The Sun.
London, England, 1835-02-13 00:00:00

Reform Members entered into the spirit of it, that the
most cordial understanding already exists among them.
Among all those generally considered decided Reform-
ers, there are only ten whose votes on the election of a
Speaker are considered doubtful. The probability is,
that though not yet declared, all these will vote on the
right side ; but even supposing—which is a conces-
sion we are not called on to make—these ten were all
to vote the other way, there will be a very respectable
majority for Mr. Abercromby.—Morn. Advertiser, -
The events of the ensuing fortnight will, perhaps,
be more important than those of any equal period in
the history of our country. Within that period the
vital question will, in all probability, be solved, " Is
the existence of the present constitution of Parliament
compatible with the maintenance of the just preroga-
tives of the Crown, and the rights and liberties of the
people ; or are both to be the victims of a ruthless and
profligate faction, who regard every means as justifiable
by which their selfish and sordid objects may be
achieved ?" The component parts of this faction
seize with avidity every pretext which calumny or mis-
representation may afford, and torture it into every pos-
sible shape, trusting that a temporary success Will at-
tend their efforts, sufficient to repay them for the loss
of character and reputation consequent upon such
discreditable proceedings. We address, not, how-
ever, those who are alternately the slaves and
tyrants of the ignorant and turbulent ; advice
would only operate upon them as an encou-
ragement to proceed in a base and senseless '
course ; by them exhortation would be disregarded
and despised ; but we would utter a few words of res-
pectful yet earnest counsel to those who may still
waver in their political track. We would tell them
that in matters of grave and serious import, especially
in the concerns of a State, a false step is often ir-
retrievable, subsequent penitence and regret availing
nothing, except as a testimony to their original er-
ror, making them a sport and jest to the wicked
and designing, whose objects they have uninten-
tionally but fatally advanced. This, indeed, is no
matter of idle speculation. The trial is at hand. Fac-
tion has unfurled her banner, disfigured and stained
with crimes and follies ; she has sounded her drum,
which beats to an odious and discordant tune; she
has sent forth her mean and unskilful recruiting offi-
cers—her Russells, her O'Connells, and her Humes
to enlist and entrap the mischievous and unwary,
whom wickedness or ignorance may induce to be en-
rolled in an undisciplined and illegal troop. It matters
but little indeed on what question this miserable band
may take issue. An opposition based on such foun-
dations will extract from the best and wisest measure
that ever entered into the mind of man to conceive, or
required the hand of man to execute, something
whence it may derive matter of abuse and misrepresen-
tation, the whole of which will be found at last to con-
sist of this simple fact, that the good has not been
effected by them, but has been the work of their oppo-
nents. Hence they deduce, with a logic peculiarly
their own, the inference that it is without value ; and
must either be rejected or depreciated, so as to render it
odious or worthless in the eyes of those for whose benefit
or relief it is intended. We hope, however; and anticipate,
a happier issue of the approaching deliberations in tar-
liament. 'We cannot believe, until convinced by ex-
perience, that in an assembly of Gentlemen such as we
know the present House of Commons to be, however
degraded by the presence of certain individuals, who
will, we trust, serve rather as a beacon to be avoided,
than as an example to be followed, any considerable
number of persons will he found preferring the de-
graded situation of delegates of a faction, to the ex-
alted and honourable post of representatives of the
people. Differences may no doubt arise. The great
question of Church Reform, to which the King's Mi-
nisters will apply themselves zealously and sincerely,
will be a fair and legitimate topic of discussion, and
one, from the impartial consideration of which great
advantage may probv lily arise. The subject of Cor-
poration Reform may also produce diversity of senti-
ment ; but it may reasonably be expected that the
merits and demerits of the plan to be pro-
posed will be fairly and candidly discussed. The
mode of taxation, and the practicability of
such alterations as may benefit the industrious
and labouring classes, will possibly be presented
to the consideration of the Legislature, and
may be debated so as to produce beneficial re-
sults. Now any of these are matters for Parliamen-
tary inquiry, the principals or details of which will no
doubt admit of considerable differences of opinion.
We do not hesitate, however, to express our expectation
that the measures about to be propounded by the King's
responsible advisers will be so satisfactory and exten-
sive, yet so cautious and sound, that from the moment
of their first introduction all hope of successful resist-
ance will be at an end. Anticipatory condemnation is,
indeed, easy. This is the forlorn hope of the Whig-
Radical party, and to this they readily sacrifice what
little character is left to them. We feel that we may
look to the events of the approaching fortnight with
well-founded hope ; yet, when the interests which are
at stake, the vast and unprecedented importance of the
issue to be tried, are considered, it it difficult to banish
anxiety altogether from the mind. How applicable
are the words of our immortal countryman to the pre-
sent position of affairs :

" Nought shall make us rue
If England to herself do prove but true."
—Morning Post.
The intelligence which has recently arrived from
Persia is entitled to our serious attention in more than
one point of view. The fate of that once magnificent
and still important empire is connected, and more inti-
mately too than some military critics would permit us
to believe, not only with the destinies of Turkey, but
also with those of our own Indian dominions. The
agents of Russia have been actively engaged during
the last fifteen years in every species of intrigue which
could tend in any way to undermine British influence in
that quarter, and to induce the Shah to rely exclusively
on the generous and disinterested friendship of the Czar.
The most signal proofs indeed which the Czar af-
forded of his attachment to the interests of the late
King, were the invasion and successive appropriation
of some of his most populous and productive provinces.
But these nefarious encroachments were always sure
to be made under some plausible pretext—so
plausible, indeed, as to deceive and defy the shrewd-
ness of some of our most enlightened statesmen. Rus-
sia has grown old in this art of diplomatic fraud. We
all, with open eyes, behold her year after year aggran-
dizing herself by the addition of some new province
of Turkey or Persia to her already colossal empire,
and nevertheless we are session after session called upon
by our Ministers to applaud the magnanimity, the for-
bearance, the self-denial with which the great Poten-
tate of the North continues to act towards the minions
whom he might annihilate by his breath. We shall
doubtless hear an abundance of the same disgust-
ing phraseology, as to the attitude which that So-
vereign has already assumed with reference to the affairs
of Persia. But for us at least such cajolery shall
have no charm. We are too fully aware of the practices
to which the Russian agents have had recourse in
that country, of the success which, through our negli-
gence, they have obtained, and of the points which
they hope ultimately to accomplish, to suffer ourselves
to be beguiled for a moment from the plain common-
sense view of this question. The sole object which
Russia contemplates in Persia is domination, and no-
thing else—of domination not merely as relates to
Persia, but also to Turkey and to India. She is
stooping with a gigantic pressure—a pressure that
every hour becomes more and more palpable, and
more formidable—upon these two grand sources of
that opulence which she wants, and without which
she cannot long hold together her own original
empire. Before the late Shah Feth Ali Khan
died, he was prevailed upon, in a great degree,
by the solicitations of our Minister, to nomi-
nate his eldest son, Abbas Mirza, as his heir.
This nomination was essential to the peace of the
country, in consequence of the number of the King's
sons, amounting at least to fifty, who might otherwise
have claimed the sceptre. Unfortunately, Abbas
Mirza, after having done enough to show himself well
affected towards Great Britain, died before his father,
who is said, and we have no doubt of the truth of the
allegation, to have been prevented by Russian intrigue
from designating another successor. Russia having
acknowledged Abbas Mirza, now adheres to his son as