The Sun.
London, England, 1866-05-02 00:00:00

_ JOHN WIIITE, Manufacturer, 228, Piccadilly.

TEETH AND PAINLESS DENTISTRY.--
The fear of pain and dread of operation inherent to all
deter very many to whom ARTIFICIAL TEETH are of
vital importance from availing themselves of the services of
a dentist. In a practice founded in 18.30, and now extending
over greater part of the kingdom, an experience unequalled
has been obtained, enabling us to offer even the most sensi-
tive sufferer a system of dentistry perfect in its absolute
freedom from pain, a speeialite i ertaining only to our prac-
tice, and for which her Majesty has granted her royal letters
patent. This system embraces the non-interference with all
stumps, however decayed, the supporting instead of extrac-
tion of loose teeth until they become firm and useful in mas-
tication, and the utter absence of all and every operation, so
that the most nervous person can be supplied without fear of
pain or inconvenience. These teeth are cheaper, more dur-
abCle.innsautlutartailei
and Consultation
fr
free.
mTtoerettahb le
fromthan anyss. s
eyetts from 5 to 25 ge.,
warranted. produced.

For the efficacy, utility, and success of this system, vide
Lancet."

Messrs. LEWIN and SIMEON MOSELY and SONS,
30, Berners-street, Oxford-street, and 448, Strand,
Opposite Charing-cross Railway Station.
Daily attendance at 15, Whitefriargate, Hull ; 10, Norfolk-
street, Sheffield; 4, East-parade, Leeds; 14, St. Nicholas-
street, Scarbro' ; and 33, Coney-street, York,
Established 1830. No connection with any one of the same
name.

THE NEW ACT ON PARLIAMENTARY OATHS.—The
act to amend the law relating to Parliamentary oaths was
yesterday issued, having received the Royal assent on Mon-
day. It recites that one uniform oath shouldbe taken by
members of both Houses of Parliament on taking their seat
in every Parliament. The oath is, " I, A B, do swear that I
will be faithful and bear true allegiance to her Majesty
Queen Victoria, and I do faithfully promise to maintain
and support the succession to the Crown as the same stands
limited and settled by virtue of the act passed in the reign
of William 111., entitled, An Act for the limitation of
the Crown and better securing Hie rights and liberties
of the subject and the subsequent Acts of Union with
Scotland and Ireland.' " Tho name of the Sovereign for
the time being is to be used in the oath. The oath now
appointed is to be taken in every Parliament by members
of both houses. " If any member of the House of Peers
votes by himself or his proxy in the House of Peers, orsits
as a Peer during any debate in the said house without
having made and subscribed the oath hereby appointed, he
shall for every such offence be subject to a penalty of £5OO
to be recovered by action in one of her Majesty's Superior
Courts at Westminster, and if any member of the House of
Commons votes as such in the said house, or sits during
any debate after the Speaker has been chosen without
having made and subscribed the oath hereby appointed he
shall be subject to a like penalty for every such offence,
and in addition to such penalty his seat shall be vacated in
the same manner as if be were dead." Several acts and parts
from Charles 11. to the 23d and 21tb, 'Victoria are repealed.

A meeting was held to-day in the Free-trade Hall
of this town, being a special meeting of reformers
delegated by the National Reform Union from vari-
ous parts of the country, " to take into considera-
tion the present position of the Franchise Bill, and
the best course to be adopted by Reformers to aid
Government in passing the measure through the
House of Commons." There was so large an attend-
ance that the drawing-room would not suffice for
the meeting, and it was adjourned to the Assembly
Room, which was speedily filled. Mr. G. Wilson
presided.
Mr. JACOB BRIGHT moved a resolution expressing
sincere and heartfelt thanks to the Government and
those members of the Liberal party who had sup-
ported them, for their noble and generous acknow-
ledgment of the rights of the people, and for the
energetic manner in which they had carried out the
proposed measure for the extension of the franchise.
Mr. W. TURNER, Mayor of Salford, seconded the
resolution, and it was supported by delegates from a
great number of places, including Birmingham,
Carlisle, Leeds, and Chester.
Mr. PEASE, late M.P. for South Durham, also
supported the motion, which was carried =alai-
naously.
Mr. H. MASON moved the second resolution, ex-
pressing unabated confidence in the Government,
and approval of their recent declaration not to relax
their efforts to pass the bill for the representation
of the people into law, but assuring them that no
measure which fell short in its principal provisions
of the present bill would be satisfactory to the
people.
Mr. B. ARMITAGE seconded the motion, and it
was adopted.
The general feeling experienced by the delegates
was one of satisfaction at the result of the late di-
vision, and of determination to support the Govern-
ment.

