The Sun.
London, England, 1832-02-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We have hitherto been prevented, by want of
room, from giving a connected view of the state of
the per'odical Press in France, and of the rigours to
which it has recently been subjected. A particular
case would ne:•er have illustrated the spirit of the
Government, nor would a particular verdict have
fle,cribed the disposition of the Juries. It may, there-
fore, he useful to enter into some general details,
or to give a summary of the proceedings of the last
twelve months, in relation to the Press. As the
revolution of July, 1830,—50 necessary to preserve
even the semblance of freedom in Prance,—was
brought about mainly by the discussions of the
journals, and by the courage of the journalists, the
bherty of the Press was of course extended and se-

cured by that great event. Among the earliest
legislative acts of the new dynasty was the trans-
ference of cases of 'libel from the Courts of the Cor-
rectional Police, where a writer of the greatest emi-
tierice might sit by the side of a pickpocket or night-
brawler, to the Courts of Assize, and the introduc-
tion of a Jury into all questions relative to the
publication of opinion. A great body of writers
itnmediattly started into so promising a field,
chiefly on the republican side ; new journals
were established to advocate. their extreme prin-
ciples, and in a short time a greater schism was
effected between the parties who had joined in resist-
ing the illegal ordinances of Charles X.. than be-
tween the Government of that infatuated 31 ,narch
and its opponents. No Ministry, however liberal,
could long satisfy the partisans of equality and agi-
tation, who expected, from the " glorious days of
the barricades," not a change of dynasty only, but
a change of social order,—net a political, but a
vaeral revolution ;and accordingly, we find that they
• 'posed every successive Cabinet, from that of 31.
L fitte and M. Dupont de l'Eure, to that of M.
Casimir Perier, established in March last. As the
present Cabinet, at its inauguration, inscribed on
its flag, " Peace abroad, and the maintenance of
order at home," it became instantly, of course, oh-
noxious to the party which preached insurrection for
opinion all over Europe, and which hoped to gain
ascendancy in France by the power of the mob.
The newspaper Press, therefore, as being the chief
opponent of the existing Cabinet, and the chief ob•
stac'e to the attainment of their ereat objects of
external and internal peace, has been regarded with
peculiar hostility, and attacked with extreme
violence. In proportion as the attention of the
Ministers was directed to republican violence,
or t ) the progress of republican opinion alone,
the Royalists and the Carlists, under a kind
of political amnesty, have gathered strength,
and added to their means of vexation, if not
of danger. Newspapers, which are the organs
of Royalist opinions, have multiplied in numbers, and
increased in audacity, in all the provinces of the
west and south. Within the last eight or ten months
there have been established no less than thirty pro-
vincial journals, under the name generally of Ga-
zt-ttes, with the ancient name of the province or lo-
cality attached, displaying in their very titles their
counterrevolutionary principles. Thus we have
the Gazette of Guienne, of Brittany, of Anjou, of
Languedoc, of Poitou, and other ancient provinces.
These journals, without mask or disguise, support
the rights of Henry V., and oppose the existing in-
stitutions of the country. Hear how the Gazettes/
tire South, one of the brood, expresses its first fears
and its renewed confidence :
" When the revolution of August 7 was accomplished,
the Royalists abandoned themselves to a just sorrow.
They taw their Bourbons depart once more, the victims of
their confidence and good faith ; and they saw the revolu-
tionary regime approach with its hideous escort of mise-
ries and tyt armies. But they were net long in perceiving
that all was not lost, since the honour of their doctrines
was saved. " They began to demand
the abolition cf centralization, and monopoly, univocal
suff •age, provincial and municipal institutions. * *
" Immediately there rose in all parts. in Britanny, in
the South, in Auvergne, in Normandy, in Burgundy, a
multitude of political Journals, which had for their effect
to restore to our common lauguage the most forgotten
names of oar ancient provinces —those names which mike
