The Sun.
London, England, 1832-06-19 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We arc afraid that much local injustice will
be inadvertently,--we trust and believe not in-
tentionally—perpetrated under the provisions of
the Boundary Bill. The limit and extent of
new and old boroughs have been reviewed and
impartially
selected, by gentlemen honourably and
selected, and sent to investigate the expediency
of altering the present arbitrary boundaries of
parishes. Doubtless, in many places, the exten-
sion of an ancient town beyond the limits of
the borough definition entitled new districts to
the rights and franchises of the ancient sites of
houses. We are advocates for a much wider
plan of Reform for the subdivison of the country
into electoral districts, and the suppression of
that anomalous class system of representation
which so strangely divides instead of amalagates
the agricultural and trading interests of the
country ; but the habits, prejudices, and exclu-
sive interests of the people would not have ad-
mitted such a radical change ; and, doubtless,
the subdivision of counties and the enlargement
of old borough boundaries have much ad-
vantage. At the same time, there are instances
of arbitrary and destructive alterations of ancient
lines of franchise demarcation in the Boun-
dary Bill which ought not to be passed
into law. Our contemporary, The Sun, makes
the following observations on the subject..:---
" The Boundary Bill for England stands for a
third reading. The little attention which it has
excited proves the unbounded confidence in the
Government of those who have supported them,
and the complete defeat of their opponents, who
would otherwise have found in this measure
materials for lengthened discussions. Upon the
whole we regret that, considering its extreme
importance, it has not been dealt with in a more
business-like manner. There can be no doubt
that in some particular cases erroneous arrange-
ments have been made. The case of Arundel
13 under correction in a Committee, and we see
that the case of Stamford is to be discussed
on the third reading. After the gallant and
successful struggle made by the inhabitants,
under every species of persecution, to regain
their privilege, we should be sorry that a measure
for improving the Representation should have
the effect of restoring this borough to the condi-
tion of one of these nuisances which it has been
the purpose of the Reform Bill to annihilate.
We find that the application of the general rule
(which has not, however, been universally acted
upon) of adding to old boroughs adjacent dis-
tricts of towns, has led the Commissioners in
this instance to add a street on the other side of
the river, from the small parish of St. Martin,
in Northamptonshire, containing 1,200 inhabi-
tants, to Stamford, in Lincolnshire, containing
6,000. The ostensible ground is to give repre-
:-_;entation to that parish ; but as it chiefly belongs
to Lord Exeter, and the weight it will give
him, must overwhelm the independent majority
in Stamford, it will have the effect simply of
depriving that borough of representation, without,
in fact, bestowing any real boon on the parish of
St. Martin, as the inhabitants can have no will
of their own. We hope the
.Government will
see that a fair exception may, under these cir-
cumstances, be made, and trust that the Reform
Bilis will not be chargeable with the creation
of a rotten borough." We hear that Arundel
will be made a close borough of the Duke of
Norfolk, and Stamford a rotten borough of the
Marquess of Exeter, by the Boundary Bill. Now,
whether these public-spirited towns are to be de-
livered over, bound hand and foot, to Whig or
Tory Noblemen, is equally bad, whether the ef-
fect of mistake or design. On the subject of
Stamford we have received many letters of loud
complaint. The Bill proposed to take in a parish
(St. Martin's) in another county, 19.20ths
of which intended addition is the landed pro-
perty of the Marquis of Exeter, and is the only
building land in the town or neighbourhood of
Stamford. The addition will provide the Noble
Borougbmonger of this town with sixty-eight
tenants to eutvote the existing majority of the
reformers. We do think that the sufferings
and gallant exertions of the inhabitants of this
oppressed town ought to receive protection, espe-
cially in a measure under the guise of a Reform
Bill. It may be replied that St. Martin's is a
suburb and part of the town of Stamford ;—ad-
miffing the fact, is such a practical injustice, as
its addition under these circumstances, to be tole-
rated ? If so, the Ballot will succeed the
Boundary Bill, and that at a very early day. The
severe sacrifices made by these Lincolnshire bur-
gesses, and the personal efforts of Mr. Tenny-
son, entitle the loud complaints of the Stamford
burgesses to the consideration of the Reform
Members of the House of Commons--Morn-
Lug Chronicle.

