The Sun.
London, England, 1832-10-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT OV THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Every public-spirited man in England will
assuredly rejoice at the well-judged, albeit some-
what tardy vigour, at length displayed by the
King's Government in Portugal for the defence
of British property, life, and honour, the last of
which has been already long since and repeat-
edly outraged, and the two former of which have
for some time been imminently risked by the si-
tuation of Oporto, under siege of the Mi-
g,uelite partisans. It was well understood that at
the period when France so wisely and promptly
extorted reparation from Miguel for the wrongs
perpetrated upon her citizens, there were British
claims of a far more formidable amount entirely
unsatisfied by the tyrant, and wounds inflicted
upon the dignity of this empire in the persons of
many of her unoffending subjects, which have ne-
ver yet been healed. Miguel appears to have treat-
ed the representations of Lord Palmerston as he
had previously those of Lord Aberdeen, with open
contempt and defiance. A long forbearance on
the part of England had produced the ordinary
effect upon a depraved and ungenerous mind,
—it had persuaded Miguel that we feared him.
He has all along manifested the most inveterate
hatred to the English resident within the sphere
of his usurpation ; and there is little doubt that
had Oporto been taken by assault, our country-
men would have fallen early victims to a ven-
geance pointed studiously, if not exclusively, at
their properties and persons. Under these cir-
cumstances, as a means of securing reparation
for unredressed injury, and prevention of appre.
hended crime, we applaud the mission of a ma-
ritime force to the Douro. If the tyrant's
operations be embarrassed by it, so much the
better. He has richly earned that appropriate
reward of his injustice ; it is time that our
countrymen should cease to be amused by
words.—Times.

The events of every day tend to confirm the
correctness of the opinion which we expressed
long ago of the melancholy incapacity which
presides over the Department for Foreign Affairs,
and the embarrassing and humiliating conse-
quences to which the feeble and blundering
course of policy pursued by our Foreign Mi-
nister must lead. Our readers will give us credit
for having deprecated all intervention in the
affairs of Belgium and Holland from the begin-
ning. We predicted that, by intermeddling in
those matters, especially in conjunction with the
wily, treacherous, and liberticide Cabinets of the
Holy Alliance, our Government would get itself
into a position from which it could not advance
with safety, nor retreat without dishonour. Into
that position it has got with a vengeance I It
has bound itself in a treaty with Belgium which
it cannot carry into effect, and of which it
knows not how to get rid. It has dictated terms to
Holland which it dares not enforce. It has made
final and irrevocable" protocols, only to alter or
revoke them. It has been nearly two years en-
gaged in settling a question which it has ren-
dered more difficult of settlement than ever; and
it has, in conjunction with the equally imbecile
Government of France, blown the clarion of
war in Europe, and moved fleets and armies,
only to frighten itself with its own military bluster.
and fall back upon that awkward diplomatic posi-
tion which excites the compassion of friends and
the ridicule of enemies. We have always as-
serted that the obstinacy of the Dutch King was
supported by the secret encouragement of' the
three despotic Powers that pretended to be
anxious for a fair and equitable arrangement of
the disputed points between him and his late
subjects of Belgium, while they only endea-
voured to protract the unsettled or provisional
state of things, with the expectation that the
Belgians, wearied and disgusted with the
uncertain and miserable position in which
they have been placed ever since the revolution,
and heartily sick of the constant succes-
sion of alarms and disappointed hopes—the
sufferings and anxieties of a state, which is one
neither of peace nor war, would fly for refuge to
a restoration. Have we been mistaken ? Is it
not evident to the dullest understanding—to all
but those who are wilfully blind—that the game
of the King of Holland has been played so well
by the Plenipotentiaries of the despotic Powers
in the London Conference, that the Cabinet of
the Hague now entertain strong hopes of ob-
paining more than the dominion of the Scheldt
by persevering in the present course ? The case
of M. Thorn, the late Belgic Governor of the
province of Luxembourg, is a most flagitious
example of the perfidy of some of our Allies.
