The Sun.
London, England, 1832-12-19 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

It is pleasing to remark, that where the county
contest lies between the friends and enemies of
Reform, victory is likely to decide for the for-
mer. Our readers will see the position which
Lord Douro occupies on the poll of North
Hampshire, and which Mr. H. Sumner has at-
tained on that of West Surrey. In the western
division of Sussex two Noble Reformers have
been returned without opposition. Mr. Benett
still represents a portion of Wiltshire ; and Ox-
fordshire has returned its two former Members,
out of the three whom it is novoentitled to send
to Parliament. We regret to learn that the
eastern division of Sussex is likely to be con-
tested against a Reform candidate by an Irish
Tory, who has surely no great pretensions to ap-
pear for an English county. In Ireland the
elections are not so satisfactory : the agitator is
at work. Yet, in spite of the disgraceful at-
tempts at intimidation practised at Dungarvan,
Mr. G. Lamb has been returned for that
borough. The Repealers seem to be anxious to
show the weapons which they intend to use for
their " patriotic" objects. This is at least
candid. On looking again at the completed
returns for the boroughs, published in another
part of our paper, we are satisfied that the Re-
form Bill has generally " worked well" for the
town portion of the national representation, both
in the old and new constituencies. Tories,
trading politicians, dandies, and lordlings, who
formerly sprung into notice from the luxuriant
corruption of the boroughs in schedules A and
B, have in a great measure disappeared. The
House has obtained, indeed, less fashionable
substitutes, but the country has got better re-
presentatives. The former legislative insects
themselves (if they survive the change) will even
be bettered by their banishment to more fitting
situations and • more congenial employments.
They can keep " bad company and bad hours"
elsewhere ; they can swarm in clubs and flutter
at routs, destroying each other's reputations by
their small-talk, instead of damaging the national
interests by their votes. It was predicted by
the enemies of the Reform Bill during its dis
cussion, and is now brought forward as an ob-
jection to its operation, that by abolishing rotten
boroughs we shut the door by which certain
great public interests can send their representa-
tives into the House of Commons. We look
upon this result as a positive good. We are
sure that the facilities for admitting such hired
advocates of their own partial interests into Par-
liament was in itself a nuisance that required to
be abated, instead of being a practical good
arising out of a political perversion. 'file opi-
nion of such delegates could never be depended
upon,—even their statements were always liable
to violent suspicion. They consumed the time
of the House in needless disputes, and relieved
the Ministers of the Crown from wholesome re-
sponsibility. When the Government perceived
their presence in their places, to harass their
conduct, or to resist their projects, they antici-
pated discussion enough during the progress of
the debate, and therefore were less attentive to
the original concoction of the measure. In
short, they either yielded too much to the oppo-
sition of the hired advocate, or took his consent
too readily as a justification. In order to gain
the support of this mercenary corps on general
questions, they were sometimes obliged to bribe
them with concessions to their own particular in-
terests, at variance with sound policy or national
advantage. Besides, as they could not be ex-
pected to accomplish their objects without pro-
voking opposition, other persons came into the
seat-market as well as them, and met them on
the same arena. Hence frequent wrangling and
angry controversy between antagonist parties, on
subjects which deserved calm, temperate, and
mature deliberation. Hence the Ministers some-
times opened the lists as to a kind of judicial
combat, and left " saints and planters" to fight
their own battle without interfering in the
dispute by the proper compromise. Neither
our great monopolies nor our colonial inte-
rests require any other representative in Parlia-
ment than the Administration, which is respon-
sible both to Parliament and to the country for
the measures affecting them proposed to the
Legislature. If information is required, it can be
obtained by appointing a Committee of Inquiry,
—by moving for official returns, or by present-
ing in petitions, statements of grievances. 'Would
the slave trade have continued till the year 1807
had the planters been unable to purchase borough
representation ? And what can a Bank Di-
rector' now say in the House in favour of his
privileged establishment,—though Old Sarum
were reserved for him,—which cannot be as
well said by a responsible "'Minister of the
Crown %.—Times.

