The Sun.
London, England, 1832-04-13 00:00:00

and neatly, " that the privileges hitherto pos-
sessed by the Bank of England had been
" beneficial to the country; How much is
taken for granted in this broad assertion ? Has
,he stoppage of pai ment at dln naiik, by the
simple order of the 11Iinkter Pitt, in the year
1797, been " !•,zneticial to the country ?" If
so, it is r. 'aenefit which has as much the appear-
ance of an evil at the present time, as an': benefit
can well be conceived to Itarr.:-. But, in any case,
we assert that no monied corporation should be
allowed, er should have been allowed, to rise to
such 'consequence through exch,sive and guarded
privileges, that the counnt,ls of the nations should
depend upon thr, of that corporation, be the
power renlly exercised beneficial or injurious.
The next object of the meeting related to a mat-
ter of their own routine. Various conversations
having taken place betwetn the present governor
and deputy gotTrtior of the Bank with Lord
Althcrp, respecting the renewal of the Charter,
it was proposed that the powers of those gentle-
men, to finish the afol'esaid conversations, should
be continued for any period not exceeding six
months after the election of the fresh authotities
for conducting the general concerns of the corpo-
ration.— Times.

This night will determine whether the Re-
form Will shall go into a Committee, or the work
of Reform must be bern i-Ce novo. It is stated
confidently in high quarters that the second
reading ‘vir.l be carried by a majority of from three
to live. This is close work, and we do not ex-
actly see how in a body of 400 and upwards,
the allowance for even unavoidable accidents can
be calculated to such a nicety as to make the
decision either way a matte~ of certain antici-
pation. It is well, qiel-efore, to be prepared for
the worst, if it can be considered the worst,
that thsi sill should at once be rejected, instead
of being suffered to live a rickety life of a few
days or weeks, to be " Burked " in due season.
We are not quite sure that the people would not
gain by haeing the Bill thrown out at once, in-
steatt, of being carried by a small majority of
from three to five ; for in the former case the
Ministry would be obliged to decide without
delay on the adoption of the only means by
which the Bill can be carried without mutilation.
We think it hardly worth our while to argue
with the matt whose mind is so constituted that
he can seriously believe, that, without a large
addition of honest Peers, the Bill can ever be-
come law. This Lord Grey must know ; for
we have a better opinion of his understanding
than to suppose his hesitation to create Peers
arises from any delusion with regard to the pos-
sibility of carrying the measure without them ; and
we are disposed to attribute his reluctance to avail
himself of the power with which it is well known he
has been intrusted by his Majesty to some secret
understanding or pledge, not to avail himself of
it till the necessity should be demonstrated.
From whatever cause such a pledge has been ex-
acted, it is better that the question should be at
once brought to an issue than that further delay
should take place. If the Bill be thrown
out, one of two things must take place
either the Ministry must resign, or they
must at OTICC prorogue Parliament, make a
large batch of Peers, and bring in a Bill
similar to that which has been rejected into
the House of Lords. No Ministry would think
of insulting the nation by hesitating to adopt
either of these courses. We cannot bring our-
selves to believe, notwithstanding the insinua-
tions thrown out by the Duke of Wellington,
that his Majesty is not perfectly sincere. His
Grace wished it to he believed, that his
Majesty had no choice, when the Whig
Ministry entered on office—that the events in
France and Belgium had created a desire fbr
Reform in this country, which could only be
successfully opposed by the interposition of
delay,—that, under such circumstances, the
Tory Ministry were obliged to quit the field for
a time, but that the King, in naming Whigs for
their successors, merely yielded to necessity, and
in no way identified himself with their mea
sures. This is not certainly the general belief; for
his Majesty receives credit with the people for a
constancy of purpose and sincerity, which would
not allow him to give his confidence to any
man of whose policy he did not approve,
merely to allow a breathing-time to their
enemies. Indeed we deem the declaration of
the Duke of Wellington, that the King, in a mat
ter involving so essentially the happiness of the
people, had no opinion of his own, but was a mere
passive receptacle of the opinions of his Ministers,
to be a very strong insult to his Majesty. We
think better both of the head and heart of his
Majesty than to suppose he would affect to re-
pose in any set of men a confidence he did not
feel ; that he would choose for an instant to ap-
pear to sanction measures fraught with ruin to
die country. The Reform Bill is one of those
measures which, if a man possess a vestige of
understanding, he cannot view with indifference.