Mr. BRIGHT was then called upon to address the
meeting, and rose amidst great cheering. He said
—Gentlemen, I think it is about a month since we
last met together in this building to consider our
position with reference to reform, and the portion
of the measure which had been introduced by the
Government. Since then we have had a great de-
bate in the House of Commons, and a great divi-
sion. (A Voice : A triumphant one.) Well, that
is a /hatter about which I think there may fairly be
some difference of opinion. (Laughter.). I think
as far as the debate went some speeches made in
favour of the bill were not answered, and I also
think that a great many of those who opposed the
bill in the division did not state to the house very
clearly the grounds upon which their opposition was
based. There were 33 men who at the general elec-
tion were returned as Liberals, who turned round and
voted against their party, some on one pretence and
some on another. The mover of the amendment in
the speech which he made, complained that the govern-
ment of which he had been a supporter had departed
from the rule of Whig Governments in past times,
and, instead of taking entirely the advice of certain
portions of the Whig party, had taken advice from
that end of the House of Commons—that section of
the house atnongst whom I generally sit. (Laughter.)
I am not one of those who, here or elsewhere, un-
fairly deprecate the Whig party, because if you look
back and take a hundred years from the accession
of George 111. till this time, there have always been
members of the Whig noble families who have been
sincere and most useful friends of the people ; and
I am sorry that Lord Grosvenor did not recollect
the condition into which his Whig Government and
party had' fallen in the year 1841. They were "lit
office after the Reform Bill with an immense And
overpowering majority. In nine years after the
passing of that bill Sir R. Peel came into power,
at the head of the Tory party, with a majority of
90 in the House of Commons. The Whig Govern-
ment had mismanaged most of its affairs ; had alie-
nated almost all its most liberal supporters, and it
left the Government with the finances and taxation
of the country in a state of discreditable confusion.
During those years the most liberal portion of the
Liberals were little taken notice of. Now what hap-
pened? In 1846, from the action of that party of
whom Lord Grosvenor now speaks—not at all with
contempt, but at least with something like distrus t
and dislike—through the action of that party repre-
sented by a great association in this town, the Tory
ranks were broken up, Sir R. Peel was converted on
a great question, the Tories were driven from office,
the Whigs came back to power, and for the last 20
years, with the exception of about two years, they
have held the highest offices in the State. But during
the last 20 years, if Lord Grosvenor were just to go
through the journals of Parliament, he would find
that all the questions which have given the Lateral
Government since 1846 favour and popularity with
the people, are, questions which did not originate
with the purely Whig section of the party, but ori-
ginated and were urged on by what may be called
the Radical wing of the great Liberal party. (Cheers.)
All the measures which refer to taxation, and
which have given to Mr. Gladstone so great a reputa-
tion, not in this country only, but throughout the
world, all the measures which have given to this
country freedom of the press, measures of utility and
value which it is impossible to exaggerate, all the
measures which have tended to make commercial
intercourse more free with France, and afterwards
with all the other countries of Europe, all these have
been measures which the Government sitting on the
Treasury bench have taken directly and taken most
wisely from that section of the house in which I sit
—(cheers)—therefore I venture to tell Lord Grosve-
nor, without the slightest offence (for I am not sure
that he would not himself freely acknowledge it),
that the power of the Whigs in the Government has
been a power based on the united action of what I
may call the two branches of the Liberal party ; but
the policy which has been pursued, and the measures
that have been carried, and the glory which has
accrued to that party—all this has been derived far
more from that section of the party whose advice he
refuses to take now than from that section with
which he is personally and by family more intimately
connected. (Hear, hear.) I regret more than I can
describe that we have not been a united party on
this occasion. When we were here last I spoke of
Lord Grosvenor with some hope that probably he
would see that the course he was taking was not a
wise one, and that after all he might not be found
to move the amendment of which he had given
notice. Notwithstanding that he has entirely
disappointed me in that, I am still of opinion
that he is not satisfied with the position which
he has taken up ; and I think there is some ground
for the rumour which prevailed in the house,
that had it not been for the pressure put upon
him by the opposition, with whom, unfortunately,
he had come into relations on this question,
even at the last moment he would not have come
forward to propose the amendment to the second
reading of the bill. Now, supposing that we had had
a united party, that those thirty-two men who voted
against us had voted with the Government, we should
have had, if the house had voted as unanimously as
it did on Saturday morning, a clear majority of at
least 80 in favour of the second reading of the bill ;
and if that had been the case I believe the Tories
themselves would not have opposed the second read-
ing by a direct resolution, and there is every reason
to believe the bill would have passed through the
House of Commons without any difficulty, and that
it would have been accepted with a becoming wis-
dom by that other chamber into which I hope before
long it will find its way. (Cheers.) But these gen-
tlemen who voted against us from different motives
have seen fit to separate themselves for a time from
their party and from the Government, and will ven-
ture to say also, from public sympathy. (Cheers.) Y
am not certain—l think it not unlikely—that someof
these gentlemen, having supported Lord Grosvenor

