The Sun.
London, England, 1866-08-31 00:00:00

HIE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, AUGUST 31, 186(3.

ment of rates as a condition of voting, and it was
on this ground, and this alone, that I voted against
Lord Dunkellin's amendment. At a subsequent
stage I should certainly have voted for maintaining
the rate-paying clauses of the old Reform Bill.
(Applause.) Then there is another question, the
last I shall refer to, which ought to be fully con-
sidered in any Reform Bill, and that is, as to the
boundaries and grouping of burghs. With a large
reduction of the county franchise, it became a
question of first-class importance how the boun-
daries of burghs were to be adjusted. In a great
many counties the predominance of the Democratic
and urban or of the Conservative or agricultural
element, must depend mainly on the manner in
which the boundary lines of large towns are drawn.
If, for instance, in Warwickshire you keep-to the
old town of Birmingham, and leave all its suburbs
in the county, the county member will, in fact, be
only an additional member to Birmingham. As
the English counties have nothing like their due
share of the representation, whether we take the
test of population or property, they have a right to
require that this important point should not be left
to chance. The boundaries of towns should be so
adjusted as to prevent the counties being swamped
by the representation of towns which already have
their own members. Now, as to the grouping of
burghs, that is a principle which I approve entirely,
because I think it works well in Scotland, but it is
one which requires to be wrought out with
greatly more care and circumspection than what
was given it in the scheme introduced by the
Government last Session. These are a few
of the points which ought to have been thoroughly
considered in proposing a new settlement of the great ques-
tion of Reform, and the failure of the bill and disruption
of the Liberal party are, in my judgment, distinctly due to
the original mistake of the late Government in pledging
themselves to stand or fall, not by the passing of a Reform
Bill, but by the passing of a Reform Bill in part of a single
session, thus necessarily precluding themselves from any-
thing like a full consideration of the questions which were
sure to arise, and which, in the interests of the country,
ought to have received mature deliberation. Now, there
are some who will tell you that the opposition to the mea-
sure arose from hostility to Reform, and a secret wish to trip
up the Government. So far from any factious opposition to
Government, or disguised hostility to Reform having caused
their failure, I can state most positively—for I believe I
was as much behind the scenes in the House of Commons
last session as most men, and from the situation I previ-
ously held as Secretary to the Treasury, I know the work-
ing of the house—l say I can assure you most positively
that, over and over again, loyalty to party and unwilling-
ness to appear hostile to Reform alone saved the bill from
rejection by large majorities, and many of the staunchest
Liberals in the House of Commons sincerely regretted the
course adopted by the Ministry, which they were anxious
to save if possible. (Applause and hisses.) There were not
more than half a dozen members on the Liberal side who
voted uniformly against the Government. Of the others,
the Ministers always received their support, except on
questions on which their best supporters had strong and
conscientious convictions, or such matters of detail as the
House of Commons were fairly entitled to express a vote
upon. For instance, on that question upon which they
were formally defeated there were 44 Liberal members
who voted against them. But of the 44 I venture to say
that at least 34 were earnestly desirous to keep the Minis-
try in power and settle the Reform question, if possible, in
this Session. But they had a strong opinion on the ques-
tion of rating—an opinion which, I confess, I shared with
them, though, rather than defeat the Government and the
Reform measure, I voted with the Ministers ; and they
thought, and I think fairly enough, that the question
whether we were to have a £6 rating or a £7 rental fran-
chise, was one upon which the Government might have
consulted the House of Commons; and it took them very
much by surprise, indeed, when the Ministers made a
point of honour of it, and threw up their seats. However,
it is not for me to criticise their conduct on that occasion.
I simply relate the facts, and I do maintain that there
never was anything like a strong party of malcontent Li-
berals or Adullamites, as they are called, but that, with
the exception of some half-dozen men, the Liberals who
did not uniformly support the Ministry on that question
were both staunch supporters of the Government and of
Reform, and only wished to save the Ministry from the
consequences of their own errors. ("Hear, hear," and ap-
plause.) As for stigmatizing such men as " enemies of
the working classes," and " dirty conspirators," I can only
say that it is simply another proof of the one-sided intoler-
ance which seems, in all times and all countries, to be the
besetting sin of demagogues. (Cheers and hisses.) It is all
very well for Mr. Bright (cheers) anti his followers to call
for a simple measure. In their view the question is a very
simple one. They think the existing Parliamentary sys-
tem,radically bad, opposed to all good works, the offspring
of landlord power in the counties, and corruption and tur-
bulence in the towns. (Cheers and hisses.) Holding
such views, the only question they have to ask about
a Reform bill is--Does it go all in one direction, and
