The Sun.
London, England, 1835-01-30 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, JANUARY 30, 1835.

well-earned gains, be they small or great, and he finds I
a gradual but certain increase in their value and con-
sideration. Let us now turn to the prospects of the
country with regard to our foreign relations. " The
Duke of Wellington at the head of the Foreign De-
partment," says the political quidnunc, " what gua-
rantee for the fulfilment of treaties ?" We have pro-
tested against the foreign policy of the " Cupid of the
Clubs ;" we have observed in it a mixture of imbeci-
lity and coxcombry only to be conceived by the mind
of a Palmerston ;• yet had we regarded it in a totally
different point of view---had we even seen it in the
light in which it was regarded by the ex-Member
for Hampshire, whose singularity on that topic was
remarkable—the accession of the Duke of Wellington
to the administration of Foreign Affairs would have
been a subject of rejoicing ; because in the hands of
the hero of a hundred fights—of the warrior and
statesman before whom warriors and statesmen alike
have acknowledged their inferiority—we should have
been confident that the honour and interests of Britain
involved in the maintenance of treaties were safe. Or
perhaps the country deplores the removal of the man
who recommended the elevation of a Rolfe, a Williams,
and a Pell, and contrasts this with the appointment of
a Scarlett, a Pcllock, a Follett, or a Coleridge. Upon
this subject it is indeed unnecessary to enlarge.
Viewed, then; in every possible and imaginable light,
the prospects of " merry England" are brightening. A
few weeks more, and the measures of the Ministry of
Sir Robert Peel, combined with the characters of the
men composing it, will have earned the support and
approval of all whose support and approval are valu-
able, and will have extorted even from its former op-
ponents the praise and admiration which even they
dare not deny to triumphant honesty, integrity, and
ability.—Morning Post.
The elections are now over—all but one, and the
result of that one, notwithstanding the exertions of
the Conservatives, is by no means doubtful. Instead,
however, of the rejoicings which might have been an-
ticipated, on the part of the Tory press, at the result,
there is nothing but silence in one quarter—lamentation
in another—entreaty and appeal in a third. The anti-
national party begins to see at last, what it might have
seen at first, that it has been beaten—beaten with all
the power and influence of the government in its
favour—that its friends throughout the kingdom, in-
stead of being " like sand by the sea-shore," are as
few in number, as, compared with the mass, and mind,
and determination of the people of England,
.they are
powerless and helpless. The Albion of last night has
confessed this fact, much to its credit, not in the lan-
guage which we now employ, but to those who
can read, in even stronger language, as we shall
ow spew

" It appears from the table published on Monday, and that
which we this day publish, that the counties of England have
returned seventy eight, and the cities and towns one hundred
and thirty-four members of decidedly Conservative political
opinions—making together two hundred and twelve. And
there are of moderate men, declared promoters of Reform, but
not to be reckoned as hostile to the Administration, thirty-five
returned from the counties, and sixty-four from the cities and