from personal attachmentprobably to him and friend-
ship with him, and some from one cause and somefrom
another—a considerable number having given this
one vote may feel it consistent both with their duty
and with their interest, to, come back to the fold--
(laughter)—and give their votes in favour of the
Government and the bill in its future stages. There
are amongst them, I am persuaded, men who are not
without sympathy for the people; men who are not
wholly against a fair measure of reform, and men
who, I believe, will not ultimately and permanently
separate themselves from the advance which will
accrue to the country by the passing of this mea-
sure. One thing,
I think, has arisen from a dis-
cussion over so many
have risen in generall'igfahvts;:ba:iththealbmilolstmuasltl
l
classes in the country,
Many
ah
no d standrefn r
reform
between
what may be called the
radical
and the most liberal of the Tories,o some wh o call
themselves Whigs,
some Liberal Conservatives,
n
servatives, some
who have not been able to find a word that shall
exactly define their delicate positiox—(laughter)—
and I suspect
have probably come to the conclusion
people,
that the discussion during these nights has had the
effect also of convincing the great bodyof the
and those who, at the beginning of the discussion,
had not made up their minds—that this measure is
a veiyinf*44o same time a.yery.ziocierate,
and in the highest and truest sense of the worci also
a conservative proposition, which has been brought
forward by the Ministry. We have seen, too, what
has been dwelt on so much to-day, that the Govern-
ment has behaved in regard to it in a manner that is
perfectly honest and perfectly manly, and we have
heard—l have heard from Mr. Gladstone's lips—
language telling evidently that which was passing
in his heart, which indicated the strong sympathy
he has with justice and with the people, and I be-
lieve in that language and in those expressions he
was but speaking the united view of the Cabi-
net, and especially the views or the sentiments of
Earl Russell. (Cheers.) In another week we shall
have before us the proposition for the redistribution
of seats. I have always held that to be, as a matter
of fair representation, just as important as the ques-
tion of the franchise. I know nothing whatever of
what it is that the Government are likely to propose,
and I won't now undertake to give them any advice
—(great laughter)—for fear some very weak brother
(laughter)—or some spiteful and vicious opponent
should say that they have framed their Redistribution
Bill upon the advice which I gave them on a platform
in Manchester. All I will say is this, that I hope at
least the Redistribution Bill will be so fair and so ex-
tensive that it may fairly receive as much confidence
and favour from the public as the Franchise Bill has
received, and that further we may all feel that what-
ever be the number of years for which the fran-
chise question would be likely to be settled by the
passing of this bill for an equal number of years the
distribution of seats question should also be settled
by the bill which they are now about to produce. If
that bill should be as good as we will hope it may
be, it seems to me that every reason we now have to
support the Government will be greatly increased--
(cheers)—because they have declared solemnly—
and there is no withdrawal from that declaration—
that they stand or fall by the bill, separately or by
the bills together, and we have therefore the repu-
tation, the continuance in office, the very existence
of Whig statesmen, as connected with the Radical
and Reforming party—we have all'this staked on
the passage through Parliament of these two mea-
sures. Well, if we have a Government resolved to
do a thing that is right to be done it has greatpower
in Parliament, and there are we knoW scores of
thousands of persons throughout the country who
do not come up with a rush to help a great question
until they see that it is in peril, and- until they see
that the Ministry by whom it is supported is also in
peril. When I look at the matter I feel confident
therefore that when this seats bill is brought for-
ward, supposing it be a fair and just measure, pro-
ceeding as far in that direction, as the franchise bill
