
r(CyhPerrssiSgNo,aysaid the Attorney-General,orl
look to the treaty* easy to pay the interest. Among the nations which shared most down to Parliament to ask for authority.y ySirouldward caovnecleuerecel Hepburn Colliery 25 2 0 0 0 2 6 2
cussion of the value of particular terms, when it was obvious in French—(Loud lauter and cheers.) Well, let them look, largely in our liberality, in 1814 and 1815, were the Dutch.— with an appeal to the former professions of Ministers, and ob-
that the plain intent and meaning of the Act was, that the and what did they find? Soustraire ala domination—as an_ H
aving formed the political union between Holland and Bel- served, that if they now gave the sanction of Parliament oche e Newburn
swering to pass from; and that this could mean no sever- ', we seemed to think it our duty to secure the contracting ament it would not be ssible without in'ustic to •
pi, , j e, withho Walls end treaty to which it referred should be honestly and faithfully g Parties inan outfit, domestic establishment, and a dowry. We the '
es a.
ance from external, he proved by quoting the words of Pa payment next year. Mr. Hume, Mr. O'Connell, and a number
carried into execution. Here was a positive obligation—void the Dutch Minister, who, in alluding to Luxemburg and began in 1814, when by the treaty of August 13, in that year, we of Members who usually support Ministers, deserted them on 23
only in one case, which case, in the spirit of the treaty, had not Limburg, spoke of their separation from Holland by the words engaged to pay to Sweden 1,000,0001. on account of Holland ;to this occasion, and on a division, the numbers were—For the first Earsden Colliery... /24 032 4 028 32 4
in fact occurred. de les soustraire a l'autorite legitime—to express the passing advance 2,000;000/. more to assist the King of. the Netherlands in and second resolutions— 25
away. of these
in provinces from Holland without foreign force.
improving and extending the defences of his kingdom; and to Ayes
Sir E. SUGDEN was at a loss to discover the slightest groundll • h Hollandsuch further charges the union of
bear equa y with
Nothing could his mind be more futile than the arguments Noes 239 Haddington and vi_
on which Government could justify their extreme anxiety to which had been advanced on the other side. The first was, that Belgium with Holland might require, to the amount of other So that Ministers had only a majority of 20. A subsequent divi- cinity, N.B. 24 4 0 0 0 4 54 94
pay away the public money to a foreign Power. He was, in- England was a party to the severance ; this was clearly proved 3,000,0001. Thus we paid or undertook to pay_6,000,0004 by one sion left them a majority of 24. The smallness of the majority
deed, surprised at the extraordinary course taken hy the present by dates and events not to be the fact, yet the Ministers held it t
.arenadtaylour nor! eerttalieepoTxt of IV einni fdysionttehnlienal oil tahsees/asTieotnhae- is a sutticient evidence of the narrow escape Ministers have had. Tranent, N.B
Ministers, who had so often vaunted their desire to spare the forward,
,htniier awnedresealodom eagerh adt 0 he
ehsaeer seen men
tinnov,ea t ow
ietshcar
orfirinome. a 1
the West Indies,—while we sugenlered to him all the otherDua Manytefo ofe
rtah oasnedwwheor
were,
swelledooontrhsee nauwmabreerosfofthtehedanmienrotroityre
which NO-Ftli Berwick, N.B 24 0 2 I 1 0 1 3 2
resources of the people, and had talked so loudly of the respon- (Loud cheers.) For, from our relations with Holland, a crime it colonies in an improved state, which we might have kept as con- they exposed the country by a 'vote calculated to Injure Mini- —.----
sibility of the national representatives. Nothing could be more decidedly would be if the separation had taken place in the words quests without any indemnity at all. Out of the last engage- sters ; but knowing how keenly the country at the present mo. Total 2OO 188 127 156 205 12575 $l7
ment, or the 3,000,0004 not
similes
to any specific bjec, but rand
from places where the disease has ceased,
inconsistent than the language of the Attorney-General. A of the Attorney-General by our procurement.—(Loud cheers.) meet resents anything like disregard of economy, or carelessness .
if we were a party to the severance, equally so. was Russia; to be employed jointly with a similar sum from Holland for the in money matters, they durst
. not hesitate. In the House of hich no returns have been thi d
and
.from w s ay
few nights ago he was engaged in warmly maintaining the furtherance of Dutchobjects, the treaty of the two
grew
therefore why should we be asked to continue this payment, the
rights of the people, and this evening he had been even more object for which it was made having
ceased to exist.—(Cheers.)
Holland and England, with Russia, in May, 1815. His Belgic into the discussion at present. a • majority; • laming Chronicle. ..r.......
latrannnn• in hi. annnnrf of file ororturn•ilro of the Crown ThP a•ollnlPnt cnr it, TsPrnIPTIP/IPV nntipr oil circumstances, was Majesty, in the fullness of his gratitude to the. Allies for having Grand Total 2634 902
We were not aware that the Anti-Refo ere had data ;,,...1

