The Sun.
London, England, 1832-05-11 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

At a time when one House of Parliament has, by its con-
duct, thrown the country into a state of excitement bordering
on distraction, the other House has manfully come forward to
allay the ferment, by acting the part which becomes it as
guardian of the liberties of the people. It would seem that it
was not a very practicable attempt yesterday to patch up an
Administration in the room of that which had resigned ; but
it will be a thousand times more difficult to succeed in the
same attempt to-morrow, after the resolution proposed by Lord
Ebrington, and supported by a majority of the House of Com-
mons, shall have become known to the public at large. By
this resolution the Commons demonstrate their unshaken con-
fidence in the late Administration, and beseech his Majesty to
call no servants to his aid but such as are prepared to pass a
measure of Reform equally effective with the one which the
resignation of Ministers has for the present suspended. An
attempt was made in the debate, by Mr. Baring and others, to
represent this resolution as a reflection upon the King; but the
attempt succeeded only with the faction—the majority saw
clearly enough that the Commons owed it to their own consis-
tency, as well as to the peace of the country, to come forward
with a fair avowal of their sentiments at a crisis so full of
danger. For our own parts we do not, nor shall we, with-
out much clearer proof than any that can be adduced at
present, give up the King as a Reformer. The Bill, be it re-
membered, was originally introdued under his Majesty's aus_
pices, and was rescued by his energy more than once from the
deadly gripe of the Anti-Reformers. But there is a back
stairs to the closet of William the Fourth, as well as of other
Monarchs, and unfortunately in this instance his Majesty had
not the firmness to shut the door, or to turn away his ear from
the whisperers. Still, however, the act, though it operated
injuriously to Reform, did not proceed from a hostility to Re.
tOrm, and therefore we hope to see his Majesty, in the exercise
of his Royal functions, once more tbstering the benificent
measure, which in a moment of weakness, he had overlooked.
But to return to the subject of the resolution—the House of
Commons has done itself great credit by its vote of last night.
The division was 288 to 208, leaving a majority of SO in favour
of Lord Ebrington's resolution. It is plain, then, from the
occurrences of the last few days, that, let reaction have taken
place where it may, there has been none amongst the people
or in the House of Commons. On the contrary, a new Ml_
petus appears to have been given to the cause by the momen-
tary check which it sustained, and the country may now look
forward to the fulfilment of its hopes in the ordinary course of
things, and without the intervention of revolution or vio.
lence. Nothing, in fact, can be more cheering than the tont
of the debate. It may be regarded not only as a pledge of
tranquillity, but as another and more unequivocal triumph of
the cause of Reform—Morning Herald.
Lord Ebrington's motion for an Address to the King,
amounting, as its supporters avowed, to a demand upon his Ma.
;Hay to reeal his late Ministers, and, in recalling them, to act

ar their advice, was debated last night in the House of Corn
ins, and carried by a m ,jority The Address is to be
'resented to his Majesty to-day. We cannot for a moment en.

