The Sun.
London, England, 1866-11-21 00:00:00

TI E SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVEMfSG, NOVEMBER 21 1866.

everything that exists in the United Kingdom of a
free election. Divide the boroughs, 254 in number,
into two classes—those under 20,000 inhabitants,
or those over that number. Under 20,000 there
are 145 boroughs, over there are 109 boroughs ; but
the boroughs under 20,000 return 215 members,
against 181 returned by the boroughs over 20,000.
That gives only a very misty idea of the state of the
case, those boroughs over 20,000 inhabitants having
39 members less and fewer than the boroughs under
20,000 still are in this position, that their members
represent six times as many electors, seven times as
much population, and 14 times as much payment of
income-tax as the larger number represent. Well,
it is clear beyond all cavil,---for figures after all are
difficult things to meet and controvert if they are
correct,—it is clear beyond all cavil that your re-
presentative system, even in your boroughs, where
alone it exists in any life at all, is a representative
system almost wholly delusive, and one which de-
frauds the middle class of the power which the Bill
of 1832 professed to give them. (Cheers.) As to the
country representation it is almost too sad a subject
to dwell upon. (Laughter.) Every man as an oc-
cupier who occupies house or land of less annual
value than £5O is excluded. The number of free-
holders in the main diminishes, and really there
remains scarcely anything of independent power
and freedom of election within the majority of the
counties of the United Kingdom. So then I come
to the conclusion that the working classes are ex-
cluded and insulted, and that the middle classes are
defrauded, and I presume that those who really do
wield the power despise them for their silence under
this system. (Cheers.) When 1 look at the great
middle class of this country, and see all that it has
done, and see the position in which it has been to
some extent allowed to rest, I cannot help saying
that it reminds me very much of the language which
the ancient Hebrew patriarch addressed to one of
his sons. He said, " Issachar is a strong ass—(great
laughter)—crouching down between two burdens."
(Laughter.) So on the one side there is a burden
of £7,500,000 per annum raised by way of taxes
to keep from starvation more than 1,200,000 pau-
pers within the United Kingdom ; and, on the other
hand, and higher up the scale, there is mismanage-
ment the most gross, there is extravagance the most
reckless, and there is waste the most appalling and
disgraceful which has ever been seen in the Govern-
ments of any country—(cheers)—and the grand
result of this is a system which systematically shuts
out the millions, and which cajoles the middle classes
by the hocus pocus of a Parliamentary Government.
(Laughter and cheers.) lam delighted beyond
measure, after many years of discussion, of contem-
plation, and of laborious connection with this great
question, to believe that the great body of the people
—call them middle class, or call them working
class, are resolved that this state of things shall exist
no longer. (Loud cheers.) During the last session
of Parliament there has been made by an honest
Government an honest attempt to tinker the exist-
ing system ; for, after all, the bill of last session,
honest, and well-intended, and valuable as it was,
was still but a tinkering of a very bad system—
(laughter)—but the Tory party refused even to have
it tinkered. (Laughter and cheers.) They remind
me very much of a wealthy but a most penurious
old gentleman who lived some years ago in my
neighbourhood, and who objected, among other ex-
penses, very much to a tailor's bill. He said he had
found out that a hole would last longer than a patch.
(Great laughter.) I am not sure that that is
not the faith of Lord Derby and his friends, for it
was one of their great arguments, that if the bill of
the Government passed, it would inevitably follow
that something more would also almost immedi-
ately be demanded ; they were so anxious that things
should remain as they are that theyrefused to admit
200,000 more of the middle class by the lowering of
the county franchise, and they refused with equal,
perhaps with greater pertinacity, to admit 200,000,
but, as I believe, not much more than 100,000 men
to electoral rights. They would not suppress nor
allow the suppression of a single rotten borough ; in
fact there was no abuse, however intolerable, how-
ever putrid, to which they would allow the Legisla-
tive reforming knife to be applied. Thus deter-
mined to keep things just as they were, we were
obliged, to our great misfortune last session, to con-
tend so much with them ; and now they are in office
they call themselves her Majesty's servants, but they
have not yet dared to proclaim themselves the ac-
cepted servants of the people. (Cheers.) Some of
their papers, and some papers which are not theirs,
give us to understand—for the newspapers are