Sir E. SUGDEN was at a loss to discover the slightest ground
on which Government could justify their extreme anxiety to
pay away the public money to a foreign Power. He was, in-
deed, surprised at the extraordinary course taken hy the present
Ministers, who had so often vaunted their desire to spare the
resources of the people, and had talked so loudly of the respon-
sibility of the national representatives. Nothing could be more
inconsistent than the language of the Attorney-General. A
few nights ago he was engaged in warmly maintaining the
rights of the people, and this evening he had been even more
strenuous in his support of the prerogative of the Crown.—
(Cheers.) Upon this point he had talked in a strain that no
Tory Attorney-General, at any former period, had dared to em-
ploy.—(Much cheering.) The King negociates treaties—the
King made treaties, and the House of Commons had nothing
to do with them, but tamely to vote the money for carrying
them into execution.—(Hear, hear.) The words of the treaty
were perfectly clear. The condition on which it was to remain
in force no longer existed, and Ministers had no right to call
upon the people to furnish sums which were no longer due. A
more dangerous doctrine than that of the liberal, reforming,
public-money-saving Attorney-General had never been broached
within the walls of Parliament; and if it were well-founded,
Reform, indeed, was necessary.—(Cheers.) It was singular
that those who had defended the course pursued by Ministers
had all taken a different ground : the Noble Lord (Althorp);
whose plainness was certainly praiseworthy, although it had
been quite sufficiently applauded, had dwelt only upon the treaty:
the Hon. Under-Secretary (Mr. S. Rice) had endeavoured to
shift the onus upon a Noble Lord ; while the Attorney-General,
relying upon.his law, had talked of other documents, by which
the opinion of the Law Officers ofthe Crown had been guided.
As to the Right Hon. Gentleman's law, he (Sir E. Sugden)
most solemnly declared that he had heard none.; and upon the
subject of other documents, the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr.
S. Rice) and the Attorney-General were at issue. The whole
was the plainest and clearest case possible ; the words of the
treaty were, " passed away and severed ;" and he would ask
whether Belgium had not " passed away" from Holland—
whether Belgium had not been severed from Holland ?
(Hear, hear, hear.) Words could not be more express; and
unless it could be shown that Holland and Belgium were
still united, there was an end to the treaty. Hard as it
was that our money should go into the coffers of Russia
to assist in the views upon Calcutta as set forth in the Moscow
Gazette—(Hear! and laughter)—he doubted not that there was
not a man in the House who, if Ministers came down to the
House and made out a good case, would have refused them the
grant.—(Cheers.) But when Ministers ventured to act upon
their own responsibility, and assume the right of disposing of
the public money, he considered that they should be visited
with censure. In conclusion he exhorted the House to sup-
port the motion : if they did not, they would for ever conclude
their right of resisting the payment of this money.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL explained.
Lord J. RUSSELL contended that economy was, on the
present oceasion, altogether not of the question, when a narrow
regard to it would lead to a violation of the national faith. He
could not for one sell the faith and honour of England for five
millions.—(Cheers.) All his opponents, he remarked, had
relied upon the express words of the treaty.—(Hear.) Now he
asked if this was a question of the mere letter of the treaty ?
They had the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown that it
was not; they had the opinion of Lord Grenville that it was not.
—(Laughter, and " no, no.") Did he not state he could not hesi.
tate to pay the money, having the sanction of the high legal and
political authorities ?—(Laughter)—that the construction of the
treaty was to be according to the spirit.—(Loud laughter.) But
let him put the case, as it were, for Russia. Might not Russia
say to us. You were a party to this separation, and you make
it a reason for withholding those sums of money, which you en-
gaged to pay as long as the Netherlands remained entire—a
separation, too, which I have not yet agreed to, and which I,
therefore, deny to exist ?—(Hear, hear.) He observed that
the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Herries) ought not to have
come down to ask for a vote of censure on the Ministers
without first applying for papers. How, he would ask, were
the Government to act with becoming dignity, if they were to
be thus liable to the censure of the House of Commons with-
out the producticn of full information upon the subject in de-
bate ? If, indeed, Ministers were entirely unfitted for their situ-
ation—(Cheers from the Opposition)—he accepted those cheers
—(Cheers, and laughter)—the intention of this motion was to
drive them out. It was for this purpose all previous inquiry
had been withheld.—(Cheers, and laughter.) They might
come under the pretence of economy, with their taking sound
of retrenchment, which they knew they could not carry into
effect—(Hear, hear)—because, having a regard for the honour
of England, they would not violate her engagements. But
their real object was, to attack a Government that was engaged
on a measure which they were anxious to overthrow.—(Hear,
and no, no, and laughter.) In conclusion, he hoped that those
Hon. Members who spoke of the Noble Lord (Althorp's) can-
dour, would not impress upon his character the disgrace of
having given away the money of the country without due
authority, and due consideration for the honour and good faith
of England.—(Cheers.)
Mr. W. W. WYNN had not seen his Noble Relative's letter,
nor had he an opportunity of communicating with him ; but he
believed it was quite impossible that Lord Grenville could have
expressed his concurrence in that construction of the Act.—
(Loud cheers.) He said it was the duty of the Noble Lord to
have produced papers, when he should come down with the
case to the House. It was not for him now to complain that
the House was in want of information.—(Cheers.) He denied
that there were only two parties to this affair—Russia and Hol-
land. There was a third party—the people of England; and
the House of Commons sat as Judges on the question, and as
guardians of the public purse. Were they to understand that
this payment was contrary to the words of the Act, and at the
same time be told that they would be committing a breach of
faith in not paying it ? Indeed he thought, if the payment
were to be continued, Holland could make out as good a case
for it as Russia, since it was originally given as a compensation
for the Dutch colonies. He would support the motion.
Lord J. RUSSELL explained.

