The Sun.
London, England, 1835-05-06 00:00:00

Bavarians.

3290
1870-
1
0

Soldiers
Generals .
Colonels .
Lieutenant- Colonels
Majors
Captains 29
Lieutenants ..... 46
Sub-Lieutenants
Those who have fought for their country—who have lost
their all—nay worse, are suspected, and driven to despera-
tion. If Otho does not attend to their just claims, he will
not reign long in Greece.
Some soldiers are at work at a road from this place to
Megura ; but at the rate at which the work proceeds, I
fear the present generation will not witness its accomplish-
ment. This is the only essay of road-making yet projected
or attempted in Greece. Building is going on rapidly here,
but the edifices erecting are of little durability, and evince
but little confidence, in this being long the capital.

0

COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL.

ADDRESS TO THE KING.

A Court of Common Council was held yesterday, at
Guildhall ; and owing to a private circular which had been
addressed to the Tories, a very large attendance of that
party took place, so that, a few minutes after twelve o'clock,
the Court was filled.
The Loan MAYOR took the Chair at twelve o'clock.

Mr. DAVID WIRE rose and said, that he should throw
himself upon the indulgence of the Court, while in a few
brief observations he endeavoured to state the reasons
which had induced him to bring forward the subject. The
first was—because the question had often been asked—
What did the City (the Common Council) intend to do
with regard to the late change of the Ministry ? Did they
intend to permit the King to be deceived—the country
to be alarmed—and the friends of good order and govern-
ment to be dismayed, without speaking out their sentiments,
without informing the King of the wishes and expectations
of his people, and without setting a good example to all
other parts of the country ? He was sure they did not.—
(Cheers.) He was satisfied they had not changed their
principles, or become lukewarm in the cause of Reform.—
(Cheers.) But when they saw the mischievous activity of
the Tories—when they witnessed their desire to uphold
the Ministers of their choice—and when every place in
the country was pouring out its trumpery addresses to Sir
Robert Peel, agreed upon at hole-and-corner meetings—
it surely became the Court to take the lead in proclaiming
its sentiments and promulgating its opinions, lest it should
be supposed that the deep-rooted conviction which it had
so frequently expressed of the necessity of a thorough,
searching, and wholesome reform had changed, or been al-
together destroyed.—(Cheers.) He, therefore, felt it to be
his duty to originate the requisitions which had convened
them together ; and let those share the blame of all the
mischief which arises from continual agitation, who had
caused the necessity of the present meeting. It was neither
himself or his friends—they were tired of agitation—
(Cheers)—and for that reason they would have been glad
to have remained quiet ; but the extraordinary proceedings
of the last five months rendered it impossible for them to
look with indifference upon the aspect of public affairs, or
to remain unmoved when such daring, but hitherto unsuc-
cessful, attempts were making to rob them of all the
fruits which should result from the passing of the Reform
Bill.—( Hear, hear.) He would now proceed to describe
the nature of the resolutions which he 'should have the
honour to propose for the adoption of the Court. The first
was declaratory of the necessity and propriety of Reform in
our Civil, Municipal, and Ecclesiastical Institutions, and he
expected that the Court would unanimously agree to
this, for all were Reformers now.—(Cheers.) The most
inveterate Tory in that Court, even his Hon. Friend the
Father of the Court (Mr. Dixon) would concede that Re-
form was necessary. It was so in all the civil branches of
our polity. Upon the subject of Corporation Reform a
strong feeling was abroad, evinced by the satisfaction with
which the issuing of the Municipal Commission had been
hailed, and the alacrity with which the people had given
evidence respecting the vices and abuses of the present
Corporations.—(Hear, hear.) Even in their own consti-
tution reform was necessary, popular as it was, useful as it
had been, and easily as its vast powers were wielded in
preserving order, suppressing crime, and protecting the li-
berties of the people. And if reform was necessary here,
how much more was it necessary in the old, rotten, and
corrupt Corporations which existed• in the country. They
had been the strongholds of Toryism, the dens of corrup-
tion, the means by which a wicked and profligate Go-
vernment had so long triumphed over the known desires and
wants of the nation.—(Hear.) The absolute necessity for
ecclesiastical reform was still more apparent, for surely no one
shut his eyes to the monstrous abuses which prevailed, in
the shape of sinecure rectories, unless prebendaries, enor-
mous pluralities, and a dominant hierarchy.—(Loud cheers.)
Such reforms his
_resolution declared to be absolutely neces-
sary to uphold the honour and dignity of the Crown, and
promote the well-being of the people. The next resolution
he should submit would declare that the Reform Bill was
only the harbinger and precursor of other Reforms. In this
he thought the Court would also agree. He did not expect
that any one would declare that it was a final measure, and
that all the corruption of Corporations—the abuses and ab-
surdities of our laws—the iniquities of the ecclesiastical
system in Ireland—the exclusion of Dissenters from their
just rights—should be continued.—(Hear.) His next reso-
lution expressed regret at the sudden dismissal of Lord
Melbourne, and the appointment, or rather, he might say,
the usurpation of the most important offices of the State by
the Duke of Wellington—usurpation which, in the better
days of English liberty, would have been followed by an
impeachment, lest a precedent so dangerous to the liberties
of the people should have been followed by other states-
men.—(Hear, hear, and cries of " No, no.") His last reso-
lution expressed confidence that the re-appointment of
Lord Melbourne would silence the fears of the people, and
enable the King to fulfil his promise of sanctioning the
adoption of measures calculated to effect those reforms
which the nation demanded. He had then briefly stated

