The Sun.
London, England, 1832-06-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

An Address to the King on account of the
" atrocious and treasonable attempt on his Ma-
jesty," on Tuesday, was agreed on last night
in a Conference of the two Houses of Parlia-
ment. The Address expresses their heartfelt
coneratulations that his Majesty escaped from
it without any injury to his sacred person ; the
deep concern that they feel at there having been
found in his Majesty's dominions a person ca-
pable of so flagitious an attempt ; and that they
make it their earnest prayer to Almighty God
that he will preserve to them the blessings which
they enjoy under his Majesty's just and sacred
Government, and continue to watch over and
protect a life so justly dear to them. The House
of Lords was but thinly attended, as usual on
Wednesday, from its Snot having been known
that an Address would be moved. Earl Grey
said when he heard of the occurrence, he was
out of town, and he had only arrived in town
in time to frame the address, so that he had no
opportunity of giving any notice. In his speech
on moving the address, his Lordship observed,
" lt is certainly gratifying to know that, whether
he was led on by liquor, by madness, or by any
other excitation, there is no ground for suspect-
ing that any others were concerned in the at-
tempt." No attempt was made in the House
of Lords to connect this atrocious act, respect-
ing which there can be but one opinion, with
other matters. Indeed, Earl Grey observed,
that it was a consolation for them to know that
the moment his Majesty appeared after the at-
tack, there was one general expression of that
loyal feeling which all Englishmen would na-
turally manifest on such an occasion. Matters,
however, were managed otherwise in the Com-
mons. On the return of the Committee of the
Lower House, stating that they had agreed to the
address, Lord Althorp, with the simplicity and in-
gelu ousness peculiar to him,m oved thatthe address
be agreed to by the Commons. This was an op-
portunity not to be missed by the party faction ;
who lose no occasion for undermining the Ad-
ministration, or insulting and reviling the Re-
formers. Sir Robert Peel, with his accustom-
ed and vulgar artifice, connected the attack upon
his Majesty by a maniacal old seaman, with the re-
cent indefensible manifestation of the feeling of the
rabble of the city, in their own way, against the
Duke of Wellington ; and cunningly, by similar
party logic, attempted to connect both circum-
stances with the popular excitement on the ques-
tion of Reform ! This sinister construction
was most convenient for the Right Hon. Baro-
net, but met with an immediate and spirited ex-
posure from Mr. Stanley. Mr. Croker eagerly
availed himself of the same vulgar and dastardly
line of polity pursued by Sir Robert Peel,
alluded to the ebullition of popular feel-
ing against his Majesty at Brentford, and
thence diverged into imputations against the
Press—omitting, however, to state his own
vulgar diatribes in the John Bull when out
of office and when in office against public
men of the most pure and patriotic opinions.—
With respect to the assault on his Majesty by
an excited and probably insane individual, all
men of just and loyal feeling must entertain the
same sentiments of abhorrence and disgust ; and
the ex-placemen and their factious adherents
well know that such outrageous and traitorous
attempts on the person of the King are especially
annoying to the Reformers, and disgusting to
the generous and manly feelings of the people.
We can appeal to the actions of the peoole, and
to the conduct of all public men, with very few
exceptions, during the recent memorable con-
test, whether any public proceedings or speeches
countenanced the spirit, much less the practice,
of these outrages. But who endangered the po-
pularity and rendered equivocal the political
character of the King, which subjected him
to the temporary and deeply to be regretted
ebullition of the feeling of the lowest class
at Brentford ? 'We charge the crime to the
Anti-Reformers; they, in their mad and disgrace-
ful attempts to retain the boroughmongering
system, and by their rapacious and unprincipled
efforts to regain office, placed his Majesty
in the most painful and deplorable dilemma.
They robbed the King—temporarily, for the
people now know the great difficulties of his
Majesty's political situation, and his determina-
tion to force Parliamentary Reform even down
the proud stomach of the Duke of Wellington—
of his justly earned popularity and patriotic cha-
racter. The Anti-Reform Peers especially sub-
jected the King to the difficult alternative of a
most extensive and unprecedented creation of
Peers, or to the change of a popular Admini-
stration ; and if his Majesty, with the best in-
tentions, but true to Reform, for a moment
yielded to the pressure of his situation, who in
fact laid the plot for prostrating him from the
pinnacle of popular adoration ? Let not the
Tories conceit themselves ; their mock-loyal
tricks, even under the cunning devices of Sir
Robert Peel and his tide-water, Mr. John Wil-
son Croker, will not avail them, or save their
party ends. And who excited the , public mind
against her Majesty ? We reply, the Anti-Re-
formers ; they were ever busy in the palace, and
in their minute, but virulent portion of the Press,
representing her Majesty as inimical to the inte-
rests of the people, and as constantly counteracting
the influence of the official advisers of the Crown.
Envious of the possession by their Majesties,
of the warm and loyal affections of their subjects,
they were malignantly determined to dispossess
them of their grand station in the hearts of the
people, and to sever the bond of union between
the Crown and the people, which they well knew
excluded the faction from office. All grateful
and patriotic Britons will discriminate between
the military and political character of the Duke
of Wellington ; and all will admit that the sense•
less folly of his Grace, and his utter abandon-
ment of public principle, can never cancel the
deep-felt obligations of his country to him for
his martial services, his personal valour, and his
consummate ability as a General. The great
hulk of the people are incapable) of any serious
or meditated personal injury to his Grace. The
recent display of the feeling of some few of the
lowest classes is not, therefore, to be magnified
or blackened beyond the truth. Nothing can
be further from the national character than
wilful personal outrage. And who have kept
the people in utter ignorance and moral
debasement ? Who have denied and withheld
from them the benefits of a national system of
education ? Who have ground them down by
taxation and fiscal burdens, by monetary frauds
and political excitement ? Who denied them
the rights of representation, and abridged, by
base laws, the constitutional rights of public
meetings—those safety-valves of popular feel-
ing ? Who debased them by the briberies,
rioting, and gluttony of corrupt elections ?
Who encouraged " Church-and-King" mobs,
and set them on to burn and spoliate in the
riots of Birmingham ? Shame on that despi-
cable faction which would now abjure the con-
secpiences of their own acts, and deny their nwn

