The Sun.
London, England, 1835-05-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

The Melbourne Ministry has arrived at precisely
that stage which more intensely than any other con-
centrates upon it the whole attention and solicitude of
the country. Never had any Government a more fa-
vourable opportunity than now offers to the present
Cabinet, of consolidating its power on the confidence
sr the people—and woe to the Ministers—woe to the
Monarchy—and woe to the State, if the time of action
be allowed to pass without consummating those mea-
sures of amelioration which the country expects, and
which are so essential to the calming of wrong-eogen-
dered agitation. It is true, and we never suppress
truth for the purposes of party, that the general enthu-
siasm in favour of the Government, evinced by the
country in the recent election contcsts, originated
more from an abhorrence of Toryism, than from
any confidence excited by the former Adminis-
tration of the Whigs. The Grey Administration
did much towards Reform, but had it not wa-
vered and truckled, and vacillated between oppo-
sing principles, it not only might have done much
more, but be still in possession of office, from which,
by intrigue—in conjunction with imbecility on the
part of the Court, and apathy—caused by suspicion
on the part of the people, they fell with the momen-
tum of a timid, doubting, and, under the circum-
stances—a despicable policy. It was the horror of
Tory domination, and the hope that the Whigs had
seen their errors, and would in future avoid them, by
taking a decisive stand on the only safe ground--that
is, on the side of Reform and the people—which
caused, with a trifling exception, the re-election of
every Member called to the Melbourne Cabinet. This
Cabinet is now upon its trial—an arduous one per-
haps, but one where honesty and firmness of purpose,
and a bold prosecution of just, extensive, and efficient
Reforms to their accomplishment, must secure a ver-
dict of general approbation and confidence from the
country. Lord John Russell has announced in the House
of Commons that it is the intention of the Govern.
ment to propose in this Session but two measures of '
Reform, namely, that of the Irish Church, and of the
Municipal Bodies. This limitation is easily accounted
for by the interruption which the business of the Ses-
sion experienced from the selfish and contumelious
conduct of the Peel faction. But the recognition of
the principle by Lord John Russell, that the Church
had a claim on the State for the repairs and building
of its fabrics, has occasioned us no slight degree of
surprise and apprehension. We ask thte leader of the
House of Commons on what principle eau the Church
have any claim on the State for such or any other pur-
poses, when its revenues are more than sufficient for
its own as well as the spiritual wants of its community ?
It is not our wish to urge—nay, we deprecate urging,
the Government to undue precipitancy in the intro-
duction of measures ; but we claim, on the part of the
people, such an open and unequivocal demonstration of
their intended policy as will leave no doubt, nor give
room for any suspicion, and which will justify us in
continuing to give them, as we have already done, our-
cordial and energetic support.—Morning Advertiser.
The resolutions and public Address of the Reform
Association, advertised in the Morning Chronicle of
to-day, will inspire the Reformers with new energy
and confidence. The impudent and abortive attempts
of the Tories to re-gain the government of the coun-
try, and their " re-action" theory, and Conservative
clubs, will only serve ultimately to strengthen the po-
pular cause. - If the amendment of the representation
has not terminated the domination of the Tories, then
is Sir Robert Peel a false prophet. From first to last,
during the discussion of the Reform Bills, the supple
Baronet denounced those great national measures as de-
structive of political corruption ; or, in his own words,
as an alteration of the Constitution utterly inconsistent
with Tory ascendancy. Even so late as the political
festival in Merchant Tailor's Hall, the repe sentative
of Tamworth, to the disgust of the 'Tories, announced
to his party that the battle of the contending parties of
the State must be fought only in the House of Com-
mons. Sir Robert Peel admitted that the prerogative
of the Crown and the power of the House of Peers
was as nothing, compared with the influence gain:2d
by tile people in 1832. The ex-Premier has disco-
vered, and virtually acknowledged, the failure of his
recent experiment in taking office. Only one chance,
he confessed, remained for the hopeless views of To-
ryism—viz., an action on the electoral body. It is
scarcely three months since Sir Robert Peel, in his
degrading address to his Tamworth constituents, pro-
nounced his confident belief that he could " manage"
a new House of Commons ; and even after the sign;7l
defeat in the choice of a Speaker, he in!-
plored the Commons to tolerate himself as Minister,
because he could (as a fourth estate, we presume) en-
sure " harmonious results" between the two branches
of the Legislature. But in the simple and forcible lan-
guage of the Address . of the Reform Association,
" successive majorities in the present House of
Commons, have driven the Tories from office."