The latter years of the late war, and the first years of the
peace, were to Great Britain the most costly era in her eventful
history. The facility of coining money out of rags, and of ob-
taining loans to any amount, tempted our Government to acts of
the most indefensible extravagance. There seemed to be no
limit to the drain which the Ministry and the Parliament were
disposed to make on the public resources,—they seemed to have
no idea that our wealth could be exhausted, or that present pro-
fusion would lead to future embarrassment. No foreboding was
felt of a day of reckoning,—no anticipation was entertained that
we should afterwards groan under the pressure of those burdens
which our prodigal liberality imposed. We preached a Eu-
ropean crusade against French despotism, and we paid the cru-
saders. Wherever any army ready to fight was to be found, we
offered our money to bring it into the field, and having at last
secured our triumph, we still continued our liberality and ex-
travagance, from a habit of giving and spending, and with
a total forgetfulness that paper money must be paid in
gold, and that loans contracted at a great nominal loss
become permanent debts, of which it is not always so
easy to pay the interest. Among the nations which shared most
largely in our liberality, in 1814 and 1815, were the Dutch.—
Having formed the political union between Holland and Bel.
gium, we seemed to think it our duty to secure the contracting
parties in an outfit, a domestic establishment, and a dowry. We
began in 1814, when by the treaty of August 13, in that year, we
engaged to pay to Sweden 1,000,0001. on account of Holland ; to
advance 2,000;000/. more to assist the King of the Netherlands in
improving and extending the defences of his kingdom; and to
bear equally with Holland such further charges as the union of
Belgium with Holland might require, to the amount of other
3,000,0001. Thus we paid or undertook to pay 6,000,0004 by one
treaty, under the pretext of indemnifying the King of the Nether-
lands for the Cape of Good Hope and some useless possessions in
the West Indies,—while we surrendered to him all the other Dutch
colonies in an improved state, which we might have kept as con-
quests without any indemnity at all. Out of the last engage-
ment, or the 3,000,0004 not de;tined to any specific object, but
to be employed jointly with a similar sum from Holland for the
furtherance of Dutch objects, grew the treaty of the two parties,
Holland and England, with Russia, in May, 1815. His Belgic
Majesty, in the fullness of his gratitude to the Allies for having
driven the French out of Belgium, and for having added so many
fine provinces to his Dutch dominions,—.or in payment of a part
of the expense which they had incurred in pursuing their victo-
rious career across the Rhine,—agreed to make them a present,
or a compensation, of some 4000,0001. or 5,0041,0004 sterling. The
other Allies gave up their share of this windfall to Russia, which
had led her armies farthest from home to settleour western Europe,
and had suffered most recently from the common enemy, against
whom they had all combined. It happened very conveniently that
his Russian Majesty had before contracted a debt in Holland to
Dutch capitalists from which this present or indemnity would
release him. As it was thus for a Dutch object, England was
invited, in terms of the treaty of August, 1814, to contribute her
share, which was to be limited within 3,000,0001. sterling. This
Russian loan amounted to 50,000,000 of Dutch florins, and of this
sum Holland contracted the pay the half, or 25,000,000 of florins,
and England the other half. The second article of this curious
treaty is couched in the following words :
" Art. 11. The future charge, to which their said Belgic and
Britannic Majesties shall be respectively liable in equal shares
on account of the said debt, is to consist of an annual interest
of 5 per cent. on the said capitals, each of 25,000,000, together
with a sinking fund of 1 per cent. for the extinction of the same,
the said sinking fund being subject, however, to be increased on
the demand of the Russian Government, to any annual sum not
exceeding 3 per colt ; the same to be payable till the capital of
the said debt shall be fully discharged, when the aforesaid charge
for interest and sinking fund shall wholly cease to be borne by
their said Belgic and Britannic Majesties respectively."
England and Holland have paid the interest and sinking fund
on this loan of 50,000,000 of florins, from the beginning of 1816
to within the last few months, when Holland ceased to make her
part of the advances. By the operation of the sinking fund the
sum of 25,000,000 of florins has been reduced to little more than
21,000,000, the interest of which we have paid up to the present
moment. The reason why Holland has declined to continue the
payment, and why our Government has been censured by the
Opposition for not doing the same, or at least for paying without
obtaining a new sanction from Parliament, may easily be ex-
plained by an attention to the nature of the valuable considera-
tion on which the contract was founded, and the particular sti-
pulation of the fifth article of the tripartite treaty. As the money
was advanced to indemnify Russia for enabling the King of Hol-
land to obtain Belgium, the payment of the loan was only to be
continued so long as Belgium was to form part of his dominions.
The following is the article to which we have alluded :
" Art. V. It is hereby understood and agreed between the
High Contracting Parties, that the said payments on the part of
their Majesties the King of the Netherlands and the King of
Great Britain, as aforesaid, shall cease and determine, should
the possession and Sovereignty (which God forbid) of the Belgic
provinces at any time pass or be severed from the dominions of
his Majesty the King of the Netherlands previous to the com •
plete liquidation of the same. It is also understood and agreed
between the High Contracting Parties, that the payments on
the part of their Majesties the King of the Netherlands and the
King of Great Britain, as aforesaid, shall not be interrupted in
the event (which God forbid) of a war breaking out between
any of the Three High Contracting Parties ; the Government of
his Majesty the Emperor of All the Russians being actually
bound to its creditors by a similar agreement."
With this explanation the debate on the subject in the House
of Commons last night will be the more easily understood by the
general reader, though we have left ourselves no room to enter
upon an examination of the delicate and difficult question to
which the treaty and the mode of executing it have given rise.
We may only remark by the way, that if Ministers have not
acted with perfect legality in continuing the payments to Russia,
they have at least acted, in the opinion even of the Opposition,
with the most scrupulous regard to the sacred honour of the
country; and that if they have erred in the interpretation of the
law, they had previously neglected none of the ordinary, ap.
pointed, and constitutional means of obtaining the best legal
opinion which they could consult on such a subject. Are the
Opposition prepared to say that they would have broken the na-
tional faith without taking advice ? or that they could appeal to
other advice than that of the law-officers of the Crown in a clueer
tion which involved its maintenance? The House supported the
Ministers by a majority of 24.—Times.
The everlasting subject the settlement, or rather the unsettle-
ment, of Belgium, was brought forward last night in the House
of Lords by the Earl of Aberdeen, who certainly has contributed
all in his power to throw fresh impediments in the way of ar-
rangement. Long as the question has been before the public,
the important consequences attached to it, in connection with
the general peace of Europe, combine to give it an interest only
second in this country to the question of Reform itself. Bel-
gium is undoubtedly the Minigters' weak point. But let not
Lord Aberdeen exult too confidently ; for the weakest part of
the weak policy adopted by this country towards Belgium and
Holland was the first step of interference taken in conjunc-
tion with the Holy Alliance, and under the auspices of Met-
teraich and Castlereagh, to build a kingdom out of such
discordant materials as could not, in the nature of things, be
expected to endure. It was in 1814 that the foundation of
all this jugglingand legerdemain was laid by Statesmen, to whom
Lord Aberdeen and his colleagues look as miracles of sagacity
and penetration. It is well for Lord Aberdeen to talk of the in-
justice of separating Belgium from Holland, when every body
knows that Belgium had separated itself from Holland. It was
not the act of our Government, but the act of the people of Bel-
gium; and though we are willing to admit that it was an error
on the part of Government to have interfered one way or ano-
ther in the dispute, it was less erroneous, and less objectionable,
than if we had interfered to keep them united, in spite of
fate, for the purpose of showing how consistent we could
be in absurdity. The question, be it observed, as put
by Lord Aberdeen and his party, is not a question be-
tween interference and non-interference. They would still
have interference, but to please them it must have been an inter-
ference upon one side, and that the side of the Dutch, to put
down the Belgic revolution. But would that be the way to pre-
vent war ? The Senator who could envy Russia the figure which
she cuts in this transaction may possibly discover advantages in
the prosecution of such a war as would be likely to arise ; but as
for peace, a man might dream of it in his sleep to be awakened
by the din of battle. The whole history of the negotiations af-
fords matter enough for objection to those who regard it upon its
own merits, and with reference to the true policy of non-inter-
ference; but it is not for meddling politicians, who quarrel with
the popular cause, in favour of which they suppose our Ministers
to have been influenced, and not with interference itself—it is
not for such politicians to denounce the conduct of others, at
the moment when they pronounce their own willingness to
embark in schemes more ruinous and less defensible. To the
report, however, we refer our readers for the particulars of this
important and interesting debate—Morning Herald.

