The Sun.
London, England, 1835-01-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 15, 1835.

(Cheers and hisses.) He had been told by Mr. Delia Rad-
cliffe that Conservatism was that sheet-anchor of the State
which alone saved the country from ruin—(laughter)--that
all who were not wilfully blind might see that the present
was a struggle between those who had something and
those who had nothing to lose—(Renewed laughter)—be-
tween men who had no character to lose, and men like
the Hon. Gentleman, who, though " not affecting any pe-
culiar morality," as he had told them two or three times—
(Laughter)—were endowed not only with supreme legis- ,
lative wisdom, but with every quality which could adorn
mortals.—(Laughter.) Now there was not the slightest
foundation for this absurd assertion. The struggle was in
no respect that which was here described. Who, he would
ask, were more interested in the preservation of the peace
of the country than the middle orders ? Who would be
involved in more utter and irretrievable ruin by any con-
vulsion ? Those who had landed property might manage,
but those who lived by their industry had everything to
lose ; yet this was the Order by which the struggle was
being carried on.—(Cheers.) None but the Conservatives,
it was said, have anything to lose. Was the Duke of
Devonshire a Conservative ?—(Cheers.) Was the Duke
of Bedford a Conservative ? He alluded particularly to
the former Nobleman because he was one of those despe-
rate, reckless, no-character-or-property men described by
Mr. Radcliffe—(Laughter)—who was using all his influ-
ence in behalf of the cause of the people, by promoting
the return, for Derbyshire, of that tried and valuable
man, Mr. Gisborne.—(Cheers.) The metropolitan bo-
roughs, it was said, had disgraced themselves in particu-
lar ; had returned men who, by right, ought rather to be
sent to gaol. Such men, no doubt, were Mr. Grote and
Mr. Pattion, for instance ; such a man was Mr. Gurney,
who proposed Mr. Grote ; and such a man, no doubt, was
his seconder. These poor men had nothing to lose. It
was only a pity that his constituents did not know so much
of him as Mr. Radcliffe ; for they, in their ignorance, pro-
bably considered Mr. Grote worthy fifty such men as
those who stigmatized him.—(Cheers.) With reference to
the Church there were many different opinions ; there
were some who, like Mr. Delme Radcliffe, wished to be-
lieve it all perfection—there were others who were not,
perhaps, competent to understand its defects—there were
others who, with an equal perception of, and veneration
for its sacred objects and many excellencies, were for that
very reason anxious to consolidate it, and fix it on its
firmest basis, the attachment of the people, by removing
from it those grievous defects which had crept into it :
such, among others, were non-residence and the misap-
propriation of its vast revenues.—(Cheers.) He, for one,
should have a larger stake in this description of property
than nine out of ten of those who stigmatized him as de-
sirous of destroying the Establishment ; and he was con-
vinced that only by correcting its vices could he render
its virtues efficacious. Mr. Delme Radcliffe had ap-
peared to think that he had an exclusive right to the
support of the farmer ; and all those pretty emblems—( A
laugh)—seemed to have been brought by way of
proving to the farmer, if they could, that if they wanted to
save themselves from ruin, they must support Lord Grim-
stone and Mr. Abel Smith.--(Laughter.) He would put
a proposition to that party, and leave it to Mr. Delme
Radcliffe to explain. Lord Grimstone went into Parlia-
ment as the devoted adherent of Sir Robert Peel. Now,
what was the reason why Lord Chandos had refused to
join that Administration ? Distinctly because Sir R. Peel
said he could not afford to the farmers that relief which
his Lordship considered them entitled to ; and in this
Lord Chandos acted, as he always did, as a consistent
friend of the agriculturists. Would Lord Grimstone give
the same pledge which Mr. Alston had given—namely, to
vote for the repeal of the malt-tax ?—(Lord Grimstone
exclaimed, "No pledge !" hisses and groans.) Mr. Delme
Radcliffe had talked in a very impressive style of the con-
stitution ; but he omitted to explain what his definition of
the word was. His (Mr. Ward's) idea of a constitution
was, the adapting the laws to the wants and wishes of the
age.—(Cheers and hisses.) The Catholic emancipation, for
instance—a measure so well advocated by. Sire R. Peel—
was no doubt considered by Mr. Delme Radcliffe as a
grievous breach in the constitution—and so it might be—
but it was a most necessary and valuable one, and it was
precisely such measures as these which adapted constitu-
tions to the spirit and necessities of the time.—(Cheers.)
Ministers, it was said, looked forward very anxiously to the
result of the elections. No doubt they did, very naturally ;
for the elections which had hitherto taken place left them in a
miserable minority.—(Cheers.) It was said that the bo-
roughs had disgraced themselves ; if so, he stood an emblem
of that disgrace.—(Cheers.) But he would ask whether
Hertford, for instance, had disgraced itself, by throwing off
the chains which had so long bound it in slavery. On the
contrary, it appeared to him that the chairing of their Re-
former representative, William Cowper, the other day, was
the most impressive scene he had ever witnessed. The
struggle, he would repeat, was not between those who had
something and those who had nothing ; those engaged in
it had all a stake. It was not between infidelity and
Christianity. The only question was, whether the coun-
try chose to be governed by one set of principles or by
another. For himself, he had not the slightest doubt of
the result. His fixed conviction was, that there would be
a majority of at least one hundred and fifty opposed to the
present Ministers in the new Parliament,—( Cheers and
hisses.) If among that majority they returned Mr. Alston,
he was well assured that they could have found no man
more fit and proper to represent them.
AUGUSTUS SMITH, Esq., briefly seconded the nomination.
Mr. ALSTON was received with mingled applause and
hisses. He had not the advantage enjoyed by the Noble
Lord who had addressed them, of being able to refer to
past as a pledge for future conduct.—(Laughter.) All he
could refer them to was the assurances which at this and
the last election he had given the electors. He was a
sincere Reformer : but at the same time no man was more
determined than he to preserve the constitution in all its
principles. If returned, he should consider himself no
friend of the agricultural or any other interest, if he
afforded the slightest support to Sir Robert Peel ; for he
was convinced that that statesman was the primary cause
of all the difficnities under which the agriculturists now
laboured, by altering the currency of the country. He
would support no Administration which did not show a
determination to make the agricultural interest one of its
first objects of serious attention ; for he was quite sure
that interest was not in a condition to bear any further
delay.—(Cheers.) He would support no Administration
which did not act up to the principles of the great Reform
Bill. It was absurd to suppose that Sir R. Peel would
so utterly forget all his former declarations as to sup-
port a principle which he had always so determinately
opposed. The claims of the Dissenters should meet with
his fullest support ; and he would not allow the Irish
Church to remain on its present footing. In short, he
would give his most unwearied attention to the interests of
the people ; and what he wanted in ability should be
made up for by the strictest industry.—(Cheers and hisses.)
The Hon. G. D. RYDER. then proposed Abel Smith, Esq.
and in doing so took occasion to observe that the Whigs
were utterly unworthy of the nation's confidence. They
had allowed Russia to swallow up Turkey, while they were
engaged in assisting infidel France to make a province of
Belgium, and in driving one' tyrant from the throne of Por-
tugal to make room for another ; and they had left Ireland
a prey to sanguinary agitators. 0, What relation are you
to the Rathcormac murderer ? He's the sanguinary agi-
tator," hear, hear, and hisses.) After some further obser-
vations the Hon. Gentleman concluded.
G. J. BOSANQUET seconded the nomination.

