The Sun.
London, England, 1832-05-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Nothing can be more shameless than the tactics of ere-
tain left-handed branches of an illustrious family, in tl.eir
systematic and persevering attempts to misrepresent the
conduct of the late Administration. By whota were they
elevated to distinctions, which were refused them by the:
Duke of Wellington? and for what reasons, have they
turned upon these, who made themselves respansible for
the indulgence of their Royal Parent's feelings towards
them, in placing them on a level in society with the no-
h ility and gentry of the country? We have heard it re-
ported, that Lord Munster has always given a heeiteting
and reluctant vote on the different stigee of the Reforie
Bill—that soon after its first introduction, he quarrelled
with his father, to whom he has been only pleased to he
reconciled since Lord Grey's removal from office. Was
this difference caused by a refusal to create. him Duke of
Clarence, or by the impossibility of complying wilt insa-
tiable demands for money—or by his enmity to Reform ?
But, to whatever cause it is to he ascribed, we eounse I him to
be circumspect in his conversations and conduct. The eyes
of the public are upon the whole family, and the people will
not brook their interference in the affairs of this nation.
Upon what grounds and authority does he vereure to as-
sert in society that no promise was made by his Majesty to
his late Ministers, to create any number of Peers which
the exigency of the case might require, to carry the Re-
form Bill ? We dare him to the proof his assertion.
He is either ignorant, or he is guilty of gross misreprr-
sentation—we have teo much charity to believe the latter ;
And if his Anti-reforming zeal on this occasion is prompted
by ignorance, he should without delay consult Lords
Wbarncliffe and Harrowby, or his friend the Duke of
Wellington, who has now access to written documents on
this subject. Will the public believe that this man, who
thus arrays himself against the wishes and hopes of the

people, aspires, through his connexion with the Crown
and the protection of a Polignuc Administration, to the
Government of India .1 We tell him he has chosen the
wrong path to such an object. What House of Commons
—we would rather say. what House of the representatives
of the people—would permit such an insult to their feel-
jots, or sanction such a reward for ingratitude, tergiversa-
tion, an•t perfidy ? The times for such jots are, thank
God, gone by.--Morning Chronick.
Palignac-Wellington has, it seems, undertaken to form
a Ministry—but somehow r oti:er there is not that ala-
erity to take office under him on which he calculate.%
That Sir Robert Peel should hesitate to drag himself