We were not aware that the Anti-Reformers had determined
to have aregular field-day against Ministers. Such, however, was
the case, and their conduct, we trust, will be converted to useful
purposes by his Majesty's Ministers. In both instances the at.
tack on Ministers was a failure—the motion of the Earl of Aber-
deen being negatived by a majority of thirty-seven, and that in
the House of Commons having been proved to be utterly base-
less by a speech from Lord Palmerston, who distinctly chewed
that the alleged blame did not rest with the present Ministers,
but with the arrangements previously entered into. We regret
that such a bone of contention should have found its way be.
tween the Ministers and their friends, and more es-
pecially that such a man as Hume, the most unflinching
and uncompromising advocate of the Reform Bill, should, either
for good or for evil, have lent his strength in support of an anti-
Ministerial motion. Now is the time for union ; for union even
in the teeth of glaring errors • for what would be the conse-
quences of disunion compared with the consequences immediate
or remote, of a Russian Dutch loan ? We only mention three of
them—a Tory Government—anarchy—and revolution. We
ought to add, that in the Commons the Opposition met with a
defeat similar to that which it sustained in the Lords—the num-
bers, considering the total number of Members in the House,
being triumphant in favour of Ministers.—Morn. Advertiser.

The discussions in both Houses of Parliament last night were
highly interesting and important. In the House of Lords the
Earl of Aberdeen introduced the Belgian question, and, in an
elaborate speech, moved an address to his Majesty that the
whole of the negotiations on the subject should undergo revision.
This motion, equivalent in fact to a vote of censure, gave rise to
an unusually long debate. Earl Grey attempted to meet the
charge founded on the embarrassments which at present involve
our foreign relations by affirming that those difficulties had been
bequeathed to him by his predecessors, on whom the responsibi-
lity therefore rested. The Duke of Wellington, who, we are re-
joiced to say, appeared in excellent health, replied to this in-
sinuation by observing that though his Government had
undoubtedly induced the belligerent parties to agree to a sus-
pension of hostilities, he had studiously avoided giving
a guarantee to secure that desirable object, though it had been
continually urged upon him. The present Ministry on coming
into office immediately ventured upon that dangerous step so
studiously avoided by their predecessors., and to their rashness
in so doing was to be attributed the unsatisfactory and embar-
rassed situation in which they were now placed. We beg to refer
our readers to the admirable and triumphant speech of the illus-
trious Duke. On a division Ministers saved themselves by a majo-
rity of 37. The affair of the Russian Dutch Loan was brought for-
ward in the House of Commons by Mr. Herries, who delivered a
very able and lucid speech on the subject. The question at issue's
sufficiently simple, and may be thus briefly explained. By the treaty
of 1814, which united Belgium to Holland, England assumed
the obligation of making, in conjunction with Holland, certain
payments to Russia on the loan, in the way both of interest and
liquidation of the principal. This treaty also stipulated, as plainly
as words could express it, that such payments should cease and
determine if ever the Belgian provinces should be dissevered
from the dominions of the King of Holland. The separation
thus contemplated having taken place, Holland on her part has
withheld all further payments. Not so, however, the Government
of this country. With all their professions of economy, and in
defiance of the letter and spirit of the treaty, our present hopeful
Ministers have continued up to the present time to appro.
priate the public 'Toney to the purpose of these payments.
In doing so they have acted not only without the sanction but in
direct violation of the agreement entered upon with Parliament ;
and it was well observed by Mr. Herries that if the House
should allow such a proceeding to pass unnoticed, it would
in effect surrender its controul over the public purse, for Parlia-
ment had voted certain sums to be paid under particular cir-
cumstances, but to be no longer available under a certain con-
tingency expressly specified. What secret views or motives may
have prompted the extraordinary course taken by Ministers we
know not; certain it is that their conduct has been utterly un-
justifiable, and so they necessarily feel it. Never, we will ven-
ture to affirm, were any set of men exhibited in so pitiable
a situation as were Lord Althorp and his colleagues last night.
Defence was of course out of the question, but in the excuses at.
tempted no two of the party coincided. The feeling among all
the Members of the House who have the least claim to independ-
ence was most unequivocally manifested, but unfortunately for
the honour of Parliament and of the country a majority have re-
ceived and accepted commands and are bound by pledges, as ex-
press and positive as the terms of the treaty of 1814, to vote with
Ministers on every possible question that can arise. They last
night performed their degrading task. On the two first resolu-