Mr. SMITH briefly addressed the electors. He was no
party man ; and if sent into Parliament, should go there in
the same independence he had ever maintained. His de-
sire was to preserve the constitution in all its purity, but at
the same time admitting the defects which had crept in it
in the course of time and obscured its lustre ; he was most
ready and anxious to remove these defects. His sole mo-
tive was that of promoting the best interests of the coun-
try.—(Cheers.)
No other candidate being proposed, Lord Grimstone,
Abel Smith, Esq., and Rowland Alston were in due form
elected, and chaired.

A vote of thanks was then unanimously given to the retir-
ing Members, Sir J. Sebright and Mr. Calvert ; and thanks
having been voted to the Sheriff, the ceremony concluded.

KENT (EAST.)-NOMINATION.

CANTERBURY, JAN. 14.—The nomination of the candi-
dates for the representation of the eastern division of the
county of Kent took place this morning, at Barham-downs.
The friends of the respective parties assembled at an early
hour at Canterbury, and at ten o'clock proceeded, with
band and banners, to the place of nomination. The day
was extremely fine, and the scene very gay. Considering
that no opposition was anticipated to the return of the two
late Members (Sir Edward Knatchbull and Mr. Plumptre),
the number of persons assembled on the Downs was much
greater than might have been expected. It seemed, in-
deed, to be the wish of each party to make as great a de-
monstration of strength as possible. The candidates, on
their arrival, were greeted with hearty cheers. Three
cheers were also given to the 658 electors of Canterbury
who voted for Mr. Lushington.
The usual preliminaries having been gone through, and
a short address having been made by the High Sheriff (G.
Stone, Esq.)--

Mr. RICE came forward to propose John P. Plumptre,
Esq., as a fit and proper person to represent this division
of the county in Parliament. In ordinary times he said it
would be sufficient that his Hon. Friend should stand be-
fore the electors simply upon their own knowledge of him
as an upright, honest, independent country gentleman—as
one connected with, and sincerely attached to, the agricul-
tural interests, and who, as their representative, had ever
been constant and assiduous in the discharge of his Parlia-
mentary duties ; ix ordinary times, he asserted, such re-

commendations would be sufficient ; but at the present mo-
ment, when great political questions were at issue, it was
further necessary that their representative should be pre-
pared, as he knew his Hon. Friend (Mr. Plumptre) would
be, to take a decided course in that struggle of conflicting
opinions, which must sooner or later, take place in the
House of Commons. It was no part of his (Mr. Rice's)
duty on that occasion to enter into the discussion of any
political questions. He knew that those whom he addressed
were anxious to hear not what his opinions were, but what
were the opinions of his Hon. Friend. Highly as he valued
his Hon. Friend himself, he should be unwilling to stand
forward and recommend him to the choice of the electors,
if he had not good reasons for believing that he would give
his firm and steady support to those reforms in the institu-
tions of the country which he (Mr. Rice) conceived to be
absolutely essential to the well-being and good government
of the empire.—(Cheers.)
Mr. GEORGE OXENDEN, in seconding the nomination,
ridiculed the assertions that had been put forth, of there
existing a re-action in the minds of the people upon the sub-
ject of reform. He was satisfied that the present state of
things could not last—(Cheers and hisses.) The Duke of
Wellington and Sir Robert Peel mast either turn Reformers
in earnest, or abandon the reins of Government—(Cheers
and groans.) They could not govern the country on Tory
principles. They must either grant those large practical
improvements which the past abuses of Government and
the present condition of the country rendered imperatively
necessary, or they might rest assured that their career as
Ministers would be shorter than that of Lord Melbourne.