The advocates for a continuance of the Bank
Monopoly are not always consistent. One of
the most distinguished is unquestionably Mr.
M'Culloch—who, in a pamphlet, entitled,—
" Historical Sketch of the Bank of England,
with an Examination of the Question as to the
exclusive PrNileges of that Establishment," en-
deavoured to show that the privileges at pre-
sent enjoyed by the Bank ought, with certain
modifications, to be continued It has generally
been taken for granted, that the monopoly of the
Bank of England, by limiting the number of
partners in Banking Establishments, has been
the chief cause of the periodical failures of the
Country Banks, and the ruinous panics to which
these failures have led. In Mr. M'Culloch's
Commercial Dictionary—a work without its
equal in the literature of this or any other coun-
try, for the extent and variety of the information
it contains on all subjects connected with com-
merce—a work which nothing but the all-en-
grossing interest of the question of Reform pre-
vented us from noticing the moment of its ap-
pearance—we observe, in the able article on
the subject of Banking, he discounte-
nances the idea of any benefit being likely to
accrue from the establishment of Joint Stock
Banks. " We believe (he says) that the be-
nefit expected to result from the formation of
Joint Stock Banks will not nearly be so great as
has been anticipated. Even were the organized
in all large towns, which there is but little reason
to expect—seeing that every individual taking a
share in one of them is bound to the whole ex-
tent of his fortune for their engagements—the
lesser towns and country districts would be left
to deal with inferior hanks. But, supposing
them to be universally established, so long as
every one isalloweil to issue notes without any
sort of Oleo( or control, a thousand devices may
be fallen upon to insure a certain circulation to
those that are most worthless. At best, this
measure is but a feeble palliative of inveterate
disorders. It is quite illusory to expect to
make any real improvement upon the system of
country banking in England, by the mere intro-
duction of a plan for allowing banking establish-
ments with large capitals to be set on foot.
There have always been, and are at this mo
meat, a great number of such establishments in
Engla„d. What is really wanted, is the

