The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-13 00:00:00

Commence at 7o'clock.

ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE,
Westminster-road.
Lessee and Manager Mr. William Cooke.
Grand Holiday Attractions for Whitsuntide.
THIS EVENING, the performances will commence with
the revived military spectacle of THE BATTLE OF
WATERLOO, reproduced with all its original effects. Sup-
ported by Mr. W. Cooke, Mr. W. Cooke, jun., Mr. Holloway,
Mr. R. Phillips, Mr. J.W. Anson, Mr. Anderson, Mr. Herbert,
Mr. Stanton, Mr. Worboys, &c. Mrs. Dowton, Miss Dowton,
Miss Rivers, &c.
After which, the matchless and unrivalled SCENES IN
THE CIRCLE, introducing Mr. John Henry Cooke, the
greatest rider in the world, and the whole of Mr. W. Cooke's
family, being the only instance on record of such a domestic
concentration of unequalled male and female talent; Madlle.
Francisco ; Miss Holloway.
To conclude with a Novel Entertainment called THE
VOLUNTEER CORPS ; or, Female Brigade.
Stage Manager, Mr. R. Phillips
Dress Circle, 4s. ; Boxes, 3s. ; Pit, 2s, ; Gallery, Is.; Upper
Gallery, 6d.
Private Boxes, £4 4s, £2 2s, and £1 ls.
To commence at 7 ; Carriages at 11.

fIA.NTERBURY HALL AND FINE ARTS
ki GALLERY, Westminster-road.—Open at Seven.

EVERY EVENING during the week will appear
THE DELEPIERRE FAMILY,

Consisting of three Juvenile Violinists, viz., Jules, Juliette,
and Julia Delepierre, aged, respectively, FOUR, SIX, and
EIGHT years.
The perfect execution by these Lilliputian Artistes of some
of the most difficult and brilliant Solos, Duets, and Trios ever
written for the violin, has excited mingled wonder and admi-
ration in Continental Musical Circles, and drawn forth enthu-
siastic tributes of praise from the Public Journals of France
and Belgium.
They will perform EVERY EVENING, at NINE and
ELEVEN o'clock, in addition to the usual Entertainments.

THE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, JUNE 12.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
70—highest since noon yesterday.
65—lowest this morning and during the night.
64—this day at noon.
BAROMETER-29.86.
WlND—Changed from South-West in the morning to
West, and then to North-West about noon, when a heavy
shower of rain fell. The morning was very dull and
dark. Half-past 12—A very heavy thunderstorm—light-
ning and torrents of rain for about two hours.
JUNE 13.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
67—highest since noon yesterday.
60—lowest this morning and during the night.
73—this day at noon.

_
BanommTEß-29'97.
-WIND, Variable, S.W. to E., with fine weather.

THE SUN.
MONDAY, JUNE 13, 1859.

The news from the seat of war is still in favour
of the Allies, and promises to be still more so in a
very few days. The Austrians, who boasted that
they would accomplish everything, have actually
performed nothing save falsifying their own pro-
phecies. They are also on the move in the wrong
direction. They have evacuated Piacenza, and blown
up the citadel. They have now bolted from Bologna,
in deference to the approach of Prince NAPOLEON
from Florence, just as we said would be the case.
The Austrians have now taken refuge behind the
Adda, but they will find its waters too hot to stay
there long. If they do—GARIBALDI will be down
upon them from Bergamo, and, in fact, the French
too have crossed the Adda, and there will soon be a
very good excuse for the brave Austrians to make
discretion the better part of valour.
The proclamations of the Emperor of the FREN cH
to his army and to the people of Lombardy are
admirably timed, and the tone reminds us of the
terse but laconic bulletins of the immortal First
Consul and Emperor. If NAPOLEON the Third
but keep up to his sayings in the proclamation to
the Italians, it will add a lustre to his doings in
this war which will go far to make amends
for former shortcomings, and give a complete
answer to the interested falsehoods of his enemies.
In fact, if he will be but content to set Italy free
and then retire within the boundaries of his own
dominions he will do more to strike terror into the
German Confederation than if he marched right
on to Vienna. There will be plenty of
opportunities for paying off the Germans
hereafter if they give themselves any more
airs about their "Fatherland," as if no
other people had any fatherland or na-
tionalities but themselves. The conduct of
both Austria and Prussia during the late war
was so utterly selfish, hypocritical, and dis-
honourable, that we hope a heavy day of
reckoning is in store for them. Indeed, while we
now write the EMPEROR of Russia has issued a
manifesto to the effect that if the EMPEROR of
the French localises the war to Italy he will
not interfere ; but if the German Confederation
interfere he will help to teach them a lesson
they will not readily forget. The doom of Austrian
misrule and savage constraint is all but sealed,
and the sooner she gives up quietly what she
must yield to necessity, the better will it be for
the remaining portions of her discordant empire.