Sir JOHN BRYDGES then presented himself in front of
the waggon occupied by Sir Edward Knatchbull and his
friends, and said, that after the speech which had just been
made, and before they proceeded to the nomination of ano-
ther candidate, it would be necessary that the meeting
should give three cheers for the King.
The cheers were given accordingly.
Sir EDWARD DERING then came forward to nominate
Sir Edward Knatchbull. If he were about to propose to
the electors a man whose name, whose talents, and whose
character were unknown, he should approach the subject
with diffidence and anxiety.—(Hear.) But when he had
to propose to them a man whose name was not only known
from one end of that county to the other, but whose name
and character and intrinsic worth were known and appre-
ciated in every part of the empire, he approached the sub-
ject with a confident expectation that all whom he ad-
dressed would concur with him, when he said that the
kingdom could not afford a more fit or proper person to re-
present this division of the county of Kent in parliament—
(Cheers.) As that Right Honourable Baronet now ap-
peared before his constituency for the first time in an
official capacity, it was necessary that he (Sir Edward
Dering) should briefly allude to the circumstances which
had led to the late change in the King's Administration.
When it ceased to be a matter of doubt that the late go-
vernment, by the secession of many of the most intelli-
gent and influential members of the former Whig Cabinet,
could no longer sustain the pressure from without--(Cries
of " Oh, oh !" and loud cheers from the Knatchbull
party)—weakened as they were by extreme differences of
opinion amongt themselves ; and when it also become cer-
tain that they had lost the confidence—( No, no, and cheers)
of a large portion of the intelligence and property of the
country, no alternative was left to the King than, in the
exercise of his prerogative, to relieve them from the
weight of that responsibility which they could no longer
sustain, either with credit to themselves, or advantage to
the country.—(Cheers and groans.) At that period the
Duke of Wellington, with that devoted loyalty and at-
tachment for his Sovereign for which that noble Duke had
ever been distinguished, came to the assistance of the
King, and, in spite of the obloquies, the attacks, the per-
secutions, he might say the abuses, lavished upon him, by
the wise and judicious line of policy which he pursued,
preserved the empire in peace and tranquillity during the
eventual period which preceded the return of Sir Robert
Peel to this country. When the members of the new
Administration became known, predictions of the most
gloomy character were industriously circulated. It was
said that the Reform Bill would be repealed—that every
abuse would be perpetuated—and that there would be a
check to the progress of improvement in every part of
the country. Those who had had the good fortune to
see Sir Robert Peel's masterly address to, the country,
would at once perceive the fallacy of those absurd and
groundless predictions.—(Great cheers.) In -.that address
the Right Honourable Baronet declared that he look
ed upon the Reform Bill as the final settlement of
a great constitutional question, which no friend to the
peace and welfare of the country would endeavour, either
by direct or indirect means, to subvert.—(Cheers.) If
ever there was a time when it became the duty of Eng-
lishmen to sink all minor differences, and to rally round
the King and the institutions of the country, that time was
now arrived. It was, therefore, with great satisfaction that
he came forward to propose to the electors of Kent such a
man as Sir Edward Knatchbull.—( Cheers.)
Mr. WM. DEEDS seconded the nomination. Sir Ed-
ward Knatchbull was one of those who, whilst on the one
hand they would firmly sustain the dignity of the Crown,
and preserve the integrity of the institutions of the coun-
try ; on the ether hand, would not hesitate to remedy what
was faulty, and strike out what was necessary, from lapse
of years or change of circumstances.—(Cheers.)
No other candidate coming forward,
Mr. PLUMFTRE presented himself amidst the cheers of
his friends. He stated that the principles which he pro-
fessed, when he first presented himself to the electors of
that division of the county, he professed still, and hoped
he should continue to profess to the end of his po-
litical career.—(Cheers.) The character that he wished
to maintain in the political world was comprehended in a
very few words. He had always wished, and still wished,
to be a Reformer, but not a revolutionist.—(Cheers.)
He had always wished and still wished, to raise his voice
and set his hand against all public abuses and mal-practices
wherever they were to be found ; and so far he trusted he
should always be considered an honest, steady, straight-
forward Reformer—(Cheers.) But, on the other hand,
when revolutionary principles were proposed to be esta-
blished,he believed he should be found a true Conservative.
—(Cheers.) He had always desired, and still desired, to
uphold the ancient and venerable institutions of the coun-
try ; and whilst on the one hand he would not shrink from
the work of Reform, because the long continuance of abuse
might have encompassed the subject with difficulties ; so,
on the other, he would not rush to the work of Reform de-
termined, for the sake of its accomplishment, to break
through all those obligations which good faith and common
honesty required that he should maintain.—(Great cheer-
ing.) Such, in few words, were his political principles, and
he could not but hope and believe that such were the prin-
ciples that would ever be countenanced and upheld by the
electors of East Kent.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman
then rapidly ran over the line of conduct he had pursued
whilst in Parliament. He had ever been strongly attached to
the Established Church of the country, and that attachment
had led him to give some votes which he feared might
have been dissatisfactory to his Dissenting friends and sup-
porters. He certainly never could bring himself to sup-
port any measure for the separation of Church and State.
Such a separation, he believed, would be fatal to the Esta-
blishment ; and believing that he could in no way better
support the prosperity of the country than by doing all in
his power to promote its religion, it would be impossible for
him ever to give his vote for a measure which, in his heart
he believed, would lead to the destruction of the Church.
He was well aware that his Dissenting fellow-countrymen
had grievances of which they had reason to complain, and
most heartily and most readily would he do all in his power
for the removal of-those grievances.--(Cheers.) With re-
gard to church-rates, he took the same view of that subject
as Lord Althorp. He conceived it, to a certain extent,
to be a national tax for a national object. He had voted
against the admission of Dissenters to the Universities ;
but he thought that the difficulties of the Dissenters
upon that head might be removed, by the establishment
of Universities of their own, in which the degrees they
desired might be granted to them. He begged it to
be understood, that he was not a supporter of the abuses
of the Church. Abuses existed in that Establishment,
which he thought required and ought to be reformed.
He had no hesitation in declaring that the system of
pluralities, sinecures, and non-residence, were abuses in the
Church which, in his opinion, were:indefensible. He thought,
too, that the hard-working clergy should be better paid,
and that the present system of collecting tithes should be
entirely altered. The watch-words under which the late
Administration came into office were—reform, retrench-
ment, and non-interference with foreign States. It was in
the spirit of those three great principles that he had sup-
ported them. What the conduct of the present Govern-
ment would be, it was yet impossible to tell ; but looking
at their past policy, he certainly should feel it to be his duty
to take his seat on the opposite benches, where he would
he would narrowly and closely, but he hoped fairly and ini-
tially, view the measures that might be submitted to the
notice of the country.—(Cheers.) He thought his consti-
tuents would not wish him (he certainly should be ashamed
of such conduct himself) to go into the House of Commons
predetermined to give to any Ministry, or to any set of
men, a factious opposition.—(Cheers.) Such was not his
intention ; but honestly, sincerely, and steadily to keep in
view the reform of all abuses, to bring into full play the
spirit of the Reform Act, and to see as far as possible what
might be done for the general welfare and prosperity of the
country.—(Loud cheers.)
Sir EDWARD KNATCHBULL then came forward, and was
received with loud and continued cheering. He observed
that after all that had been said by his Honourable Col-
league, and by the gentlemen who had preceded him, there
appeared to be so very little difference of opinion amongst
them as to render it only necessary for him to address a
very few words to those assembled, In the first place, he

