The Sun.
London, England, 1866-04-07 00:00:00

WE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, APRIL 7, ISO

lug, when they were going home from their work,
and passing by to and fro. I saw one person of an
age to receive -wages as a working man stop near this
group, and having listened for about half a minute
he went on with evident indications of contempt.
(Laughter and cheers). And that is the sort of
thing which has been produced in the minds of the
mass of the community. It is not one symptom
only ; the importance of these symptoms would be
much misunderstood if they were taken as anything
but indications of the wide-spreading universal
change; but it is that change and that improved and
constantly-increasing capacity which we say consti-
tutes not only a fitness, but, in a moral sense, con-
stitutes a right to expect at the hands of the Legis-
lature a fair and a reasonable extension of the fran-
chise. The real difference between us and those
who oppose the bill is this, that, as I have said, they
regard every demand for the concession of increased
political privileges to their fellow-c.ountrymen as an
evil—an evil they -would sanction in order, perhaps,
to evade greater evils, such as the burning of their
houses over their heads ; but they are not prepared
to recognise it as anything but an evil ; hence it
is we have these extraordinary demands to know
how many exactly there will be in this town and in I
measure.
that. It reminds me very much, gentlemen, of what
took place about the time of the repeal of the corn
laws, when our admission of corn from abroad was
regarded as a tremendous evil, and it was ascertained
with a jealous, feverish, and scrutinising curiosity
how many quarters of corn would come from
America, how many from Russia, and. how many
from Odessa and the Baltic. (Laughter.) We
were told that there would be an inundation of
foreign corn, and this aw ful mischief of an undue
augmentation of the quantity of food for the people
was regarded with perfectly sincere, real, and true,
but we all now see most ridiculous and contemp-
tible, apprehensions. Very ridiculous were the errors
into which men were betrayed by this temperament.
You may recollect one of the most distinguished
of the opponents of the repeal of the corn laws dis-
covered that there was a place in Russia called Tam-
boff, and that it was credibly reported, as he had
every reason to believe, that the imports from that
place alone, after the bill passed, would amount to
about 36 millions of quarters of corn per annum.
(Cheers and laughter.) Gentlemen, just as reason-
able apprehensions are entertained now. For my
own part I stated in the House of Commons, as a
kind of challenge, what I hoped would be repelled
with eagerness and indign , ation. I said to some
gentlemen who were discussing this subject, You
seem to treat the working men who are about to
e,
admitted to the Constitution as an invading army.'
To my great astonishment--to my pain—thatgreat
imputation, which I had hoped would be
indignantly
repelled, was warmly accepted as a perfectly true
description of the views taken by them.
it (Chtrue that
eers.)
Is this really so or not ? (No, no.) Is
in this free country, in this Christian country, a
country that assumes to be not far from the head of
Christian civilisation, after 1850 years illumined
with its wisdom, teaching, and example, is it really
true— have we come to this, that the best we can
hope in 0:d England is that there shall be only a
privileged class within a small precinct which we call
the Constitution, and outside of it the toiling masses
of our countrymen are to be told, when they approach
too near its sacred doors, that they are an invading
army. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I must say that life
would be scarcely worth having, and that certainly
the institutions for which we are so thankful would
be the cause of shame and disgrace if such be their
character and if such be their resolutions. (Cheers.)
What do we mean when we make a boast, as
Englishmen, of our local government, of our self-
government, and of our parochial government ?
Is our municipal government a good or an evil?
If it be good, why is it good? Because it is the instance
of public education, and this is its fruit. If to give a vote
for the management of a parish or a borough is an instance
of public education—l ask you, is it not a much more
powerful instrument of public education to have a voice in
the election of the men who are to make the laws under
which we are to live? (Cheers.) What is the case with
respect to those who are called the upper classes ? Did
th .y at once jump into perfect fitness for the exercis3 of
political power ? Did they at a moment's notice adapt
themselves to the working of a constitutional system ?
Most certainly not. Our constitutional system in its pre-
sent form, although not in its original elements, may be
from the Revolution of 1688 ; but for several generations
after that revolution how was Parliamentary government
in this country carried on ? Why, undoubtedly by gross
corruption, and only by gross corruption in a great degree.
That corruption, indeed, was not so much among consti-
tuencies as of Parliament itself. (Cheers.) If it has taken
time to apply a remedy to these evils, is not that a proof
of the educating power of political privileges—the political