tions of Mr. Herries, which were simply declaratory of facts,
the previous question was carried by a majority of twenty. On
the third resolution, which amounted to a vote of censure, Minis-
ters escaped by a majority of twenty-four.—Morning Post.

N.B. Ten eases and two deaths are stated to have occurred at
Preston Pans. ,

(Signed)

PRICKS OT THE STOCKS T}
Bank Stock -
3 per Cent. Red. 92300 i
3 per Cent-Cons. ...... ...82%%ki
3% per Cent. 90Y4
Ditto Red 90 WA 90
New 334 per Cent. ....89%%%
3 per Cent. Ann. 1726 .... -
4 per Cent. 1826 9914%
Bunk Long Ann. to expire
Jan. 5, 1860 16% 7-16
Oct. 10, 1859 l6 7-16
Jan. 5, 1860 -
Jan. 5, 1880 -
Aprils, 1880 .....
Jan. 5, 1870 -

PRICES OF FOREIGN ruxbs
Austrian Bonds . . ......
Belgian Scrip
Brazilian bonds
Buenos Ayres Bonds
Milian Bonds
Colombian Bonds
Ditto, 1824
Danish
Greek Bonds
Ditto, 1825 ........... 20
Guatimala...... ..........
Mexican Bonds
1825 .35%

ERRATA.—In our Parliamentary
Sir E. Sugden rose together, i
for the " latter," it should be
part, for " Mr. Horne," read

Mr. HUNT said the vote of gentlemen on this question would
be as anxiously regarded by the country as any vote of the ses-
sion. He alluded to the contrast between the speech of the
Attorney-General that night and his speech at Nottingham, of
which some few victims had, ere this, probably expiated their
crimes. A vote of censure was the least thing which should
happen to the Ministry.—(Laughter and cheers.) He would
not go so far as to impeach them ; but he would willingly vote
for making them pay the money out of their own pockets.—
(Laughter and cheers.)
Sir R. PEEL rose amidst loud cries of " Adjourn" from the
Treasury Benches. He said he hoped at least that those gentle-
men who clamoured for adjournment would not accuse him and
his friends of wishing to delay the Reform Bill.—(Loud cheers.)
Seeing the arguments which had been brought forward in oppo-
sition to the motion, he did not suppose the House would con-
sent to an adjournment.—(Cheers.) The question did really lie
in a very small compass. What was the real character of the
question ? It was not if there existed on the part of this country
,an engagement—an honourable obligation. The question was
whether a subordinate department of Government was justified,
by the term of the Act of Parliament, in making a payment to
Russia, in the same manner as before the separation of Belgium
from Holland? When, therefore, the Noble Lord (Russell)
said that nobody had given an opinion as to the honourable en.
garment, the answer simply was, that nobody was prepared
to express that opinion, because he had not that Information
which would enable him to form an opinion. When the Noble
Lord laid the documents on the table, he might have a different
opinion upon the subject from that which he had at present,
and far was he from wishing to derive any advantages from a
technical construction; for if an equitable or moral obligation
could be made out, he cared not for the letter of the law. But he
would not consent to pay money by virtue of an Act which gave
no authority for the payment of that money.—(Cheers.) There
could not be a doubt that they were not justified by that Act. If
there were secret engagements had not the time arrived now,
after the lapse of 15 years, when, without inconvenience, they
might be laid before Parliament, and the nature of the engage.
ment which they involved publicly declared? Or if the time had
not come, it was decidedly the duty of Ministers to communicate
to the House, by a message from the Crown, that such engage.
ments subsisted, and that it was not consistent with the good
of the public service to make them public.—(Loud cheers.) Or,
if recent events made it fitting that we should persevere in
this payment, then, likewise, should Ministers have come down
to the Housef Commons and declared the fact ; and if they
could not disclose all the circumstances, ask for a vote of credit
—(Cheers.) But certainly they should not have taken that
most unwarrantable course of vindicating this issue by authority
which did not exist.—(Loud cheers.) But the House of Com-
mons never would support such an erroneous, such a gross con-
struction of the Act of Parliament.—(Cheers.) The very course
pursued by Government proved their conviction that they were
doing that which was not right. The Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer sheltered himself under the wing of the Solicitor-Ge-
neral, the Noble Paymaster crouched under the gown of Lord
Grenville—(Loud cheers, and laughter)—and finding Lord
Grenville's authority against him, and as a last hole wherein
to rush, he earths himself in Reform.—(Loud cheers.) He said
his opponents brought forward the question to defeat Reform,
and this was a bait for those who had truly and honourably sup-
ported him in the Reform Bill.—(Loud cheers.) Was there ever
an argumentum ad kominem so childish ?—(Loud cheers.) So,
because men had agreed with Government the Reform Bill,
they come to surrender the humble privilege
in-
terpret a simple treaty and Act of Parliament.—(Continued
cheering.) And as to what the Noble onof being able to
Lordhad said about sur-
prise, he could distinctly declare there was n uro ise. Lo d
cheers.) So far back as the 15th of ere
h rha himself
stated his doubts upon the question, and recommendede