the nature of the resolutions, and he entreated the Court
to agree to them, because he thought that their adoption
would strengthen the cause of Reform, and aid the Govern-
ment of the country to develop its measures.—(Cheers.)

Mr. STACEY seconded the resolutions.
Mr. Alderman BROWNY moved a resolution expressive of
the devoted loyalty of bhe Corporation, and the gratification
it afforded them that his Majesty intended to preserve the
institutions of the country ; also their approbation of the
conduct of the late Government in their disposal of Church
property in the City to men of acknowledged worth and
known piety ; and that they viewed with dis May the attempt
made by Lord John Russell in his resolution to endanger
the united Church of England and Ireland.
Sir P. LAURIE said, though he rose to second the amend-
ment, he would rather that the previous question had been
moved. He would fearlessly state his opinion upon the pre-
sent occasion.—(Hear, hear.) When the Duke of Welling-
ton was put in possession of the Government of the country
a cry of agitation was raised. The cry 'came from head-
quarters.---(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Yes, he would
say from head-quarters, and so anxious were. they that such
should exist, that they were not satisfied until they called
upon the,Lord Mayor to convene a meeting.—(Cheers.)
His Lordship said that he was not aware of any agitation ;
but they insisted that there was agitatiok, and it was on
'Change.—(Laughter and cheers.) In vain was Mr. Agi-
tation sought for, but he was not to be found.—(Laughter
and loud cheers.) By the address of the 27th of Novem.
ber, the late Administration were then called the lath and
plaster Administration.—(oh.) Yes, he would say that
they were called the lath and plaster Administration. They
were approaching the state of the Americans. Only the
other day, when there was an election for a President; Mr.
Clay was obliged to put on a bad hat to conciliate their
suffrages.—(Laughter.) It was but too true, and some of
the present Administration might be obliged, befOre they
left this world to adopt the same expedient.—(Loud
laughter.) Was this country to be swamped by the Irish
and Scotch boroughs ? The time was fast approaching when
the neglected Lord Brougham would return to the Wool-
sack.—(Loud cheers.) And what would follow ? The
Protestant Church would be handed over to the Catholics.
—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") He was the other evening at a
lecture given by Dr. Lardner, end a most curious fact was
mentioned in allusion to Hallty's comet. In the year 1350
there was a comet, which it was supposed had produced a
plague, and the priests excommunicated it.—(Loud laughter,
r groans, hisses, and the greatest scene of uproar.)
The LORD MAYOR said that every person had a right to