our hearts beat—those nanies so magn'ficent in the glory
of our annals. • There was something mi.gic in
this explosion of opinion—of the general sentiment so long
mute. Captive and oppressed France felt a relief in her
anguish. a * The men of August 7 soon understood
the danger with which they are threatened. They
trembled on ground mined beneath their feet. They there-
fore, above all, displayed their rage against these indepen-
dentorgans of provincial opinion—they multiplied against
them, without interruption or shame, the anithetras of
the public prosecutor, and the rigours of Juries. But
neither menaces, nor imprisonments, nor ruinous fines, nor
prosecutions, nor seizures, nor breaking of their presses,
nor pillage, has been stile to check or to intimidate the
zeal of generous citizens, who have devoted themselves to
the propagation of the only doctrines which France either
can or will avow."
The audacity of these Carlist journals is almost
incredible. They boldly attack the legality of the
Government and the title of the King, openly sup-
porting the cause and encouraging the hopes of the
partisans of Henry V. In short, there never was
any Press which so undisguisedly preached revol',
or advocated a counter-revolutionary restoration.
The provincial Courts often attack these joutnals
without obtaining a conviction, and often would
acquit them, as at Marseilles and other places, did
not the populace dictate a conviction to the Judges
and Juries. If the Carlist Press has been thus
violent, and has justified considerable rigour, the
republican has been much more furious, and may
have justified greater severities, were not these
severities found to he totally inefficient, and there-
fore found to be impolitic. With these latter
journals nothing has been sacred. They are con-
ducted by young enthusiasts or violent spirits, whom
it is as difficult to resist as to endure. No scruples,
either of truth or of decency, can deter them from
uttering any calumny against power, however impro-
bable, cr provokirg to any excess however danger-
ous. They one day tell us that Louis Philip is about
to abdicate in favour of his son ; the next that
he is in correspondence with the exiled family to
surrender his throne to his relatives in Holyrood ;
and the third, that he has formed an alliance with
foreign despots to crush the rising liberties of France.
They even openly preach in favour of a republic, and
regret that their citizen King is not a responsible
President. The persecutions to which they are
subject only exasperates them the more, and they
find in the penalties which they have provoked new
reasons for a contumacious resistance to the laws and
institutions by which they suffer. In order to give
an idea of the rigour lately exercised towards the
Press, we shall enumerate the treatment experienced
by some of the most obnoxious journals. The
Tribune stands pre-eminent. It has now reached the
334 prosecution within the last ten months; three of
its editors are now in prison on terms of confinement
more or less extended ; and a fourth, 31. Sarrur, has
been arrested before judgment. The Caricature has
reached nearly its age of majority, if that be
measured by prosecutions, having arrived at its
'Oth. The Quotidienne, the National, La Gazette
de France, Lc Cour, ier des Electeurs, Le Courier
de Europe, L'Opinion, Le ilfouvement, Le Reve-
nant, Le Courrier Francais, and Lc Mayeux,
have all passed the fiery ordeal of -Alinisteril pro-
secutions, for different and even contradictory opi-
nione. We need not mention L'Arenir, which,
notwithstanding its title, is dead ; but which, during
it brief existence, was not unvisited by Crown pro-
secutions. It must be said, however, that every one
of those journals has shown great violence, and
that in this country they would all have been found
guilty of seditious libels by any Jury. But what is
more hateful than the prosecution is the seizure of
the number containing the alleged libel, before trial
at the post-office, or in the printing-office of the
journal, and the arrest of the journalist, on pretext
that he would run away from trial. The Tribune
must have lost more than one month's Papers out
of the last ten months by this iniquitous mode of
proceeding; We call it iniquitous, because when the
acquittal comes, and the Paper is restored to the
journalist, it is no longer of any use either to the
proprietor's or 'to their subscribers. The most