The recognition by her most gracious MAJESTY
of the eminent services rendered to the country by
the leo,,,ing members of the late Administration,
ought at length, surely, to silence those factious
scurrilities which have been indulged in for a long
time past by the more spiteful and splenetic section
of the Opposition now merging into a Government.
The SONEREIGN could
hrdly mark her approval
more s than by according, as her MAJE.STY
is nov r doing, the insignia of the most glorious
order of knighthood in the gift of aMonarch to the
noblo Earl the late First Lord of the Treasury.
Lord DERBY, it will be remembered, fifteen months
ago,. accepted the responsibilities of the Premiership
With relwetanee ! He consented only to resume the
supreme past he had formerly occupied for ten
Mantrts in. 1852, because it was rendered obvious,
even to :himself, that his so doing, if not absolutely

essential to the interests of his party, was at any
rate of such extraordinary advantage to that party,
and was calculated, moreover, to facilitate the
organisation of what was really the only possible
Government in the February of 1858. What other
Ministry, in truth, could have been installed in power
at that period with any reasonable chance of continu-
ing in existence for a single twelvemonth? Viscount
PALMERSTON'S Cabinet had been shattered to pieces
with scorn by his own Parliament. Lord JOHN
RUSSELL sat below the gangway powerless from
his [glaring unpopularity, Lord ABERDEEN,
fallen into the sere leaf as a political chieftain, had
been long previously shelved as an utterly used-up
and effete administrator. Lord LANSDOWNE bad
invariably, pertinaciously, declined every oppor-
tunity which had been offered to him in times past
of even attempting to form what might at the best
have proved indeed to be in two senses of the
phrase, a Petty Administration. Lord GRANVILLE
had rarely assumed any other office than the purely
ornamental. We have recently seen him, in obedi-
ence to the command of the Sovereign, adventure
upon one futile attempt to rise to the altitude of a
Prime Minister from the resplendent but far in-
ferior elevation:of the positions he has already occu-
pied—one while (fortunately a very brief one while
it was) Foreign Secretary—another time President
of the Council—latterly leader of the Liberal
Opposition in the Lords, and simultaneously Chan-
cellor of the London University. A delightful, charm-
ing, good-natured leader of the Liberal aristocracy
—an intelligent and laborious Chairman of the
Royal Commissioners for the International Exhibi-
tion of 1851—a capital Master of the Buckhounds
—a respectable public servant enough in the
earlier part of his public career, in such minor
posts as Vice-President of the Board of Trade,
Treasurer of the Navy, Paymaster of the Forces,
and Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster—
GRANVILLE GEORGE LEVESON GOWER, second Earl
GRANVILLE, could hardly be thought of seriously
for half an instant as Prime Minister of England.
On Saturday Lord GRANVILLE'S Premiership
proved, upon experiment, to be as impossible in the
June of 1859, as in the February of 1858, it would,
if suggested, have been necessarily deemed pre-
posterous. Among the Commoners, Mr. GLAD-
STONE might have assumed with all becom-
ing dignity the curule chair of power—but Mr.
GLADSTONE, fifteen months ago, would have
entered office without colleagues. Lord ELGIN
might have reasonably been recognised as a likely
aspirant enough to the supreme post of the Pre-
miership ; but Lord ELGIN was sixteen or eighteen
thousand miles from home, conducting with admir-
able ability the diplomatic negotiations with the
Chinese and Japanese Governments. Scanning
every party and section of a party, looking to the
Lords and the Commons, to the Whigs and the
Tories, to the Peelites and the Radicals, to the
Liberals and the Conservatives—there was really
no alternative submitted at the close of the month
of February in 1858, to the choice of England's
Constitutional SOVEREIGN. The powerful Ministry
of Lord PALMERSTON had been shattered to pieces,
and cast down into the very dust. Its reconstruction