adoption of a system that will exclude
the possibility of notes being discredited, by '
preventing all individuals or associations from
issuing such as have not been previously gua-
ranteed." In that part of the same article which
relates to the Scotch banks, Mr. M'Culloch,
after noticing that the act of 1708, preventing
more than six individuals from entering into a
partnership for carrying on the business of bank-
ing, did not extend to Scotland, proceeds to
observe, that with the exception of three, none
of the Scotch banks are chartered associations,
and that the partners of the others " are jointly
and individually liable to the whole extent ofl
their failure, for the debts of the firms. Some
of them, such as the National Bank, the Com-
mercial Banking Company, the Dundee Com-
mercial Bank, the Perth Banking Company, &c.
have very numerous bodies of partners. Their
affairs are uniformly conducted by a Board of
Directors, annually chosen by the shareholders.
There have been comparatively few bankruptcies
among 'he Scotch banks. In 1793 and 1825,
when so many of the English commercial banks
were swept off, there was not a single establish-
' ment in Scotland that gave way. 'lbis
superior stability seems to be ascribable
partly to the formation of so many banks
with numerous bodies of partners, which
tends to prevent any company with only a few
partners, unles they are known to possess consi-
derable fortunes, from getting paper into circu-
lation ; partly to the less risk attending the
business of banking in Scotland, and partly to
the facility afforded by the law of Scotland, of
attaching a debtor's property whether it consist
of land or movables, and making it available to
the payment of his debts." Now as the Scotch
Banks are not only not prevented from issuing
notes without a guarantee, but arc even ex-
cepted from the operation of the Act suppress-
ing 1/. notes, and yet are sufficiently stable, why
must English Banks be prevented from issuing
notes without a guarantee ? Mr. M'Culloch
says, that the superior stability of Scotch Banks
seems to be ascribable partly to the formation of
so many Banks with numerous bodies of part-
ners; and yet he says that the liability of indi-
viduals who have shares in joint-stock banks
to the whole extent of their fortunes, which does
not prevent their formation in Scotland, will
prevent their formation in England ; and that it
is illusory to expect in England any improvement
from what he admits to have been the cause of
improvement in Scotland. Then he tells us, that
even supposing joint-stock banks organized in
all large .towns, the lesser towns and country dis-
tricts would be left to deal with inferior Banks.
Why ? Do not the lesser towns and country
districts in Scotland enjoy, as well as the
great towns, the benefit of Banks to which
large bodies of partners give stability ? We are
not entitled to assume in England an aptitude
on the part of the people in country districts and
small towns to distinguish between solvent and
bad banks any more than in Scotland ; and of
course joint. stock banks in England will have the
same motive for extending branches into the
smaller towns and country districts that the
Scotch joint-stock banks now have. The only
point of difference in which we can see any force
is the facility with which the property of debtors,
whether in land or movables, can be attached
in Scotland. But when we are speculating upon
possibilities, we of course count en necessary
improvements of the law. There is a general
register in Scotland ; there may be a general re-
gister also for England—land as well as mova-
bles may be attached for debt in Scotland ; land
as well as movables may be attached for debt in
England. No man ought to be allowed to with-
draw any of his property from his creditors.
Were the law so far altered, and it ought to be
altered so far, the removal of the monopoly
would in England be attended with the beneficial
effects which have been experienced from the
absence of monopoly in Scotland. The manner
in whieh banking has in Scotland contributed to
the morality of the lower classes would hardly be
credited in England. Mr. M'Culloch observes,
" The want of the power readily to invest small
sums productively, and at the same time with per-
fect security, tends to weaken the motives to
save and accumulate. Nothing has contributed
more to diffuse a spirit of economy, and a de-
sire to save amongst all classes of the population
of Scotland, than the readiness with which de-
posits of small sums are received by Banks of
undoubted solidity in that part of the country,
and the allowance of interest upon them. The
advantage is in some degree, indeed, secured in
England by the institutions of Savings' Banks.
These, however, are but a very inadequate sub-
stitute. They are not open to all classes of de-
positors; and of those to whom they are open,
no one can deposit more than 301. a year, and
1501. in all." The deposits in Scotch Banks
were estimated in 1831 at 24 millions sterling ;
and it appears, from the report of the Committee
of the House of Commons in 1826, that more
than one-half of the deposits are in sums of from
101. to 200/. An experienced banker gave the
following curious evidence on the subject :
" Question: What class of the community is it
that makes the smallest deposits ?—Answer :
They are generally the labouring classes in towns
like Glasgow ; in country places like Perth and
Aberdeen it is from servants and fishermen, and
that class of the community who save small sums
from their earnings till they come to be a bank de-
posit. There is now a facility for their placing
money ill the Provident Banks, which receive
money till the deposit amounts to 101. When
it comes to 101., it is equal to the minimum of
a bank deposit. The system of banking in
Scotland is an extension of the provident bank
system. Half yearly, or yearly, these depositors
come to the bank, and add the savings of their
labour, with the interest that has accrued from
the deposits from the previous half year or year,
tb the principal ; and in this way it goes on,
without being at all reduced, accumulating (at
compound interest) till the depositor is able
either to buy or build a house, when it comes to
be over one, or two, or three hundred pounds,
or till he is able to commence business as a
Master in the line in which he has hitherto been
servant. A great part of the depositors of
tiie Bank are of that description ; and a
treat part of the most thriving (21 our
farmers and manufacturers have arisen
from such beginnings." We are not now ap-
11roaching the momentous question of the power
possessed by the Bank over property, but the se-
condary one of the mischief caused by the mo-
nopoly in preventing banking from being as
beneficial to the community in England as in
Scotland. All restrictions that tend to nar-
r'ow the competition for the public favour are
mischievous, and we have seen that the restric-
Con on banking in England has been one great
use of the establishment of banks in country
aces undeserving of credit. The opening of
t e trade in banking will in time correct the evil.
' he presumption is always in favour of freedo m
I 1
of trade : and it will require much stronger ar-
guments than have yet been assigned to satisfy

the public that the monopoly ought to be con-
t inued.—Morning Chronicle.
There was some warm work last night, before
going into a Committee on the Irish Reform
Bill. Mr. O'Connell moved that it be an in-
struction to the Committee that the qualification
should be 51. instead of 101. Mr. Stanley
would seem, during the interval between the dis-
cussion of last night and that which preceded it,
to have been brooding over the invectives di-
rected against him by Mr. O'Connell, and the
result was a very effective retaliation. Mr.
O'Connell and Mr. Stanley gave piace to ano-
ther pair of combatants, Mr. Flume and Sir It.
Peel. Mr. flume entered somewhat bluntly on
that very delicate question, resistance. Every
one has heard the famous epigram of Sir John
Harrington—

" Treason loth never prosper, what's the reason?
For if it prosper, none dare cal it Treason,"
A great deal has been written about the sacred
right of resistance, but it is a right which every
man exercises with the halter about his neck.
All that can be said is, that they who govern
must greatly misconduct themselves when the
governed are driven to avail themselves of a right
of so peculiar a character as the right of resist-
ance. Mr. Hume said—