always understanding a great many things of which
they know nothing they give us to understand
that Cabinet meetings which have been held during
the last fortnight have landed us in this strange po-
sition, that the men against all Reform six months
ago are now warmly engaged in concocting a mea-
sure which shall be satisfactory to the great body of
Reformers of the country. (Cheers.) Now, my
opinion is this, first, that the papers know nothing
about it ; and secondly, that the Government—we
are obliged to call them the Government—has not
made up its mind whether to bring in a Reform Bill
or not. In point of fact Lord Derby is waiting to
see what the weather would be, and I suppose they
will postpone the decision, perhaps, for some
weeks to come—who knows ? they may wait till
this day fortnight or yesterday fortnight. 0 n
Monday, the 3d of December, it is said that, fol-
lowing the example of Birmingham, the West
Riding, of Glasgow, and Manchester, and Dublin,
the men connected with the trades of London
will make what they call a " demonstration"
that is, on behalf of this question of Reform they will as-
semble, and peacefully walk through some of the main
streets of the West-end of London, for the purpose of
showing that they take an interest in this great question.
(Cheers.) I know nothing of the arrangements except what
I see in the newspapers ; but it is said that more than
1,000,000 have arranged to walk in that procession. I hear
from no mean authority that certain persons at the West-
end, attenders at the clubs, and soon, are getting up a little
alarm at what may happen on the 3d December. What will
happen we all know. If the police do not interrupt to
break the peace—(cheers)—the peace will not be broken,
and probably what happened on the last occasion may be
of some use in teaching the Home Secretary his duty on
this occasion. (Cheers.) There are some persons, doubtless,
so credulous and so willing to wish well of everybody as
to imagine that Lord Derby's Government will bring in a
satisfactory Reform Bill. They say that Sir Robert Peel
and the Duke of Wellington passed Catholic Emancipa-
tion, that Sir Robert Peel passed the Corn Laws, and why
should not Lord Derby pass a Reform Bill ? Lord Derby
is neither the Duke of Wellington nor Sir Robert Peel.
(Cheers and laughter.) He left both those statesmen in
1846, rather than unite with them to repeal the Corn Laws,
and he has never shown from that hour to this one atom
of statesmanship or one spark of patriotism that leads us
to expect that on this occasion he will turn round and,
neglecting his party, do something for his country. it is
all very well to say that if the Government brings in a
very good bill, why, we who want a very good bill, will
support it ; but it is of no use dealing in phraseologies and
platitudes of this kind. Look at the Cabinet of Lord
Derby. Look at what the members of it said and did
during last session. Lord Derby told us that his mission
was to stem democracy. His friends in the House of
Commons declared last session that the passing of the
bill of the late Government would be to hand over the
country to the democracy of the working classes. Mr.
Disraeli in his speeches was ingenious beyond his
followers—as indeed he is in general, for if he had not
been he would not have been in the position in which we
now find him. But Mr. Disraeli was anxious to cut ff
free election in the counties. He is of opinion,
as faro as all
I
could gather from his speeches, that the more
entirely the
county representation can be made conterminous with the
great estates of the peers and large landowner; the more
entirely they will be after his own fashion and his own
wishes. (Cheers.) Ne more perilous idea can be enter-
tained by any statesman than this. If you once got the
nominees of the great landowners and lords on one side of
the house and the representatives of everybody else on the
other, then the beginning of the end will have come, and
while Mr. Disraeli is tickling the ears of the country gen-
tlemen behind him ho is propounding a plan which, if it
could be carried into effect, would end in the utter extinc-
tion of the political power of the country gentlemen and
the peerage of England. (Cheers.) Mr. Disraeli proposed
to exclude 7,000 or 8,000 county voters who resided within
the limits of the boroughs, and I cannot believe that a man
who made such a proposition seven or eight years ago can
produce a good Reform Bill. Now, Lord Stanley made a
speech during the discussions on the late bill which his
party and their press said was unanswerable. It was a
speech leading to this conclusion—that he would not give
votes to any of the working classes until he saw how he
could, by a distribution of seats, make those votes of no use
to them. (Cheers.) Lord Stanley lent himself to an un-
happy trick, intended, as it appeared to us, to take the Go-
vernment and the house by surprise, and by gaining a sudden
and accidental (livisiop to destroy both the Government and