I proceeds in this direction, then we shall have addi-
tion—l will not say addition justification, but addi-
tional stimulus—that we shonld all individually, and
wherever we meet our fellow-men throughout the
country, do everything that lies in our power to sup-
portthe Government until those measures are passed.
(Cheers.) The bill that we are discussing is, after
all, let us not forget, is in some sort like all great
measures, almost a compromise. We had a perfect
right to ask the Government to propose a bill with
a £lO county and a £6 borough franchise, and
we had every reason to believe that such a bill
would have been proposed, but when one that falls
short of that is proposed, we don't immediately
quarrel with our friends, R, n d drive the Government
from office, and contemptuously kick their bill out
of the house ; but we view it regarding all the diffi-
culties of this question, and the difficulties which a
Government must surmount to do anything, and,
therefore, we, I will not say willingly, we reluctantly,
but still with a certain degree of cheerfulness, and
with perfect honour, abstain from pressing for that
which we believe we had a right to do. We admit
all the difficulties of the Government ; we admit the
timidity, the fears of certain persons who do not
think as we think, and we are willing to give our
hearty assistance to carry a measure which the Go-
vernment, under the circumstances, think the best
that they could propose. Having done that the
question is what shall we do in passing through
committee, where there are pitfalls at every step ?
I think we have a right to call upon the Govern-
ment to stand by the figures that they have pro-
posed. (Loud cheers.) I say that the true interest
of the Government is to stand absolutely by three
things that are in that bill ; the £l4 franchise for
the counties, the £7 franchise for the boroughs, and
the total sweeping away of those odious and miser-
able clauses which were called the rate-paying
clauses affecting the £lO voters. (Cheers.) I think
it is the true interest of the cause of reform that
they should stand to those figures, and they should
hold them to be essential and vital points of their
bill. If they were to make any deduction from those
figures, to do what certain people on the other side
mean when they say, we would not object to a £2O
franchise for the counties, and an £8 or £9 rating—
or some stupid proposition—(laughter)—for the
boroughs—and then after all we could settle this
question—l say there is no greater mistake. I will
undertake to say, if they depart from this propo-
sition, which has been accepted in so fair and rea-
sonable a manner by the whole reform party
throughout the country, that carry what they may
short of this, the question would not receive a per-
manent or even a temporary settlement. (Cheers.)
I believe there would not two years pass—there
would not be another Parliament pass through its
existence, elected upon this bill, so shorn of its in-
tegrity, in which there would not be repeated pro-
posals to re-open the question of the andfranchise
re-open the question of seats. (Hear, hear.) e
•
all know that in our own boroughs, everywhere,
any alteration of the franchise
t
above £7 in the
an entire borough would be in itself almost
it would show
exclu-
sion still of the working muesn:lave
passed since the
passing of the Reform
and they did much to
enable pass—
we are no more prepared
now to dothat
themll even
moderate justice than men
were at that time.
(Cheers.) And it would con_
bi t o pab
this
firm them in the feeling that there .
ere was an ineradic-
able distrust and fear of them amongst the rich and
powerful classes of the country. (Cheers.)
I as-
sume that the Government will be firm. There is
not a particle of evidence to justify even the smallest
suspicion against them. I believe that Lord Rus-
sell, when he consented to those figures, consented
with the express understanding that that was the
point to which the Government should feel itself
pledged, and it is impossible to have listened to the
speeches of Mr. Gladstone and to believe that he
could in any degree withdraw front -propositions
which he himself has described as go moderate and
so necessary. Now; I suspect that on Monday next,