franchise. And if such has been the result of the enjoyment
of that power by certain classes of the community, why are
we not to believe that the very same human nature will
receive an analogous benefit from an analogous discipline ?
It is, in point of fact, not only to seek fitness in the people
before admitting them to political power, but we give it,
recognising the use of the franchise for propagating, in-
creasing, and perfecting that fitness. I must say, there is
one of the institutions of our country which has assumed a
form thoroughly national, although it is one amongst the
most recent of our institutions, whteh I think illustrates the
manner in which the national strength is augmented by
an extension of political privileges from time to time, and
within the rules of prudence and of safety. I refer to the
Volunteer movement. You will judge whether I am wrong
in my opinion. Although it may sound at the first moment
very like a paradox, if t connect the Volunteer movement
with the Reform Act of 1832, it has been essentially a
middle-class movement. At any rate the great bulk of that
force are members of the middle class—of that very class
who were enfranchised by the Reform Act of 1832. (Hear,
hear.) Ido not doubt for a moment that under the pres-
sure of any immediate danger Englishmen of all classes
would have rallied round the throne for the defence
of the country, and freely given their lives on its behalf;
but I do not believe that 40 years ago it would have been
possible to have called forth anything like what we have
seenis in the Volunteer movement. (Cheers.) I believe that
it
the indirect but perfectly true and legitimate result of
the manner in which the
associatedl i dle classes. have beenimme-
diately and intimatelygovernment
tmheeynthoafvtehae
country. They have felt more thuiteehvaehergo
property in its institutions, and have
give both time and money for the purposewnsata readiness to
adding to its
strength, even apart from any apprehension of danger,
for, thank God, no such apprehension threatens it from
any quarter. There is another illustration which I cannotrni
refrain from mentioning, although it is possible that I may
expose myself and others to some misunderstanding —I
mean an illustration from the civil war in America. It is
now five or six years ago when Parliamentary Reform:was
under discussion, that it was the fashion to refer to the in-
stitutions of America as a perfect failure, and long orations
were delivered in the House of Commons, setting forth all
the causes of that failure, and holding up those institutions
as a bugbear to terrify us from proposing any addition to
the franchise, and as an invincible argument for maintain-
ing the narrow limits of the several constituencies. Gen-
tlemen, What has taken place since then? lam not going
to
deliver a generallecture upon the civil war in America ;
above all, I am not g •
ol
or any distinction n- one section and
to draw any invidious distinc-
tion,at all, between
another section of that
and devout aspirationcom for my part my earnest
ration and desire of 5 and I believe that to be the aspi-
ration
in every part England at large, for the welfare of that
or black, whether it he portionrth of it, whether it be white
neither, gentlemen, am I or Bouth—(loud cheers)--
hold tip American insti-
tutions as institutions to be mgpreft:
I am going to do is this : I thi nkrrite4ist° Our own ; but what
ex.ehr. business, as men
of sense, to draw lessons from the
, whether they
and from the facts that come under our view, of mankind,
be in despotic countries or constitutionalvi
or in
of American
countries republican or democratical. ThePejulhies'
tapoint, of the
to look at is this, not the comparative merits point I ask you
institutions, but the one single and impor7ates
effect that has been produced in America byltrgely ex-
tended population franchise, by a widely-spreadtion on the part of the people in the choice of thePirarticiPer-
-
nors. thn wonderful, the unexampled, the almog:tv
in-
credible effect that has been produced by that system, of
giving force of expression to the national will, and enabling
the Government to develop the energies and give effect to
that will, such as probably have never been developed in
an equal time and amongst :an equal number of men
since the race of mankind sprang into existence. (Cheers.)
Less than 30,000,000—1 don't speak of the negro popula-
tion, which can hardly he said to have constituted a dis-
tinct party in the war, thankful as we may be for its ulti-
mate effect on their destiny—(cheers)--less than 30,000,000,
20,000,000 in the majority and 6,000,000 in the minority,
coming to the bloody issue of war on a matter held vital by
both, common justice requires us to admit developed an
amount of heroism, a power of self-sacrifice, an energy, a
perseverance, and a forgetfulness of every personal interest,
an amount of force arrayed in support of their chosen
rulers such as I know not where to seek for in the annals
of the history of the globe. (Cheers.) Well, gentlemen,
what I would say to you is, let us learn lessons where we
can learn them—from our brethren, the children of our
loins, in America. (Cheers.) The position of England,
gentlemen, is a peculiar position in the world. England has
inherited from bygone ages more, perhaps, of what was ,