irritating part, however, of the proceeding has
been the arrest of the printer and editor before trial,
which has lately occurred in four or five cases, and
which will no doubt be denounced by the Tribune,
arid immediately abandoned by the Ministry. If
this struggle between opinion and power—between
writers rendered furious by persecution, and the au-
thorities who find a justification for their severities
in the very violence which they excite—continues,
the Government must either retire, or take refuge
in a censorship, which they themselves have so often
denounced and condemned. The Ministers have
now nearly reached their 400th prosecution of news-
papers, in the capital and the provinces, including
republicans arid royalis's ; hut their rigour has nei-
ther intimidated their enemies nor been agreeable to
their friends. Even their organ the Journal des
Debats has been obliged to condemn the conduct of
the law officers in arresting and imprisoning four of
the printers and editors of Papers before trial ; and
this scandalous proceeding will certainly not be re-
peated. The last sentence which we have seen is
that against M. de Genoude, the editor and proprie-
tor of the Gazelle de France, who has been endea-
vouring for the last eighteen months to prove that
King Philip is neither Sovereign of France by he-
reditary descent, nor by national election; but who
was condemned at last to one month's imprisonment,
not for this doctrine, but for publishing a letter of
NI. Cotta, which had been printed four days before
in other Journals. Even this great leading Journal
of the Bourbon Royalists became popular in such a
contest ; and if the good sense and tact of the Pre-
sident of the Council does not immediately put an
end to such prosecutions, his reign verges to a con-
clusion.--Times.

HOW STANDS THE GAME ?

( From the Spectator.)

There has been, during the week, not a little
anxiety displayed among the friends of Ministers
and the Bill, and not a little crowing among the
enemies of both. The latter have been scatter-
ing all manner of rumours, about the refusal of
the King to create Peels, the embarrassments of
the Ministers in consequence, the loss of the Re-
volutionary measure (as they call it), and the com-
ing in of the Bit-by-bits ; while the former have
been lamenting the promulgation of these stories
as lugubriously as if they wished the public to
believe them. Under such circumstances, it is
peculiarly the task of a Spectator, who, as the
proverb goes, generally sees more of the game
than those who are playing it, to state plainly
how it novr stands.

In the first place—not meaning to abstract one
particle from that prudent jealousy with which
all rules ought to be viewed—we must say, that
there is not a shadow of reason for suspecting
that the Ministry mean to act otherwise than ho-
nourably and justly. And, what is of equal im-
portance, they have in the Commons ample
power to act justly. If there be a Reformer in
the kingdom who fears that the slightest damage
can or will come to the Bill while in the Com-
mons, we write that man down an ass inconti-
nently. We indeed admit, that, seeing as we
see, there might be more speed in passing the
Bill. But we are also bound to admit, that
we see only in part. There are numerous diffi-
culties inthe way of the most zealous that do
not come out. Perhaps, had we all these before
us, and were they all duly weighed, we should
not find the Ministry so lagging as they now
appear to be. One thing, then, is clear—the
Bill will pass the Lower House. We believe
it will pass it soon. True, the schedules A and
B are yet to be discussed ; but they will be dis-
cussed on different principles from those on
which they were last discussed. We are secure
of fifty-six for the one and of thirty for the other.
Frailtown and Truckleborough may down the
middle, up again, and change places—let their
patron's look to that—one hundred and forty-one
nomination Members are cut off without dispute.
The fight, therefore, if there be any fight about
these schedules, will be a struggle of borough.
monger against boroughmonger. There is not
one Reformer who is not prepared to say to
such combatants—

" Lay on
And damn'd be he who first cries hold."

Let us see how we shall stand in other quar-
ters. Who are our friends ? who our foes ?
We shall enumerate the latter first.