begged to allude to what had fallen from his Honourable
Friend (Sir Edward Dering), in reference to the novel si-
tuation in which, as a Minister of the Crown, he had then
the honour of standing before his constituency. It would
be recollected that little more than two years ago, after the
passing of the Reform Bill, when the Eastern Division of
Kent was just called upon to return two members to Par-
liament, a large and most respectable body of the electors
thought proper to call him from the retirement in which
he was, for the purpose of making him their represen-
tative in the House of Commons.—(Cheers.) He obeyed
the call—he was sent to Parliament, and he trusted that
he had discharged his duty in such a manner as to com-
mand the approval of his friends and supporters.—(Cheers.)
On a late occasion his Sovereign had called him to his
councils ; and as two years since, from considerations of a
public nature, he had obeyed the call of the electors of
that part of the county, so on the late occasion, from
considerations of precisely the same description, he had
obeyed the summons forwarded to him from the Crown.—
(Cheers.) He was sure that those who heard him would
say, that to serve his King and his country was equally his
duty, and that the servics of the one was not incompatible
with the service of the other, but that, in fact, the serving
of one and the other was the same.—( Cheers.) He had
declared from the commencement of his political career (it
was the only pledge he had ever given, or ever would give),
that he would act in a spirit of perfect independence as
a member of the senate. He had repeated the same
pledge now, and declared that the spirit of independence upon
which he had always hitherto acted, he should carry with him
into the Cabinet.—(Cheers.) When the Hon. Gentleman
who seconded the nomination of his colleague, stated that
unless the present Government were prepared to carry out
extensive reforms, they could not stand, that Hon. Gentle-
man only anticipated what he (Sir E. Knatchbull) was
about to say. The present Government was prepared
fully and substantially to reform, but not to pull down or
destroy.—(Cheers.) They threw themselves upon the opi-
nions of the people, and demanded only to be judged of by
their acts.—(Cheers.) Allusion had been made to the
various topics which were likely to come under the consi-
deration of the Legislature in the ensuing Parliament.
He could express his opinion in detail upon the whole of
those topics ; but it would at once be perceived that, con-
nected as he was with the Government, any opinion that
he might utter might be taken as the opinion of the
Cabinet, whose views and measures could not, of course,
as yet have been finally determined. He should, therefore,
abstain from following the several speakers into these
topics, merely asserting, that as far as his honest and inde-
fatigable exertions could go to promote the welfare and
prosperity of the county and of the empire at large, they
should never be wanting. Though he had made no pro-
mises on that occasion, the time, probably, was not far dis-
tant when the opportunity would be afforded for more ex-
plicit declarations on the part of his colleagues, as well as
of himself. In the meanwhile, he entreated the electors to
wait patiently, and eventually to judge of them fairly by the
measures that they should submit to Parliament ; and if'
they should succeed, as he trusted they would do, in doing
all that the present exigency of the times required, he
thought they would be entitled to the gratitude of the
country.—(Cheers.)
After a short address from Sir JOHN TYLDEN, who ex-
pressed his doubts of the sincerity of the professions of
reform put forth by the present Government, _ _

The HIGH SHERIFF declared Sir Edward Knatchbull
and J. P. Plumptre, in the absence of any other candidate,
duly elected as knights of the shire, to serve in the ensuing
Parliament for the eastern division of the county of Kent.
The announcement was received with hearty cheers.
Thanks having been returned to the Sheriff for his im-
partial conduct on the occasion, the newly-elected members
left the Downs, accompanied by a large body of their
friends, and at once underwent the ceremony of chairing.
The greatest order prevailed throughout the whole of
the day.

SECOND EDITION.

SUN OFFICE, Six o'clock.

MIDDLESEX ELECTION,

(THIS EVENING.)

KING'S CROSS COMMITTEE-ROOM.