xpress his opinion, and if there was a repetition of such
Conduct he would dissolve the Court.
Mr. Deputy WESTON we understood to have said, that
as the excommunication of the comet was not on the paper,
the worthy Alderman bad no right to introduce it.—
(Laughter and cheers.)
Mr. C. PEARSON—My Lord, as your Lordship has for-
bidden hisses, may we laugh if Sir Peter says anything
witty ?—(Loud laughter.)
Sir P. LAURIE in conclusion said that there never would
be a permanent Government until it was composed of Lord
Stanley and Sir James Graham, and such was the opinion
of the country, for in Devonshire Lord John Russell was
700 behind on the poll, and it was only yesterday that Sir
Robert Peel had received the 725th address from the most
opulent towns—such was a testimonial of the regenerative
feeling of the country.
Mr. WILLIAM STEVENS said that he had been alluded
to by the worthy Alderman who had spoken last. It was
true that he did say that the Reform Bill was final, as far
as the representation went, but he did not mean to say that
its spirit was not to be applied to miner institutions—
(Cheers.) The worthy Alderman had used language which
was not calculated to raise the character of the Court in
public opinion—.(Cheers.) The worthy Alderman had al-
luded to the comet and its excommunication, to show the
danger that was to be apprehended from the Catholics ;
but the worthy Alderman forgot to state that he was one
of the deacons of the chapel where the unknown tongues
were spoken—(Roars of laughter and cheers.)
Sir PETER LAURIE—It is true, I was one of the dea-
cons ; but the moment the man ceased to be rational I cut
him—( Renewed laughter.)
Mr. PEWTRZSS strenuously supported the resolutions.
Mr. R. TAYLOR spoke in favour of the resolutions.
Mr. DIXON deolared that if one thing is calculated to
damn the present Administration more than another, it was
its connection with, and submission to, Daniel O'Connell. .
Mr. TICKNER rose to move the previous question ; and
concluded by declaring that he looked upon the existing
coalition as the most unprincipled that ever was known to
exist, and that it was evident the Ministers had sold them-
selves to the devil.—(Laughter.)
Mr. CORNEY requested that Alderman Browne would
withdraw his amendment in order that the previous question
might be adopted.
Mr. LAWRENCE opposed the retractation of the amend-
ment because it pledged the Court to the " No Popery"
cry ; and he was anxious to show how few amongst them
were disposed to support such an obnoxious proposition.
Sir PETER LAURIE, in the midst of the contest, moved
that the Court should adjourn, but the proposition was
negatived.
Mr. EDWARD WILSON supported the resolutions.
Mr. CHARLES PEARSON said, the amendment challenged
the opinion of the members upon the comparative merits of
the late and the present administration.—( Hear.) Let the
Court pronounce the verdict. He was aware of the exer-
tions made to pack the Jury, and to bring up to the vote the
Tory members, who seldom showed their faces in Court ex-
cept upon the election of officers, or when something was
to be given away.—(Hear, and laughter.) A printed cir-
cular had been sent round to the members of the Tory
clique, summoning them to the Court to oppose the reso-
lutions.—(Mr. Pearson read one of the letters.) Sir P.
Laurie, he had no doubt, had directed the pibroch to be
sounded from hill to hill to secure a gathering of the clans
—( Cheers)—but despite all their exertions there would be a
large majority in favour of the men his Majesty had now
called, to his councils.—(Cheers.) The people had learned
the secret by which the Tories could alone be moved to
do right, and they would not forget it. Replace them in
office, and agitation would be again the order of the
day, and that repose for which Sir Robert Peel so
devotedly prayed at the Mansion-house, would never
again be tile lot of this nation while an illiberal,
a Tory Administration, presided at the helm of affairs.
Out of an expenditure of seventeen millions, the Whigs
when in office, had economised to the extent of nearly four,
and that, too, by retrenchment, beginning with their own
salaries, and extending to all the principal offices of State.
Out of 494,0001., they saved by these means 200,000/. ;
and yet so little agitation was created, that he supposed the
Tory supporters of the Amendment were hardly acquainted
with the fact.—(Hear.) The firmness and strength of the
resolutions would prove to the country would prove to the
country that their opinions remained unchanged ; their re-
solutions would show that they thought like them, and, in
the absence of the Address, that they felt like gentlemen.
—(Great cheering.)
Mr. WIRE rose to reply. It was time that we should put
aside the childish cry of No Popery, which had been at-
tempted to be raised in that Court, and which had been the
rallying word of bigotry and intolerance, and had caused
those political feuds and religious animosities which had
separated man from man, and prevented the interchange of
those kindly feelings and refined affections which were well
calculated to destroy the fears of superstition, and the sul-
len passions arising from assumed superiority and dominant
privileges. It was time they should feel as men, and act as
Christians—and, while giving each other credit for purity
of motives—should do by others as they could wish to be
done unto.—(Loud cheers.)
The previous question was negatived. The amendment
was also negatived ; and, on a division upon the resolu-
tions, the number in favour of them was 98, and against
them 60—Majority 38. The Court then adjourned.