-------------""rrmost august and venerable in tilo:a
gethat her traditions
European country ; and at the same tam
s than
a. e
our minds and all
any other
of the past are so rich and fruitful tour knowledge and be-
our characters have, both withinl
hasyon d
likewiseour
heknowledge,en higraheosittldpeodssbihyletdheegrm,eeshthe
pebeeeedn
thelarge y
brought
yghmt influenceinodteoraatectivity
As
America on the other, so she
. A. in
ewhichog rap h
it the .y 9 th
she centurystands
withh as
Europe on one side ohei
society was formed, and w
stands between those feudal
hinicshtituhtaivonesgoinvewhhhiechr Eh
hierarchy
form the basis of society in America, she is y
which
rineip
lesofeqhuoalit
by
of class, and on the other side, those p
4t he
on
notnhee ocro
ntthrae
ryo t,h
ietr
itsof
oforge
ahtoesercrhoveivrilueshgimileovritaeotruivostilhhiisonitgoerYsihhebeur has invented and to improve it,
but to improve it for the sake of preserving it. (Cheers.)
But it is her duty while she looks on the past to learn like-
wise from the present Recent events which have taken
place on the other side of the Atlantic have demonstrated
1 to us how, by enlarging the franchise, augmented power
can be marshalled on behalf of the Government, and in-
creased energy given to the action of a nation. I say that,
without forgetfulness of the rules of prudence and circum-
spection, always acting within the limits of modesty and
moderation, but with firmness
to observe, we ought to copy, and wo ought to appropriate
gathered from the experience of
the lessons which may be ga
other portions of the human family. (Cheers.) It is some-
times said that the measure we propose is a democratic
The word " democracy" has very different
senses. If by democracy be meant liberty—if by demo-
cracy be meant the extension to each man in his own sphere
of every privilege and of every franchise that he can exer-
cise with advantage to himself and with safety to the
State, then I must confess I don't see much to alarm us in
the word democracy. (Cheers.) But if by democracy be
meant the enthroning of ignorance against knowledge, the
setting up of vice in opposition to virtue, the disregard of
rank, the forgetfulness of what ourfathers have done for us,
indifference or coldness with regard to the inheritance we
enjoy—then, gentlemen, I, for one, believe that all I have
the honour to address are in that sense the enemies of demo-
cracy, that in such a sense this is not a democratic Govern-
ment.
On the contrary there is a love for thatitn
arrangementted from
and constitution of society which w
former times, and I do not believetrheed ahtawovfheethwe
eeuint inherited
h-
munity there is one man in a hundred
it if he could. If there
its feelings, become a country de-
mocratic in its feelings—hthatidangyt,hlatthcinoukidwhonu.lhdgbtehaant
dauny-
happy day,
aris-
tocracy that their o
t o arrive unless it i.lt kwuredreer ahfaosrginetfaulllnteisrasebsy
htehyeohßdritaihsyh aerriss:
tocraeLearf
dtehethweopreledpbeeen. trustful and confiding in its tem-
perl —mild and forbearing in its use of
t
privilege, and ready to give leaders to the nation in every
ease connected with its honour and ilierty. (Cheers.)
lam sorry, gentlemen, whenever, even for a moment, and
even in a particular instance, there is a disposition to de-
part from the noble and glorious traditions of the British
aristocracy. lam sorry that at the moment lam now
speaking immediate danger to the measure that the Govern-
ment have introduced should proceed from a name hon-
oured in the lists of the aristocracy. A notice of motion has
been given by Lord Grosvenor for the purpose of defeating
the bill—and as the announcement has been publicly made
without contradiction, we are, I suppose, truly told—that
that notice is to be seconded by Lord Stanley. I know no
two individuals more entitled to respect and honour in the
position they occupy, but I am bound to say that I think
a more deplorable arrangement was never made—(great
cheering) - a more gross blunder never was committed
than when in the councils of political party, with-that kind
of cleverness which so often outwits itself, it was deter-
mined that the two representatives of two of our noblest
and moat ancient houses should come forward combinedly
for the purpose of defeating an act of grace, but what is
likewise, besides being an act of grace, an act of justice
to the great community of the country. (Loud cheers.)
However, gentlemen, much lamenting that unhappy
instance, I am persuaded that that is not to be
taken as an indication that there will be a fundamental
change in that wise moderation which has hitherto for the
most part distinguished the conduct of the most favourite
members of society, those on whom the bounties of Provi-
dence have been poured in the largest abundance. I do not
think that that movement, formidable though it may be,
is likely to succeed. (Cheers.) We have framed a measure,
I think, in the strictest spirit of moderation. We do not
slesire—we should be the first to resist sudden and violent
sweeping changes ; but the progressive enlargement of the
popular franchise, with due regard to the state and circum-
stances of the country, we consider not to be liable to the
application of any of the epithets employed. (Cheers.)
Having prqduced this measure, framed in a spirit of mode-
ration, we hope to support it with decision. (Continued
cheering.) It is not iu our power to secure the passing of
the measure—that rests more with you and more with
those whom you represent, and of whom you are a sample,
than it does with us ; still wo have a great responsibility,
and are conscious of it, and we do not intend to flinch
from it. (Here the whole audience rose in a body and
cheered for several minutes.) We stake ourselves, we
stake our existence as a Government—whether it be worth
much or little is not for us to say, but, such as it is, we
ctaks it null ire nl-1() stain ritir rv,l;•;,-..,1 -1---,,j,,. ~,,, ,2_
adoption of the bill in its main provisions. (Renewed
cheering.) Yon have a right to expect from us that we
should tell you what we mean, and that the trumpet which
it is our business to blowshall give forth no uncertain sound. i
Its sound has not been, and I trust will not be, uncertain.
We have passed the Rubicon, we have broken the bridge and
burned the boats behind us. (Cheers.)' We have advisedly
cut off the means of retreat, and having done this, we hope
that, as far as time has yet permitted, we have done our
duty to the Crown and the nation. The result, gentlemen,
is in other hands than ours. I beseech you, I beseech all
reflecting Englishmen, in whose hands by the well-under-
stood constitution of our country the ultimate settlement
of this great issue is lodged, to consider what, the future is
to be. I cannot doubt from the extraordinary working and
movement of society that there is on the part of the masses
of the community a forward and onward movement, which
forward and onward movement will be perfectly safe and
harmless, and not only safe and harmless, but infinitely pro-
fitable if we only deal with it wisely and in time. (Cheers.)
But read the signs of the times—the voice that once spoke
as never man spoke rebuked those in authority who could
not read the signs of the times. Does any man really sup-
pose that the political limit signified by the number 10 is to
be for ever and ever, from generation to generation, the
limit within which all are to enjoy, but beyond which every
man is to be deprived, the enjoyment of the franchise? Cer-
tainly not. (Cheers.) The defeat of the bill, what would it
procure? An interval, but not an interval of repose—an
interval of fever, an interval of expectation, an interval for
the working of those influences which might possibly arise
even to the formidable dimensions of political danger. Let
the great English nation be wise, and be wise in time. Let
it not, through any unite dallying, through any unwise
neglect of an opportunity as favourable, I believe, as ever
offered to the Legislature, and, through the influence of
weak, or cowardly, or selfish apprehensions, refuse the
granting of a boon which I am firmly persuaded, if granted
now, will be received as a boon in a spirit of gratitude—
(eheers)—and tend to increase the attachment of the people
to the institutions of the country and its rulers. (Cheers.)
Let them not convert what is for their own advantage into
an occasion of danger and of evil ; but let them, in regard
to the duty of the day and the prospects of the future,
rally round us and strengthen us for the task which we
have in hand. If they so rally round us, whatever diffi-
culties lie in our way will soon be surmounted, and the
next time we meet in these now crowded halls it will be to
begunln e nt,law,ato
n
congratulate one another on the passing of this measure
into
thlt tereevident fruits which it may have
people.au enThteile croignhtetnhtomne. nt,
gentlemanat loyaltytach-
daadon
produce
in
of
wasa m i d spt
aesne
et hdu
tsioa slat i cr.cheen.
thenA rveostuemoefd histhanks s seat
u Gladstoneg. and
briefly acknowledged by the right hon. gentleman, and a
similar vote having been passed to Mr. Ewart for 4 'd-
ing, the proceedings terminated shortly before ten o'clock.