It will be recollected that he was kidnapped by
the agents of the King of Holland, and carried
away by force, and thrown into prison. The
Conference being appealed to against this fla-
grant act of injustice, after much deliberation,
issued a protocol, advising the liberation of
M. Thorn, and also recommending the
discharge of 'l'ornaco, and some of his
hand, by the Belgian Government, as a quid
pro quo to the King of Holland for de-
livering up M. Thorn. Now this was not a fair
condition, for there could be no doubt at all
about the illegality of the capture of M. Thorn,
who represented the Belgic Government, the
independence of which had been acknowledged
by the Great Powers. Besides, his capture was
not only an act of aggression upon Belgium, but
an insult to the Conference, which pretended to
maintain a state of truce between the two Go-
vernments pending the negociations. As to
Tornaeo and his followers, they were taken with
arms in their hands, endeavouring to subvert the
Belgic State, or, in other words, to bring about
a counter revolution. If they had not made
themselves amenable to the laws of Belgium,
surely Belgium could not be considered an inde-
pendent State, for it dare not punish those who
were taken in the act of exciting civil war in its
own territories. Tornaco and his followers were,
however, brought to trial, and matters were so ma-
naged to please the Conference that they were ac-
quitted and discharged ; but M.Thorn still remains
in captivity, nor does there seem to bevany more
chance of his prison-doors being unbarred by the
Conference than there is of the citadel of Ant-
werp being evacuated by the intervention of the
same authority. There is no doubt that if the
French army dared to enter Belgium to enforce
the terms dictated to the Conference by the King
of Holland, the Prussian forces would march
to repel them. This the English and French
Governments know well, and yet they attempt to
deceive the public by making preparations fur
war, while they tremble to raise a finger in
earnest, unless by permission of Russia and het
Allies. Let the French people settle the matter
with their own Government ; but, as to the
English people, it is time far them to demand
the dismissal of Lord Palmerston from office,
unless they are satisfied to have the British cha-
racter become utterly contemptible throughout Eu-
rope. Poland, Belgium, Germany, have reason to
deplore the fatal influence w !licit has presided
over our foreign councils ever since Earl Gre;
selected Lord Palmerston to establish a branch

association of the Holy Alliance in Downing'.
street.—Morning Herald.
The ballot spreads like wildfire. The neces-
sity of its adoption becomes daily More and
more apparent, and we have now no doubt,
thanks to the tyranny of the Tories, that the
Reform Bill will be rendered complete by the
addition of a clause which will give at once pro-
tection to the voter, and deprive the landlord of
all motives to influence his tenant in the exer-
cise of his political privilege. We have men-
tioned the quasi conversion of Lord John Rus-
sell—ref Mr. Coke—of Mr. Tennyson—and of
many others, and we have now to add, that the
ballot is as popular in Warwickshire as it is in
any quarter. No voter can possibly refuse to
exercise his vote by ballot, for it can make no dif-
ference to him whether he votes openly or in
secret ; and no candidate who is desirous of pos-
sessing the confidence and unbiassed suffrages of
his constituents can object to it. The honest
voter will give his vote under the cloud of the
ballot just as he would have given it had it been
openly given ; and the honest candidate can in
no case object to a mode of election which in-
sures him a complete knowledge of the confi-
dence or non-confidence of the constituency.
Our mind, in fact, is now most distinctly made
up in favour of the ballot. We hear from all
quarters of the most grievous oppression
being exercised upon the comparatively poor
and dependent—we know that there is
no shelter for them—no certain pro-
tection but the ballot—and, however we
may, under particular circumstances, be inclined
to support one candidate in preference to another,
we shall assuredly give our best support to those
who are for the ballot—and being for the ballot,
prove themselves thereby to be the best friends
of the people. We observe that there are many
who profess themselves favourable to the ballot ;
—but favourable means merely a present inclina-
tion—a possibility of change—and favourable,
therefore, we will not have. We wish not "to
burly any man's cattle ;" but to pursue a middle
course in this case is now utterly out of the ques-
tion. The man must be either a fool or a knave
who cannot make up his mind on the subject.—
Morning Advertiser.

