The Sun.
London, England, 1835-10-02 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

A letter from Kalisch will be found in another part
of our journal, which touches on several ini;ortant
subjects. The writer is a well-informed man, in every
way deserving of our confidence ; and although more
recent communications which we have received con-
cerning the intent,ions of the Sovereigns who are now
assembled at 'Eceplitz enable us to correct some of his
statements, 'do doubt can be entertained that at the pe-
riod wil.:11 he wrote, schemes were in agitation, treaties
were in progress, and movements projected, such or
iearly such as he points out. Material modifica-
tions have since taken place in the plans which were
originally concocted in the Russian Chancery; and
we should not be much surprised if, after all the
costly preparations which have been undertaken
with a view to display the agility of some tamed
robbers from Kurdistan and Circassia, the Con-
gress separate without entering into any formal sti-
pulations whatever. One of the objects in assem-
bling Russian and Prussian troops on the Polish
frontier, was to exhibit to all Europe the spi-
rit of cordial amity by which not only the
two Sovereigns, but also the two armies, arc
animated. We. believe that the results of the
meeting have not been quite so agreeable to all parties
as they had expected. A few slight incidents which
occurred at the very commencement of this mock
campaign, i:adicated so decidedly the jealousies of the
rival corps, that it was deemed necessary to fix their
encampments at a considerable distance from each
other. On one occasion, when the Imperial and
Royal Guards became engaged in the mimic war, it
required great activity on the part of the Prussian of-
ficers to prevent it from being turned into a most sP.;i.
guinary conflict. It is quite true, as our Correspon-
dent states, that- the Russian Commissariat was
wretchedly served on this occasion. In fact, so short
were the supplies, whether from bad mai:lagement or
the want of funds, that several.reriiments actually
went out to forage in the Prussian territory, as if
they had been scouring an enemy's country. The
depredations of these rnen have left lasting im-
pressions behind thee. Moreover, the Prussian
people, as well a the people generally through-
out Germany, have looked upon this en-
campment a% a menace against themselves, and as a
kind of proclamation against the realization of those
political reforms to which they look forward with con-
fident, though patient hope. The Prussians do not
forget that a constitution was promised to them by
by their present Monarch : they believe that he has
adopted, by the diffusion of education, the best means
for preparing the subjects to administer that constitu-
tion safely when it shall be established, and they have
asked, therefore, for what purpose those expenses were
incurred which have contributed to bring a large mili-
tary force together within their kingdom. Are their
just expectations of a constitution to be put down
by a band of Ural Cossacks ? We predict that
the experiment of Kalisch will not be repeated.
The King of . Prussia esteems his subjects,
and sympathizes with their feelings—which arc
anything but Russian. When the new uniforms
were in course of preparation, which his Majesty
and his aides-de-camp were to display at the reviews,
it was suggested that he should have not only the
uniform of his own Guards, but that also of the Rus-
sian Guards, in honour of the Emperor. To this he
objected strongly ; but at length was prevailed upon to
submit. When he put on the coat, and saw himself
in a mirror thus Russianized, it is said that he ordered
the badge of his dependence to be instantly taken out
of his sight. His manner betrayed an emotion not to
be misunderstood. As to the idea of a war, of which
our Correspondent speaks, we have no sort of ap-
prehension. If Russia cannot feed sixty thousand
men in or near Poland, we should like to know how
she can sustain a hundred or two hundred thou-
sand men in the centre or the south of Europe ?
