The Sun.
London, England, 1859-07-22 00:00:00

the first resolution, which would render this vexatious ar-
rangement nugatory, and give to the right hon.-, 'gentleman
all the resources he desires. (Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, I
have touched on the conduct of the finances by the late
Government, and I have, I hope, with candour, treated the
proposal of her Majesty's Government. I offer them as
much support as financial schemes have-a right to expect.
Some criticisms they generally occasion, and someobjections;
modifications are sometimes offered, and occasionally ac-
cepted. I hope the right hon. gentleman will accept this.
I make no opposition to direct taxation. I have no wish to
diminish the present amount of direct taxation in our existing
financial scheme. That it may take a form less unjust and
1 obnoxious ultimately I for one sanguinely hope. (Cheers.) I
have long believed that it is possible to raise the same amount
of direct taxation as at present without having recourse to
an impost the objections to which never can be cured, and
which is never felt at a moment of public emergency, when
you appeal, and rightly appeal, to the higher feelings of the
country. (Hear.) Therefore, in times of war, or even in war-
like times though times of peace, this is an instrument to
which the Chancellor of the Exchequer may always appeal
with confidence. It adds greatly, if not abused, to the
influence of this country with foreign countries, and is, in
fact, as important to this country as fleets and armies. The
consciousness that this country by a single tax, if neces-
sary, at a moment of exigency, can raise a sum as great as
those loans that despotic monarchs raise with so much dif-
ficulty, at a high rate of interest, and to which they appeal
with so much boastfulness—the knowledge that by a single
tax we can, in the ways and means of the year, give our
Sovereign a sum as great as those leans which sanction
aggression and invasion—this is one of those great facts
that influence the minds of nations and of Cabinets, and
is a source of strength to a country that is incalculable.
That is one reason why we should not fritter away this
treasure. And although it may be desirable to appeal to
the income tax at times of great commercial change or risk
to enable us to effect reforms, we cught not to look upon
this as the habitual creature f our financial schemes. And
every scheme consistent with sound finance will reserve
the income tax as a weapon in our armoury which ought
not to be used for trifling and common purposes. (Cheers.)
Sir, there is one other point to which it is my duty to call the
attention of the house—l mean the general condition of our
finance. The right hon. gentleman has had great difficulties
to encounter this year. The prospects of this year under or-
dinary circumstances are extremely perplexing, but under
the circumstances that have sprung up of late in Europe, and
which are still in a state that occasions anxiety, the financial
position of this country in time of peace ought not to be
passed over without notice. We are now raising a revenue
of nearly £70,000,000 per annum in time of peace. There
is no country that can go on raising £70,000,000 a-year in
time of peace with impunity. (Hear, hear.) England
cannot do it, and if England cannot, no eountrY cail de it,
(Hear, hear., How are we'o meet this grear and gro
ing evil? It is useless to throw the blame on the Govern-
ment, to whatever party it may belong. There are no
persons so interested in the economical administration of
the country as the Government of the day, whatever party
they may be of. (Cheers.) The struggle againvt expendi-
ture is always a struggle between the Government and the
public, or between the Government and public events. The
position of a Minister is much more easy, much more agree-
able, when he has not to lay on taxes ; and nothing has so
much led to the destruction of Governments and the injury
of parties as having to deal with national finance at a period
of confusion or deficit. And we shall do nothing by mak-
ing declamatory speeches in this house and the country,
and in enforcing what we call an economical administration
unless we ourselves take the question in head, and see how
far we can assist the Government in that great and neces-
sary result. (Cheers.) Now, sir, a great deal has been said
about the civil service expenditure of this country, and I
have heard it said that we are to obtain great results in re-
ducing the civil service estimates. I look upon that as
quite delusive. (Cheers.) The Government of this
country is upon the whole an economical Go-
vernment," and if you analyze the expenditure of
the civil service estimates you will find that it is
an expenditure really for the advantage, the welfare,
and the advancement of the great body of the people.
(Cheers.) The administration of justice, the education of
the people, the. health of the people, are the three great
richnlanctipmgleeassyuabepore true, and
imaidthenietdsneedomdineasoauyburet:es
true,aurotunhs
aodtfe some
expenditure.ln
andeof thesethe l
