The Sun.
London, England, 1832-01-05 00:00:00

£142 19 0

Out of tite above sums this friend had only to pay 471.,
which would have satisfies the other two executions, and
would immediately have liberated me from custody. I
have since received my discharge to one of those actions
amo•nting to 271. ; so that I am now detained by one
pl tintiff for 201. only, without any means of paying the
same, through the treachery of a friend, with a virtuous
And affectionate wife !lying with grief, a kind sister, and
a faithful female friend, thrown into the greatest distress,
and myself pining almost broken-hearted within the walls
•f Wilitecross-street Prison.

I remain, Sir, your unfortunate servant,
Whiteeross-street Prison, Dec. SO. A PRISONER.

It is sometimes said that the age of miracles
is past. But this, we suppose, is a mistake
There never was a period more prolific of what
are called miracles than that in which we live. Is
not Ireland a constant miracle ? Do we not
every day hear the greatest surprise expressed at
the disposition of the Irish to be agitated ? Earl
Grey was astonished that emancipation, so far
from quieting the Catholics, only made them
more restless. At present the Government is
confessedly better than it has ever been, and yet,
under this more mild and impartial Government,
the prospects are more clouded than ever they
were. Is there nothing miraculous in all this r'
We trust we shall be excused, notwithstanding
appearances, for calling in question the miracu•
lous in this. It appears to us that the very im•
provement of the Government is the cause of
the pressure of the danger ; and it is somewhat
surprising to us that there should be Statesmen,
at all experienced in the ways of mankind, to
whom this view of the matter has not occurred.
The Catholics are dissatisfied because they cannot
obtain all that is due to them ; and the Orange-
men, because they cannot retain all that:they

now possess beyond what justice entitles
them to. There can be no compromise be.
tween these two parties. Either the Government
must range themselves on the side of the Orange-
men, and assist them in regaining their ascen-
dancy over the Catholics, and i❑ restoring the
dominion of force—or they must place the two
parties on a footing of perfect equality, or they
must prepare for greater agitation than ever.
When one man has another• fairly down, with his
knee on his breast, he may expect less resist-
ance than when, after removing his knee from his
breast, he leaves him more at ease to exert him-
self. It never can be too often repeated, that it
is easier to exercise complete tyranny than half
tyranny ; and that every attempt to remain half-
way between despotism and equal justice will
end in dis.appointment. A contemporary (the
Standard), on Tuesday last, advocated the
cause of the Orangemen with true Orange feel-
ing. According to our contemporary, " For
more than a century the Protestants of Ireland
have been known only as the loyal and acqui-
escent subjects of the laws—as the submissive
supporters, or as the prompt champions of the
established Government of their time." This
was the high and palmy state of ascendancy,
when the penal laws delivered over the Catholics
bound hand and foot to the Protestants. It
would have been singular, indeed, if the Protes-
tants had quarrelled with laws from which they
derived so much. It was not the Turks who
first quarrelled with the slavery under which they
held the Greeks. But the system of penal laws
and ascendancy has been gradually relaxed—
right has been done to the Catholics, and right
to the Catholics is deemed by the Orangemen
wrong to themselves.
" For more than twenty years (says our contemporary)
the stepmother Government of this country has done
little else than to htap insults and injuries upon the Iri-h
Protestants. In each gradation of rank, the unlucky
professors of the faith of Englane have beedconstantly and
studiously affronted. The highest birth and station in
society have failed to expizte the political sin of sincere and
steadfast adherence to truth ; in the middle class, sincerity
in cherishing and promoting the same religion has operated
as a perpetual bar to the delegated favour of the Monarch
whom we are taught to call our most religious and gra
cious King ;' while the humbler ranks, by reason of the
multitudes that fill them. resented a perpetual field for the
manifestarion of the most in,ulting partiality of the exe-
cutive and its officers."

