The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-08 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, NINE 8, 1859,

in respect both to foreign and domestic policy. (Hear,
hear, and Oh, oh.) The hon. member concluded by reading
the address to her Majesty, in reply to her most gracious
speech.
Sir J. ELPHINSTONE seconded the motion. He
believed that her Majesty's Government would carry out
the administration of public affairs with efficiency ; and he
believed that the attitude of neutrality assumed by this
country at the present time was one that was dictated by
wisdom. (Hear, hear:) He felt bound to deprecate any-
thing likemparsimony, in reference to the naval arma-
ment of the country, which ho contended should be
placed in a state of the most perfect efficiency, and
whatever might be the cost of carrying out that object,
it would be found eventually to be the most economical.
(Hear, hear.) He concurred fully in what had fallen from
the.hon.• mover of the Address, and he thought that it
would be injudicious to attempt to deal with the question of
reform during the present session.
The Marquis of HARTiNGTON said he rose to move
an amendment to the Address, and contended that he was
sustained by precedent in the-course he pursued. He wished,
by the present amendment, to raise the question as to whe-
ther the Government enjoyed the confidence of the house
and the country, and he trusted that if the vote arrived at
were adverse to' Government, that it would he accepted by
them in a proper and constitutional spirit, as indicating
that confidence was not reposed in them. He did not
consider that the antecedents of the Government since their
accession to office justified their retention of power, and the
Reform Bill which they introduced failed to satisfy public
feeling, had the effect of displeasing some members of Go-
vernment itself. The resolution of the. noble lord, the
member for London, having been affirmed by the house,
he thought that such being the case it was
not constitutional for the Government to continue at
. the head of affairs. (Hear, hear, and No, no.) He was
not actuated by any factious spirit ; but, he contended that
the Government should not have accepted the decision of
the house as a vote of censure. It was neither wise nor
patriotic on their part to have dissolved Parliament
at a time when the state of foreign affairs rendered
such a proceeding more perilous. With regard to the
Reform Bill introduced by Government, it was not a mea-
sure that secured the sympathy and approval of the Con-
servative party. (Oh, oh.) He repeated that statement,
and in support of it he drew attention to the
fact that several Conservative members repudiated the
measure on the platform, or at all events did not make
it the bhsis of their appeals to their constituencies. He
denied that, in making the present motion, there was any
party motive ; and he would observe, with reference to
party, that the great Liberal party were not so divided
among themselves as was supposed, but that they were
ready to co-operate in any course of policy that waecalcu-
lated, in their opinion, to promote the interests :of the
country. He now begged to move that the following words
be added to the address We beg humbly to submit to
your Majesty that it is essential to the satisfactory result
of our deliberations, to the securing the success of our coun-
cils, and to the facilitating the discharge of the high func-
tions of your Majesty, that. your Majesty's Government
should possess the confidence of this house and of the coun-
try, and we deem it to be our duty respectfully to represent
to your Majesty that such confidence is not reposed in:your '
Majesty's present Government." (Loud and long-continued
cheering.) •
Mr. HANBURY said he rose to second the amendment
which had been so ably proposed by the noble lord the
member for North Lancashire, and in so doing he ventured
to observe that he was not actuated by any feelings of per-
sonal vanity in assuming the prominent position in which
he now found himself. He thought the challenge thrown
down by the Government at the close of the last Parlia-
ment should be fairly taken up, and that the question at
issue was fairly and legitimately raised by the amendment.
It was the universal opinion that the noble lord who guided
the helm of foreign affairs knew as little of foreign diplo-
macy as he cared about the correct spelling of his attaches.
(A laugh.) It seemed to be the opinion of all who heard
the speech of the noble lord (Malmesbury) in another place,
that it was characterised by hesitation, vacillation, and am-
biguity of purpose. How strong a contrast it presented to
the words that fell from the noble viscount (Palmerston) I
With regard to the noble earl at the head of the Govern-
ment, his opinions, expressed in the other house at the close
of the session, greatly differed from the views that fell from
his lips a few days afterwards at the Lord Mayor's banquet.
It was most important that England should have at the
head of affairs at the present moment a Minister who was
thoroughly acquainted with foreign diplomacy, so as to
entitle this country to the respect of foreign Powers, which
we had now somewhat lost. Could the Liberal party place
any confidence in these men? He did not believe that any
true Conservative could do so. He protested that the party
now in power were no longer entitled to the name of Con-
servative, and that hon. gentlemen who supported them
would be carried down to posterity as followers of Lord
Derby. As to hon. gentlemen on his own side of the house,
they advocated liberaLmeasures because they believed in
them, and they were the true Conservatives. If they believed
that at a crisis of paramount importance the Government
ought to be firmly united and composed of 'a Liberal Admi-
nistration, they would, by voting for the amendment, tell
the present Government that the country and the House of
Commons had no confidence in them, and that the public
interests imperatively demanded that they should resign
their offices. (Hear.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose amid
loud cheering. He said,—Mr. Speaker, I find no fault with
the course taken by the noble lord and his friends. I think
it one advantageous to the public service, and advantageous
to the country, especially in the state in which we at present
find it. I think it of great advantage that we should know.
whether the advisers of her Majesty possess the confidence
of Parliament, and I think that we have given very satis-
factory evidence of the sincerity of our opinion by the step
, which we advised her Majesty to take in dissolving the late
Parliament. (Hear.) But I would observe that when the
noble lord talks of the precedent of 1841 as being identical
with the position and conduct of the' present Ministry, he,
will, on examination and reflection, find a very considerable
difference between the two cases. (Cheers.) It is true Lord
Derby, from a sense of duty, advised her Majesty to dissolve
the late Parliament; he succeeded to office under circum-
stances of great difficulty; the late Parliament was assembled
under the influence of his predecessors and opponents; it is
well known that' he counted in it but a comparatively small
number of supporters. (Hear.) But what was the conduct
of the Ministry that dissolved the Parliament of 1841? They
dissolved a Parliament that had been elected under their
own influences—(cheers)—they dissolved a Parliament of
their own friends; and the resolution Sir R. feel felt it his duty
should be moved by way of amendment on the meeting of the
new Parliament was authorised by very different eircum-
' stances from those at present existing, and certainly met a
different fate to that which awaits the amendment moved
by the noble lord. (Cheers.) Why, sir, it was made a just
reproach to the Ministry of Lord Melbourne, of which the
noble lord the member for the city of London was the Pleader
.in that house, that it remained on these benches year after
year, for two whole years, after it had received a signal de-
feat in 1839, and in continued and continual minorities, yet
neither appealed to the country nor resigned office ; and
when it did appeal to the country it was on a vote of censure
carried in its own Parliament by those who had been origi-
nally its own supporters. Was that the position of the Go-
vernment of Lord Derby ? True, our measures were not
successful, and this is not surprising when they were brought
forward in a Parliament of which only one third were our
supporters.