" The Learned Member fcr Kerry had nothing to do
but abuse the Government and agitate, and use physical
force as far as it was possible.—(Hear, and laughter.)
The period bad come when, all legal means having been
tried, it required the people to unite, and by physical
power to overawe improper resistance.—(ob, and laugh-
ter.) Was it not to the apprehension of physical force the
Right Hon. Baronet had yielded his opinions on the Ca-
tholic question? Was it not by agitation that question
was carried ?—(Hear, hear.) No great rights were ever
yet obtained, except by the country manifesting its discon-
tent, and showing its force."—(Hear, hear.)
It was not certainly very polite in Mr. Hume
to say that Sir Robert Peel yielded his opinions
on the Catholic Question to the apprehension of
physical force, or even that no great rights were
obtained except by the country manifesting :its
discontent and showing its force. But after all,
what were the motives that induced Sir Robert
Peel to do violence to his conscience by con-
ceding the Catholic claims ?—and what induced
the House of Lords to pass the Reform Bill ?
The force of reason, no doubt. The nation dis-
played a most imposing moral force—and the
moral and physical man are, like the shadow and
the substance, close upon each other. The
manifestation of minds renders the agency of
bodies unnecessary ; but the manifestation of
minds derives its consequence from the know-
ledge that the minds can draw the bodies after
them. And if Sir Robert Peel and his party
had not been tolerably assured that there was not
only a majority of minds against them, but that,
if necessary, that majority could have set a corre-
sponding quantity of matter in motion, the mea-
sures alluded to never would have been conceded.
War has been called theultinza ratio Regum, and,
disguise it as we will, physical force determines in
the long run every question. It is the business
of a wise and prudent Government to ascertain
the prevailing feelings and opinions of a nation,
and then it has physical force on its side. The
right of resistance is a right of which men avail
themselves at their peril. When a minority at-
tempt to avail themselves of the right, they atone
for the attempt on the scaffold ; when a majority
make the attempt, the result is a glorious revo-
lution. But a wise Government, by well-timed
evolutions, may always prevent revolutions. Sir
Robert Peel thought this a favourable opportu-
nity for a tirade against dangerous doctrines, anti
for charging Mr. Hume with such applications
of them as that of the brutal attack yesterday on
the Duke of Wellington. " The Hon. Mem-
ber," said Sir Robert, " had had the audacity to
talk of controlling the deliberations of Par-lia.
ment by physical force.—(Cheers.) If such
doctrines were to be maintained, there must be
an end of all Government, and for one, he Sir
R. Peel, would say, that he had never yielded to
physical force, and that to the last he would
resist its application.—(Cheers.)" This is mere
verbiage. Sir Robert has yielded to physical
force, and must yield again. The law is the
expression, direct or by implication, of the ma-
jority of the community, and every time the
Right Hon. Baronet yields to the law, he yields
to physical force. The minority, in submitting
to the majority, yield to physical force. Sir
Robert is not so stupid as to wait till the law
acts materially on him—he submits with a good
grace, because he knows that he can be made to
submit.
" When he conceded the Roman Catholic Bill (he
added), he had not yielded to physical force ; and when
the Hon. Gentleman went on to assert that the present
Ministers had done the same with regard to the Reform
Bill, he (Sir R. Peel) was astonished that the Hon. Mem-
ber could pronounce such a libel upon his friends and sup-
porters out of doors, who all gloried in what they called a
bloodless revolution, effected only by the force of reason
and justice.—(Hear, hear.) To subject the House on all
occasions to the threat of physical force was nothing more
nor less than the vilest and most degrading tyranny; and
it would be better at once to constitute a mob-committee
to sit (he would not say to deliberate), from day to day,
and to issue its mandates to be executed by the Ministers
of the (lay. For one, he never would consent to sit in
this House, and listen patiently to doctrines destructive
not only of good government, but of every species of subor-
dination, He advised those who talked of physical force,
to look to other countries, in order that they might sec
its triumphs, and the wonders it had accomplished for
personal freedom and the liberty of the Press. The phy-
sical force the Hon. Member for Middlesex wished to be
called into action was similar to that which this day, the
18th of June, the anniversary of the glories of Waterloo,
had insulted the Duke of Wellington, the achiever of those
glories, and the deliverer of Europe.—(Much cheering. )"
Sir Robert knows right well that Mr. Hume
never could mean that the House ought to
yield to a mere mob, because the physical
force of the country is not identical with the mob.
Had the Reform Bill been only advocated by
mobs, the Anti-Reformers would have been in
little danger. But the array of the whole popula-
tion in the various localities, and the organization
in Political Unions were not mob. When the
whole male population of age in Birmingham,
Glasgow, Edinburgh, Leeds, &c., carried the
Ministers on their shoulders back to power, that
was the physical force of the country ; and they
who would have been sufficiently fool-hardy to
oppose it, would have felt that force. Sir
Robert Peel talks like a pedant. Mr. Hume
ought to have varied the terms of his charge
against Sir Robert. He ought to have charged
him with wielding improperly the powers of
Government, by opposing too long the will of
the majority of the nation, and thereby weaken-
ing the confidence of the people in Government,
and impressing them with the conviction that
measures demanded by the majority must be
extorted instead of being conceded. There can
be no doubt that every Government ought to
yield to physical force ; for this is merely saying
that it is not the tyranny of the few over the
many, but it is a bad Government which renders
physicaltpree necessary.—
warm set-to til,Tietr ieem
wasdemonstration afterwards
of
be-
tweenanother Mr. O'Connell and Mr. C.
ng Chronicle.
But
.
enough for the present
- -