rtain the belief, we cannot for a moment do his Majesty the
justice of supposing, that he will give his Royal sanction to
lie monstrous assumption that a mere majority of 80 Members
;it the House of Commons ought to have the power of annihi.
sting the independence of the Upper House of Parliament, of
itillifying their deliberate judgment, and of tyrannically coin.
tailing them to pass a particular measure, without allowing
taiem the liberty of exercising their discretion upon it in an v
nodification or alteration whatever. Such is the demand con.
:eyed in the resolutions of Lord Ebrington, and with which
its Majesty is to be insulted. But the King, whose con.
,titutional firmness and courage, as Sir C. Wetherell observed,
has done him immortal honour, will never consent to be
made the puppet of a faction ; he will not weakly ssveri a
from the course he has deliberately chosen ; having refused
to degrade the Peerage and reduce the second estate
of the 'Legislature to a nonentity, he will stand by that noble
resolve, and will confirm the expectations of the true friends of
his person and throne. How do those, who have till now been
his fulsome eulogists, insult his Majesty when they require him
to retrace his steps on such an occasion as this! He will know
how to meet the emergency. He will firmly proceed; he will
appoint a Tory Administration, well assured that from that
moment the majority in the House of Commons will rapidly
decrease, and will ultimately be ready to concur in the mea-
sures of a Conservative Government. The Reform Bill will
pass the House of Peers, modified according to justice and
reason, efficient for every constitutional purpose, and equal to
the wishes of the intelligent, respectable, and well-intentioned
classes of the community; and there need be little appre-
hension that the Commons will refuse to accept such a mea.
sure. lf, however, they should hazard a refusal, they
would decide against the sense of their constituents; and a clis.
solution of Parliament would, by finally settling the question
upon a satisfactory basis, restore to the country that quiet and
prosperity of which Whig ascendancy leis so long deprived it.
All loyal subjects look with confidence to the decision of the
King, and rely upon his firmness to bring the present crisis to a
happy issue. The speeches of Mr. Baring and Sir IL Peel, last
night, were powerful and convincing upon the subject of debate.
The former Hon. Gentleman well observed that a motion for
transposing the order of the Schedules had been formerly made
in the House of Commons, on which occasion Lord Althorp
said that the matter was of little consequence, but that he pre.
ferred taking the clauses in the order in which they stood. Yet
on this matter 'of little consequence the Ministers have now
thought fit to resign; Sir R. Peel, in speaking on the
third Resolution; which: requires of his Majesty not to
appoint any Minister who will not pledge hinisela to carry
the Reform Bill as it is, made a most happy allusion to a
resolution proposed to the House of Commons in 1607, on
the occasion of the retirement of the Whig Ministry, in which
Lord Grey himself held a high situation. At that time the
Whig party proposed a resolution to the effect that it was
highly unconstitutional in the King to demand a pledge of his
Ministers to take a prescribed course on any particular mea_
sure. They now propose and carry a resolution setting forth
and enforcing the diametrically opposite principle. So much
for Whig consistency ! It is worthy of remark that the third
reading of the Reform Bill was carried by a majority of I hi.
There is, therefore, already a falling off apparently of fifi from
the Ministerial side, but in reality a considerably greater de-
crease, for the Constitutional party were unprepared for this
radical manceuvre, which had been secretly cot .erting among
their opponents. Is not this early change in the aspect of the
House of Commons worthy of attention ?—Morniag Post.
It is to be presUmed that the embryo Ministers are by this
time pretty well sickened of their bargain. The conspires')
against Reform was laid in fraud, and never can result in last,
ing victory. Men who have accustomed themselves to regard
the influence of fashionable coteries, or family connexions,
as a natural and effective mover of the world, are perhaps the
feeblest of all calculators when a crisis comes of more than
average difficulty, when petty mechanism has to contend with
an unforeseen and gigantic pressure, and the question is raised
between nations and their establishments, which shall be sacri-
ficed for the other's use ? The season is now arrived in Eng--
land, when a whole people has become alive at once to the ne_
cessties of their own condition, and have unanimously resolved
to amend it—to amend it by ordinary means, sanctioned b)
precedent, if such will suffice; if not, by means extraordinary
and irregular, but at all events not liable to failure. Herein
lies the difference between the conservators of old abuse, and
the strugglers for nascent liberty. The anti-Reform faction
dream that they can perpetuate ancient evils by the instrumen.
tality of an obsolete routine; the reforming people scruple not
the application of powers which for centuries have lain dor_
mant, to the restoration of long-forfeited advantages. The
Tories are in the act of s triving to constitute a Government
which shall succeed in fighting up the oligarchy against the
nation, and in redeeming for corruption the ground which it
has already lost. With the borough system battered about
their ears, they would still intrench themselves amidst the rub_
bish, and stand the assault of countless millions of freemen,
forgetting that the Crown of England and all its bright appen.
dages might be seized on by the exasperated victors as their
spoil. But substance against shadow is fearful odds. The
Anti-Reformers will soon be taught by severe chastisement, if
they have not yet opened their eyes to the clearest of all visible
proof, that the only real force which can be brought to bear
upon this vast question of national interest is in the people, and
in them alone. lf, under the direct injunctions of their consti-
tuents, the House of Commons totally stop the supplies, or even
grant but a'ahort money bill, where stands that Tory coven,
went of which the fancied members and their subalterns have
appeared, for these two or three days, in such agonies of caul-
cation ? If the shrewd and resolute people of this country, fail.
ing the House of Commons, which we do not anticipate,
in its duty,—if we say, the people of England, com.
billing for the execution of that scheme of passive
resistance, which in Ireland has baffled all the dexte-
rity of the law, and the rescources of legislative saga-
city, should refuse to pay taxes, but leave their goods to be
seized, while by an easy understanding it might be settled that
none should buy what thus was forced upon the market, where,
we repeat, in that case, would be the " conservative" Govern_
ment ? And these are not imaginary cases. The country is
every where about to realize them. London has begun. The
Common Council yesterday, amongst a series of resolutions,
each of which is worthy of the highest applause, for the spirit,
and energy, and sound good sense which it indicates, declared
that the advisers of his Majesty's negative upon the proposition
of his Ministers to create Peers, " have proved themselves the
enemies of their Sovereign, and have put to inzinincnt hazard tho
stability of the throne and the tranquillity and security of the
country." They resolved, under these distressing circumstances.
and as a meaus of procuring for the people an efficient reform,
" to petition the House of Commons to withhold the sup,
plies until such a Reform shall have been. secured."
Ludotthatthea
Cloearast.
They resolved that Lord Grey and his colleaguet:
th'ile)a•tresioslv
deserved the highest respect and regard from the Com.
uponmitte et h oef
progress
sbsodoyf
istlemfourlidn. sit fAropniforel
ce,ysdintogdliakye,
this
sd
doesresit.o)
:11n17reSCSol:scrtiln;ptaonini offi It'halelYvrhoalen,d—
no means look as if the citizens of London conceived the pre,
sent to be an ordinary crisis, or one which was to be provided
for by measures of a commonplace description. It appertains
to a time on the issues of which hangs Reform or revolution;
and that is the true character of the existing hour. But re.
collect the speeches which have been made, not in London only,
but in Birmingham and elsewhere : do they smack of tranquil
periols ? Do they countenance the possibility of ruling the
people of England by means of those very grievances which
have provoked their unanimous abhorrence? Will Binning.
ham be trifled with ? or Sheffield ? or Westminster S or Ports-
mouth ? or Brighton ? (Pavilion Brighton!) or Bury ? or
North Shields? or any of the 100 places mined in Scotland?
In one and all have petitions been signed for creating
" Peers," and carrying the Reform Bill unitzutilaled. But see
what is preparing. There is not a town in the united kingdom
where a meeting is not about to be held, and where "create
Peers," or, " withhold taxes," is rot spoken cf as the single at.
ternative. What, then, can be done with such a people? An
Anti-Reform Ministry! or a Ministry of Anti-Reformers
brought round by fear, tendering Reform in the spirit of " con-
servation," and nibbling at every fragment of popular conces-
sion in the present Bill, as if what was lost to the country must
of necessity be gained to the Government ! that sic can tell then;
will not do now. It is indeed possible, that the 'Tory House q(
Lords may grant to the Duke of Wellington what it h.ai Mused
to Lord Grey, and pass the identical Bill under an Oligarch Ad.
ministration, which, under a liberal one it has rejected. But
the people have a voice, and they will cry lewdly to a Cabinet Of
Tory Reformers (should such a Cabinet be formed)—" Rapacious
hypocrites, you shall not so torment the Eilaiish nation : sup-
port an honest Administration, for we will no: trust the charter of
our liberties in unclean and factious hands like yours."—Tiates $

