The Sun.
London, England, 1832-01-14 00:00:00

FIIANCI.

To the EDITOR of the MORNING CHRONICLE.
Paris, Jan. 11, 1832.

Stu,--" If France will consent to the re-establish-
ment of the kingdom of the Pays Bas, and to the
restoration of the House of Nassau, then France
may have peace with Europe ; but if not, she will
have war and invasion—a restoration of the Boor-
l)ms, and the military occupation of !lie country."
These words were uttered by a Foreign Ambas-
sador at Paris, yesterday—no later than yesterday—
and yet to that moment M. Casimir Perier had
thought that Ambassador and his Court sincerely
attached to France and to the French Revolution !

Maik ye ! France is to consent to the strangling,
to the death, of her first-born child—of the first
fruits of her Revolution in 1830—and on these
c,mditions she is to have peace ! We have come
to this.

But let us suppose for a moment that Louis
Philip, in an hour of fear, avarice, cowardice, and
despair, should consent to this re-establishment of
the kingdom of the Pays Bas, and should acquiesce
in the arrangement which is to place the House of '
Nassau on the throne of Belgium—and let us even
go farther, and suppose that France herself—not
her Government—not her Deputies—not her poor
wretched Peers, who call Charles X. " the King of
France".--but that France should herself consent to
this restoration in Belgium, and should commit an
act of suicide and folly ; well, what then ?
-Would this settle the Belgian question ?
Now really one is astonished, in spite of one's
self, at the folly, blindness, madness,and brutal igno-
rance of those who govern mankind, and who call
themselves Kings, and Ministers, and Ambassadors,
and so forth. Would this settle the Belgian ques-
tion ? No, Count d'Appony, it would do no such
thing; it would postpone the revolu ion in Belgium
it would arrest it for a day, or a week, or a month,
or a year, but it would not settle the question. Will
the siege of Brussels be forgotten ? Will the fires,
inundations, massacres, and rapine, perpetrated by the
Dutch army be forgiven ? Will the destruction of
Antwerp be pardoned ? And will the Belgians kiss
the chains which they once broke, but which are
again to hind them ? Why how stupid—yes, that
is the word, stupid—must the Austrian Ambassador
be to entertain such opinions, or to dream of such an
arrangement. Belgium cannot be permanently re-
united to Holland. It is out of the nature of thing.
She cannot afford an independent expensive Govern-
ment ; she must, therefore, by one means or other,
be re-united to France, and I am sorry that Prince
Leopold should have been made the dupe of diplo-
matic special pleading.
But suppose for the moment that the French Go-
vernment and France—for the former, without the
latter, would be a mere cipher—let us suppose that
both should consent to the re-establishment of the
kingdom of the Pays Bas—and let us be even weak
enough to admit that the Belgians, if they did not
approve, should, at least, consent to this arrangement
—What then ?

Would this settle the Polish question ?
Would this settle the Italian question ?
Would this settle the Spanish and Portuguese
Questions ?—and
Would this settle the questions which are daily
becoming more important in the States of the Ger-
man Confederation

Need I answer these questions with a negative ?
I think not. They answer themselves. instead,
then, of saying, " that if France will consent to the
re-establishment of the kingdom of the Pays Bays,
and the restoration of the House of Nassau, then
France may have peace with Europe ;" the Ambas-
sador ought to have said—
" If France will consent, 1, to Poland being made
a Russian province ; 2, to Belgium being re-united
to Holland under the dominion of the House of
Nassau ; 3, to Italy being made dependant on
Austria ; 4 to the Spanish, and Portuguese, and
Polish Refugees being sent home to their respective
countries accompanied by gendarmes, and to their
being shot by thousands on their arrival; Li, to
Don Miguel being defended from Don Pedro, and
his threatened expedition ; 6, to Prussia and Austria
putting down the liberty of the Press in the Ger-
man States, and to the establishment of tyranny in
Hesse, in Baden, in Saxony, in Brunswick, &c. ;
and 7, if France will consent to pay her proportion
of the millions of pounds sterling which must be ex-
pended by the Governments of Europe in carrying
this their system into execution;—Then--then
what ? Why then France may have peace with
Europe until the other Governments shall decide
that the moment is arrived to attempt the restoration
of the Bourbons in France !! !" This is what the
Ambassador should have said

Well, then, either Europe must yield to France,
or France must make war against Europe. We
should prefer the former. We are no lovers of war
for the sake of war—anti should, therefore, prefer
the independence of Poland, liberty for Italy, eman-
cipation for Spain and Portugal, freedom for Ger-
many, and happiness and honour for Belgium and
France, without the firing of a gun, or the move-
ment of a soldier. If the Kings and Governments
of Europe knew their true interests, they would
gladly embrace, before it be too late, those preserva-
tive and wholesome measures which now we recom-
mend; but if they will not do so, their reign will be
short—their glory will pass away as a pageant, and
in a few years we shall write the history
" OF THE LAST OF THE KINGS !