LAW INTELLIGENCE—(This Day).

SHERIFFS' COURT.

THE LAW OF LANDLORD AND TENANT-JONES V,

ISAACS.

This was an action to recover rent for certain
premises which were destroyd by fire. Mr. Bu-
chanan that he claimed three-quarters'
appeared for the defendant.
of premises from Michaelmas,
rent for the tenancy
rlaintiff deposed
I never had any notice from
Cross-examined— 1865.
meant to quit. A fire broke
October, 1864, and they were
out in the premises in
tllBle64defteondant
Midsummer,that h
destroyed, but
till held defendant as
my tenant innotice from him.
defendant continued occupation.
Notwithstanding the fire I s
the absence of any n
Theoeked defendant premisesfendtanht out of them.avcbeenr
rebuilt, and I have not
Mr. Buchanan then called the defendant, who
said that he occupied the premises until the fire
which occurred in
gave a month's •
and plaintiff wa
October, 1864. In November he
notice to the plaintiff under a special
agreement with him
pay my full rent unear
Plaintiff-4
s
the terms
n:
never. agreed to accept a month's
notice,
although the place was burntyeardloy tenant. I have to
Defendant—l am quite
accept a month's notice. of my
f agreedm y
lease,
to
rebuilt plaintiff locked me out, nloti'9 premises were
I gave plaintiff notice to hand me notwithstanding that
over
His Honour asked plaintiff if under pohssession.
stances of the fire he would take t e
anythingcircum-
off his
claim.