their bill Lord Cranborne is a member of the Cabinet
(Laughter.) He was better known as Lord Robert Cecil.
Lord Cranborne quarrelled violently with Mr. Gladstone be-
cause he said that the working men were of our own flesh and
blood. Ile treated that observation very much in the same
way as some Carolina planters and slaveholders in the Senate,
or in the House of Representatives in the United States,
would have replied to my friend Mr. Sumner if he had said
that black and white were equal, and in the eye of
God of ono and the same flesh and blood. (Cheers.) Gen.
Peel is a member of this Government, and he protested
against any reduction of the franchise ; as, indeed, did Sir
Stafford Northcoto, who is now President of the Board of
Trade. I wish to ask whether from these men you are to
get a Reform Bill. After all their speeches had been made
Lord Derby did his utmost to prevail on Mr. Lowe to be-
come a member of his Cabinet. If after all this they were
to attempt to manufacture and introduce a Reform Bill they
would cover themselves and their party with humiliation
and with certain failure. I know that in this country
politicians can change sides, and it often has a wonderful
effect with them. I suppose that there are many ;hero pre-
sent who have read the couplet by our witty friend Hosea
Biglow, on pointing out the character of some politicians
in America who, ho said, as we may say of Lord Derby and
his party—.
" A merciful Providence fashioned them hollow,
0 u purpose that they might their principles swallow."
(Laughter.) But, notwithstanding that provision - that
merciful provision—as statesmen I confess that I do not
believe that the Government have determined to bring in a
Reform Bill, or that they can by any possibility bring in a
Reform Bill which the Reformers of this country can ac-
cept—(cheers) - they have done everything during the last
session by fraudulent statements, by insults to the people,
by the most evident baseness of party actions to destroy the
honest attempts of Lord Russell to improve the representa-
tion of the people. I do not believe that within one short
year they can turn round, capricious as may be the cavity
of the Tory Government—l think they cannot within ono
short year swallow all their Conservative principles.
(Cheers.) If a man were to tell me he had a broth composed
of half a dozen of the most poisonous ingredients, and could
make a wholesome dish, I could not believe him—(laughter)
—and if ho told me that Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli and
Lord Stanley and Lord Cranborne and General Peel and
the rest of them are about to produce a wholesome and
salutary and liberal Reform Bill I must ask him not to
impose for a moment on my understanding. (Cheers.)
The enemies of the bill of 1866 cannot become the friends
of the bill of 1867, and conspirators of the session just past
cannot become honourable statesmen in the session which
is about to commence. (Cheers.) My opinion may be no
better than that of other men. This, however, may be good
advice. All Reformers should be on the watch. (Cheers.)
There are enemies enough and false friends enough to con-
vince us that our cause is by no means out of danger. But
the next bill, what must it be? I wish I could hope that it
would be as good as the last; but one thing I think we
have a right to insist upon, that the next bill which is in-
troduced by a Reform Government should be in regard to
its suffrage based on the ancient franchise of the country.
(Hear, hear.) Household or rating franchise has existed for
centuries in our parishes; it has existed for many years in
our municipal corporations; it has never been found in our
parishes or corporations to be destructive to the interests of
those districts. I say, therefore, we ought to stand upon our
ancient institution. Earl Russell was in favour of extend-
ing the borough franchise down to the municipal franchise,
and Mr. Gladstone approved such a measure. We know
that the late Attorney-General, one of the most eminent
members of the House of Commons, openly expressed him-
self in favour of that change. I believe the liberal portion
of the middle class would have no objection to see the
franchise extended to all householders in the boroughs. I
believe if it were so extended we should arrive at a point
at which, so long at any rate as any of us are permitted to
meddle in the policy of the country, no further change
would be demanded. (Cheers.) I therefore am entirely in
favour of it because I believe it to be wise in itself, and be-
cause it is the ancient borough franchise of the kingdom. I
am in favour of the Constitution. I would stand by it when-
ever it offered guarantees for freedom. I would march in
its track. That track is so plain "that the wayfaring man,
thougha.fool, need not err therein." I would be guided by its
lights; they have been kept burning by great men among our
forefathers from generation to generation. Our only safety
in this warfare is in adhering to the ancient and noble Con-
stitution of our country, and when we have restored it to
its ancient power and invited the great body of the people
to take part in political power, then the House of Commons
will be the servant of the nation and not its master, and it
will do the bidding, not of a small and limited—often an
ignorant, necessarily a selfish—class, but the bidding of a
great and noble people. (Loud and protracted cheering,
amid which the hon. gentleman resumed his seat, having
spoken for upwards of an hour.) _ _