In Scotland the operation of the Reform Bill
has produced an infinitely greater change than
England. In that part of the empire there was
previously no popular constituency ; the whole
country was one huge overgrown rotten borough;
the representatives, of course, partook of the cha-
racter of the electors : a domineering oligarchy
directed the whole machinery of power to ac-
complish its own selfish or ambitious objects ;
and as the distribution of Government favours
and employments had so long existed in the Tory
faction, the majority of the Scotch Members
were inveterately Tory. This system is now
entirely altered ; the diffusion of liberal know-
ledge had prepared the people for the liberal ex-
ercise of their new franchises, and Scotland will
send to the united House of Commons more than
her quota of Reform Members, and friends of the
existing Administration. But, unfortunately,no re-
form Bill has passed for the Scotch Peerage; and, as
if to form a contrast between former and present
times, while the great majority of the counties
and boroughs of that ancient kingdom, respond
to the general voice of the empire, and elect
liberal Commoners, the noble conclave at Holy-
rood-house, intends, it is said, to despatch to
London sixteen Tory representative Peers. This
body, so docile under the Melville reign, has
now become restive and refractory. While the
country becomes liberal, it insists upon being
more inveterately Conservative, and constitutes
a species of living anachronism in our political
history. On former occasions it was the custom
for the Administration of the day to send down
to Edinburgh a list of sixteen Peers whom they
desired to see returned, and the list was almost
invariably adopted without change or opposi-
tion. 1 he message of the Minister was consi-
dered a species of cono d'elire, and a Dean and
Chapter would almost as soon have thought of
disputing the Royal nomination as these well-
trained Peers the will of the first Lord of the
Treasury. Now a spirit of resistance has taken
possession of them, precisely because the coun-
try is in favour of the Ministry. Is it not pos-
sible, and would it not be advisable, by the ex-
ercise of the Royal prerogative, to counteract
the influence of these sixteen (if so many Anti-

Reformers arc to be elected) by calling up six.
teen other Noblemen of liberal opinions ?
Times.

The Standard has not answered our argu-
ment on the subject of Providence. We showed
that nothing could be more unfair than to trump
up a charge of irreligion against any man, as a dis-
believer in Providence, because he objected to
the unnecessary mention of Providence in a
legislative act. If a constant reference of all
acts to the interposition of Providence be
deemed conclusive as to the fervency of religious
belief, or enlightened notions with regard to re-
ligion, then William Huntington, who preached
in Providence Chapel, and to whom, according
to his own account, in that most singular pro-
duction, the "Bank of Faith," Providence sup-
plied him not only with a meal whenever he
wanted one, but with breeches and other tog-
gery ; and Henry Teonge, to whom Providence
put a towel in his way to enable him to steal it,
must be prima facie set down as true religion.
ists and enlightened supporters of religion. But
we contended that the constant connecting of
particular events with Providence, was no more
to be taken as an evidence of religious sincerity
than the refusal to allow a reference to be made
to Providence in an Act of Parliament was to be
taken as an evidence to the contrary. If what.
ever happens, happens under an all-seeing Pro-
vidence, it is not serving religion to introduce
Providence unnecessarily in public documents.
This is precisely the fault committed by Win.
Huntington and Henry Teonge, and other real
or affected enthusiasts, who, so far from fur-
thering the interests of religion, detract from the
reverence in which it ought to be held. The
Standard, in the following observations, quite
forgets the scope of its objections to Mr. Flume :

The Morning Chronicle proceeds to make out its
case against us in a manner more whimsical than either
reverent, or, as we think, conclusive. It quotes sonic
very silly and profane allusions to particular providences
in the works of Teonge and Huntington, for what pur-
pose we are wholly at a loss to guess. We said nothing
of particular providences, still less of presumptuous hopes
to be entertained by the careless and indolent. Our creed,
as embodied in the advice we gave, was as pagan and un-
Ajectionable as the Secretary of the Board of Control,
or Mr. Hume, or Mr. Carlile could have desired—it was,
in fact, the creed of a great pagan, Demosthenes, v:z , that
' in pursuit of even the highest and most sacred object,
men are to use all human means within their reach before
they can presume to hope that the Deity will aid in its
attainment.' We advised the Middlesex elec-ors to use
the human means within their reach, even for securing
their interests and their fellow-subjects' interests in reli-
jon—religion itself being an abstraction, and therefore in
no danger, and the object of its worship being immeasu-
rably removed above all human influt nces. And to this
advice the Morning Chronicle replies by legends of parti-
t•ular providence vouchsafed to Henry Teonge and ' the
Sinner Saved.''