The Duke of Wellington, with all his apparent
bluntness, is an exceedingly cunning man, or
his physiognomy greatly belies him. The insi-
nuation against the sincerity of the King had in
all probability no other motive than to detach
from Ministers a few of those adheres s, who
support them not from principle but expe-
diency. Indeed, if' the Duke had really known
that the sentiments of the King with regard to
Reform were different from those of his Minis-
ters, he would have taken care but to proclaim his
knowledge in so public a manner.. The people
of England have great faith in the honesty and
sincerity of the King. They derive that faith
from the conduct of his Majesty throughout
a long life. They will not readily believe that
so open and honest-hearted a Monarch can sport
with important principles, approving one day
of Reform, and opposing himself to it the
next. Were the people to see in his Majesty
any such heartlessness as is implied in-such a con-
duct, great indeed would be their grief. He is
now unquestionably the most popular Monarch
who has sat on the throne of this country since
the revolution. What he would be after such
an evidence of insincerity, we cannot trust our-
selves with expressing. But the insinuation is
a mere ruse de guerre. Believing then the
King firm, we take it for granted that he will
enable Ministers to resort to all means necessary
to carry an efficient Reform Bill, when it has
been demonstrated that they are required. The
instant rejection of the Reform Bill, would not,
therefore, lead to the resignation of Ministers,
but to the creation of a sufficient number of
Peers with Out delae, and the re-introduction of
the RefOrrit" Bill into the House of Lords un-
deilietter auspices. But if it should happen
that the fate- of the Bill were to determine the
fate of the. Ministry, theri'the people ought to
he prepared for the course necessary to be pur-
sued. \%e would enjoin them to do nothing
rashly. The rejection of the Bill ought not
alone to determine their conduct. Let them ob-
serve what follows. If the resignation of Mi-
nisters follow, that is a signal there is no mis-
taking. The must ,effectual opposition in our

times is that which is conducted by fiscal means,
or, in plain English, by closing the purse-strings.
Within the limit of the law an Englishman has
abundant means of giving effect to his wishes.
We need not express ourselves more explicitly.
All violence is to be avoidtd, as only calculated
to forward the ends of the enemiet, of the people.
dzrotticea.
Lora Wharneliffe hit upon the cause of the
blunder or th Duke of Wellington with regard
to Reform. The greatest part of his life had
been spent abroad, and his information with re-
spect to the state of the country was necessarily
defective. We have no doubt whatever that his
Grace was 3incere when he observed—
" I hold there can be no doubt whatever, that from the
close of 18zd to the beginning of 1831 there existed no
opinion in faCoUr of Reform in this country.—( Hear.) I
mean, my Fords, no opinion generally prevalent amongst
the people. The fact was fully admitted in the discus-
sions on the subject in the House of Gwamons, and has
since been published to the world. But when the Revo-
lution took place in France, and when Belgium set an-
other example of the same nature, then a sentiment in
favour of Parliamentary Reform began to spread —( Hear. )
That feeling was called into existence by the events which
bad occurred abroad) and it had a great influence on the
elections which were thtn about to take place, and had,
consequently, considerable influence on the Parliament,
which met for the first time in 1830."
