The Sun.
London, England, 1835-04-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, APRIL 20, 1835.

tion. It is enough to justify the kindling of the Popish
bonfires on a thousand_ hills by the m)riads. of the
" finest peasantry in the world," who cry, " Down
with the heretics F' Let them be rooted out of,the
land !" Mr. O'Connell is too politic to ask any thing
more than this at present—repeal and the general up-
rooting of Protestantism will come in good time, and
the reclamation of the confiscated estates of the Mile-
sians and the forfeited abbey lands. It is also sufficient
to justify the union which is now taking place between
all classes of Protestants in Ireland, and even the most
respectable Roman Catholics, who see that a general
derangement of property and subversion of society
is threatened ; for it will be as difficult by and by
to collect rent in Ireland as tithe at present, always
excepting Mr. O'Connell's lackland " rent," which
his patriotism had rather gather into his own coffers
than allow, according to Poulett Thomson's phrase, to
"fructify in the pockets of the people." But this is
not the only thing that has been done to gratify and
conciliate Mr:O'Connell, although no express terms
have been made with him. Messrs. Perrin and
O'Loghlen have been appointed the Attorney and So-
licitor- General of lielarfi—and this arrangement Mr.
O'Connell has long insisted upon, especially as to
the Attorney-Generalship. To mark this concession
to his demands—this act of homage to his snpremacy
the more strongly—Mr. O'Connell, immediately
upon the writs being moved for in consequence of
those appointments, seized the occasion to walk over
ostentatiously from the Opposition side of the House
to the Treasury benches, as much as to say " All
that I ask at present as the price of my support is
paid." His party understood it in this way, and
cheered him. We have only to add that, whether
Princes or Parliaments be prepared at any time to
conciliate the enemy of the Protestant Church and
State by-degrading and dangerous sacrifices, we have
the greatest confidence that there is spirit and virtue
enough in he nation to repudiate the unhallowed
compact, and tto save the Protestant liberties and
Constitution, which were purchased by the suffer-
' inas and blood of our martyred forefather,—l.reee:
inn- Herald.
The fact of the new Cabinet being formed and in-
stalled in office, together with the list of names com-
posing it, has been before the London world since the
publication of Saturday's evening- papers ; and upon
that head there is little more to say, than that,_ with
two .or three exceptions, it may be considered a re-
cooking of the Melbourne Cabinet dismissed on the
17th of last November. The differences are, that
Lord Brougham, as a bale of damaged goods, has
been thrown overboard, and that Mr. Edward Ellice,
either from ill-health or from being in bad odour with
his Coventry friends, will not accept his former office,
or any other in this Cabinet. Lord Althorp's removal
from the House of Commons had not of necessity re-
moved him from the Cabinet, though it had ren-
dered him useless to it. Barring these three, there
was not a personage in the old Melbourne Mi-
nistry who has not a place in that which has just
been constructed, nor is there, on the other hand,
a single addition made but by the solitary per-
son of Lord Howick, as Secretary at War.
Nothing can be a more ungrateful or painful task
than that of pronouncing judgment on individual pre-
tensions to places of high importance—but it is allow-
able to state with regard to the new Government as a
whole, that it is divested of almost every name which
even amongst the Whig party themselves would present
to the nation either the recollection or the hope of
talents or services above the flattest mediocrity:
Lord Grey is not there,—nor Lord Brougham (who,
whatever else may be asserted of him, is unquestion-
ably not of the noble family of the Humdrums), nor
Lord Althorp, the keystone of the Grey and Mel-
bourne Administrations,—nor Lord Stanley, beyond
all comparison the ablest and most resolute of the
living generation of active Whigs,—nor Sir James
Graham, as incontrovertibly the best administiator
that has belonged to them for the last 40 years.