when the bill for the redistribution of seats is
brought in, there will be some discussion, and we
gentlemenwit hr e gar dw oh t thath av op rboopeons i
ht iuonng a sr y
shall begin to discover what is the tone of the house
o
wfoerll
a disasrethist.riTbhu.e.
tion bill—(laughter)—who have quoted in the
House of Commons extracts from speeches
stated
thats eve
a n
of mine made about
wherein it was rsago,
wherein
yea
of seats was as important as a franchise
. bill, and who; have quoted those extracts to show
how inconsistent I was in supporting this Franchise
Bill and not joining them in insisting upon a redis-
tribution bill—these gentlemen who have been I
. don't know where, but in a very high point of en-
thusiasm—(laughter)--in favour of redistrilmtion
of seats, it is just conceivable that next Monday
their enthusiasm will have greatly evaporated—.
(laughter)—and they will begin to find that the
danger which they discovered in the Franchise Bill
was very small indeed compared to the imminent
peril of the other. (Continued laughter.) If this
should be the case, if we don't find a great number
of the 33 coming back to their old friends—if we.
find that that large party, upon whom I look some-,
times with astonishment and often with pity—
(laughter)—in the House of Commons, make the
same fight against the two bills they have made
against the Franchise Bill, what is the course that
we ought to pursue ? It is evident the time has come
when the great question must be again decided,
whether the great liberal party and population of
this country shall submit to that small reactionary
minority which has been so loud in the House of
Commons during thelastthree weeks. My own opi-
nion is that that reactionary party is a very small
minority in the country, audthatthough they polled.
313 votes to our 318 that is no wsure rof
the position in the country. 3u(X more than that, I
believe it is no measure of the position they hold
amongst the middle classes of the country, if the
working classes for the moment were put entirely
out of the question. Then we should come to this
great struggle—I don't care myself if it is to come
how soon it comes. (Cheers.) Every day during
which the discussion on this
question is continued,
whether in Parliament or
the country, there will be
a more entire cohesion between the intelligent •
middle
classes and the great multitudes of the working
classes of the people. (Cheers.) That took place in
1831 and in 1832, and at the last that union became
so complete, and their power so demonstrated, that
opinion swept, as it were, like a whirlwind from one
end of the country to the other, and that great
Tory party which had ruled
was not even to be discovered scarcely in any por-
tion of the nation. (Cheers.) Let us then observe
minutely what is passing in the House of Commons.
Next Monday night will be the first night when you
will have any distinct intimation of the temper of
Parties there. When we see that the same opposition
is to be made, that probably the bill or bills and the
Government may be in jeopardy, then I think
nothing could be more wise than that the whole
Liberal party throughout the country should
give that expression of support to the Govern-
ment which would convince the Government
that change of their bills, or withdrawal of their
bills, or postponement of their bills, or the resigna-
tion of the Government, would be a fatal policy.
(Cheers.) The bill in 1831 was not carried without
a dissolution of Parliament. It may be that this
bill must go through the same ordeal. I believe
that every day's discussion will make the result of a
dissolution more certainly in favour of Reform, and
I hope that when we separate—the
many
here from
various towns from the North of England—we shall
do all we can amongst our neighbours to prepare
them for the struggle that may be impending. Re-
collect what you gained by the struggle of your
fathers in the year 1832. You gained an amount of
freedom and of good legislation which centuries be-
fore had not given you. I will not say recollect, but
measure what good you will gain for your children
and your children's children, if you now by one grand
effort enable the Government successfully to pass the
bill.

