The Sun.
London, England, 1832-10-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The existing establishment of the Church of
England is now in serious peril, and that peril
becomes every hour more imminent. It was
all very well so long as the question of tithes and
church rates appeared to have stirred up agita-
tion in Ireland only. The Irish Protestant
church has for centuries formed part and parcel
of the great fabric of English Government, and
as a prominent member of those institutions, to
the aggregate of which the native Irish people
have all along imputed the mass of their mani•
fold sufferings, the Church, unknown to the
Catholic inhabitants but by its imposts, has never
ceased to be held in abomination. The esta-
blished church of Ireland, therefore, being ob-
jected to specifically because of its-affording to
those who maintained it no countervailing benefit,
inasmuch as the Catholics were forced to subsist
their own ministering clergy as well as the clergy
of the Protestant state, who never troubled
themselves at all about the pastoral office but at
shearing time—this church, we say, might be at-
tacked and overturned upon principles not involv-
ing, in the eyes of an ordinary observer, the stabi-
lity of the established church of England. The
Irish Catholics, constituting 4-sths of the na-
tion, might well remonstrate with the Legisla-
ture upon the harshness of loading them with
the support of a Protestant Church Establish-
ment, vast enough in frame and machinery to
serve the whole kingdom, had it been of a single
faith ; and still the opposition to such a church
implied seemingly no rottenness in the founda-
tions of that of England, where, it was said, the
bulk of the people, being Protestant, could urge
no complaint against a homogeneous Hierarchy.
But it has not so turned out. The English
people may be Protestant, but a very large pro-
portion are not Protestants of the Church of
England, and by those who dissent from her
doctrines, and have abandoned her rites, the
Irish Catholic argument begins now to be
generally adopted, viz., that the Protestant con-
gregations of the Established Church ought to
support that church from their own resources
exclusively,—those who partake of the be-
n( fit, and they alone, being rightfully charge-
able with the burden ;—therefore, that Protes-
tants in a state of dissent have a title to be
discharged from all rates and contributions for
the support of the Church, heretofore levied on
them, and on established churchmen indiscrimi-
nately. This sentiment spreads through the
country with fearful speed, and tends, by no in-
direct or circuitous operation, to the overthrow
of a uniform Church establishment. That
church rates afe prescribed by law is certain ; so
were the Catholic disabilities ; and so were the
roGen boroughs. It will therefore be a ques-
tion of high state policy with the Government,
whether to press the enforcement of the law in
this case upon a determined people, at the risk
of their inveterate resistance, or to make a timely
and substantial concession to the public voice,
and lay the charge of supporting the current
church expenses on the shoulders of those who
continue to be members of the establishment.
The meeting which took place the other day at
Birmingham, where church-rates, not amounting
to more than 9001., were positively refused by
the parochial representatives of 100,000 people,
and in the teeth of an undisputed statement, that
there were not funds in hand to meet the ex-
penses of more than a single week,—there is
nothing satisfactory in such an occurrence, there
is much to inspire uneasiness. It helps, with
other facts well known, to enforce the necessity. of
instantaneous measures, at the very first moment
after Parliament meets, to settle on just prin-
ciples the affairs of the Church in both divi-
sions of the kingdom—on pain of seeing its
most important interests thrown into the hands
of those who will treat them the reverse of ten-
derly, or sacrificed amidst uproar and confusion.
It cannot be denied that the prevalence of cor-
rupt patronage throughout the whole ofour eccle-
siastical systenn—the subserviency of Bishops
to ministers and patrons, and the political cha-
racter thence imparted to the whole institution,
must be regarded as the main and living source
of that strong current of animosity with which
most church offences have been contemplated.
It is not merely the reason of the country which
rejects what is indefensible in the groundwork
of the system, but its indignation, which is justly
roused at the vileness of the ends, and of many
of the parties for whose sake these abstract vices
in the ecclesiastical constitution have been che.
fished. It will be wrested out of their guid-
;ince, if Government and the legislature do not
grapple with this grave subject at once. The
connexion of Church and State, instead of a
maxim of policy, has already become a popular
by-word.— Times.
We have never failed to expose the mis-
chievous absurdities of the doctrines of the mo-
dern race of political economists whenever they
have come in our way. At first we had an
uphill labour to undertake, as far as Parliament
and a considerable portion of the public were
concerned, in exciting any doubts of the wisdom
and excellence of the ingenious follies of the
theorists, who have been more successful in
cutting off the sources of the commercial pros-
perity of this country than any of the open and
declared enemies of our national greatness. At
the time when the late Mr. uskisson lent
himself to these schemes, the Parliamentary
infatuation in favour of the chimera of " free
trade " became so strong, that it was impossible
for the plain agency of common sense to disen-
chant the " collective wisdom" of the nation of
its ruinous influence. Experience—a melan-
choly and bitter experience to multitudes—has
since worked on our side of the argument in such
a manner as to reclaim many, both in Parliament
and out of it, from the errors of their ways.
With the knowledge which such experience has
brought along with it, it would not be so easy
at the present time as it was a few years ago, to
sweep away the navigation laws, or to remove
the legislative protection upon our sil ktrade, glove
trade, &c., which the enormous taxation of this
country had rendered as necessary as artificial
embankments are to preserve some parts of
our coasts from the encroachmeotts of the
ocean. One of the leading maxims of the po-
litical economists in favour of inundating our
markets with foreign goods is, that nations, as
well as individuals, ought to buy wherever they
can buy cheapest. They have applied this
maxim so as to ruin their own heavily-taxed
countrymen, in order to get things cheaper from
the cotnparatively-untaxed foreigner. Now we
have always maintained that whatever may be the
apparent cheapness at IN hich a nation purchases
foreign goods, if it does so to the ruin of its own
manufacturers, the price which it pays is ex-
ceedingly high. We must in that case add to
the price of the foreign goods what is lost by
the extinction of the productive industry at home ;
and we must also add what the nation is obliged
to pay to support those manufacturers and arti-
sans in idleness whom it has deprived of the