- Sir John Gray, M.P., Mr. Baines, M.P.; Mr. M'Laren,
M.P., and Mr. Ayrton, M.P., also replied to the toast. Sir
F. Crossley, M.P., proposed the toast of " The Ladies," to
which Mr. Henry Thompson responded.
On the motion of Mr. T. Bazloy, M.P., seconded by Mr.
Gilpin, M.P., a vote of thanks was passed to the chairman,
and briefly acknowledged.
The banquet, which was most elaborately and efficiently
conducted, terminated at a late hour.

A New Process for Making Wrought Iron
Direct from the Ore.

BY CHARLES 31. DUPUY, C.E.

The following article was recently printed by the
Iron and Steel Association in its bulletin, and
copied by the Iron Age. From its columns we ex-
tract it, on account of the vast importance of the
subject, and commend it to the serious attention of
all engaged in the manufacture.
Iron ore is mainly a compound of oxygen gas,
earthy matter, and metallic iron. Almost the
whole theory of reduction of rich ores is to volatilise
oxygen, for the earthy matter may be nearly all
washed out before heat is applied. Oxygen is the
arch-enemy. In well-washed magnetic ore, as
usually prepared for the forge fires, nearly one-
third, by weight, is oxygen, and the entire remain-
ing two-thirds is metallic iron.
Carbon in various forms, par excellence, is the re-
ducing agent. At a red heat, the oxygen in the
ore, having a greater affinity for the carbon, leaves
the ore, and passes off as carbonic oxide. The
most perfect system of reduction consists in bring-
ing ore, carbon, and heat together, in the most
economical proportions.
The earliest process, practised by the ancients,
and still largely in use to this day, is the forge-fire,
Catalan forge, or bloomery in its various forms.
Here rich ores, mingled with charcoal, are subjected
to a blast in a furnace, resembling a large black-
smith's forge, until reduction is effected. On the
theory that oxygen will leave the ore when heated,
and unite with carbon, the forge-fire method at first
glance would seem to be a perfect process. This,
however, is not the case. While reduction is in
progress, and until the last atom of oxygen has left
the ore, it is ever ready to seize with avidity any
" free oxygen" it may find in the blast, or draw
from the surrounding atmosphere. It is this " free
oxygen" which so largely consumes the fuel and is
the means of melting down a large proportion of ore
to a useless cinder. It causes a consumption of
300 to 500 bushels of charcoal, and over two tons of
washed or separated ore to the ton of iron, whereas,
less than one hundred bushels of the former, and less
than a ton and a half of the latter, would be quite
sufficient, could these objectionable features be re-
moved. This waste would be still largely increased
if at a certain depth in the fire the ore and carbon
did not become caked together, forming a shell im-
pervious to the atmosphere. Another objectionable
feature in the forge-fire is watit of uniformity of
product. That part of the bloom formed nearest
the blast is semi-steel, while the farthest away is
soft iron.

The immense deposits of rich cinder from the
forge fires which had been accumulating in England
since the days of Julius Caesar finally suggested
the invention of the blast furnace to work them up.
It wa• soon found useful to smelt the iron ores,
which abound so largely throughout Europe, and,
although the invention dates back three hundred
years with but few improvements, the blast fur-
nace still continues the great right hand of the
iron master.

The facility of melting down large quantities of
crude material, so as to separate the metal from its
grosser impurities, in larger and continuous opera-
tions, was certainly a great step to keep pace with
the rapidly increasing wants of an iron age. Still,
while the blast-furnace frees the metal from its
oxygen, and separates by specific gravity a large
portion of its earthy impurity, it is by no means a
perfect instrument for the manufacture of wrought
iron. Owing to the variation in the atmosphere,
and other uncontrollable causes, the run of a blast-
furnace, from day to day, not unfrequently is
wanting in uniformity, and, besides, is always
charged and intimately incorporated with four to
five per cent. of carbon. This carbon clings more
tenaciously to the iron than the oxygen did to the
ore, for the ore parted with its oxygen at a red heat,
but pig-metal must a second time be melted, and
skilfully manipulated for nearly two hours, before
it gives up its carbon. It is true that the second
meltineo although involving high cost for fuel,

labour and waste, separates quite perfectly the
earthy impurities, which may have remained ; yet
the fact that the forge-fire can exist, and its pro-
duct compare favourably with puddled iron, is con-
clusive proof that the cost and quality, by both
processes, are not very far apart. The truth pro-
bably is, the blast-furnace is best adapted to work-
ing the lean, while a direct method should be
adopted for the rich ores.
The vast deposit of rich ores, yielding from 60
to 70 per cent. metallic iron, have long called for a
better system of reduction. The call has been an-
swered, during the past half century, by the sugges-
tion of various expedients. One proposed to subject
ore with carbon to heat in clay crucibles, until re-
duction takes place, then to empty and hammer the
product, but it was found the iron adhered to and
became incorporated with the crucible, causing
waste of the former and destruction of the latter.
Another suggested ore with carbon, heated in gas
retorts. Gas retorts were tried, but were too perish-
able to be found useful. Another proposed heated
vertical tubes, or retorts of fire-bricks ; those, like
the gas retorts, were too soon destroyed by a deoxi-
dising heat to be practical. Still another aimed to
deoxidise ore with carbon, on fire-brick tables, which
were heated above and below. The sensitiveness of
the ore to the absorption of oxygen found floating in
the furnace failed to secure a perfect deoxidisation,
and this plan was rejected. All these and many
other processes, although at times producing iron
of superior quality, were not found economical.
They have had their day of experiment and abandon-
ment, and still a better direct method than the forge
fire is demanded.