We have no doubt that his Grace believed
all this, for we can in no otherwise account for
the outrageous insult he offered to the people on
the opening of the Parliament of 1830. The
Noble Duke supposed, that because there was
no agitation, there was no feeling. He sup-
posed, in like manner, that the 'Dissenters were
indifferent about the repeal of the Test and Cor-
poration Laws, because for many years they made
no attempt to obtain the repeal of them. The
truth is (and that by the way is the best answer
to those who contend that the Reform Bill will

be but the first of an endless series of Constitu-
tional changes), that men cannot afford to be
constantly occupied with organical changes, and
without surrendering their opinion as to the
ne-
cessity of such changes, by a sort of common
consent, agree to postpone the agitation of them
till a favourable opportunity, and in the mean-
time to content themselves with practical im-
provements under the existing Constitution. A
man cannot be always pulling down and rebuild-
ing his house, for though he may be satisfied of
its defects, on casting up the accounts, the in-
convenience attendant on an alteration may in-
duce him to submit as long as possible to these
defects. In this way, for instance, the Reformers,
aware of Mr. Canning's sentiments with regard
to Reform, agreed to wave the agitation of
question, in order not to throw difficulties in his
way at a time when they believed that his
Mi-
nistry would be highly beneficial, not only to
this empire, but to Europe in general. The
Reformers did not renounce their opinions be-
cause they did not choose to press the question
at that particular time, and the Dissenters had
not become indifferent to the stigma of the Test
and Corporation Laws because for about forty
years they remained silent. When they con-
ceived themselves affronted by a declaration of
Mr. Canning, they determined to make one great
effort to remove the grievance. The Reformers
were not created by the events of 1830, as the
Duke of Wellington foolishly imagines, but a
number of circumstances concurred at that time
to impress them with the idea that Reform ought
no longer to be delayed, and that it behoved
them once for all to encounter all the incon-
venience attendant on the agitation of so mo-
mentous a question. The nation went into it
heart and soul ; and it speaks highly for the in-
telligence and good sense of the people-of Eng-
land, that they determined to urge the question
in such a manner that it could no longer be re-
sisted. Lord Wharncliffe observed that—
" The Noble Duke had passed a great part of his life
in the service—in the glorious service of his country, and
therefore he had been unable to watch tl e progress of
public feeling in the same manner as men at home had
dune. He poke with all deference of the Noble Duke,
but he must say that there were circumstances in the
Noble Duke's life that prevented him knowing the changes
that hid taken place in the feelings of this country. On
that subject he (Lord Wharnclitfe) was a better witness.
He had been in Parliament fur many years, and lie had
had the honour of representing large holies of people ;
and from the time he first entered Parliament to the pre-
sent moment, he was convinced that the wish for Reform
had been a growing desire with the people."--Morning
Chronicle.

In the debate of last night, the Duke of Buckingham
gave the country a sample of the sort of legislation, in the
way of Reform, they may expect from him. It is said
that even the devil can be compelled to speak truth. It
says something for the Reformers, that they have been able
to compel so very untoward a subject as the Duke of Buck-
ingham to take up the cau•e of R-form. After a great
deal of rhodomontade about the cauldron of Reform and
its venomous contents, and the forgetfulness of what was
due to the King in the Minister who went about boasting
of his authority to mak- Peers, the destruction of the Con-
st:tution and so forth, the Noble Duke treated his auditors
to a sample of what he understood by Constitution :
tt He would not (he said) recur to the thrice-told talc of the
French Revolution; but he would beg leave to remind their
Lordships of what took place in this country in the time of
Charles the First. The first thing which the Commons did was
to pass the Triennial Bill, to which the unfortunate King gave
his consent. He was then called a Patriot and Citizen King.—
(Hear.) But, what followed ? The next year he lost his Mini.
stern; and then what followed ? Then came the abuse of the
Peers and the Bishops ; and then, after a short period, that ruin
ensued which their Lordships were well acquainted

Then, according to his Grace of Buckingham, all that
betel Clarks the Fiist and the country was caused by his
passing the Triennial Bill. If his Grace ltad been his
counsi llor, be would have advised him not to consent to
the Triennial Bill. The Triennial Bill was a had
measure. Now what was the Triennial Bill ? The King
had endeavoured to govern without Parliaments, and at
one time had allowed eleven years to pass without sum-
moning one, falling in the mean time on all manner of
illegal courses, such as ship-money, &c. to obtain funds.