POOR LAW FOR IRELAND.

MR. O'CONNELL.

At a meeting of the Trades' Union, on Sunday last, Mr.
O'Connell made the following observations, on moving for a
Committee to prepare a petition to Parliament, for the adop-
tion of a legal provision for the poor of Ireland :—" In the
abstract, lam unfavourable to them. I deny, and deliberately
deny, that any one human being can have a right to the pro-
perty of another. I state distinctly, that if a nation be poor in
which society is formed, the principle of the taking away must
lead to a promiscuous and undefined right to property in gene-
ral. Civil society is framed not only to protect human life
from violence, but to give to each man protection to his pro-
perty—a mode adopted by our ancestors when title began in
some way to realize any particular portion of property, which
before belonged to the human race at large. I think, there-
fore, to admit the question of right, and yet to enter the pro-
perty of another, would be committing a solecism against the
social state, and a crime against the laws of society itself. I
have always been of opinion that a period might arrive
when the right of individual property should no longer stand
in the way when that right threatened so many serious evils
and crimes, and that any thing in the nature of abuses in the
superior authority of the State should be checked and con-
trolled for tke good of society. The question is, whether or
not the time has arrived for that qualification, and whether we
have come to a period at which we ought to act upon that
qualification. lam sorry to say I am convinced the period
has arrived. The state of landed property in Ireland is most
anomalous. The evidence repeatedly taken before Commit-
tees of the House of Commons, brings out the fact—that
there is not a Whiteboy outrage committed that does not take
its origin in the clearing of lands, and the turning out of the
poor wretches houseless upon the country, perhaps to the ex-
tent of seventy, eighty, or ninety individuals at a time, from
one or two farms, with no choice but to parish from famine ;
or, if they received sustenance at the charitable hands of
their neighbours for a while, ultimately die of the typhus fever.
At the present crisis, typhus is making frightful ravages in
the country. It not only makes victims of those unfortu-
nate creatures from poverty and want, but also makes its
way to the upper classes ; and unless speedily checked by
timely provision to remove causes by which it is propagated—
though it is emphatically the disease of the poor—it will come
amongst those who seem to disregard it, when the mournings
and the wailings of the rich will be heard, as well as in the
deserted cabin of the poor and low. This double mischief of
disease and stimulant to crime, originates in the wretched
peasants being thrown abroad upon the world from their
wretched habitations, and not only staring us In the face, but
giving us a frightful prospect from their numbers. Never, as
at this moment were there so many notices to quit given, or
so many people threatened to be ejected from their holdings.
If this occurred in England, they could have resort to the ma-
nufacturing towns and get employment, but we have no manu-
factures, nothing to absorb the labour of the country, and if
the unfortunate labourers have not land they must perish.
• • • * * • Who can deny that it is a frightful
prospect, and one demanding, in an imperative voice, some
immediate remedy ? Shall I, then, under these circum-
stances, if I appeal for poor laws be inconsistent ? But I will
bear the taunt of being inconsistent before I would give up a
speculative principle of any kind. Can I reflect with patience
on this state of things and allow them to continue ? lam re-
solved that an immediate call shall be made on the Legisla-
ture for a speedy provision for the poor. I owe it to the
people in another point of view. I said the repeal of the
Union would be my poor law ; but we are bound to allow the
present Administration a trial—we have promised them a trial.
During that experiment we will have no poor law at all, un-
less we get the poor law that we now seek and absolutely re-
quire—to make every landlord that turns out tenants compen-
sate them. I hope a better prospect will then open to us, and
in working the point, I shall go one step further in forming a
legal tribunal for the protection of tenants against the tyranny
of landlords. We must do something of this kind, or Ireland
cannot be peaceable or prosperous. I am not sorry to have
been forced from my original resolution. I have been forced
from it reluctantly, by the misery of the country, and the im-
perative nature of those circumstances, which the recent
triumph of the Orange gang, under the patronage of the Earl
of Haddington, the Duke of Wellington, and Sir Robert Peel,
brought so prominently to our Notice in this country. I
shall always be ready to co-operate and work out some provi-
sion, in the shape of a poor law, for the benefit of the people."