The ore seems to require a continuous reducing
heat, from the time it is placed with carbon for
deoxidisation until it is reduced to iron. Carbon
will not act efficiently in withdrawing oxygen from
the ore, if it can " free oxygen" in the furnace.
Such is the affinity of ore for oxygen, that how-
ever well the deoxidising process may be progress-
ing, if at any stage, until it is completed, the
heat is changed from a " reducing" to " oxidis-
ing" heat, success is measurably defeated, and
waste the result.

The whole aim should be to continue a reducing
heat in the furnace until the ore shall be thoroughly
penetrated by it, at the same time to shield both ore
and carbon by a suitable covering, from any free
oxygen which may get into the furnace by a varia-
tion of the fire or otherwise. Whatever earthy im-
purity may remain in the ore after cleansing, and
before the application of heat, is readily removed by
the high heat required to weld the particles of re-
duced metal together. At this heat the earthy im-
purity is liquified, and is compressed from the porous
mass of iron, under the hammer, as water is squeezed
from a sponge.
The writer ventures to suggest a remedy for the
defects in the direct method, by which he has manu-
factured several tons of superior iron.
The ore, first freed, as far as possible, by water or
otherwise, from its earthy impurities in a crushed
state, is placed with pulverised charcoal in thin sheet
iron canisters, in quantities sufficient, when reduced,
to form a mass of iron of the usual weight of a puddle
ball. An ordinary sand bottom iron heating furnace
is brought up to a reducing heat, and with a thick
clear fire the canisters are introduced. The furnace
is carefully maintained at a reducing heat in the
usual manner by small additions to the fire from
time to time as required and by a careful exclusion
of the atmosphere. Very little blast, and a sup-
pressed draft are used so as to furnish a reducing heat,
without cutting the canister. The operation resem-
bles very closely the process for annealing sheet iron.
Soon after introduction the canister is annealed and
toughened, assuming a polished appearance. It
should be the aim to keep the heat in this condition
until the metal is thoroughly reduced ; should it be
increased, canisters may be prematurely destroyed.
Deoxidisation commences immediately on the intro-
duction of the ore, as proved by the blazing of car-
bonic oxide from vents made for the purpose, and,
by occasionally rolling and, at the proper time,
compromising the canister, it continues without in-
termission until reduction is completed.
the heat should then be raised to weld or paste
together the particles of iron, and then canister and
contents being withdrawn are welded, in any of the
ways puddle ball is usually treated. Very little
manipulation is required in the furnace.
The whole operation need not last longer than
from four to six hours. A few canisters may be
tested at trifling expense at. any rolling mill. It is
believed that from three to five tons of iron may
with equal facility be made in the same time in one
furnace of suitable capacity.
The perfection of the process by experience
looks to a saving of seventy-five per cent. of fuel,
to almost entire saving of the metal—but, above all,
to dispensing with the skilled and exhausting labour
of the reverberatory furnace. There are other ad-
vantages which should not be overlooked, such as a
large reduction of capital, and of the wear and tear
of works ; also the laboratory facility of the canister
to bring atoms of ore in closest contact with carbon
and other agencies to secure the cheapest reduction,
and possibly to desulphurise impure ores.
As an offset to all these advantages is the cost of
$l2 to $l5 for sheet iron to the ton of iron pro-
duced. Adding this extra cost and the cost of
crushing and mixing the ore and carbon, which
may be cheaply performed by machinery, and there
should be still a saving of 30 per cent. on the pre-
sent cost of iron.

Believing this process may be made eminently
practical, it has been patented. The patentee will
cheerfully communicate any further information to
parties who may be disposed to co-operate in its
practical development.
New Yolk, Sept. 20, 1860.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