means of making an independent livelihood. If
Mr. Poulett Thomson and legislators of that
class had to pay the public cost of their experi-
mental folly out of their own pockets, the country
would not be afflicted with so many fantastic
freaks of speculative absurdity and presumptu-
ous ignorance. If even the taxation of this
country were reduced to a level with that of
other rival manufacturing countries, and thereby
the cost of production so far equalised, we have
always been of opinion that the Legislature
would not be justified in carrying the prin-
ciple of " free trade" into practice, unless in
relation to those countries that met our own
upon reciprocal terms. But was this condi-
tion attended to when the political economists
opened our markets to the manufactures of un.
taxed or lightly taxed countries, that neither did
then, nor have at any time since, reciprocated
our liberality ? So far from it, that those who
urged the necessity of breaking down no protec-
tive restrictions until the stipulations of com-
mercial treaties secured us reciprocal advantages,
were scoffed at in the portion of the Press
which is influenced by our conceited doctri-
naires, and put down by acclamation in Par-
liament. Now, when the mischief that was pre-
dicted has been done, one of the political econo-
mists steps forward with a nostrum which is to
remedy the evil that the rampant Quixotism of our
free-trade speculators has created. We allude to
Colonel Torrens, who has published, in the
Bolton Chronicle, a letter, in which he says,
that " the principles of commercial policy, on
the adoption of which the prosperity of the
country depends, are simply these :—To lower
the duties of customs upon the importation of
goods produced in countries which consent to
receive British goods upon terms equally favoura-
ble, and to prohibit, or to lay heavy duties
upon, the importation of goods produced in
countries which prohibit, or lay heavy duties
upon, British goods." Upon those terms we
would have " free trade," or any thing approach.
ing to it, with very few countries indeed. We
might, perhaps, manage pretty fairly with the
" ancient Monarchy" of the Sandwich Islands,
or some such primitive State, where the "science
of Government" has not been yet sufficiently ad-
vanced to teach the advantages of the " duties of
customs ;" but what State in Europe is it that
does not lay heavy duties on British goods ?
Nay, have not several of them, while smiling at
our romantic folly of " free trade," actually made
their tariffs stricter, in answer to our practical
example of generously sacrificing our own ma-
nufacturers to foreign interests. We cannot, by
" buying cheap" at their shops, induce them to
buy cheaply at ours. Even Russia, our " mag•
nanimous ally"—Russia, that we assisted with
gold, taken out of the pockets of the over-taxed
people of England, when engaged in the horrible
destruction of Poland—has raised her tariff since
our system of " free trade" commenced. As
to Prussia, she is at this moment busy in endea-
vouring to banish British manufactures altoge-
ther out of the German States. And as to
France and the United States of America, the
less that is said of their commercial liberality the
better. The terms proposed by Colonel Tor-
rens ought to have been taken into account by
our political economists before the mischief of
free trade was effected. A time of General
Election may make some people wiser than they
were before ; but they who are only wise after
events are wise too late.—Morning Herald.