Then followed several cries of " Go on ;" mingled with 44 Ad-
jourd, adjourn!"
Lord ALTHORP then rosy, and expressed a hope that the
Hon. Member would withdraw his proposition for adjourning the
debate, as indeed the debate had come to a close. He beseeched
the House to come to a decision of the question, as it was one
which affected his Majesty's Government, and it would be acting
unfairly towards them were the matter not pressed to a close.
Mr. PAGET then consented to withdraw his proposition.
Mr.IHERRIES, in reply, said that it was one of the most extra-
ordinary features in the debate which he had ever witnessed,
after eight hours' discussion, to find the Noble Lord,the Foreign
Secretary, gravely talking of the separation of Belgium from
Holland bei9saft doubtful, and in the very teeth of the King's
hor
rng
Berries)
rtiresmoeungt Parliament.—(Hear,
fairlyH a ra,nhdear.
)
irieecqhueasttilo'ne
un-
answerably put by himself and those who thought with him,
and he trusted the House would accede to his motion. _ _

_ ---------
Lord PALMERSTON denied that he had so stated the fact
respecting the separation of Belgium from Holland. What he
had stated was this, that he had great doubts whether the King
of the Netherlands admitted that the sovereignty of the country
had departed from the House of Orange.—(Hear.)
The House then divided on the two first resolutions, when the
numbers were—
Noes 239
Ayes 219
Majority for Ministers
The remaining resolution was then put (strangers be ng still
excluded) ; when there appeared—
Against it 238
In favour 214
Majority for Ministers
The orders of the day were then put ; and, at a Quarter to
Four this morning, the House adjourned.

SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE-(THIS DAY.)

FROM LLOYD'S.
DEAL, JAN. 26.—Wind W.S. W.— Arrived from the river and
remains, the Duchess of Athol, Daniel, for China. About noon
this day the hull of a vessel was seen on the Godwin Sands,
" Wm. Atkins, of Dublin," marked on the sails, supposed to
have been schooner rigged.
PORTSMOUTH, J.st. 26.—Wind N.E.—Sailed the General
Hewitt, Bankier, for the Mauritius.
LIVERPOOL, JAN. 25.—Arrived otf port, the Scipio, —,
from Charleston ; and Ann, M'Kenzie, bound to Demerara, put
back leaky.
SCILLY, JAN. 24.—The Hecla, Jameson, from Dundee to
New York, commenced discharging yesterday into boats, there
not being sufficient water for the pier. The cargo is apparently
in tolerable good order, and the vessel does not seem to have sus.
tamed much damage.
MARGATE, JAN. 26.—The Harmony, Edwards, from Bangor
to London, has been stripped, and all the stores, materials, &c.
landed, and part of the cargo.

The Herd, Gagner, from Sierra Leone to London, has dis-
charged a portion of her cargo, part of it damaged, and will be
repaired without landing the remainder.

THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.)

CITY. TWELVE 0' CLOCK.
We have no arrivals this morning of any consequence, not
even a ship letter has come to hand.
THE FUNDS.

