The Sun.
London, England, 1859-01-12 00:00:00

(From the Times.)
"I am afaid," says Bolingbroke, when describing
the accession of the Tory party after a long course
of Whig government, " that we came into power in
the same dispositions as all parties have done; that
the principal spring of our actions was to have the
government of the State in our hands; that our
principal views were the conservation of this power,
great employments to ourselves, and great oppor-
tunities of rewarding those who had helped to raise
us, and of hurting those who stood in opposition to
us. It is, however, true that with these considera-
tions of private and party interest there were others
intermingled -which had for their object the public
good of the nation,—at least, what we took to be
such." A hundred and fifty years have told some-
what upon our political parties, but have not entirely
changed their motives of action. We still see the
same sudden conversions, the same shaping of
policy to party interests, the same resolution to re-
tain the government of the State—for the public
good, if possible, but to retain the government of
the State. What the brilliant and versatile St.
John confessed were his motives in 1710 might per-
haps be avowed by some of his admirers and imita-
tors self•communing in 1859. But the politicians
of this generation are grown better in degree, if
they are not changed in nature. They work their
organised hypocrisy under a closer scrutiny ; they
are watched by a more enlightened public ; they
have learnt the necessity of• placing the national
good higher in order among the objects, of party
policy. Every party has its ames damnees, who
attend only to the greasing of the machine, with-
out much thought of the object of its labours; but
the leaders and the great body of more independent
followers have had an anxious desire for the public
weal forced upon them as a necessity, and have
adopted it as a habit of thought. Now and then
some gust of faction drives them from the
right course, and hurries them irresistibly
along in the wrong direction. China was an
instance of this in 1856, and we shall see how
the Reform breeze will affect them in 1859.
But under ordinary circumstances the people now
in office seem anxious in all administrative matters
to do their best by the nation, within the limits of
party safety, and even at the expense of some party
patronage.
We yesterday announced some appointments for
which the Government may claim credit, as show-
ing their desire to break through the routine of
party, and which reflect honour upon Mr. Disraeli
and Lord Stanley, through whose more immediate
agency they have been made. Sir Charles Trevelyan
has been promoted from the post of Assistant-Se-
cretary of the Treasury to the office of Goverrior of
the Madras Presidency. The permanent office thus
vacated has been bestowed upon Mr. Hamilton, who
has hitherto acted as the Financial Secretary; and.
Sir Stafford Northcote succeeds to the very im-
portant and delicate office thus vacated by Mr.
Hamilton. It is no imputation upon Mr. Hamilton
to suppose that he can scarcely be found equal to
his predecessor'in the onerous and responsible dillies
which will now devolve upon him. Upon this
appointment there is little to be said, except that
Mr. Hamilton has executed his previous office very
respectably, and will doubtless be found a useful
public servant. Sir Stafford Northcote has made
himself somewhat conspicuous 'upon questions of
Law Reform and Social Science, was rather ardent
upon the subject of Reformatories, and was thought
to have a turn for the sentimentalities of public life.
If the chronicles of former financial secretaries are
written truly, Sir Stafford will find a good sphere
for the exercise'of the higher moralities in his new
Office. He was originally, we believe, a Peelite in
politics, but when the attraction of cohesion grew
faint in that small body politic he was attracted
within the circle of Mr. Disraeli's influence, and
was fixed by the representation of Stamford. This
new appointment celebrates his complete espousals
with the Tory party. But the important selection,'
without which we should not have thought it
necessary to call attention to these changes, is that
of Sir Charles Trevelyan for Madras. Sir Charles
has now been nearly twenty years at the Treasury.
He was educated for, and was for some time em-
ployed in the Company's service, and throughout
the whole of his career he has never ceased by writ-
ing and by action to labour for the advancement
of education among the natives of India. Within
his own department his great administrative ability
is known to every public man; he was the origi-
nator of the searching reforms which have been
silently carried out in our public offices, and we
believe we are right in saying that upon him de-
volved the arrangement of that gigantic system
which England opposed to the ravages of the Irish
famine. We insist upon these antecedents, because
we have to add that Sir Charles has always been
a steady Liberal in politics, and is by alliance and
descent intimately connected with the Whig party.
It is this last fact which alone renders his appoint-
ment so creditable to Mr. Disraeli, who recommended
it, and to Lord Stanley, who cheerfully adopted the
recommendation. They saw his fitness even through
the distorting medium of his hostile politics.
The appointment of an eminent civil servant to
a post of dignity which has more generally been
dealt with as one of the perquisites of the Peerage
is a graceful act of homage to the spirit of admini-
strative reform, and an encouragement to the class
from which Sir Charles (is drawn. We hope we
may also accept it as a sign that the present Go-
vernment are determined to do the best they can
for India irrespective' of all party considerations,
and to remove that 'country from the category of
subjects 'for faction fighting. Sir Charles goes
forth in the prime of life to a station which
he has well earned by a life of the most energetic
activity, and to duties which are congenial with
his tastes and studies. He goes also to a post w here
powers such as his are much wanted, and where
they can be developed to great public advantage.
We must not forget that it has sometimes happened
that the most reasonably formed expectations have
not been justified by a complete success, but, so far
as we can judge a man's future from his antece-
dents, we anticipate important results from the
application of Sir Charles Trevelyan's energies to
Indian rule, and we congratulate the Ministers who
had the opportunity of appointing him, and the
honest sense to profit by that opportunity.

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