The Sun.
London, England, 1866-12-21 00:00:00

cessful termination of the war, we have all heard of
nothing but the supremacy of Prussia.
_ .

How comes it, then, that she allows foreign
states to interfere with her rights of con-
quest, and, if she chooses to be fickle to her
plans, and false to her promises, why does she
permit their disapproval to change her course ?
The answer to these queries must be found in the
fact that the French are getting tired of all this
manoeuvring on the part of Prussia, and have de-
termined to put their veto on some of her devices.
It is, indeed, an insult to all the nations of Europe
that the terms of the Treaty should have been vio-
lated as they have hitherto been respecting these
North Schleswigers," and it is time that some one
spoke out on the matter. We are glad that it shou'd
be so for the sake of Denmark, for it is but
meet that some amends should be made to that
ill-used and injured kingdom. Nothing is more
likely than that a quarrel should shortly take place
between France and Prussia, and we shall then see
what the vaunted millions of Germans will do
against the spirited soldiers of France.

The financial statement of M. FOULD has been
looked for with considerable interest. France is
not a nation whose power or influence can be
doubted under any temporary disadvantage, but
nevertheless the policy of any country must always
be affected by the position of the national Ex-
chequer. In America moderate men are relying
upon the condition of the finances to control the
extravagance of the Radicals and avert the risk of
another civil war; and as in the present unset-
tled state of Europe it is a matter of no slight im-
portance that the grievances of the first great military
power should be in a satisfactory condition, that
knowledge may temper the arrogance of Prus.ia,
and sensibly or insensibly alter the course of
several other States. The favourable position of
the revenue will do more than any arguments to
popularise the new scheme for the reorganisation
of the army, since no extra demand is to be made
on the people for the outlay, as it is antici-
pated that the increasing resources of the country
will be sufficient. M. FOULD shows that there
has been an increase, arising from indirect taxa-

tion, of 45,000,000 francs, by which the Budget for
1866 will be definitively balanced. Looking to the
future, M. FOULD is equally hopeful. lle estimates
the surplus revenue yielded by indirect taxes for
1867 at 90 millions, and he points out other re-
sources. The ordinary Budget for 1868 will, ac-
cording to the Finance Minister's estimate, show a
surplus of 121,000,000 f. Before 1868 comes round
what changes may have taken place 1 M. FOULD,
however, is not bound to take them into considera-
tion, especially as he demands no credit even in the
Budget for 1868 for the new military organisation,
the EMPEROR having determined that the neces-
sary expenditure should be provided for by specia
bills in the rectified Budget for 1868. M. FOULD be-
lieves that the State will then be in possession of
more than sufficient resources to meet the new re-
quirethents. He thinks it necessary, like most con-
tinental Ministers, to assure the world at large, and
the French people in particular, that the increase
of the army is only "a fresh guarantee of peace and
security for the future." France is now concentrat-
ing her forces, bringing them home from Mexico
and from Italy; so that, independently of the reor-
ganisation scheme, she will have additional military
strength. Whatever the ultimate direction of these
forces, it will be an immense advantage to the Em-
PEROR as well as to the nation to have a well-filled
Exchequer, since never, perhaps, since France became
a nation had she a more momentous part to play
than she has in this question.

Affairs seem to be a little more promising in

Hungary just now, for the Upper House of the
Hungarian Diet has voted by a large majority the
Address passed by the Lower House. This is very
satisfactory in every respect, because it would be
very prejudicial to the interests of many for a col-
lision to take place between the Imperial Govern-
ment and the representatives of the kingdom. It
could not possibly answer any end, and might be
productive of great harm to all parties
concerned. Some speeches were made on the
occasion, which were for the most part in
favour of the Government, and a wish was expressed
that a compromise might be effected, in order to
tranquillise the " non-Hungarian provinces."
Count SENYCY declared that if Hungary were to
accept the principle of common affairs she would
become the " centre of gravity of the empire."
No doubt there is a great deal of truth in this,

however extravagant it may appear to some per-
verse or prejudiced parties. If the Hungarians
were to be more moderate in their ways, and more
guarded in their expressions, we do not doubt
that they would find it more for their interest in
the long run.

It is said that his MAJESTY is determined to
re-establish the Constizitonsuocfhllmuilnlgaprryo,veantdo we most sincerely
be
the case, although at
present the prospect seems
be for understanding pre-
or Austria as well as
vdaoiulsb,tftuble. b
et Theter morewill
it a
for the gain of Hungary ; and it
would be in truth
a most suicidal policy to adopt to renew the
discussions and dis3ensions that have prevailed too
long and too fiercely in times past. Surely, if no
other consideration is forcible enough to induce
both sides to come to a settlement of these differ-
ences, the thought of Prussia should convince them
at once and for ever. That crafty Power would like
nothing better than to see strife and discord prevail
in any part of the Austrian dominions, and especially

Hungary, which might, under prosperous circum-
stances, become such a source of strength to the
Imperial Government.

We are glad to find that the non-union move-
ment is gaining ground among the working men of
the northern and midland counties. 'The recent
outrageous acts which have been committed in the
rime, though not with the sanction of the leaders
of the unions, have done, perhaps, les.3 to damage
their cause than the depressed state of trade, and the
growing conviction of the men that the association
which was designed for their protection and advan-
tage, has become an instrument of damage and oppres-
sion. The principle of combination naturally ap-
peared to be the great protection of the working men
against the meanness or injustice of their em-
ployers, and it must at once be admitted that on
many occasions, more especially in former times,
the masters were not scrupulous as to the use of
their superior power. But since the organisation of
trades unions has grown more complete the men
have had far more occasion to dread the tyranny of
their fellows than of their employers. The general
public are aware •of the broad features of the
ease, but they are not at all familiar with
the harassing extent to which the control
of these societies over masters were carried. In
the interesting and sensible address delivered by
Mr. Mmuoum to a large non-unionist meeting at
Chesterfield, he gave some striking examples cf this
sort of unwarrantable interference with the rights
of both parties. Thus, in many trade societies

they did not, lie said, allow the employer of labour
to have more than one apprentice for every seven
workers the master selected the apprentices, and