There were keen and long-continued debates in both Houses
last night, arising out of our connection with the Netherlands.
The proceedings in the Commons commenced by a motion of
Mr. Perceval for a fast. The Hon. Member moved the Standing
Order from an idea that none but very sanctified persons like the
Members of the House were a fit audience, to one whom he evi-
dently conceives to be especially favoured of Heaven. His speech
seemed to say, " Come not near me, for I am holier than thou :
these are a smoke in my nose, a fire that burneth all the day."
He began by displaying the usual tact of priests, in anathematis-
ing a want of reverence to himself as a want of reverence to God.
" He rose," he said, " to address the House in the name of Our
Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who is exalted King of Kings and
Lord of Lords ;" and added, with characteristic modesty, " it
was for the glory of his name, and in his name, that he implored
the House to attend with reverence to one addressing them in his
name. Does not the Hon. Member remember the maledictions
pronounced against those that take his name in vain ? In a
country blessed with the presence of a whole army of the suc-
cessors of the Apostles, is it not presumption in him to
thrust himself forward as a divine messenger ? Where are the
dignitaries of the Church ? Has his Grace of Canterbury become
a dumb dog, that Mr. Perceval must make himself the spiritual
organ ? How can we expect the multitude to respect the powers
that be, if this layman step forward to reproach them with their
silence in an emergency, when, if we are to believe him, if we do
not follow his advice, all the curses that ever took effect on a
nation are about to overtake us ? Why have none of the Spi-
ritual Lords stood up in their high places to demand a fast ? Why
have they not avail.d themselves of their access to Majesty to
rescue their devoted nation from the calamities that Mr. Per-
ceval denounces ? We would have the Church to look to it. If
every man, on the strength of possessing the inspired volume, is
to claim reverence as an expounder of it, what may our Aposto-
heal Church hitherto so jealous on this subject, expect ? We are
sure that if the Church had been aware that the nation were on
the point of suffering one-tenth part of the plagues denounced
by the Hon. Gentleman, they would not have been silent, but
spoken the truth in season and out of season ; and we there-
fore look upon the address of the Hon, Gentleman as an in-
direct mode of conveying reproach against the Church, for be-
ing backward in its duty on this occasion. Ministers have
yielded to the Hon. Gentleman's call for a general fast. He
thought " they had assented to it more for the sake of getting
rid of the question, than for any better motive." This places
either Ministers or the Church in a grievous dilemma. Either
the Church has demanded a fast and been refused, in which
case they have put an affi•ont on the Church and granted
that to Mr. Perceval which they refused to the Bishop:.; or
the heads of the Church have failed to recommend that which
Ministers show by their concession to Mr. Perceval they deem
necessary to avert the dangers suspended over the country, and
this would be condemning the Church of neglect of duty.
But we shall leave the parties to settle their respective
shares of merit or demerit—and pass on to humbler matters.
Mr. Herries brought the subject of the debt from which
Russia was relieved by Holland and England before the
House, in a distinct speech, in which he recited the stipula-
tions of the various treaties which had been entered into by the
Government of this country on the subject. The strongest sti-
pulation was one in the second treaty, which declared " That it
is hereby understood and agreed between the high contracting
parties that the said payments on the part of their Majesties the
King of the Netherlands and the King of Great Britain, shall
cease and determine, should the possession and Sovereignty
(which God forbid) of the Belgic provinces at any time pass or be
severed from the dominions of the King of the Netherlands,
previous to the complete liquidation of the same." Holland had
ceased to pay her share; but in spite of the probibition contained
in the treaty, and notwithstanding the example of the other co-
artner, Ministers had continued the payment after the Belgian
provinces had passed from the King of the Netherlands. " This
Was not, he contended, a debt from this country to Russia, but
only a debt in concurrence with Holland. Yet the conductwhich
had been pursued would go to show that it was a debt from this
country to Russia, not with the concurrence of Holland, but
alone.' Lord Althorp contended that it was not a question of
economy but good faith—that it was perfectly clear the provision
against disseverence clearly contemplated external violence, and
not internal commotion. " The Right Hon. Gentleman (observed
his Lordship) had said the object of the treaty was to cause the
union between Holland and Belgium by paying part of the loan
to Russia—that it was made for the benefit of Russia; and the
intention was to make it the interest of Russia to prevent the
severance of Belgium from Holland. In short, that England
was bound to pay a share of the loan, in order to induce Russia
to use her influence to give protection to the union of the two
countries. Now, for himself, he thought that it would be dis-
honourable, after being parties to a breach of the condition--
namely, the union between the two countries—to take advan.

The important debates last night in both Houses entirely ab-
sorb the attention of the public, who are eagerly reading the
variout speeches with strict attention, which are viewed in diffe-
rent ways according to self-interest, particularly amongst the
stock-jobbers. The Bulls are of opinion that Earl Grey's speech
upon the affairs of Belgium is candid and honest, and the latter
part which we give is pacific, it is as follows :
fi He had no reason to think that Russia, Prussia, and Austria
would not ratify: the treaty; and if the present negociations
should be broken off, he should be happy if any other means
equally honourable to this country could be adopted for securing
the peace of Europe, but he believed there could be little pro-
spect of siich an issue. The unanimous feeling, however, of the
four great Powers of Europe led him still to hope that the whole
matter would eventually be brought to a satisfactory conclusion."
But the Bears are of opinion that the Duke of Wellington's
speech is of a very warlike tendency, and that the 'four Powers
will not ratify the treaty without the sanction of the King of
Holland. These, at present, are the various opinions of the great
speculators, in consequence of which the Funds remain very
steady, without any business doing.

We stated a few 'days since that a hint was given to the King
of Holland, that in case he refused to ratify the treaty that King
Leopold would take a large body of Poles into his service. This
is confirmed to-day in a French Paper.
According to accounts from Antwerp, it appears that some
symptoms of insubordination had prevailed in the corps of
miners, owing to the soldiers having refused to take the oath, in
consequence of which several officers have been arrested.
They write from Bologna of 15th January, that the Austrians
have marched a corps of 2,000 men, with four pieces of cannon,
to the mountains of Bettona, where they have fortified them-
selves. This movement is to cut off the retreat of the patriots,
who are going to Tuscany.,
Consols, which left off' yesterday at 82% for the Account,
opened at 82!4 sellers ; this decline may be attributed to the
French Rentes coming lower by the estafette, (65t 90c.) owing
to the report of the Opposition in France going to bring
forward a motion to deprive the Ministers of making use in
future of the sinking fund.