The debate in the House of Commons last night on the mo-
tion of Lord Ebrington, to address his Maisst y on the present
awful posture of public affairs, partook of the solemnity and the
interest of the occasion. We have seldom attended a discus.
sion in which the House showed greater attention to the sen.
timents addressed to it by the different speakers, or in which
the speakers seemed more impressel with the momentous na.
ture of the crisis which their words :ma their votes were
destined to affect. The speech of Lord Ebrington was listened
to with that respect which is due to the character of a sensible,
unambitious Nobleman, placing himself in a reluctant pre-erni.
settee to avert the calamities with which his country is
threatened, and his motion was ably seconded by Mr. Strutt,
who, representing a populous manufacturing district, and
mixing with persons of all classes in tht.t district, vas well
qualified to bear testimony to the strength of the Reform feel-
ing, and to contradict the absurd falsehoods of a " re-action."
Mr. Baring was the first Member who thought of opposing the
We, which seemed to be flowing so strongly and so rapidly in
favour of the motion. That Honourable Gentleman was,
as usual, so candid and ingenuous as to answer all his own
arguments ; and thus left those who replied to him
scarcely any thing more than to answer his abuse. That abuse
was very lavish and very impartial, being directed against the
people and the press, the Political Unions, and the Common
Council of London. He spoke of " the brawlers out of doors
and their delegates within doors" as being the chief supporters
of Reform ;—he insisted that more than three-fourths of the
wealth, and nearly all the respectability, of the country were
against the Bill, and though he allowed that the rabble, with a
few Whig Lords and Commoners, had embraced the cause, he
claimed more than a set-otrin the Universities and the learned
professions. In alluding to the conduct of the Reform agitators,
he accused them of insulting the constituted authorities of the
country, and ofdesiring to pull down high station, rank, and
royalty. This disposition seemed to the lion. Member like
cholera,—a malady of the times both in England and in France;
and knowing, as we do, the attention which he has devoted
to foreign affairs ever since lie was the bataker to the 144

planes in 1314, we were rather surprised that hi
should have chosen the assault lately attempted on the King es
the French by the cabriolet of M. Berthier, as an evidence
of this republican hatred of rank and station. The fact is, that
31. Berthier is a furious Royalist, who lately returned fYoui I lie
lyrood-house to Paris, with malice prepense against Louis Pb nip,
s hom he calls a usurper, and whom he endeavoured to run down
in front of his palace, not because he himself ever dreamt of be_
crag a Republican, but because his Majesty was too Republican
for his Ultra principles. Lord Althorp, being called upon by
Mr. Baring to explain what advice Ministers had tendered to his
Majesty, on the rejection of which they tendered their resigea-
tions, rose amid loud and long cheering, and gave that explana-
tion t f which nobcdy was previously ignorant beyond the body
sf the House, although some pretended ignorance within it
His Lordship alluded to no specific number of Peers of whom
Ministers had proposed the creation, but stated that they
,equeeted power to create as many as would insure the
.access of the Bill, Mr. Hume replied to Mr. Baring, and
particularly repelled those attacks which the Hon. Member
directed again: t the working classes and the friends of
deform " out of doors." Mr. Hume,. in tracing the his-
tory of the Reform Bill from its first auneuncement to
iti present stage, endeavoured to show that the King's
Ministers, or the King himself, must have behaved with
duplicity, in not taking, or in not permitting to be taken, the
only steps by which it could be brought to a triumphant eel,
elusion. It could not be the Ministers, as they had resigned
In consequence of their inability to proceed with it ; and it
was unnecessary to state the other side of the alternative. Ile
proposed the stoppage of the supplies till means were taken to
secure the people in the enjoyment of their rights. Mr. Ro-
binson, though differing from Ministers on other points, yet
s_greeing with them on the subject of Reform, declared that
to would support the motion. Lord Sandon could not be dis-
tinctly hears in the gallery, but was understood to express
nis eontinuel adherence to the great principles of the Bill, and
regretted the resignation of Ministers, though be would not
agree to the resolutions of Lord Ebrington. Sir Robert Peel
srgued with more vehemence of manner than force of argil_
sent against the resolutions, particularly the last, which he
regarded as opposed to the resolutions proposed in 1507 by the
friends of the present I.ord Grey. He was answered by Mr. Ma-
eaulay, in a very brilliant speech, remarkable alike for its power
of reasoning, its felicity of diction, and its solemnity of
warning. His justification of the exercise of the prerogative
in the creation of Peers, to insure the success of a specific
measure, seemed to the House conclusive and unanswerable.
After a speech from Sir Charles Wetherell of the usual coin_
age, and an appropriate eulogy of a morning journal by Mr
Huut, the House divided, when the numbers were in fa-
vour of the motion to 208 against it, leaving a majority of tSO in
favour of the late Administration. This large comparative
majority, in the face of an Opposition who conceive that they
have power and place within their grasp, or at tbeir disposal—
this courageous adherence of the great body of Reform Mem-
bers to their former votes and pledges, notwithstanding all
the seductive blandishments of an oligarchical faction, enriched
with the :puha opine of their Court intrigue, will be hailed by
the country with satisfaction and hope. It cannot for a mo-
ment be supposed that the House of Lords will proceed in its
work of mutilation, in contempt of such a vote. Mr. Macaulay
distinctly stated, that though the resolutions did not advise his
Majesty to recall his late servants to his council by name, yet
that such a recall would be expected from the success of
the motion. He showed that no other set of Mi-
nisters could carry through the Reform Bill ; that " the
declarations of the anti-Reforming candidates for
ofl.ce were too recent, their inconsistency would be too glaring,
and their motives too obvious," to permit them to undertake
the task. We therefore are bound to believe, reasoning upon
principles of eommon sense, and being indisposed to anticipate
aneehing so monstrous as another insult to the whole commu-
nity of England and their representatives, tnat Lord Grey's
Ministry will be requested to resume their office, and that a
suffiCent number of Peers will be immediately created to secure
the final triumph of the measure. The division sets exactly
the same as that which secured to the metropolis its new Mem.
bens The majority would have been greater, had the resolu-
tions been put in a less decided form—had they not so directly
approved of the advice to create Peers. This was considered
so offensive to the relatives of some of the Noble House, that
it lost Lord Ebrington some votes—among the rest, we are told,
that of Lord Sandon, who had at first proposed to support the
address. This memorable address of the House of Commons
will probably be laid before his Majesty this day, when Lord
Lyndhurst is also expected to make his report to the King of the
success of his negotiations for a new Ministry. Can the conserva-
tive conclave of new.fledgedßeformerswhich met atApsley.house
yesterday, produce such a result of their deliberations as the
triumphant decision of the House of Common ? Lord Lynd-
hurst may lay before his Majesty a list of violent enemies of
eteform suddenly startled into a reluctant recognition of all
the principles which they had repudiated—egregious objects
for Royal confidence and public respect. The Deputation from
the Commons will present to his Majesty resolutions-1. Of un-
abated confidence in his Majesty's Ministers ; Of anxiety
that the King should "call to his councils such persons only
as will carry into effect, unimpaired, that Bill which has re-
cently passed this House." Such resolutions must, we think,
secure the Sovereign's regard, in the same degree in which
they are triumphs to the people, with whose sentiments they
harmonize, and whose uneasiness they may, we trust, help to
quiet. At all events, they destroy at a bloW the cunning but
trimly plot of the Conservatives, and kill the Anti. Reform
Cab.net in the egg.—Time.