I doubt whether any measure could have been
brought forward, however matured, however adapted to the
circumstances with which they were intended to cope, that
would have been successful in a Parliament so constituted.
We knew our measures could not be carried; and it was a
just reason for advising her Majesty to appeal to the coun-
try under the circumstances. Now, sir, I think I have suc-
cessfully shown that the circumstances in which Lord Mel-
bourne was placed in 1841 were very different to those now
appealed to as a justification for the course taken by the
noble lord. But I repeat that Ifind no fault with the course
so taken. I have shown my sense of it by rising, immedi-
ately to reply to the accusations, and I assure the noble lord
and the house that I do so from a sense of the importance of
this question, and the conviction that it ought not to be left
unnecessarily in suspense. (Hear, hear.) It is of the highest
importance to the public interests that this question should
be immediately decided; and I hope my rising at this mo-
ment at once to meet the charges made by the noble lord and
his friends, that the house will be enabled to divide on itto-

night—(great cheering)—and thus settle at this momentous
crisis which party indeed possesses the confidence of Par-
liament. (Cheers.) I entirely reciprocate the sentiments
expressed by the noble lord and his friends, and I beg
to say, if we are defeated, the Government by which
we are succeeded shall receive from us a fair and
constitutional support. (Cheers.) But the decision
ought not, at this crisis, to be delayed for four-and-twenty
hours—(cheers)—and, as the noble lord and his friends
thought it the proper course not to lose a moment in chal •
lenging the propriety of our being on those benches, so do I
impress on the house the importance of not unnecessarily
losing a moment in coming to the decision. (Cheers.) Now,
sir, what are the grounds on which the noble lord and his
friends seek to establish the want of confidence he says this
house ought to feel in her Majesty's Government ? For,
though it may be in the power of a majority of the house to
come to a resolution without a reason, still the noble lord
must feel that a decision of that kind would lose all moral
weight. The noble lord on the present occasion, no doubt
acting on the best advice, hi+ really opened all the grounds
on which aresolution expresing a want of confidence ought
to be moved. Well, I cificiot think the failure of our mea-
sures in :several instalides in the late Parliament is a fair
ground on which to rest a want of confidence on the part of
the present one. (Cheers.) Looking at the circumstances
under which we acceded to power, and to which I have
already referred, it was because we were unsuccessful in
carrying our measures in the late Parliament that we ad-
, vised an appeal to the country. If, therefore, the present
Parliament decides on giving a fair and constitutional hear-
ing to any measures we may bring forward, it will be quite
unn:ceesary for this house to vindicate, the charge against
us of not having been able to pass our measures in the last.
(Cheers.) But the noble lord says that, having been unable
to pass onr measures, we counselled a dissolution of Par-
liament,—a course constitutional, the noble lord admits,
but most reckless and unwise. With all deference to the
noble lord and his friends, I think that is rather begging
tb.e question. Whether the dissolution was reckless and
unwise is a conclusion for the present Parliament to form.
The noble lord and his friends admit that there were two
courses open to us after the resolution of the noble lord (J.
Russell)—we might have resigned our offices or taken the
alternative we ultimately adopted. Ido not think, in a
constitutional sense, we were bound to resign our offices
on being defeated in a Parliament not assembled under
our auspices. It is a matter of notoriety that the last
house was filled with those belonging to that educated class
—(laughter and cheers)—that highly favoured Whig con-
nexion, who are the hereditary opponents of the political
party we profess to represent. (Cheers.) I cannot see
how the course we advised her Majesty to take
can be called unwise or reckless. There is nothing
in a dissolution of Parliament which the great
Liberal party should look upon with jealousy and
distrust. I do not know whether the sections of that

party who sit below the gangway are of opinion that
dissolutions of Parliament are always to be deprecated.
(Cheers and laughter.) That distrust of the people I thought
was confined to the educated classes. (Cheers.) Iknow the
noble lord the member for London never hears of a dissolution
of Parliament but he rises to condemn it; and that is per-
fectly in harmony with the political views of the party—the
educated party—to which we are indebted for the Septennial
Act. (Cheers.) But I was not prepared to hear that all the
re-combined sections of that party are of opinion that fre-
quent dissolutions of Parliament are unwise and reckless.
(Cheers.) But lam very glad the noble lord, in the manly
and promising speech he has made (hear, hear) has limited
his objections to the dissolution and its policy, and has not
condescended to intrude upon the house that trash of which
we have heard so much with regard to the conduct of the
elections, the corruptions of the constituencies, and the com-
pacts with foreign powers and hierarchies. (Cheers.) Per-
haps the noble lord thought the subjecchad been exhausted
by a master. (Laughter.) Perhaps he thought if he had,
without sufficient examination, indulged in such statements,
he might have been liable to the replies that followed them.
(Hear, hear.) Now Parliament has met lam glad to find
that this question is, at least, discussed in the spirit of
gentlemen—(hear, hear)—with high party views and on
broad constitutional principles. There was a statement that
came from a great authority, and which I know exercised
considerable influence. on the public mind, for it was made
at a very apropos moment, when it was supposed it would
have great influence on the borough elections. I was at that
time very much engaged, and probably read the public prints
with more haste than I ought to have done, but I read that
statement because I took an interest both in the locality
where it was made and the individual who made it. In read-

inb it did mistake the speech which appears to have been
made by a distinguished member of this house for that of the
young gentleman he was introducing to his constituents.
(Great laughter and cheers.) When I read that charge upon
the Ministry which I was told was to be the basis of a vote of
wantof confidence in Parliament, and which was madewith-
out the slightest foundation and with a bitterness which
seemed to me to be perfectly gratuitous—(hear)—l naturally
said young men will be young men. Youth will be, as we
all know, somewhat reckless in assertion, and when we are
juvenile and curly—(laughter)—one takes a pride in sarcasm
and invective—(laughter)—one feels some interest in a
young relative of a distinguished member of this house, and
though the statements were not very agreeable to her Ma-
jesty's Ministers, I felt that he was a chip of the old block.