in any case at that period was absolutely and en-
tirely out of the question. Apart from the
national jealousy excited (mistakenly or other-
wise it matters not at this moment to
consider) by the obnoxious Conspiracy to Murder
Bill—the PALMERSTON Administration had fallen
deplorably " from its high estate " in the general
estimation. Mr. SMITH had shown himself utterly
incompetent at the head of the Board of Control.
Lord CLANRICARDE had outraged the popular
feeling by assuming the delicate, though chiefly
honorary, post of her MAJEsTY's Lord Privy Seal.
Lord CLARENDON had forfeited the confidence of
many among his former admirers by his lamenta-
ble vacillation. Sir CHARLES WOOD had allowed
the royal navy of this sea-girt isle, hitherto the
mistress of the deep, to dwindle down to compara-
tive insignificance. And so on through the rest of
the Administration. The reconstruction, again
We say it, of Lord PALMERSTON'S Government, in
any shape whatever, in the February of 1858
was not for two seconds ,to be thought
of. Her MAJESTY had but one constitutional
course to pursue, and—according to her invariable
wont during these twenty-three years of her happy
and glorious reign—she pursued it. Her MAJESTY
entrusted to Lord DERBY the supreme responsibi-
, lity—a responsibility at that juncture doubly
onerous—of forming an Administration. The
Government was obviously, was avowedly, was
necessarily a Government of a minority. It had to
be formed, moreover, in the midst of a momentary
feeling of jealousy between France and England—a
feeling that might have cooled [into a serious
estrangement—if it might not even have become
heated into a positive and disastrous rupture. It
had to be constructed besides, this DERBY Cabinet
in the presence, in the very teeth of an angry and
irritated Opposition, Lord DERBY however had
to obey the necessity of the hour. Preferring him-
self his high patrician seclusion he had to
accept frankly the responsibility imposed
upon him at once by circumstances, by
his party, by his country and by his
SOVEREIGN. Honourably and nobly has he ac-
quitted himself since then during these past fifteen
months as the chief the of British Government. And
as honourably, and as nobly have his colleagues co-
operated with him in conducting, under circum-
stances of extraordinary difficulty, the weighty
affairs of Administration, We say this as ultra-
reformers, as the organ of throughgoing liberal in-
dependents.
[Not independents, by the way,
like the honourable and learned member for
Southampton.—who protest one thing loudly
in debate, and then vote in direct opposition to
andar
veoscoilfuetreousluddecelpaernadtieountss: but
e
ttrue,he i r volunteered
staunch,
and
mean like the hon. and learned member for
Sheffield—who speak and act, from first to last,
with unflinching and inflexible consistency !]
We recognise, we repeat, as ultra• Reformers, as
the organ of thorough-going Liberal Independents,
the zeal, the industry, the complete self-abnegation
and patriotic self-sacrifice with which the country
and the Crown have been served during the
fifteen months last past by the leading members of
Lord DERBY'S Administration. During that brief
interval—they have done what neither Lord JOHN'S
Government, nor yet Lord PALMERSTON's, ever
attempted—they have laid a substantial measure
of Parliamentary Reform upon the table of the
House of Commons. That measure, with all
its shortcomings, might have been developed
and ripened into everything the most ardent
reformer could wish in Committee. It would
infallibly have been followed up in the ensu-
ing session by a better and more carefully
matured bill—one that would have left compara-
tively little to be done in committee in the way of
its improvement. Thanks to the DERBY Ministry
again, the Royal Navy, all but ruined by the
pitiable inefficiency of Sir CHARLES WooD, has
been reorganized, and all but reconstructed. by
the zealous and patriotic labours of Sr JOHN
PAKINGTON. Unembarrassed by any European
war, Lord CLARENDON almost allowed the diplo-
matic relations between France and England to
drift to ruin between the Scylla of a rupture and