This Cabinet, in the selection which has been made
of its members, displays another characteristic of Whig
taste, besides its palpable and scarcely varying intel-
lectual mediocrity,—viz., its predominancy of the.
aristocratic material. We observed a few days ago on-
that supercilious instinct of the Whigs as a party,
which has always led them to look down upon, and, in,
their political combinations, to keep at a distance, so
far as they durst, individuals who had not, some smack
of the peerage to recommend them. This essential
arrogance of the leaders of the Whig party has marked
their proceedings for more than half a century. It was
felt not merely in their formation of the first Grey
Cabinet of 1830, but in their demeanour towards, and
treatment of, all its friends in the House of Commons,
throughout the long Reform struggle, when even the
most common-place social courtesies were withheld
from the Ministerial supporters. In the present Cabi-
net see what a small proportion the private or untitled
gentlemen bear to, those members of it who appertain
to the nobility : out of the 12 there arc 7 lords—one,
to wit, Lord J: Russell—a Duke's son, and only four
to be found in the class of commoners, one of them
being about to obtain a peerage* Is this from dearth
of plebeian talent among the Whigs, or from a redun-
dancy of the lordly leaven ? But, at all events, is there
much chance of the durability of such an Administra-
tion ? It represents but one interest of the three, com-
posing the motley opposition to Sir R. Peel's Govern-
ment. It bears no other mark but that of exclusiveWhig-
gory.While it shuts out the only recognised abilities among
the Whigs, it sh,tits out also the British Radicals. It
shuts out besides the Irish Repealers—finally, it
makes war upon the whole body of Conservatives,
English, Scotch, and Irish, double its own numerical
and tenfold its moral strength ; and by way of ex-
pounding the principle or no principle on which he
wishes it to be believed that he has constructed his
Cabinet, the Prime Minister himself, in reply to a
most useful question from Lord Alvanley, has slapped
the door- with ostentatious violence in O'Connell's face.
Now, we desire any man of the least pretence to politi-
cal or party knowledge in this country to say what
prospect there is of a Cabinet enduring, which hae
not a natural influence in the Houre of Commons over
more than one-fourth of that assembly, and which sets
out with proclaiming its entire discordance from the
acknowledged views and more than half ripe pro-
jects of the only section of the House of Commons
from which it can speculate on receiving the slightest
extraneous help. What fell from Lord Melbourne on
Saturday, is quite sufficient to satisfy the country how
arduoue he feels the enterprise to be of legislating
against the Church of Ireland, and how inevitable is
the certainty of a breaking up between the Melbourne
Cabinet and its Repeal and anti-Protestant supporters
unleis it goes the entire length of dissolving the union.
of the empire. We forbear to add more on the pre-
sent occasion, than that at such a crisis a Cabinet so
composed and circumstanced may be considered as ren-
dering the executive Government a caput mortuum for
any work of wholesome or effective legislation. It is a
Cabinet which depends for its continued existence on
the prosecution of ,measures openly condemnecl'by him
who is its nominal chief. It is a Cabinet whose leader
in the House of Commons feels himself so embarrassed
by his own position as a Member of it, that he. has
been forced to mystify his constituents through the
medium of an address, one paragraph of which asserts
what is, in effect, contradicted by the paragraph imme-
diately following, and which threatens a measure in re-
lation to the Church of Ireland which can be carried no
otherwise than by the co-operation and under the pre-
ponderating influence of an anti-British faction, whose
declared purpose is to overthrow that Church. The
part which has been chosen by the Melbourne Cabinet
is one requiring extraordinary poWers of statesmanship
to realize it, a large numerical support in Parliament,
and a vast weight of opinion throughout the country.
The Melbourne 'Cabinet has none of these. It has in
the House of Commons, even on questions where -all
.its adventitious aids are brought into action, a niggard
and precarious majority. It can command as a party
little more than one-half of the votes on which the
Conservative interest may reckon without distrust. Out
of doors there is in many parts of England much
enthusiasm on the side of its adversaries, and no where
more than apathy in its favour. The House of Lords,
the great concentrated Aristocracy of the Empire,
though now alive to the necessity of large Reforms,
views the present Cabinet with alienation and incurable
alarm. Three-fourths of the intelligence of

i.ti .~ -L.'.iA

Kingdom, nine-tenths of the property, and at least a
considerable majority of the Representatives of Great
Britain are strenuous defenders of a Conservative
Government. The adverse balance hcs been struck in
the House of Commons by the Irish, who would
destroy the Empire.—Times.