Plaintiff agreed to take off one quarter, and his
Honour said that was very fair. It was clear that
although the fire occurred plaintiff was entitled to
a 7 verdict and he would have it.

Verdia for the plaintiff.

THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET.—
Sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. Bnckstone.
THIS EVENING, A. ROMANTIC ATTACHMENT
Mr. Compton, Mr. W. Farren ; Miss Ada Cavendish.
After which, THE FAVOURITE OF FORTUNE: Mr.
Sothern, Backstone, Chippendale, Rogers, Szo.; Mesdames
Chippendale, Saville, Moore, Fitzwilliam, Hill, Lindley, Am
Concluding with SHOCKING EVENTS : Mr. Chippen-
dale, Mr. Compton, Scc.
Commence at Seven.

ROYAL LYCEUM THEATRE.--
Under the sole Management of Mr. Fechter.
THIS EVENING, SIMPSON AND CO. Messrs. S.
Emery, C. Horsman; Mesdames Elsworthy, Henrade, Hors-
man, and E. Boyce.
Atter which, THE MASTER OF
WiddicoRAVENSWOOD.
Mr. Fechter; Messrs. Jordan, Emery. mb, Vezin,
.J. H. Fitzpatrick, D. Evans ; Mesdames Ternan, Eisworthy,
Lavenu, and C. Leclercq.
Box Office open daily from Eleven till Five.

NEW THEATRE-ROYAL ADELPHI.
Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster.
THIS EVENING. THROUGH FIRE AND WAT
E
R
:
Messrs J. L. Took, R Phillips, Billington ; Nliss Woolgar
and Miss H. Simms.
After which, THE WRECK ASHORE: Messrs J. L.
roole, P. Bedford.
and Miss H. Simms.
To conclude with bEll IND TIME. Messrs. J. L. Toole, U.
Eburne. C. J. Smith ; Miss A. Seaman. Ste.

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.
Sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. Geo. Vining-.
THIS EVENING, A GHOST IN SPITE OF HIMSELF.
After whizh, at a quarter to Eight, THE STREETS OF
LONDON. Messrs. Vining. T. Mead, D. Murray, Shore,
Villiers; Mrs. H. Marson, Misi E. Barnett, untl aibg K.
Rodgers.

ROYAL STRAND THEATRE:
Sole Lessee and Manageress, Airs. Swanborough.
THIS EVENING, at Seven o'clock, PER FE ,TION.
After which will be produced a grand Easter Burlesque,
PARIS t or, Vive Lempiere : Messrs. Stoyle, horne,James
Mesdames A. Swanborougb, Raynham, Simpson. Johnstone,
Ranoe, and Holt.
To conclude with DEAF AS A POST : Mr. Belford.

SADLER'S WELLS THEATRE.-II
Under the Sole Management of Mr. W. H. C. Nation.—
ItE-OPEN for the Summer Season.
During the recess the Theatre has been renovated and
decorated ; entirely new Orchestra Stalls with a eel arate
entrance, added 1e the Dress Circle and Pit Scats recovered,
and no expense spared to render this Theatre one of the most
elegant and eomfbr.able in London.
THIS EVENING (SATURDAY), and during the week.
will be presented the great Domestic Drama, in Three Acts,
of BELPHEGOR : Messrs. T. Swinbourne, Barrett. G. Bel-
more; Misses Ada Dym, Hudspeth, and Mrs. Poynter.
Atter which (fourth time at this Theatre), the Ever-green
Burlesque, by F. C. Burn and,
Ada' of IXIOP.I : Misses Lizzie
Willi:Dore, Fanny Gwynne, Harland, Betty Tracey ;
Messrs. F. Bar: by and G. Belmore.
To conclude with David Garrick's Farce of A MISS IN
HER TEENS : Mr. G. Belmore and Miss Fanny Gwynne.
Box-office open from Eleven till Three. No charge
for booking or programmes. Bonnets are not admitted in
the Dress Circle or Stalls. Doors open at halt-past Six,
commence at Seven. Entirely new Orchestra Stalls, with
spring stuffed seats and backs, and equal to thqse ot the
West-end Theatres, 4s. ; Dress Circle, 35.; Boxes, 2s. ; Pit,
Is. ; Gallery, 6d. ; Private Boxes, £1 ls., XL 10s. 6d., and
£2 23.—Second price at Nine.
Acting Manager, Mr. NYE CHART.