• It would be difficult to find an illustration of
the embarrassments %illicit beset the cause of
practical Reform, and of the dangers which may
result to the country from pure mismanagement
of their own undoubted strength by the members
of that party which is beyond all question or
comparison by far the most powerful in the whole
realm, more striking than may now be draw»
from the situation of the great county of Essex.
It is admitted on all hands that the sound Re-
formers might, in the northern division of the
county, if they thought proper, return two re-
spectable gentlemen in the Reform interest (one
of whom would be Mr. Western) to the House
of Commons, to the utter exclusion of the Con-
servatives, indeed most probably without a con-
test—that is, if the latter were wise. How hap-
pens it, then, that so fair a prospect, founded on
a sober and reasonable calculation of the relative
strength of parties, has become all but desperate,
and that instead of two liberals—the foremost
being Mr. Western—the Essex patriots are
threatened with one hereditary and one renegado
Tory, to the exclusion of everything of Whig or
liberal race, and of Mr. Western himself, who
was always sure of his seat on Reform principles
so long as an Anti-Reform Parliament existed ?
This is not the natural working of the Reform
Bill, nor is it the natural consequence of Tory
manoeuvring with and perversion of that Bill ;
the mischief originates with those who passed
the Bill, or petitioned for it, promoted it, and
were promoted by it—Whig Reformers, gentle-
men in Paliament and out of Parliament, con-
stituents of the upper and the middle classes,
men who ought to have known better things, and
who ought to have known, above all things, how
to merge their personal or subdivisional party
feelings in a general solicitude for the public
good. The honour is theirs ; the Tories are
almost passive in it. If Mr. Speech-versus-vote,
Mr. Boroughmonger, Land-scoffer, Hampshire-
hated, Renegado Baring should now be let in for
the agricultural county of Essex, with the Tory Sir
John Tyrell for his colleague, both dragging a
better representative than either, the upright and
consistent Mr. Western, at their chariot wheels, all
we can say is, that the merit of such a victory
belongs not to the Tories ; the Reformers have
pushed them on to it, and won it for them. An
excellent address from Mr. Western to the elec-
tors begins with the sarcastic words—" Mr.
Baring resides in Hampshire !" So he does,
and therefore it is the more curious that he
should fly from Hampshire, where, " he has a
most splendid mansion, an ample domain, a
princely estate," to Essex, with which he has
comparatively no connexion. It would be still
more curious if Mr. Baring, thus circumstanced,
should become county member for any division
of Essex, and most disgraceful to the Whigs
and reformers of that county should they render
themselves instrumental to the imposition upon
its constituency of such an unworthy yoke. We
do not like Mr. Western's appeal to the Essex
public the less for the repugnance which it
shows to a multiplicity of promises and pledges.
He is, indeed, just the description of candidate
from whom it would be preposterous to exact
a pledge, seeing that his sentiments upon most
great questions have been proved during a pe-
riod of, we believe, near 40 years in Parliament.
And although there are two subjects of high
importance upon which we differ essentially
with Mr. Western, we should as soon think of
asking him to pick a pocket as to act in the
teeth of his own settled opinions for the sake of
succeeding in an election contest. But if Mr.
Western be uncertain of his return just now,
after having borne his part so manfully in
carrying the Reform Bill through Parliament,
is it not plain that something extraordinary
must have occurred to produce a change in
this gentleman's position, so much the reverse
of what he ought to have experienced, after
helping to achieve for his country so vast a
triumph ? We have befote us a narrative of
those party measures, and, we are sorry to add,
those individual caprices or jealousies, to which
doubtless may be traced whatever seems precari-
ous in the prospects of Mr. Western himself, or
discouraging for the public cause in the actual
relations of the interests into which Essex is di-
vided. If Mr. Baring comes in, and Sir John
Tyrell with him, it is because Mr. Western's
fr ends and the requisitionists to the other Re-
former, Mr. Leonard, have not felt disposed to
coalesce, and because, since the moment for
z-uch a coalition passed away (if it he yet passed),
no other reformer whom the Radtcal party could
confide in, and, at the same time, the more mo-
derate Whig party would support, has been
pitched upon as a colleague for Mr. Western.