It will be seen by our report, that Lord Altherp last night
state i in the House of Commons, that Ministers would have
tetired at any moment, when they should cease to entertain the
conviction that they had power to carry the Reform Bill in the
Arouse of Lords. The following are, we understand, the exact
facts. When it was ascertained that the renewed support
which the country had given the Bill during the prorogation,
arid the increased majority on the second reading in the
House of Commons, had not produced the effect which they
anticipated in the HOUriC of Lords, a direct application was
made to the Crown for further support, either by an actual
.-reation of a specified number of Peers, or by the promise of
the exercise of the prerogative of creation to any extent
which the necessity of the case might at any time require.
We have reason to think that the promise was given in
as e tensive a manner as would, in any decision against
. Lnisters, such as that of Monday last, hare been required.
li we mistake not, it was communicated both to Lord Mir-
rowby and Lord Wharnclitre, and if our statement should be
doubt,..d, these Noble Lords are best able to contradict it.
Their promised support on the second reading removed the ne-
cessity on that occasion. It is now, it seems, pretended that
the promise was to apply to a creation for the whole Bill, and
not for clauses in the Committee; and those who are able to
ra a the distinction between the vote on the postponement of
thedisfranchising clauses and a vote against the whole Bill,
illbe able to judge to which side either mistake or deception
it Tmputabla. After the candid explanation of Lord Althorp,
t question will probably be allowed to remain where it is.
The House of Commons was evidently satisfied with Lord Al-
thorp's statement ; but if further disclosures are required,
either for the satisfaction of Parliament or the country, we are
convinced Ministers will not shrink from the demand of the
most ample explanations.—Times.

The House of Commons have adopted the motion of Lord
Ebrington by a majority of to 208, or 80. This is unques-
tionably a large majority in a House of 496. Not anticipating
the premature fate of the Bill, several Reform Members are at
present in remote parts of the country, whither they betook
themselves with a view to take a part in the proceedings of
their respective neighbourhood s. Lord Ehrington's motion
expressed the regret of the House at the change which had
taken place in his Majesty's Councils ; their conviction that
any attempt to mutilate or impair the efficiency of the Reform
Bill would be productive of great disappointment and dismay;
and earnestly implored his Majesty to call to his Councils such
persons only as would carry into effect, unimpaired in all its
essential provisions, that Bill for Reforming the Representatio❑
of the People, which had passed that House. " What was
really meant by this Addreaa was, to tell his Majesty that he
had lost Ministers which that House desired he would take
back again." This observation of Mr. Baring was received by
loud cheers from the Opposition, and answered by loud cheers
from the Ministerial side. But an alternative was alluded to
by Lord Ebrington—" A strong and sudden change of opi-
nion :said his Lordship) is reported to have taken place
in certain qUarters in. another place in favour of the
measure of Reform." Mr. Baring does not surely despair
of the possibility of his friends' changing principles
once more. The Duke of Wellington has only to say, I
thought once, twelve months ago, that the wit of man
could not improve our rotten borough reprosentatton ; but it
is no longer convenient for me to entertain that opinion. I
altered it to please the Duke of Rutland, the Duke of New
castle, Lord Lonsdale, arc., tbrough whom only I could con