By a Statute of E!ward 111. it had been enacted that
Parliaments should be held once every year, or oftener,
if necessary, but the means of giving effect to the law had.
not been fixed. All that the Triennial Bill did was to
secure the assembing of Parliament every third year ; and
as Glades had hitherto dissolved every Parliament almost
immediately after its meeting, there was a provision that
it should not be adjourned, prorogued, or dissolved with-
out its own consent during the space of fifty days. Even
the Tory Hume admits that " nothing could be more
necessary than such a Statute for completing a regular
plan of- law and. liberty." Hume adds, that " During
long intermissions of Parliament, grievances and abuses,
as was found by recent experience, would naturally
creep in ; and it would even become necessary for
the King and Council to exert a great discretionary au-
thority, awl by Acts of State to supply in every emergency
the legislative power, whose meeting was so uncertain and
precarious." Without the Triennial Bill, then, it appears
that the King might have dispensed altogether with the
Parliament; and, in fact, he had only called the Parlia-
ment which extorted that Bill from him, in consequence
of the difficulties in which he had involved himself by his
mad interference wits the Scotch, which led to their en-
trance Into England. We may easily see from this, that
if ths.. Duke of Buckingham disapproves of the Triennial
Bill, and thinks it h:tter that money should be raised by a
King without than with the consent of Parliament, he
must have small relish now fur any change, however
slight, in the boroughmongering system. Earl Radnor
called upon the Bench of Bishops, " imploring them, as
they valued the morality of the country, to aid in putting
an end to bribery, corruption, drunkenness, perjury, and the
Alter vices which the ancient system occasioned." But the
Bishop of Exeter glories in the shame. " Shameful parts
of the Constitution," said the Right Rev. Father in God,
" they might be, but nut the less necessary to the sound-
ness of the Constitution. (Cheers.)" The Bishops of
Lincoln and London supported the Bill. The latter de-
clared, " that he had made up his mind to vote for the
second reading of this Bill, not because he approved of it
entirely, but because it appeared to him the more prudent
in. Recommended, as it WV, by a large majority of
the House of Commons, whose opinions bad been twice
declared on the subject—supported as it was, if not by

great majority, at least by a most formidable minority
of the people, it seemed to him the most prudent plan to
deal with it as they could; to modify what alas objection-
'lsle, yet not to trench on the principle of the Bill, so as to
•ndanger the speedy settlement of this question.—(Great
•heering.) He fell the most perfect conviction that a
'neasure of Reform of some extent was required." The
hest speech on the Opposition side last night, on the
whole was the Bishop of Exeter's, though the merit con-
sisted more in its vehemence than its force of argument.
The Marquess of Lansdowne very successfully exposed the
thsurdity of the cuckoo cry of Revolution set up against
the Bill. " Of all the absurdities which it was possible
ro conceive, the greatest was, that there .hould be a per-
fectly immutable state of the law in a mutable state of
thing.. There *ere great changes incident to the condi-
tion of society, and there were great changes incident to
the stare of the world. There was no safety for society
unless those great natural changes were met by artificial
changes." And his Lordship instanced the United States
of America, observing, that " if the great men who had
framed the Constitution of the United States, and whose
memory the world would ever hold in veneration, had had
the folly to exclude from that Constitution the means of
receiving the accession of new States to the Union, with-
out any ostensible change in the law, there would have
been an end to the American constitution." Upon the
whole, the Debate of last night was heavy. —Morn/ ng
Chronicle of Thursday.