twice through the dirt for the sake of his Grace,-was only
what we expected. Sir Robert is voune and rich—he is
a great master of the plaesibilitiee of which Englishmen,
pretending to some consequence, are 'end, and he is a for-
ntidable debater. Croker is certainly more acute, but he
is not q producible man, being without the decorum and
sense of propriety necessary to manage English Gentlemen.
He is inventive, and in the closet would he of great stead
to his Grace, especi .fly in all that relates to a second edi-
tion of the Polignac-bueineee, with alterations suited to
this country, for nature has been liberal to him in cun-
ning; bet where nature heti given dangerous qualities,
she generally mixes up something with them to put :be
unwary on their guard. The hiss of the rattlesnake warns
the approaching traveller of his danger, and the waspish-
ness and malice of Mr. Croker, and a tone of insincerity
cot to be mistaken, shuts the hearts of his hearers against
him. Mr. Croker can never nit the first psi tin an'Eng.
Eng-
lish House of Commons, if the Duke would pot him for-
ward. But to do Mr. Croker justice, he has sufficient
netration to foresee the precariousness of the elevation which
he might obtain, and even he refuses office. Would it be
believed that Mr. Herries has also his scruples ? But the
our-de. grace remains to be told—Mr. Horace Twiss
gives out that he has a character to lose; that it is very
well for the Duke of Wellington, who has none, in the face
of his protest to take office,but he cannot, so soon after the
publication of his conservative pamphlet, venture to imi-
tate his example. He gives out that office has been offered
to him, but that he refuses. Mr. Baring's ambition is
somewhat cooled. He remarks, at last, that he has a son,
and that the hatred of ip indignant nation might he a sad
deduction from the vague of the treasures he might leave
him. The Polignac Administration does not, therefore,
411 rapidly. The Duke's a bold man, every one said,
when, after declaring that it would be madness in him to
take the office of Premier, he yet took the direction of '
public affairs. The Duke's a bolder man than ever, we
now say, to take office within one month of that famous
protest against the second reading of the Reform Bill,
which he signed, and to which 7 t Peers aferwards at-
tached their names, including the great borcughmongers,
Newcastle, Loesdale, Rutland, Northumberland, &c. That
protest must be kept constantly before the people of Eng-
land, (it will be found in another part of our Paper.)--
This extraordinary document filled the people of Eng-
land with an indignation hardly equalled by his famous
declaration, extolling to the skies the shameful parts of the
House of Commons. If any person of ordinary experience
'if mankind, even in the profligate atmosphere of a
Boroughmongering Aristocracy, had been asked to point
out who in England would cling to the last to rotten
boroughs, he would at once have exclaimed, without a
mornent't deliberation, the Duke of Wellington. Well,
the man who subscribed this protest, in which he declares
that to touch the rotten boroughs is to destroy the
monarchy, now announces that he will grant7a Reform as
efficient as that against which he voted—that in parti-
cular he will destroy all the boroughs in schedule A, and
perhaps go a little further—that be will enfranchise all
the great towns, and be will give additional Members to
counries,—and that he has no intention of raising the 101.
qualification. This is what is given out. But do we believe
him ?—No. The object is to gain time. The people, he per-
ceives, are now in a steteofexcitement, which even a Polignac
Administration dreads to encounter. He wishes time. He
expects that his promises may tend to allay the excitment,
and that the present fever will be succeeded by a calm,
when he may attempt his plans, before the people, wearied
out by repeated calls on their exertions, can be roused
again. He says to himself, there is a tide in the affairs
of men—let us amuse the Reformers now—the tide will
be succeeded by an ebb, and we in mean time will mature
our schemes. We promise Reform ; hut we shall pay
with steel lozenges. Time is every thing—both to the
Duke anti the people. The Duke roust not be allowed to
gain time—the people must not be allowed to lose it. All
business is at a stand. The man makes war on the re-
sources et the people—he wishes to draw their pockets
before bleeding them. People of England—Will you for
one moment believe the professions of a man, who has
shown such au utter disregard of all principle—all that is
sacred among men ? Will you trust a man who has so
many motives for deceiving you ? Earl Grey kept his
word to you—he introduced a Reform, which, under all
the circumstances, was deemed liberal in the extreme—
and to that Reform Bill he clung for eighteen months.
When he found he could no longer carry it, he resigned.
Will you trust the man who forced him to resign, merely
because he kept his word to you ? Were you to desert
those who identified their fortunes with your', you would
deserve to be betrayed, kicked, and insulted by all public
n in all time to come, as the basest people on the face
of the earth. To deprive such a people of their liberties
would give universal satisfaction to mankind, for who
would not wish to see baseness punished and cowardice
trampled on ? But the people of England will not so dis-
grace themselves--they will, as one man, rally round Earl
Grey—bear him on their shoulders to power—and extort
from an insulting Oligarchy the Bill of which they have
been so shamelessly deprived. Against an united nation,
the Oligarchy and their myrmidons are nothing. We
will teach them what it is to dare to insult a brave and a
powerful nation. But the moment presses--action, and
not words, are now demanded. We are now all-powerful.
We can even command the timid and the wavering, for
they instinctively cling to the strongest, and dread to op-
pose the nation. We must then crowd events into brief
space, and answer to the expectations of the humble classes,
who now rely only on those who have better means of in-
formation than themselves, and to whom they are entitled
to look for protection against the horrors of poverty
and destitution caused by prolonged agitation. The
people will not trust the Duke of Wellington, in
the face of this protest; nor will a large number of the
boruughmongsrs and blindly honest Tories act the " turn-
spit" with him, and in one short week consent to turn
their coats and veer round to every paint of the political
compare.. The people will never place faith in such rank
impostors—it is toe unnatural to hold—it passeth human
understanding. We recommend every honest Journal to
re-publish the Protest ; it should be placarded on the walls
of every town and village : it will speak for itself, and
guard the people against the thief in the night. The
people know well the difference between the Reform Bill
with a liberal Cabinet, and a bucked Reform Bill in the
hands of a Polignac Administration, cunningly determined
to defeat every end of Relent:l.—Morning Chronicle.
We have foreseen and predicted that the road career of
the Anti-Reformers and the Tory faction would end like
Sampson, by pulling down the pillars of the Temple,
and burying themselves in its ruins. We do not say
that we approve of all the desperate opposition which
eve see gathering in the dark and bursting clouds now
hovering over the political horizon ; but desperate dis-
eases require strong remedies, and these the people
will infallibly apply. The finances—the money is the
vulnerable point ; the people know it, and if the House of
Commons was willing to grant supplies (which we feel
eonfident the majority will not), the people would refuae