that direction towards democracy ? If so, it is an
honest measure ; and even if it does not go the full
length they desire, it is good as unsettling what exists and
giving additional leverage for further innovation. Bat the
problem is very difficult and far more complex for those who
admire and revere the existing institutions of the country,
and who think that, take it all in all, the British Constitu-
tion, since the Reform Bill of 1832, has worked better than
any political system recorded in history. (Cheers.) For my
own part I do not hesitate to avow that I am entirely op-
posed to the views of Mr. Bright and his party upon this
point. (Applause and hisses.) I am a firm believer in the
excellence of our existing constitution, and prefer it greatly
to any system of pure democracy, whether organised into
an Imperial despotism as in France, or existing as a free
and independent republic in America. (Applause.) I be-
lieve that it gives us more real liberty, more peaceful pro-
gress, more stable policy, and a higher standard of civilisa-
tion. (Loud cheers.) I doubt whether the principles of
free-trade and of non-intervention, to which we owo mainly
our great national prosperity, could over have been estab-
lished or could 'continue to exist under a system which
transferred political power from intelligence to numbers.
(Cheers and hisses.) I am certain that our world-wide
commerce and immense colonial and Indian empire would
bo endangered, if the tone and spirit of an American
Congress were over to be established for that of a British
Parliament in the great central assembly which is the ulti-
mate depository of political power for a quarter of the
human race. (Applause.) My experience in India has made
me more conservative in this sense of the word, so that I
am most deeply impressed with the magnitude of the mis-
sion which we are working out, and the greatness of the
task intrusted to us. The destinies of two hundred millions
of human beings in the East depend mainly on the wis-
dom of British policy and the superiority of the British
race. We must exercise much prudence and self-
restraint ; we must maintain the unbroken thread of
our political traditions, and persist in a continued line
of wise and far - seeing policy, if we wish to show
ourselves worthy of this high destiny. Should we do so
if the majority of our House of Commons consisted of me-
troplitan members ? It is idle to disguise from ourselves
that this is a most grave and serious question. (Cheers.)
On the other hand, there can be no doubt that the working
classes ought to be, and must be, more extensively admit-
ted to the franchise. A man who, while supporting him-
self and family respectably by the honest labour of his
hands, has sufficient education and intelligence to feel an
interest in political matters? is certainly better qualified
than many a £lO householder. The problem, I repeat, is
how to admit him without destroying the balance of the
constitution. It is a difficult problem, but the time has
come when it must be solved. (Cheers.) I am far from
thinking that the session has been wasted because no Re-
form Bill has been passed, as a certain amount of discus-
sion was necessary to clear the way. One great point has
been firmly established, and that is, that no Government can
hope to succeed who do not boldly and consistently grapple
with the whole question. (Applause.) Another is, that a
mere Radical solution of it, supported by vague declama-
tion about "fellow-Christians of the same flesh and blood
as ourselves," which will apply equally to criminal and
female suffrage, has no chance of success ; and that any set-
tlement must be in the nature of a fair compromise between
different classes and interests. (Loud cheers and hisses.)
In this view I think the question is much narrowed. The
gl
highersh bu
or burghs, hl
lower
in
batc.loie.iliangdnhiaztoif:ovxr4a6Rnrraceathftioisrme, ißnitllh,ecaourdhinaardryl
rating
franchise. o a £ i
A rentaln franchise,deficideficiency
ey coupledinthe withnuiu
number
the
b the wnorolifi.nPgaYcilnagssraes hardly be mofuEchn
y
rates. That
tifsed countiesascowmilplaprreodblavbitl:
thatf proposed by the bill of the lateGOve'rninent, should be
made up, and more than made up, by supplemental fran-
chises based on property and education. (Cheers.) If
three members are given to very large constituencies, the
principle of the representation of minorities should be
coupled with it, otherwise these large constituencies
should be divided into districts, so as to diminish the
expense of elections. In any case, from forty to fifty
seats should be redistributed, giving half to counties, and
the prior claim of Scotland met by givingnot less that even
seats either taken from those redistributed, orby an addition
to the total number of members. (Cheers.) The boundaries
of burghs should be drawn so as to include within the burgh
all such suburbs as really form part of the same community.
Such, I beliOve, aro the outlines of such a Reform Bill as
will have a fair chance of passing the present House of
Commons, and I can only say that, as far as I am con-
cerned, it should have my earnest support, whether pro-
posed by a Liberal or by a Conservative Government.
Now, gentlemen, I have done with the question of Re-
form, and I shall just advert shortly to the other great
topic of interest which has occurred during the recent
session—viz., that of the occurrences on the Continent. I
think we must all feel that changes of the greatest magni-
tude have taken place there. For my own part, I say frankly
that I rejoice greatly in those changes. I think the prospect
of seeing Germany constituted into one grest nationality,