The Reform Bill was again the subject of dis-
cussion in the House of Lords on Wednesday
night, and gave rise, in the early part of the
evening, to no small portion of recrimination and
personal invective, between some of those who took
part in it. It must not, however, be wondered
at that no new argument, for or against, was
brought forward, and that the debate, but for
some small portions of personality, was dull and
uninteresting ; for what is there in the shape of
novelty to be said, either on the general question
of Reform, or on the Bill which is now before
the House ? Nothing—absolutely nothing.
Every thing that can be said has already been
said upon it, and those who either speak or
write upon it, can only give an appearance of
novelty to their reasonings by clothing them in
different language, and using them for other pur-
poses than they had previously done. We are,
however, notwithstanding these deductions from
the interest of any observation's which we may
make, inclined to notice briefly the discussion of
last night. Its main feature was the appearance
of the Bishops in triple array, as became the
well-known prudence of the body—the Bishop
of Lincoln being for the second reading, for no
reason, that we can well comprehend, but that
he voted last time against it—the Bishop of
Exeter, Phillpotts, of Catholic emancipation
memory, declaring, in the spirit of the hero of
Waterloo, that he was opposed to the Bill in toto
—and the Bishop of London boldly declaring
himself in favour of the whole Bill, and express-
ing his hope that it would not only be read a
second time in the Lords, but that it would
stiffer no material alteration in the Committee.
To the Bishop of London the Reformers owe
their united thanks—with Phillpotts there
would be as much reason in arguing as with
a native of the South-Sea Islands ; but with
the Bishop of Lincoln, who appears to have
a glimmering of light in him, but has not
yet arrived at the full and perfect day of a
thorough understanding, either of the meritsof the
Bill or of the feelings of the people of England,
on the subject, we must have a word or two.
His Reverence says, that he voted against the
Bill because it was, in his comprehension, a Bill
of that character, the rejection of which was less
dangerous than its reception ; and that he will
vote for the second reading of the present Bill,
not because it is different from the last Bill,
which, if it were 'different or less efficient, would
be a good reason ; hut first, because there is no
other Bill before him, for which he can vote, and
because the public mind being more made up to
have the matter settled, than to have the whole
Bill, the plan of Reform may be safely consi-
dered in a Committee on its own merits, and
without any reference to public feeling ! We
trust that we state the Bishop's arguments cor-
reedy, though in different and more brief terms
than he employed, for we have assuredly as little
desire, as we have need, to misrepresent him.
But if what we state be true, what a foolish and
inconsistent speech was that which he made—
what a parleying did it exhibit between the spirit
of good and evil—what an ignorance of the real
state of public feeling ! His Reverence would
not vote for the second reading of the Bill
when it was last under his consideration,
because the public mind was excited, and he
thought that there was less danger in the rejec-
tion than in the reception of the Bill !—but he
will vote for the second reading of the present
Bill, which is equally efficient with the last Bill,
and of which the people of England approve
ill an equally warm spirit, because he thinks
that the minds of the people are not ex-
cited, and that it may be safely considered,
that is, mutilated, in the committee ! Where
has he been living ? With whom has
he had converse ? From whom has he
learned that the people of England were
less solicitous now than on a former occasion,
for the Bill and th►e whole Bill? Let the people
of England answer him, as they will answer, if
the Bill be either rejected or mutilated, in a
a voice of thunder. For ourselves, we know of
no change in the public mind respecting the
Bill, except that quiet, and calm, and silent de-
termination to carry the Bill, which, like the
calm which so frequently precedes the stonn,
forebodes the destruction of those who may be
insane enough to thwart its fondest and most
earnest wishes. Of the speaker who followed,
we have only space to observe, that Lord Lans-
downe made a brilliant reply to Phillpotts, the
Bishop of Exeter, and that the debate was ad-
journed to Friday, when it is expected that it
will terminate.—Morning Advertiser.

Of all the speeches delivered in the House of
Lords, during the present discussion on the
Reform Bill, that of the Duke of Wellington
is, beyond all comparison, the most important.