to contribute them. Tilt HOURS of Common& has the
guardianship of the public purse, but the tax-payers fill
that purse, and the tax-payers will never voluntarily pay
in money, but will as-uredly allow Mc law to take its
'course ! There is no breach of the la'•r in this particu-
lar ; no proclamations, no soldiers, no artillery of " Po-
lignac" can extract cash from a whole natio❑ of Re-
formers. A self-denying Ordinance will be proclaimed
and adopted against all excisable commodities. The fac-
tion may jeer at this moral determination of the people :
they may affect to despise it; but to their cost they will
discover its power and efficacy. Already the soft place
is discovered. Yesterday the metropolis was extensively

placarded with large hand bills—" To stop the Duke, go
for no/rt." We hear, on good amhority, that on Friday
and Saturday the Bank of England was besieged and un-
ii*ually attacked in this way; and however deeply ws
may regret the certain and dangerous results of this po-
pular dread of the impending crisis, we are not surprised.
—Morning Chronicle.
The contest of the House of Lords wish regard to the
Reform Bill ought to be placed in a clear light. Nothing,
in fact, can equal the baseness displayed by a number of
Peers, and the Bishops in general. Mr. Hume was in the
right when he said, from what he knew of the House of
Lords, it would not have been necessary to create ten
Peers, had it been believed by them that the King would
certainly create Peers. It was the treacherous disclosure
by some of the Fitzelarences that the King would not
create Peers that led to the discomfiture of the Bill.