Our contemporary quite loses sight in the
above passage, that the charge of irreligion against
Mr. Hume had no other foundation than his
objection to the absurd innovation of thrusting
Divine Providence into au Act of Parliament.
The objection taken by Mr. Hume was precisely
what would be taken by any sensible titan to the
passages which we alluded, namely, that reli-
gion is injured, not benefited, by all improper
references to the agency of Providence. The
Scotch have an excellent saying, levelled at those
who are always thrusting religion into every
thing—" A man may be fond enough of the
Kirk without riding on the rigging (the ridge
of the roof )." The electors of Middlesex are
called on to secure their interests, and their
fellow-subjeets' interests in religion," by voting
igainst Mr. Hume. But abundant evidence has
been adduced, that Mr. Hume is not merely reli-
gious,but that he is singular in the class to which
he belongs for attendance to his religious duties ;
that for ten years he has never been one Sunday
thsent from church ; and that he passes the re-
mainder of the day in communicating religious
instruction to his family. It was observed by
Paul Courier as somewhat curious, that the
Abbe Mennais and the other fervent advocates
of religion in France never themselves entered
t church. This was primafacie evidence against
their sincerity. But here we have prima facie
evidence of a contrary disposition in Mr. Hume ;
lnd on what evidence are we called to question
his religious sincerity ? Because he refuses to
render religion ridiculous, like the Percivals, the
Irvings, the Huntingtons, &c. &c. ; because,
while thoroughly persuaded of the great truth,
that not a sparrow falls to the ground without the
consent of our heavenly Father, he refuses to join
in the pharasaical attempt to introduce religion
into an Act of Parliament, which could only
have the effect of desecrating religion, and de-
tracting from its reverence. The attempt to
-tigmatise Mr. Hume as irreligious on such
grounds is utterly contemptible.—Morn. Chron.
Much is said about a projected Russian '.
loan, which was first announced as being in the
market ; then stated to be withdrawn, for want
of encouragement ; again said to be in progress
of negotiation, and now suspended. An even-
ing contemporary (the Courier) represented this
loan as intended for the promotion of objects of
internal improvement—among other things the
cutting a great canal in the dominions of the
Czar. The public were not informed of the lo-
cality of the canal. Perhaps, like some of the
wonderful works of the era of bubble projects,
which Lord Palmerston ought to recollect, it
was, to use his Lordship's felicitous description
of the slaughters of Antwerp, " a creature of
exuberant fancy." The fact is, we believe, that
our contemporary was imposed upon when he
was induced to state that the loan was concocted
for objects of internal improvement, and had no
reference to warlike proceedings. The other
Ministerial papers, both morning and evening,
in our opinion, take a correct view of this loan,
by considering it a project for procuring those
means which are emphatically called the " sinews
of war." As such we should rejoice in its
failure ; for although we regard the present war
against Holland as a war most iniquitous in princi-
pie, a war as much against the interests of England
as it is in favour of the present profligate Go-
vernment of France, and its ambitious projects,
yet we have no desire to see Russia, reeking from
the unavenged blood of sacrificed Poland, ming-
ling in the strife, and planting on the banks of
the Rhine the banners that are stained with the
murders of the Vistula, and laden with the curses
of humanity. An Evening Ministerial Paper
says that Russia wants to carry off the Poles
from their na.ive soil to Asia and Siberia. In
the first place, a glance at the map might have
satisfied our contemporary that Siberia is as
much a part of Asia, as Sweden or Norway is of
Europe. In the next place, the thing has been
done to a very great extent already, and when
we, some months ago, described those felonious
deportations by the Russian Government of
Idroveshumanof
a tr d to the Siberian mines, laden with chains,
like gangs of convicts, at the point of the
bayonet and under the infliction of the knout,
the same Evening organ of the Ministry la-
boured anxiously to palliate the conduct of
Russia, and make the British public believe