The change in the opinions of Lords Harrowby
and Wharncliffe, who had acted as leaders in the
rejection of the former Bill, had been for some
time known to the public. The announcement,
therefore, of their intention, during the debate,
to support the second reading, created no sur-
prise, and did not alter the position in which
the question was previously supposed to have
.stood. The arguments on which those Noble
Lords justified their altered line of conduct
might have been easily anticipated. Nobody
could have presumed they would have so stulti-
fied themselves as to support, upon its merits,
a Bill essentially the same with one which they
had denounced and rejected as subversive of the
best institutions of the country, if not of the
self-contradiction :nilar position to that which
tCohlolellnyns
from
up
psi
such
asceisll
the Duke of Wellington himself took when he
carried that question of " Catholic Emancipa-
tion" which he had always previously opposed,
and which he and Sir Robert Peel deserted, and
bitterly persecuted Mr. Canning for only being
suspected of making his influence as Premier
auxiliary to its success. The position which the
Duke tuuk upon that occasion rested entirely on

ot lr w groundlhold i n no.f
cotl:lecesisnieoxnpeacilliyenlcoyngaenr and
B dangeroth,
hie and Sir Robert Peel expressly and repeatedly
declared that the opinions which they had always
maintained touching the merits of the question
were unchanged, but accounted for their change
of conduct by pointing to the state of Ireland,
torn and distracted by civil faction, and by re-
p'resenting the popular demand for concession
so strong m that country that it could not be
further resisted without a manifest danger of ci-
vil war. The arguments of Lords Harrowby
and Wharneliffe, for supporting the second read-
ing of the Reform Bill on the present occasion
are, inutatis nominibus, the same as those on
which the Duke of Wellington rested his de-
fence in the case to which we have alluded. This
being the fact, whoever accuses those Noble
Lords of inconsistency, certainly his Grace has
no right to do so ; for much stronger is the ar-
gument of expediency in relation to the Reform
Bill than it was in reference to the Catholic
question. If the majority of the people of Ire-
land were in favour of emancipation, as there is
no doubt they were, it is as certain that the
majority of the people of this country were
either against it, or so passive as to care nothing
at all about the matter. Undoubtedly the ~ phy-
sical force," taken any side on that question,
would have been against emancipation. Mr. Can-
ning had admitted that, and expressed his ap-
prehension of arousing the inert mass of
popular resistance. Yet the Duke of Welling-
ton conceded the Catholic claims, not because
his reason was convinced, but because Ireland
was dissatisfied. How is it with respect to the
Reform Bill ? :England, Ireland, and Scotland,
by overwhelming majorities, demand it. How
can the Duke, who abandoned his cherished
opinions on one great question, in deference to
popular clamour in Ireland, still oppose his own
opinions, on another and greater question, to the
collected sense of public opinion throughout the
whole empire ? We said the Duke of Welling-
ton's speech was the most important one deli-
vered during the present debate ; and we said so
for this reason, that it is a speech which conveys
the first intimation on his Grace's part that
sonic reform is necessary. Is not this a contra-
diction of his memorable declaration against the
necessity for any reform ? He now professes
his willingness to consider the provisions of the
Reform Bill of which the Duke of Buckingham
has given notice. Thus he has descended from
his high ground of stern and unqualified opposi-
tion to all reform. But, as the Duke of Buck-
ingham's Bill can never satisfy the public, would
it not be more wise, and just as consistent, in
the Duke of Wellington to vote for the Minis-
terial Bill going into a Committee, lest a worse
Bill may follow ?—Morning Herald.