E •MOSES AND SON'S
LONDON HOUSES,
.54, 155, 156, 157, Minories; 83, 84, 85, 86. 87, 88, 89, Aldgate ;
506, 507, 508, New Oxford--street ; 1,2, 3, Hart-street;
137, 138, Tottenham-court-road ; 288, Euston-road.
Country Branch—Bradford, Yorkshire.

rrHE " SANDRINGHAM " and " DANISH "
-A- WRAPPERS (iqtroouced by them) are the newest and
most I ashiontb:e styles of Overcoats for the season.

LADY-MADE CLOTHING for all classes
and all ages.

BESPOKE CLOTHING for all classes and all
ages. '

UNIFORMS
OLUNTEERA SE for the RM, NAVY, and
VRVIYCE.

LADIES' RIDING HABITS.

LIVERIES.

THE celebrated " INDISPENSABLE" SUIT,
horn 30s.

FIOSIERY and DRAPERY for all classes and
all ages.

FIATS and CAPS for all classes and all ages

BOOTS and SHOES for all classes and all ages

ivr ail classes, au ages, and a.
climate,.

Ll MOSES AND SON'S
1.:1 • Establishments are closed every Friday evening at
muset until Saturday evening at sunset, when business la rt.-
mmed until 11 o'clock.
All articles are marked the lowest prices in plain figures.
Any article nut appr.,ved of will be exchanged, or the money
Will be returned.
...Ist of Prices with Rules for Self-measnrement, Fashion
Card, and our new pamphlet, " The Philosophy of Dress,"
zratis and post tree.

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LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 7, 1866

Mr. GLADSTONE is apparently determined that the
days of the recess shall not be passed in inaction ;
in fact he is turning them to better account in the
service of the Reform Bill than would have been
possible while Parliament was sitting. The elo-
quent appeals and enlightened arguments which
have been addressed to the people of Liverpool, and
through them to the whole population of the coun-
try, could not have been uttered while the leader of
the House of Commons was forced to be nightly at
his post, and fettered by the obligations of Parlia-
mentary routine. The invitation to the Liverpool
banquet gave him just the opportunity he wanted,
while his popularity among his new constituents,
and their well-known sympathy with Liberal priu-

ciples, enabled him to speak with that sense of
freedom and confidence which is so great an assist-
ance to the orator. Mr. GLADSTONE'S speech at
the banquet on Thursday was calm and moderate
in its style, dealing with many subjects, and arguing
on behalf of the special merits of the Ministerial
measure, while endeavouring to extenuate its defects
and shortcomings. At the meeting last evening,
held in the Amphitheatre in support of the Govern-
ment Reform Bill, Mr. GLADSTONE took a dif-
ferent tone. Leaving the peculiar 'acharac
teristics of the measure before him, he passed
to a larger and more comprehensive view
of a great national question. His speech was
throughout an appeal for Reforin, not for an iso-
lated or partial mown not for the admission or