Nothing daunted, however, the " Conservatives"
still flatter themselves that they can again triumph
over the people I We do not contend that they are
powerless. The Reform Bill was far from perfeetin4
the representation. If nomination boroughs were
extinguished, counties were closed by the deteriora-
tion of the constituencies through the enfranchise-
ment of 501. tenants-at-will, the slaves of open voting.
Corrupt freemen still existed, for purposes of intoxica-
tion and bribery. Self-elected Corporations conti-
nued to exist, as citadels of Toryism. The law of
elections, and the defective tribunal of Election Com-
mittees of the House of Commons, extended impunity
to evil doers.- The abuse of the influence of property
still remained to the Tories. The costly expense of
election contests, limited the power of the consti-
tuencies. A long monopoly of magisterial power,
vested in the Tories for nearly a century past, and
Tory.,lord lieutenancies in the majority of counties,
gave them extraordinary advantages. Education
has not yet extirpated ignorance ; liberty of con-
science and freedom of thought have not yet vanquish-
ed persecution and bigotry. The patronage of the
Church was almost exclusively enjoyed by the Tories.
Our wonder, therefore, is, that the Reformers have
succeeded in thus routing the Tories. The enemes
of the people, however, fight well, and appear inclined
to die hard ; but though the time of death is uncer-
tain, nothing is more certain than death. In vain may
the Tories put forth fresh articles of political creed ;
they will not succeed in their sinister and insane de-
signs. Ashamed of their old party designation of
Tories, they have lately adopted the alias name of
" Conservatives." But the people know them, as an
acute police-officer recognises an old thief in disguise.
The attempted idolatry of Sir Robert Peel will not
succeed. This is not the age for political idols. Pitt
himself ceases to obtain worshippers in these times.
What would the Tories be without the ingenious
Baronet ?—what has been his political fate, com-
mitted as he has been with the Tories as a party ?
In fact they have tried hard to take advantage of each
other, and would be glad to get asunder, but cannot
escape their unhappy connection. Their Conserva-
tive Clubs and affiliated Associations will do nothing
for either. Already, by opposing the tide of public
opinion, they have caused a " reaction," which they
must bitterly repent. Throughout the country the
Reformers, cordially united by the machinations of
their common enemies, are forming themselves into
political societies as a necessary measure of self-defence.
Union was alone wanting to realize the power of the
Liberals. This has been forced upon them by the
Tories. The Reform Associrtion, this day announced
to the kingdom, will powerfully act on the people. Its
objects are purely constitutional, and justified by the pro-
vocations of the Tories. We know, from various
sources of information, that the " Conservatives"
secretly registered full twenty-five per cent. additional
electors in their county interest during the summer of
1834, while the Reformers were sleeping in deceitful
security. Opportunely and decisively the Reform As-
sociation has come forward to rescue the representation
from the usurpation of the Tories. An array of
names, unprecedented for political and personal influ-
ence, already heads the society ; and we predict that it
will, in a few days, spread its power from one end of
the kingdom to the other. The definite and patriotic
object crf the 'Association defies misrepresentation.
Toryism will be fought with its own weapons ; it has
forged its own fetters. We echo the..emphatic decla,

ration of the Address :—" The Reformers throughout
the Kingdom are earnestly called upon by the Reform
Association, to co-operate with them for the accom-
plishment of lawful and important purposes.—Morn-
ing Chronicle.