(Great laughter and cheers.) I felt—and I hope my col-
leagues shared in the sentiment—that when that young
gentleman entered this house, he might, when gazing upon
the venerable form, and listening to the accents of benignant
-wisdom that fell, and always fall, from the lips of the right
hon. gentleman the member for Carlisle—(laughter)—he

might learn how reckless assertion in time 'might mature
into accuracy of statement, and howbitterness and invective,
however organic, can be controlled by the sicissitudes of a
wise experienes. (Laughter and cheers.) Yet the state-
ments made in that speech of the right hon. gentleman have

been circulated in every form, and for a time have been
credited in every quarter in this country. The public
have really believed that a corrupt Administration has
been obtaining returns from the hustings by the vilest
means, and for the most infamous purposes. (Hear, hear.)
They have believed that the allowance to innkeepers for
the billeting of soldiers—(laughter)—was absolutely in-
creased at the arbitrary will of a War Minister, in order to
bribe the publicans to vote for Government candidates
—(laughter)—though every gentleman in this house must
be perfectly aware that their predecessors had passed the
act by which that increase of allowance was constitutionally
made, and that the increase had been for some time in orera-
tion. (Hear.) The public did believe that barracks were
builtand contracts given, when contracts were never entered
into and when barracks were never built. (Hear, hear, and
a laugh.) The public really did believe that my Lord Derby
had subscribed—had boasted, to use the language of the
right hon. gentleman, of having subscribed £20,000 to a
fund to manage the elections. (A laugh.) Lord Derby has
treated that assertion with silent contempt. (Cheers.) All
the other assertions made at the time have been answered in
detail, and therefore I suppose he thought the time would
come when he could leave it to me to say for him, what I do
say now, that that statement was an impudent fabrication.
(Loud and repeated cheers.) But what are all these con •
tracts with innkeepers to the compact with the Pope ?
(Laughter.) Why, next to nothing. It is not an agree •
able duty to have to listen to statements made until Parlia-
ment meets by Privy Councillors, by men who have filled
the highest offices of State, and, for aught I know, who
may be about to fill high offices of State, but upon which
the moment Parliament meets every one is silent. (Hear,
hear.) Neither the mover nor the seconder of this great
indictment of want of confidence condescends even to men-
tion them. (Hear,) And yet the charge is a weighty one.
Is it true that Lord Derby has entered into any compact
or understanding with any. hierarchy in this country, or
with any agent of any foreign Prince, to influence the elec-
tion of our own country ? These are statements which
ought not to be made by persons of eminence without some
examination. (Cheers.) I state, in a manner the most
unequivocal and unequivocating, that there has been no
compact of that kind—(hear, hear)—and that the support
that was given in many instances to the members on this
side of the house at the late general election by our fellow-
subjects professing the Roman Catholic faith was given,
not only without compact and without conditions, but was
given without even communication with her Majesty's Go-
vernment. (Cheers.) And I take it for granted that those
who supported us under these circumstances, as the other
subjects of her Majesty, had formed their own fair opinion,
right or wrong, on public men and on public policy. But it
seems that the civil and religious liberty granted to the
Roman Catholics, especially with the aid of the noble lord,
means civil and religious liberty to vote for Whigs and to
support Whig candidates. (Laughter and cheers.) The mo-
ment a British or Irish subject professing the Roman Catho-
lic religion votes for a Tory, it is quite clear that gentlemen
opposite meditate again the revival even of those penal laws,
for the repeal of which they assume so much credit to them-
selves. (Laughter and cheers.) Now, I have touched upon
the two grounds upon which this vote of want of confidence
recommends itself to the house—this vote of want of con-
fidence in the unusual form of an amendment to the Ad-
dress in answer to the gracious Speech from the Throne.
First of all, it is said that in many instances our
measures failed in Parliament; but that was the very
ground upon which a new Parliament has been called upon
to assemble. (Hear, hear.) , Secondly, it is said that we
advised her Majesty to dissolve Parliament, which, in the
opinion of the noble lord, was an unwise and reckless
measure ; but that, in fact, is the very question at issue.
And now what are the other grounds ? What has occurred
since the dissolution to justify this amendment of
the noble lord ? The conduct, it is said, of our foreign
affairs. It appears that the negotiations which were in
progress when the late Parliament was dissolved have proved
unsuccessful, and that war between some of the Powers of
Europe has ensued. As far as I could collect the meaning
of the noble lord—though I must say he showed considerable
diplomatic ability himself in the shadowy manner in which
he framed that part of his indictment—there is, no doubt,
some foundation for his statement ad invidiarn that we had
been unsuccessful in the management of our foreign rela-
tions, that our negotiations, which had been undertaken to
avert war, had not preserved peace. The noble lord and
his friends have a right to the opinion or the suspicion that
our conduct of our foreign relations since the- commence-
ment of this year have not been carried on and conducted
with ability; but, surely, the grounds upon which an
opinion on that subject should be formed are the ample
documents which I am about immediately to lay upon the
table of the house. (Cheers.) Surely the noble lord,
although he is a party man—and I do not honour the noble
lord the less because he is a party man, for I look upon
party as the best security for our Parliamentary govern-
ment and for our public liberty—(hear, hear)— surely the
noble lord as a party man will not lay it down as a prin-
ciple that he and his friends, even if he had a majority,
should decide upon negoliations without reading and study-
ing the documents which can alone inform him. (Cheers.)
the ouold the noble lord, as a party man, say that success is
ntlhyathat
testha
so of
failedab i ability tiyu inth no egot
conductiot negotiation, no,f and that
negotiation t het
o Govern-
mentavert
w (Hear,a rworthya that to
principlet he affairswhich
of
thet h this s
noblecountry
i or
d?
nothear)
would insist upon? It is the only •ne left, and probably it
is. The war that has broken out in
It
ttuiope ,has been very
oonfloyur four
idliesy,e butars
recently preceded by another war.
since a war took place, not between twso
between this country and a great military Power—Russia.
(Hear.)ssia.
Were there no negotiations then to prevent war?e
Was not the stake infinitely greater and the responsibility
proportionately increased when it was our own immediate
action that was at stake, and our own conduct on theirn-
portant question of peace or war that was at issue? (Hear'
hear.) Well, I want to know who were thenthe Ministers.
We were not responsible for those negotiations. (Hear.)
The Government at that .time was net a Government in a
minority. That was not a Government formed of men of
inferior abilities and of deficient experience. (Hear, hear.)