~-- -

TIMES.—It is a good sign when Reformers become
practical, and when they condescend to particular
statements respecting the defects of the present
Parliament and the benefits to be expected from an
amended representation of the people. The speech
of Mr. T. Hughes to his constituents on Monday
evening contained, we are bound to say, a signal
illustration of this desirable candour. He explained
in distinct terms what he thought the " unrepre-
sented classes"—that is, the class of working men—
suffered from want of adequate representation, and
even went so far in one particular as to predict
what they would, or should, do if admitted to a
larger participation in political power. In his opi
nion, Parliament ought to concern itself effectually
with• the food, lodging, and education of the people,
and to organise to better purpose the conditions
and laws of labour. Now, with regard to popular
education, a certain challenge unluckily thrown out
the other day has apprised the public very exactly
of the true difficulty of the case. There are schools
enough and there are teachers enough for all comers,
and the terms of these establishments place instruc-
tion within everybody's reach, but parents in the
poorer classes will not send their children to be
taught. Mr. Hughes honestly expresses his opinion
that they should be compelled to do so, and we must
suppose him, therefore, to believe that 'working men,
if they had the power, would agree to put coercion
on themselves, and compel their fellow-workmen to
do by law what they might already do without law
if they had but the will. We are not sure that this
impression will be generally shared ; but there is
another point to which a similar argument may be
applied with equal pertinence. Mr. Hughes in-
cludes among the proper, and, indeed, paramount,
subjects of Parliamentary legislation not only the
housing, but the food of the people—meaning that
laws should be passed to prevent the practice of
adulteration and the use of false weights and
measures. A really popular Parliament, we are
led to infer, would establish guarantees on these
points, and save the people from depredation and
wrong. On this subject, however, we must ask how
it happens that a man of Mr. Hughes' experience
could have overlooked the irresistible power which
the working classes have in their hands already.
No man in the kingdom knows better than Mr.
Hughes what kind of authority is exercised by the
Unions which the several trades have instituted for
purposes of their own. These bodies have organised
the laws and conditions of labour with the utmost
care and minuteness, and they insure obedience to
their edicts by a terrorism more powerful than
statutes. They dictate the terms on which labour
shall be employed, and if these terms are 'not
adopted they enforce idleness up to the very verge
of starvation. What power, we should like to
know, greater than this could possibly be required
for the establishment of any usages which the
working classes may consider beneficial ? Take,
for instance, the education question itself. Suppose
it were understood that any parent withdrawing his

child from school would incur the same penalties as
attend his withdrawing his subscription from the
Union, would not that settle the matter ? If
Trades' Unions can regulate wages and subsistence,
is there anything which they could not regulate?
Is it to be believed that if they can determine the
hours of work, they could not insure the use of true
weights and measures? The fact, however, is,
strange as it may seem, that Mr. Hughes' constitu-
ents are disposed to think lightly of the very matters
which their representative regards as so immediately
important. He told them frankly that he blushed
for them when he saw that in L.iunbeth, as well as
in other paitz of the metropolis, "an enormous
number of persons had been convicted of using
false weights and measures ;" but the audience, in-
stead of sympathising with his honest indignation,
received the remarks with derision. It was vain to
tell them that it was no laughing matter." They
were clearly not inclined to recognise any popular
grievance in the case, and yet we find that no fewer
than forty-five convictions for the offences in ques-
tion were published last week. The delinquents re-
presented exactly that class of tradesmen with whom
the poor have their principal dealings—bakers,
butchers, grocers, chandlers, cheesemongers, beer
retailers, and so forth ; and we have not the
slightest doubt that short weight and bad quality
enter commonly into the bargains of the poor. But,
either " the people," in Mr. Hughes' acceptance of
that most debateable term, are beneath the notice
of trades' unions, or else trades' unions are indif-
ferent to those objects which Mr. Hughes has so
much at heart. In the relations between masters
and men there is no matter thought too minute for
regulation and adjustment ; but beyond or beside
these relations the power of the union is allowed to
sleep. From the reception given to Mr. Hughes'
observations at Lambeth we should almost doubt
whether the unions could be induced to care either
for the housing or thelood of the people ; but it is
certain that they could, if they pleased, produce in
some of these respects a reform as summary as Mr.
Hughes could desire. They do already determine
the organisation of labour, but they give themselves
no concern about the condition of the labourer.
Mr. Hughes thinks it a reproach to our present
Parliament that his suggestions for housing the me-
tropolitan poor were not embodied in legislation as
prompt and arbitrary as that which was applied to
the extinction of the cattle plague ; but it seems
to us that by his own showing he got at least as
much attention as such very imperfect proposals
demanded. "No doubt," says he, " a very sincere
interest was taken by members in that subject,
but it did not affect them directly, and they
spent their time in dilettanteism ; they were
so particular about getting a perfect measure,
and in balancing what was to be said on
one side and the other, that nothing was done."
But is it not desirable that the Legislature of
a nation should consider both sides of a subject,
and strike a balance between advantages and dis-
advantages? Is not this the custom on all subjects,
and must not all suffer more or less from the delays
inseparable from the inquiry ? The truth is, as Mr.
Hughes could not deny, that the interest taken in
the subject of metropolitan evictions is both strong
and general, and any measure reasonably devised
for housing the poor more suitably and conveniently
would be sure of support. The cattle plague,
which itself concerned the " food of the people" as
much as any subject could do, admitted not of an
hour's delay, and the measure adopted on that
question has been approved by signal success. If a
measure for providing the working classes with
lodging houses has not been passed with equal de-
spatch, that is not because of any indifference, or of
any opposition, but because the matter does not
admit of similar decision. It is, however, a great
pity that the working classes and their especial re-
presentatives should not attempt to accomplish be-
tween them ' something of what they could un-
doubtedly perform without appeal to Parliament at
all. A member of a trade is now reduced, as regards
his own industry, to a position in which neither
freedom nor discretion is to be found. It may be
all for the general benefit of the trade, but it is not
for the benefit of a workman with more of the ave-
rage of skill, industry, or self-denial. The Execu-
tive of the Union limits his exertions and his re-
ceipts for the advantage of his less laborious or less
skilful brethren. if he should decline to enter the
union, he is at once under the ban of the trade as a
non-unionist, so that in any capacity, or on any
terms, he is subject to control. Now, why cannot
this authority, which follows a man into the very
sanctuary of his household and the smallest transac-
tions of his daily life do something for what Mr.
Hughes considers the great needs of the working
classes ? Why cannot it look after day scholars as
N.:TR as apprentices ? 'Why not watch over the
honcsty of tradespeople as well as the demeanour of
foremen ? Why not look after short weights as
well as short time ? As things now stand, whatever
is done for the g nod of working men in these matters
has been done, not by their own class, but by the
classes above them. Imperfect as the result is, it
is due in no degree whatever to those combinations
which affect and attempt to " rule the destinies of
trade."