the Charybdis of an estrangement. Whereas Lord
MALMESBURY, though embarrassed by a great
European war, has preserved intact England's
neutrality

During the comparatively short period of the
existence of the DERBY Ministry, again, have not
two vast portions of the globe—one in the eastern,
one in the western hemisphere been brought
directly under the jurisdiction of the Crown ? Lord
STANLEY, as Indian Secretary, has swept
down one vast monopoly—Sir EDWARD LYTTON
as Colonial Secretary has swept down another.
As ruling powers, the East India Company and the
Hudson's Bay Company are no more. And while
the noble lord the member for King's Lynn has
left the impress of his rule over Hindostan ap-
parent in the very outlines of the grand scheme
for the imperial reorganisation of the Indian
Government, the right hon. baronet the
member for Hertfordshire has raised a lasting
monument of his genius as an administrator
in the creation and organization of the superb and
gigantic colony of British Columbia. It is in re-
cognition of their great services to the Crown and
to the country, that her MAJESTY awards to Lord
DERBY, at the moment of his retirement from the
Premiership, the insignia of the Most Noble
'Order of the Garter—conferring the Grand
Cross of the Bath, at the same time, upon Sir
JOAN PAKINGTON, who has reconstructed
the navy, and upon the Earl of MALMES-
BURY, to whose wise caution the country
is indebted for the maintenance of neutrality in
the midst of a sanguinary war between the two
most powerful military empires in Christendom.
A coronet placed upon the brow of Sir BULWER
LYTTON would complete the royal meeds awarded
to the chiefs of a loyal and patriotic Administra-
tion. It would tally, moreover, as a national and
regal tribute to genius, with the elevation of
-MACAULAY to the peerage at the close of the pre-
ceding Government.

Mr. WYLD is not in the House, thanks to the
want of the Ballot in Bodmin. It may be hoped,
however, that a petition will give him an opportu-
nity of testing the electors of the little borough
and that he will then resume the place to which
his moral courage last session so justly entitles
him. It will meantime be, we are sure, no small
consolation to him if the cause which he repre-
sented, when a forlorn hope was needed, is not
sacrificed again to Whig convenience. Lord J.
RUSSELL is plainly of opinion that a Reform Bill
might even be introduced this session ; that if it be
not, a distinct session ought to be held for it later
in the year. Well, we quite agree with him. The
understanding was that this Parliament was to pass
a Reform Bill—to pass one acceptable to the coun-
try, and to pass it while its impressions were yet
fresh, of what constituencies desire in a Reform
Bill. The Conservatives have commended Lord
JOHN'S straightforwardness this time in not veiling
a party move under the form of resolutions on a
second reading ; and we trust they will have to
commend his straightforwardness in either laying
on the table his Reform Bill very promptly, or in
convening a session in November for the purpose.
We trust they will have to own that his speech on
this point was not opposition claptrap.
Now, taking Lord JOHN at his word, we entreat
the friends of the Ballot to lose no time. They
ought to know at the earliest possible moment,
and the country ought to know, whether we
are to have the cardinal reform or not. We
trust the Ballot Society will be alive to
its duties. Its President played them sadly
false at the London election ; they had
even to vindicate themselves by a resolution
advorticnd rihliols-, to pnt themcPlroc right with
the electors. We hope Mr. BERKELEY will be
guilty of no such coquetry with Whiggism in future
—it is only by hoisting the banner of " no compro-
mise," that this Reform can ever be wrung from the
Whigs any more than from the Tories ; and what
to thoroughgoing reformers is the difference between
a RUSSELL or a DISRAELI Reform Bill, if the Ballot
be omitted ? What the difference ! We much fear
just this—Mr. DISRAELI would, as now instructed
by the last election, have given us a Bill within a
little, if not quite, as liberal as the one Lord JOHN
may give us; but Mr.DISRAELI could have carried
his through the Upper House, which the Whig lord
can hardly do. We do not, indeed, justify this fac
tious preference of their own side on the part of the
Peers ; still we must acknowledge they would be
more patriotic than most parties, if they would not
concede for the advantage of their own side in the
House of Commons what they will not concede to
benefit opponents.