Without that treacherous disclosure, it is thought, by those
who are good judges, that the Bill might have been passed,
unimpaired and unmutilated, without the creation of more
than half a dozen of Peers. We ask whether a letter was
not shown to the Bishop. a few hours before the division on
Lord Lyndhu:st's motion, which convinced them that Peers
would not be created in such numbers as to overcome
the resistance of evil-disposed Peers? The Bishops have a
quick scent. It is, however, lint justice to the Bishops
of London, Chester, Chichester, and St. David's, to pro-
claim to the world, that though such a document was
shown to them as well as to the rest of their brethren, they
refused to bow the knee to Baal, but adhered to their
pledges. And now see the effect on the public mind. We
are astonished that the Bishop of Litchfield and Coventry
should, with all his political sins on his head, haveshown
himself to the people in the temple of that God who re-
quires from those who worship a pure heart and clean
hands. The Bishops may think lightly of perjury and
corruption—may worship the shameful parts of the Con-
stitution—but the people do not think lightly of this. The
majority of the Common Council (it is usual for the Com-
mon Council to be present with the Lord Mayor when
Charity Sermons are preached) refused to attend in St.
Bride's Church yesterday, being unwilling to see religion
brought iota contempt by such a ministration. The in-
habitants of St. Bride's were quite indignant, sod we re-
gret to say, could not master their feelings at the presence
of one of the Anti-Reform Bishops among them. The
Lord Mayor, however, with great magnanimity, protected
the Bishop from the multitude, and Ile at length succeed, d
in escaping from Temple Bar. What can the Church ex-
pect by such outrages on principle ?—Morning Chronicle.
There is, we believe, no longer any doubt as to the
head of the new administration, the Duke of Wellington,
having actually kissed hands as Premier on Saturday. It
was generally understood, however, that up to four o'clock
yesterday, though many appointments were talked of, no
actual appointment had taken place. In this state of
things there were, of course, many conjectures afloat, for,
as in the general uncertainty, one list of Ministers stood
upon nearly as good grounds as another, there was no opera-
tive check to the multiplication of such lists, which accord-
ingly spread themselves in every direction, to the great
perplexity of the public mind. The Duke of Bucking-
ham, it is supposed, will join the new administration.
His Grace's visits to Apeley House have been very frequent
within the last day or two, and mere ceremony could
scarcely he the motive at such a time. But of all the in-
dividuals spoken of as likely to be connected with the se-
cond Wellington administration, the position of Lord
Lyndhurst seems to have attracted most curiosity. Every
one asks, what place is the worthy and high-minded
Lord Lyndhurst to occupy? His natural place would be
that which he occupied before, and yet that is almost the
only office which all parties agree in thinking that he
will not except. The Chief Justiceship of the King's
Bench has been named, the Master of the Rolls has
been named, even the Premiership itself has been
assigned to him, but the Chancellorship has been treated
as an appointment quite out of the question. And
why? Because it is liable, as a political office,
to be changed with any change of Ministry. The
reluctance of the Noble Anti-Reformer is therefore
grounded on a pecuniary motive—a high motive for a
Lord—but it also includes a calculation of chances as to
the probable duration of the new Ministry, which Lord
Lyndhurst of all men ought to be cautious of hazard-
ing. If be is afraid of accepting the Seals, the public
will not be at a loss to assign a motive for his reluctance.
Mr. A. Baring, who has been mentioned as Chancellor of
the Exchequer, is said to have declined the office—from
modesty. Without professing any great respect tbr the public
talents or principle of Mr. Baring, we certainly do not see
why he or any other person should give up an office in de-
spair, which Mr. Goulburn was considered by the same Ad-
ministration to be capable of fulfilling. We have no means,
however, either of contradicting or confirming the report.
Mr. Goulburn, it is said, is to be Speaker of the House of
Commons, and the present Speaker to be Secretary for the
Home Department with a Peerage ; but, as we have
stated already, the different nominations, with the excep-
tion of that of the Duke of Wellington himself, rest upon
no other authority than the most vague and uncertain ru-
mour. One thing only is certain, that the most active nego-
tiation has been going on with a view to the formation of a
new Ministry, and that the threat of dissolution, to which
we alluded on Saturday, still hangs over the representa-
tives of the people. In the meanwhile meetings are taking
place in every part of the kingdom, at which the utmost
unanimity prevails with respect to the measure of Reform.
To what extent that Reform will go, perhaps Ministers
themselves have not yet made up their minds. If the
determination of the people is to have any influence in de-
ciding it, the Reform of the Anti-Reformers cannot fall fir
short of that which their predecessors failed in the attempt
to accomplish.—Morning Herald.
The appointment of the Duke of Wellington as Premier
makes it easy to anticipate the character, if not the ar-
rangements of the new Cabinet. It is scarcely necessary
to know who are the subordinate members of an Ad-
ministration of which his Grace is the head. His active
mind will pervade every department—his commanding
spirit control every decision, and stamp upon every
act of State the impress of his will. By his ac-
ceptance of office at the present moment he has proved
that his courage is as high as ever; he has yet to show
whether the prudence of the Statesman tempers the
hardihood of the warrior, and whether the consequences
of former obstinacy in error have taught him that wis.
dom which is a better qualification for civil Govern.
ment than all the virtues of the camp. But, before
we speculate on his future policy, the very act of his
appointment suggests the possibility of a collision be-
tween the House of Commons and the Crown, in
addition to the hostility now existing between the
former and the House of Lords. It fs true that although
the resolutions moved by Lord Ebrington expressed re-
gret at the retirement of the Whig Ministers, they did
not proceed so far as to dictate to his Majesty the pro-
priety of their recall. The words of the concluding resolu-
tion were," That this House is compelled, by warm attach-
ment to his Majesty's person and Government, humbly,
but most earnestly, to implore his Majesty to call to his
Councils such persons only as will carry into effect, unina•
paired in all the essential provisions, that Bill for the Re-
form of the representation of the people which has recently
passed this House." By these words the House of Com-
mons has fully pledged itself to the Reform Bill in its es-
sential provisions, but not to any particular set of Minis-
ters. It implores his Majesty to call to his Councils only
such persons as may give the Bill their support. And
then the question arises, will the Duke of Wellington pro•
ceed to carry into a law the " essential provisions" of that
Bill ? If he does, so far is the House of Commons from
being pledged to oppose Lis Ministry, that the very words
which we have quoted contained an implied pledge to give
him its support. Thepledges which so many members gave to
their constituents at the hustings on the late election were
given to the support of the Bill, and not to the existing
Ministry. It is therefore clear that if the Duke of Wel-
lington declares it to he his intention to redeem the Royal
pledge, and to proceed with the Bill without altering any
of its essential parts, the House of Commons has net as
yet done any thing which would prevent it from acting
with perfect consistency in giving him, or any other per-
son so circumstanced, its support. But then it may be
said, " Is it possible the Duke of Wellington can act so
inconsistently as to propose the measure of Reform which,
when in the hands of others, he vehemently denounced—
can he, in fact, propose any efficient measure of Reform
who who had so recently declared against all Reform •
ft certainly does not appear to us probable that the
Duke will proceed to carry into a law the Reform Bill
in its essential provisions; but even if he did, or to
carry a still more sweeping plan of Reform, he
would not be chargeable with greater Inconsistency
and self-contradiction than he had already given a
striking example of in his conduct in regard to the Catholic
question. At the time he and Sir Robert Peel deserted