If proofs be wanted by any of our more sceptical
readers that the spirit of anarchy is on the wane in
England, we beg leave to refer them to an account of
a Meeting, or attempted meeting, of the scattered frag-
ments of the old Birmingham Political Union, the
design of which was to revive, if possible, that defunct
and to any good purpose save in times of extreme
emergency, that needless and dangerous association.
Some worthies were for summoning the known leaders
of the confederacy to put themselves " at the head of
the people"—whether to levy war against the King,
and subvert the monarchy, was not openly stated.
However, the question being opened, it appeared that
discord and rottenness had eaten into the entrails of
this vigorous and virtuous league—that large debts
had been contracted—that large debts had led the way
to liberal defections of the Honourable Members—that
trades' unions had waged secret hostilities against the
political unions—that the smaller or satellite political
unions among the neighbouring villages had followed
the promising example of the spendthrift parent, and
caught from it the fatal contagion 'of insolvency—
that the " committee," that is to say the instigators of
the unstable multitude, had by a visitation of supreme
justice been left in the lurch by those whom they had
seduced from the paths of quiet and profitable industry,
and themselves remained saddled with the still unli-
quidated debts—that Mr. Attwood (he of the de-
based currency) was sick of it—that Mr. Muntz was
sick of it—and Mr. Edmonds sick of it—that all
parties were sick of it, and of each other—and that the
epidemic sickness had produced a universal mortality,
insomuch that they confessed themselves to be one and
all dead men ; whence it came to pass, that the effmt
to restore the body politic had just the same success as
some years ago attended the efforts of medical philo-
sophers to resuscitate by means of galvanism the
natural body—convulsive action, and frightful contor-
tions of limbs and features, did appear to be effected ;
but the vital principle was wanting, the spirit of life
had fled irrecoverably, and the corpse fell flat upon the
earth. We may hear of Conservative Unions among
the industrious classes—nay, they have begun to stir
—and we do hope and trust that they will be hailed as
brethren by, and intimately incorporated with, the
Conservatives of higher rank throughout the kingdoM,
so as to constitute one compact and impenetrable bar-
rier against the inroads of revolution ; but for Political
Unions, incited by quacks and incendiaries—or Trades'
Unions, robbed and laughed at by their own knavish
pursebearers—of such, with God's blessing, there is
an end for the present generation.—Times.
The Tories are first-rate performers in the art of
making false pretences. If we did not recollect the
annals of their Nomination Boroughs, we should con-
sider them the most jealous guardians of the Repre-
sentation. Lord John Russell is defeated in the
Devon election by political Parsons and the Tory
Aristocracy. As the Ministerial Leader of the
House of Commons, it was indispensable that lie
should be forthwith a Member of that branch of
the Legislature. Colonel Fox, with the consent of
his numerous unbought and independent constituents
of Stroud, honourably resigned his seat for the ge-
nerous and avowed purpose of the return of Lord
John Russell. The electors accept the new candi-
date without opposition. Immediately the Tories,
who had predicted his defeat, impute corrupt mo-
tives to Colonel Fox, although the resignation of his
seat was a natural result of political and personal
connection with Lord John Russell. A few days
since Lord Pahnerston is denounced in the Commons,
because, as a member of the Cabinet, he is without a
seat in either House of Parliament. Mr. Kennedy,
one of the representatives of Tiverton, accepts the
Chiltern Hundreds; Lord Palmerston is invited by the
electors of Tiverton to replace him. Forthwith the
Tories propagate the falsehood that Mr. Kennedy !tee
the consideration of a Chief Judgeship in the -East
Indies. Now, the fact is, the retirement of Mr.