The proceedings in the two Houses of Parliament
on Saturday night will be perused with intense inte-
rest, particularly those in the House of Lords. Lord
Melbourne, it will be seen, repudiates the idea of any
compact with Mr.. O'Connell—says that he has no
idea whether he shall or shall not have the support in
the House of Commons of the Hon. and Learned
Member for Dublin—and declares his firm adherence
to all the opinions he has ever expressed or entertained
of that gentleman, of his conduct, his policy, and his
objects. Mr. O'Connell, on the other hand, has been
going about town for the last week, telling everybody
that he had had the offer of the Irish Rolls, with a
peerage for the present Master, to induce him to re-
tire ; and, since the speech of Lord Melbourne,
has been unsparing of his - invectives against the
ingratitude and perfidy with which he openly ac-
cuses the Premier of having treated him, contra-
dicting, in the most express terms, every declaration
of Lord Melbourne, and insisting that between
himself and his Majesty's present Government the
most perfect understanding was conceived by him
to have been fully established. To reconcile these op-
posite statements seems difficult, if not impossible.
Lord Melbourne is a nobleman who ought not lightly
to be suspected of uttering what he knew to be untrue.
But it is certain, on the other hand, that the compara-
tive probability of the two representations is wholly in
favour of that of Mr. O'Connell. It is just possible
that Lord Melbourne may have been deceived by some
of his colleagues, as Earl- Grey was deceived in the
instance of Lord Althorp and Mr. Littleton's traffic
with Mr. O'Connell. But it is most certain that if,
in the .present state of parties, Lord Melbourne has
formed an Administration, and disnossessel of their
seats i• 1 ccBiiceen ui cwenty of
Ms own friends. without any ground to expect the
support of Mr.
_O'Connell, but on the contrary, with
strong ground to expect (for his statement implies this)
the active hostility of that influential Member of Par-
liament, the Noble Lord has taken a very rash and a
very ruinous step, and one which lie and his party Will
soon find great cause to lament.—Morning Post.
We can imagine the mingled feelings of contempt
and alarm with which the names of the individuals
who constitute the new Cabinet will be received by the
country. The Whig-Radical Administration is a
second edition of the precious medley that was de-
prived of its political existence in November last,
whatever of talent was the portion of that Ministry
being carefully and completely omitted. When we
first beheld the names submitted to the Sovereign we
esteemed it a sorrN jest. But, alas ! the farce was a
most melancholy production, merely comical in the
absurdity. and folly of the dramatis personae; sad
enough in its incidents, and probably is its catastrophe.
To whom are the destinies of England. entrusted?
To my Lord Melbourne, a Nobleman whose talents
reach respectable mediocrity, First Lord. of the
Treasury ; and to him is be added Mr. Spring
Rice, as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Now, these
individuals are the principal personages- in the new
cast of the " Cabinet ;" yet who will pretend to
say that the talents of both being combined, their
acquirements united, any comparison can be instituted
between them and Sir Robert Peel, whose loss as a
Minister of the Crown is now deplored by all that
the kingdom possesses of worth and intelligence ?
But the Duke of Wellington is replaced by Lord
Palmerston. This has very much the air of a bur-
lesque. Lord Palmerston, whom all parties agreed in
ridiculing, again permitted to endanger the peace and
hazard the honour of the empire ! And what con-
stituency will receive the Noble Viscount ? Tavistock
cannot be spared, Malton is engaged, Calne is pre-
occupied. " Oh ! the new Ministerial press will ex-
claim, " only two Secretaries of State can sit in the
House of Commons, and therefore (mark the there-
fore !) my Lord Palmerston is to elevated to the
Peerage." Lord John Russell is Secretary of State,
for the Home Department. Happy England—fa-
voured Ireland I We presume the Noble Lord had his
choice of offices, and we have no doubt he is quite
as fitted, for the one he has selected as for any other
situation in the gift of the Crown. If the electors of
Devonshire do their duty, a fact of which; we believe,
there is no doubt, his Lordship, undisturbed by Par-
liamentary toils, will be enabled to give all his atten-
tion to the duties of his office. As the office of Privy
Seal is generally considered a sinecure, we dare say
Lord Duncannon will discharge its duties to admira-
tion. Lord Auckland is a good-natured, easy person,
whose elevation to the First Lordship of :the Admi-
ralty, during the previous existence of
~the Melbourne
Ministry, was considered a mere neutral appointment :
he is not worse than his colleagues. Of Sir John Hob-
house, as President of the India Board, we need only
observe, that he seems to have but one object in view,
the diminution of whatever reputation he once en-
joyed, and we do not imagine he has any " stir-
plus." Mr. Charles Grant is appointed Secretary for
the Colonies. Are the electors of Inverness-shire at
their posts ? How agreeable for two of his Majesty's
principal Secretaries of State to be without seats in the
House of Commons. Mr. Poulett Thomson is again
withdrawn from his counting-house to meddle with
politics—" he loses a day to trade, and does not gain