the Cabinet of Mr. Canning, solely on the ground that the
Premier wus favourable to a qualified coaceision of the
Catholic claims," who could suppose that Mr. Canning
Should scarcely have been cold in his grave when his
Grace and Sir Robert should think it right to introduce
and carry a measure of unqualified emancipation ? der
did the Whigs accuse them of any dishonourable inconsis-
tency in this matter. On the contrary, from the highest
to the lowest, the whale Whig party were lavish of their
praises upon the recreant champions of " Protestant as-
een !alley," and gave them the credit not merely of political
prudence, but of enlightened lila,rality, in this yielding to
the circirmstanc,s which they appeared no longer able to
cotral. Whether the Duke and Sir R. Peel (the latter of
whom has been coquetting about the acceptance of office
for a day or two past) are prepared to play over again on
the Reform Bill the game which they played on the Ca-
tholic question, we are not able to say. If they are, it mat-
ters little at whose hands the country receives a full and sa-
tisfactory measure of Reform ; hut it is of great moment
to all the interests of the empire that this exciting ques-
tion should be brought to a peacable termination as soon
as po,sible, and tie public mind taken out of the hands
of reckless demag,gues and turbulent agitrtors, who hone
to prianote their desperate fortunes by tumult and confu-
sion. It the Duke, however, be not prepared to make the
concessions to the national will which the House at Com-
mons require, then, if the latter be consistent, the Duke
must resort to the perilous expedient of a dissolution of
Parliament.—Morning Herald.

Among the causes to which is ascribed the most re-
gretted change which has taken place in the King's mini
on the subject of Reform, and on the permission granted
to Ministers to carry that measure by an increase of the
House of Peers, it is asserted on all sides that cloinc-i6e
importunity has been one. Our classical readers will
recollect the busy and incessant flutter of a queen of an•
tiquity to bend her royal husband to her will, and the
mischievous consequences which ensued.

" His übi nequiequam dictis experta, Latinum
Contra stare ridet, penitusque in viscera lapsuru
Serpentis furiale malum, totamque pererrat ;
Turn vero infelix, ingentibus excita monstris,
Immensam sine more furit Irophata per urbem.
Ceu quondam torto rolitans sub verbere turbo,
Quern pueri magno in g:, ro vacua atria circum
Intenti ludo exercent ; ille actin? babena
Curvatis fertur spatiis ; stupet inscia supra
Irnpubesque manus, mirata volubile buxum."

vii. 37.1.
Men have spoken of an Iliad of woes. Half an tEneid of
woes are reprea nted by the Roman poet as flowing from
the success of the Queen's projects. If William IV. has
surrendeted his will to female solicitations, or even tears,
wiser men, it may be said, have done the same. Yi s, and
wiser men, we add, have seen the error of their acquies-
cence, and withdrawn themselves from the trammels of
undue influence. His Majesty must he fully aware, what-
ever may be the merits of the Reform question, that the
arguments against the measure do not derive one tittle of
weight or importance from his affection ter those who use
them. However amiable in themselves such persons In .y
be, they are nut capable of duly considering a grave na-
tional question. A foreigner is no very competent judge
of English liberties, and politics are not the proper field
for female enterprise or exertion.—. Tines.