criminal responsibility! We cannot, however
but take this opportunity of intimating to Mr
Hume, that however true it may be that the
display of physical force had its influence on
recent measures, it is as well not to state
the proposition in language liable to miscon-
ception, and that allusions to the subject are
greedily laid hold of as means to serve the
party cunning of Sir Robert Peel. We all know
the effects of popular manifestations in achieving
some of the most glorious political conquests of
corruption ; and their potent virtue in other
countries. But public opinion is the modern
substitute for " physical force ;" and it will ever
redound to the honour of Great Britain and Ire-
land, that the moral and intellectual energies of
the nation have superseded the necessity of re-
volutions and the horrors of civil war. We re-
peat that Sir Peel will not much longer attempt
these stale stage tricks of party. A Reformed
Parliament is at hand, in which his tactics will
meet their deserved contempt and defeat. But
we make great allowance for his vindictive and
artful feeling, and the howl of his assistants ; as
will our readers, when they know the fact, that
the Ministry anticipated the Anti-Reformers in
an intended address, which the latter, in unusual
numbers, meditated playing off with every artifi-
cial and party effect. A little factious spite and
malevolence were, therefore, to be expected
from their disappointment, especially with the
prospects of dissolution which they have before
them.—Morning Chronicle,

We have always been strenuous advocates for
the introduction of a system of poor laws into
Ireland, and Mr. Sadler's motion on Tuesday
evening should have had our vote, had we en-
joyed a seat in Parliament, notwithstanding the
falsehood of some of the doctrines by which he
prefaced it, and the vagueness of the resolution
itself. Mr. Sadler may, for aught we know, have
fairly incurred the censure insinuated by some of
his opponents—viz., that he had withdrawn his
promised plan of poor laws from a consciousness
of inability to cope with so difficult a subject,
and that he had substituted a proposition which
pledged the House to every thing, or nothing,
because it might prove convenient to him as an
election clap-trap on the eve of a dissolution of
Parliament. Admitting all this, we would still
have divided with the Hon. Gentleman, much
as we despise the general tenour of his politics,
for the simple reason, that although his reso-
lution goes not to any specific or measured
scheme of relief for the poor, it did unquestion-
ably pledge the House to the principle °fan Irish
poor law. Mr. Sadler is no statesman, and a
miserable reasoner; no other proof of which as-
sertion is requisite, than his own obvious incapa-
city to distinguish between a moral and a legal
right. It is not true that any man has a " right,"
independent of positive human law, to take from
his neighbour's pocket or larder, either money
or food for his own subsistence, no matter how
pressing his necessity. It is not true, that the
right of the poor to support, is the basis, or one
of the bases of society, One great practical
basis of political society, acknowledged among all
civilized nations, is the sacredness of private pro-
perty—that is to say, that no violence shall be
exercised upon one individual, by or for the
benefit of another. Mr. Sadler lays down his
dogma of the g‘ right" inherent in the poor, so
broadly, that any drunkard, ruined gamester, or
bandit, might plead the extreme poverty which
has resulted from his own crimes, as an argument
for inflicting with impunity the SlrllC degree of
wretchedness upon his unoffending neighbours.
The man who has but two crusts, may right-
fully, upon Mr. Sadler's showing, be plun-
dered of one of them by a more desti-
tute pauper who has none ! That will never
do. That a moral right of the poor to sup-
port has been established by Providence, is very
certain,—but it is one which can be enforced by
no other than moral sanctions. The unqualified
assertion of such a right (altogether unexplain-
ed) by the Hon. Gentleman, leads, at once, to
anarchy. Nevertheless, we subscribe without
hesitation to that
." expediency" which he al-
leges as the ground of his resolution to provide
for the Irish poor. The frightful state of Ire-
land is ample demonstration upon that point.
The less miserable condition of the poor of Eng-
land, on the average, under all the complex
abuses of our poor laws, is a satisfactory answer
to those who condemn the introduction of a
system of compulsory relief into Ireland ;
and the boast of Mr. Stanley, that fever
hospitals, lunatic hospitals, and one or two
other classes of humane asylums, are now
actually to be found in that country, and
ought to be considered, pro tanto, as a " poor
law," lets in the full principle of such institu-
tions, which the Right Hon. Gentleman, from
the drift of his own argument, cannot henceforth
venture to impugn. Mr. James Grattan had
the honesty and humanity to support with anima-
tion the proposal made by Mr. Sadler. Mr.
Sheil gave the poor laws a sort of back-handed
blow, recommending a previous experiment to be
made with the property of the established
clergy.—Times.
An address to his Majesty was unanimously
agreed to by both Houses of Parliament yester-
day, expressing their horror at the treasonable
attempt made upon the life of his Majesty, and
offering their loyal congratulatiOns on his provi-
dential escape. We are rejoiced to add, that
the respectable classes of the city of London
have lost no time in coming forward to express
the abhorrence and indignation with which they
view the atrocious insults offered to the Duke of
Wellington, the pride and glory of every true-
hearted Briton, on the very anniversary of the
most splendid victory that every bright-
ened the annals of any nation. An address
to the illustrious hero was lying for sig-
natures yesterday at the Royal Exchange,
the Corn and Coal Exchanges, and other
public places, and at each point crowds
were assembled throughout the day eager to at-
tach their names to it. Already hasit been sub-
scribed by all the leading Merchants and Bankers,
the East India and Bank Directors, and an im-
mense number of respectable citizens, and there
is no doubt that it will ultimately present a list
of many thousand signatures. Indeed there is
but one feeling on the subject among all inch
having the least claim to consideration. As Mr.
Stanley well observed yesterday in the House of
Commons, " the ruffians who assailed the hero
of a hundred battles could know nothing of the
feelings of honest or honourable Englishmen."
—Morning Post.