The Earl of Scarborough has left town for Not-
tinghamshire, to take nossession of the vast estates which
have lately devolved to him.
We understand that the Earl of Harrington has
reeding and decorating Pembroke House in a most an
style, and is about to commence his usual hospitalities.

LONDON,
WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 6, 1835.

The fears which we expressed yesterday respecting
the issue of the Devonshire election, have, we are
sorry to say, been realized. Intimidation, bribery, and
bigotry, have prevailed ; and the patriotic efforts of
the friemen of Devon have been borne down by the
combined influence of aristocratical and ecclesiastical
tyranny.

The result of this election may probably be distorted
by the hirelings of the Tory faction into a triumph. The
plan of that noxious faction has always been to stick
at nothing, in order fo carry their point. Threats,
bribes, slander, deception—all sorts of baseness, in
short—are the legitimate weapons of their political
warfare ; and when they succeed, as they sometimes,
though very seldom do,—they turn round with
characteristic effrontery, and exclaim, " Look at
the re-action which has taken place I—see how
our principles are gaining ground among the
people 1" By such means .they labour to propagate
the delusion that Toryism is the popular creed, in de-
fiance of the evidence brought home to every man, who
has the ordinary use of his senses, by the proceedings
which have taken place at Manchester, Edinburgh,
Dundee, and every other place where the people have
raised their voices to express their political sentiments.
We should not, therefore, be surprised, if those who
have hitherto acted upon this short-sighted plan of de-
ception should endeavour to mislead the public into a
belief, that the defeat of Lord JOHN RUSSELL in De-
vonshire has been owing entirely to a re-action among
the electors of that County, than which nothing can be
conceived more remote from the truth.
Let the Reformers turn the Noble Lord's failure to
good account. Let them lay to heart the irresistible
evidence which this election has afforded, of the abso-
lute necessity of adopting immediate and energetic
measures for the protection of the elective franchise.
Let them with one voice demand Tan BALLOT.

Mr. DISRAELI, jun.—a young gentleman who
seems smitten with a passion for notoriety truly pitiable
—has addressed a long letter to O'CoNNELL, in reply
to some animadversions which the Hon. and Learned
gentleman let fall lately at the Dublin Corn Ex-
change, on the fruitful subject of the Rejected
of Wycombe's political inconsistencies. In this
epistle, which, from its grand and verbose style, is
worthy to have come from Caprce, the Rejected of
Wycombe attempts to refute his accuser's charge that
he " was once a Radical, and is now a Tory," by
stating (we use his own words) " my conscience ac-
quits me of having ever deserted a political friend, or
having ever deserted a political opinion. I worked for
a great and avowed end in 1831, and that was, the re-
storation of the balance of parties in the State." There
is a studied vagueness here, which, so far from re-
futing, only confirms the truth of Mr. O'CON-
NELL'S charge. Could Mr. D'ISRAELI have re-
futed it, he would have done so in direct and posi-
tive terms, and not have put us off with a rigmarole
flourish about the "balance of parties." Truth needs
no such elaborate mystification. With regard to the
other matters alluded to in Mr. DISRAELI'S letter,
we have only to express our regret for the circum-
stance that has called them forth. Mr. O'CoNNELL's
attack on his Jewish origin was certainly a solicism in taste
and feeling, only to be accounted for, on the presump-
tion that the gross provocation that he had received at
the hands of his antagonist, who, among choice ex-

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