it to statesmanship." Lord Lansdowne returns to his
ancient post as President of the Council. We will
say nothing of the respectable Wobleman in question,
because " de non apparentibus, et de non existentibus
eadem est ratio." Sir Henry Parnell is, it appears, to
share the delights of office, its rewards and quarter days,
without a seat in the Cabinet. This will of course
diminish his power of doing mischief, and is so far ad-
vantageous. Of Lord Mulgrave and Lord Morpeth
we have already spoken ; it is unnecessary to recapitu-
late an unchanged opinion. Sir John Campbell is to
succeed Sir Frederick Pollock, and Sir Wm. Follett is
replaced by Mr. Rolfe? Who is Mr. Rolfe? What is
he? Whence comes lie? He will, we suppose, at any
rate have knighthood before his next and final expul-
sion from office. And the Chancellorship is to be put
into commission, whether to humble and annoy Lord
Brougham or to gratify him by another job is not yet
quite clear. We will, 'however, say no more. A few
days will demonstrate what hold such a medley is
likely to take of the feelings and confidence of the
English nation. Whether despairing of guiding or
controlling the popular feeling; the true business of
Ministers of the Crown, they will pander to the pas-
sions of the people, and array against the religious feel-
ing, the intelligence, and property of the nation all that
is most violent and most unprincipled, the bankrupts in
character and fortune, the desperate speculators, whose
only hope is in revolution and anarchy, remains yet to
be proved. Alas I former experience is an impressive
monitor. We will, however, do our duty by calling
upon the Christians of the land to be firm, united, and
active, zealous in the defence of those institutions,
whose preservation is inseparable from the existence of
our religion, Monarchy, and laws.-----MorningPost.
If Lord Palmerston's re-appointment to the Fo-
reign. office had not before appeared to us one of the
most expedient selections in the recent arrangements,
we should have been reconciled to it, if not entirely sa-
tisfied with it, from the violent abuse which, from all
ranks in the Tory camp, has been so unsparingly
showered on the Foreign Secretary. The Holy Alli-
ance, forsooth, with their emissaries, Messrs. Pozzo:di
Borgo, Esterhazy, and Bulow, add the expression of
their high displeasure to the venomous and malignant
outcry raised by their Tory adherents .in this
country against the choice which his Majesty
has thought proper to make of a Foreign Minister
Why not send an Envoy to the Court of St. Pe-
tersburgh at once to submit the appointment to
his Imperial Majesty for his gracious approba-
tion, agreeably to the precedent set by the To-
ries in the appointment of Lord Londonderry to repre-
sent the country at that Court, merely because the ap-
pointment was acceptable to Nicholas ? No better
proof could be given to the public of the liberality and
honesty of Lord Palmerston's former Administration,
than this ebullition of hostile feeling on the part of
those whose tyfannical policy his been defeated in the
south of Eliror? 11- al;.: 1—
tiiat the Holy Alliance were not the dupes of

the declaration of the late Ministers, that they would
adhere to. the foreign policy of their predecessors.
They made due -allowance for the necessities of the
Tories, knowing-that their hearts were with them, and
that when • the thing could be safely done, they
would once more indulge their inclination in favour
of despotism. The constitutional Government of
Spain and Portnaal owe - their establishment to
the liberal policy of Lord Grey's and Lord Mel-
bourne's Administrations, and will be equally sa-
tisfied with the Government of France at the'
restoration to office of the Minister by whom it
was directed. But while we thus congratulate his
Lordship on the emnity of the emissaries of the Holy
Alliance, we at the same time trust, that taking advan-
tage of the feeling in his favour which will be excited by
the clamour of the Tories and their allies in the abso-
lute Governments of Europe, he will be more cautious
in future to avoid the causes to which any unpopu-
larity he may have suffered in this country is to be as-
cribed—namely, his retaining a host of Tory under-
lings in employment in the several embassies, and dis-
posing of the large patronage of his office almost ex-
elusively in favour. of those whose liberality and attach-
ment to the cause of Reform there was the greatest
reason to doubt. Hencef9rth the public will not for
give, either in this, or indeed, in any other depart-
ment, a relapse into the weakness which preferred the
appointment of waverers and interested conformists to
known and decided adherents to the principles on which
a reforming government professes to act.—Morning
Chronicle:

After one of the noblest battlei that was ever fought
for British rights and British freedom—after one of
the most desperate, as well as impudent, attempts that
was ever made to domineer over the free spirit of the
country, and check the progress of sound and consti-
tutional reforms—after the most disgraceful exhibition
of tenacity to office ever manifested by-English states-
men, and the most unconstitutional attempts to poison
the ear of his Majesty against their successors—we
have at length the satisidei,ion u, 12; .;1J our
readers a list of a new Cabinet, and of nearly all the'
supporters or executive officers who are
.to carry
its liberal and enlightened policy into effect.