A PUZZLER.—There is a silly person who
has long wormed in the county of Selkirk, and is known
to most of the inhabitants there by the name of " Daft
Jock." Some strange anecdotes of Jock have been pub-
lished before now, to which may be added the following-
Happening to get bald before his father, Jock thought that
all was not right as respected their ages, as he must in
this case be his father's senior by a good many years. In
this dilemma he applied to his mother, and put the fol-
lowing question to her with great earuestn..ss and gra-
vity—" Mother, how old was I when toy faither was

CUMBERLAND CLUB CONVIVIALITIES

(From the Cheltenham Journal, June is•)
On Tuesday last, the 12th instant, being the an-
niversary of Lord Sidinouth's Bill for the Suspen-
sion of the Habeas Corpus Act, the Cheltenham
branch of the Cumberland Club partook of a cold
collation of condolence at Yeaisley s Hotel, pursuant
to notice, public and private, by advertisement,
hand-bill, posting-bill, and all kinds of 1)014, but the
I Reform Bill,—circulars, letters, notes, and personal
persuasions, and, by particular desire, by the town
crier. At five o'clock, the guests, consisting of one
sinecure Lord, one worthy Baronet, three country
Gentlemen, four district llagistrates, two Field
Officers, three professional men, and twenty trades-
men, sundry clerks, and divers shopmen,—as motley
a gathering as ever any decent village in Glouces-
tershire sent forth, assembled ; and Lord Ellenbo-
rough, by virtue of his peerage and pension of
9,625/. per annum, took the chair—supported on
the right by Sir Win. Hicks, Bart. of Witcomb
Park, and on the left by William Goodrich, Esq. of
the city of Gloucester,—a gentleman not in the
slightest degree connected with the town of Chel-
tenham. The Vice President's chair was occupied
by a Mr. Byrch, of Cirencester, a very respectable
party-person, but having as little connexion with
this town as Mr. Goodrich or the chairman. On
the removal of the cloth, a new version of—" Non
nobs 'iambic," was sung, and translated by a Cor-
servative—" The Lord is not with us." The noble
Chairman then, in a neat speech, expressed his fear
that the health of the Sovereign would not now, as
in the glorious days of the oligarchy, be drunk with
enthusiasm by true Tories ; and therefore he
would endeavour to render it more palatable to
conservative convivialists, by prefacing it with—
" The Church "—of which the King was, by an
amiable fiction of the feudal system, considered the
head,—but, in this instance, he should " put the car
before the horse," and request them to drink as well
as they could, " Church and King." His Lordship
then, in animated and glowing language, dwelt upon
the triumph achieved by gallantry in making a wife
the head of a party opposed to the expressed wishes,
feelings, and solemn pledges of her husband ; and as
the stanch supporter of Toryism, and the hope of
the party, he entreated them to drink, with undi-
vided honours, and thundering plaudits, " Her Ma-
jesty the Queen." The uproarious exultation with
which the toast was drank, lasted for many minutes,
to the downfall and destruction of empty decanters,
wine glasses, &c.---which, having subsided, Lord
Ellenborough said :—I had anticipated; gentlemen,
the enthusiasm with which this toast would be re-
received. Our leaders have succeeded in their mag-
nanimous efforts to diminish the unbounded popu-
larity her Majesty enjoyed from the day of her ac-
cession, up to the ousting of the Whigs,—having
endangered that domestic peace and blessedness of
which her life was a bright and endearing example
—having placed her in opposition to the avowed
political sentiments of the King, and in direct hosti-
lity to the wishes and the rights of the people,—the
least we Cumberland Clubbists can do is to cele-
brate our triumph over the unsuspecting confidence
of a woman, and a foreigner. To be sure our
leaders and our press have taken the most unwar-
rantable liberties with her name, and made her the
mere scape-goat of their political intrigues; but,
what of that ? I feel the deepest sorrow and indig-
nation in seeing the people's press presume to fol-
low our example. None but Tories have a right to
take such liberties, or to calumniate any woman, es-
pecially a Queen, as we proved in 1820. Gentle-
men,—for I am the only Lord amongst you, the
Lord be praised I.—we will drink "The Princess
Vittoria and the rest of the Royal Family."
The Chairman then addressed the meeting to the
following affect :—Gentlemen, in rising to drink
" Prosperity to this Club," you all must own it is