There is the Queen ; we speak it with sor-
row—her Majesty has not warmer admirers in
the empire than we are, but magna est Veritas,
and we must obey its injunctions—the Queen,
whose just pride it once was that she did not
presume to interfere between the Kiwi- and his
people in politics, is now marked by the Anti-
Reform faction for its own ; let us admit this
claim, and set it down as a fact, that Queen
Adelaide does, unhappily, now intermeddle with
politics, and that she is against the people's Bill.
We pretend not to account for this fact ; we
only chronicle it as the Anti-Reformers desire.
Her Majesty may be swayed by advice, or by
reflection, or by the influence of that principle
which, from Eve down to the latest wedded of
her daughters, induces wives of every rank and
condition in humanity to be of a different opi-
nion from their husbands. Then, in addition
to the Queen, we have the gentle Princesses
Augusta and Sophia of Gloucester; the Prince
of Gloucester, gentle also, he whose clever acts
and clever sayings have so often been recorded
in the enduring columns of the John
There is the Duke of Cumberland, " full of
strange oaths, and bearded like the pard ;" and
a greater than either, the Duke of Wellington,
with his band of led captains and old women,
each of them longing more ardently than another
for one draught more from the cup of official
sweets, and the poor, old, broken-down ex-
Premier, most earnestly of all. Then there are
white sticks. and yellow sticks, and black sticks,
we know not how many, all men of soft tongues
and gossiping withal, exceedingly fit either to
make a tale or to fetch and carry one. There is
too a certain Equerry, an old campaigner with
the Duke, who, if he be not belied, played the
same game against his quondam General, when
the latter was engaged in settling the Catholic
claims, as he is now playing against Lord Grey.
These are the higher luminaries and their satel-
lites. In the inner and inferior sphere there is
the corps diplomatique, including, of course, the
Princess Lieven, and excluding Prince Talley-
rand, who is bound by station, if not principle,
to support liberal measures ; the Bit-by-bits, led
on by Lord Harrowby ; the Bishops, led on by
one " we daurna name ; and the gentlemen black-
guards, commanded by the Member for Preston.
These are the enemies of the Bill.
Now for its friends. There is the king,
whose very name is a tower of strength ; what,
then, his understanding, his affections, his influ-
ence ? The Ministers, of course. The people,
" the source of all legitimate power," as they say
at the Crown and Anchor. Weigh the two
scales, and then say, is there any well-grounded
I cause of fear ?

The Standard talked the other day of some-
thing that took place between the King and
Lords WharnclifFe and Grey, and expressed a
mighty longing to hear Lord Grey's version of
it. Suppose ourselves to have been perched on
the top of the great mirror, in the shape of a

wallow, during this conversation, and that,
having listened to it, we should report it for our
contemporary's comfort. Suppose that his Ma-
jesty delivered himself thus—" My Ministers
must be supported. The Bill must pass. The
rotten boroughs must he cut off; the large towns
must be enfranchised ; the suffrage must be
opened wide. But I wish you all to agree
about it, if possible ; and that you may have the
power to discuss your differences, the Bill must
go into Committee. If von won't let it go into
Committee, there is a way to prevail on you."
' Suppose the King to have thus spoken—and
suppose Lord Wharncliffe, who knows that
William the Fourth is every inch a King, and
that his word does not go forth in vain—to have
replied, that he would not oppose the Bill's
going into Committee, notwithstanding the ad-
vice of Mr. Croker in the John Bull, and the
obstinacy of the Duke ; and that he would try
how far his opinions and those of Earl Grey
could be reconciled. And lastly—we are put-
ting a case, as the gentlemen of the House of
Commons say when they are speaking against
the orders—suppose Earl Grey to say, as he
needs must, that until that trial were made, lie
would not insist on any other means of passing
the Bill. Suppose all this, and where is the
Standard's subject of boast ? If the Tories
will pass the Bill with a good grace, why should
they not ? We would truly rejoice to see them
do any thing with a good grace.
,It they will
not—why Vive le Rot quaud 771elne
pass it in spite of them, and all that support
them—Queen, Prince, Duke, Bishop, Ambas-
sadors,Ambassadress, Black Sticks, and Blacking.
Here, then, we stand. 'l he Bill will go into
Committee in the Lords. If, in passing through
the Committee, it suffer the slightest damage
in principle or in any important matter of detail,
the remedy—the only one—will be applied on
bringing up the report. We confess we like the
short road best, although it is not always the
nearest. But our grand object is to get the Bill.
If we had our choice, we would go through the
bush with it at once ; but if, to gratify whim in
high places, to soothe opposition, to open a
loophole for the devotee of petty consistency,
we must go about it, always supposing we attain
the same end, we will not grumble at going
about. If the end is not attained in this way,
let those who thwart us take the consequences.

SEWN Ii EDITION.
SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock.

IMPERIAL PA RLIAMENT
OF THIS EVENING.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

In consequence of the absence of the Lord Chancellor,
the Earl of SHAFTESBURY took his seat on the Woolsack
at Five o'clock.

Lord GEORGE CAVENDISW, and others from the Com-
mons, brought up a Private Bill, which was read a first
time.