But few days have been consumed in the com-
pletion of the task—and not many more will elapse
before all those members of it for whom the Constitu-
tion requires that new writs should be moved, are re-
turned, with a seal of approbation upon them, from
the constituencies to which they are again to appeal.
Looking at the materials of the new Cabinet in the
most plain and unprejudiced manner, we are inclined:
to think that, as a whole, it cannot fail to command':
the respect and confidence of the country. One more
strong, in some respects, might unquestionably have
been formed ; but perfection in political, as well as in
other arrangements, is, we suspect, incapable of attain-
ment, and under the conviction of such being the fact,
we boldly declare our opinion that it is not likely .to.
be excelled by any other which, under all circumstances,
could, at the present moment, have been formed. It
is the Melbourne Cabinet again, with some omis-
sions—with some additions—and with some transposi-
tions ; and considering the manner in• which that Ca-
binet was dismissed—dismissed without a trial—there
is a species of moral fitness—we will not add of mo-
ral revenge—in its all but complete restoration to
office, after the most unceremonious dismissal that a
Government ever received, and the most determined ex-
pression of attachment to it which is on record with
regard to any previous Administration. The principal
omissions are in the names of Lord Brougham on the
one hand, and Mr. Edward Ellice on the other ; but
the omission has been a voluntary omission in both
instances—both having declined office, but both at
the same time having declared their adhesion, not only
to the Cabinet, but to its measures. The sole reason
in fact, of Lord Brougham not being included in the
arrangements, is to be found in the desire, expressed
by him nearly four years ago, of seeing the political
and judicial functions of the Lord Chancellor sepa-
rated, and of the determination of the Melbourne Ca-
binet that they shall now be separated, and that the
country shall not be saddled ad infinitum with political
Chancellors and political pensions. This is a great
Reform, and speaks well for the future policy, of the
new Government. With regard to the personnel of
the new Cabinet, Lord Melbourne is, as he Ought to
be, the chief ; and who, after his manly, energetic, and
truly English-like conduct in the House of Lords
on Saturday, will dare to say that he, is either
unfit for the high office which he fills, or likely
to baulk the expectations of all true Reformers ?
Then, again, there is Lord John Russell, who has
not only in the most skilful and vigorous manner,
but in a manner evincing, under all circumstances, the
greatest moral courage, turned out the Tories, and, we
may add, carried, next to the Reform Bill, "the most
important national resolution that ever received the
sanction of the House of Commons. Who can object
to him ? To Viscount Duncannon no objection is
offered even by his enemies. He has received an im-
portant and delicate trust, and it is not to be doubted
that he will execute it to the satisfaction both of the
King and the people. Come we next to Sir John Cam
Hobhouse--and has he not nobly redeemed the only
error which he was ever accused of committing ?—and
to the Right Hon. Poulett Thomson, and who has
laboured with so much energy, perseverance, and
vigour, to save the country from the. infliction of a
Tory regime ? The appointment of Mr. C. Grant is
also unexceptionable ; and that of Lord Palmerston,
we may add, of the same complexion. There are few
men in the House of Commons more able, if, indeed,
any so able, in their respective departments. In the
inferior departments we find two names which it is a
matter of great gratification to us to mention—those of
Mr. Fox Maule and of Lord Dahneny. They are
both young men—but they are Liberals, and they are
young men of great talent, and of greater promise.