"Fherefore, because professed reformers are too
stubborn to yield even an inch to their friends,
all is likely to be seized upon by the enemy.
For shame, electors of Essex ; even Mr. Baring

wilt laugh at you for suffering him to &feat you.
From the north division of Essex if we turn to
the corresponding one of Warwickshire, the
same want of harmony, activity, and energy is
unfortunately too apparent. Why should
such men as Sir George Chetw3nd and Sir
Eardly Wilmot, country gentlemen of the old
Pitt school (however worthy ones), be suffered
by their vis inverlice to perpetuate those abuses
which it is the manifest desire of the great bulk
of their countrymen to abolish ? Mr. Demp-
ster Herring, one thorough Reformer, is in the
field. Can the Warwickshire constituency be
at a loss for a second ? or is the breed of inde-
pendent Whig or reform gentry worn out, so
that candidates cannot be found of a temper
enabling them to sympathize with the national
feelings? In the mean time, symptoms of a
salutary nature have at length become visible in
quarters where they were slow to appear. Think,
reader, of an opposition to Mr. Goulburn at
Cambridge, set up by the Parsons, too--and
on what ground ? Verily, that of his being a
" West India slave-owner, who has done nothing
to ameliorate the condition of his slaves I"
Here is the description of Mr. Goulburn's
estate, by an eye-witness, who founds on it his
decided objection to Mr. Goulburn, and urges
the same upon the body of his ecclesiastical
brethren.

" I mean not indeed to Pay, that the slaves of Mr. Goul-
burn have been treated with any peculiar harshness. I
found them, on the contrary, to be precisely in the same
state with those of the generality of his brother planters.
The same wretched system which prevails, with slight
variations, throughout the West Indies, I found to be, on
his est tte, as elsewhere, in full operation. His slaves,
during the period of his possession of them, had been des-
titute of religious instruction. Not a single marriage hwi
taken pl ice among them. They had continued to live in
the same state of promiscuous concubinage which pollutes
society, and checks population, in all our slave colonies.
Toe men and women had continued to toil alike, under
the lash, from morning to night ; and in crop time for
half the night;—the women, equally with the men, beine
subject to have their bodies shamelessly exposed, and lace-
rated with the cart-whip. Their labour hid not been
relieved, as it might have been, by the plough, though
Mr. Gnu burn's estate is peculiarly adapted for the use of
that instrument. And in consequence of the continuance
of these evils of the slave system, evils unredressed to this
hour, the population of his estate bad continued to de-
crease."

Well, this has been sent to us by a member
of the Senate at Cambridge, and it spreads like
wildfire. So much for the preservers of the
Church.— Times.
The address of Mr. Western to the electors
of the northern division of the county of gssex
has attracted a good deal of attention. The
state of parties is evidently producing some em-
barrassment to the Liberal cause in that quarter;
and the appearance of Mr. A. Baring as a can-
didate looks like a desperate effort of the Tories
to try what money can yet do towards vitiating
the character of a county election. Mr. Western
is a stanch Whig : he is, therefore, a party man.