We had been led to believe, that the cause of
Don Pedro was suffering from the inadequate
manner in which the supplies necessary to the
successful prosecution of it were afforded by the
parties concerned in this country. We have,
however, received explanations which satisfy us
that our informants were in error. The state of
the law renders it, of course, hazardous to lay on
all points explicit information before the public.
It would not, perhaps, be advisable to describe
either the exact departure or the freight of the
Wellington. It is sufficient to say, that the
statement in the Chronicle of yesterday, that that
vessel would not be ready in ten days, is incor•
rect, as it has already sailed, and the wonder is
that it could have been got ready with so much
despatch. With respect to the allegation of the
cannon last sent out being destitute of carriages,
the following are the facts. As early as August last
an order was sent from Oporto for 36 pieces of
heavy ordnance, with carriages. The manufacturer
to whom the order was sent mistook it so far as
to make 30 instead of 36. The Britornart
took out the guns and carriages, and landed
them on the 23d of September. But the in-
voices had been received at Oporto 11 days be-
fore the arrival of the Britonzart, and the proper
officer at the arsenal wrote to state that there
was a deficiency of six carriages ; but no further
order was given. The muskets were, we under-
stand, contracted for at 225. 6d., and below this
sum good muskets cannot be had. With re-
spect to deficiency of shot or shells at Oporto,
this may or may not have been the case, as the
contractors only execute the orders they receive
from Oporto, it being impossible for them to
know the state of the arsenal there. Upon the
whole, we have the best reason for believing that
the gentlemen entrusted with this arduous busi-
ness have been deficient neither in zeal nor in
economy ; and as it is far from our wish to be
unjust towards any men, we willingly make them
this reparation.—Morning Chronicle.
The determined manner in which the clergy
throughout the country oppose the cause of
Reform must materially strengthen the hands of
those who are now disposed to purify the Esta-
blishment. In Essex, in Norfolk, and indeed
everywhere, they are the life and soul of the
Conservatives. Only think of a body of men
professing to follow in the footsteps of the
Apostles, and whose duty is avowedly to preach
the Gospel of Christ, openly supporting a sys-
tem of wholesale robbery of the people !—This
is furthering the cause of religion with a ven-
geance. It does not at all surprise us to find
that the clergy take a prominent part in the op-
position to Mr. Hume. We learn from his
speech at the meeting at Enfield yesterday, that
the requisition to Lord Henley was got up by
three parsons, five halt-pay officers, two doctors
dependent on the parsons, and two attorneys.
All this is sufficiently intelligible. It is as
natural that all who live on the public, without
affording equivalent services in return, should
hate Mr. Hume, as it is in the smugglers of
the coast of Kent and Sussex to hate the
revenue officers, or, to use a still more
unsavoury comparison, for thieves to hate a
good police. All Reform Members are not
equally hated by the parsons and sinecurists, be-
cause many Reformers became so from necessity,
having opposed it as long as they safely could,
and many, though not in their hearts hostile to
Reform, yet not possessing the energy to give
effect to their opinions. But Mr. Hume is hated
because his incessant exposures of the abuses
inseparable from an oligarchical Government
made an indelible impression on the mind; of
the people, and rendered Reform inevitab!e, In

