The Sun.
London, England, 1859-11-23 00:00:00

THE SUN.

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, NOV. 23, 1859.
•

There are too ingenious modes of nominally ad-
vanr;in g a political cause in this country,that are about
equally futile and equally constitutional. There is
the method Of petitioning Parliament—by which so
very large a quantity of paper is annually added to
the national waste-pape:Cpasket. There is the
method of reasoning with a Minister of State per-
sonally and officially by means of a deputation.
But one appreciable advantage results, so far as we
have ever been able to perceive, from either of these
singular habitudes. The deputation and the peti-
tion each serves its turn so far well that it helps to
ventilate the subject-matter subscribed to by the
one and spoken to by the other. The petition
and the deputation are alike gentle reminders.
They are among the customary Remembrancers, the
former of the Legislature, the latter of the Admi-
nistration. They serve the purpose of hammers to
hit the right nail.on the head more or less vigor-

ously. And the deputation has the twofold advan-
tage over the petition that whereas the petition may
be altogether burked somewhat after this fashion—
the hon. member who has undertaken to present it,
mumbling some confused explanatory words quite
inarticulately from one of the back benches, shuf-
fling down the gangway and up to the table, laying
the scribbled scroll before the clerks, and leaving it

there without any more ado, to be tossed at their
leisure under the table by way of adding to the littered
sweepings of the Commons! While this is literally
the general history of the ignoble fate of a petition
—a deputation is among the number of our poli-
tical institutions not restricted to the period during
which Parliament is actually sitting. And it is
above all worthy of notice as the means by which at
any season any subject whatever may be brought
directly under the individual notice of any one of
our chief adminittrators. So far, indeed, but, we
fear, not much further, it possesses a number of
obvious ar.d conspicuous advantages. Never-
theless, in spite of these, the usual end of a
deputation to a Minister is hardly less ridicu•
lous in its way than the end of a petition to
the Legislature. Generally the upshot of all is that
the noble lord or the right hon. gentleman, as the
ease may be, having responded to the spokesman
of the group in attendance, this response being in-
variably couched in words as enigmatical as a
Delphic utterance, is thanked for the courtesy' with
which the arguments of the deputation have been
listened to. And so the said deputation takes its de-
parture from the Minister's presence about as wise,
all things considered, as at the moment of its arrival,
an't with 'the cause it :Iff,:cts to have at heart so
fervently-la oportionately advanced. . •
Yestcm-day afforded a...happy exception to the
1.7.5 ail rim. of these deputationei.

7,va3 a

deputatic iz received at his town house br the

First Lor of the Treasury in reference to the
present 5i,.9 te of the ltzti,a relating to bank-
ruptcy insolvency—a deputation; coma
prising wits in it no less than fifteen conspicuous
inember3 of . the House of Commons, accompanied
by deleb ..at es or representatives from (among other
Places) I#.,.,eds, Liverpool, Leicester, Bristol, Hull,
Birrni inah2,••m, Coventry, Worcester, Bradford,
Edinburgh, the West Riding, Huddersfield
and f ,IQuthampt on. Lord PALME.RSTON could not