The Emperor has not the " sinews of war," and,
what is more, he cannot get them. Prussia is, to
use the phrase of one well skilled in her policy,
" doggedly pacific ;" she has no object of her own to
fight for, and titer troops will never be sent out of her
territory for the aggrandizement of Russia. As to
Austria, the total absence of her troops from Kalisch,
is significant of her determination to abstain from
giving the slightest encouragement to the domineering
views of the Autocrat. Nicholas had certainly
tended to procure from the Congress a declarar2lon in
favour of Don Carlos. For this purpose his Ministers
had prepared five resolutions, the object of which was
to state the determination of the Sovereigns to acknow-
ledge the rebel as King of Spain as soon as he had
established himself at Vittoria, or Madrid. Agents
were to be sent to his head-quarters with instructions
to that effect. Arms and munitions of war were to be
supplied to him, and experienced officers were to be
permitted to give him their assistance. These resolu-
tions were drawn up with the privity of M. Ancillon;
the Prussian Prime Minister ; but they have not been
acceded to by his Royal Master, and the Emperor
of Austria discountenanced them from the be-
ginning. 'We do not believe that Prince Metter-
nich has made the declaration ascribed to him by our
correspondent. The commercial league to which our
correspondent alludes undoubtedly deserves our utmost
vigilance. We are not as yet sufficiently informed as
to its details to enter upon that subject. In the mean
time, we may remark, that those countries which have
already become members of that confederation, appear
to gain some advantages from the simplification of their
tariffs, and the reduction of the countless Custom-
houses by which their internal commerce had been
hitherto impeded. How tar such a combination for
domestic purpe;ses might by possibility be applied as
an instruineTA for checking the importation of British
manufactures, is another question. One thine is cer-
tain, that no system of prohibitive duties can be esta-
blished against us without the consent of each of the
States comprehended in the league ; and their respec-
tive interests with relation to England differ so widely,
that the Chambers which legislate for most of them
can scarcely be supposed capable of sacrificing three
interests to the views of Prussia, even when veileii un-
der the form of a mere fiscal reeulation.
--Morning
Chronicle.

Anxious for the honour and interests of England,
which our pseudo-liberals in ofFice so sadly neglect or
meanly sacrifice, we have taken frequent opportunities
during the last five years of endeavouring to persuade
or shame Lord Palmerston into assuming a tone wor-
thy of the foreign policy of England. For this we
have, naturally enough, incurred the abuse of the sy-
cophants of the Whig Ministry, in those Morning and
Evening Journals whose opinions are at the command
of the Treasury. Still we have pursued, through evil
and good report, a course which is, at least, disinte-
rested, and. which we trust is patriotic—its object be-
ing, without regard to political party, the vindication
of the fame, and the protection of the national 6;i/its
and commercial interests of our country. That the
honour of England has been sullied—.that her com-
mercial interests have been betrayed--that her fame has
declined among the nations, and that foreign Powers
have aggrandized themselves at our expense during
the last five years, is unfortunately as true as it is
humiliating. These arc the consequences—the bit-
ter fruits or that truckling system of concession and
compromise which has prevailed in Downing-street
ever since the present Secretary for Foreign Affairs was
intrusted with those high duties, to the adequate dis-
charge of which he has proved himself to be utterly
incompetent. Need we remind the public of the
treaty which guaranteed the national independence of
Poland, insolently torn to pieces by the Autocrat of
Russia ; of Belgium, virtually reduced to the condi-
tion-of a province of France, by means of the Anglo-
Gallic convention ; of Holland, our old ally and best
customer, alienated by our infamous attack upon the
Dutch King's subjects, and the British flag dis-
honoured by a,pompous but abortive naval demonstra-
ion in the North Seas, in the season of fogs and
storms ; of Spain, precipitated into political anarchy
by the consequences of the Quadrupartite Treaty,
which was entered into, not to protect British interests,
not to obtain any advantages for British commerce,
not to enforce or succour the viola Ted rights of
humanity, but merely and solely to secure and extend
the influence of the crafty and perfidious King of
the French and his Doctrinaire Government in Spain,
as we said all along ?—a truth which the creatures of

the Ministry now indirectly acknowledge, by stating
that, since th.; aovn-ifall of the wutched fit Ste milieu
s:,-,:tem, the British infitieriCe and that of Prance have
become antagonist powers in Spain. Need we finally
remind the public of the height of insolent dictation
to which the Aurocrat of Russia has arrived in Eng-
land since the Whigs came into office—the subjugation
of Turkey, the virtual delivery of that empire into
the hands of the Muscovite conqueror by the treaty
of Hunkiar Skelessi, and all the humiliation which,
in consequence, the British flag has had to sustain in
the waters of the East ? Yet a late repentance is
better than none, and even if the Whigs, at this
late hour, were to repent of the errors of their foreirn».