They are a decided acquisition to the new Ministry,
and Sir Henry Parnell may be safely included under
the same observation. There are, however., two names
omitted in' the list of appointments, which we think
that the country, in conjunction with ourselves, would
have desired to see conjoined with the new Cabi-
net, not only as a matter of justice, but as a matter of
gratitude, in one instance of important services ren-
dered, though not hitherto acknowledged—we allude
to those of Mr. Bulwer and of Mr. Tennyson. Both
would afford guarantees to a large portion of the pub-
lic, that large and liberal measures of Reform would
be followed cut; and we believe that we may add,
looking back to the records, not of the last session of
Parliament only, but of many others now before us, as
well as to other, matters within our knowledge, that few
men have sacrificed so much for the sake of Reform, or
promoted it to a greater extent than the Mem-
ber for Lambeth. Up to the hour, however,
at which we write, several important offices re-
mained without occupants, and
.it is not therefore,
unlikely, that the two gentlemen to whom we have
referred may be about to be appointed to them.
In conclusion, we beg to state, in reply to the
asseverations of the Tories to the contrary, that the
return of the Members of the new -Ministry by their
late constituencies is a matter of undoubted certainty.
Lord John Russell may have a struggle for Devon-
shire ; but we have every reason to believe that it will
be successful. For Mr. Poulett Thomson there is also
a decided majority in Manchester—and indeed there is
no Member of the new Government who, in conse-
quence of his change of position, has not a right, not
only to expect, but to demand, the unanimous appro-
bation of his constituents. It would be strange, in-
deed, if, with a truly Reforming Cabinet, the Refor-
mers who carried the Reform Bill should not have
energy and influence sufficient to make those sure of
seats in the House who are determined to give them its
best practical fruits..—Morn. Advertiser.

The country papers abound with details of the ma-
noeuvres of the Tory party in getting up addresses to the King
and Sir Robert Peel. We have already exposed the prac-
tices of these addresses—their tricks are pretty nearly the same
all over the country. The Reformers, however, would do
well to imitate them in one thing, and that is their union.
A young man at Nantes, wishing to _take a bath in
his own room, which he heated by means of a cylinder, filled
with live charcoal, and put into the water, had the imprudence
to get into the bath without removing the cylinder, in order
tint the effect might be more gradual. At the end of three
hours, his fiends entered and found him dead. It is presumed
that he fi-etl'-‘ll n'ul fterwards suffocated by the
fumes of the charcoal. 'I ue, " 1'.'1771 and
the body reduced to a state we cannot describe,

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HO USE.

THE GREAT FORGERIES IN THE ClTY.—Christopher
Charles Foster and J. King lifierpkij, were brought up for
final examination. Mr. Whately, the barrister, appeared
for the prosecution, and Mr. Charles Phillips for the
prisoners.
William Robinson, of Symond's Inn, upon being shown
a bill of exchange for 8801. drawn in the names of Murphy
and Chestermap, did not believe that the name of Murphy
was written by the prisoner of that name. He had seen
the prisoner Murphy write.
Lee, the police-officer, produced a letter which he said
he had received from Murphy, on the 26th of March, pre-
viously to the apprehension of the prisoners. The letter
expressed the writer's surprise at seeing his name coupled
with such criminal transactions in the newspapers, and stated
that his knowledge of Foster was merely professional, that
the extent to which his friendship went was to the placing
Foster out of the reach of those with whom he might be
more disagreeably situated, that he (Murphy) would not
walk in the officer's way for a few days, and that he would
be forthcoming in proper time to show that he had nothing
at all to do with the transactions. It further stated that
the false information must have come from Josh. Hudson,
particularly that part which stated the extravagant false-
hood that Foster had lodged 10,0001. in the hands of a re-
spectable publican, and that the said Mr. Hudson had boasted
of his intimacy with the Lord Mayor.—( Laughter.)
The LORD MAYOR—Who is Mr. Josh Hudson ? I
' don't know that I have the honour of his acquaintance.
Murphy—He declares every where that he is on parti-
cularly intimate terms with. your Lordship.
Mr. HoBLER---LHudson, the pugilist. He bears a very
decent character, and. is in the habit of gettinc, poor fellows
who are without employment work on board ;lip, and he is
extremely respectful.
A twopenny postman of the Lincoln's Inn-fields district
had received three letters to deliver to Mr. Chesterman, of
Lindoln's Inn, or Lincoln's InnfieldS, but he could find no
such person in either place. A Mr. Benjamin Chasterman
lived in Blackmoor7street. -

Margaret Dew, iife of William Dew, of Tyso-street,
Clerkenwell, knew Foster about two years. He might have
called about half-a-dozen times at her house in the course
of a year, through her niece, Jane Dawson, who lived with
him. In March last she took in a letter directed to her
husband, and s'.:e gave it to her husband.