possibly, of course, resist the temptation to crack
a joke upon the fog at the commencement of the
proceedings. The noble lord's inquiry, " Well,
gentlemen, have you any more light to throw upon
the subject ? " being responded to by- Sir JOHN
RAMSDEN in a speech fully and clearly explana-
tory of the wishes of the deputation. Several
others having afterwards expressed their views,
more or less distinctly, and at more or less length,
Lord PALMERSTON followed the last of them
with a Ministerial elocutionary flourish, full
of sound, if not of fury, and like the
vast majority of those same Ministerial flourishes
signifying nothing. Recollecting that the question
under consideration, the necessity, namely, for a
reform in the laws relating to bankruptcy and
insolvency, involved some allusion direct or indirect
to the two legislative attempts made to that end
during the last session of Parliament—the one by
Lord JOHN RUsSELL proposing the repeal of all
existing statutes, and the substitution for them of
a new act consolidating the whole of the laws in
one comprehensive enactment—the other by Lord
CHELMSFORD simply suggestive of the addition to
the thirty statutes or thereabouts already in exist-
ence upon the twin subjects of bankruptcy and
insolvency—it is no wonder the Premier, during
the course of his remarks, referred somewhat
pointedly to the bygone participation of his noble
colleague in the efforts made in behrt3f of
this particular legal improvement. From the
reference made to Lord JOHN by his chief, a lively
notion may certainly be formed of the hazard there
is of the far larger question of Parliamentary
Reform " falling through," by reason of that noble
lord's pre-occupation in 'regard to foreign affairs
generally. Viscount PALMERSTON observed, "He
coald not undertake to promise that Lord TOIIN
RUSSELL would in the next session undertake the
matter, for those who read the daily newspapers,
and saw what was passing in every quarter of the
globe, knew that I is lordship had enough upon his
hands connected with his department without em-
barrassing himself with other questions !" How-
ever sinister an augury this sentence may reveal in
regard to the far grander necessity of a compre-
hensive measure of Parliamentary Reform—it
is satisfactory to know that the minor, but
still vitally important need there is for a bold and
sweeping reform in the laws relating to bank-
ruptcy and insolvency, Government has wisely
entrusted to the very ablest man that could by
! possibility have been selected to that end within
the range of the three kingdoms.
Whenever Lord BROUGHAM shall unhappily be
constrained, by the still further advance of years,
to retire from one among the many high posts of
honour he has so long and resplendently occupied—
when the noble and learned lord shall have been
compelled to withdraw from his prominent
position as the First and Foremost of all
living Law Reformers —it will be upon the
shoulders of Sir RICHARD BETIIELL that
Lord BROUGHAM'S mantle will have descended.
Whatever Mr. HASTINGS may, by a ludicrous
lapsus linguae, provocative of " great laughter,"
observe to the effect that the commercial commu-
nity do not regard Sir RICHARD BETIIELL as a
lawyer, Sir RICHARD being about the ablest and
the ripest lawyer in the land—as about the first
lawyer in the land, we may rest perfectly well
assured that Sir RICHARD BETHELL is looked to
confidently, not merelyby the commercial, but by all
ranks and classes of the general community. His as-
surance, therefore, as the First Law adviser of the
Crown—in reference to the projected measure of re-
form in respect to the cumbrous laws relating to bank-
ruptcy and insolvency—will carry a peculiar weight
with them in every syllable, and can hardly fail to be
regarded wherever these same assurances are read as
fraught with_jmpressive and substantial encourage-
ment. Speaking frankly yesterday to the depu-
tation, Sir RICHARD observed among other things,
" I agree with you that this subject is not to be re-
garded as purely and exclusively one of a legal cha-
racter, but that it is one in which the commercial
interests are chiefly involved, and that it should be
so disposed of that the law of bankruptcy and
insolvency may be brought into harmony
with the convictions and feelings of the com-
mercial community, and the whole system of
its administration based upon their interests
and made consistent with the principles of
justice." And later on he said, " Since I entered
Parliament it has ever been my aim, so far as my
humble efforts could go, to raluce the whole body
of our laws into a state of simplicity, order, and
consistency ; but in our bankruptcy laws, as they
now stand, there is neither simplicity nor order."
And further, he remarked, "In my opinion the
foolish and illogical distinction between traders and
non-traders ought to be abolished ; and, addressing
myself to the task before me, I have come to that
determination." Having referred to several others
among the chief principles to be embodied in the
new enactment the Attorney-General added, in refer-
ence to that enactment. "That measure," said he, "so
far as it has grown to completeness under my hands,
has been based on the views I have mentioned to
you, and embodies the alvice which we have re-
ceived from several quarters. When ready for
legislation it will be submitted to the Cabinet and
be fully considered, and, so far as the expression of
my own opinion will be a sufficient assurance, you
may rely that its consideration will be approached,
not with a view of protecting or consulting legal
interests, but to make the measure satisfactory to
the great trading interests of this country." Remem-
bering which explicit assurance from the lips of no
one less authoritative upon the subject than Sir
RICHARD BETHELL, her Majesty's Attorney-Gene-
ral.—the commercial part of the community must
already seem to be at length fairly closing its
grasp upon this long looked-for and most desirable
legal improvement.