On the contrary, it was presided over by a wise and cele-
brated European statesman,J.ord Aberdeen, who had him-
self assisted in the construction of those famous treaties of
1815, of which we hear so much now-a-days. He had for
his Foreign Secretary a distinguished statesman who had
filled the highest offices in the service of the Crown, and
had been ambassador at great Courts. Who is to be your
Foreign Secretary I don't know, but a very distinguished
man indeed is my Lord Clarendon. You had, then, Lord
Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon, men of admirable ability
youand
nobodyexperience,
eelse?
? to
(Laughter.)conduc t yourmrhy theree o t i awtai
so
thes .
noble
lho ar
dd
the member for Tiverton, who, like Coriolanus, showed his
wounds yesterday, and is an avowed candidate for power.
lle is of opinion—as some others are too—that he has some
knowledge of foreign affairs, and he takes every opportu-
nity of intimating that he is the only man who can wage war
or preserve peace. Lord Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon had
the assistance of the member for Tiverton. I will say
nothing of the noble lord the member for London; because
his experience as Foreign Secretary is but limited. (Laugh-
ter.) Well, what did tie member for Tiverton, and Lord
Aberdeen, andyeLtorfdorgCelattreeyn,d.on do the way of negotiation
to prevent the war? Why, the im% of those negotiations_he
is really not
State paper of Vienna is not
consciousness of the people° tomty
thise
te o
n England.ut y (
(C.Lho (Cheers.) s d
c.
You had great advantages, and
entirely blotted out of the
and experienced statesmenP-arolyiaemn
you had a majority in
and to
stake to urge you to exe'rtilvne t
oay
increase°n still h a
greater
ywiseou r
you signally )11faeiellres:1);
morere utterly discomfited.
responsibility, and yet you
(Cheers.) You had somethingthanh we had with
You had an Opposition
our poor means to preserve peace.
numerous and fairly ambitious, but Yin
bring the midst of your,
froerawolaurtdiovuoatetos
negotiations that Opposition did not
of want a confidence nor propose cunhing
embarrass the public service. (Loud cheers.) We aided
you in your difficulties, and supported you heartily and
truly. (Cheers, and a cry of " No.") Is there any one can
an instance
during " No ? " I defy any man to bring
during that war in which we brought forward a single mo-
tion to embarrass you; and whenby your general misgovernment and misconduct of the war there arose a public out:
your
own which called for your fall, it was a member on
own side of the house who struck the blow, and it was by
the votes of several sections of the Liberal party that you
were ejected from office. (Cheers.) So much, then, for the
third ground on which this vote of want of confidence is
rested. I think I have shown the h9use that that ground
cannot be urged with plausibility even to the public of
Carlisle, which believes in compacts with the Pope, and
which credits the most monstrous assertions, if they are only
circulated on high authority. There is still one more ground
on which the noble lord rested the vindication of the line
which he is now taking, and that is the failure of our late
measure for the amendment of the representation of the
people, and the ground consequent on that failure—of our
insufficiency to deal with the question of Parliamentary Re-
form. It is unnecessary that I should attempt for a moment
to vindicate the measure which we brought forward in the
last Parliament, but I will state one fact, not upon my own
authority, but on the authority of men of the highest scien-
tific character, not connected with politics nor with parties,
whose only object in their researches is to establish and
promulgate truth—and that is that our measure would at

least have increased the constituent body by not less than
500,000, being absolutely a larger addition than was made
by the Reform Bill of, 1832. There were great objections
to details, but still upon matters no doubt of importance,
urged against that measure. It was said, for instance, that
it would disfranchise county freeholders living in towns,
that it would enable votes to be given by papers, and
other objections were made to it. Admitting, for the sake
of argument, that these propositions perfectly deserved the
condemnation they received, have no propositions to amend
the representation of the people been coupled and connected
with propositions which were equally unsuccessful and
equally condemned ? (Cheers.) Why don't we bear of
them Why are we always told of our unhappy proposal
to disfranchise freeholders and to give votes by papers ? The
noble lord the member for the city has been in office almost
all his life—he has had a monopoly of this question of re-
form—he has been handling it and fumbling it as long as
I can remember. He has brought forward bills twice un-
successfully. He proposed at one time—he, the great
patron of the working classes—to disfranchise all the free-
men in England. (Hear, hear.) Why should not that
proposition be urged as a reason for no longer entrusting
him with the preparation of a Reform Bill? (Cheers.)
In one bill he introduced a proposition hostile to the
principles on which representative Government is esta-
blished, and alien to the spirit of the constitution—repre-
sentation by minorities. If there ever was a proposition re-
ceived with universal condemnation that was it. Why
should not that disqualify the noble lord from meddling
with this question again? The noble lord, who cannot for
a moment tolerate government by a minority, within my
memory sat on these benches, and led this house in an
avowed minority, resting entirely on the counsel and sup-
port which he received from Sir R. Peel. The noble lord,
whois so constant in hie denunciations of government by a
minority, himself propesed to change the English constitu-
tion, and give representation to minorities. (Cheers.) I sup-
pose lie is the only person who can be entrusted with the
preparation of a Reform Bill, because the other noble lord,
the member for Tiverton, does not like the subject.
(Laughter.) It is one to which he does not conceal his dis-
inclination. We, who, at least, have prepared and intro-
duced a measure which would more than have doubled the
constituency of the kingdom, are never to be allowed to give
our opinions on a measure of this kind, while the noble lord
who scarcely conceals his opinion that all Parliamentary
Reform is a bad thing, and who tells you that if you are to
have it you shall have as little as possible, is the popular
candidate for the command of what we were told yesterday
are now " the united sections of the Liberal party."
(Laughter.) I congratulate the hon. member for Birming-
ham on the lamb-like manner in which he abdicated those
portentous opinions which a while ago frighted the island
from its propriety. (Cheers.) I have now gone through
the five grounds on which the noble lord and his friends rest
their case for a verdict of want of confidence in the Minis-
try. I have shown that the arguments founded on the failure
of many of our measures in the last Parliament is one which
should rather be urged in favour of a verdict of confidence
from this Parliament, because, as it was in consequence of
the late Par.iament not sanctioning and supporting our
measures that a new Parliament was called, we have a right
to count upon the constitutional confidence of the House of
Commons in that respect. I have shown to the house that
the charge founded upon the " unwise and reckless mea-
sure of dissolution" rests on no substantial foundation.
and I have shown incidentally that the charges which, dur-
ing the recess, have been industriously bruited about as
grounds for requiring a public investigation, and for pass-
ing a vote of want of confidence, are fabrications, without a
tittle of evidence, and are entirely undeserving the credit of
any sensible man. I htive, I hope, shown the house that
to pass a vote of want of confidence in us because our nego-
tiations have failed to preserve peace would be so flagrantly
and manifestly unjust, when you have no documents on
which you can found an opinion, and when those documents
will immediately be in your hands, that gentlemen opposite
cannot rest their vote upon that ground. I think I have
shown the house also that if our unfortunate treatment of
the question of Parliamentary Reform disqualifies us for the
confidence of the house, the noble lord our predecessor in
that enterprise is not more entitled to confidence upon that
subject, and that the other noble lord, his rival or his col-
league—l know not which—is not entitled to the confidence
of the house upon that question in the slightest degree ;
while the hon. member for Birmingham by his prudent re-
tirement from public is now entirely out of the question.