'finite Premier' I would have been equally ready to condemn
rotten boroughs, to answer any good purpose, for the expres-
sion of opinion is merely means to an end, and that end the
advantage to be derived from it. There would not be much
difficulty with Lord Lyndhurst. He has aheady done stranger
things than spring in a moment from the extreme of Anti-Re-
form to efficient Reform. Lord Ellenborough has already
taken the salto mortale, for he would even go the length of a
scot and lot qualification. Does Mr. Baring, then, think so
meanly of his friends, as that having already made expediency
their only guide, and shown an utter inditTerence regarding
opinions, they would now all of a sudden lose the fruit of all
their tricks, all their hypocrisy, all their fraud, rather than eat
their principles ? Lord Grey, accordin; to Mr. Raring, should
have taken 4S hours to ascertain the sincerity of certain Peers.

But is not 48 hours a long time to be occupied in inquiries to
ascertain what can be ascertained in one minute ? There is hardly
cue of his friends who would not almost deem it an affront to be
accused of possessing principles. It would look like irony.
Besides, Mr. Baring knows that they may profess a devotion
to Reform, for the sake of getting into place ; and yet, after

_ .
cast Reform to the wind:. Ilea who are little scrupulous
4bout principles Can profess any. Mr. Baring should not think
so meanly of his friends, as to suppose that they would forego th•
fruits of their intrigues for such a tribe as affecting a fond-
ness for the Reform Bill. Dissembling is not confined to
gentlemen who enrich themselves by contracting for Luans.
Baring, by way of elucidating the question of sincerity,
observed, " lie must say that he believed that the real feeling
of the ;louse of Peers was, that they felt a dislike to the

general principles of the BilL—(flear, hear.) He would go
further, and say that not only those who formed the majority,
Out that two-thirds or three fourths of the minority were of the
same opinion.--(Hear.)" Does not t►is show that voting has
nothing to do with conviction ? and that in calling on his
Majeity to choose Ministers who will support the Reform

Bill unimpaired, it is not implied that the Duke of Wellington,
Lord Lyndhurst, Lord Ellenborough, &e. &c. be ex-
Mded !Yam Gal" but merely that they shall act in the tiu.

spirit of the other Pears, in speaking against tbeircorvie_
tion ? We should he very sorry to have a cause of ours advocated
by Mr. Baring, and we really think that the Peers would do
well to trust their cause to abler hands. He has a wonderful
knack at damaging the cause which he embraces, and the
friends whom he takes under his protection. There are
people who might attribute this to malice, acting under the
disguise of gaucherie ; but we place it to the account of an ill_
conditioned mind. A good deal of mysterious language bay.
ing been used respecting the creation of Peers, Lord Althorp,
in his usual open and frank manner, said, " I have no objec-
tion to state, for the better satisfaction of my Hon. Friend (Mr.
Baring), that the advice which we thought it our duty to offer
to his Majesty was, that he should create a number of Peers
sufficient to enable us to carry the Reform Bill through the
other House of Parliament in an efficient form."—(A tremen-
dous burst of cheering, from all sides of the House, here fol-
lowed, and was continued longer than perhaps any cheers ever
heard in that House before.) Mr. Hume made an admirable
speech, which he concluded by stating, in an open and manly
manner, that the Ring behaved with bad faith towards Mini-
sters; that his declarations on the subject of creating Peers
were known before hand (which settles the estimation in which
his Majesty ought to stand, as a Reformer, with the nation) ;
and rendered it irnposaible to manage the House of Peers.
" This," observed Mr. Hume, " he would say, know ing what
he did of the other House of Parliament, that he would stake his
existence that if the King had given Earl Grey a carte blanche
to make as many Peers as were wanted, not ten would have been
requisite.—(Much cheering.) From the course taken by the
majority on the late occasion, it was evident that some little bird
had whispered them, that the King would not consent to the
creation of any Peers.—.(Hear, hear.) Somehow or other they
had obtained a knowledge of that fact; and, under the circum-
stances, Ministers had no choice—they were perfectly right in
what they had done, and they stood juitified to the country."
Sir Robert Peel made a speech of some length, but of very
little significancy. The House of Commons has vindicated it-
self, and set an example to the country. The House of Lords
are now opposed to the House of Commons, backed by the
nation. It is clear that the question must have an issue in some
way or other. The nation must crouch to the House of Lords,
or that House must pass the Bill, which, according to Mr.
Baring, revolts nearly the whole of its Members. We protest,
and shall always protest against the monstrous doctrine, that
any order of men shall dare to gainsay the nation. This is
faction—vile faction. The Constitution has pointed out a way
of solving the difficulty ; and if that way is not resorted to, on
their heads be the consequences who provoke the issue.—
Morning Chronicle.