Mr. Tomlins, from the Treasury, presented returns of
the imports and exports in the trade to India.
Mr. Spicer, from the Chelsea Hospital, presented
papers relative to the unclaimed prize money.
ThelErnbezz'ernent Bill was read a third time and passed.
The Courts of Session (Scotland) 13i11 was read a second
time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow.

Lord AUCKLAND was requested by the Noble Earl
at the head of his Majesty's Treasury to state, that be was
detained fi ow the House to•night by duties of a high and
important nature. He hoped that it would cause no in-
convenience to the House. He would be in his p!ace to
answer any questions to-morrow.
The Earl of ABERDEEN had intended to ask some
questions respecting the Belgian treaty, but in consequence
of the Noble Earl not being present he would defer them
till to-morrow.

Viscount STRANGFORD had a petition to present,
but he would keep it till some of his Majesty's Ministers
were present.—Adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Lord STANLEY presented a petition from the Liver-
pool cattle salesmen, praying to be incorporated.
Lord SANDON obtained leave to bring in a Bill to
extvnil and enlarge the powers of the Manchester and Liver-
pool Railway Act, and for enabling the Company to make
a branch railway.
Mr. BURTON presented a petition from the bankers.
merchants, &c., of the town and neighbourhood of Be-
verley, against the General Registry Bill.
Mr. HANDLEY presented a similar petition from the
freeholders, &c., of Newark-upon-Trent.
Mr. STRICKLAND presented a petition from cer-
tain of the inhabitants of the town of Rippon, in
the West Riding of the county of York, upon
Vie subject of the Reform Bill. The petitioners
stated that in consequence of the overwhelming influence
and great property of Mrs. Lawrence in that borough, it
bad hitherto been what was called a close borough ; and
he (Mr. Strickland) stated these facts with the less regret,
because there was not one word in the petition disre-
spectful to that amiable lady. It stated that if the pre-
sent boundaries of R:ppon be hereafter its boundaries,
it would still be a elose or rotten borough in the posses-
sion of Mrs. Lawrence, and the petitioners prayed that the
adjoining boroughs of Pentybridge, Boroughbridge, and
Ripley, be added to Rippon. They also stated, that in
consequence of the liberality of Mrs. Lawrence in
presenting the Mayor with an annual gift of two
hundred pounds, it would be unfit to make
that officer in future the returning officer ; that the
Corporation of Rippon was a self-elected body, which
caused a denial of justice to a great portion of the inha-
bitants, and they prayed the House to take into consider-
ation the state of the Magistracy in all sell elected Cor-
porations.--(Hear, hear.)—The petition was ordered to
be printed.
The FION.IIIE3I BE R:next presented a petition, numerously
and respectably signed by the inhabitants of the town and
neighbourhood of Wakefield, against the General Registry
Bill. The petitioners conceived that the expence of
taking copies of deeds would pi esent a great obstacle to
the transfer of small portions of land ; and they wet e
of opinion that the present mode of registry in the West
Riding of York possessef all the advantages, and at much
less expense, than were promised by,the establishment of a
Metropolitan Registry Office.
The petition was read and ordered to be printed.
The IltaN. MEstuxa then adverted to a petition which
he held in his hand from a person named John Smithson,
of Leeds. The petitioner stated that he was wel
aware he could not he permitted by the rules of the
House to advert to what hail taken place in Parliament,
but he complained that he had seen a statement in the
public papers, in which the Hon. Member for Preston was
reported to have said that the petitioner had been guilty
of the atrocity of roasting the Bible.—(Cries of
o " Order,
order.")
Mr. SPEAKER interrupted the Honourable Mein-
th
juebb
public
otpt
STRICKLAND said that, bowing to the decision ir
le; ceatr ispo
eon
tui
tt
petition
ttaio)neyt thattoihuii,oneugsceo..l d appeared y
ber, by stating that be must be perfectly aware, th it
not
l
he
in
nbe thethe
s
of the Right lion. Gentleman, he would beg leave to with-
draw the petition.