not before it wants it. When it was first established
things, though bad enough, were not quite desperate,
not quite hopeless, as they are now. I thought it
was not quite too late to convert Cheltenham into
a close borough ; but finding, as that excellent pa.
per, (excellent, because though opposed to me, it
tells me the truth openly, fairly, and manfully, there-
fore, I say again, that excellent paper) the Chelten-
ham Journal, honestly told me at the first starting
of this Club, that I never could succeed ; my next
great object was to deprive the Reformers of such
a point d'appui, and the inhabitants of Cheltenham
of their promised rights of representation. That I
was foiled, " 'tie true, 'tis pity 'tis; and pity 'tis
'tie true." Yes, gentlemen, I was completely beaten
by that great man, the Right Hon. Lord Segrave :
„

" Great let me call hire; for he conquer'd me I"
Well; the Bill has passed, and Cheltenham ranks
henceforth as an independent English borough;
but still, Gentlemen, something may be done. W e
may sow dissension amongst the New Constituency,
and though it is true, we may "reap tares,, yet
without an effort of some kind, it is quite clear that
further changes will inevitably take place; and only
think, if the people should insist upon destroying
pluralities in Church and State ; flinging all pen-
sions not conferred for services into schedule A--
and sweeping off all sinecures! Only think, in
that case, what is to become of the pauper portion
of the Peerage ? What is my disinterested friend
the Duke of Beaufort to do, when shorn of his
dignify, and his influence, as Lord Lieutenant of
three Counties ? And what am " I" to do, when
stript of my ten thousand a year, hardly earned, b. y
suffering my name to be attached to sundry writs
and documents in the Court of King's Bench ? I
own that I and many more, entertain great doubts
that such will he the _ultimate effects of the Bill ;
and fear that such disastrous changes as I have
more particularly alluded to, will infallibly result
from Reform, if the Cheltenham Branch of the
Cumberland Club, now boasting the amazing
strength of twenty members ! does not save the
country from such unheard of calamities. To be
sure, many people think, and I think too, that she
Ministers, though they did bring in Reform, and
change the Constitution, are bound to resist any
further change, especially in pensions and patent-
places ; and as all honourable men have declared
themselves satisfied with the measure as it stands,
I think I could almost be satisfied too, if they would
promise to respect sinecures, the extinction of which
would be not only Revolution, but Rebellion IA I
All must be sensible of the mischiefs, many incon-
veniences, losses, and other sufferings that must
have occurred, to men of all classes in trade, com-
merce, and agriculture, since the agitation of the
question of Reform ; all of which is clearly and ex-
clusively chargeable upon the Whig Ministers, who
would not let us quash the Bill twelve months ago,
as we were quite ready and willing to do, but would
keep on contesting it month by month,—and week
by week—stage by stage—and clause by clause;
till they persisted in carrying " The Bill—the whole
Bill—and nothing but the Bill"—though we were
all anxiety to get rid of it, purely on account of the
mischiefs, inconveniences, losses, &c. aforesaid, as
we lawyers, and law pensioners say ; it has de-
stroyed much of the comfort of private life, because
it has destroyed that feeling of security, which we
'Tories always enjoyed of monopolizing the loaves
and fishes ; and I fear now that it has passed, my
pension must pass away with it ;—do what I will
to avoid it. We, therefore, call upon you Chelten-
ham Conservatives, to maintain this Club, and to
club your mites for the support of Tory Ascend-
ency. If my place in 'Westminster goes, I can't
keep my place in Gloucestershire, that's flat.
Southani must go too, and then this Club may go
to ;
I mean this Club must go too. What
would you all be, retired tradesmen, professional
men, shopmell, and clerks, without a Lord—(Hear
hint, hear him)—I say, a Lord to preside
over you ? Ana where will you get such another
Lord as me ?—(Cheers, and cries of " no where,
no where, that's impossible.") Gentlemen, we
have been much misrepresented.
i We are not op-
posed to Constitutional Liberty, nour own persons;
but you may depend upon it, it is not good for the
people; and all we are afraid of is, that now they
have begun to enjoy Constitutional
.Liberty, they'll
never more leave us at liberty to enjoy the loaves