At four o'clock this afternoon, in front of his Committee-
room, Mr. Hume addressed an immense crowd of electors.
He said—l am sorry, Gentlemen, that the accommodation is
not better than we have it, but with such as it is we must be
content. You are aware, gentlemen, of the great struggle
they have been making to-day, and that they have been
doing their best. I believe, gentlemen, that at this moment
I am at the head of the poll—l think so.—(Loud cheer-
ing.) I am sorry the other candidate is not here, because
there is nothing like appearing before those persons whom
we are so very anxious to represent, in order to
know perfectly what the pretensions of either may be. But,
gentlemen, some of my friends have been out of spirits this
morning—why really, they are not aware of what has been doing,
and what has been the number of gentlemen's carriages
that have been here. Why, it is all the Aristocratic
feeling. Parsons and Magistrates who have united—bring-
ing up, as I can tell you, men who would have
voted for me, if they durst, but who have been compelled to
join and swell the apparent majority in favour of Mr. Wood.
—( Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, a paper has been put into my
hand, and if it be correct, I am mistaken in what I hare
stated, because I am put down here as having 1,581 votes on
the poll, Mr. Byng, 1,894, and Mr. Wood, 1,634, being a
very small majority of Wood's. I do not know whether this is
correct or not ; sufficient, however, it is for me to be able to
state to you, that at every place where we have been polling, I
have been rising every half hour—( Cries of " Bravo !")—and
if anything like fair play had been used I should have been at
this moment at the head of the poll. But, gentlemen, there
are means of impeding the voting ; and one of those means
is that of compelling every man to take an oath
before he votes. Now, when I met the other candidates,
the Sheriffs, and the agents, I was asked whether I would
contribute towards the expense of Bibles and Prayer-
books. I asked for what purpose ? They answered, Why
to be sure, to swear the voters upon. I said, If you
have any doubt of the identity of the voters, perhaps there
can be no objection to that ; but as to anything else I object
to it altogether, and no man who comes up to vote for me shall
ever be called upon by me to profane sacred oaths in
the manner in which it is so generally done.—(Loud cheers.)
But, gentlemen, my opponent has called upon every voter of
mine to be sworn, and in this way the polling has been de-
layed, otherwise I should have stood very high, and have had
the majority upon the poll. I have not had fair play, therefore.
I have not had fair play, because I have had all the Tory votes
against me, and they have been throwing their votes in upon
Mr. Byng—that is the reason he beats me—namely, the
reason of the Tories splitting between Wood and
him.—( Hear.) Now I can assure you, gentlemen, that
to-morrow morning we shall have things entirely reversed,
wheti men come up, not in carriages and four, with liveries
before and behind, but when the real steady industrious
housekeepers come to the poll, men who know the
value of good Government, who are acquainted with
the individuals who have laid on all the taxes under which
the industrious tradesman groans—those are the men on
whom I depend. A very small portion of those who
profit by misgovernment are very likely to give me
their support ; some undoubtedly do. There are good
and bad in all classes, and I should be sorry to make a
general observation to include all ; but this I beg you to un-
derstand, that if you had been in the neighbourhood of the
Courts of Law this day, as I have been, you would
have found that the lawyers and those who depend upon them,
and who cannot help themselves, must compose, I believe, a
third of Wood's number on the poll. Is it to be wondered
at that this should be so? Why, I can look around me and
see the Chief Baron, Sir James Scarlett, who 25 years ago
was one of our first Liberals, turning round, becoming a
high Tory, and obtaining the Chief Baronship. Look
at Mr. Sergeant Spankie—we are told to-day, and I give
credence to it, that he is to be made a judge to succeed Mr.
Justice Taunton, and I leave you to judge for what that has
been.—( Hear, hear, hear.) If, therefore, such interest is
used—and the whole power of the Tory Government
has been used against me—what are we to expect ?
I can only say there is no love lost, for I do all I can against
them.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now do you think the
parsons have been very favourable to me ? They have been
awake since day-break, and busily employed in escorting the vo-
ters to the poll, lest their unfortunate victims should give a vote
for me. The magistrates, too, have been all up since
day-light, leading their victims on to the poll.—
( Hear, hear, and cries of " Shame, shame ") But,gentle-
men, be of good cheer ; all their strength is now gone.
We have, depend upon it, the strength coming up to-morrow ;
and we will show the. Tories there is no re-action in
this great county.—(Loud cheers.) I cannot for one
moment believe that those men, who struggled
so nobly to carry the Reform Bill, will now
be recreants to their noble principles, and support Mr. Wood,
who comes forward as the puppet of the Tory Administration.
__(Bravo, bravo 1) Why, gentlemen, whom have you in oppo-
sition to me ? Only consider what is the choice left for you. The
choice is, will you have two Reformers, or will you have
one Reformer and one Tory ?—( Cries of " Two Re-
formers.") I trust you will. And who is my opponent ?
Why, Thomas Wood, junior, Esq., of Littleton. This
is an instance, gentlemen, of public opinion. You and
I can recollect when any man had a red coat, he was anxious
to show it, so that he could ride over us at his pleasure : but
here is Lieutenant Thomas Wood, in his Majesty's Regiment
of Guards, at the head of which is the Duke of Wellington, who
is ashamed to acknowledge himself as a Lieutenant in the
Guards ; but desires to be called Thomas Wood, Littleton, in
order that you may not know who he is—what his preten-
sions are, or what his connection with the Tory Government.
I therefore say, this is a struggle of the utmost importance.
It is not my cause—it is your cause—it is the cause of Reform—
it is whether you shall send a majority of Tories into the House
of Commons to rivet you in chains for seven years, or whether
you will send in a liberal set of men. The House of Conn.
moos is the only theatre—the only place where your grie-
vances can be redressed, and where, through your representa-
tives, you can alone demand justice—( Hear, hear.) If you