(Cheers and a laugh.) 'slaving made these observations in
reply to the noble lord the member for North Lancashire,
I hope that the house will not think it intrusive if, before I
sit down, I venture to say something upon the character of
the gracious Speech, and upon the intentions of the Govern-
ment. There are two 'main topics iii that Speech which
greatly interest—thoughperhaps at this moment not equally
—the public mind. The first is with regard to the policy
which we shall pursue in our foreign relations, and the next
is with respect to the question of Parliamentary Reform.
Now, the gracious Speech, and the address which has been
moved with so much ability by my hon. friend behind me,
clearly and unequivocally state our policy with respect to
the first subject. We have endeavoured in every possible
manner to preserve peace. I shall be happy and ready
when the time arrives, and when the papers are in the
hands of hon. members, thoroughly to 'vindicate the conduct
of the Government on that head. (Cheers.) I challenge
inquiry, and all I ask is, that the house shall not decide
upon a question so momentous in the absence of all docu-
ments, and when it js impossible that any one can speak
with any general satisfaction ; and if I make one or two
observations upon the point it is only because the subject
has been introduced and enforced by the noble lord, and be-
cause I wish to correct one or two most erroneous impres
sions which appear to exist. I retain, then, the opinion
which I expressed in the late Parliament, that the vote at
which the house arrived on the resolution of the noble lord
the member for London had a serious influence at that mo-
ment on our negotiations. (Cheers.) I shall be able to
prove it, but I only allude to it now in vindication of myself
because the noble lord the member for North Lancashire

has introduced some observations upon it. I said at that
time, and I repeat now, that that vote destroyed all authority
on the part of the Government of this country as a Govern-
ment ; but it did not destroy all our influence with the Em-
peror of the French at that time, because, although as the
mere Government of England we had no authority, we yet
did represent a principle which greatly regulated the con-
duct and influenced. the feelings of the Emperor of the
French. The Emperor of the French was governed at that
moment, and had been, and generally is, by public opinion.
The opinion of France was against war ; the opinion of
England; which he esteems only next to that of France, was
against war; the opinion of enlightened Europe, I may say,
was against war. Therefore, though our authority as a Mi-
nistry had ceased, yet, representing that principle of public
opinion which the Emperor recognised, our representations
were still listened to with respect, and upon that ground,
notwithstanding the vote which the house came to, we still
could influence, as we did influence, the conduct,of the Em-
peror of the French. (Hear, hear.) But as regards Austria,
from whom neither the noble lord nor ourselves anticipated
at that moment the immediate mischief, she was not at all
influenced by public opinion. With Austria we entirely
ceased to have any authority, being a Government con-
demned, and she laboured under the conviction—no doubt a
most unjust conviction, though, so far as negotifitions were
concerned, it operated as,a positive fact—that our imme-
diate successors would be a Ministry favourable to war,
and to war directed against herself. Therefore it was that
Austria, not caring any longer for the influence of the
English Ministry, whom she looked upon as a dead body,
and caring nothing for public opinion, took the rash and
unfortunate step which every one must now deplore.
(Hear, hear.) In this sense, then, I contend that I was
perfectly justified in the statement which I made, and it
will be seen at the proper time, in the course of future dis-
cussions, that it was a perfectly authentic statement.
(Hear.) The house will allow ma also to notice one more
point, which is personal to myself., It has been charged
against me that on the eve of a dissolution of Parliament I
made a statement respecting'. the then state of our negotia-
tions and prospects, and that I expressed an opinion which
was still favourable to peace notwithstanding that the war
then was more,than imminent. Now, I beg to state to the
house—and I dare say the circumstance may easily be re-
called to many gentlemen who were members of the late
Parliament—that it so happened that a few moments only
before I rose to make that statement a telegram arrived
from Lord Cowley, which was immediately forwarded to
me here, informing us that the Emperor of the French.had
entirely adopted the principle of disarmament before the
Congress, which was one which Austria had insisted on as
the foundation of a satisfactory settlement. And not only
that, but that Count Walewski had that moment tele-
graphed to Sardinia, urging her, in a manner which he felt
she could not resist, to accept the same principle. Was I
not justified, then, under the circumstances, in assuring the
house that there was still a prospect of peace before us ?
(Hear, hear.) Was I not further fortified in that assurance
when, the next day, a telegram arrived from Sardinia,
accepting that proposition, which it was supposed to be im-
possible that she could agree to ? (Cheers.) Having failed
in those negotiations—and, as I hope I may, say, with no
discredit or dishonour to our counsels—what is the course

that we have pursued ? We have adopted the principle of
strict and impartial neutrality—(cheers)—we have endea-
voured to act in the spirit of that principle, and it would be
impossible to offer a shadow of proof in favour of the oppo-
site statement, that in the course which we have adopted
and the counsels we have given we have ever had either
an Austrian or a French bias. (Cheers.) And I believe
that the sincere feeling of both those Powers, irritated as
they must be by the position in which they find them-
selves, is to do us complete justice upon that subject.
But of course, though the policy of strict and impar-
tial neutrality is demanded by the interests of -this
country, and is, I am sure, sanctioned by the public voice,
we have felt it our duty to place the Sovereign, by her com-
mand at sea and by the completion of her armaments, in
such a position that her authority will be felt and fully re..
cognised. (Cheers.) I maintain that in those increased
fleets and armaments we have not the intentions of coming
war, but the probable securities for continued and renewed
peace ; because, watching events, encouraging and fostering
friendly relations, we may interfere, with other neutral
Powers, at the right moment, and•may yet attain, at a date
much earlier than I , think is too hastily adopted by the
world, the restoration of that great blessing, of the value of
which, from the experience of the last half century, this
country is more conscious, than it was in former times.