and as we can't well live without them,—why we
are rather apprehensive we must have a struggle lot
them, which will throw the whole country into con-
fusion ; all of which might have been avoided, if
the Whigs had only just left us in peaceable posses-
sion of place, power, pay, pension, and patronage. Ali
I can do for the present, is to counsel oblivion of the
past ; and to beg the people to forget that I do no-
thing for my pension. To those who are above us
—(there's nobody above me, in this room at all
events,)—but to those who are above us, I would
recommend my services for the first good place
that's vacant, and to those who are below us
(if any in a land of freedom can be below the
parasite of a pensioned Peer) I would recommend
the endurance of those trifling burdens, with-
out which no pension could be paid, and
no patent-place exist. For these, I am well as-
sured, are the only means of obtaining good-will
and a good understanding between Pensioners and
People.—(Cheering.)
WILLIA3I GOODRICH, Esq. rose and said, My
Lord and Gentlemen, I am requested by my friend,
Sir W. Hicks, who is in speechless astonishment at
your Lordship's eloquence, to propose, for him, your
Lordship's health, meaning, thereby, gentlemen, the
health of the Right Hon. Lord Ellenborough, and I
am sure justice will be done to him after that speech,
which contained so sensible, eloquent, feeling and
candid view of his present situation. I hope the
advocates of Reform will take care of his Lordship's
pension. I own I have my fears, but I shall hear-
tily rejoice to find myself mistaken. Gentlemen,
though 1 do not live amongst you, and am not at all
connected with you, I think that's all the better
reason why I, as a member of the Tree Blue Club
of the city of Gloucester, should take a prominent
part in the sayings and doings of the Cheltenham
Cumberland Club. As a gentleman, and a magis-
trate of the county, I cannot better enforce the
obedience of the people to the laws which I have
been appointed to administer, than by proclaiming to
the people that the Reform Bill, which is now the
law of the land, is, in the words of the temperate
Lord Kenyon, " an atrocious measure !! !" Nor
can I, as a gentleman or a magistrate, more forcibly
inculcate the respect due to the executive authority
of the State, and to the responsible advisers of the
Sovereign, than by accusing the head of that Go-
vernment, that responsible adviser of the Sovereign,
of a great falsehood! Gentlemen, if any of you was
brought before me, in my magisterial capacity, I
I should be hound to tell you that such language
was neither very polite nor very proper; but you
are not all magistrates: and I can assure you the
words are quite becoming my station and character.
And what did Lord Grey commit that great false-
hood for ? Why, gentlemen, not for Reform, but
for his own incapacity and want of ability to pre-
serve his power, the best proof of which is that
my illustrious friend's illustrious friend, the Duke of
Wellington, stood in his shoes for three whole days,
and might have stood there still, if lie could have
got only one man of character or influence to sup-
port him. Gentlemen, the cause of the Cumberland
Club is deeply indebted to Lord Ellenborough ; and
so are the people, though they have the impudence
to produce a balance-sheet, on which they charge
his Lordship with the receipt of some ten or twelve
thousand pounds per annum for the last fourteen
years. I now request you to drink the health of
Lord Ellenborough, with three times three.
His LORDSHIP, in returning thanks, begged to
assure his friends that he hoped the balance-sheet
would be kept open for the next century ; but when
he saw how the poor, pitiful pittances the officers
now received, were carped at in the House of Com-
mons, he had great misgivings about such an income
as he now possessed ; though he looked upon it, as
legally vested as any hereditary estate in the king-
dom. Talking of officers, put him in mind of
the greatest officer that ever lived, the Duke
of Wellington. The conqueror of a hundred bat-
tles ! though conquered at last by the Whigs. No
man had made such sacrifices! He had sacrificed
all his old principles merely for the glory of carrying