Mr. SPEAKER—It is not presented yet.—(A laugb•)
Mr. STRICKLAND said he would nut press it.
Mr. BLAMIRE presented a petition from Workington
against the Registry Bill ; also two other petitions of a
similar nature from perishes in Cumberland.
Mr. WARBURTON presented a petition from the
Corporation of Surgeons of Edinburgh, praying that fa-
cility might be given to the study of anatomy.
Mr. O'CONNELL would take that opportunity of
mentioning a few facts to the House connected with the
subject of anatomy, which had been detailed to him. It
might be,incredible to the House, but he had been assured that
it was the fact that a person in Ireland had actually received
no less a sum than 381. for three bodies exported trout
Ireland into England. So large a sum, the Hon. Member
considered, held out the greatest possible inducements to
murder. lie was clearly of opinion that some mode must
be adopted, and that immediately, to give greater facility to
the students at medical schools. if tlifs..'Tel) clothe country
continued to deprive the medical studearlif those facilities
which were necessary to the prosecution of his studies, the
result would be that the science would be given up in this

country, as students would go to France, where every faci-
lity was given to so important a branch of the education
of a medical man.
Mr. HUN!' believed that the sum which had been
stated by the Hon. Member for Kerry was the average
price which had been given for subjects for some time
past. He understood tbat the College of Surgeons, in
Dublin, had lectured for some time on artificial subjects,
prepared by a medical man in Paris; those artificial
subjects had been exhibited in London, and had
met with universal approbation. It was extraordi-
nary, as the study of anatomy was carried on with
such success in Paris, with artificial subjects, it
could not be pursued in this country' with equal benefit.
I•or himself, he understood that the student after practising
upon the artificial subject might, by dissections o❑ two or
threw real subjects, acquire as good a knowledge of ana-
tomy as if he had had the dissection of for•y real ones. The
first surgeons in London had examined and expressed their
approbation of the artificial subjects. He considered the Bill
introduced by the Hon. Member for Bridport calculated
to do every thing to promote science, but nothing for the
security of the public.
Mr. CRAMPTON had no hesitation in saying that the
information which the Hon. Member for Preston had re-
ceived from Dublin was perfectly inaccurate. Unless some
such Bill as that introduced by the Hon. Member for
Bridport become the I.w of the land, there would be no
security for the life of any human being.
Mr. SHEIL was sure that there was not a single sur-
geon in Dublin who would agree in the necessity of ana-
torny being dispensed with.
Mr. ROBINSON observed that there was a great
dif-
ference of opinion among medic tl men with respect to the
merits of the Bill introduced by the Hon. Member for
Bridport. He did not mean to say that he was opposed
to that Bill, but he implored the House to give its most
serious attention to the subject before it came to any posi-
tive enactment on the subject.
Sir R. INGLIS thought no time should be lost in
giving facilities to the students of anatomy. He did not
agree altogether with the Bill of the Honourable
Member for Bridport, be had his own views on the sub-
ject, but he was quite sure some interference on the part
of the Legislature was absolutely necessary.
Mr. WARBURTON concurred with the Hon. Member
for Preston, when he stated that artificial bodies would in
a great measure lessen the necessity for disec•ing real
bodies, but the former did not by any means supersede
the latter.—(Hear.) The very authorities which he (Mr.
Hunt) had quoted, showed the absurdity of the in-
formation he had received. Such was the case with
the opinion of Sir As:ley Cooper, as given in the printed
report ; and even when Docter Basset had made
the very finished model that had been re-erred to, the Me-
dical Board of Paris hail merely spoken of it as useful to
the pupil when dissecting.
Mr. SHAW wou'd state a fact, in corroboration of the
likelihood that those crimes which had disgraced this
country might very speedily be introduced into Ireland,
were some legislative measure, such as that now propos, d,
not carried into effect. Within the last few days, an indivi-
dual had been discovered in the county of Wexford,
driving a cart, in which had been found the dead bodies of
four children, supposed to have been murdered for the pur-
pese of selling for dissection. A great body of evidence
on this subject had already been before the public, but
whether it was true in its particulars it was important th it
some measure, having the same objects as that of the Hon.
Member (Mr. Warburton), should pass into law.
Mr. STEVENSON hoped that the provisions of the
Bill introduced would prevent any price being given lit
dead bodies at all. The Hon. Member for Preston had
not been accurately informed as to the schools of anatomy
ahroad. In France and Germany the bodies were supplied
from the prisons, workhouses, and infirmaries, and from
the facilities thus afforded science there bad reached a height
unequalled in any other country. It was in Italy thatflarvey
acquired that scientific instruction which enabled him af-
terwards to discover the circulation of the blood.