We had really hoped and conceived that the
affair of country banking was settled upon a
system, or at least upon a practice, that need not

now be disturbed, yet a meeting (held yesterday)
of persons connected with country banks, of
which an account is given below, advertises the
public that these gentry either threaten or expect
some mischief. Their chief object is said to be
the removal of the opprobrium cast upon them
by Lord Liverpool's declaration in 1826 —that
the panic had been occasioned in a great mea-
sure by the improvident manner in which the
issues of country bank paper were regulated. It
is rather late to undertake the removal of the
opprobrium now, when the author of it has been
dead many years. Had not they better der ute
some of their body to wait upon his Lord-
ship, and assure him he was wrong ? As
to the nation at large, they care not whether
it sere well or ill founded ; though we
think the evidence for the latter, being an
interested party, is rather liable to suspicion.
Lord Althorp's proposition, which is not new, that
country bankers should be required to make de-
posits in proportion to their several issues, is
just and proper ; and if any changes be made,
we shall expect that this be one of them. Re-
specting a return to small-note currency, we
should as much think of a return to rotten
borough currency. It will be seen how im-
mense are the issues of the Bank. Twenty-
nine millions ! It is contended by some, that the
deposits from the private customers of the Bank
are not to be calculated as issues, or as money
in circulation. Why not ? we ask. It may be
drawn out of the Bank, and placed in circula-
tion, in an instant, and that at the will of those
who made the deposits, not at the will of the
Bank. The only way to extinguish such de-
posits, and put them out of circulation, would
be, if the owner were really to draw them out,
and then present them again for payment in gold.
Being so received and commuted at the Bank,
they would have taken their last flight, and
would positively be out of circulation.

" The interest excited among the country bankers by
the sitting of the Parliamentary Committee on the affairs of
banking, may be gathered from the fact, that the meeting
which took place on Saturday at Radley's Hotel, in Bridge.
street, was attended by more than 100 of them. The
discussions lasted between four and five hours. The chief
object of these gentlemen appears to be that of removing
the opprobrium thrown on them by Lord Liverpool's de-
claration in 1826—that the previous panic had been
brought about, in great measure, by the improvident man-
ner in which the issues of country bank paper were regu-
lated. They seem also to be opposed to a proposition
which is understood to have been under the consideration
of Lord Althorp—that all country bankers issuing their
own notes shall be required to deposit a corresponding
amount of security, as a protection to the public who cir-
culate those notes—which they deem likely to prove in-
convenient in practice, and by no means calculated to an-
swer the end in view. To a great proportion, however, of
the body of country bankers the obligation to mike such
deposit is, we understand, regarded with indifference,
though they nearly all agree as to its probable inefficiency.
The more respectable among them are, it is said, by
no means desirous of returning to a small note currency,
out of which, as experience has proved, the greatest danger
to themselves has always arisen in the event of any run
taking place. They ail urge very strongly their claim to
have their situation explained, and their pretension ex-
amined, before the Parliamentary Committee; and they
selected on Saturday, from the whole body, eight indivi-
duals whom they would consider as the best and roost in-
telligent representatives of their general interests. These
gentlemen have been formed into a committee for the
country bankers, and the chairman has had an interview
with Lord Althorp, to press for the whole of them being
admitted as evidence before the Committee of the House
of Commons. There is said to exist an objection on the
part of Lord Althorp to so great an extension as this
would lead to of the evidence, as four country bankers
have already been examined. These, however, are ob-
jected to by the committee of bankers, as not the men whom
they would consider the heat calculated to explain their
views, and also because they have not been specially instruct-
ed in the reforms which they would wish to see introduced
into the system of country banking. They press conse-
quently, on Ministers for an examination of at least four
members of their own body. The committee of country
bankers is composed of the following gentlemen :—Mr.
Bickford, of Aylesbury ; Mr. Hobhouse, of Bath ; Mr. R.
Spooner, and Mr. F. Lloyd, of Birmingham; Mr. D. J.
Parker, of Canterbury; Mr. J, Backhouse, of Darling-
ton ; Mr. Morgan, of Ross; and Mr. Tweedie, of Truro.
It has been stated in the city, on respectable authority,
that in the account furnished by the Bank of England to
the Parliamentary Committee, its circulation in Bank
notes and liabilities are returned at 29,000,000/., and its
available assets at 7,000,000/.,—by the latter being im-
plied gold and silver coin and bullion, and commercial
bills only. There of course remains a sufficient value in
the loans to Government, the dead.weight annuity, mort-
gages, and Exchequer bids, to cover, end much more than
cover, all claims on the Bank ; but these in a time of dif-
ficulty would not, it is conceived, be found convertible
securities.—( Times.)