A Ministry, whose efforts were devoted to great na-
tional purposes, has been artfully forced to resign ; or,
in other words, has been effectually dismissed from office.
That Ministry was identified with the cause of Reform.
It has been succeeded by a Ministry, the chief and most
powerful Member of which is identified, by his own words,
and in the mind of the whole British empire, with the
cause of anti-Reform,—that is, with a system of corrupt
and overbearing Govermuent,—with an House of Com-
mon:, of which for ages past the mAjority has represented,
nut the property or population of Englind, but the House

of Lords,—which majority baying first been trucked b,
tween its lordly patrons and the reigning Minister, hat; ner
. .

been turned into an engine of boundless depredation upon
the country, and of a profuse and unpunished waste
among Court-favourites and worthless dependents of the
spoil thus plundered from the people . This revolution
of person and character, in the Administration, has been
brought about by a series of Court-manceuvres,—the
artful working upon the weak. Persons of ex-
alted station, who have forgotten their duty,—ille-
gitimate meddlers, who acknowledge no duty but
that of " bettering," as it is called, their own vile

condition, together- with secret and well-skilled agents
of a party, the roots of which have been fur half a century
entwining themselves with every branch of power, exe-
cutive, 'egisl dive, judicial, civil, and ecclesiastical, in the
British monarchy ,—such have been the movers of this
fearful domestic revolution. There never was an example
(as is :truly said) since the reign of Charles 1., wherein
so complete a schism displayed itself between the Court of
England, backed by a certain portion of the Peerage, and
the great body of the English nation, as the present. How
did that warfare end ? The forcible extrusion from office,
by certain minions having secret access to the Throne, of
Ministers in whom the nation reposes entire confidence,
and whom it desires to see employed in the management
of its most important interests, may excite grave doubts as
to the universal wisdom of that rule which leaves the first
Magistrate wholly unrestrained in the choice of his official
advisers. It may become the more necessary to consider this
question hereafter, because of the ominous dictum de-
livered not many days ago by a Right lion. Baronet,
claiming on behalf of the Crown a right equivalent
to that of private property over the choice and
dismissal of the parties composing the executive Govern-
ment. There is one circumstance of inappreciable value
on which the country must be informed. The question
on which the change of Ministry turns is known to be the
creation of Peers, and it is believed—we being ourselves
among the firm believers—that a high Personage had given
a solemn promise to make, on the advice of his Ministers,
an addition to the Peerage commensurate with the neces-
sity of passing the Reform Bill unimpaired. This fact is
denied with all the energy of abusive anger by the Tory
partisans. Lord Grey, therefore, is hound, in justice to
his own Government, and in du'y to the nation, to state
whether he did or did not receive such a promise, the pub-
lic having for many months relied on the assurance that he
had. We trust that on a point so vital th, re will be no
punctilious mystery. If there he, the worst suspicions
may follow. But of the multifarious feelings produced
by this temporary overthrow of a nation's confidence,
there is none so active or so general as that of asto-
nishment at the individual who, it is now notorious, has
tripped up the heels of Lord Grey. What ! the Duke of
Wellington ! the commander-in-chief of all the ultra
Anti-reformers of the kingdom, now offers himself as
Minister ;—nay, has for months past been making fierce
love to the office, with a full and undisguised resolution to
bring in, with his own hands, a " strong and satisfactory"
Reform Bill. Why, it was but on the 17th of April that
the same Duke signed a protest against the second reading
of Lord Grey's Reform Bill, pledging himself against the
principle of the measure, as taking away too much power
from the Crown, and giving too much to the people. " A
strong and satisfactory" Reform Bill, when the sole aim
and meaning of his protest, as indeed of every speech that
he has made upon the subject, was its being " strong and
satisfactory" to the bulk of the nation. Will, he, then,
give us a Bill far short of the present one ? If so, does
he fatter biros, If that the House of Commons will sanc-
tion, or that the people of England, stung with disappoint-
ment, disgust, and resentment, will endure it ? If the Duke
of Wellington does, now as Minister, and having forced
himself into office in quality of an Anti-Reformer, de-
sign to pilfer Lord Grey's property from him—to retain the
Government on the very principle which he made the
ground of obstinate opposition to that nobleman, and to
introduce a Bill "not less efficient," and "not less
satisfactory" to the English nation, than that which
the Noble Duke and his friends have just thrown
out,—there may be dexterity in such conduct,—there
may be generalship,—there may be food for incon-
tinent exultation and chuckling at Apsley House;
but. it affords evidence likewise of more ignoble fac-
tion,—of a lust for office more sordid and execrable,__
of a meanness of inconsistency more humiliating and more
shameful than we had ever suspected the Duke of Wel-
lington to be capable of affixing to his own political cha-
racter. As for success in such a course of imposture, it is
—let us ence for all warn his Grace—hopeless. The
House of Commons will not change, and would not be
permitted to become his tools, were its members even
sluiced wish bribes and promises, as in the " olden time."
Thsn where is the resource but in an appeal to the people?
And to what people? If the existing national excitement
be looked upon but as a passing cloud, terribly will
such dreamers be roused from their unhallowed
slumber. Let the Lords play their mi-erable tricks
with the Bill as it is now before them,-----let it
be sent again disfigured and half-obliterated to the
Commons, and then the experiment of a dissolution be
tried, as a chastisement to the refractory representatives,_
let, we say, the trial be but made ! As for the fancy, so
reasonable in itself and so honourable to Lord Brougham,
that that eminent and high-spirited Statesman might be
brought to mix himself with the hypocritical enterprise in
which the new Ministry is now about to engage, we have
already exposed the fallacy of such prospects, by recording
his Lordship's answer to the King's direct solicitation that
he would remain in power. We need but refer to the
memorable words in which, on Saturday
last, Lord
Brougham took leave of the Court of Chancery, for proof
how conscientious and solemn was that kn,e of right under ,