lIERALD.—The present condition of Europe must
be anything but an agreeable spectacle to those
who, in spite of a thousand disappointments, still
cling fondly to the delusion of the near coming of
the peace millennium. The vision is now, in the
last year of the world's civilisation, more remote
perhaps than in the darkest days of the barbaric
period. From the general aspect of Europe it
might be supposed, indeed, that it is now for the
first time that the nations have thought of arrang-
ing themselves and determining their respective
boundaries and powers. There is an ominous
monotony in every rumour that comes from the
Continent. From every State we hear the note
of warlike preparation. Each one of the great
Powers is actually making or meditating a large
increase to its armaments, and trying to devise
some scheme by which to render itself more for-
midable to its neighbours. The marvels achieved
by Prussia during the late war have inspired all her
past and possible rivals with the spirit of emulation.
By a singular turn of fortune Prussia, which was
the first victim of the new art of fighting discovered
by the young Titans of the revolution, and which
60 years ago was cited as the example of all that
was most vicious in the military art, is now the
teacher of military science to all Powers, even the
nation which won its proudest triumphs at her ex-
pense. The method in which each of the great
Powers is engaged in improving the lesson is cha-
racteristic of its national genius. France, whose
sentiment of miltary greatness has been profoundly
wounded by the recent sudden rise of Prussia, is
still reluctant, and with good reason, to change
altogether her old system. There are several
causes which prevent her from imitating the Land-
welir organisation ; and as to a simple increase of
numbers, that cannot be effected without not only
a serious addition to her burden of taxation, but
without injurg to the national industry. The
present conscript:9ll is already as severe as
the country can Ncr.ll bear. There has been
a very marked changd also of late in the
national character of the Fi.9lch people. They
are becoming more commercial end less military.
And while the industry and commerce of France are
increasing rapidly every year the population remains
almost stationary. Every year, therefore, it will
become more difficult to raise the tale of conscripts
without damage to the labour fund. France, in fact,
cannot keep pace with Prussia, even if she should
adopt the Prussian system, simply because she does
not multiply her people as fast as Prussia does.
Nor is it true that the French population are more
than their neighbours inclined to the profession of
arms. The general quality of the French peasant
is peacefulness ; and as for the bourgeois element it
is now more bourgeois than ever. The system of
half-amateur, half-professional soldiers which is
found to suit the character of the Prussian people
could certainly not be adapted to France. Austria
is seized with the same ardour for military recon-
struction as France, and with far better reason. But
Austria will find it even harder to remodel her army
on a basis which necessarily implies a common sen-
timent of nationality. In imitating the Prussian
system she will be trying to make a rope of sand.
She can only hope to copy her rival in the mere ex-
ternal part of army organisation ; and the spirit in
which she appears to have entered upon the task is
so purely Austrian as to give little hope of improve-
ment. A series of abstract principles have been pub-
lished as the basis of the new Austrian reforms,
which, however excellent as general maxims, are
ludicrously unequal to the occasion. The formal
announcement that the principle of very costly heads
of departments is to give place to a system based
upon trust leads to but small practical conclusion,
except that Austria has suffered in the same way as
some other Powers in the past. The difficulty of
remodelling an army must necessarily be greater for
Austria than for any of her rivals ; for she has first
to accomplish the work of reconstructing an empire.
As for Russia she is declared to be arming like the
rest, and the fact is the more ominous because she
has no need to arm for defence. The report of Rus-
sian armament, however, is a perennial piece of
news, and points to a danger which has been pre-
dicted so often as almost to have lost all terrors.
The rumour of Russian intrigues in the east has
never been wanting when the ordinary resources
of continental journalists have become stale ; and
while we may continue to believe implicitly in the
fact of the ambition we may still doubt of the power.
In the midst of the general arming England
cannot afford to repose tranquillity in the prestige
of a once great name in the good dispositions of her
neighbours. It is not possible for her to escape the
penalties of her Imperial condition ; and there