Yesterday was the anniversary of the battle of
iNVnadteerrnloolou history,—next
in 1815 ; the greatest event of
n
to the Reform Bill of
1832. It was, indeed, purchased at a grievous
expense of life, and at no inconsiderable cost of
money, and was followed by a succession of
crimes against public liberty, on the part of the
continental Powers, which they would not have
been able to perpetrate, had that great victory
never been achieved. But if the battle of Wa-
terloo had been lost, would the consequences of
defeat have been more favourable to the cause of
freedom, to the interests of peace, and of human
happiness, than those which followed, if they
were not produced by that ever-memorable vic-
tory. Suppose Napoleon to have beaten the
British army,—what would have been the re-
sult ? Buonaparte had proceeded invariably
upon the maxim, and almost on his death-bed
had clung to it, that the French people were unfit
for free institutions. Ills position and his in-
stinct rendered him alike incapable of a pacific
policy. The ignis fatuus of conquest would to the
last have seduced him, and that of" militaryglory"
would have been employed by him to dazzle the
childish spirit of France. Had any conti-
nental Government dared to make trial of a
representative constitution for its subjects, is
it likely that Buonaparte, triumphant and des-
potic, would have countenanced or tolerated
such an example ? Had England endeavoured
to reduce her fleet, her army, or her war
taxes, is it credible that she could have done
so with impunity, whilst Buonaparte was
crouching only to
and enfeebled
?
spring upon his ancient
is o
ene-
my,nr
firm o
naked,
relaxed,
v iction, that the overthrow of the
,n
British
conviction,
army
on that occasion must have been
the signal for a spread and prolongation of hos-
tilities, to be ended only by the total extine-
ti i
rn of France as an independent state, or by the
resubjugation of Belgium, Holland, Hanover,
and the north of Italy, under Napoleon. In
eithercase, the mere continuance of a war in
Europe for two or three further campaigns,
would have utterly ruined the resources, and
paralysed the vital powers of this country, re-
duced as were both, even after an immediate
peace, to a condition of all but hopeless and
irrecoverable impotence. Without, then, dip-
ping into party questions, we will venture
to reassert what has often and many years ago
been insisted on in this journal, that the battle
of Waterloo was no less than the salvation of
England, France, and Europe. The battle of
Waterloo was gained by British troops, but by
no troops that ever fought would such a battle
have been won, under circumstances so adverse,
and against military ability so transcendent as
Napoleon's, had any but the Duke of Welling-
ton himself directed the prowess of the men,
and sustained their overwrought and sinking