send to the House of Commons Reformers like myself, why
you will then have some chance of having a reduction of
your expenditure—some chance of having the abuses in
the Church reformed—some chance of having the
Law Courts put to rights—some chance, and a tolerable
good chance too, of having the pensions and salaries
now paid out of your pockets curtailed, if not entirely re-
moved,—some chance of having the enormous standing
army, costing now upwards of nine millions a year
in time of peace, having that reduced,—what chance
have you of having any of these things if the Tories
continue in power? None on earth.—( Great cheers.)
Every man in the Administration profits by the present mis-
rule, and it is utterly hopeless for you to think, if those men
do continue in power that you can have any aedress.—
( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Why did you bestir yourselves
and vote in 1832 to keep out the Duke of Wellington, and
to carry in Earl Grey? It was because you were anxious
that the benefits you were promised by the Reform Bill
should be attained—( Hear, hear. )—and that all' those re-
ductions of expenditure, and all those ameliorations in
Reform should be carried through. Gentlemen, the late Ad-
ministration has been going on—they have not been going so
fast as I should have wished, but they have been turned out
because they intended to have mended their pace.—( Cries
of " Hear.") The party behind the throne has turned them
out.—( Cheers. ) They have poisoned the ear of his Ma-
jesty, and I am quite certain, deceived him as to the
feelings of the country.—( Cheers.) They have said to
him as to the Reform Bill, although we opposed it,
declared it to be a revolutionary measure—a measure that
would overturn yditr Majesty's throne and ruin the .country,
only let us hold place—let us enjoy the loaves and fishes, and
all that falls into the net—we will swallow that—we
will not attempt to repeal it—( Hear, hear,)—though
we conscientiously believe it is a revolutionary measure,
but if your Majesty will only let us be in office, we will carry
into effect reformation in all abuses that we think exist."—
( Laughter.) Why, do we not know that which is rankest in
every man's nose of common sense, as an abuse that ought not
to exist, was considered by those very men the fittest thing
to support the Crown,—the fittest thing to uphold the
Church and State ; and that till the Reform passed, we
never had an admission that a single abuse existed.—(Loud
I cheers.) Are you, then, to be so ignorant of your own
interests,—are you to be so ignorant of what the acts of
those men now in office have been as to place the least
confidence in what they will do ?—( No, no.) Gentle-
men, I do not believe one single word of what they
tell me—( Hear, hear)—nor can I in justice to their
characters as men of honour, if they are 'men of honour, think
that fOr fifty years they should have gone on in one undeviat-
ing course to oppose everything liberal, and calculated to
improve the people's rights—l cannot believe that in
their fifty-first year they can turn round about arid do
anything for you in the way of Reform.—( Hear, hear.)
The question for those who have votes, and for those who
have not votes, because their interest is much more im-
portant than the high and the wealthy who have
affluence about them. They can defend themselves
against the Government. If a rich man is attacked, he has
the means to defend himself, but if a poor man is attaeked by
Government, where are his means of resistance ? He is crushed
by the overwhelming power of the rristocracy of the coun-
try, and it is under that that we and the industrious class of
society have suffered and have groaned for the last sixty
years.—( Great applause.) I am for no longer suffering.—
( Hear, hear, hear.) My word, the first and the last, has
been, Away with the Tories I Down with the Tories,
and up with the Liberal Government !—( Great cheering.)
Then, Gentlemen, you see there is no love lost between the
Tories and me ; they are stirring heaven and earth to turn
me out—l will stir heaven and earth if you put me into Par-
liament to turn them out—( Laughter)—and that I shall not be
returned to Parliament would be an insult to the people of
this country to suspect—( Great cheering.) Gentlemen,
what took place last time? Why, theree-fourths of the
Whigs at the last election would not vote for me. I am
sorry to say they are not now voting for me. Some of them
have been plumping for Mr. Byng this very day—men whose
very names stand on my Committee at Mile-end—( Shame 1)
Never mind, gentlemen, we have honest men with us, and we
shan't them. All I ask is this, let every man who has a vote,
and every man who has not a vote—let him endeavour to bring
up the man who has in order to settle the question which
has to-day been proposed.—( Loud Cheers.) We have now
recovered from the overwhelming power which was brought
in upon us at the commencement of the day, so that we have
reduced them to about forty or fifty of a majority. Why,
gentlemen, that is nothing at all.. One hour's polling in the
Tower Hamlets alone in the morning, I am sure, will bring
me abnve Mr. Thomas Wood—( Great cheering)—and I
trust that those who have hitherto been backward will
not wait to be brought up, but that they will come
forward boldly to record their votes against the Tories,
and in favour of me.--( Immense applause.) Who-
ever has a vote, let him inquire for a neighbour who has one
also—let them come up together—let them come up in
pairs and in threes, and I think you will very soon
give a very flattering account. But looking, gentlemen, at
the last election, and seeing that I was placed :at the top of
the pollby 3,238 votes, I shall not think you do your duty by plac-
ing me at the head of the poll by a bare majority. I want you
to testify to the Crown that no reaction has taken place here,
and that of the three thousand and upwards of men who polled
for me on the last occasion, will come forward to record
their votes to place me still higher on the poll in utter defi-
ance of the Tory Government, with all the power that par-
sons, magistrates, and lawyers can exercise. —( Loud applause. )
Gentlemen. I am scary to think I have a power against me
new, which I had not the last time. I have all the power of the
Tory Government exercised against me in every way
they possibly can—l had not that the last time.—
( Hear, hear.) If, therefore, one stronger inducement than
another could be brought forward for independent men to
assist me, it is that I have now a greater opposition than
I had before, and that I now want more to . place
me in the situation in which I was, than I did
on the former occasion.—( Great applause.) Gentlemen, one
element against me this time I ought to notice. Colonel
Wood, the father of the candidate, is a Colonel in the Militia,
as far as has been reported to me, at Hampstead and other
places the militia officers ;and staff have all beer canvassing ( I
presume by orders from their commanding officer)
against me, and in favour of Mr. Wood.—( Cries of
" Shame.") Now, I call that a most unconstitutional
proceeding.—( Hear, hear.) Military men aro servants of
the public. It is not for them to join in civil strife, or
at all to enter into contests such as these ; arid
I do think that :that is an additional reason
why every independent man ought to come forward
to support me in this struggle.—(Loud applause.)
In a few words, what is it 'you have to do ? You are now to
decide whether you shall have cheap and good government
carried into effect by a liberal Administration, or have all your
burdens continued by the 'continuance of a Tory Government.
Those who vote for Mr. Wood are by every vote they
give opposing themselves to those reductions of taxa-
tion, and to the correction of those abuses in Church
and State, which hold to be essentisl for the best interests
of the country. Every man, therefore, who gives his
vote as a personal favour is guilty of the grossest abuse
of the trust reposed in. him.—( Hear, hear.) No man
is at liberty to give a vote for favour or affection ; his
vote is given to him not for his own interest, but for the inter-
ests of the community.—( Hear, hear.) If, therefore, solicita-
tion and powerful influence upon him induces him to vote
against his. conviction, he is no longer worthy to be a free-
man,—he is only fit to be enlisted under the banner of
slavery,—and by that very act he makes himself a
slave—not only himself, but the whole of , his unrepre-
sented brethren.—( Hear, hear.) Every man, therefore,
who gives a vote under the influence of power sacrifices the
dearest interests of man, and sacrifices the rights of a
freeman. It is a question, therefore, of good or bad
government. I ask not a vote for myself. I care not a pin for
myself—l may be in the churchyard by to-morrow ; but your
interests and rights must be protected. Vote not, therefore,
for me because I have been a Reformer, but only vote for
me because I will carry the Reform Bill into effect, as far
as an humble individual can, and take care of your interests
and rights. I am told there are some men who, because
I have not asked them to give me their vote, have yielded and
given a promise to the first man who came. Now, Gentle-
men, I tell you candidly, I prize the feeling of independence
too much ever to ask a vote from an body.—( Loud cheers. )
And I think I do no more than justice by saying that the bulk
of the electors of this county are men who are desirous to do
their duty, and are determined to do their duty in sending a fit
and proper man to Parliament to represent them, and that it
is their duty to appoint that man, according to the dictates of
their consciences. Formerly a man did everything in his power
to get into Parliament, and cared not how much he spent, be-
cause he took very good care, if he bought the electors, to sell
them again, and get a profit of 100 per cent. on the' bargain
But now the Reform Bill is passed, and the people of' England
have the power of choosing whom they like.—( Hear, hear.)
Before the Reform Bill passed the Tories and all who pro-
fitted by misrule had the power of putting their hands
into your pockets whenever they liked, by votes from a
House of Commons composed of nominees and Borough-
mongers.—( Hear, hear, and cries of " Shame I") That, thank
God ! is now put an end to, and it must be dishonesty and the
most base profligacy on the part of the community, if they
now allow a Tory majority to get possession of the
House of Commons. I therefore call upon every man
who values his right as a citizen, every man who has
property to protect, to do his utmost to return to the House
of Commons a majority of Reformers.—( Cheers.) One of
the principal objections to me is that I am Destructive.
Now, in one sense of the word, I have been a Destructive for
five-and-twenty years. I have been destroying all the
abuses that existed. I have been able to get a good many of
them under, and if I sit ten years longer in the House
of Commons, I shall be able to get a great many more
of them under. Gentlemen, I have no hesitation in saying,
the effects of a Reformed Parliament for the next five years
ought to do more than all the independent men in Par-
liament have been able to do for the last 30 years.--( Hear.)
If I am correct in that, what an important duty falls on the
electors at the present moment, because in their hands are the
destinies of the empire ? All these men who call me a
Destructive, believe me, are men who are afraid that I
am about to destroy their pensions and sinecures, and
all the good things that they now mast improperly enjoy.
In that sense of the word I pride myself as a Destructive.
There was a time, gentlemen, when I prided myself on
being a Reformer, but I am sorry to say I have lost
that honour now, because all the Tories have be-
come Reformers.—( Hear, and laughter.) I stand before
you as an nnchanged man, and I trust that no ,single act of
mine since I have been returned to Parliament will
prove the contrary, although I candidly admit
I have 124304 obliged to bear with patience many of the ten-