The speech delivered by the Earl of Shrews.
bury on Tuesday evening affords an apt illus-
tration of the spirit actuating that party to which
his Lordship belongs in their support of the
Ministerial measure. The Noble Earl is the
bitter enemy of the Protestant religion and of the
Established Church, and therefore he is the
ardent friend of Lord Grey's Reform Bill. He
abuses and vilifies the Ministers of that Church,
and in the same spirit he upholds and praises
the Ministerial project. The class of Reformers
which his Lordship represents are virulently
hostile to the temporal power and dignity of the
Church of England, holding in abomination, and
determined, upon principles the most rigid and
inflexible, to dissolve at the earliest possible mo-
ment, all connexion between the Church and
State, or, in other words, to annihilate the Pro-
testant Establishment. But if those who desire
to see the overthrow of the Protestant Church
are, with that view, warm friends to the Bill,
those who regard all religion, under whatever
denomination, with feelings of deadly hatred,
are no less so. All scoffers at religion, all
Deists and Atheists throughout the kingdom,
are, without a single exception, Reformers. To
this class also many Members of both Houses of
Parliament who have the words civil and religi-
ous liberty most frequently in their mouths are
known to belong. This class of persons in
every country manifest their enmity to all reli-
gion, by uniting themselves to any sect or party
who happen to be for the time the most formi-
dable assailants of the predominant religion. At
the present moment the attack is made under
cover of a scheme for Reform of Parliament, and
therefore the authors and supporters of the Re-
form Bill rank all the Atheists, Deists, and
scoffers at religion throughout the country among
their most zealous adherents. In the same
manner all the enemies of the aristocracy and the
throne, all the republicans and levellers in the
kingdom, are to a man loud in their approbation
of the Reform Bill. It rests with the House of
Lords to say whether or not these classes of per-
sons shall be prOvided with the means of accom-
plishing their purposes. Aye or no on the
second reading will determine the question.—
Let Noble Lords then, before they give their
sanction to the measure proposed to them, con,
sitter with what parties they would unite them-
selves, in what case they would enlist, and what
objects they would promote in so doing. They
know, they must be conscious, that nothing will
satisfy the Reform Bill faction but the unre-
served surrender of the Church and of the Con-
stitution. If their own reflections do not lead
them to that conviction, the declarations of the
Reformers themselves must satisfy them as to the
fact. All idea of compromise is, perhaps, for-
tunately, at an end. The question is reduced
by the conduct and language of the Reformers
to the utmost simplicity. It is, not whether any
arrangements can be made by which Reform
would be rendered compatible with the preserva-
tion of the Protestant Church and State of Eng-
land,
but whether both shall be unconditionally
surrendered into the hands of their avowed and
deadly enemies. Such is the question on which
the judgment of the Peers is so anxiously ex-
pected by the country.—Morning Post.

It is with feelings of deep regret we learn that
rothaenc,huolheoraui_sasasascuemominig a
anymioogrea mgaanliggiolafnitigaisiit,oecrst atot
LEylyo.o, One
was
taken
yi
niganh dt. d i etTlhseh olaritildyloarfdte ro
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earrival aittlb.,liitct.l
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at
Southery, was also taken ill the same day, and died in the
course of the night. It was stated by the Board of Health, on
Tuesday, that they are in possession of information which
fully warants them in stating that the reports of the disease
having appeared at Lynn and Wisbecla arc unfounded. Yes-
terday morning (Thursday) there was one case of malignant
cholera at Ely. Every person (we believe eight in number)
reported since Saturday, with the exception of one individual,
has died.—Cambridge Chronicle.
SINGULAR MISTAKE.—A woman, named
Brown; who was committed to prison for ringing the changes
on a pawnbroker, made her appearance, on Monday evening,
at the Rosamond-street station-house, and demanded some ar-
ticles which had been taken from her previous to going to pri-
son, just as the policeman who had taken her into custody was
stating that he had been at Clerkenwell all day, and was ulti-
mately informed that Brown's trial could not come on till
twelve next morning. The man, on seeing the woman walk
in, was thunderstruck, and in answer to his queries, she stated
that she had beer discharged by the governor. This proved to
he correct ; but it was discovered that she had been released
for another of the same name. She was consequently men-
ducted back to her old quarters, much to the satisfaction of the
governor of the prison.