that the statements of Polish suffering and
Russian oppression were, if not invented, at
least grossly exaggerated by those whose ob.
ject it was to malign the policy and cha-
racter of the Herod of the North. Up to
a very recent period, indeed, and since the
barbarities of which Poland was the theatre have
been committed, our Treasury Journals have re-
peatedly described the policy and intentions of
the Emperor Nicholas as just and honourable.
Whence this new indignation for his conduct to
Poland ? that Poland, which, along with the
state of Belgium, are the two glaring proofs of
the costly inutility of Lord Durham's mission,
if it had any better object than to smooth down
the ruffled temper of the Emperor, whose auto-
cratic bile had been disturbed by the terms of
reproach and execration which had been bestowed
upon him, on a memorable occasion, in the
House of Commons. We are consistent in wish-
ing the Russian loan to fail ; not so those who
supported the Russian Dutch-loan Job, and
now raise an outcry against the present attempt
to levy money to assist the progress of Russian
ambition. That job, under the pretence of a
treaty which had " ceased and determined," put
vast sums of English gold into the coffers of the
Autocrat, which enabled him to overpower and
annihilate Poland, that we were bound by a
still-existing treaty to protect. The fulfilment
of that treaty was not demanded, and English
gold helped to break down the barrier against
Russian ambition.—Morning Herald.

MIDDLESEX ELECTION.-The Times, ac-
tuated, as it always is and ever has been, "solely
by a sense of duty, and by a regard to the con-
sistency of this enlightened and important district
of the empire," asserted yesterday that Sir Charles
Forbes " has opposed every motion for improve-
ments in our laws or retrenchments in our expen-
diture for the last fifteen years." A sense of
duty should have led the writer of this paragraph
to make inquiry into Sir Charles Forbes's Par-
liamentary conduct, lest in preferring such
charges against him he should " bear false
witness against his neighbour." He would then
have found, what is notorious to all who are
conversant with the proceedings of Parliament
during the last twenty years, that Sir Charles
Forbes supported all Sir Samuel Romilly's pro-
posed improvements of the law, and this at a
time when the doing so was not the road either
to Ministerial or to popular favour; that he con-
tinued to support the same object when advocated
by Sir James Mackintosh and Sir Robert Peel.
More recently, and under the present Whig Go-
vernment, he voted for Lord Brougham's Bank-
rupt Bill, and Sir John Campbell's several Bills.
On various occasions, and in opposition to various
Ministries, Sir Charles voted for the abolition
of public offices as unnecessary, and as opposed
to an economical public establishment, e. g.
those of the two extra Lords of the Admiralty,
the Joint Postmaster-General, &c. If the
Times expects that such gross misrepresenta-
tions of facts will find credence with the
electors of Middlesex, its contempt for their
understandings must be unspeakably great,
and its application to that county of the term
" enlightened can only have been intended as
expressive of its derision. It is contended, in
the same article, that the consequence of*return-
ing Sir Charles Forbes along with any of the
other three candidates would be " to neutralize
a Reform vote on every division." Its effect
would no doubt be to neutralize either a Whig
or a Radical vote, and that is precisely the
point to be determined by the, electors. There
is but one Whig candidate, Mr. Byng. Is the
Times become so suddenly enamoured of the
Destructives, at whom it has lately spit so much
of its froth and venom, that it would be well
pleased to see Hume and Lillie returned ? Yet
in no other way can the electors obtain two
Members of the same political opinions, and
avoid the national calamity of neutralizing a
Reform vote. Nothing is more common in
elections than voting for candidates of different
sentiments. By so doing the minority is repre-
sented as well as the majority, a thing essential
to every well ordered representative system ; for
otherwise the nation must be at the mercy of
the dominant party. Are the Whigs become so
intoxicated with success, and so eager to secure
in perpetuity the possession of power, as to in-
culcate it as a duty on electors not to choose
any but the adherents of Government ?—Morn-
ing Post.
It appears that Yorkshire will hold a conspi-
cuous place in election record for the unnatural
alliance of the Whig and Radical factions, to
the exclusion of the Conservatives ; for, in ad-
dition to the disgraceful union thus formed at
the contest for Hull, we find a similar display of
political dishonour at Beverley, and, we regret
to say, with similar success. Yet the Whigs
apparently are anxious to console themselves
with the idea that if they have lost that high
sense of character which in the olden time ren-
dered them fair and equal opponents of the
Tory party, and if they have since that period
sacrificed the shreds and patches of that charac-
ter which enabled them still to hold some rank
in the community as a faction, they have in lieu
of these sacrifices obtained new and faithful
adherents in the Radical Revolutionary party,
upon whose vulgar violence they have been
borne into the Reformed Parliament, from a
natural aversion borne by the Mobites to any
thing honest or gentlemanly, and, who, in con-
sequence, willingly acceded to any proposition
of the Whigs to defeat, by a junction of votes,
all chance of Conservative candidates being re-
turned. But fallen as is the party of the Pre-
mier, lost as it is among the worthless dross with
which it has mixed, even the consolation of being
respected or reputed by their new allies, all
sans culottes as they may be, is denied
them ; for we find that, whenever boast has
been made that the Whig party have aided in
bringing in any Radical candidate, the latter has
spurned the idea with indignation. We are
borne out in this by a sort of placard issued by
Mr. Hutt, the successful candidate on the revo-
lutionary interest for Hull, who, in consequence
of the general rumour current, that his success
was caused by a " splitting of votes between
him and Mr. Hill, the Whig candidate, whose
party he had bespattered on the hustings in a
manner most disagreeable, put forth the fol-
lowing :
" Ma. HUTT. —The friends of Mr.Hi
in his s
itt feellt apeednchty
they owe to the public to explain a passage
made from the Kingston Hotel yesterday, after the chair-
ing, as it is in some instances understood that he thanked
the Whig party for their assi!tance. His intention was
merely to express his obligation
. to Major Sykes for his
JCa.mPesarker,
Parker,J H.
kindness previously to his going to London, and to (Dr.)
, and a few other Matthew Chalmers, J.
,TEH.sl.F:.isopm.oasrerdlk,feriJ,n
J. C.
for their as-
sistance, especially on Wedu!sday. morning, in urging the
voters to go to the poll. His opinion of the Whig faction
gentle-
men,PSeh;;ojE.ldviLa 'rind'. he l believeda Parker,r Marche,
remains unchanged, and his detestation of them is much
increased by the treatment he has received from that
party."
This is the recorded opinion of one branch of