For owselves, we have always deprecated party
spirit, because we thought, and still think, we
could trace to it many of the evils under which
the country at present labours. But, with all
our impressions upon this subject, we are ready
to confess that there never was a time,—except
the time, if it can be said to have yet passed,
when the measure of reform was in its progress
—at which the name of Whig could be avowed
with so little injury to the fair claims of any
candidate. The battle of reform, though
achieved by the people, was led on by Lord
Grey and the Whigs. They bore the brunt
of the engagement, and Englishmen will
not refuse them the credit of haring main-
tained the post of honour with heroic forti-
tude and perseverance. Their contemporaries will
not refer them to posterity for justice. The
claims of Mr. Western, as a consistent Whig,
an active and intelligent Member of Parliament,
a man of high public and private worth, need
not be here insisted on—they are known to the
electors, and to the people at large. In fact, he
possesses, as compared with any new or less
tried competitor who may present himself,
the decided advantage of a long public life to
appeal to. Others may deal more largely in
professions, but who will think of rejecting the
voice of experience for the pleasure of hearing a
man blow his own trtmpet, without any possible
means of ascertaining whether he may not blow
it in the face of truth ? But, with Mr. Baring
for a competitor, is it possible (we do not ask
is it right or is it wrong)—but is it possible
that Mr. Western can he in any danger of suf-
fering a defeat ? The Tories must be strong
indeed in that division of Essex, if they can
carry a Whig renegade into Parliament against
the reformers, who have hitherto returned a
consistent Whig. -Mr. Western asks why his
opponent does not appeal to the elec-
tors of Hampshire, where he is known ?
But Mr. Baring is known every where. There
is not a county, there is hardly a town in
the whole kingdom, where he is not known
as one who left his party when they were
engaged in performing the best service they ever
rendered to the people, and left them because
they were so engaged. No doubt he would be
a fine coadjutor with Sir Robert Tyrrel to for-
, ward the working of the Reform Act, which, in
company with the same politician, he tried
every effort to defeat. But as for the knowledge
which the electors of Hampshire have of his
qualifications, though it seems natural enough to
presume that his neighbours must know him
best, it does not follow that where he is best
known he would he most likely to prove success-
ful. It is probable that his neighbours have a
better recollection of his speeches against Re-
form ; it is probable that they have a more lively
sense of the insulting tone in which he spoke in
some of those speeches of the people. " The
blackguards in the street" was one of his
phrases. But they will all be transformed to
gentlemen, or electors at least, when he addresses
them from the hustings. Let the people beware
of him, however ; let the Reformers rouse them-
selves in time, and, by a powerful exertion, re-
sist the insult attempted to be put upon the
county by the endeavour to impose upon it a
man who stands no chance in his own county,
and who, in addition to the taint of Toryism,
stands before them in the character of a de-
tected enemy—a renegade from the party and the
professions of his former life.—Mor fling Herald.

THE RED SEA.—The Water of the Red
S.ta is so very clear, that Mr. BUCKINGHAM read on the
wooden stock of an anchor the name of the ship at the
depth of 25 fathoms (150 feet).-21firror.
SINGULAR EXPLOSION OF A WATER-
few days ago, the inhabitants of Newin,Jori
Butts were much alarmed, by the sudden bursting of the
main water-pipe, opposite the Church. The pavement
was torn up with such force, that, extraordinary as it
may appear, a stone, weighing upwards of six pounds,
was carried through the first floor window, into the draw-
ing• room of a grocer's shop, to the great terror and alarm
of a party of ladies, who hail assembled round the tea-
rable there. A number of other stones, of smaller size,
o ere thrown with great violence to a considerab'e distance,
but without striking any of the passengers. A column of
water then burst forth with resistless fury, and ascended
as high as the tops of the houses, which continued for some
time to attract attention.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HO USE.

Sapwell, the officer who apprehended and gave
evidence against Wm. Reynolds, the fellow who en-
deavoured to impose upon Mr. Wilson, the mer-
chant, of Devonshire-square, by a forged character,
applied for a detainer against the prisoner.—The
officer stated, that ever since he had taken Reynolds
into custody, the prisoner had threatened to do him
some violent injury. Soon after the conviction
of Reynolds, witness went to take him from the
cage (an apartment surrounded with iron bars near
the Justice room), and received from him a despe-
rate blow on the forehead, which cut him to the
bone. The prisoner then began to kick at the officer,
and would no doubt have done him some dangerous
mischief, if a policeman had not ran to his assistance
and overpowered the assailant, who actually frothed
at the mouth with fury. Reynolds kicked the po-
liceman several times during the struggle.
The LORD MAYOR immediately ordered a de-
tainer to be lodged at the prison to which Reynolds
has been committed for three months, and directed
that the City Solicitor should prosecute.