This translation into plain English merely
means that for more than twenty years the Go-
vernment has been compelled to weaken the
ascendancy of the Protestants, and consequently
to weaken the tyranny exercised over the Ca-
tholics. The laws were founded on injustice,
and the Government have, during this period,
been rendering them not altogether just, but
somewhat less unjust. But the Protestants tell
the Government that there shall be no further
surrender—

lives 'h pop
are
ee
to property ty (s as the
supported—honour
and religion,
b y their
har
e
dearer to them than life or property; these they will not
yield for the convenience of any Lord Lieutenant, or even
for an English Administration. The brave and strong have
borne much—have borne all indeed, until injustice has be-
come intolerable. They say that they will bear no more ;
and in proportion to the manliness of their forbearance
hitherto must be our confidence that it is now at an end.
They have seen their aristocracy insulted ! They have
seen a Popish Parliament in Dublin connived at ! They
have a en their church ro,,bed ! and their pastors driven
to seek alms for subsistence by a bke connivance on the
part of a local Government—they have heard from the bps
of the Prime Minister of England, that an office giving
him power over the Protestants of Ireland was ready for
the acceptance of Mr. Daniel O'Connell, if he would con-
descend to take it, Air. O'Connell bring the founder of
this same Popish Parliament, its manager and its organ.
They know that the seditious priest who inculcated the
roobery of the Protestant Church—now in the way 01
being effected through rebellion and wholesale murders—
they know that this incendiary priest is a trusted and c ,n-
-stint adviser of the Irish Executive; they know also, that
they themselves are the sons of the men who fought at
Derry, Enniskillen, Aughrim, and the Boyne; and they
feel that they have not degenerated from the faith, the
spirit, and the strength of their ancestors.
" Let us, Englishmen, make the case our own. Would
we, for the convenience of any Administration, or to satisfy
the clamour of any barbarian rabble, submit to have
wrested from us all that our fathers bought for us in I 658?
and they paid net the price in their blood. Would we be
sati.fied t submit to the ban of a weak and jealous foreign
Government, as the reward of our firm adherence to law
and religion ? We know that we would not ; and what
reason have we to suppose that our kinsmen in Ireland (for
these Protestant men are all of British descent) have feel-
ings and tempers different frwm our own?"
This is brave talking. But we say it is neither
in the power of the Irish Orangemen, nor even
of a Tory Government, to prevent farther con-
cessions to the Catholics. We say a Tory Go-
vernment, because a ‘Vhig Government would
belie its own principles to leave things where
they now are. The Catholics ought not to re-
mained satisfied with less than even-handed jus-
tice ; and that they have not yet obtained. Every
advantage they have hitherto gained has naturally
added to their desire to gain further advantages,
and added to their power to extort them. We
cannot afford to re-conquer Ireland, and to be at
the expence of retaining seven or eight millions
of Catholics in a degrading slavery. The Orange-
men must either satisfy us that the conquest and
degradation of the Catholics would be for our
interest, or they must reconcile themselves to our
putting an end to all turmoil, by the only means
by which an end can be put to it—namely,
full and complete justice to the Catholics. To
halt between injustice and justice is impossible ;
to halt at justice is the easy and natural course.
If we must adopt violent measures, it would of
course be much easier and more profitable to call
for the aid of the Catholics to coerce the refrac-
tory Orangemen, than to call on the Orangemen
to coerce the Catholics. The Catholics do not
wish to make hewers of wood and drawers of
water of the Orangemen, and the victory of the
Catholics ensures peace, because the basis would
be the principle of even-handed justice. There
is a material difference between a right to oppress
and a right to be free from oppression. The
right of the Orangeman is the right to oppress—
to retain an undue advantage. Let not Govern-
ment flatter itself with the notion, that because
both Catholics and Orangemen are at present
opposed to them they are in the right. If a
Judge were to grant to a claimant only part of
his just demand, he would please neither party ;
but he would not on that account be entitled to
praise. They have done enough to exasperate
the Orangemen, and not enough to satisfy the
Catholics. In an article on the progress of Re-
form in England, front the North American Re-
view for January, t 832, which has been sepa-
rately published here, the writer shows, in a sa-
tisfactory manner, that the position taken by the
present Government is just as untenable as that
taken by their predecessors :
" There is no part of the landscape (says the writer) of
which we find it so difficult to get a clear view as Ireland.
A fatal wall of partition is kept up between her and the
English Government. If that wall should be hroken
down, Ireland is safe ; if not, we see not how, under a
popular Parliament, it can be retained. That wall of par-
tition is the aural establishment in Ireland of a Church
hostile to the faith of the people of Ireland. Turks and
Greeks do not differ more in their feelings on this subject
than the Catholics and Protestants of Ireland. Ireland is
outraged by the Church Establishment; and doubly so,
an the comparison of herself with Scotland, whose national
faith is established by law. This is the great cause of
Irish disaffection. Redundant population and absenteeism