the new Whigs' allies, and wc believe it is a
pretty fair specimen of that felt throughout the
kingdom. " Call you this backing your friends?"
—Morning Post.

COURT OF CHANCERY, DEC. 18.

DUKE OF YORK'S AFFAIRS.
(Continued from The Sun of yesterday.)

TILE ATTORNEY-GENERAL (for the defendant,
Mr. Farquharson) felt it his duty to protest against
'he course adopted by the Counsel for the plain-
tiffs in mixing up with the motion to commit an in-
dividual for• contempt, the names of many respecta-
ble, distinguished, and illustrious persons, who had
been connected with the late Duke of York, as
interested in the progress of the suit. He did not
nor could not anticipate the line of argument taken
by his Learned Friends in this case ; for, although
hey had endeavoured to connect Mr. Farquharson
with previous proceedings, it was clear that down
to the first publication in the Times newspaper, he
knew nothing of what had taken place, and could
not be implicated in those articles of comment
which had for months appeared in every newspaper
in London, without distinction of party, beginning
with the Times, and going down to the Morning
Post. Mr. Farquharson was answerable for the four
publications in the Times and for no other, nor
with any other could he be connected. He (the
Attorney-General) felt it necessary, however, be-
fore he went more fully into the case, as connected
with Mr. Farquharson, to say a few words on the
uit itself, and on those other matters which his
Learned Friend had introduced to influence the
decision of the Court on his case. He regretted
much to be compelled to say, that although the
b 11 was filed in January, 1827, and although it was
Pushed on with all haste, he did not mean to say unne-
cessary haste, but although it was pushed on with so
much haste that a decree was had in February, still no
steps had up to that hour been taken by any of the par-
ties either to put in the books and accounts, which the
haste and urgency of the case before the obtaining
of the decree would not allow, or to distribute
among the creditors, for whose advantage the bill
was filed and the decree obtained, any portion of the
assets of the estate. He found no fault with those
who advised the commencement of that suit. In
many cases it was absolutely necessary that such
friendly suits should be instituted to protect the
executors from a multiplicity of actions, and the
proceeding was ultimately found beneficial to all
parties ; but he did complain that after the execu-
tors had, from the urgency of the case, been allowed
to get a decree without the formality of making out
a schedule, or producing their books of accounts, no
steps had been taken for that purpose up to that
day on which he was addressing the Court, in De-
cember, 1832, the bill having been filed in January,
1827. He thought, however, that when the credi-
tors were one and all thus deprived, by a decree of
the Court, of the power of taking any steps against
the executors, the fact that nothing seemed to have
been done—the admission, indeed, that nothing was
done for six years—might account for any little ill-
humour visible among them, and for some anxiety
being at last manifested to become acquainted with
the real state of affairs. When, therefore, his client
Mr. Farquharson stated, on the authority of a credi-
tor, that nothing had been done in the suit for years,
he did nothing more than every newspaper in the
metropolis had done before the publication in the
Times ; and as he stated nothing that was not per-
fectly true, his conduct, instead of being criminal,
was, on the contrary, innocent and even laudable.
His client had published four• statements between
the 15th and 30th of November, but they were
merely the result of a series which had appeared be-
fore, and which were unnoticed and untouched. His
Learned Friend had given a peculiar reason for not
proceeding against the authors or printers of the
articles which appeared in the daily papers before,
and that was, that they had not referred to the suit
in Chancery. That ground happened, however, to
fail them. Any man, therefore, who occupied the
position of his client, Mr. Farquharson, had this
much ;n his favour, that the publications he aLuded
to had been allowed to go on without comment or
observation for months before the appearance of the
reports in the Times. It was indeed ntnch to be
lamented that no notice had been taken of them to
serve as a caution to others, if the publication of
such statements were to form a subject of complaint.
The LORD CHANCELLOR asked whether the pub•
lications had not taken place during the long
vacation ?