policy, and do something worthy of 1.).*;,; name of
England, to wipe out the disgrace of past offences,
we would be among tilt first to give them credit for the
good, as we have not been among the last to censure
them for the mischiefs of their policy. But what
can be expected of the rulers of a great nation—
so lost to all sense of political, moral, and even per-
sonal dignity—so mean, abject, and mindless, as to
prostrate themselves before the coarse-minded and pro-
fligate demagogue of Ireland, and offer to sacrifice the
noblest institutions of the country as the proof of their
humiliation, and the price of his support ? In refe-
rence to our foreign policy, our able and intelligent
correspondent at Toplitz thus writes—" Now is the
hour for England to speak out. Indeed, she -Lould
have done so in July, 1833, and cou.'"ered the treaty
of Hunkiar Skelessi as a dv.els!:;"ation of war ; but our
Ministers, who were tin asleep, are now awake, and
I have reason tr! know that Lord Palmerston has lately
assumed s!.. tone worthy of the nation he has the honor
to rnresent." If our correspondent be correctly in-
formed on this point, we shall rejoice to find that our
remonstrances on behalf of the insulted honour and
neglected interests of England have had some effect.
If Lord Durham be allowed to sail through the Bos-
phorus to Odessa in the Barham frigate, we shall
begin to think we have induced Lord Palmerston at last
to speak out. We wait the proofs.—Morning Herald.

We have at last reached the beginning of the end.
The great crisis of this nation's fate, so long foreseen
and so often foretold, has arrived. We are now in its
midst. Hitherto all has gone well, and the aspect
of matters at this moment is as cheering, as full of
bright hopes, as the warmest friend of his countiy
could desire. Wq 'never doubted for a moment what
would be the eventual issue ; but we frankly own we
had out rears and our misgivings lest the complete
triumph of a nation's rights might not be achieved
without the most painful sacrifices. We knew the
people of this country were determined to rescue them-
selves utterly, and for ever, and at any price, from the
iron grasp of a handful of titled despots ; but we also
knew that the latter had been accustomed for a long
series of years to regard the people as no better than
mere serfs, whose entire subserviency to their own will ,
they had a right to command at any time, and under
all circumstances—on the Duke of Newcastle's prin-
ciple—we thank his Dukeship for so candid an avowal
of his sentiments—that they had a right to do what
they pleased with their own. And thus knowing the
determination of the people, on the one hand, to work
out their own salvation---and on the other, the obsti-
nacy, ignorance, and infatuation of the oligarchical
faction, who had hitherto lorded it over them—we
feared that the process of England's emancipation
would not be completed without having recourse to
means the use of which nothing but the direst neces-
sity can justify, and which, under any circumstances,
cannot be contemplated without pain. Hitherto our
fears have been happily disappointed ; and judging
from the present aspect of affairs, they will prove
to have been as groundless as regards the future.
Already do the hearts of our aristocratic enemies
begin to fail them ; they begin to quail at the
position into which they have, in the plenitude of their
recklessness and folly, placed [themselves. There
are symptoms among them of a disposition to retreat
from the conflict which they themselves have provoked,
and to leave the people masters of the field. Are we
asked for proofs ? They are to be found in abundance
in the events of the last six weeks. For a time the
Lords played the, 'part of a Bobadil with regard to the
Corporation. Reform Bill. They threatened to kick it
as unceremoniously out of the House as the man in
the 'Ad song, so often quoted by Canning, kicked his
wife down stairs. But, as in the case of other bullies,
all their " prodigious" courage, as Dominie Sampson
would have said, evaporated when the moment had
arrived for carrying their threats into execution.