der proceedings of the late Administration, who,_
have always said, ought to have gone further teef
they did • but they buckled to a petty faction'
for after all it is but a petty faction—they truckled to that l'ae'
tion until they risked their own popularity with the county::
Gentlemen, some men are crying out-." What have the liberal'.
Government done for you ? Let but the Duke of Wellington
be in place one year, and he will do more for the county than
they have done in four years." But, gentlemen, recollect
the four years' administration has done a great deal ; it has
taken off five millions and a half of your taxes.—( Hear, hear.).
It has taken off three millions and a half of fuseless offices and
expenditure, and left every institution better able to perform
its functions than it was before.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Is that nothing ? And can any man for one moment beilevie
that the Duke of Wellington and his party would do a sine
act that they were not forced to do, and how would it
be done ?—( Hear, hear.) Sir Robert Peel says the people dc'
not like a system of continued agitation. Why does agitation'
exist in this county as well as in other counties? Be"
cause men, sensible of an unjust Government, sensible
that they are taxed more and treated worse than theYr
ought to be, become restless and want relief. If Lou go oil
gradually day by day, and then stop short, you will get nothinF•
I therefore call upon you to draw your line now between Tories
and bad Government, and between, I will not call them Whigs;
but I will call them libeial men who are disposed to rrle"
your wishes, who value your rights, and are disposed to pro-
tect them and send such men to Parliament. You can expect;
nothing from the party. Then try to obtain a reduction of
your taxation, relief to that unfortunate part of our fellow men
in Ireland. Return such men who will put an end to the
scandalous scenes of bloodshed which continue to disturb
that country. If, there are any amongst you who
arc lovers of religious liberty, if there are any of you
who smart under the disabilities which arise from your
worshipping God according to your own conscience--
if there are any of you suffering under those disabilities--
decrived of your civil rights. I would ask you, what can yen
expect from an Administration which stopped short, and denied
you being admitted to take those degrees of honour which
every man who attends a college is anxious to obtain and
aspire to.—( Cheers.) I say the Tories in the House °f
Lords, with the Duke of Wellington at their head'
threw out that Bill, which the last Parliament, the
House of Commons, carried through. What can you ex'
pect from them ? I therefore call on every man--dissenters
in this connty,whatevertheir creed, to join in ousting the Tories•
if there was one that did not come forward, I would say, let
all the disabilities continue to remain upon his shoulders, ar-1.,,-c7
it would be very hard that those who do struggle shou3c.•
suffer alike.—( Hear, hear.) Only one point more, ( fentlerneo-
I consider the state of Ireland requires consideration. A mil"
lion and a half is taken out of your pockets solely to maintain
a sinecure Church—a church belonging to one fourteenth part
of the whole population,rich as it is, full of pluralities and weal'
ty livings. I ask you, then, whether you ought not, as friendg
of religious freedom, to send such men to the House of Commoce
who will in their proper places put an end to those scenes ,
bloodshed and outrage which desolate that fine country,
and make all classes of citizens alike independent—( Hear'
hear,)--and alike capable of enjoying his civil rights,
whatever his religious opinions may be.—( Cheers.) 'Then'
gentlemen, I stand before the county of Middlesex, before
my country, I hope and trust, able to answer every thing roy
opponents have brought against me, but I am also before
you to call upon you, the people of Middlesex, if you have nOt
changed your opinions, if you are still Reformers, and if yo
don't wish to see the Reform Bill trampled under, to
rally to the standard to-morrow ; let the watchword be union,
let every man who wishes to see Reform triumphnn
come forward and give me his vote, and place Me
at the haad olthe poll, as I have been able and willing, I a°l
still, and, I hope, I ever shall be able and willing to serve
the cause of the people, which alone I am anxious to serve.--*
(Cheers.) Wishing, therefore, that during the night yoli
may be refreshed, and able to renew your efforts to-moramf
morning, let me find that the state of the poll everf
hour demonstrate your ardour, if you have not
changed your opinions for the cause of Reform, and I am qu't°
certain if men do not make too sure of the cause, that we shall
show twice the number of votes we have shown.
(Cheers, and a cry of .‘ What is the state of the poll ?")
The entire state of the poll has not yet come, but I have read
from the statement I have that Mr: Wood is 70 a head of me'
Gentlemen, it is now getting late, I therefore take my fare"
well of you, hoping I shall be able to-morrow to prove thaC
there is no change of opinion in Middlesex.—( Hear, hear•
that yoc were Reformers, are Reformers, and are determine
to continue Reformers. If so, lam willing to serve
show by your votes you entertain these opinions still. Whe3,,
your reyresentative in Parliament I did my duty t"
you, to the best of my ability and power' now Oa!
I am out of Parliament, do your duty, send me back, and I
hope and trust I shall not be found unworthy of that confidence
which you have given me.
The Hon. Gentleman then retired amidst the most enthu-
siastic cheers.