fact, by the mode in which he carried on the
warfare in the House of Commons, Ministers
were fairly driven into a corner, and forced to
admit that they could not be honest if they
would, as, so far from the House being a check
cm them, they were a check on the House.
With a practical people like the English, facts
are the most powerful arguments. This the
parsons know, and hence their bitter hatred to
Mr. Hume. They would bring him to the
stake if the time for faggots were not gone by
in this country. Mr. Hume was justified in
saying that—
. " All who battened on the public money were also op-
po* dto him. No feeling of honour or shame seemed to
prevail amongst some of these men. He hoped that with
the extension of education, a moral feeling would extend
itself amongst the lower classes, which, he was sorry to
say, the upper classes had not—and that tl e time would
-oon come when every man in the kingdom would be
ashamed of accepting eleemosynary relief.—(Hear, hear. )
Why, there was the Duke of Newcastle, with a princely
income, had suffered his mother to depend for her sub-
sistence on the public bounty—she had been a mere state
pauper, receiving a pension from the public purse
(Shame, shame.) Why, would not any tradesman there,
who was able to earn even a pittance, support his own ino.
ther, in preference to sending her to the workhouse, to live
on the miserable pittance allowed to her by parish charity ?
—(Loud and indignant cheers.) Yet, in what respect did
the Duke of Newcastle differ from the man who should
thus act by his mother, or in what were the two instances
dissimilar, except in the amount of the allowance to the
titled paupers?—(Great cheering.) The Duke of Wel-
lington, too, with 35,0001. per annum, did the same
thing.—(Shanne)."
He was justified in saying this ; but he might
have said more—he might have said that the
poor have a much higher standard of morals
than the aristocracy in what regards taking the
money of others. A tradesman must be poor
indeed who would allow a parent to partake of
the public money. But the Duke of New-
castle and the Duke of Wellington are not
ashamed that their mothers are State paupers.
The Duke of Buccleugh, with 250,0001. a-year,
is not ashamed that his uncle, the Earl of Home,
receives 3001. yearly as a State pauper. Their
morality is like that of the Highland Thief, who
supposed that the only time iu matters of rob-
bery was taking too little. When charged with
stealing a cow, he indignantly exclaimed that he
did not steal one cow, but many cows. The
cause of the opposition of the clergymen of En-
field to Mr. Hume was very happily explained
by the Chairman of the meeting. Dr. Cresswell
receives 1,800/. a year, and the curate, who does
the work, eighty pounds! ! !—Morn. Chronicle.

The silly squeamishness of the Whig 'Squires
of North Essex will render it necessary for the
Associated Reform Committees to act fearlessly
on their own conviction. In truth we may say,
that what ensured the return of Reform Mem-
bers at the last election, was the admirable or-
ganization of local Committees, the work of the
people themselves. All that the people wanted
was, that some rich man, of good principles,
should give them the benefit of his name as a
candidate. The gentry in general are but sorry
men of business, and very imperfectly aware of
the importance of means as well as ends. If
the Reformers of North Essex were at this criti-
cal conjuncture to omit doing their own work,
two Tories will assuredly be returned. There
is excellent advice given in a paragraph taken
from the Sawbridgeworth Reformer, to be
found in another column : " Let us keep toge-
ther—we owe the call for Reform to the Radi-
cals—the Radicals owe the Reform Bill to the
Whigs—let Radicals and Whigs stand together
a little year longer, and then we may defy the
Tories in eternum. There is one simple plan
to be adopted in boroughs—ascertain the strength
of each individual, take the two strongest, and
draw the other off. In the northern division of
the county ensure Mr. Western's election first—
if with a coalescing Reformer, well. If no other
Whig candidate declare, let Mr. Western be as-
sured of his return, Mr. Harvey's friends giving
him their second votes, and nine tenths of Mr.
Western's friends will follow their example. It is
not necessarythere should be opposition, because
there is no coalition, and neither Mr. Western,
nor any other man living, has a right to dictate
who shall have the second votes; but it is direct
folly to give a second vote to one who is his op-
ponent." In this way Mr. Western will be saved
in spite of himself, or rather in spite of his im-
becile friends, who would otherwise ruin his cause.
The electors themselves are the proper judges of
whom they ought to return, and it would be
insanity in them to allow their partiality for
Mr. Western or any other man, to act in such a
manner as necessarily to defeat the object they
ought to have in view. Mr. Western has no-
thing to do, properly speaking, beyond his pri-
vilege of elector, with whom the Committees
choose to return along with himself. Let the
Committees, then, act on their own project. Let
them so manage matters that Mr. Western and
a second Reform candidate, either a Whig or
Radical, be instrumental to the return of each
other, whether they will or not. It is stated by
the paper above alluded to, as highly creditable
to Mr. Harvey, that " he stays back to see
whether two Reformers will take the field as can-
, dilates for the northern division of the county."
What more can be demanded ? We have no
patience with drivellers, who would let—

" I dare not wait upon I would,
Like the poor cat i' the adage."