and at its head a Protestant and progressive Power, holds
out much hope of great advantage to humanity, and espe-
cially to the interests of this country. I have also always
felt a warm sympathy with the cause of Italian independ-
ence, and am very glad indeed to see that Italy is to be
constituted now as a great nation. (Applause and hisses.)
Holding these opinions, I thought it my duty to obtain
from Lord Stanley an assurance that the principle of non-
intervention would be adhered to by our Government in
regard to those struggles, and that none of those old
Tory sympathies with despotic Powers should entangle us
into war or into diplomatic interference with the changes
taking place. Lord Stanley met -us with frankness, and
readily agreed to our request. It would be unfair to him to
say that the pledge was extorted from him. It was frankly
given, and was entirely satisfactory to myself and to all
Liberals. (Cheers.) It only remains to advert very shortly
to some of your local affairs. As regards Caithness, the
question of the railway is one of paramount importance.
(Cheers and hisses.) I should be wrong if I should take
much credit to myself in this matter, for the indefatigable
exertions of that excellent nobleman, Lord Caithness
(cheers and faint hisses)—have been beyond all praise,
and if you will—as I hope you will—have soon railway
communication to the south, it will be to him the credit
will be due. (Cheers.) At the same time I have done my
best to co-operate with his lordship, and I have not spared
time or trouble, or a little expense, to obtain the requisite
support to carry out the communication to Wick and
Thurso. In regard to other local matters, I have always
had the greatest pleasure to co-operate with your esteemed
member, Mr. Traill—(cheers and slight hisses) —in various
matters relating to fisheries, the Austrian Tariff, the French
Fishery Convention, and the report of the Fishery Com-
missioners. Mr. Trail has been indefatigable in his atten-
tion to your interests, and I don't think he has ever found
reason to complain'of me for not doing my best to second
his efforts. (Cheers.) There is ono question which in-
terests you a good deal. It is as to the extension of the
principles of the Union Chargeability to Scotland. (Loud
cheers.) That principle is the right one ; and having been
adopted in England it ought to be adopted in Scotland. It
seems to me quite unfair that the landed proprietors either
in England or Scotland should have the power of casting
off the burden of the poor on the towns. (Cheers.) With-
out pledging myself to details, I may say generally that I
would give my support to any measure having for its
object the remedying of that anomaly, as well as to any
measure tending to diminish the expenses of litigation in
conne4lon with the working of the Poor-law—expenses
in which a great amount of the money levied from the
ratepayers, instead of going to the maintenance of the
poor, finds its way into the pockets of the lawyers. (A
laugh.) lam not aware that there is any other topic that
requires me to detain you further at this time. I shall be
happy to give any further explanations to any one who
may desire them. I now conclude by thanking you for
attending hero to-night to meet me, and hearing me so
patiently.
Mr. Laing sat down amid loud cheers and a few hisses,
chiefly from a knot of lads in the centre of the hall.