The hon. member sat down amidst great cheering.

After a vote of thanks to the chairinan the-meet-
ing terminated with three cheers for the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, and more cheers for Earl Russell.

Naval and Military Intelligence.

His• Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, as
Field Marshal Commanding-in-Chief, held a levde
yesterday at the Horse Guards. Nearly 150 officers
attended.

Yesterday being the anniversary of the birth of
Prince Arthur, her Majesty's ships Victory and
Duke of Wellington, with all others in commission
in Portsmouth harbour, the Pallas at Spithead, and
the Irresistible at Cowes, hoisted the Royal Stan-
dard and national ensigns at their mastheads in
honour of the day. At noon a Royal salute was
fired.

The Cherub and Minstrel, nnarmoured screw
gunboats, fitted out for service in North America
and the West Indies, having made a satisfactory
trial of their machinery, will go out of Portsmouth
harbour to Spithead to-morrow, where they will
receive their remaining stores and undergo their
official inspection prior to sailing for their destina-
tion. They are reported to sail on Thursday
evening or Friday morning from Spithead, and it is
expected that the armoured screw corvette Pallas,
6, Capt. M. Connolly, will convey them on their
voyage as far as Madeira.
The band and remainder of the 66th Regiment
arrived at Portsmouth yesterday from Devonport.
They were disembarked at the dockyard, and for-
warded at 4 pon. by special train on the London
and South-Western Railway to Aldeishott Camp
via Farnborough.

The following appointments were made yesterday
at the Admiralty :—Lieut. Richard B. Wilkinson,
to the Amazon ; Dr. Thomas Milne, assist.-surg.,
to the Mullet; Charles H. Slaughter, assist.-surg.,
to the Jackal ; Arthur Havergal, master's-assist.,
to the Salamander ; Munro Scott, master's-assist.,
to the Challenger ; Thomas E. Goodwin, clerk
additional, to the Duncan ; S. J. Davis, clerk, to
the Formidable, as supernumerary.
The undernamed gentlemen have been nominated
naval cadets:—.Randolph A. A. Lambert, Harry C.
Reynolds, and Clement Swetenbaum.

MR. JOHNSON'S OBSTINACY.— The Times thinks
that the unshaken confidence of Mr. Johnson
in his own policy is extremely remarkable. With
more than two-thirds of the Senate and
nearly three-fourths of the House of Repre-
sentatives in open opposition to him, with the
knowledge that many who endorsed his Veto did
so against the express instructions of their Con-
stituents, and with a somewhat
lukewarm Support
even from the Democratic party, Mr.
tat Johnson
he
is re-
mains firm, wholly unconscious that
beaten.
it is true that he still enjoys a well-
earned personal popularity,
especially at New
York, and is vigorously
backed up by the chief
organs of public Opinion
in that city. The
American press, however, by no means exercises
the influence which is of ten attributed to it, and Mr
Johnson's own election, no less than President Lin-
coln's re-election, are recent proofs that Republican
principles commandh an overwhelming majority in
the North.
T
Mr. T Is e '1 imes admires the calm attitude of
Johnson, but even his followers are beginning
to doubt whether he thoroughly understands the
nature and intensity of Northern sentiment. There
arc generally two ways of carrying a point, and the
way selected by Mr. Johnson looks too like an in-
Opportune defiance of a very formidable antagonist.
" C'est magnifique, mail ce n'st pas is guerre," and
a little conciliation of the triumphant North, as well
as of the vanquished South, might perhaps have been
more politic . •
FRENCH SPIRITS.—The Director of Customs has
published official returns, showing that the quantity of
spirits distilled in Franco between the Ist of October last
and the Ist of April amounts to 1,433,487 hectolitres ' •
1,190,343 hoclolitres were withdrawn from the stores during
the same period, of which 181,016 hectolitres were exported,
and 1,009,327 hectolitres consumed at home. By compa •
those figures with the produce during the correspondingriP.
six months of the preceding season, it will btl found that
there were 401,837 hectolitres more spirits distilled during
the last six mouths, and 822,765 more hectolitres consumed.

inOUSES.—Nlessrs. TOPLIS and ROBERTS
have numerous furrushea
.and unturnisheil 1 OWN,
"),;rban, and Country. li,kblDhls OES to LET or SELL.
rarticulars upon. application forwarded for two stamps,
-opon stativg requirements and rental. Offices, 2, Conduit-
street, ilegent-street, and South Kensington, lacing the
Museum.