HALF-PAST ONE.
All the speculation in the cityat the presenthouris in regard to
foreign politics, and various are the topics of eonversation on the
subject. By some it is asserted that if thitewKiliingcaoufse a changeholdsHollandof
outil3 nuifssoetrroy
fa.
Commons,
any
The,
n length
m n os
sa, lof
also
mt
givesrfp er ttoy
greatco whackr a
iopes to the Anti-Reformers
the Ministers had in the
i
that they are losing ground ; but all this at present is only what
the French call building a Chateau en Espagne and mere specula-
tion, but no doubt in a few days we shall have more positive in-
formation' to communicate on the subject.
Consols continue rather heavy, at &i 9 for account, and
821,4 % for money, with little doing.
We have this moment learnt that two commercial houses of im-
portance had stopped payment.
THREE 0' CZ 0 CK.
Consols, 82i

We have received yesterday's proceedings of
the Court-Martial now in the course of holding at Bristol,
on Captain WARRINGTON, but from the unusual press of
Parliamentary reports, we are unavoidably compelled to
postpone them till to-naorrow.

Report, when Mr. Baring and
t is stated that the House called
for the " former." In another
" Sir Wm. Home."

eslllli*
"IP,*

LONDON,
FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 27, 1832.

The proceedings in Parliament were last night
of unusual interest, and in their consequence of an
important character. The Opposition, not content
with having already repeatedly discussed the Bel-
gian question, renewed their attack on Ministers,
under the pretext of the Russian Dutch
loan ; but they were defeated in both
Houses. Lord ABERDEEN'S motion, which was
in effect a vote of censure, was rejected by
a majority of 37. In the Commons, Mr. BERRIES'
series of resolutions respecting the Dutch loan were
rejected, after two divisions, by a majority of only
20 in the first and 24 in the second division.
The smallness of the majority is to be ac-
counted for by several of the Reform Mem-
bers, Mr. HUME, Mr. O'CONNELL, and others
voting against Ministers, simply upon the
ground of economy. The real question at issue
was the propriety of Ministers paying the stipulated
portion of the interest on the Dutch loan to Russia,
after the separation of Holland and Belgium had
actually occurred—a contingency provided for
in the treaty, Holland refused to pay her
portion in consequence of the separation
—and the Opposition last night contended that
England ought also to have refused paying her
portion. Ministers argued, and with justice, that if
England ceased to pay her portion, war with
Russia would be the consequence. Under these
circumstances Ministers felt that they would
be hazarding the peace of Europe, at a mo-
ment when its preservation was of the most
vital importance. Placed in this dilemma, they
acted more in the spirit of the treaty
than according to the letter. In a strictly legal
sense they had ne right to pay it. It was in this
view that Mr. HUME and others opposed them,
but as a matter of national honour and good
faith, they felt bound to do as they had
done. The question is unfortunately one on which
much may be said on both sides, and the Opposi-
tion so considered it, forgetting that if in power
they would have done just as Ministers had acted.
Next to the fact that the people of this country pay
the money, is our regret that Russia should be-
nefit by it.

We direct particular attention to the closing ob-
servations in the Duke of WELLINGTONS speech
last night on the Belgian question. His Grace there
pretty broadly insinuates that the passing of the
Reform Bill will be the signal for civil war. In-
deed he not only insinuates this, he absolutely
holds it forth as a threat. " Their Lordships," his
Grace observed, " had of late heard a good deal
about foreign war upon this subject, and about
civil war upon another subject; but he would call
upon their Lordships not to take alarm at
these threats, for there was no danger of
either, unless the system of the Noble Lords
opposite were adopted." So the truth has come
out at last ! If Ministers give up Reform,
then there shall be none, if they persevere, then there
shall be a civil war. Really his Grace is wonderously
condescending in offering this mild alternative to
the country t It is 'a pretty convincing proof, we
think, that conciliation has not yet made much
progress with the Ultra party. But we tell
that faction, that bluster as they will, their day is
past ; the KING, the Government, and the people,
are too strong for them. Reform is the only effec-
tual measure to prevent a civil war.

Neither the French nor German papers received
to-day contain any news
FRENCH FUNDS, JAN. 24.-Five per Cents., 96f. 95f. 95c. 96f.
96f. 25c. 20c. 15c. 10c. sc. 10c. sc. 96f 96E sc. 26f. 96f. 10c. sc. 10c.
20c. 25c. 30c. 35c. 45c. 35c. 40c. 35c. 30c. 40c. ; Four per Cents.
Rentes, 80f. ; Three per Cents.. 66f. 65f. 90c. 66f. 66E sc. 66f. 66f.
sc. 15c. 66f. 65f. 85c. 95c. 66f. 66E 10c. 35c. 40c. 30c. 35c. 40c. ;
Rank Actions, 1,610 f. ; Rente de Naples, 77f. 15e. 77E 76f. 75c.
77f. 76f. 75c. ; Royal Spanish Loan, 73 72% 73 73%; Rente Per-
petuelle d'Espagne, 53 531,E %53 53% 5353%1,4 ; Haytian Loan,
220 E-Exchange on London, one month, paper, 25E 35c.; money,
'2sf. 30c.; three months, paper, 251. 20c. ; money, 25f. 15c.