towns."
We contest not the accuracy of our cotemporary's
statement by any counter statement of our own,
illough, were there need, we question not that we could
reduce the 212 to somewhere about 185 ; while with
regard to the " moderate men, declared promoters of
reform, but not to be reckoned as hostile to the Admi-
nistration"—that is to say, the waverers and the rats—
we put it to our cotemporary whether, be they " thirty-five
for the counties or sixty-four from the cities and towns,"
the slightest reliance is to be placed upon them ? To
say the least of them, they must be very doubtful cha-
racters. Our cotemporary next proceeds to observe that—
" Of the Ultras again, or violent men, who would distract
the country, and overthrow any Ministry likely to promote
peace and security—of these selfish and tyrannical Represen-
tatives there are calculated to be, from the counties forty-six,
and the cities and towns no less than one hundred and forty-
three, making together a dangerous band of one hundred and
eighty-nine, from England alone."
A very " dangerous band," indeed, for the Tory
Administration 1 So dangerous that it would require
a purer and more pensionless band than the Tories
can muster to face it with any chance of success.
But who are the Destructives ? We call upon our
contemporary to name them. What are the Destruc-
tive measures ? We call upon him also to name them.
Who, in the press, are their supporters ? We call
upon him to name them also. Let us have a fair
field and no favour—but, in the name of all that is
just and true, let us have no misrepresentation. Our
contemporary next makes a confession of the weakness
of his party :
" Let us not disguise from ourselves," says he, " the
strength of our enemies, nor yet be unmindful of the superior
force with which, if those interested will but do their plain and
obvious duty, this hostile strength is to be encountered."
" Those who are interested" have done their duty
tolerably well, and if not to our entire satisfaction, yet
so satisfactorily that we care not much for those who
originally " put their hand to the plough, and have
since looked behind them." Now for the finale—
which is rather long, and pathetic at least, if not abso-
lutely lachrymose :
" There is now," says the Albion, which, by the bye, is the
organ of the Wellington party, " a fair opportunity for the
friends of those principles which bind together the social
structure of English society, to settle the question between
them and their enemies, the partisans of Revolution. They
who have looked beyond the surface, must be aware that of
late years the political conflict in England has alto ether
changed its character. It is not a question whether this or
that party of men (both of them professing allegiance to the
Monarchy, and love of the institutions of the country), shall
manage the executive Government ; but it is a question
whether the institutions of Monarchy and Aristocracy, of a
National Church, and a peculiar Priesthood, shall be suffered
to exist at all, or shall not. And closely connected with this,
is also the question whether the rights of property
now re=
cognised and maintained by law, shall or shall not be suffered
to continue.
" It is the business of the people of England now to decide,
not merely in their own minds, but by their actions—by their
strenuous exertions,—whether those questions shall be prac-
tically carried in the negative or affirmative.
" Taking CJilLervatives and Moderates together, the Mem-
bers returned from England amount to three hundred and
eleven, the whole number returned being five hundred.
" It is for the public to show these three hundred and
eleven, what is expected of them."
The people of England " have already decided,
and it is in consequence useless to call upon them to
decide again. The allusion to " their actions we
by no means mistake. We are quite aware that the
Tory party are reduced to the necessity of appealing
to " actions" instead of arguments—and our prayer is
as our wish, " God defend the right !"—Morning
Advertiser.
We are able this day to announce that Mr. Aber-
cromby has consented to be nominated as candidate for
the Speakership of the House of Cntrinitiit. This an
nouncement will, we know, afford high gratification to
Reform Members throughout every part of the Uni-
ted Kingdom. Day it'itor day letters have been
poured Xll, expressive of the utmost dissatisfaction, that
the earliest opportunity was not taken to tiatignilliie the
Reformers on a subject so deeply involving the reputa-
tion of the next House of Commons. The impudent
boasting of the Tories, that the Reformers must acqui-
esce in the election of Sir Charles Sutton, however
obnoxious his conduct—in intriguing for the dismissal
of the Melbourne Ministry, and sinoothing the diffi-
. culties in. the Way of the formation of the present—might
have rendered him to them, because they had no candi-
date with the requisite qualifications to propose, receives
thus an appropriate reproof. Mr. 4.berctorriby is Sir
C. Sutton's superiot in talents, in character, in
experience of the mode of conducting the business of
the House of Commons ; in short, in every 'quality
calculated to obtain for him the teSi)ect of what has
been termed an assembly of the first gentlemen of
Europe. Before the elevation of Sir
he was of no weight in the
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debaters
Par-
liament, and we may without fear of contradiction affirm
of him, that no man's judgment was held in higher re-
gard by both sides of the House,
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man's
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9
Speaker of the House of Commons ought to possess,
would be drawing a character of Mr. Ab erc

Sir Charles Sutton is possessed of good temper ; but
it would be difficult to select a man with fewer positive I
qualifications in other respects for the Chair. His
opinions cannot be controverted, for the best of all '
reasons, that - they are incomprehensible. The Re-
porter listens to a succession of sounding words with
painful anxiety, in the hope of being able to discover
some indication of meaning in them. Sentence follows
sentence ; but the Indian who chaces the sun from
hill to hill is as likely to reach his object, as the
listener to discover any distinct proposition in the
solemn twaddle uttered by Sir Charles Sutton. If
Mr. Abercromby had not consented to be put in nomi-
nation, there are at least a score of Reform Members
who would have better filled the chair than Sir Charles
Sutton. But Mr. Abercromby's consent renders it
unnecessary to enlarge on this point. Between Sir
Charles and Mr. Abercromby no comparison can be
instituted. We need not impress on Reformers through-
out the country the necessity of supporting Mr. Aber-
cromby. It would be insulting a Reform Member to
suppose that he could hesitate one moment as to
whether he should support Mr. Abercromby or
an Ultra-Tory, one of the most decided Anti-
Reformers, an intriguer for the downfall of the
Melbourne Ministry, whose demerits as a politi-
cian are not redeemed by high intellectual quali-
ties. We never saw any force in the argument
that the experience of the Speaker of the old Parlia-
ment was necessary in the first Reformed Parliament.
There might have been something in such an argument
if the new Parliament had not contained a number of
men of old Parliamentary standing. But now even that
argument is inapplicable. We are arrived at the second
Reformed Parliament ; and it would be strange indeed
if that Parliament were to be also unable to move
except by the aid of Tory leading-strings. No, no ;
the Reformers will not degrade themselves by seeking
in the ranks of their opponents for a Speaker, thereby
pronouncing sentence of incapacity on themselves, and
• libelling the constituencies by whom they are de-
puted. Let Sir Charles Manners Sutton be thank-
ful for the favours he has aiready received, and look
for further rewards to those for whose sake he has
intrigued and toiled. He would have been in the Ca-
binet, had not Sir Robert Peel and the Duke con-
ceived that lie might do better service in cajoling the
Reformers to vote their own degradation by elevating
him to the Chair a second time. There must be no
mistake. Whoever votes for Sir Charles Sutton is no
Reformer. He may not call himself a Tory : but it
would be far better that he were ; as the man who has
not sense to discover the folly of wavering on a ques-
tion of this nature, only injures the cause he professes
to support. It ought to be a sufficient reason with all
good Reformers, to vote against Sir Charles Sutton,
that the Tory Ministry have this object greatly at
heart. That must be strange policy which benefits
[ the Tories and benefits the Reformers at the same
time.—Morning Chronicle.