The Sun.
London, England, 1866-10-17 00:00:00

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ALMS. w
political purposes is so inexcusable and so ' detri-
mental to his reputation. Mr. BRIGHT'S last idea is
that if the Clerk of the House of Commons stood at

Temple-bar and stopped 658 well-dressed men we
should have a better Parliament than the one which
now exists. We acknowledge that this assertion will
" stagger some timid and good men," but that does
not matter much, we presume.

It is really a relief to be able to expose one of
Mr. BRIGHT'S many mistakes and exaggerations,
and hence we may state that he is glaringly unjust

and one-sided in his declaration about the ignorance

of the agricultural districts as compared with the
manufacturing towns. Anything to have a hit at a

place where rank is met with, or where the sinis-
ter influence of aristocracy prevails. A friend of

his has told him of the ignorance that exists within

six miles of Windsor. A family of eleven has been
met with of which none could read, and seven were

n his employ who had scarcely any knowledge

of reading or writing. We feel convinced that Mr.
BRIGHT quoted this instance for the sake of the
comment he made upon it ; it was like the postscript
to a lady's letter, the chief part of it. Bear in

mind that ail this exists within six miles of the
Royal Castle of `Windsor; "it exists in a neighbour-
hood where lords, and squires, and established
clergymen swarm." Now we would call Mr.
BRIGHT'S attention to some details connected with
the ignorance that prevails in a city 'which is so
fortunate as not to be within six miles of royalty,

and manufactories and the like " swarm" in place
of these objectionable individuals designated as
" lords, squires, and established clergymen." In the
statement lately made by the Manchester and
Salford Education Aid Society, which was alluded
to by Mr. AUSTIN BRUCE, in his able speech as
President of the Educational Department of the
Social Science Congress, we find the following
statistics. A large number of children are neither
"at school nor at work. Of 11,086 children, be-
tween three and twelve, there are 762 at work, 4,337
at school, and 5,789 neither at school nor at work."
Surely this does not speak so very favourably for
the intellectual character of the cities. These details
are not referring to the worst parts of Manchester,
and therefore the force of the comparison is enhanced.
We think that this is one reason for Mr.
BRIGHT taking so false a view and forming so
inaccurate an estimate of our constitution that
he cannot, or will not, require the advantages of
variety. This country would not be what it is if all

were manufacturers or if all were landowners. If
rank and title were abolished there would remain
the aristocracy of wealth, which is the most exten-
sive in the world, and so on with all the other
landmarks of society which he would sweep away.

As Mr. BRIGHT repeats his charges against people
so often, it seems to follow as a matter of course
that we must run the risk of repetition by again de-
claring that all the reforms that have been made in
Parliament are not due to the Manchester School,
nor have been carried in the face of its direct and
uncompromising opposition. Mr. BRIGHT seeks to
disarm the criticism that will be made upon his
speech by remarking that he knows some good
things have been done by the last Parliament, be-
cause he has been concerned in the doing of some
of them. We suppose that a beneficent fate placed
him in that uncongenial place, like Hope in Pan-
dora's box, that the world might not utterly de-
spair ; but we would have the hardihood to say that
in all the measures that have afforded relief to the
oprressed Mr. BRIGHT has never been concerned,
and he was aided in his opposition by those for
whom he claims the exclusive credit of rendering
service to the country, " that force in Parliament
which is sent there by the great and free borough
constituencies of the kingdom."
" Good and evil" abound in all classes, and one
may counteract the train of the other, and enhance
its merits if a just estimate be taken, but Mr.
BRIGHT, in his sweeping charges, and by his indis-
criminate abuse confounds all alike, and spoils what
effect he might otherwise produce by his considerable
abilities and unusual command of language. Here for
instance, let us take an illustration of his, which
very ably defines his usual style of oratory :—" I
maintain that the House of Commons, representing
as it now does counties and boroughs such as I have
described, does not represent the intelligence and
the justice of the nation, but the prejudices, the
privileges, and the selfishness of a class." " A class,"
be it remembered ; why not at least say classes ?
And we should like to know when Mr. BRIGHT has
met any class of men perfectly free from selfish-
ness and prejudice, and not addicted to the mainte-
nance of their privileges when they can maintain them.
Mr. BRIGHT's Reform seems to aim at the extinction
of that class he so abhors, and hence he really
points to no feasible method for those to adopt
who follow the line-upon-line theory. Mr. BRIGHT
thinks that the late Government would have dis-
solved Parliament after their defeat, only they
feared to offend their friends by putting them to
the expense of a new general election. " Thus you
have a proof, that whereas general corruption and
putridity' are the destruction of most bodies they
affect, the corruption of the present Parliament
was, and is, the cause of its present existence."
It is the fault of Mr. BRIGHT and his friends, and
others, that the question of Reform was not settled
by Parliament before the last two dissolutions took
place, and the matter laid at rest for this generation ;
but if it is at all consistent with himself, no measure
that any public man dare introduce can meet his
aaptptrhoevsae l, oro an
atall
His
remedy the evils he dwells upon
agitator,speeches
onot e
w thoseno e
os f
ea
politician, but meetings,s
nothing but what is bad in ail that has hitherto
commanded the admiration of the world, and been
cherished by patriotic breasts from one generation
to another.

There are undoubtedly two aides to every ques-
tion, and it is quite possible, as we have daily evi-
dence to convince us, for well-informed, intelligent,
and high-principled men to differ in tuto respecting
given facts. Such appears to be the case in regard
to a matter of no less importance than the proposed
Confederation of the Provinces of British North
America. IVe in this country have generally looked
upon the scheme with favour, and have attributed
the opposition it encountered in the colonies as
founded rather upon prejudice than upon reason.
The malcontents have now, however, secured a
very able advocate*—one who has the reputation
to command attention and the ability to set forth
all the merits of his cause in very strong colours.
Mr. HowE, we regret-to find, is altogether opposed
to the Confederation scheme, looking upon it as an
unjustifiable attempt, on the part of Canada, to
control her sister provinces. Whatever may be the
design or ambition of some politicians in Canada,
there
isn o reason or necessity why such should be
the consequence of union. The very term " Con-
federation"implies an equality, a combination of
divers States for one common end. The Swiss
Cantons are not supposed to domineer over one
another, but the Swiss Confederation represent a
ln
ntheearesranhieomweay
home, they British Americans will lookpowerful
neighbour
band of equal States.
eiyf
will
theill
find in their great and
Ohio does not dictate
a con-
federation of equal States.

* " Confederation Considered in Relation to the Interests
of the Empire." By the lion. Joseph Howe. stauto,d.