The state of Belgium unfortunately realizes the
worst anticipations which we formed from the
beginning of the result of the diplomatic labours
of the " London Conference," which was only
a name invented to disguise the unnatural coali-
tion of the Ministers of England and France
with the Plenipotentiaries of the " Holy Alli-
ance." The world remembers, and will long
remember, the " settlement of Europe" in the
year 1815, for it is now only matter of memory.
The thing itself has vanished " like the baseless
fabric of a vision ;"—just as all political Babels
must vanish that are built in the pride of despo-
tic rule, and have their foundations in injustice.
At the time of that " settlement" England—
the favoured land of glorious and rational free-
dom—lent herself, through the agency of her
Minister, Castlereagh, to the recognition of the
most arbitrary tribunal that ever was erected in
the civilized world by a confederacy of despots,
to adjudicate upon the affairs of nations which
were compelled, solely by the force of the
myriads of bayonets that backed this self-
constituted authority to submit to its decrees.
That politico•military tribunal, which held a
memorable sitting at Vienna, and of which
there was a subsequent and scarcely less
memorable session at Verona, undertook to
" settle " the affairs of independent nations,
without asking theirconsent—to divide, transfer,
and partition countries at its pleasure—and to
dispose of millions of mankind, as if they were
the absolute property of a few crowned heads.
In these disgraceful transactions—where Eng-
land, that was first and alone in bearing the ex-
penses of the war, was last and least in being
allowed to reap any advantages from its success-
ful termination—the policy of the subtle and cir-
cumventing barbarism of the Cabinet of St.
Petersburgh was predominant. The vanity of
Castlereagh was tickled and gratified by the per-
sonal attentions of Alexander, while his Mini-
sters were making the most of the golden oppor-
tunity for advancing the interests of Russia, and
establishing a Cossack ascendancy in Europe.
They succeeded but too well. England came
off with the barren glory of having finished the
war. 'The cost of that glory was a mountain of
debt, under which her once mighty empire
struggles, like the fabled giant under }Etna—a
giant still, but pressed down by a weight which
only presses the more for the heaving of the
agony that would throw it off. In the mean
time Russia, after making a close alliance with
the two other great despotic Powers, Austria
and Prussia, whose hatred of every thing like
freedom makes them subservient to the de-
signs of Muscovite ambition, has tried her
strength and proved her power by a succession
of campaigns, which have ended in crushing
Persia—in subjugating her ancient rival Turkey •
—in getting Greece intu the clutches of her
myrmidons, and in the utter destruction of glo-
rious, heroic, deserted, and devoted Poland.
This last was the crime which will soon tie felt
as a curse in Europe. By her former conquests
Russia opened a highway into the richest regions
of the East, and united her vast empire to the
long-coveted havens of the Mediterranean. By
the destruction of Poland she broke down the
great rampart that would have protected western
and southern Europe from the gathering inunda-
tion of the northern barbarians. We did not
greatly admire Mr. Canning as a statesman. He
allowed Spain to be most treacherously and foully
invaded, after repeated and emphatic declarations
of pacific intentions by Louis XVIII., and his
treacherous Ministers. It is true Mr. Canning
protested against that invasion ; but the feeble
ren-,onstrance which, while it condemned the in-
famous aggression upon the rights and liberties
of an independent State, conveyed to the voluptu-
ous tyrant at the Tuileries the welcome news that
England would offer no real opposition, was, in
effect, but an invitation to the Bourbon-crusade.
Never would that crusade have taken place,
nor the sanguinary power of Ferdinand have
been re-constructed upon the ruins of Consti-
tutional Government, if the British Minister
had not given to the French Court to under-
stand that Bourbon violence might pursue free
at
Spain to annihilation with the fleets and armies
of France, andEnglandowfoEuludroi:etintbeynta herself lf
with resisting this gross violation of national
right, and of the peace
protest. Though Mr. Canning acted with a de-
gree of weakness which might have been mis-
taken for connivance on that occasion, yet he
felt the degrading humiliation to which the sub-
serviency of British policy to that of the Holy
Alliance reduced this country ; and at length,
by a bold and decisive stroke of statesmanship,
he severed the Gordian knot of that disgraceful
and injurious connection—.without any of the
diplomatic mummery of protocols or conferences,
he determined upon the recognition of the South
American republics. 'The majesty of Eng-
lish policy then seemed to awaken from its
trance of slavery, and to fling off at once, and
for ever, the incubus of the Holy Alliance. But
the degradation of that influence has been again
brought upon the counsels of England ; and by
0/lion'? In the first place by the Duke of Wel-
of the Bourbons—who
tyrannical ordinances
tsopokeof Europe the
n"o tb 'ul
sübmitting
to t thhaet
Fre agut oc ,gsavvheo
twr
ae dr y
to Russia
her tuoi
sblockadeu thed ec
aDr
aat
odua ns sand,
n
commenced the mischievous interference in the
atcoolldestroy the Turkish empire, and who had also
andout
ofl-loolffilaneed:
most
lii
when"m justly
opposed, and which, since they have been in
office, they have foolishly and obstinately pur-
(\l‘is,ipliuQtei‘slionfistßeresl,g
sued. If ever there was a case in modern
Europe for the armed interference of England in
continental disputes, that case was above all
others, the invasion of Poland. There every,
feeling of humanity, every honourable senti-
ment, every sympathy that a freee people have
for the sufferings of freemen, would have gone
with her policy, and hallowed its cause. If
these motives were not sufficient, there ought
to have been the sense of self-interest to stimu-
late her to prevent gigantic Russia from be-
coming omnipotent in Europe—Russia that had
long looked with a jealous eye upon our maritime
• power, 'and has made every effort of which her
barbarous energies are yet capable to check and