(Cheers.) That, Sir, is our foreign policy. I do not sup-
pose that any one will challenge it as a principle ; and as to
the means by which it should be carried ont,l wrllagain repeat
that it is only by an examination of the ample evidence to
be laid before you that you can form an adequate and fair
opinion. And, notwithstanding the party character of this
motion, I do not feel that a vote of want of confidence can
ever be arrived at against any Ministry in this country when
the documents in explanation of their policy, and which
are promised in her Majesty's gracious Speech, have not
been laid before the house. (Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, I
will treat with little reserve of the other principal topic
te account
pursue
withtle
i
regard
referred to in the gracious Speech, Parliamentary Reform,
althoughit
a interestingtedw
ein
tenodn
course wth it.
I say at once that, it is the opinion of her
Majesty's Government that it is impossible during this
session 55tisfactori waye have not
bientim so
session satisfactorily to deal with that subject • ( He
ar,
hear.) Of course, ieh m
the language of the gracious Speech is
different from that which, according to the practice of this
house, can be used ,by a servant of t 1
Crown ; but I now
take no refuge in ambiguous phrases, telling the house
disposed
of if cdrtain business of great urgency' can be
of we think that there is a chance of dealing with the
great question of reform this session. We are of opinion
that there is no such chance, and if that be considered
by any gentleman as fair ground for censuring the Govern-
ment we are read y to meet that issue. (Hear.) If it
really be the opinion of grave and responsible statesmen
in
this house that in the present condition of this country,
in the month of June, with measures of finance of the
gravest character, with measures connected with the de-
fence and armament of the country of the greatest urgency
to be brought forward we ear. enter into a rash and reckless
engagement to deal with the question of Parliamentary re-
form, I shall be immensely astonished ; but if our opponents
take that view I must ask the house to join, issue with them,
and give a decision which I trust will be dictated by tem-
, perate counsels and good sense. (Cheers.) But although
that is the course which we feel it
our duty to recommend
the house to adopt during the present session, we do not in
any way wish to shrink, as advisers of the Crown, from the
responsibility of dealing with this question. (Hear, hear.)
Nor, even although it may offend the noble lord the mem-

her for the city, I must say, as I have said before, that I can-
not admit that the question of Parliamentary reform, or any
great question which ought to be dealt with in this coun-
try, can become part or parcel of any
.political monopoly.
(Hear.) I do not recognise the convenient dogma, now cir-
culated, that great questions interesting this country, and
more especially its domestic condition, are to be touched and
treated only by one particular favoured, even though edu-
cated section. (Hear, hear.) I think it would be very
dangerous to this country that we should adopt the prin-
ciple that any party which can be called to the administra-
tion of affairs should consider themselves shut out from
dealing with any great question of public interest. If they
are, they are unfit to sit upon this bench of severe
responsibility, and must take office under conditions inju-
rious to the public service and the public interest. I do not
want to enter into an historical disquisition upon the jus-
tice of this favourite theory of the noble lord ; but I do not
find that in history Parliamentary reform has been the par-
Jicular privilege and property of the educated. section. I
know very well that Mr. Pitt did not belong to the edit-
' sated section—(laughter)--but he was a Parliamentary re-
former. The Duke of Richmond was, I think, not one of
the educated section, but he was a Parliamentary reformer.
I know many other illustrious men who at different times
within the last eight years have given their opinions in
Parliament upon this subject, and very few of them have
belonged to the educated section. (Renewed laughter.) I
admit that the educated section has during the present cen-
tury had a very fine opportunity of dealing with this ques-
tion, of which they availed themselves with great policy
and adroitness. I give them credit for the manner, for the
statesmanlike manner in which they dealt with it, but I do
not acknowledge their monopoly. I do not acknowledge
the peculiar privilege which the educated section is soready
to assert. I observe, also, that until very recently the edu-
cated section has not, since 1832, shown any very great en-
thusiasm on the subject. (Laughter.) I think that the
other sections of the Liberal party, which I suppose are not
to be considered educated sections, have shown much more
sincerity on the subject than the educated section itself.
(Hear.) I say that we have a full and fair right to deal
with this question, and what is more, I believe that as a
party we can deal with it more advantageously even than
the education section. (Hear, hear.) I need not vindicate
the measures which her Majesty's Government brought in
last session in comparison with the measures of the noble
lord. That I have done; but I must say this for her Ma-
jesty's Government, that they do not consider them-
selves bound by the measure which they brought for-
ward in the last Parliament a bit more than the noble lord
considers himself bound by the 'measures which he has in-
troduced. (Cheers.) We all know that the subject is one
of immense difficulty. I cannot agree with the noble lord
(the Marquis of Hartington) 'when, in exception to his ge-
nerally temperate and sensible remarks, he seemed to deny
that Parliamentary reform could become a matter of com-
promise between Conservative and Liberal opinions. No
measure of Parliamentary reform can be passed, or ought
to be passed, which is not a compromise between Conser-
vative and Liberal opinions. (Hear, hear.) Of course, it
is very easy for a demagogue to say, " This is the only
scheme of Parliamentary reform that I will agree to," be-
cause he does not want it to pass, and never thinks it will
pass ; but those who deal with the question like men of
practice, and who, like the noble lord the member for the
city and his friends, means to pass measures, could never
tolerate the principle laid down by the noble lord the mem -
ber for North Lancashire, that Parliamentary reformer any
other great measure should not be a compromise between
Conservative and Liberal opinions. • (Hear, hear.) The
happier the compromise the more successful will be the
measure ; and the great aim of whoever is to carry it must
be to bring forward a large, including, and satisfactory
measure which, on the whole, the great parties in the State
will agree ought to pass. In dealing with this question
last year we dealt with great boldness with the question of
the county suffrage. It is very well.to deride our labours,
but I believe that the country takes a view of them very
different from that which the noble mover of the amendment
has been instructed to express to-night. I believe that-the
country does justice to the large measure which we proposed
with regard to the county franchise, and recognises the diffi-
culties which we had to deal with. I know that more than
once it has been described in the great popular organ of
which hon. gentlemen opposite are very proud when it says
anything to their praise as the most enormous concession
that was ever made, and therefore the contemptuous lan-
guage which it is convenient to adopt in this house will
never receive the sanction of the country. The question of
the county franchise had been frequently and maturely
discussed in this house. We made a proposition, and we