exclusion of a particular clags, not for the retention
or extension of an especial franchise, but an earnest,
eloquent, and impassioned discourse, setting forth
with all the abilty of which he is master the true
merits of the case. As for the Government Bill
itself we honestly believe that Mr. GLADSTONE can
hardly be entirely satisfied with it. No doubt he is
sincere in his efforts to carry it through Parliament
and to recommend it to the public. No doubt he
firmly believes it is the best and most liberal measure
which the present Government, with all the recu-
sants in the council and traitors in the camp, can
propose with any hope of success. But the details
of the bill hardly realise Mr. GLADSTONE'S often-
repeated convictions. lie asks whether any one
could seriously believe that an arbitrary limit of
£lO could suffice to us for any length of time. But
we should have been glad to have seen him admit
the feasibility and the justice of an educational
franchise, in conjunction 'with that mere money
qualification, which is in itself so unsatisfac-
tory and so shifting in its nature. Had Mr.
GLADSTONE been allowed to consult only his own
wishes, and what he believed to be the interests of
the people, we have no doubt that he would have
framed a really comprehensive and liberal mea-
sure, which would have laid the vexed question
of constitutional reform at rest at least for our
generation. As it is, he has had difficulties
to contend against without and within, and
the worst that can be said of the bill is that it
does not go far enough. It at least admits those
principles which Mr. GLADSTONE has consistently
upheld, and which he never advocated with more
force and eloquence than last evening. Arguing
first from the fundamental principle of constitu-
tional government, that taxation should be the basis
of representation, Mr. GLADLTONE proceeded to
examine into the facts of the case. The in-
come of the working classes he estimated at
about three-sevenths of the whole income of
the country, while they have only one-seventh
of the constituency. He further declared his
opinion, founded on no insignificant official expe-
rience, that at least one-third of the revenue, as it
now stands, is contributed by the working classes.
" With what justice," he exclaimed, " can we ask
the working population to paithis proportion of
taxes and put them off in return with the miserable
fraction of one-seventh of the representation ?"
Passing to a survey of our social condition, Mr.
GLADSTONE declared that the most superficial ob-
server must perceive the vast improvement which
has taken place during the last five-and-thirty
years. The improving agencies of religion,
of education, of the Press, have all been
actively at work in promoting the moral, and
social, and intellectual elevation of the people,
and the result has been that contentment and in-
dustry have taken the place of that bitter and un-
settled state of mind which took pleasure in ridicule
and abuse of the existing authorities. But having
achieved so much—having used every means to
raise and improve the working-classes, we are to
turn round in defiance of our own work, and refuse
the very men we have striven so hard to elevate
their natural and proper reward. The manner in
which the national strength is augmented from time
to time by an extension of political privileges was
aptly illustrated by Mr. GLADSTONE by the Volun-
teer movement. The great bulk of that force, he
said, belong to the very class which was enfranchised
in 1832, and though, before that time, Englishmen
of all ranks would no doubt have combined for the
defence of the country in presence of an immediate
danger, it would not have been possible to have

called forth anything like that spontaneous move
ment 40 years ago. Mr. GLADSTONE drew a fur
ther illustration of his argument from the unity
ofie popului oY/ITOSSed
on the other side of the Atlantic, though he dis-
tinctly disclaimed any sympathy with the Ameri-
can form of Government. With happy eloquence
he described England as occupying, politically, the
same position-which she does geographically. " She
has inherited from bygone ages more, perhaps,
of -what was most august and venerable
in those ages than any other European
country. She has likewise been exposed in the
highest possible degree to every moderate influence
which the nineteenth century has brought into
activity. As geographically she stands with Europe
on one side of her. and America on the other, so she
stands between those feudal institutions in which
European society was formed, and which have given
her her hierarchy class, and on the other side those
principles of equality which form the basis of society
in America. Mr. GLADSTONE'S own temperament
and principles incline him to look with sympathy
on both sides, and to perceive the possibility of
uniting the merits of both the old and new systems

in one harmonious action.
With regard to the measure of which he was the
special advocate, Mr. GLADSTONE declared, in no
measured terms, the resolution of the Government
to stand or fall by it. They were, he said, fully
conscious of their responsibility, and did not intend
to shrink from it, a declaration which excited the
most vehement demonstrations of approval, the
whole audience rising to applaud. They staked, he
said, their existence as a Government, and their
political character, upon the main provisions of the
bill; and he said this in full knowledge of the
strength of the opposition which it is likely to en-
counter. The men who censured them for not having
given enough were really those who complained of
their giving anything at all, and the meaning of their
motion, as he declared on Thursday evening is,
"We don't know how to get zid of the bill by
direct means, so we will do it by indirect means."
But, Mr. GLADSTONE asks, " What will the defeat
of the bill procure ?" An interval, but not of re-
pose—an interval of fever and expectation. Of this
we have of late years had more than enough, and
it is more becoming the
.dignity of the Parliament
to make the necessary concessions with grace and
promptitude than to delay and delay, until the
heart, sickened of hope deferred, has produced that
feeling of irritation and suspicion during the exis-
tence of which no statesman can legislate.

Austria and Prussia are stavacillating between
peace and war, and it is
.extremely difficult to say
what they will do next, for.it rests upon a chance
whether they patch up a reconciliation or proceed to
warlike extremities. No doubt for many reasons it
would be unfortunate if hostilities cotnmenced, but
at the same time there is much to dread if a sort of
truce is completed. We know from experience that
Prussia is so exacting in her demands, and so per-
severing in her efforts, that it is almost certain she
will in the end gain her point, notwithstanding all
the efforts which the Austrian Government may
make to preserve the balance of power and
maintain the division of interests. Count
KARALYI'S Note seems to have produced
great effect upon the minds of the Berlin
f Cabinet, and they have made a semblance of stop-
ping their warlike preparations, which they were so
hastily pushing forward to watch the Austrian
efforts. The reply of Count BIRAMIK is, to all
appearances, however, decided and satisfactory,
and he repudiates the notion that there was any
intention on the part of the Government of King
WILLIAM to provoke hostilities. It would appear,
indeed, as if the two German rowers had been