The Volunteer Rifle Movement has spread
throughout the country with a rapidity almost
unparalleled, and has excited the enthusiasm of
all classes from the highest to the lowest. The
mere whisper of an attempted invasion has evoked
the old national spirit which has never been found
wanting when tile honour and interests of the
country were really at stake. The enthusiasm
manifested among us has already produced
its effect on the other side of the Channel. The
instructions given to the French Prefects to re-
strain the abusive attacks so constantly made on
this country, in the columns of the French journals,
show that the Imperial ruler of our warlike neigh-
bours is desirous of all:living the storm he has raised.
fiat although there he extra demands upon
our resources, we must not allow our efforts
to slacken when the hour of excitement and
threatened danger may seem to have passed by.
Tl:,,vever ready may be the friendly assurances of
t he EMPEROit and his Ministers, the restless, ex-
citable army, whose rancorous feeling towards us is
admitted on all sides, and the daily increasing
fleet arc standing menaces. Our statesmen must
not suffer themselves to be deluded by fair
speeches, or even by the promised assistance
in China. We have little security that
tha alliance of French and English 'forces in
China would be allowed to interfere with the
EMPEROR'S movements if other circumstances ren-

dered an invasion of this country necessary to his
purposes. It is, therefore, with much satisfaction
that we see the ready and liberal spirit in which
many high-minded and patriotic individuals have
contributed to the necessary funds, and the an-
nouncement of many heads of large establishments
that they will provide such of their employes as
desi.ze to join the Volunteer Rifle movement with the
necessary equipment. At a dinner given on Monday
at Abingdon, Capt. VERN ON, M.P., made an excellent
speech on this subject. He said the Rifle move-
ment was a great fact, and would have a great
moral effect abroad, and added, with truth, that in
the event of a war with France we had no cause
for apprehension. The present NAPOLEON was not-
so great as his uncle, the hero of a hundred fights,
and allowing that the French soldiers of the pre-
sent day are equal to the victors of Marengo and
Austerlitz, we need not hesitate to meet them. We
were better men then, and we are better men now.
We quote the following passage from Captain VER-
NON'S spirited speech, as the true expression of Eng-
lish feeling at the present moment :
I believe that three thousand in this quarrel—'for
thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just'—would equal
double the number of foreigners. I believe that our fleet
and our sailors would never suffer a French soldier's foot to
touch the soil of England. I believe that if we permitted
the French army to land—such is the military spirit per-
vading England—it would be no war, it would be a crusade.
The country would rise as one man, and not a Frenchman
would live to see his native land again. I have no fear of
France; still we do well to be on our guard. It does not
• befit a great people to be taken unawares. That country
is mast certain of peace which is best prepared for war.
Well, we are prepared. I have it from the highest mili-
tary and scientific authority in the land that our coast
defences are hourly becoming more formidable. Our navy
is the finest in the world—our artillery matchless. Ido
not believe Louis Napoleon has any direct intention of his
own mere motive against England, but the more I study
his political career, the more do I see that, like an adven-
tursr he is the sport of fortune, driven hither and thither
by the circumstances of the moment. Already he has lost
half his power in his country by the defection of the priest-
hood ; he now depends entirely on the army. War is ne-
cessary to them. Turbulont, excitable, and vain-glorious,
they may compel Napoleon to take steps against his better
judgment. They say they have a Waterloo to revenge.
We have no defeats to revenge ; from Cressy to "Waterloo
we can contemplate our encounters with the French with
great complacency. It needs not the gift of prophecy to
reason on past events, and I venture to predict that if the
presont genration attempts by invasion of England to re-
venge Waterloo, they will bequeath to their posterity the
task of revenging a defeat more complete, more disastrous,
and more decisive."

We feel convinced that these sentiments will find
an echo in every patriotic heart, and if England,
through the turbulence of foreign ambition, is
drawn into the contest, it will only be to add new
lustre to her ancient triumphs.