There is no use in denying that the King has not kept faith
with Earl Grey, who, before he consented to take office, made
an efficient Reform a sine qua non, and his Majesty was collie-
' quently bound to place at his disposal all the means within the
competence of the Crown, necessary for the effecting of that
object. But though we cannot rind any apology for the deser-
tion of Earl Grey, we are not of the number of those who sup-
pose his Majesty was not in earnest when he consented to the
proposition of Reform, and when he gave his approbation to the
particular plan of Reform embodied its the two Bills. We have
already attributed the change in his Majesty's views to the
influence over him, possessed by the Queen and others—an in-
fluence which has been exerted to the worst purposes, both as
regards his Majesty's future peace of mind and the interests of
this great nation. There is a material difference between irre-
soluteness and insincerity. It is incident to Kingly Government
that causes seeminglytrivial often determine the most momentous
events. A cup of coffee spilt by the Duchess of Marlborough
on the gown of Mrs. Masham, Bed-Chamberwoman to Queen
Ann, brought the Torics (Harley and Bolingbroke, &c.)

of that day into office. The family of his Majesty have
not been slow to perceive the advantages which they might
personally derive from their influence over his Majesty. We
have always felt little disposed to draw aside the veil which
concealed the movements of the Fitzclarence family from the
public eye; because, aware of their influence, we deemed it on
the whole advisable, for the sake of the great cause to wink at
many things which in themselves might not be strictly justi.
liable. We almost wish that Ministers had, with respect to
this family, yielded more than they were disposed to do. It is,
however, understood that some unwillingness on the part of Go-
vernment to feed the insatiable cupidity of the Fitzclarences,
has sealed the fate of the Reform Bill. The Queen, the Fitz.
clarences, and the Princesses were its bitter enemies. The
Earl of Munster, it is true, voted for the second reading of the
Bill ; the vote on that occasion was, as has been proved, a
very unequivocal test of sincerity to the cause. From the
Quarterly Review of March last, it would appear to have been
by that time ascertained that Lord Munster was a good Tory.
The Reviewer, speaking of a publication of his Lordship's,
observes—" We must for the present leave Lord Munster.
Throughout, his little volume is full of interest, evidently the
work of a humane and gallant mind—an enthusiastic soldier
of Wellington, e.ta hearty Tory." However, hearty Tory
as this humane and gallant mind is, appliances might have
been found, perhaps, to neutralize his Tory propensities.—
The extent of the influence of this family in defeating the
Reform Bill, might, like many other things, have been more a
matter of inference than of direct knowledge, were not cupi-
dity a passion which is sometimes so strong as to overcome pru-
dence. Where there are rival pretentions, there will often be
jealousies and bickerings ; and, as in the case of many other
great families, the affection of the Fiizclarences for each other
has not always been proof against the workings of a stronger
passion. In short, it appears that the peace of this family has
been too often disturbed by quarrels respecting what, for want
of a more decorous phrase, we must term the division of the
spoil. Some allowance must be made for the weakness of the
King, good-hearted as he is known to be, under all the el,
curnstances of the ccse. We understand that he actually cried
like a child, on taking leave of a favourite minister ; and it is
even whispered that he regretted that he must sue.
cumb to the wishes of his wife and children. The people
of England should know that the Queen and the Fitzclarences
are the real causes of the loss of the Bill. History affords some
instructive lessons with regard to the influence of Queens over
their husbands; and her Majesty herself might profit from
these lessons. Charles the First and Louis the Sixteenth—the
two Monarchs whose fate is held up by Tories, as a proof of
the danger of yielding to the people; and by Whigs and Re-
formers, as an example of the danger of driving the people to
the necessity of doing justice to themselves—were both sufferers
from yielding to the counsels of their respective Queens, Hen-
rietta-Maria and Marie-Antoinette. The results are known.
The Queen might profit by calling to mind that Henrietta-
Maria, a stranger like herself in this country, and unable to
divest herself of that partiality for absolute power which she had
acquired abroad, brought her husband to the block and herself
to beggary, having been indebted to the charity of the Cardinal
de Betz, for the means of purchasing coals to escape death from
cold in a severe winter. When we consider the situation of
the Fitzclarences, it appears to us to be downright infatuation
in them to provoke the hostility of the people of England. They
have been exceedingly ill-advised. They should have steered a
quiet and inoffensive course, and have borne in mind that their
title to consideration can gain nothing from too curious an
examination. Boroughmongering Lords may claim a sort
of prescriptive right to indulge in the wantonnessi of
power ; but the Boroughmongering Lords will not forget if the
Fitzclarences are disposed to do so, the difference between their
respective titles; and a time may come when this family will
bitterly regret that they used their influence to deprive their
old fattier of the regard of a nation, which, in its fondness, hailed
him as the Patriot King—a regard which to them would have
been as a shield, when deprived of other protection. So much
for the Queen and the Fitzclarences. The infatuation of the
Tories is extraordinary. The French Nobles have just now
exhibited another proof to Europe, in the attempt, in the South
of France, of their inability to comprehend the difference be-
tween the power of a s:parate order and the power of a nation.
A corporal's guard was sufficient to put down their grand in-
surrection. To hear the language of some of our Aristocracy,
Captain Boladil is nothing to them. A certain Noble and
Military Friend of the Duke of Wellington was lately heard to
say Now is the moment to call out the army. Do the
Tories really suppose, that if we had an army ten times snore
numerous than the present, it would be of any avail against
an united nation In the case of local disturbances, arising
out of disputes between masters and men, our little army may
be useful in checking the progress of violence. In general,
the army has shown no eagerness to overstep its duty. We
can tell the Tories, that in all cases of national impulse, the
army is necessarily hurried along with it. The army will
never prove traitors to the nation. The army is composed of
men who remember that the land they are called to pollute
with blood is the land of their birth, the land which contains
those to whom they are bound by the. ties of kindred and affec-
tion. The infantry, we know, will never act against the peo-
ple. If the oligarchs think the cavalry, * being privileged
nien, will be restrained by no such scruples, we answer, the
cavalry will, at all events, profit by the example of the
Garde Royal and the trots journee•s de Paris. But the Tories
are already falling by the ears. Lord Grey pointed out the
absurdity of leaving the Reform Bill at the mercy of a majority
four-fifths of whom were men who objected to all Reform. As
an instance of the sort of harmony now prevailing among the
Anti-Reformers, we may mentieu that Sir Charles Wetherell,
indignant at the disclosure of Lord Ellenberough respecting the
measure of Reform the anti-Reformers were now prepared to
give, transmitted a strong Protest to Lord Ellenborough, in
which he declared that he, for one, would never consent to the
smallest disfranchisement. Sir Charles is at least consistent.
All anti-Reformers may not be so tenacious of principle; but
still it is absurd to suppose they can agree on any plan of effi-
cient Reform.—Morning Chronicle.

SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE-(THIS DAY.)

FROM LLOYD'S

DEAL, )!AY 10.—Wind N.N.E., strong.—Arrived from the
and sailed, the Euphrates, Buckham, from Ma•lras.
PLYMOUTH, MAY 9.—Wind K, fresh breezes.—Arrived the
Matilda, Davie; and Ocaan, Forrest, from Bordeaux; Mary,
Snell, from London.

FAMOUTII, Mar o.—Wind E., fresh gales and squally.—
Arrived the Thomas, White, from Port-au-Prinee. Sailed the

Reindeer packet for Jamaica and Carthagena.
Arrived of the Wight—the St. Thomas, Memnon, from Porto
Rico ; and President, Moore, from New York.
TORBAY, MAY 9.—Arrived the Rachel Squires, from Gijon.
HOLY HEAD, MAT 9.—Arrived off port—the Furness, James,
flom Mobile; and Eagle, Lyon, from New York.
LIVERPOOL, MAN 9.—Arrived the Lord Stanley, Hall, from
New Orleans; and William Harrington, Miller, from Sierra
Leone,

.„ ...
BELFAST, MAY R.—Arrived the Agenoria, Best, from Mar.
sala ; and Fame, Brown, from Alicant.
CORK. MAY R.—Arrived the Velocity, Baker, from Pernam-
buco ; Lord Eldon, Dawson, from Bengal ; and Cordelia,
Weaver, from Bombay.
BARBADOS, MAICII 31.—8 y accounts from St. Lucia, of
the 28th inat., the Pandora, hence to Liverpool, put into that
island, had discharged the whole of her cargo, consisting of
14 hhds. of sugar, damaged. She was repairing, and expected to
proceed about loth April.
LOWESTOFFE, MAT 10.—It has blown a gale from N. to
N.N.E. Yesterday and to day several ves,els have lost anchors
and calika..

.4.:*(6r"
rbe zest
mct,

LONDON,
FRIDAY EVENING. MAY 11 1832.

The conduct of the House of Commons last nigh

is beyond all praise. We indeed find difficulty to
express our admiration of the nob* spirited, and
patriotic manner in which they have stood to their
country in the hour of danger; and we trust that
when the Bill is carried (and carried we may
say it now is), and a new election takes
place, every Member that voted on this occasion
in favour of the people will meet his reward in the
unanimous and grateful support of his present con-
stituents. It is highly honourable to the House—
it is honourable to human nature, to find in so large
an a-sembly (wan), of its Members, too, tempted
by promises of places or pensions) nothing
like ,kuiking, nothing like timidity, nothing,
in short, but a straightforward, manly, and
dignified support of the people's rights. The vote
this mottling has preserved the peace of the coun-

try, and we cannot help feeling some pride—some
exultatiou in rt fleeting, that as this Journal was the
first to convey, to many parts of the kingdom,
the sad news of the defeut of Ministers,

it will also be the first to convey to
thousands in England, Scotland, and Ireland,
the glad tidings of peace, arid revive the droop-
ing► spirits of a confiding and generous people. The
vote of the House of Commons in fact decides the
question of Reform. There is no alternative. The
representatives of the people have spoken to his
MAJESTY in a voice that cannot be misupdcr-

stood ; the people themselves are rousing in de-
fence of their just rights ; eve!), town and village
and hamlet is displaying its ardour iu the great
cause. Men who have kept aloof from politics and
political clubs, are now flocking to join these union• ;
nay, the very Quakers, the most peaceable of man-
kind, are lending their countenance and support to
societies, which are denounced by the enemies of
the people as revolutionary and subversive of all or-
der and security. Will facts like these not open
the eyes of the political blind ? Will even the most
bigoted anti-Reformer now stand up and say that no
Reform is necessary ? Can there be a man found

in the country so lost to all discernment as not
to perceive that the crisis is now come, and that the
nation will have Reform % There can be no doubt
about the answer, and there can be as little doubt
about the men who are to catty the measure to a
happy consummation. Would it not be the most
cruel of insults, even to the people themselves,
to rob of their prize those Ministers, who,
for the last eighteen months have, through
good report and bad report, fought the great
battle—would it not be the height of injustice
to transfer to the hands of enemies the palladium
which they had reared and so faithfully defended at
the moment when the victory was won, and the
idol of the people's wc.rship was about to be exhi-
bited to the gaze of 24 millions of spectators ? His
MAJESTY, we know, still loves his people, and will
not disappoint them. We confidently look to this
consummation of our wishes, because this is the
highest !need of honour which the KING could con-
fer on Earl GREY'S Administration, end above all,
because it would be the surest means of restoring
to the SOVEREIGN the affections of a grateful and
hind-hearted people.