CLOSE OF THIS DAY'S POLL.
BYNG. HUME. WOOD'
King's Cross
Mile End 571 484 281
Hammersmith
Bedfont 134 109 154
Brentford

Total 2,055 1,674 1.651
FROM WOOD'S COMMITTEE—FOUR O'CLOCK
FOUR O'CLOCK.

Thomas Wood, Esq,
George Byng, Esq.
Joseph Hume, Esq..

2,221
2,346
1,934

REFORMERS OF MIDDLESEX,

Hasten to the Poll to-morrow. Let not the Mc"
tropolitan County be dishonoured by the return of one
who is only known as a Tory and a Soldier—a re"
lation of Castlereagh—a subordinate of Wellington'

- VOTE EARLY FOR HUME,
and complete the Reform Representation of the entire
Metropolitan District. Unless HUME is Re-elected,
all your triumphs are sullied. The honour of yoll
Cause, the Cause of real Reform, of good and cheap
Government, demands this final exertion, to crow°
your victory and CRUSH Toryism and Corruption.

EAST SURREY ELECTION.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

eannot but return you my thanks for the extraer"
dinary expedition and correctness with which you have re'
ported the proceedings at the East Surrey Nomination to-del
in your Evening Paper. I had not thought it possible I
could have been out in the Evening Papers.
I remain, your obedient servant,
A. W. BEAUCLERIC
12, Chester-street, Grosvenor-place, Jan. 14.

DURHAM (NORTH).
JAN. 12.—The election of the members for the Norther'
Division-of this, county took place this day.
Mr. Bowes (of Streatham Castle) late M.P., and Pre'
sent candidate for the Southern Division, propoged „
Hedworth Lambton, brother of Lord Durham ;
seconded by Mr. Cookson (of Whitehall-hall). t
Mr. LAMBTON then addressed the electors in a m°s
eloquent and animated speech, in which he severely eerli
sured the exercise of the King's prerogative that had ley
to the dismisssl of the late Ministry. He declared hiros'i,e
the advocate of Church and Corporation reform—sP",b
feelingly on the subject of Ireland—and at great length
exposed exposed the hollowness and sophistry of Sir Robert Pee,
manifesto. He avowed an uncompromising opposition 0
the Tory Ministry, and expressed a hope, that if a collisi t°4
should arise with the House of Lords, the new House
Commons would do its duty to the people.
Sir Hedworth Williamson, Mr. Lambton's colleague
the last Parliament, was proposed by George Baker, E.
the oldest Reformer in the North ; and seconded by W. 0
Salvin, Esq., of Crosdale. No opposition having 115
offered, they were declared duly elected, and afterwer
paraded the town in their open carriages—the slavish a')
brutalizing practice of chairing having been exploded here',
The election for the Southern Division takes place t°,
morrow, and no opposition to the return of the late Liberl„,
members, Mr. Pease and Mr. Bowes, is anticipated.

We have just now had the satisfaction of hearillg
os°
that Earl De Grey has commenced his career by one of t-b.O
measures of fairness which, if followed up, will win for
Lordship universal praise, in having most graciously listente,
to the claims of an old officer who kad nothing but his twe°4
six years' service as a Lieutenant, together with his Wl'ari
been, whilst First Lieutenant of a stoop of war, wounded in
action with a ship of very superior force, to recommend its
to the favour of the First Lord of the Admiralty ; and n13°.;.0,
being shown to his Lordship that this old officer had been Flo
raised for many years the command of a packet, and °Gra
Lord Auckland intended to have given him, Lord De r
immediately, without any private influence or interest vvliatevtieij
at once assured the officer in question that his solicitation sb°
be remembered by him.—Naval and Military Gazettt..../.