really is no choice but to imitate the examples whichhave been set us, and to amend and strengthen
our system of war. The necessity of the case must
hear down all other considerations. There can be
no good in disguising from ourselves the fact, which
is perfectly well known to every Power in Europe,
of our present utter incapacity to maintain our Im-
perial territory in the event of attack. There is
surely something which ought to move even the
breast of the most ardent of peacemakers in this
one simple paragraph of the report of the IlecruitiDg
Commissioners —" Perhaps on a sudden call we
might assemble in the United Kingdom some 40,000,
or at most 50,000, effective men of all arms of our
regular forces." Can any one pretend to be satisfied
with such a state of things ? Have the majority et
the nation become converts to Mr. Bright, and are
they really prepared to let it be generally under-
stood by all the Powers that England means never
to fight again ? Have they calculated whether,
even from the Quaker point of view, this is the
safest, the most peaceful, and the most profitable
sort of policy ? The military prestige of EngJaelt
whatever sentiment we may offend by saying it, is
really the basis of our security as a nation. There
never was a time when material force was more ne-
cessary to the maintenance of a country's safety and
freedom. And if we would be safe and free our-
selves we must be prepared to fight, and to let other,
nations understand that we mean to do so. Of all
countries England, as an empire, can least afford to
let her sword go to rust and her armour decay. The
greater part of our prestige which gives us our pre-
sent place in the world, has been won by fighting ;
by fighting it must be maintained, if necessary. We
are essentially the greatest military nation on earth,
for we have done more fighting of various kinds in
the course of our national career than any other
people. We have shown in time of real emergency
that the art of war is not unfamiliar or unwelcome
to us • and in organising schemes of military defence,
and of conquest we have exhibited an infinite des!
of fertility, energy, and boldness. And is it not
monstrous that we should rest content under the
shame and discredit of being supposed to be utterly
incapable, when all Europe is arming, of knowing
what to do in our own muse and for our own pro'
tection ?

The Springfield Republican tells us Assistant
Secretary of the Navy, Fox did not:impress the
Russians with his rhetorical powers, and fairly clo'
gusted his American associates. A later writer sags
that " at first the Assistant-Secretary wisely COl,-
fined himself to the briefest expression of his feel:
ings ; but as he grew more accustomed to public
speaking' his efforts assumed a more pretentious
form and increased greatly in length, but unfor-
tunately lost in sense. He really attempted to
make three or four lengthy speeches for dinner °ea'
casions, and starting out from an elevated stall
point that was quite bewildering to contemplatt
On such occasions he was frequently unhappy
his allusions, discursive, disjointed, and illogical
style, and incomprehensible not only to the BO;
U
sians, who received Admiral Lissovki's paraphrase°:
his remarks ; but to the Americans, who got,'
effort at first hand in all its force of imperfectio°lsl
cloudy rhetoric, and illogical logic."
The Albany Evening Journal deprecates the Wild
talk indulged in by Butler and others of that stan3,
about impeaching the President. It is serionsy.
damaging the Republican party among all sober"
minded men, while it needlessly alarms timid cPici
talists, who foresee that such a commotion as vila
result from attempting to fulfil these threats vi° ,e
bring ruin upon the finances and business of Oh,
country. If the President had committed iroPeac
able offences and his continuance in office to the en
of his term were manifestly perilous to the safety °s
the Republic, it would then be the duty of CongreB3
to impeach and remove him, in spite of these c°,ll;
sequences. But all such evils are as yet nier'efi
hypothetical. The Government can proceed au.
if the President does give all the offices to his Pla
tical friends, and if he still persists in rivallf.
Brownlow and Thad. Stevens in violence of sPeee