We have barely space left to direct the attention
of our readers to our reports of the very important
meetings that nave taken place this thy at the Crown
and Anchor, and at Guildhall. At the former
meeting, Colonel JONES observed, amid tremendous
cheering—" For my own part, great as I think the
evils and misfortunes which would undoubtedly
fall on the country by such a proceeding (the
non-payment of taxes) I should consider them infi-
nitely preferable to the pros ration of a great empire,
before a base and grasping oligarchy." As a further
sign of the times, we may add that the Manchester
Reform petition, deprecating the loss of the Bill,
received fivc and twenty thousand signatut es within
fintr hours !

It has been currently reported, if a Toiy Govern-
ment can be made up, that Sir JOHN LEACH will
hold the Great Seal. The MASTER of the Rims
left his Court this morning for a considerable time,
which occa,,ioned a great sensation at the Bar.

The Boroughmongers, it they :did not advise,
were advised of, the late attempted descent of the
Duchess of BERRY Of/ the coast of France, the dis-
comfiture of which has occasioned among them a
reebng of disappointment, approaching to dismay.
Ilad they been able to announce any thing I,he
counter-revolutionary movement in France at this
moment, they flatter themselves it would have
,vorked wonders in their favour. The idea is at-
..ord, but nothing is too absurd for the Borough-
mongers.

A " Conservative Council of Five" sat for some
hours yesterday at Apsley-house. " The Council of
Five" is said to have consisted of the Duke of
WELLINGTON, Lord LYNDHURST, Sir ROBERT PEEL,:
GoULBURN, and Mr. JOHN WILSON CHOKER. i
l'he Earl of MANSFIELD at one time joined " the

Council." After " the Council" broke up,
Duke of WELLINGTON and Lord LYNDHURST let
town for Windsor, to communicate the result o
their deliberations to his NIAJEaTi.

The crisis—so long foreseen—so long dreaded
has at length arrived. All England is on the move
The earthquake is at work. We are literally within
eight-and-Forty hours of a convulsion. If, within tha,
space, the Whig Ministry be re-instated in office, all
may yet be well. If otherwise, we tremble for the
consequences!
The resolutions passed yesterday at the Birnahig-

ham Political Union area solemn, decisive declaration
of public opinion, the truth, justice and neces,ity
of which the whole country will at once acknow-
ledge and reecho. Indeed, as will be seen by some
of our communications from the country, many of
the more influential provincial Unions have agreed
to be guided in their conduct by Birmingham. That
Union now numbers amongst its Members all the
most respectable, all the most influential inhabitants

of the neighbourhood. Men who, like the Quakers,
have hitherto kept aloof from politics, now throng
by hundreds to enlist under its banners. Not later
than yesterday, five hundred individuals of the very
61,4 respectability in Warwickshire, publicly avowed
their conviction that the time had at length arrived
when it was necessary to take a decided part !
In Manchester the same spirit predominates.
There, too, as in the metropolis, the refusal to pay
taxes, and to petition the House of Commons to
withhold supplies until the Whigs be reinstated in
office, has been been made the subject of general
consideration. This, by the way, we may add, is
the leading feature in all the great public meetings
of the Political Unions that have yet taken place
throughout the country.
Reverting to the Birmingham Political Union—
in what sense, weak, in what spirit, is the follow-
ing awfui—for it is really awful—paragraph from
the petition just passed at that Meeting, to be un-
derstood ?—" That your Petitioners find it declared
in the Bill of Rights that the people of England
may have arms for their defence suitable to their
condition, and as allowed by law,' and your peti-
tioners apprehend that this great right will be put
in force generally, and that the whole of the people
of England will think it necessary to have arms for
their defence, in order that they may be prepared for
any circumstances which may arise." Is this the
language of men who can be intimidated—who can
be bullied—who will basely and passively yield to a
further withholding of their just—for they ask
nothing more—constitutional privileges ? Is it
the language of ?—But we forbear. Earnestly

—most earnestly do we hope that the lesson taught
by the barricades of Paris may not be forgotten by
a British Aristocracy
There is one way—and but one—to avert the
impending cloud, to charm down the despe-
rate feeling that now agitates England to
its heart's-core, from one extremity to the
other. Let but Earl GREY be reinstated
in office, in accordance with the spirit of the
Address voted last night to his MAJESTY
by the House of Commons, and tranquillity, as
by a iina.4ician's wand, will be instantly restored.
We solemnly declare, we know of no other means
but this to calm the almost maddened spirits of the
people. As for a Tory, or even a patch-work,
Government, it is no longer possible, not even
though such a Government should hold out
the promise of the Ballot, Universal Suffrage, and
Triennial Parliaments. And the reason for this is
obvious. All public confidence is lost in the Tories.
Henceforth they will not be believed, even on their
oaths.

We wa►ned these misguided men that it
would come to this. We knew well the feeling of
the country on Reform, and rightly appreciated
its energies in the hour of need. But
our warnings were laughed at and despised.
And behold the consequences ! England at this pre-
sent moment is literally a living volcano !

Nevertheless if the people desire to succeed, they
must be tranquil. Firmness and tranquillity united,
will carry all before them. Violence will do nothing.
It will even injure the public cause, with all the
reflective and well•diiposed members of the
community. Let the people then, we re-
pear, but continue tranquil, without abating one
jot of their energies, and ere another fortnight
hay elapsed, Lord GREY will be reinstated in
office.

Of one fact we can assure them, and to this
one fact w•e defy contradiction. The Tories can-
not form a permanent Administrmion, if they can
form one at all. In the first place, in the general
scramble for office, they cannot agree among them-
selves, and in the next, they are trusted by none,
and cannot trust each other.