Whoever wishes the end, must prove that he
does so by wishing the means. We hold all,
therefore, to be as bad as Tories, who show
their zeal for Reform in such a way as must ne-
cessarily effect the return of Tories. At the last
elections, the people, seeing that Ministers were
in earnest with Reform, put their shoulders
fai ly to the wheel. Accustomed to business, they
set about organising Committees in the different
neighbourhoods. This alone decided the elec-
tions. The organization almost everywhere re-
mains. In North Essex, the Committees are
composed indiscriminately of the more active of
the middle classes and Radicals. They are at-
tended by a few of the Squires, rather as visitors
than associates. The members of these Com-
mittees are exceedingly effective in exciting the
public mind and concentrating its energy ; and
wherever Committees are establish p . th . re
the acknowledged organs of the -1; -,;.011-
ment. They are aware, that in a country, rid-
den as England has long been, by an Aristo-
cracy, and in which, consequently, aristocratic
prejudices have so much influence, it is of im-
portance to have the countenance of the Squire
archy. But let not the latter over-rate that im-
portance. Hitherto all that has been done has
been done by the Committees. They get up a
requisition to Messrs. Western and Lennard of
upwards of 50 feet in length ; they, and they
alone, attended to the registration throughout
the division, getting in the claims, and provid-
ing the necessary shillings 0) ; they appointed
agents to make and defend objections, and
to oppose Tory objections ; they twice can-
vassed the whole division, and have re-
turns of every voter, classed as Blue, Orange,
split, and doubtful; and they are, in short, the
bond of union of the whole. They to the

Conservative Whigs, you must not split your '
vote with Western and Tyrell, and they hold
out to the Radicals, that the Whigs will not
again disgrace themselves as they did in 1830
by so splitting. These committees are in suffi-
cient number and force in the Hundreds of Ut-
tlesford, Freshwell, Clavering, Dunmow, South
Hinchford, Witham, and Thurstable ; and in the
south, of North Hinchford, and the west, of
Lexden Hundreds. It would appear, however,
that a want of energy, or something worse, has
hitherto prevented their formation in all that dis-
trict, of which Colchester is the centre, i. e. the
Hundreds of Tendring and Winstray, and East
Lexden ; and in the north, of the Hundred of
North Hinchford. We advise the Committees,
who are men of business, to take counsel only
from themselves. The battle devolves on them.
There is no end of the objections of fastidious
'Squires, who find it much easier to raise objec-
tion, than to further the good cause. Let them
do the best they can under the circumstances.
They ought to take the best man as a colleague
to Mr. Western they can find. But, at all
events, they must take somebody ; for Essex
would be disgraced, and the cause of Reform
essentially injured, were two Tories to be re-
turned for its northern division. This would
have the most disastrous effects elsewhere.
They should go straightforward. By this means
alone can all the divisions of Reformers be held
together. Should the middle classes propose
Western, and the Radicals split for Harvey, all
would be lost.—Morning Chronicle.