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL observed, that the
public cared very little for either the long or the
short vacation; but if the parties had been inclined
to punish the printers of the newspapers in which
these statements appeared while the Court was nut
sitting, his Lordship knew well that there were
means of applying for the protection of the Court
although it did not sit.
Sir E. SUGDEN said, that they could not in the
vacation take means to punish a libel.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL was not applying him-
self to the question of punishment for libel; but
punishment for contempt of that Court. He ►would
beg his Lordship to consider the intention of his
client. He knew nothing of the parties. If he
had been guilty of what could be construed into a
contempt of the Court, it was done in total inno-
cence of the consequences.
Mr. BETHEL having risen to follow on the same
side, his Lordship said he would hear him to
morrow morning.
The Court rose at four.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

BOW-STREET.

Mr. Ward, Captain of the Perfection, of London,
a vessel engaged in the coal-trade, was yesterday
summoned to this office, to answer to an informa-
tion, charging him with having commenced dis•
charging his cargo of coals in the River Thames,
without having previously paid the City dues.
It appeared that the defendant arrived with his
vessel at Woolwich, previous to the 27th of Octo-
ber, and that on that day he broke bulk, and com-
menced discharging his cargo, neglecting to pay the
due; imposed by the Act for the Regulation of the
Coal-trade for the City of London, until the 31st
of the same month. This being an infringement of
the Act, he became liable to a penalty of 251.
Evidence was produced to support these facts,
which Mr. Ward did not deny; but stated that
he was not aware that he was committing any
breach of the law, having always broken bulk before
Mr. White, the factor of the ship had paid the duties.
Sir F. A. ROE, under these circumstances, con-
victed the defendant in the mitigated penalty of Si.
and costs.

John Poney and Thomas Tey, were committed for
trial for uttering counterfeit five shilling pieces at the
shop of Mrs. Flatman, green-grocer, Vauxhall-
terrace.

A PAWNBROKER'S DUPLICATE.--Just before the
close of the office, a middle-aged man, holding a
pawnbroker's duplicate in his hand, stepped into the
witness's box, when the following conversation took
place between him and the Magistrate :
Applicant—l have to apply for your-Worship's pro-
tection on this here duplicate.—(A laugh.)
Mr. WHITE—What is it you want, my man ?
Applicant—Why, your Worship, on the 12th of
December, 1831, I was " necessiated" to pledge a
table for 10s., when I received this ticket. A day
or two after it had been in pawn twelve months, I
applied to redeem my table, when the pawnbroker
told me it was sold. So you see, your Worship, I
comes to ask your protection.—(Laughter.)
Mr. WnrrE—l cannot assist you. As you have
done without your table for twelve months, I hope
you can do without it altogether. Applicant—
Why yes; but my table cost me upwards of 31.
Mr. WHITE—SO much the better for the pawn-
broker—that's his profits, and what he lives upon.
Applicant—Then I can't have no protection ?

Mr. WHITE-.-i cannot assist you.
Applicant—What ! no redress upon this here
ticket ?

Mr. WHITE shook his head, but it was several
minutes before the applicant could believe the Ma-
gistrate had no jurisdiction in the case. When he
left the office, he said it was a nation shame pawn-
brokers should be allowed to act in such a manner.
He should know better another time.