met many objections which we thought might be urged to
it, by countervailing proposals, modifying and mitigating its
application. However you may object to them, they were,
after all, only conditions mitigating or modifying our origi-
nal proposition. The question of the borough franchise was
not in that condition of maturity. Until the last great de-
bate, that question has never been grappled with in this
house. It has never been brought forward by persons of
any eminence, nor has it at any time attracted or com-
manded much attention. Well, in that direction we pro-
ceeded, very cautiously, as you must do wish that part of a
subject for which the public mind is not so ripe as for
the other. By our measure we proposed to introduce the
middle classes to their share of the county constituency,
and the working classes to their share of the borough con-
stituency-by means of a variety of franchises. I am per-
fectly ready to admit on the part of the Government that
that proposition was not favoured by the house, nor was
it sufficiently favoured by the country to be one upon
which we can insist. The question of the borough
franchise must be dealt with, and it must be dealt
with with reference to the introduction of the working
classes. We admit that that has been the opinion of
Parliament, and that it has been the opinion of the coun•
try, as shown by the gentlemen who have been returned
to this house. We cannot be blind to that result. We do
not wish to be blind to it. We have no prejudice against
the proposition. All that we want is to assure ourselves
that any measure that we bring forward is one required by '
the public necessities and will be sanctioned by public ap-
probation and support ; and therefore we are perfectly pre-
pared to deal with that question of the borough franchise
and the introductian of the working classes by lowering the
franchise in boroughs, and hy acting in that direction with
sincerity ; because, as I ventured to observe in the debate
upon our measure, if you intend to admit the working
classes to the franchise by lowering the suffrage in boroughs
you must not keep the promise to the ear and break it to the
hope. The lowering of the ouffra,ge must be done in.a man-
ner which satisfactorily and cotnpletely effec is your object,
and is at the same time consistent with maintaining the in-
stitutions of the country. So, I maintain, that not merely
with regard to the borough franchise, but with regard to
the whole question of the redistribution of seats, we arc not
bound by the proposition which we made last year, any
more than the noble lord must be bound by the several pro-
positions which he has made. (Hear.) I have two mea-
sures of the noble lord which are perfectly distinct as re-
gards the distribution of seats ; one in which I find group-
ing, and in the other absolute disfranchisement. I find in
one a scale of disfranchisement totally different from that
one which the noble lord promulgated upon the eve of the
general election. Why are we, in dealing with this ques-
tion, to be precluded from the same freedom and the same
Parliamentary privilege as the noble lord and his followers?
On the contrary, sir, I maintain that we are perfectly free
to deal with this question as we think is best for the country.
It is in our opinion best for the country that a measure of Par-
liamentary Reform should be brought forward which is of as
conclusive a character as human circumstances willad mit of.
To obtain that result it must meet all those fair demands
which are nbw recognised, and which the opinion expressed
`by the general election has stamped withpublic approbation.
I say nothing as the form in which that public sentiment
may be developed. Of course, I will not speak in detail of
a measure not now to be brought before the house ; but I
claim for her Majesty's Government the right to deal with
the question of Parliamentary reform, not fettered or ham-
pered by the proposition which they made in the last ses-
sion, any more than the noble lord has been by his own
proposals, but to deal with it in a large, liberal, and con-
clusive manner: (Hear hear.) I have ventured to touch
on all the points on which the noble lord the member for
North Lancashire has based his grounds for a vote of want
of confidence. I think I have shown to the house that they
are flimsy, and feeble, and illusive—that the noble lord has
not entered into that detail or established those principles
that could justify this new Parliament in coming to so
grave a decision. I have ventured to point out to the house
the principles on which our foreign and domestic policy are
established. Our foreign policy will continue to be founded
on peace as the great principle we mean to encourage, and
our domestic policy on the principle of progress. (Cheers.)
Upon these principles our policy will rest, and we ask from
this new House of Commons_ nothing but constitutional
confidence. (Cheers.) 'We do not pretend to possess, and
we do not aspire to possess, the obedience of disciplined
legions, who, to use the expression of an eminent Liberal,
are ready to vote that black is white to support the Go-
vernment. (Hear, hear.) That is not the kind of support
we seek to obtain ; but we believe that we do possess the
constitutional confidence of thiS house, and that it will not
take the earliest opportunity, on grounds so frail and flimsy
as have been stated, to consent to adopt one of the gravest
amendments that can possibly be offered, viz., an amend-
ment on the answer to her Majesty's gracious Speech, and
which declares that the house has no confidence in the ad-
visers of the Crown. Now, sir, after this frank and full
analysis of our views, and this explicit declaration of the
policy that we intend to pursue, and on which our measures
will be founded, let me ask the house, what does this end in?
It ends in a personal question. (Cheers and counter cheers.)
I do not object to that. I do not pretend for a moment that
in Parliament we should avoid such questions. It is possible
that our policy may be a sound policy, but that those who
are carrying it on are incompetent, and therefore I admit
that the personal question is a fair ground to take up on a
vote of want of confidence. (Hear, hear.) I will not, there-
fore, shroud myself and colleagues under our measures or
our policy ; I will meet• the objections which may be raised
on the ground of personal efficiency. (Hear.) This is neces-
sarily and naturally the most delicate and embarrassing
thing which a man can be called on to do ' • but we have to
do many things in this house that are embarrassing, and to
meet many difficulties that are delicate, and I will not shrink
from this the most difficult part of the duty which I have to
discharge. (Cheers.) In old days, in the good old times, I
should have had no difficulty in judging who were our rivals
and.who were to be our successors. (Hear.) I might look
to the bench opposite and there see the noble lord the leader
of the Opposition and the distinguished colleagues of his
former Administration and his present cares, an without
any great personal arrogance, and without any intrusion of
personal and egotistical pretensions on the part of myself
and my colleagues I might carry on some comparison be-
tween the two bodies, with reference to the noble lord's late
administration and his late acts, his general conduct and
his final failure. (Cheers.) I might, as they did in those
days, say the best I could for ourselves and the worst for
them. (A laugh.) But then we no longer live in those
good old constitutional times. I hardly know who are our
rivals, still less do I know who are to be our successors.
(Hear.) If it is the noble lord and his friends I might con-
trast his policy with ours, his failures with ours, and make
out a case upon which the house might adjudicate. (Hear.)