The manoeuvres of the Dissenters, for the
purpose of promoting the return of Members,
pledged to support their unconstitutional views
in a new Parliament, have become so notorious
that they are beginning to incur the reprobation
of every man of independent principle. Whilst
they pretend to seek merely the abolition of
negro slavery, they are banding together for
the overthrow of the Established Church, and
for other purposes ; and, no matter what may
be the fitness or qualifications of a candidate,
provided he firmly pledges himself to their
party, he is sure of their support ; and every
other candidate, however patriotic or trust-
worthy, is vilified, misrepresented, and opposed
by them with the utmost activity. Is this a
dictation to which any man of common ho-
nesty and moral courage can submit ? In ad-
dition to the exertions of a numerous band of
hired lecturers who travel about the country
poisoning the minds of zealots and ignorant
people in regard to the colonists, schedules are
widely circulated containing the names of those
gentlemen who insist upon the right of deli-
berating upon the question of negro slavery, and
who refuse to go headlong into their views. In
schedule A we have the names of Mr. Bernal,
Mr. Keith Douglas, Lord Sandon, Mr. Irving,
Mr. Hume, and other independent advocates of
our commercial, shipping, and colonial inte-
rests—men who insist upon investigating the
truth before they decide, and who are at present
supposed to believe conscientiously that to give
way to the measures of the anti-colonial party
would be to destroy our commercial ascendency,
and render the most valuable of our transatlantic
possessions not only useless to the mother coun-
try, but a scene of the most savage contention
and bloodshed. Schedule Bis to contain the
names of gentlemen who have not yet agreed to
surrender their reasoning faculties into the hands
of the sectarian or anti-colonial party ; but be-
cause "it is probable some of them may have
not yet fully made up their minds on the sub-
ject," the schedule will not be advertised for a
few days. Schedule C contains the names of
those candidates who are already pledged to sup-
port the views of this party. The anti-colonial
lecturers do not hesitate to have recourse to the
most gross and infamous misrepresentations ;
and their supporters do every thing in their
power to stifle, by the most disgraceful means,
contradiction or fair discussion. " Hiss the
scoundrel down," exclaimed Mr. East India
Cropper of Liverpool, when a talented friend
of the colonists was, in a regular and temperate
reply, exposing the tnis-statements of one of their
lecturers; and when the justice and propriety of
fair and open discussion was urged, another in-
fluential " friend" did not hesitate to declare,
" We do not want to consult the reason or the
judgment of the people ; if they vote for us we
care not whether their votes come through their
passions or not." It was well urged in reply,
" We attack beasts through their passions ; we
attack lunatics and madmen by appeals to their
passions when they have no reason to guide
them ; but Englishmen and Christians should be
attacked through their reason and judgment, if
They are to be convinced at all." Such is not,
however, the course adopted by the anti-slavery
party; their lecturers address themselves to the
passions of the ignorant, and not to the reason
and judgment of their audiences. When chal-
lenged to fair discussion they decline it, and have
recourse to the most unfair means to prevent the
other side of the question from being heard. It
is, however, but justice to say that many members
of the
proceed
gosc! Society of Friend
t hatNir.s dap
Cropper
rrove of
was
tle isecompel-
led on the occasion alluded to to make an ample
apology.
alarmed
We observe h
lest
Dr. Lushington
the
to "led
nshouamin g Journal,"
rejected
jrencatl;;
by the electors of Tower Hamlets, is urging
the necessity of union among the revolutionary
party. We would, however, ask the electors
what it is they see in Dr. Lushington to induce
them to choose him 2 Is he not pledged to
that system of free trade which has already
paralysed every branch of our national prosperity?
Does this recommend him to the silk-weavers,
or qualify him to maintain our shipping and com-
mercial interests Is he not the bitter and un-
scrupulous enemy of our West India possessions
(witness his unauthorized assertions regarding
the free people of colour of Jamaica) ? Will
this recommend him to that numerous and in-
fluential class who derive their subsistence from
those valuable colonies ? Will his open advocacy
of the cruel burning of Hiudoo widows recom-
mend him to the Saints ? Let the reformers of
the Tower Hamlets now show their good sense
in attending to their immediate interests, by
only such men as will fairly advocate the
of ships, colonies, and commerce, and not
themselves the laughing-stock of England,
elli;alyeauckscteeill:oosing for their representative the man of
all others the least calculated to benefit them,
and who has hitherto, in fact, shown himself to
be one of their most bitter enemies.—Morn.Post.

The Irish steamers that are daily leaving the
Broomielaw for Ireland are crowded to excess with the
boys" returning from the harvest. These unfortunate
Erneralders are daily passing through the city, wending
their way to the
i steam-boa. quay, aimed with the reaping-
hook, wrapped n straw, and one, and often two, black-
t an t sticks,, under their
In appearance they are greatly
improved since their arrival in Scotland, as, in most cases,
they have paid a visit to the " circu'ating toggery" ware-
houses in St. Mitrgaret'!-lane, or the Slltinarket, ere they
sea-store,
and a quartern-loaf of household bread, as
o
have thought of departing for " gold Ireland."—Glas-
gow Chronicle.

DUTCH PAPERS.

THE HAGUE, OCT. 'l.—His Royal Highne3s
Prince of Orange is expected here about the 10. h
instant.