,SOUTH KENSINGTON, HYDE-PARK,
Queen's, and Ru'stland Gates,
11, PI inces and Beaufort
Queen s-gate and Pe,
ham Terraces, Terraces, Queengate, Cornwa
gardens, Flivs.ston- place, Cromwell-ro,id, On slow and Thurloe
Squares, Boltcns, &L . Messrs TOPLIi and ROBE itTS have
E,E".4 DEN CB'S to SELL and LET in these and surrounding
localities. Offices, 2,. Conduit-street, Regent-street, and
uth Kensington, facing the Museum.

---
TELEATRE ROYAL, lIAYAIARKET. 1
Sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. Bucastone.
THIS EVENING, k ROMAN iIC AI: uAk lIII.ENT :
Mr. Comptvn, Mr. W. Farrell ; Miss Ada CavencLsh.
After which, T ti.E FAVOU KITE OF FOII. 1 UN E : Meesrs.
ii4,Whern, Buckslone, Chippcndal., Rogers, Sze. ;.Mesdames
Chippendale, Saville, Moore, Fitz willlam, (lilt, Lindley, C.
Covcluding with A DAU i u-rEg. ro MARRY : Mr. W.
Farrell and Miss /iLltn Howard.
Commence at Seven.

ito Yti.A.dL
the
LsoYle
CMaEnatjaemMent orrt Mar EFecAhtle'rE E.—
er
T.HIS EVENING, A DAY AP TER THE WEDDING.
ijase,ss. II orsman, Fitzpatrick, Clifford ; Mrs. Horsman, tkc.
To conclude with Shakspere's Tragedyot HAMLE I'. Mr.
rechter ; 3rtessrs. Emery, Adctison, Wictdicomo, Vezin, Jor-
dan, Fitzp,atriov, Horsman, Moreland. Westland, Gwynette
Dorton.
Clifford ; Mesdames Elsworthy, Ilenrade, and 4.,.'
I,ectercci.
Box Office open daily from Eleven till Five.

_
NEW THEATRE-ROYAL ADELPHI.
Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster.
THIS EVENING, THROUGH FIRE AND WATER
Woolgar:
Messrs. J. L. Toole, It Phillips, Billington ; 'Kiss
,and Miss H. Simms.
After which, 15th time, a new Opera Bouffe, entitled
CRYING JENNY AND LAUGHING Mellon,JO
Mcssrs.
,J. L. Toole, Eburne, Furtado, Mrs. A.
To conclude with THE WRECK ASIIO RE : Messrs J. L.
Toole. P. Bedford. Stuart, I3iliington, Ashley ; Miss Woolgar
suul Miss H. Simms.

OYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE
1. 1)
Sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. Geo. Vining.
Tl_, IS EVENING, A GHOST IN SPITE OF lIMSELF.
Ant, which, at a quarter to Eight, THE STREETS OF
LONDCN. Messrs. lirininfr. Ilead,
Murray, Shore
V illicrs ; Airs. 3larson. Misi E. Barnett. and Miss K:
Rodgers.

STRAND THEATRE.
B, Sole Lessee and Manageress, Slrs. cwanborough.
THIS EVENING, at Seven o'clock, PER N E TION.
After which will be produced a grand Eas: er Burlesque,
'V
PARIS ; or, lye Le rnpiere : Mes-rs. Stoyle, t horne, Jame,. :
Mesdames A. Swanborougb, Raynham, 1 m peon. Johnstone,
Itanoe, and dolt.
To conclude with DEAF AS A POST : Mr. Belford.

SADLER'S WELLS THEATRE.-
Under the Management of Mr. W. H. C. Nation.
Mr. W. H. C. Nation has much pleasure in announcing
that, in consequence of the Decided zuect se attending the
production of DOT, it will be repeated Every Evening until
iurther notice.
THIS EVENING, and during the week, will commence
with th- 10th, 11th, and 12th nights of Dion Boucicault's
beautiful Drama of 1)0T. Messrs. T. Swinbourne and Bl-
more ; Miss Ada 11ya,... New scenery, dresses, anti appoint-
ments
Concluding with 27th, 2Rth, and 29th 11.31,11:8 OY J. C. Bur-
,es L. Willmore,
i
nand's Evergreen huri,sque of 1X10..N.
F. Gwynne, Hudspeth, A. Harland, and Betty Tracey ;
Messrs. Belmore and F.
Commence at Seven
Acting Manager, Mr. NYE CHART.