William Dew, the husband of Margaret, when he re-
ceived the letter went to a Mr. Bolton, a solicitor, of Red
Lion-square, and gave it to him, being determined to have
nothing to do with the subject of it.
Mr. Bolton, upon being called upon by Mr. Whately to
deliver up' the letter stated, that as 'a man professionally em-
ployed he was bound to keep the letter.
A long argument arose.between Mr. Phillips and Mr.
Mahon upon the part. of the prisoners, and Mr. Whately
upon the
_part of the prosecution on the right of Mr.
Bolton to detain the letter.

The LORD MAYOR believed the letter was kept back for
the purpose of defeating the ends of justice, and that he
was determined to commit Bolton, if he did not consent to
give it up.
Mr. Whately, however, should be satisfied if the wit-
ness promised to attend the Central Criminal Court with
the-letter, and to give it up if required by the 'Judie.
The Learned Counsel then again called William Dew,
who gave very questionable evidence indeed. He believed
that the letter alluded to was in the hand-writing of Foster.
The letter contained' directions to him to give it to a re-
spectable solicitor, and he accordingly gave it to Mr. Bol-
ton, who had done business for him. He did not choose
to answer the question asio what the letter contained. He
did not know, for he would not have anything to do with
it, and he gave it at once-to Bolton, and told him several
times not to give it up. He never saw Murphy, till he
saw him in custody: He received two other letters from
Foster. 'He would not tell what they contained ; upon his
oath he did not know, He burnt them. '
The Loan MAYOR—Upon your oath,•do you- mean to
say, you knew akhing of the contents?
Witness—Part of them I know'd ; Int r would'nt have
nothing at all to do with 'em.
Mr Whately—What were they about ?

Witness—lf I tell you what they was about, I might as
well give you up the letter I gave to Mr. Bolton. It was
only about some furniture that was to be sold, and I was to
sell it.

Mr. Whatdy—Did the letter say anything about Mur-
phy ? Witndss—NO, not to my knowledge.
Mr. Bolton. considered himself professionally employed on
this occasion. He looked to be paid for his services out of
the proceeds. He meant for carrying into effect the in-
structions contained in the letter. Dew was not at all re-
sponsible to him for payment. Nothing at all passed about
the matter between him and Dew, who handed the letter to
him as a professional and not as a private man. Witness
would certainly attend at the trial and produce the letter if
required by the Judge ; but he considered himself under
the strongest obligations to keep possession of it.
A police-sergeant named Avory was present when
Murphy and Foster returned from Ireland. Murphy men-
tioned that the captain of the ship in which they had em-
barked was a treacherous vagabond ; that after paying him
70/. for the passage to New York he (Murphy) ripped his
trowsers and gave the Captain 2001., and that upon finding
he could get no more from them he went ashore and be-
trayed-them like
,a vagabond as he was.
Mr. Whately then called upon the Lord Mayor to
commit the prisoners.
Mr. Phillips admitted that there was a case made out
against Foster, ,but begged to know upon what ground
Murphy could be detaine ? Mr. Whately said that Murphy
was decidedly an accessory, after the fact, having assisted
Foster to escape, knowing that he was guilty of felony.
Mr. Phillips declared that there was not a tittle of evi-
dence to prove that Murphy had aided in the escape.
Everything charged against Murphy:had clearly failed as
to proof.
The Lord MAYOR—I have determined, under all the
circumstances, to commit Foster for trial ; and I shall re-
quire of Murphy two respectable persons as securities to
the amount of 2001. each, and himself to the amount of 2001.
to appear at the Central Criminal Court if indicted. Mur-
phy must give twenty-four hour's notice of bail.
Murphy expressed himself satisfied. He wished to ad-
dress the Lord Mayor, but was desired by Mr. Phillips
not to say a word more. He took notes during the in-
vestigation.
Foster is not to be removed to Newgate for a few days ;
and both prisoners were sent back to the Compter for the
sake of convenience. The investigation lasted a consides-
able time, and the moment it was concluded the Justice-
room and avenues to it were cleared of one of the largest
assemblages that ever appeared in the case of a criminal.