The llandelsblad of to-day contains the following
article :

" According to letters dated the 28:h of Sep-
tember, received from London by a respectable house
in this city, and kindly communicated to us, the
Plenipotentiaries of the Netherlands presented to
the Conference, in its sitting on the 20th, a note, in
which, as appears likewise from other accounts, a
continuation of the negotiations is urged, on the
basis of the proposals of June and July. The Con-
ference took this note into consideration, and in its
sittings of the 25th of September proposed the fol•
lowing questions to the Ambassador of the Nether-
lands --

" 1. Has the Netherlands Ambassador received full
powers and the necessary instructions to negotiate and
sign, with the Belgian Plenipotentiary, under the media-
tion of the Confederation, a definitive treaty between Hol-
land and Belgium ?
" 2. Is the Netherlands Plenipotentiary authorised to
sign with the Five Powers, and with Belgium, a treaty
which should contain the 24 articles of the 14th of Oc-
to)), r, 1831 ?

" 3. Has the Netherlands Plenipotentiary been autho-
rised to adopt the territorial arrangements, such as they
are laid down in the 24 articles of the 14th October, 1831 ?

"4. Would the Netherlands Plenipotentiary assent to
the principle in the treaty which he would be ready to
sign with Belgium, that the navigation of the Scheldt shall
be free for the ships of all nations ; that they shall not be
liable to any detention, search, or examination of their
cargo, but solely to a moderate tonnage duty, without dis-
tinction of fl ,gs ?
" 5. Would the Netherlands Plenipotentiary be ready
to secure to the Belgians, in the treaty to be negotiated,
the navigation of the intermediate waters between tl'e
Scheldt and the Rhine, on payment of a duty which should
not exceed that which has been fixed by the agreement of
the States on the banks in the tariff for the navigation of
the Rhine, regard being had to the differences of distances?

" 6. Would the Netherlands assent to the 24 articles,
as they now stand?
" 7. If the 12th of the 24 articles were suppressed in
the treaty between Belgium and Holland, what compensa-
tion would the Netherlands Government then offer to Bel-
gium ?
" 8. Would the Netherlands Government agree to the
13th and 14th articles, relative to the debts, as they are
inserted in the 24 articles, excepting the changes of the
dates which should be found necessary ?
" 9. If the liquidation of the syndicate d'amortisse-
ment pro forma were made, what compensation would the
Netherlands Plenipotentiary be authorized to allow to
Belgium for the share of the latter in the balance which
would accrue to it if the liquida6 n took place ?"

All these questions, adds the account, were an-
swered on the following day (the 26th) by Baron
Van Liylen Van Nyeveldt, but nothing positive
can be stated respecting the nature of the answer.
A letter from Flushing says, " Our town is a
scene of extraordinary activity. Numerous detach-
ments of troops are gone to-day to reinforce the
garrisons of Fort de Nolle and de Ruyter, the artil-
lery of which has been considerably augmented, and
can keep up a cross fire on the road. All the troops
in the island that can be spared are ordered thither.
E ery body is labouring with extraordinary ardour
to repel the disgraceful attack with which we are
threatened. One of our pilot vessels remarked on
Saturday a large boat off Wielingen ; on approach-
ing, the men in our pilot vessel heard those in the
boat, who appeared to be pilots, speak a language,
half Flemish, half English; as soon as the latter
saw that they were observed, they did not venture
to continue their soundings, and stood out to sea.
OcT. .s.—Baron Baugetnann Huygens, lately his
Majes;y's Ambassador in North America, his re-
ceived from the King patents of nobility, on ac-
count of his services in North America, where, by
his exertions, part of the stolen jewels of the Prin-
cess of Orange was recovered and restored to her
Royal Highness. . . .

It is said that Baron Huygens has been appointed
by his Majesty Ambassador to the Coutt of Den-
mark, and that he will shortly proceed to his des-
tination.

The cholera has ceased at the Hague, and much
abated at Amsterdam and Leyden.

ADVANTAGES OF RAIL-ROADS.