!hien the Learned Lurd made it his " glory" to abandon
40ce. if thesacrifice was glorious to his Lordship and Lord
Grey, let others hug themselves in their inglorious sacrifice
of every thing great and noble to the appetite for office.
To sospect such a man of the wish to join a set of
men who have, by the meanest stratagem, upset him and
his party, is the blindest infatuation. Lord Brougham is,
ever has been, and ever must be, the head and chief of all
the liberal and enlightened party in England. His posi-
tion is appreciated by no one with more accurate sagacity
than by Lord Brougham himself: he is proud, and justly
proud, of the high station thus awarded to him by the
unanimous consent of the good and wise. The sun may
swerve from its course with more certainty than Lord
Brougham from the right line of exalted duty and pure
patriotism.— Tithes.

When the late infatuated King of France (who is now in
Holyrood) dismissed the popular or concession-and-reform
Ministry of Mrirtignac, and took to his councils the most
abhored of the enemies of popular rights in the person of
Prince Polignac, the latter dissolved the Chamber of De-
puties, in the hope of being able to manage the elections,
and to gain from the country a pretext for those despotic
measures which tl2e press and the enlightened portion of
the community had anticipated and denounced. The
electoral bodies of France, however, whose opinions had
been so grossly misin'erpreted, replied to the insulting ap-
peal, by returning the same members who had previously
supported their rights. The number of the mojority
against the Polignac Ministry, on the famous address, was
221. That number became the cry at the ensuing general
election ; and out of the 221 about 219 were returned,
who in two morvhs afterwards saw the end of the arbitrary
system by which they were dismissed, and had to assist
at the formation of a new charter under a new dynasty.
The French people were grateful to their faithful
representatives. The number of 221 was every
where celebrated. To have belonged to that sacred ma-
jority was a tile of honour. To have been pointed out as
a stanch and true patriot on that occasion was a guarantee
for success at every electoral college. Shall we be less
grateful or more careless than our French neighbours ?
We have likewise our sacred majority of 288 or 290
Members, and are threatened with a dissolution. Let us
form lists of those Members, and let them be held tip as
objects of the people's choice, as they have fought the
people's battles. In publishing this recommendation we
by no means intend to insinuate that all the friends of
Reform are included in this number of 290, but we wish
to say, that unless they belie their pledges, not one of
them should be forgotten at the next election. Let the
288 be for ever reneatubered,—let them be returned by
their present constituents with additional honours,—and
let all those who propose themselves as candidates on libe-
ral principles, be asked as a test of their right to liberal
support, " Do you approve of the declaration of May 10,
or do you resolve to support the principle of Lord Ebring-
ton's motion? Are you one of the 255? or will you in-
crease that sacred and patriotic phalanx ?" Times.