playing a game of cross questions and crooked
answers until they nearly changed the appearance
into the reality, and they drew back half ashamed
and half afraid of the result. At any rate, it is
evident that the amicable appearance, which to all
intents and purposes has prevailed for the last two
or three years in the discussions of the allied Powers,
has recently been changed in a very sinister fashion,
and that the mask has been thrown off by 'each
party, never again to be resumed with the same
success in the eyes of Europe or before the inferior
States of Germany. Many causes are assigned as
having conduced to create the change of the last
few days respecting the chance of immediate hos-
tilities. The Emperor of RUSSIA has been very
active, no doubt thinking that it would
not serve his purpose just now to see these
countries at war. The Russian General
RICHTER has arrived at Vienna with a letter from
the CZAR to the Emperor of AUSTRIA. Before this
the General had delivered a letter from his SOVE-
REIGN to the King of PRUSSIA. It is said by the
Vebatte of Vienna that the warlike preparations of
Austria have been suspended. This may or may
not be true--though if they are, we have no doubt
that things are already arranged in such a manner
that the authorities will not be taken by surprise in
case of a renewed misunderstanding occurring.
It is stated by the official journal of Prussia that
Austria has despatched a Circular Note to
the German middle States, in which she de-
clares that she will, under certain circumstances,
appeal to the Federal Diet to settle the Schleswig-
Holstein question. It is said that this declaration
has not yet been carried into effect, but that this
Circular Note is not in any way connected with the
note addressed by Austria to Prussia. An " over-
whelming majority" of the German Governments
have, it is affirmed, approved of both the documents
set forth by the Vienna Government. It is a sort
of retributive justice that so much court should now
be paid to the minor States by the two Cabinets
which had, a few short months ago, affected
to ignore their very existence, as it were, and
treated all their representations, protestations, and
remonstrances with supreme indifference, indigna-
tion, and contempt. Now it suits the turn of these
overbearing Powers to profess the greatest respect
for the opinion of those they despised, and to appeal
to them for the solution of a question which they
professed to consider out of the scope of their intel-
ligence, and quite removed from the sphere of their
influence. In Hamburg it is thought that the
peace between the two great German Powers will
not be disturbed, and perhaps there is sufficient
reason for the belief. _ _

-- --- ---- - -
One satisfactory consequence of this affair has
- -

been that Count BISMARCK has certainly received
a check in his aggressive designs, and must now
retrace his steps in a great measure. The Aus-
trian Note of the thirty-first was a clever produc-
tion, and must have taxed the wily statesman's
powers of invention to the uttermost to maintain
a show of dignity or a semblance of composure.
The excitement of the military preparations has
certainly wakened up the powers that be in Aus-
tria, and infused an animation and a spirit into
their style that were long wanting. Prussia is
called upon to imitate the example of
Austria, and to tender an assurance to
the effect that she will respect the fun-
damental stipulation of the Federal Act of
Germany, so that all disputes between the mem-
bers of the board may be settled in an amicable
manner, and other things to the same effect. Tho
King of PRUSSIA is not desirous of war being de-
clared, if he can possibly avoid the alternative; yet,
on the other hand, Count BISMARCK is equally un-

willing to recant his previous assertions, and
question allegiance to the Federal Apt- If one
thing more than another has distinguished his
career it has been his determined opposition, di-
rectly and indirectly, to the principles of this act, and
of coursehe will not be willing nowadays to foreswear
himself after having gone to such lengths, and made
himself so conspicuous in his hostility to its provisions.
Under these circumstances it has been hinted that
the only extrication from the position in which
Prussia has been placed can be found in the retire-
ment of Count BISMARCK, and certainly the chances
of peace with Austria would be forwarded by his
withdrawal. Such a contingency is of course a very
remote one, and the King is certain to try all kinds
of things before he decides upon such a sacri-
fice. It is said that, in self-defeme, Count Big -
11ARCK will suggest to Austria that Federal
Reform be inaugurated, but it is very
unlikely that the attempt will succeed. Aus-
tria is not likely to accept such a compromise,
and will very probably return to the charge, and
demand a definite answer as to whether or not the
Federal Act is to be maintained in its integrity. It
is hinted that more than one important personage
advocates the resignation of the Minister who has
thus brought the political affairs of his country to
such a crisis ; and if this confusion result in the
resignation of Herr Von BISMARCK, it will have
been at least un mal pour me bien, for he is the great
, enemy of all liberty, whether at home or abroad,
and has worked with a zeal worthy of a better
cause in the crusade that has been waged against
all popular rights and free institutions.