the Catholic question, just to say that he had
achieved what no other Minister ever could accom-
plish. And he would have sacrificed his Anti-Re-
form principles, protest and all—not for the paltry
consideration of place—but just to show of how
little value was political consistency in the cha-
racter of a great man. He looked to posterity to
do him justice. His eyes were, consequently (in
the trope of the late Lord Londonderry) in the
back of his head ; and that was the reason he could
not see the public distress when the people were
perishing of hunger; still less could he see the ne-
cessity for Reform, till he saw, at the same time,
that it was the only road back to Downing-street.—
And what was the reward of all such services ?
Why a paltry fifty thousand pounds per annum, only
half the sum that Lord Grey divides amongst some
twenty of his relatives ! Though he has been
abused by the people's Press, we will drink " The
Duke of Wellington."
Mr. STRAFORD here begged permission to pro-
pose " The liberty of the Press without its licen-
tiousness." Whereupon,
" OUR ESTEEMED" rose, as one of the renters of
the Chronicle, and spoke nearly as follows :—My
Lord and gentlemen, as you are all Tories, I dare
say you may have heard something of me, through
the medium of that out-and-out organ of Toryism,
the Age, which paid such handsome compliments to
my personal and professional pretensions, last sum-
mer; though I must, in gratitude and justice, own
that my celebrity has since been considerably ex-
tended by the personal civilities of my uncompro-
mising cotemporary, the Cheltenham Journal.—
Though I have not the good fortune to be " bred a
Tory," like my honoured friend, Mr. Straford (if he
will allow me to call him so), being only " bred a
laceillan," I am not the less sensible of the honour
he did me in drinking my health as " the liberty of the
Press." The last time I opened my mouth after
dinner, which, in my own figurative language,
means, the last time I made a speech, was ar
a dinner of those radical reprobates, the Re-
formers; and consistency being, as the elegant Lord
Ellenburough exquisitely expressed it, the essence
of political character, I cannot more exemplarily ex-
emplify that virtue than by speechifying on the first
possible opportunity to Anti-Reformers. We oc-
casionally say civil things in our paper of Lord Se-
grave; but Lord Segrave never held office; and we
suspect he does not know " what's what" in that
respect. Now Lord Ellenborough, who so graci-
ously condescends to preside over us, and who is so
Ellen-
borough s
lisitleonreindl_toL3mrdy
Eoiriaetnobroyr—ou(LhordhasElhleerlid-
office, and I doubt not, will remember the sacrifice
of public opinion I am this day making for his
sake ;—if ever he should come into office again,
and make me a tax-collector, for my qualification for
which appointment, I beg leave to refer his Lord-
ship to my friend Mr. -Franklyn, late of this town.
With respect to the toast for which I have now
seconded the motion, I entirely approve of the sen-
timent. I love the liberty of the Press, and I abo-
minate its licentiousness ; and therefore I beg leave
to point out the distinction. The liberty of the
Press, in my notion, means the right of abusing the
sacred orders of the State, reviling the clergy, and
bringing the church and religion itself into contempt
And all true Tories will sympathize with me in de-
nouncing the licentiousness, that could presume to
vindicate clergy, religion, and church from my vitu-
peration. The liberty of the Press, to my mind,
means the liberty of abusing, with impunity, all
other journalists, who dare to differ from my opi.
pions, and accusing them of being " hirelings."
But how monstrous must be their licentiousness
that would not only not submit to my calumnies,
but actually had the audacity to pay me back in my
own coin, arid even offered to prove me to my teeth
the basest of hirelings ! !—( Hear him, hear him.)
My Lord and Gentlemen, when I took the liberty
of the Press to abuse the Age,' the' Age,' as I
said before, said some pretty things of me, for which,
in a mistake, I threatened to prosecute the Age;'
but the Age' only laughed at me, and so 1
pocketed the affront. I next thought to write down