THE ~SUN" NEWSPAPER.—
G R. GLENIE, Sporting Library, 4, C,nnaught-
t rrace 'Edg-ware-rued, is spelaily appointed IGe„N to
deliver' the LA:I•E EDIrION " THE SUN "at tilt
earliest povsible moment after leaving the i ress He as able
to deliver copies in Town. the Suburbs, and in many parts of
the Country at a comparatively early hour the same ,vening,
say 40 miles by 9 o'clock.

E "SUN" NEWSPAPER.-
JL R. GLE'NIE delivers eLA LE EDITION at
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Uxbridge, 9.20 ; Walford, 8.45.

THE LATEST EDITION of " THE SUN "
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HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.

Tins DAY.—Morning, 3h. 35m.—Afternoon, 3h. 48m.
Ta-MoltalOw.-I.lerning, 4h. 4:u.—Afternoon, 41. i. 20m.

4.4

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 2, 1866.

-- -.•

PECULIARITIES OF THE DIVISION.

Nominally—and only nominally—the majority

was Fire.

When looked into, it turns out, however, to be no
majority at all ! Ministers have (as we will here very
readily demonstrate) been put in a minority upon
what they themselves announced that they looked
upon as a question of Confidence or No Confidence.
The nominal Majority of Five was, in plain terms,
a Minority of Two !
How, it may be asked, is this in any way demon-
strable ? Again, we assert, very readily. And
the demonstration is as follows, according to a few
very simple and perfectly obvious arithmetical
calculations.

According to Ministers themselves the Question
before the House, the Question upon which the
House divided, was (the assertion, remember,
was Mr. GLADs-rosE's own) a Question of Con-
fidence or No Confidence.

The Noes upon the Division—those who were
against the Second Reading and for the Amend-
ment—declared their want of confidence in Her
MAJESTY'S Ministers. The Ayes, on the contrary
—namely, those who were for the Second Reading
and against the Amendment—declared their con-
fidence in her MAJESTY'S Ministers.
But it is simply preposterous to regard the result
of the actual division as a satisfactory settlement
of such an alternative as that, when, in order to
transform an actual minority into a factitious ma-
jority, SEVEN OF HER MAJESTY'S MINISTERS declared
confidence in themselves !

There were there, in fact, in the Nominal NT •
rity—swelling the aggregate number of the Ayes
told off into the lobby from 311 to 318—these—
SEVEN CABINET MINISTERS.
Mr. GLADSTONE Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Sir GEORGE GREY Home Secretary.
Mr. CARDWELL Colonial Secretary.

Lord HARTINGTON —.war Secretary.
Mr• MILNER Gißsos...Board of Trade.

Mr. GoseuE; ---'''---
Mr. \ Duchy of Lancaster.
-711-LIER, .
So that only Poor-Law Board.
of these Seven Cabinet
the preposterous circumstance
thenet Ministers declaring confidence
"
in themselves, ,
Purely nominal, ostensible,
supposititious agaregate of
.seveuvoTellers !
to 318 by the Governmentt
e Ayes, numbered up
h
Deducting those
allowing the House,
and not the Ministers, to
gie
Questioin
iisuc, namely, as that de the Question at
put to the
House by Ministers, as a Question involving ail'
:Volving within
it the alternative of Confidence or No Confidence
the Division paper would (in that case)
to in
have been
banded at half-pastthree o'clock on Saturday
jug by the Clerk of the Houseorn_
either Earl
GROSVENOR or Lord STANLEY—the numbers upon it
standing thus :
N0e5.................................313
Aye 5................................. 311
Majority against Ministers 2 ! As Seven of the
Cabinet Ministers, howeVer, had confidence in
themselves, the Majority of Two against them was
transformed into a Majority of Five in their own
Favour. Seeing, however, that under no circum-
stances, according to the rules of Parliament, could
the Cabinet Ministers have been precluded, from
taking part, individually, in any division, no matter
what the interpretation attached to that division