pared a scheme. His own opinion was that what
the poor people recovering from cholera mainly
wanted was good food, and that in providing them
with that the Mansion-house Committee, or that of
the right rev. prelate, would spend the funds at
their disposal more wisely than in establishing a
permanent convalescent hospital. Their object
ought to be to do as large an amount of immediate
good as possible, without reference to the future.
(Hear.) There was now comparatively little
cholera in the districts which the disease hall at-
tacked, but there was a great deal of misery and
destitution, and the one was consequent upon the
other.

Sir M. WELLS suggested that the local com-
mittees established in connexion with that of the
Mansion-house would be practically most compe-
tent to deal with the matter, as knoviing the wants
of the poor people in their various districts. Already,
he said, through the many grants made by this
committee, the local authorities were doing a great
deal for people recovering from cholera by the dis-
tribution of arrowroot, beef tea, and port wine, and
the convalescents might be safely left to their care.
Mr. WADE held that it was too late in the day to
start a large convalescent hospital for this special
occasion, to say nothing of the repugnance which,
in reference to a disease such as cholera, would be
felt in any suburban district in which the attempt
might be made. For convalescents country air was
essential, and there was the greatest need of a gene-
ral permanent institution for convalescents. The
Home of the Metropolitan Convalescent Institution
at Walton had at present 235 inmates, and 60 con-
valescents in London were waiting for admission to
it. In the meantime it would be desirable, as the
next best thing, for the committee to encourage by
liberal grants Mrs. Gladstone and other ladies who
were engaged in providing temporary homes for poor
people recovering from the epidemic.
Dr. A. CLARK, physician to the London Hospital,
replying to a question by the Bishop of London as
to whether it was desirable to have any special pro-
vision for convalescents after leaving the hospital,
or whether the hospital would do all that was re-
quired for cholera patients, said there was no disease,
except scarlatina, perhaps, which sowed more of the
seeds of functional disease than cholera. He con-
fined himself entirely to the medical aspect of the
question. Though cholera patients, when convales-
cent, seemed to recover rapidly, there was still an
immediate risk of the disease, with even the appear-
ance of health. Convalescence from cholera, speak-
ing from a professional experience of 12 years, was
always tardy, and often very dangerous. Fresh air,
good food, and especially a change from the condi-
tions under which the disease was contracted, were
essential to recovery.
Eventually, on the motion of Dr. Clark, a reso-
lution was passed in effect that it was expedient for
the Mansion-house Committee to make somespecial
provision for the temporary relief of convalescents
from cholera. It was also resolved in substance, on
the motion of Sir Mordaunt Wells, seconded by Mr.
Tilson, that it was desirable that the Mansion-house
and the Bishop of London's Committees should co-
operate with the local committees and clergy in car-
rying out the object proposed.
The Bishop of LONDON returned thanks in his own
name and that of his committee for the kindness
with which they had been received, adding that the
resolutions at which the Mansion-house Committee
had arrived embodied very much his own conclu-
sions on the matter.

Yesterday the Lord Mayor received, through the
editor of the Times, a check for £13135., as a dona-
tion from a small congregation of English residents
at Cronstadt. It was accompanied by the sub-
joined letter :

" Parsonage, Cronstadt, Monday, Aug. 8 (20).

"My dear Sir,—You have so kindly on several occasions
acted as our almoner, that I venture to trouble you with
the trifling sum which I collected after a sermon on behalf
of 'the poor sufferers by the cholera in th© East-end of
London.' I cannot select any particular district, but you
will know at once where the greatest need exists. Perhaps
there may bo a fund forming for the orphans? However,
such could well stander over while so many pressing calls
are being made for bodily relief, nourishment, clothing,
and nursing. Thanking you by anticipation for your kind-
ness, allow me to remain—Yours faithfully and obliged,
"H. WSWINEY, M.A.,
" Chaplain at Cronstadt to the Russia Company."