The Whigs, therefore, if we are not mistaken,
will not be able to carry anything for us by the
simple force of Whiggery with merely a majority of
13 in a house, including a few pairs, of 643 mem-
bers. They cannot, with such forces, coerce the
Lords, who will certainly yield to nothing but po-
litical coercion. Reformers must then rely solely
on the merits of their measure. It must be
one which the house dares not refuse—one which, if
dismissed again to the country, the country will
insist on, under the penalty of excluding for life
all recusants, and we affirm that, without
the Ballot, no such enthusiasm can be
aroused. Let this be offered, whether by Whigs or
Tories, and the country will have the bill. Let it
be withheld, and the country will say, as it has said,
" What is it to us which of two Conservative Pre-
miers and parties is in office ?" We hold the ques-
tion to be vital. Justly did a Conservative speaker,
Mr. KER SEYMER, tell the House on Thursday :

" It was said (he observed) that the great Liberal party
was now united. (He (Mr. Seymer) took leave to doubt it.
He did not believe it, because there were questions on
which the country called for a decision, and with respect to
which there were most decided differences of opinion among
hon. members opposite. He would refer to one or two of
them. The question of reform was not one on which they
could act in common. There was the ballot, a vital question.
That was not a matter of detail, and it was a question which
he did not see the possibility of the united Liberal party
settling satisfactorily. The noble lord the member for the
city of London might be squeezable on this point. (A
laugh.) The right hon. gentleman the member for Carlisle
was, he suspected, half squeezed already. But the noble
lord the member for Tiverton was staunch. He had made
many excellent and manly speeches against the ballot. It
would not do to say that the ballot was to be an open ques-
tion. How could it remain an open question with hon. gen-
tlemen opposite who maintained that an extension of the
franchise without the ballot would be worse than nothing,
and only place the unfortunate labourer in a more dependent
position than the present constituency ? (Loud cheers.)"
We shall be told, we know, that we want to get
up division in the camp at once, to make govern-
ment
ththat
t impossible,the s
settlement
mael
nl
tt,htaot sort
take o fp
proper
thing.op e
r effect,
l\r e
reply,
must be made before the consummate on of marriage
with a new Government. If not dealt with
will be firmly at first, they
unmanage-
able afterwards. " Don't emisarrass the Whigs,"
may be a very good cry for the Tory Whigs, but
we
deem
Whigs who are embarrassed by the cry
for the Ballot not to be the men for whom we should
care to turn Tories out of office. We want Liberals
and Reformers, not Whigs. We want men who
have the inclination and the courage to give some-
thing tangibly different from those whom they
accuse of being the party traditionally hostile to all
reform. What should the difference be if it be not
the Ballot ? Each party has approximated so closely
to the other on the franchise, and on the redistri-
bution of seats, that there is little left by which to

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