They did just as much injury to the Bill as
they thought might be done without exposing
their order to immediate danger—just as much as
showed that the disposition to mischief was as
vigorous in their Lordships' breasts as ever. It was
clear that they we.., only restrained from more seriously
damaging the measure by considerations of discretion,
which they at last, with -Falstqll; begin to see to be
the " better part of valour." Then, again, there was
to be the ejection of the Melbourne Ministry, and the
resumption by themselves of the functions of Govern-
ment. The threat sounded well in words. But what
has become of the execution ? Arc Lord Melbourne
and his colleagues out ? Are the Tories in ? Not
yet. Is it that the pear is not yet quite ripe ? When
then,, is it likely to be ? Not, we presume, for some
time to come. See another proof of shrinking from
any further contest with the people, on the part of the
Tory Lords, in the altered conduct of the King to his
present Ministers. Who was it that injected so much
poison into the royal ear against Lord Melbourne and
his colleagues, that their presence at Windsor was deemed
an infliction of the first magnitude ? The titled Tories.
And why have they ceased to prejudice the King
against his responsible advisers ? Why relinquish the
dishonourable avocation and misrepresentation and
calumny at the Castle ? Because they see the game
is all up with them. Because they have given up the
last forlorn hope to which they had so long clung with
a desperate tenacity of being able to subdue the peo-
ple, P.:nd again seize the reins of Government them-
, s'.,ives. The conviction has at last flashed on them
that the Upper House is doomed. To extinction ?
We hope not. There is no necessity for that. A
thorough reform will suffice. The people seek no-
thing more. Give us a House of Lords in harmony
with the House of Commons, and with the spirit of
the age, and the. Upper House may yet have a pro-
longed existence. It will 'only be in the event of
resistence to such a reform being offered in a quar-
ter which shall be nameless, that the alternative
of annihilation will become necessary. Tie
question of—What is to be done with the
Lords ?—will be settled next Sesg'":;n. Which of the
alternatives—reform, or exlltiction to be adopted—will
depend entirely on '1:;e manner in which the moderate,
though firin., `remands of the people, will be met. In
/he mnntime, let the people understand one another.
Let the same unity of purpose, which has directed all
their efforts for the last twelve months, continue to
guide them. In their union is their safety. It is their
union which so signally triumphed over Tory machi-
nation and Tory mendacity during the last eventful
Session, and it is by the same union that they can not
only sustain the advantageous position they now oc-
cupy, but eventually and by peaceable means ensure
complete victory. Ought not the people forthwith to
meet together to form associations in all parts of the
country, for the purpose of deciding on what extent of
reform of the Lords is necessary, and of adopting the
best means to secure most speedily and peaceably that
great object ? The interval between this and the next
meeting of Parliament will not be long, and it ought to
be diligently employed.—Morning Advertiser.

EXTRAORDINARY CIRCUMSTANCE.•—•OII SUR-.
day morning, when the crew of the Pylades, Commander
Castles, was being mustered, Mr. Liddle, the clerk in charge,
recognised the man who ran away from the Eden, whn
under the command of Captain Owen, in 1831, taking with
him one of the ship's boats and a quantity of arms and am-
munition. He was subsequently taken prisoner, and brought
home to be tried, but while on board a vessel in Portsmouth
harbour he contrived to make his escape, and, as it now
appears, entered himself on board the Spartiate on her
being fitted out. He was recently paid off from the Spar-
tiate, in which ship he had sailed four years, and he has ex-
cellent certificates of character as an able seaman. On
being recognised, the unfortunate fellow confessed he was
the man, and immediately acknowledged his name to be
Reid, the same as he stood on the Eden's books. He was
immediately put under arrest, and now awaits orders from
the Admiralty as to his disposal.—Devonport Telegraph.