Before separating yesterday the committee made
a grant of £2OO towards the funds of the temporary
hospital for cholera patients, in Commercial-
street, Whitechapel ; another of £5O to the local
committee of St. Mary and St. Michael, Commer-
cial-road East ; and a third of £5O to a local com-
mittee of ladies in the neighbourhood of Victoria
Park, who are actively engaged in relieving the dis-
tress there from the epidemic.
We are requested to intimate, for the information
of the local committees, that the Mansion-house
Committee will not sit to-morrow, and that on and
after Monday they will be prepared to entertain
applications from the local authorities for assistance
for convalescents.

The following is the return of deaths from cholera
and diarrhea in London registered on Wednesday,
Aug. 29 :

Cholera.

Diarrhom.

West districts ... ... 2
North distric's 1 3
Central districts... 3
East districts ... 22 ... 8
South districts 6 ... 6

Tot,'

... ... 22

Wreck on the Goodwin Sands.

RAMS GATE, Thursday.

During the whole of last night and the early part
of this morning a tremendous gale of wind and rain
from the W.N.W. swept this portion of the coast,
compelling a quantity of shipping to seek refuge in
the harbour. About 9 o'clock this morning a large
vessel and a steam-tug were discovered lying on the
Goodwin Sands in a very critical position. The
new lifeboat, the Bradford, was speedily manned
and towed to the wrecked vessels, and it was then
found that one was the North, a full-rigged mer-
chant. vessel, of Liverpool, of about 1,000 tons
burthen, bound from Africa to London, laden with
a cargo of rice. The other was the steam-tug
Wellington, of London. Both vessels were on the
southern end of the Goodwin Sands, near to the
South Sandhead lightship.
The Ramsgate lifeboat found both vessels de-
serted by their crews. The Deal lifeboat, which was
already at the wreck, informed the men of the Rams-
gate boat that both vessels got on the sands about
one o'clock that morning, and that fifteen of the
crew had got into one of their own boats and were
landed safely at Deal. The remainder of the crew,
sixteen in number, got into another boat ; but the
sea being so rough, they soon parted from the first
boat, and had not been heard of since. The Rams-
gate boat stayed at the wreck some hours, doing
her best to save the North, but all to no purpose,
for she speedily broke her back and became a total
wreck. The steam-tug also sank. The names of
the missing portion of the crew have not transpired.

A schooner was also seen on the Goodwin Sands
just previous to the lifeboat startiiig, but she was
soon lost sight of, and it is believed that she
righted herself and pursued her voyage.
DOVER, Thursday Night.

At two o'clock this morning the ship North,
Captain Brown, of Liverpool, laden with rice, from
Queenstown to Bremen, ran on the Goodwin in a
heavy gale of wind, and became a total wreck. The
captain and fifteen of the crew were saved in their
own boat, were picked up, and broughtto the Dover
Sailors' Home. The crew consisted of thirty men.
The remaining fourteen were landed at Deal. The
men who arrived at the Dover Home were able to
save but a very small portion of their clothing.
Many of them were quite destitute. The fourteen
men landed at Deal were on their way to-night to
the Dover Home.

[ ADVERTISEMENT.
_I—Holloway's Ointment and Pills.—
Counsel and klelp.—When diarrhoea, dysentery, or cholera
prevail in any district, it behoves every one to bo watch-
ful and to have at hand the means of checking those symp-
toms of general uneasiness, nausea, and vertigo, which
foretell the threatening malady. This well-known oint-
ment, rubbed diligently and repeatedly upon the pit of the
stomach and over the abdomen, exercises the most power-
ful and salutary effects in arresting the morbid indications
of the coming evil, and, aided by appropriate doses of the
pills, will secure safety to their employers, whilst the heel-
less are falling thickly around them. Every person at this
critical time should subdue the first traces of disordered
action by Holloway's regulating and purifying prepara-
tiQaB.