By the balance-sheet of the Liverpool and Man-
chester Railway, from the Ist of July to the 31st of
December, it appears tha: the undertaking is going
on with increasing prosperity. The following is an
abstract from the evidence on the advantage of rail-
roads, given on the London and Birmingham Rail-
way Bill, which was thrown out by the House of
Lords :—Before the establishment of the Liverpool
and Manchester Railway, there were twenty-two
regular, and about seven occasional extra coaches,
between those places, which, in full, could only
carry, pt_u. day, 688 persons. The Railway, from its
commencement, carried 700,000 persons in eighteen
months, being an average of 1,070 per day. It has
not been stopped for a single day. There has oc-
curred but one fatal accident on it in eighteen
months. The fare by coach was 10s. inside, and
outside; by railway it is ss. inside, and 3s. 6d.
outside. The time occupied in making the journey
by coach was four hours; by railway it is one and
three-quarters. All the coaches but one have ceased
running, and that chiefly for the conveyance of par-
cels. The mails all travel by the railway, at a
saving to Government of two-thirds of the ex-
pense. The railway-coaches are more commo-
dious than others; the travelling is cheaper,
safer, and easier. A great deal of traffic which
used to go by other roads comes now by rail-
way : both time and money are saved, though the
length of the journey may be often increased. The
proportion of passengers carried by railway over
those carried by coach has been as 22 to 10 in
winter, and 17 or 18 to 10 in summer. A regiment
of soldiers has been carried by the railway from Man-
chester to Liverpool in two hours. Gentlemen's
carriages are conveyed on tracks by the railway.
The locomotive travel in safety after dark. The rate
of carriage of goods is 10s. per ton ; by canal it used
to be 15s. per ton. The time occupied in the jour-
ney by railway is two hours; by canal it is twenty
hours. The canals have reduced their rates 30 per
cent. Goods are delivered in Manchester the same
day they are received in Liverpool; by canal they
were never delivered before the third day. By rail-
way, goods, such as wines and spirits, are not sub-
ject to the pilferage which existed on the canals.
The saving to manufactures in the neighbourhood of
Manchester in the carriage of cotton alone has been
20,001)1. per annum; some houses of business save
5001. a year in carriage. Persons now go from
Manchester to Liverpool and back in the same
day with the greatest ease; formerly they were ge-
nerally obliged to be absent the greater part of two
days. More persons now travel on their own
business. The railway is assessed to the parochial
rates in all the parishes through which it passes :
though only thity-one miles, it pays between 3,0001.
and 4,0001. per annum in parochial rates. Coal-
pits have been sunk and manufactories established
on the line, giving great employment to the poor;
manufactories are also erected on the line, giving in-
creased employment, and thus reducing the number
of claitnants for parochial relief. The railway pays
one-fifth of the poor-rates in the parishes through
which it passes. Fresh coal-mines have been sunk,
o wing to facilities of carriage and reduced price. It
is found advantageous for the carriage of milk and
garden produce : arrangements are about to be made
for milk to be carried 15 miles at ls. per 10 gallons
(i. e., less than one farthing per quart). A great
deal of land on the line has been let for garden
ground at increased rents. Residents on the line
fluid the railway a great convenience, by enabling
them to attend to their business in Manchester and
Liverpool with ease, at little expense. No incon-
venience is felt by residents from smoke or noise,
but, on the contrary, great advantages are experienced
by meana of travelling, to and fro, distances of ten
miles in half an hour for ls., and without any fatigue.
The engines only burn coke. The value of lard on
the line has been considerably enhanced by the opera-
tion of the rail Nay : land cannot be purchased but at

a large increase in price; it is much sought after for
building, &c. The Railway Company, in their
late purchases, have been obliged to pay frequently
double the price they originally paid for their land.
A great deal of land has been sold for building at
three times its former value. Much waste land on
the line has been taken into cultivation, and yields
a good rent. Landowners, originally opposed to
the railway, are now its warm advocates : having
found their fears wholly groundless, they have now
been solicitous that the line should pass through
their land. Mr. Babbage observes, in his book on
the " Economy of Manufactures," " One point o
view in which rapid modes of conveyance increase
the power of a country deserves attention. On the
Manchester railroad, for example, above half a mil-
lion of persons travel annually; and supposing each
person to save only one hour in the time of
transit between Manchester and Liverpool, a
saving of five hundred thousand hours, or of fifty
thousand working days of ten hours each, is
effected. Now, this is equivalent to an addition to
the actual power of the country of one hundred
and sixty-seven men, without increasing the quan-
tity of food consumed; and it should be also re-
marked, that the time of the class of men thus sup-
plied is far more valuable than that of mere labourers.