Mr. RUTHVEN hoped that the Bill, if a good one,
would be applied to Ireland.
Mr. HUNT meant to say, that artificial subjects would
not wholly supersede, but decrease the necessity for real
ones for anatomical purposes.
Mr. O'CONNELL said, the House had two things
to do,--first, to discourage the practice of horrid murder
and next to promote science. Prejudices existed as to the
practice of dissection, hut the body, if not cut up by the
anatomical knife, became decomposed by the worms and cor-
ruption. No prejudice should therefore arise against the
Bill on that account. As to the school of anatomy in
Dublin. the Hon. Member for Preston had been grie-
vously misinformed. Great facility had been afforded to
anatomical study, in consequence of the number of bodies
supplied to that institution it had risen to the greattst
eminence.

Mr. WARBURTON then presented three similar peti-
tions front the town of Sheffield, from the pnpils of a
school in Golden-square, and another place. The Hon.
Member took occasion to state that a statement which
the Honourable Member for Preston had made on a
former night was incorrect with regard to Dr. John
Hunter. The fact was, that celebrated individual having
a disease of the heart had given directions that his body
should be dissected, and certain parts should be preserved
in the College of Surgeons. He (Mr. Warburton) said
this upon the authority of a medical gentleman who at-
tended the dissection of Dr. Bunter.
Alter a few words from Mr. HUNT, in explanation, the
pet tions wet e read and ordered to be printed.
Mr. WARBURTON then presented a petition from the
National Political Union, signed only by the members of
the Council, and of course could only be received as the
petition of those who signed it. They prayed that the
qualification for the franchise might not depend upon the li
payment of any rates or taxes. The Hon. Member said
he supported the prayer of the petition.
Lord STORMONT objected to the House receiving a
petition coming from persons professing themselves to be
members of the Council of those societies which had been
denounced by his Majesty's proclamation. On this ground
be should oppose the presentation of the petition.
Mr. WARBURTON was not before aware that any
pfoclamation had declared all these societies illegal.—
(Hear.) The proclamation was merely directed against
certain societies which corresponded with each other. The
Noble Lord should make out a case to show that the pre-
sent society came within the spirit and letter of the statute,
and even then it would not justify the House in rejecting
the petition, or prevent its being received as the petition
of those who signed it.
Mr. O'CONNELL denied the assertions of the Noble
Lord (Stormont), either as regarded a breach of
the proclamation or of the law. Even if the procla-
mation decided the society to be illegal fifty times,
that would not prove its illegality.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
As a Member of the National Union, he denied that it
was an illegal society, or any transactions connected with
it, and he stood there ready to defend the society from any
aspersions. He believed, indeed, it was of the utmost
importance that thorn Unions should not be treated with
haughtiness or contempt.—(Hear.)
Mr. A. TREVOR said it was obvious to him that his
Majesty's proclamation was aimed at such societies. If
persons c.iose to petition the House as resident house-
hohlers, or in any other capacity but as Members of the
Council of a Union, he would never object to it ; but he
felt bound to support his Noble Friend (Stormont) in
opposing this petition.
Mr. HIJME, as a member of the Political Union, de-
clared that its exertions were most meritorious. He
advised the opposers of this petition to read the prospectus
of the society, and if they could find any thing illegal
in its transactions, then only could they properly make
any objection to the petitiou. So far from those societies
being illegal, he would be glad to see them established in
every parish in England. He denied that the King's
ploclaination could suppress them, unless they hail baen
guilty of an offence against the law.
Mr. TREVOR asked if any society denounced by the
King's proclamation, be permitted to meet and petition
tbis House as a body, of what use was the proclamation?
Mr. HUME answered none at all.--(Loud laughter
and cries of " Hear.") If those societies were guilty of
any offence, the remedy was not to be found in the King's
proclamation.
Mr. HUNT said, the prayer mentioned in the petition
had bean wholly lost sight of, viz.—that the payment of
rates and taxes should not be made a qualification to vote,
and ia that prayer be concurred. Ile contended that the
petitioners were entitled to have their petition received,
even though they had been found guilty and convicted of
an offence. That would not deprive any person of his
right of petitioning.
After a few observations from Sir F. BURDETT and Mr.
WARBURTON, which were totally inaudible, the petitio❑
was ordered to be printed.