names, during that almost preternatural conflict
To the extraordinary combination of skill, deci-
sion, and immovable fortitude, put forth or,
that clay by the British General, the country, and
every man existing on its soil, stands indebted,
and will in his posterity to all future ages be so,
for the difference between an entire destruction
of the small force of Englishmen engaged at
Waterloo, and their signal and immortal triumph.
To the Duke of Wellington we are indebted for
the 17 years of peace which, with few and partial
interruptions, hardly, indeed, deserving to be
enumerated, this nation has enjoyed from June,
1815, to June, 1832. To him, as the commander
of our armies, is it owing that we have no longer
cause to dread disturbance from the insatiable
thirst of aggression, upon whatever bears the
name of British intererest or honour, by which
he, whose power fell at Waterloo, was impelled
throughout his whole political, nay, to the end
of his physical existence. That is a good to
which the great bulk of our countrymen cannot
be insensible, and for which few, we trust, can
be ungrateful. Some, indeed, there are, so void
of all generous and manly feeling, of all moral
taste, and decency of nature, as to celebrate the
feast of Waterloo, by base and brutal outrages
upon the person of' its hero ! Is there on human
record a fact more disgraceful than this ?
Would the most stupid savage have overlooked
the reverence due to the actor of so mighty an
achivement ? and made choice of such an an-
niversary for the perpetration of so vile an insult
as the conqueror of Napoleon suffered yesterday
at the hands of a banditti of miserable ruffii-
ans ?—yesterday, the precise expiration of the
17th year from the clay on which " Waterloo"
obtained the most glorious name in history ! No
political obstinacy or error could provoke reason-
able men to such infamous ingratitude—no
sophistry can palliate it. The Duke of Wel-
lingto may forgive the deed, but no other honest
Englishman will.—Times.
It is with great regret we state that the Duke
of Wellington was insulted yesterday—the an-
niversary of the battle of Waterloo—bv a crowd
of ill-conducted persons, who pursued him
from the Mint, which he visited in the course
of the morning, to Stone-buildings, in Holborn,
where he called at the chambers of Mr. Manic,
the Solicitor of the Treasury. From Stone-
buildings his Grace was again pursued almost to
his own door. He rode at a slow pace, taking.
very little notice of the groans, hisses, and exe-
crations with which he was assailed. On reach-
ing Parliament-street a large body of police
formed a line across the street, so as to inter-
cept the mob, with the exception of a small
number who succeeded in making their way
srties,i is
chambers stated
ftblira that
rt h
Charlesmob
into the Park, where they renewed their dis-
e
gb\m\ruiariseclttaeciifo'neukrgle,esi‘llaolslirit:dlivA„uitliciilct:.itul
leta:
nwlisetahkeeliae, vded,edingtrleleatslyamtoe
their exasperation. But it is not worth while
to inquire into the motives of such men ;—they
were evidently riotous individuals, incapable of
judging or feeling correctly, or they would not,
on the anniversary of his military fame, and
in the hour of national triumph, when
his power as a politician was extinguished
—they would not at such a time, and
under such circumstances, have insulted an il-
lustrious warrior, who had served his country in
one character, and had for ever lost the power of'
injuring it in another. The generosity for which
the English nation is distinguished (and we, of
course, include the humbler classes when we
speak of the nation) would have dictated a very
different conduct from that which was pursued
in this instance. But we must not confound
the nation with a set of ruffians who disgrace it.
The fellows who hooted the Duke of Welling-
ton may be called Reformers—nay, they may
call themselves Reformers ; but they are the
worst enemies of a good cause who commit ex-
cesses in its name, and give a handle to its ene-
mies to attack it through its professed advocates.
The spirit and principle of Reform are violated
by all persecutions for opinion, however erroneous.
At all events the streets should be free to every
one. It is not for party to point out who shall
have the privilege of walking or riding abroad ;
for freedom is our birthright, aHd it is impossible
to establish freedom on the foundation of caprice.
—Morning Herald.
We call the attention of our readers to an
account in another part of our paper respecting
the insults offered to the Duke of Wellington
yesterday. As it has been furnished to us by
a gentleman who accompanied the Duke from
Lincoln's-inn to Apsley House, we can rely on
its superior accuracy to those hasty and incorrect
statements which appeared in our Evening
Contemporaries of yesterday. In those the ex-
tent of the attack was grossly overstated, we
doubt not, because the conductors of all Radical
Journals are desirous of exaggerating every de-
monstration of popular feeling against that illus-
trious hero. But weak indeed must be their
cause if it is necessary to resort to utter false-
hoods to calumniate him ; and poor must be
their opinion of the reasonable part of the British
public if they think that they can exult at any
such transaction. It is somewhat remarkable
that the anniversary of Waterloo should have
been the day on which this occurred, but
possibly it was more congenial to the wishes of
those wretches who were assembled, who natu
rally regret the overthrow of the " child and
champion of Jacohinism," and must, therefore,
cordially detest the author of his destruction.
But it is satisfactory to remark that even among
these there were none to venture to add personal
assault to the groans with which they assailed
him. At Lincoln's-inn there was but one feel-
ing among the whole of the gentlemen of the
legal profession. The cheers with which the
Duke was received, and the eagerness displayed
to surround and protect him, must have been
equally gratifying to him. As he approached the
west end his admirers, always superior, even in
numbers, to those who assailed him, were of course
largely reinforced ; and it ended more as a
triumphal procession in honour of the hero of
the day, than, as it began under the jurisdiction
of the Lord Mayor, as a base and cowardly at-
tack on a single individual. Those who hissed
and groaned were, without exception, the very
basest of the rabble. Among those who cheered
were, we are delighted to say, many who, from
of the lower
their appearance, were evidently
were
classes; affording us a proof, if any wanted,
of the smallness of that class of persons by whom
alone the Duke of Wellington is disliked. Let
him be disliked by those whose desire is confusion,
and object plunder.
They may support the pre-
sent Government who give them the,opportunity
they seek, but the Duke of Wellington must be
proud of their displeasure. They may be allies of
Mr. Hume, whose almost treasonable language
last night met with such severe and just rebuke
from Sir Robert Peel, but it is only men like
him who openly applaud their sentiments. We
doubt whether Lord Grey has yet been desired
by the Times to return his thanks to such an