I often pity that poor man, Mr. Peel—who with
great natural powers—great love of his country—
and strong good sense, is yet bound to a party which
thinks it can oppose Reform. If I knew Mr. Peel
I should say to him, " Why, my good Sir, you do
not evidently know what is going on in Europe, and
what is going on in Great Britain. You are a cen-
tury behind hand. Why, the Reform which Lord
Grey now proposes, you will one day weep tears of
blood that you did not adopt. Go, Mr. Peel, go
to the Peers and the Bishops, and tell them—Yes,
vote for the Bill—speak for the Bill—praise the
Bill—carry the Bill by a large majority—for if you
do not, you will never be asked again your opinions
about such matters ; and your mitres and your lawn
-leeves will be shown in the British Museum, in
three years' time, as one of the curiosities of 1832."
And to you, Mr. Hume, let me say, give up your
crude notions of keeping British affairs distinct from
European politics. You cannot do it. You may
as well attempt to make a monopoly of the sun, a.
to keep England, the greatest commercial country
in the world, without having allies. Liberty is a
general good. If Great Britain will not aid in im-
parting it, why she will be deprived of it. The
natural and necessary ally of Great Britain is France !
The people of France were never so disposed as
they are at present to make an alliance. It may
prevent war ; it may alarm the rest of Europe; it
may induce Kings to attend to their true interests;
and it may save the present state of society, and of
property, in spite of themselves ! An alliance
between France and Great Britain may be
followed by a war in Europe ; but if France
And Great Britain shall not be allied, a war in
Europe is certain. And do you suppose that the
people of Great Britain will make the question of
liberty in France a mere affair of pounds, shillings,
and pence ? Do you suppose that liberty could
triumph in France without producing a correspond-
ing effect in England ? The Reform Bill is an
answer to this interrogation. You would never have
had Lords Grey, Brougham, and Althorp, for your
Ministers, or such a disfranchising Reform Bill in-
troduced into Parliament, but fur the French Revo-
lution of 1830. And on the other hand, can you
imagine that, if in consequence of France not having
the alliance of Great Britain, she should be invaded
by the rest of Europe, and, for the time, be deprived
of her freedom—that Great Britain would not after.

wards be attacked within by the Tories, and with-
out by the absolute Governments of Europe? But
more than this. Even if you, Mr. Hume, should
make the question of an alliance with France a mere
commercial affair, I ask do you not suppose, that if
Great Britain were honestly and frankly allied to
France, the advantages which would result from this
alliance merely to your commerce would! very soon
outweigh any small, or even large expenditure,
which that alliance might entail with it ? Assist
then, the cause of this alliance. Aid the Govern-
ment in carrying it into effect ; and, if there must
be war in Europe, let not history record that Great
Britain expended millions, and sacrificed tens of
thousands of soldiers under Pitt and Wellington,
to oppose the cause of freedom in Fiance; but would
not lend her aid to the cause of liberty, when it was
threatened with attack by Russia, Austria, Prussia,
Spain, and Holland.

0. P. Q

UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENCE.

ECCLESIASTICAL PREFERMENTS.

OX 19RD, JAN. 13.—The Rev. John T. Hawley, A.M.,
of St. John's College, in this University, to the Rectory of
Evztr•ley, Hants; patron, Sir John Cope, of Bramshill
Park.

The Duke of Bedford has presented the Rev. J. Wing,
of B'dford, to the Vicarage of Steventon, Bedfordshire,
vacant by the death of the Rev. T. 0. Marsh.
The Rev. Charles Colyear Beaty, B.A. of Clare Hall,
Cambridge, has beep appointed Domestic Chaplain to the
Earl of Portmore.

The Rev. A. W. Brown to the Viciraae of Pytchley,
Northamptonshire, vacant by the resignation of the Rev.
S. E. Bernard.

The Very Rev. the Dean of York has been instituted,
by the Lord Bishop of Bath and WeHa, to the Rectory of
Kelston, near Boto, o❑ the presentation of Joseph Neeld,
Esq.
The Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells has instituted the
Rev. William Hewlett: Trim, M.A., of East Chinnock,
to the Rectory of Sandford Orcas, in the county of
Somerset, on the presentation of John Hutchings, Esq.
void by the death of the Rev. Thomas Bellamy, the late
incumbent.