exaggerated. There may be, no doubt, in the administra-
tion of the funds some expenditure that may be avoided.
Sometimes there may be a secret job to be detected;
but, if you look to the main objects and the main re-
sults, what are they ? You have an expenditure to in-
sure order, to insure education, and to secure the health
of the people. Why, these are the three great sources of
public wealth. An educated, an orderly, and, above all, a
healthy people, are the three principal sources of public
wealth. And if we in a moment of difficulty make war
upon this expenditure for the civil services, and reduce the
items of expenditure for these three sources, we are really
making war on the civilisation of England—we are really
making war on that progress which everybody is so fond of
appealing to, and which every one is so ready to assist.
(Hear, hear.) And therefore I hold that although these
civil service estimates may be prepared with care and re-
vised with strictness, this is not the source from which we
can obtain that relief and -those ways and means for which
the country languishes. Now, sir, let us approach the great
sources of expenditure in this country. They are enor-
mously increased. (Hear.) If we were to follow the advice
of some, even of many in this house and the country, they
would be still further increased to a very great extent.
(Hear.) Great as is the expenditure, we are still told that
the defences of this country are most imperfect. (Hear.)
Vast as have been our preparations, we are still told that
the honour of England is not safe, and that it becomes us
to make still further exertions—that our fleet ought to
be increased--(" hear, hear," from Sir C. Napier, and a
laugh)—that our army ought to be increased—and that
other means should be taken for rendering the position of
this country more powerful and satisfactory. Well, then,
what are the ways and means that ycu have to encounter?
You have great difficulty in meeting the burdens that it is
necessary to bear. How, then, are you to encounter the
future prospect that is so frequently held out, of a further
expenditure for armaments and defences ? Now, sir,
I have once or twice endeavoured to impress this house
that- when you come to public expenditure on a great
scale, expenditure depends upon pclicy, and when those who
sit in this house dilate upon the expenditure of this coun-
try, deplore the waste of our resources, and then call upon
the Minister to reduce that expenditure, and administer
with more ability the ways and means placed in his hands,
when we do this we are in fact doing nothing. The minis-
ter only maintains that expenditure which upon the whole
the policy of the country demands, and you are resposible
for the policy of the country at this moment. (Hear, hear.)
What is our present policy? 'What is our future policy?
There are two points of your policy that you must not ne-
glect if you are sincere in your determination that this country
shall not be involved in difficulties far more perplexing, and
fromwhich it mill require the greatestest sacrifices to extricate
her. There are two points of policy pressing upon us at this
moment which it becomes the duty of the Houses of Par-
liament to consider fully, and respecting ,which they must
require from those responsible for the administration of
affairs the most precise views and the most accurate blew-
ledge. A little while ago—not more than two months ago
—European war seemed impending ; a most sanguinary
struggle in one European country had commenced. It had
now terminated, and in a manner most unexpected, and
even at this moment the house had scarcely recovered
from the surprise with which it received the news that
a struggle which many expected to last for years
had suddenly been brought to a close. Now, he
took no part in the transactions that led to the com-
mencement of that war. It was the policy of the late Go-
vernment under those circumstances to maintain a strict
and impartial neutrality. It was misrepresented for
a time, but the country has already, I believe, done us jus-
tice in that respect. (Hear, hear.) Although from some
speeches which were delivered from their (the Opposition)
side in the last debate, when I addressed the house from
the Government benches, it might have been supposed
that our successors were on the eve of adopting a policy
of a very different character, although it appeared as if
a policy of a wholly different character must ensue from
a change of Government, yet I have the satisfaction of
knowing that no sooner had the new Government taken
their seats than they announced their intention to follow in
the footsteps of their predecessors upon foreign affairs.
(Hear.) That was a very satisfactory statement, but events
have occurred of se much importance and with such rapi-
dity as to add immensely to the value of that statement.
There is an armistice that produces a peace, which is wel-
comed by every one, not only on account of the interest
which all feel in the restoration of peace, but what I think
is still more interesting to this country, because we were
not at all mixed up with the commencement of the struggle,-