When we read the speech of Mr. BERKELEY, at
Bristol, we thought the unwearied opponent of the
Ballot would not fail to pervert it. And surely
enough, having commented on the hon. mem-
ber's after-dinner facetiousness one day, it recol-
lected, the next, that it had overlooked the oppor-
tunity of having a fling at the Ballot in the person
of the Parliamentary leader on that question. A
column and a half on the Saturday atoned for the
oversight of the Friday, and Mr. BERKELEY was
paraded as shelving the Ballot. We did not believe
he meant to be guilty of such inconsistency when
we read his remarks, but we saw they were liable
to such a perversion ; we, therefore, ought to be
thankful to our contemporary for affording Mr.
BERKELEY the opportunity of rutting himself
straight with the Reform party—for the Reform
party is really the Ballot party—as the hon. gentle-
man did in his letter, which we inserted yesterday.
We have now Mr. BERKELEY'S written declaratioq
that what he meant was that he would not allow
himself to be made a catspaw of to frustrate any sub-
stantial measure of Reform which her AIAJESTY'S
Government might bring forward, . He thinks with

those Radicals, COBDEN and BniallT, that if we
can get an extension of the suffrage we ought to

take it, although we cannot get the Ballot with it;
but just because he believes the Ballot will be more
easily obtained through an extended suffrage. The
opinion may be correct or not, but it is, we must
confess, a widely different thing. from shelving the
Ballot. It is rather, in the view of those who hold
it, constructing a more efficient machinery to carry
the Ballot. Small consolation this for those most
inconsistent of politicians, anti-ballot Reformers!
Amongst the other conclusions of our contempo-
rary is this—and it is one on which he lays great
stress, and with which he seems not -a little enam-
oured—that the Ballot is "not really" a question
of publicity; it is only a question of the hour ; it
only concerns the comfort of the elector who may
wish to keep his vote secret for twenty-four hours
before the act of polling, and two or three hours
after. The question of "the hour !" Be it so. We
admit that in many cases it is so. Lay the em-
phasis rightly, and the assertion would express a
weighty truth indeed. It is a question of " the
hour." The hour of temptation ; the hour of cor-
ruption ; the hour of seduction ; the hour of com-
pliance with degrading solicitations ; . the hour of
bending to almost irresistible intimidation ; the
hour in which the act of self-dishonour is perpe-
trated, hardly to be recalled by any repentance.
Mr. DISRAELI lately insisted, at Manchester,
with no little eloquence, on tha view that "every
man had his opportunity." Is not the converse
equally true ? Has not every man his hour of temp-
tation also ? Not, we mean, of course, his hour of
ordinary temptation, of such temptations as, alas,
we all yield to, and yet do not feel that we
have brought a life-blot on our character. 'We have
our hour of temptation, sooner or later, to accept
some great apparent advantage, to escape some
great apparent danger, the thought of which would
always be painful to ourselves, while the conscious-
ness that others knew of our fall:would always be re-
membered with mortification in their presence. To
be sure the Times tells us that the bribed and
bribing class think nothing of it afterwards;
CHARLEY chuckles to TOMMY over his five or ten
pound vote. Thanks to the open voting of our
contemporary this is too true. But it is just be-
cause open voting has trained electors and candi-
dates to moral obtuseness. CHARLEY and TOAIMY
are Englishmen after all. They did not iu the first
instance chuckle over the sale of their independence.
No ; nor did the poor tenant-at-will, who at times
blasters about his loyalty to his landlord, in order
to appease his conscience, lookup with forced cheer-
fulness after his forced vote. All this chuckling, and
this loyalty, to those whom men dare not resist, is the
effect of a long demoralising training. It is often,
it is true, inherited corruption ; the sons follow the
fathers; but, in the majority of instances, the fact
is that the elector was consciously overcome by
vicious allurement or cruel terrors, and sold for ever
his political self-respect when it was " the question
of the hour."

We shall have, perhaps, in reply, a homily on
the necessity of inuring men to temptation, of there
being no virtue or heroism when there is nothing
to resist. But there is an Authority to which we
all defer, by which we are taught daily to pray,
" Deliver us from temptation." And can we after-
wards be guilty of the hypocrisy of putting gratuit-
bus temptation in our neighbour's way ? We main-
tain that open voting is proved—proved at Glouces-
ter, at Wakefield, at Nor wick—proved in ten
thousand cases to be a temptation which demoralises
its hundreds and its thousands. We believe that
it is one which overpowers the majority of every
county constituency--constituencies which would;