only wrote it up, which Bo enraged me, that I
threatened to bring an action ; but the licentiou•
Journal defied me; and so I let it alone. Upon
these grounds, my Lord and Gentlemen, I am sure
you wilt admit, that I have every right to drink—
" The Licentiousness of the Press without its
Liberty."—(" Hear him, hear him. Nine times
nine," and tremendous cheering.)
Lord ELLENBOROUGit next read the Ring, as the
head of the House of Brunswick, a " Lecture on
Heads," which we own, as loyal subjects, and
having the fear of the Attorney-General before our
eyes, we dare not commit to paper.
Dr. NEWELL adopted Mr. Goodrich's notion of
magi,telial duty, by " fearlessly" holding up the
head of the executive Government, and the adviser
of the Crown, to public odium and contempt, in a
speech, which, though accurately reported, we dare
not undertake the responsibility of publishing.
Mr. R. B. COOPER, in a speech distinguished
from that of his brother magistrates by its candour,
sound sense, and temperance, delivered his senti-
ments on the present aspect of affairs with a spirit
worthy of a senator whose whole course has been
marked by consistency, and unimpeachable integrity.

Sincerely as we deplore and deprecate any mani-
festation of a turbulent spirit in this town, it cannot
be supposed that we should refrain, on such an oc-
casion as the present, from expressing our deep re-
gret that, on Tuesday evening, any class of the in-
habitants of Cheltenham should have suffered them-
selves to be betrayed into acts of violence even by
the intemperate provocation of a political opponent.
We unfeignedly lament the outrage offered to Lord
Ellenborough. Differing from his Lordship as we
do in political principles, we are bound to concede
to him the merit at least of candour in his opposi-
tion. But we suspect a full and fair investigation
of the affair might show that the " disturbance"
did not originate with, nor was the act of personal
violence perpetrated by, any set of people entitled
to the distinction of being style] " Reformers."
We have been too much accustomed to Tory tricks
in such cases, to decide hastily, or without the most
unquestionable proof, in a matter of so much mo-
ment. For the credit of our townsmen, however,
we must say that there is (as we have been in-
formed), a person who could somewhat enlighten
this now-seeming mystery—if his faculties were not
too much be-clouded at the moment he thought fit
to declare that there was not " one respectable
person amongst the Reformers of Cheltenham." We
trust he will spare us the pain of naming him.

REGISTRATION.-REFORM BILL.

(From the Liverpool Albion.)

A question, of considerable importance to
overseers of the poor, who will have to perform
the very onerous duty of making up the lists
and registers of electors, was put by Mr. O'Con-
nell, in the House of Commons, on Thursday
last, to the Recorder of Dublin, viz. whether,
" under the Reform Bill, it would require 208
days of the Recorder's time, at eight hours each
day, to register the present number of electors
in that city ?" To which the Recorder replied,
that, " with the increased constituency which
Dublin would receive, it would require a year
of 374 days, to be occupied eight hours each,
to enregister them." This question induced us
to examine the proceedings for registration in
England ; by which we find, that the overseers
are required to make out for the boroughs lists
of all male persons who, being eligible in other
respects, have occupied premises of not less than
101. clear yearly value for twelve calendar months,
next previous to the 31st July, and who have
resided for six calendar months, next previous
to the same day, within the borough, or within
seven statute miles thereof. And these lists
are to be made out alphabetically, on or before
the same 31st July, and to be printed, and
placed on the doors of every church and chapel
in the borough on the Sunday following, which
may be on the next day, viz, the Ist August.
Now, let us suppose that the borough of Li-
verpool will, when extended to its new limits,
register from 15,000 to 20,000 electors ; to
produce that number, it may be necessary to
make personal inquiry respecting each of 30,000
individuals, many of whom may reside at scat-
tered distances of nearly seven miles from " any
part" of the borough, we would ask, lst, How
many days will it require to make out the lists
of all persons in such a borough, supposed to
be qualified in all other respects, including the
inquiry as to their not being subject to any
legal incapacity (which, we understand, will
exclude aliens)? 2d, How many days will it
require to make inquiry, and ascertain who
among them has resided during six calendar
months within the prescribed limits ? which in-
quiry cannot be begun until the time is expired,
viz., 30th July. 3d. How long will it take to
make out a clear alphabetical list from the result
of such inquiries? 4th. How long will it take
to set up that list in type, correct the proofs,
and print the required number of copies ?
We are not sufficiently acquainted with the
number of qualifications Dublin may produce
to require 374 days, of eight hours each, to
register them ; but we are fully prepared to con-
tend, that the work we have described cannot
be done in one day, viz., on the 31st July, as
required by the Act, and that it will require a
considerable number of days to complete that
incipient part of the registration for Liverpool.
For, be it remembered, these lists are to be made
upon oath, and under a penalty of 500/. ; and,
in a business of such great political importance,
it is unjust to impose an onerous duty upon in-
dividuals, and not allow them time to discharge
that duty as they would wish to do it, consci-
entiously, fully, and effectively.
The further process of making up the regis-
ter, making written copies, and printed copies
after the lists have been revised and settled by
the barrister, is liable to similar objections, and
we have no means of working the machinery of
the Act except by a new arrangement of the
dates, which,—as we are aware that the points
we have urged were some time since laid before
his Majesty's Government,—we hope, is con-
templated by the clause in the Act giving such
authority to the Privy Council. Probably, the
latter expedient was adopted in preference to
opening and prolonging a discussion by altering
the existing regulations ; and we shall look with
anxiety for such an arrangement, which, we are
ahwwaolar,
have
et,savke iel sln. iogfia
fcticNv
thisabe
sl
aeur,
be
jteoccot
,rTake
correct
mi
in
yh e
tbheema
vcilinw machinery
desirable
for memorialize memorialize the Council upon it

w
ydas a very worthy
told his Minister
A NECDOTE OF THE LATE REV. MATTHEW
and that she
WlLKs.—One day a poor man, belonging to his church,
and who had sowething of MATTHEW WILKeS manner as
y
att
honadthe
,ii(iiva dieat matter
oaoraf
t‘wv
iciftae,miaeanddt 0
jwuhshitso
bcoee
eor
art a icai
oinln
fi n e
ii ,
had brought him another fine child. But then,
so it
is," added he, " God has not given us this day a mor-
sd of food in the house." "Ab !" said MATTHEW
WILES, affecting great indifference, " JOHN, I have always
understood, that when God sends a child into this world,
he also sends bread with it." " Alost true, your Reve-
rence," cried Jolts, "God's goodness always does so.
But than, he has sent the child to me and the bread to
you ; therefore it is that I have come for it." " Come in,
JOHN," said MATTHEW WILES, as a tear coursed down
nib cheek, " come in and take as much as you wiart.".—.