.
nor are we in any nway responsible for its conclusion. Now,
we hear there is a prospect of a Congress or a Conference,
but that Congress or Conference is to be attended by the

neutral Powers. The moment either of these Poweis at-

tends such Congress or Conference it ceases to be neutral—
(hear, hear)—and not only ceasesto be neutral, but becomes
responsible for the past as well as for the future. (Hear,
hear.) I make no criticism upon the peace that has been
arrived at. The Emperor of the French was denounced
a few months ago because he would make war ; he is
now denounced because he will make peace. But let us look

---
at the position of England with reference to the startling
transaction at Villafranca. There are two things. First of
all, we have peace. lam not at all disposed to treat that
peace with the contemptuousness which some persons already
exhibit. I believe peace to be a great blessing, that there is
no country in the world that benefits more by peace than
England, but I believe that, materially speaking, peace was
more necessary to every country in Europe than it was to
England. (Hear.) We have gained this great result by it,
that it has given an impulse to our commerce and stinau-•
lated the energies of our citizens. That is a great blessing.
Then, as to the political and diplomatic considerations con-
nected with this peace, what do I see ? I find that not only
we have a peace, but we have a peace concluded without
disturbing that political equbrium which England has
always declared to be her main object. Is that a slight
matter to us? I say, viewing the startling events that have
occurred in Italy from an English point of view, that both
because they give us peace, and because that peace respects
the balance of power, to maintain which we have in other
times lavished millions of treasure and hundreds of thou-
sands of lives, and therefore, as Englishmen, we ought to
look upon that transaction with great satisfaction.. All the
fruits of recent events which are satisfactory we enjoy the
benefit of. For those results which may not be satisfactory
we are not at all responsible. Will you, then, thrust your-
selves into a business with which you have no connection
—(hear)--in relation to which you stand in a satisfactory
position ; and will you thrust yourselves into it from mere
motives of public vanity, that you may say England has a
hand in the settlement of the affairs of the world. (Hear.)
Some of those settlements rise like exhalations and disappear
like exhalations. Will you quitthe vantage ground you now
occupy, and for such mean and vain objects? Will you
thrust yourself into Congresses or Conferences, where. you
may enter into engagements which will result in confusion,
and will involve us in proceedings that must prove mos
injurious to our resources, and from which we can only.
reap disorder and ruin. (near, hear.) In 1815, when we
had the Congress of Vienn,a, England could not refuse
had
e to
send a representative to that great Assembly.
taken too great a part, had been too active a party for a
series of years, to allow her to shrink from the responsibi-
lityments
of her own conduct. But what, were the engaßee
there
that we entered into at the Congress of Vienna? Tie
entered into engagements which rio British Minister__
iftn,inad
self would ever have contemplated, and which,. if
been known beforehand that he would be required. to.at attach
his signature to, would have led an alarmed and in.dig,nant
House of Commons to prevent him. from attending that
august assembly. By the Treaty of Vienna we have glu iran:
teed the Saxon provinces of Prussia. It was by an acci-
dent, by the representation of urgent interests a' t that
Congress that England was entrapped, I may as y into
one of the most solemn and unqualified covenan ta this
country ever entered into. We are told now &at the
next war is to be against Prussia. How, then, shall we
stand in the case of war between Prussia and. e great
Power with this article of guarantee entered hal to by the
Treaty of Vienna ? If we now send a Minister to the Cf,M-
gress or Conference—l don't care whether it meets at Zo.rich
or at Paris—what will you send him to do ? To do wiling/
which would be only the symbol of our insignfficar ace.; or t 4
enter into engagements which must involve us is c ixreased