Issembly. We cannot conclude our remarks
.vithout observing that not one single policeman
came near the Duke WI he had left the city.
The moment he came within the jurisdiction of
the new police several immediately assembled
tound him. Was this neglect in the city
known to the Lord Mayor ? But of those
who showed disrespect th ere were few, if any,
who were above the loweA class of the popu-
lace ; whereas, cheers arid other marks of
respect were shown by pt rsons of all classes,
artisans as well as others, along the whole
line of what might be fairly termed the pro-
cession. Indeed at least four-fifths of the
persons in the houses and shops before which
the Duke passed from Lincoln's-inn evinced
their feelings of admiration and esteem in the
most unequivocal manner. Whatever regret may
he pretended by the Radical Journals and their
patrons, the " Reformers," on the occasion of
this most disgraceful attack upon the Duke of
kVellington, they cannot disguise the fact that
ihe wretches who assaultel him were merely
practically following up midi emulating after their
own fashion the base attacks made upon the il-
lustrious hero by certain Members of the House
of Commons, and by their colleagues of the
Press. One fellow, we h,3ar, attempted to throw
the Duke off his horse ; lie, of course, had
been studying the gentle hint of the Times,
newspaper a few days :ince, that the Duke of
Wellington might possibly be torn to pieces by
the mob, as De Witt was. Truly these Refor-
mers deserve well of their country.—Morn.Post.
It will be seen from a report in another part
of this day's paper, that a certain number of
the merchants in the city held a meeting yester-
day, for the purpose of recording their opposi-
tion to the reduction of duties recently pro-
posed by the Vice-President of the Board of
Trade. The meeting appears to have been
altogether a very (lull, as well as very incom-
prehensible, one. ;Some of the gentlemen pre-
sent at it declared themselves to be aggrieved
by the proposed alterations, and specified a
few articles, on the consumption of which a re-
duction ofduty could produce 110 change; but their
charges, in all other respects, against Mr. Poulett
Thomson, were of the most vague and general
character which can possibly be imagined.
The whole of their complaints, in fact, appear
to centre in pure opposition to any change, whe-
ther of reduction or increase, simply because it
is change, and may produce to them momentary
inconvenience ; while they overlook the act that
the public will be advantaged by it, and that by
allowing a drawback or. articles in hand, no ac-
tual loss can be sustained by any one. Mr.
Poulett Thomson's proposed alterations in the
duties levied on different articles of foreign pro-
duce, appear to us likely to be as beneficial in
their results as they are sound in principle. The
reduction on hemp is especially a great boon.—
Morning Advertiser.

LONDON MARKETS.

PRICE OF BREAD.

The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis is 10d. for the
41b. Loaf. There are others who sell from yid. to I}id. below
that price.

PRICE OF SEEDS.—June IS.

New English Red Clover Seed (per Cwt.) 525. fine —s. 82s.
Old Ditto Ditto. fine —s. —s.
NTew Foreign Ditto. ,
Old Ditto —s. —s. fine —s. —s.
New White Clover s2s. 82s. fine —s.