MEETING OF THE LIVERY OF LONDON.

A meeting of the Livery London took place on Tuesday
morning at the Guildhall Chambers, for the purpose of
considering whether any and what pledges should be ex-
acted from candidates intending to offer themselves at the
next general election.
_ _

Mr. LEDGEa took the Chair at half•past ten o'clock.
Mr. WILLIAMS addressed the meeting, and stated, that
at the last city election they had found the benefit of
exacting pledges from their Members, and their example
had been followed throughout the country. Mr. Williams
stated that with this intention he had prepared the following
resolutions, which he begged leave to submit to the meet-
ing. He was certain that the abolition of tithes, one of
the pledges to be exacted from Members, would not at all
affect the working portion of the clergy, but only the in•
dolent and the pluralist. With respect to the abolition of
assessed taxes, he thought they were grievously oppressive
and unjust. The tax on malt and soap was likewise very
oppressive. A farmer could not make his own malt. He
must sell his barley to a maltster for Ss. 6.1. per bushel,
and give 9s. for it back again. With regard to the corn
laws, that was a delicate subject, and they must take care
how they meddled with it, so as not to injure any particu.
lar description of persons. With respect to the Septen-
nial Act, there could be but one opinion upon that ques-
tion. It was a most tyraiinicil act of the Parliament
which voted its own continuance for seven years, and
that all future Parliaments should continue seven years.
Mr. Williams concluded by stating that the great end of
the Reform Bill was to procure cheap:government, and that
could nut be done without a great reduction in taxation.
The resolutions were then read ; they were to the effect
that, under the present circumstances, it was necessary
that same pledges should be exacted by the people from
their constituents. The pledges to be exacted from a can-
didate were first to procure an abolition of tithes, to
procure likewise an abolition of the assessed taxes, to pro-
cure a modification of the cern laws, and likewise to pro-
cure a repeal of the Septennial Act.
The CHAIRMAN did not consider that as a Committee
appointed by the Livery of London to watch the proceed-
ings relative to the Reform Bill, the meeting was compe-
tent to enter upon what pledges it might be necessary to
obtain from candidates.

Mr. GALLIIWAY considered the present meeting fully
competent to enter upon any subject the object of which
wrs the promotion of the great objects contemplated by the
passing of the Reform Bill.—(Hear.)
Dr. BowerNo would move that the Liverymen present
form themselves into a Provisional Committee, in order to
consider whether any, and what pledges should be taken
from the candidates at the next election. He had not
been in the country during the late discussions on the Re-
form Bill, but he could state, that in the different places
through which he had travelled, the conduct of the Livery
of London and the proceedings of the Reform Committee
had been watched with great anxiety. He felt confident
that the best course to be adopted was to agree to a decla-
ration to obtain pledges from constituents, in order that
the advantages anticipated by the adoption of the Reform
Bill might be obtained, and the objects of the people ac-
complished.

Mr. NrcuoLsow said a requisition was in the course of
signature, calling upon the Lord Mayor to grant the use of
Guildhall for a General Meeting of the Livery of London
and the new Constituents, to consider the necessary steps
to be taken to secure the return to Parliament of fit Re•
presentatives for the City.

The motion proposed. by Dr. BOWRINO was then put
and carried.

After some conversation it was agreed to call a public
meeting of the general constituency of London under the
new Bill, and a Sub-Committee of seven of the Livery was
appointed, with directions to add seven of the new electors
to their body, in order to draw up resolutions and declara-
tions, to be submitted to the general body of electors,
which will be convened in a few days
The meeting then adjourned.

THE MARKETS.

ET. —J une 20.

Per Ton. a. 4.
Walls End Hetton 20 6
Walls End Lambton 20 3
Ditto Russell's Lyon's...-. 18 6
Walls End Stewart's.-- 20 6
Walls End Adelaide 18 0
Walls End Cleveland—. 16 0
Walls End 19 0
Walls End Tees --.—. 19 9
Cowpen
Walls End Elgin 17 0
Llangennech Pemberton 20 0
New Flockton, Milne,
and Co. l7 3
Silkstone Field and C 0... 17 0
Scotch Parrot 21 0
Walls End Selby 15 6
Screinerstone Engine...-. 15 6
Greenwich Hospital....— 16 6
Walls End Henderson—. 18 0
Tantield 16 6
last market-day, 65.