Lord ALTHORP then moved the order of the day,
for the House receiving the report of the Committee of
Supply, when
Sir R. VYVYAN rose for the purpose of postponing
his motion with respect to Belgium. The Hon. Member
observed that the House would recollect on Friday last be
had stated that the presentation of a treaty between five
Powers, and ratified only by three, was totally without
precedent. The Noble Lord (Palmerston) had cited the case
of the Congress at Vienna, which at the time it was laid
before the House, in 1815, wanted the signature of the
Plenipotentiary of Spain. He (Sir R. Vyvyan) most

certainly thought it did not requite much argu-
ment to prove that that treaty was no authority
for the course adopted by Ministers, a step which had in-
volved his Majesty in the serious predicament of having
sent a treaty to Parliament not properly ratified. It was in
consequence of such difficulties surrounding the country
and the House that he now rose for the purpose of postpon-
ing his motion, not knowing at present how to deal with
the subject. When he gave notice before Christmas
of his intention to bring the subject forward, it was
generally understood that the ratification was to take
place on the Ist of January.—(Hear.) It was, however,
postponed to the 31 et. The House was, therefore, in this
predicament, that it could not discuss the treaty as a docu-
ment that might be amended. It was an incomplete
transaction, and it would be premature to bring the
subject before the House until the treaty was
ratified by all the Powers. He (Sir Richard
Vyvyan) was the more induced to postpone the
[notion in consequence of having seen a protocol, stating
that the ratification would be produced in a short time,
perhaps within a fortnight or three weeks. Such being
the case, he should postpone the motion to the 28th. At
the same time begging it to be understood, in the event of
the treaty not being ratified, he s'aould think it necessary
to postpone it still further. For as the motion which he
should have to make would probably be a vote of censure
on Government, he should not wish to bring the subject
forward till the Government were prepared to meet it.
Lord PALMERSTON, when he quoted the authority
of the Congress at Vienna, had prefaced it by stating it was
❑ot a case perfectly similar to the present. In that case
the Spanish Government had not ratified the treaty : the
House would also recollect that he had stated, that if there
were no precedent to be found, the urgency of the case
should itself make a precedent. He had also stated
then, that the treaty was not less binding on
this country, because it had not been signed by three out
out of the five contracting parties.—(Cheers.) In his
opinion it was the bounden duty of the servants of the
Crown to communicate the contents of the treaty to
Parliament.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The non-ratifi-
cation of those three Powers in no respect affected
the engagements entered into by England ; there was no
reason, therefore, why the treaty should not be presented
to Parliament. There might be reasons why Hon. Mem-
bers should wish to represent the treaty as incomplete—
(Cheers)—but as fir as the engagements of England were
concerned the transaction was complete. His Majesty's
Government had laid that treaty before Parliament, and
were prepared to defend it, as well as their own condo t
with respect to it, whenever it shout! please any Ho .
Member ►o bring the subject before that House.
Mr. CROKER wished to know whether, according to
the law of nations, if a treaty were negociatcd betty.en
several parties, and only two out of three of the parties,
for instance, ratified it, that ratification was binding t n
the parties who had ratified, though the third refused to
come in and ratify?
Lord PALMERSTON had no hesitation in answering
" Yes" to the question that had just been put to hitn. As
far as he was informed of the laws of nations, a tre ity
concluded, like the present, between five parties or powers,
two ratifying and three refusing to ratify, the ratificationn
was equally binding on those who had ratified, whether
the other three continued to refuse to ratify or not.