Kennedy leas been the subject of public anticipation
for some weeks, and it is further well known that his
constituency proffered their confidence to Lord John
Russell, previous to the return of that Minister fot-
Stroud. As an explosion of all these Tory ru-
mours, we direct attention to the retiring ad-
dress of Mr. Kennedy, and to the manly de-
claration of Colonel Chichester .(a former can-
didate for Tiverton) that he will not contest the
Borough against Lord Palmerston. We should
have thought that the Tories, for decency's sake, would
have avoided any discussion on the subject of the re-
presentation of Tiverton. Memorable and notorious
is the history of the corporation and borough proprie-
torship of Tiverton. Both seats, till the English Re-
form Act of 1832, were the pocket-pieces of Lord
Harrowby. The Corporation—a self elect few—were
the creatures and mere tools of the " Patron." Old-
field, in his Representative History, states the then
number of voters to be 24, the franchise being the ex-
clusive monopoly of the slavish corporators. He
says, " This select body arc all under the influence of
the Earl of Harrowby, who nominates both 'Mem-
bers ;" and that " the late Sir John Duntz had the
joint control of the Corporation with his Lordship ;
but since his decease the Noble Earl has taken them
under his sole patronage." We now turn to the Re-
port of the Corporation Commissioners, Mr. Henry
Roscoe and Mr. Rushton, on the Tiverton Corpora-
tion and their " Patron :"

" The main object of the Corporation of Tiverton, previous
to the passing of the Reform Bill, was to preserve the politi-
cal interest of the patron of the borough ; and thus to obtain
either direct pecuniary gain from the appointments procured
by the recorder from the Govemment, as in the case of Sir
John Duntz, or from the more indirect, but not less valuable,
public patronage bestowed on the members of the Corporation
and their relatives and connections through the influence of
the late noble recorder. _

" Possessing exclusively the right of electing members of
Parliament, the Corporation thus found the means of obtain-
ing many valuable situations, not only in the public service, but
also in the Church. For a considerable period several cler-
gymen were members of the Corporation, and some of them
obtained valuable church preferment. In no place we have vi-
sited do the pernicious effects, arising from the connection be-
tween a corporation having the right to return Members of
Parliament and an influential nobleman as patron of the bo-
rough, appear to be more clearly displayed than in the borough
of Tiverton. The management of the public affairs by the
Corporation has neither deserved nor obtained for them the
confidence of the inhabitants."

The Reform Bills dethroned the Noble Patron,
and bereaved the close corporators of their prostituted
monopoly of the franchise. Tiverton, by the Parlia-
mentary returns of 1833, now possessing a constitu-
of between four and five hundred 10/. electors, is only
slightly tainted with its nineteen chartered freemen.
At the general election in 1832 and January last,
the new constituency returned Mr. Heathcote and
Mr. Kennedy, in lieu of the nominees of Dudley
Ryder Earl of Harrowby. The exchange we don't
doubt, was highly grateful to the inhabitants of
Tiverton. Mr. Heathcote, natus ex se, " born of
himself," is enobled by his genius in mechanics, and
his well-known patents in lace manufacture.
He is a resident, employing a large portion
of the labouring population ; an independent
and intelligent representative, freely chosen, and
who honourably seeks to exercise no nomination.
We cannot have a more remarkable illustration of
mock and real representation, and -we thank the Tories
for the subject. The electors of Tiverton are now
independent, and we do not doubt will return Lord
Palmerston. A liberal local party having thus pro-
fited by the Reform Bills—measures brought forward
by a Cabinet of which Lord Palmerston was a leading
member—will have too much sense not to unite toge-
ther in the choice of the successor of Mr. Kennedy ;
especially at a period when the Tories are combining
to defeat the ends of Parliamentary Reform. And fur-
ther, we do not doubt that the Tiverton electors are de-
sirous of storming the old fortress of their " Patron,"
the Tiverton Corporation. Municipal Reform is second
only in their political estimation to Parliamentary Re-
form. Lord Palmerston, in his Hampshire contest,
distinctly pronounced the most popular opinions on
this all important national question, which will not the
less recommend him to the electors. They will covet
the opportunity of returning to the House of Com-
mons a representative and member of the present Ca-
binet who next week will contribute to open, not only
the Corporation of Tiverton, but the close municipal