The conduct of the House of Lords—the
probability of their changing the opinion which
they expressed when the Reform Bill came last
under their notice—and the temper of that body
generally, still form the principal subjects of
political discussion. We have nothing new to
say upon the subject, nor any new opinion to
express. We were long ago as much convinced
that no good in the shape of Reform could
come out of the House of Lords, as the Jews,
in former days, were .convinced that no good
could come out of Nazareth, and there is nothing
since we formed our opinion, to convince us
that we ought to alter it. Where are the con-
versions diat were talked of ? Where are the
Noble.foris who were said to have changed
their opinions ? What are their names ? What
addition do they make to the minority of last Ses-
sion, or to what number do they reduce the ma-
jority ? To these questions no answer has yet
been given ; and for the precise reason that no
true or satisfactory answer can be given. The
truth is that there have been scarcely any con-
versions, and that the conversions which have
taken place have been of that equivocal character
on which no reliance could be placed by any
Ministry that pretended to the exercise of
honesty and calm judgment. What is the use
of a promise to vote for the second or the
third reading of a Bill, whose clauses constitute
its principles and virtues, if the parties making
such promises will not also pledge themselves
to vote for every part of it ? Yet there is not
one Peer on the Ministers' list who has pledged
himself to this extent ! Their Lordships are
excellent Jesuits, and will pledge themselves to
vote for the Bill at the very moment that they
are determined by voting against its best clauses
to render it imperative on his Majesty's Mini-
sters to quit their offices ; but Lord Grey is not
a Statesman of yesterday—he is not to be fooled
either by the instruments or the agents—and
such promises he has most judiciously set down
as amounting to nothing ! He is now con-
vinced, as well as the country, that nothing but
a creation of new Peers will save the country
from anarchy and revolution, and that creation
he will have, or leave it to those who think that
they can do without such an uncommon proceed-
ing as the creation of forty Peers, to try their
hand at the work. The King, however, who
has the constitutional right of appointing as
many Peers as he pleases, is true to the cause of
the people—and in three months, therefore, there
is no doubt that the Reform Bill will become the
law of the land.—Morning Advertiser.

46 T
—• 50 a
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