But then the noble lord, who lives not in the good old days
of constitutional rivalry, but in the days of reconciled sec-
tione—(a laugh)—will tell the house, " You cannot judge of
my resources by the gentlemen who are sitting near me ;
others will come to their aid, and by their unquestioned
abilities, and their varied experience, and with the bright
evidence of their triumphant careers I shall form an Admi-
nistration which will put you out, as the glorious sun does
a farthing rushlight—(laughter)--and the whole country
will immediately see that they have a strong government,
entitled to their indulgence." (Cheers.) There is also the
noble lord below the gangway. Let me look below the gang-
way. [Lord John Russell here took off his hat and bowed,
amid cheers and laughter.] I see there two of the most emi-
nent members of this house; who have long and frequently
been servants of the Crown, and who I know are taking a
very active share in meetings and proceedings out of the
house. In the days of our youth
managed by patronesses. (Laughter.) The distinguished
assemblies that met within those walls were controlled by a
due admixture of dowagers and youthful beauties—young
reputations and worn celebrities—and it was at once the
pride of society and the object of ambition for all to_enter.
(Laughter.) Now
Willis's Rooms are under
of patrons, and there are two of those patronsthe direction
below the
gangway. (Laughter.) They are the noble lord the member
for the City of London and the right.hon. gentleman the

member for North Wiltshire, who have signed the vouchers
for the new contract. (Laughter.) They are two of the
most eminent statesmen who are to form this strong Go-
vernment before whose celebrity we are to be extinguished.
• We have some experience of those great statesmen. We know
how the noble lord conducts negotiations. (Laughter.) We
know how the right hon. gentleman conducts war. (Laugh-
ter.) You say that we have failed in our negotiations, and
that we cannot be trusted in the event of possible war.
Will the noble lord and the right hon. gentleman help you
much ? (Cheers and laughter.) I cannot presume to pursue
the research. There was a time when I thought the burn-
ing eloquence of the hon. member for Birmingham might
have been heard on the Treasury bench ; but he seems to
me to have yielded up those claims which once were vindi-
cated with that uncompromising eloquence that all admire,
and some fear. (Hear.) I do not know whether, if we were
at war, the hon. member for Birmingham would pursue it
with the same vigour with which he engages in domestic
questions at home. (Hear.) lam not yet satisfied where the
materials of that Government that is to conduct negotia-
tions with such ability, and prosecute war with such
efficiency, are to be found. (Hear.) With regard to this
side of the house, I can only say with sincerity and truth
—and I am sure 1 speak the sentiments of all my col-
leagues—that I have never for a moment put forth any per-
sonal claims to stand in the way of others taking their
places on this bench, more willing and more able to advo-
cate the views of their party and to serve the Queen.
(Hear.) I say for myself and for my colleagues that we
should not for a moment consider it a personal sacrifice,
but that we should rather consider it our personal duty to
retire from the positions we fill in the Government if
any gentlemen on this side care to challenge them and
to fill them. (Hear, hear.) .I have at all times been so
anxious to see the efficiency of the public service studied
and the interests of a great political party, the existence of
which I believe to be advantageous to the country, pre-
served, that I have ever been ready to waive my own per-
sonal claims. (Hear, hear.) As to charges against our
incompetency, so far as the other side of the house is con-
cerned, I have not yet good evidence that it would be sup-
plied to the satisfaction of the country. (Hear, hear.) So
far as this side of the house is concerned, rivals may arise,
and I have only to say that if worthy they will be most
cordially received and supported. (Hear, hear.) No doubt
it is much to be regretted that from the great dislocation
of parties in this country, and the peculiar state of things
that has obtained in this house the area of selection for the
public service is more limited than we could desire. But
that is not the fault of the party who fill these (the Mini-
sterial) benches. Whatever may be the fault of the Tory
party, it is not a federation of great families. , (Cheers.)
The Cabinet of Lord Derby, whatever its faults, was not •
established on an exclusive basis. (Cheers.) Wherever
there was ability it was recognised, and if all could not be
placed in the positions they were competent to fill, every
one on these benches was conscious that men were preferred
because they were thought to be worthy the offices con-
ferred upon them. (Hear, hear.) If, then,. there is no
ground to believe that any body of men on the other side of
the house are more competent to carry on affairs or ready to
take ohr places, and if on this side of the house the state of
feeling be what I have described, and that competent men
are ever sure to be cordially received and supported, I am
not sure that the country would gain much by the return of
noble lords and hon. gentlemen opposite. (Hear, hear.)
I have seen for a long time a tendency in. this house to in-
crease the area from which individuals may be selected for
the publicssrvice. The more yon settle these long contro-
verted questions which have for years embarrassed the legis-
lation of this house, the more you will remove the obstacles
to that great result. If this question of. a reform of Parlia-
ment were settled—and after all it is a question on which
all men may agree, with few exceptions—l see no obstacle
any longer to an expansion of the area from which indi-
viduals may be selected for the service of her Majesty's
Government. On this side of the house there is no preju-
dice of the kind which may have prevented many a worthy
member from filling his proper place under an educated
section. Provided we are agreed on the main line of policy
the only object we desire on these benches is that the ablest
men on all sides may be so employed, and the tendency of
our legislation for many years has been to remove those
difficulties—often only conventional difficulties—which pre-
vented the adoption of that more increased area of selection
to which I have adverted. I hope in the course of time, if
we are so deficient, as we are by our rivals, known and un-
knoWn, that others may be attracted to our standard by the
recognition of their merits, feeling they are dealing with a
party who repudiate that exclusive principle which may
prevail in other quarters. I trust, therefore, the house will
not hastily adopt the amendment which has come from one
who, though I wish to speak of him in terms'which his first
effort in the house to-night fairly deserves, represents
exactly that limited and exclusive. party who made the
federation of great families the only source from which the
public service might be recruited. (Cheers.) The course
they have taken to-night has been, I think, a too eager one.
I think it would have been as well if they had paused and
taken another occasion than the Address to the Crown.
But Ido not complain of it, and on this ground. It is of
paramount importance at this moment that the decision of
this house should not be delayed. (An ironical cheer.) I
speak with the most solemn conviction of the truth of what
I have stated. I know that when I adverted to that sub-
ject at the beginning of my observations there were some
mechanical cheers from some unknown quarter. (A laugh.)
All I can say to the individual, or individuals, from whom
those exclamations escaped is that they are'at least relieved
from the great responsibility which rests on the advisers of
the Crown. It is of paramount and vital importance that
the decision of this house should not be delayed, if possible,
for four-and-twenty hours. (An ironical laugh from the
Opposition side, answered by counter-cheers.) Why should
you seek to delay it ?!Does not every member of this house
fully comprehend the issue ? It is not merely for the ad-
vantage of the public service ; it is for the advantage of the
kingdom and for the best interests of the Crown and of
Europe, that this question should be settled, and settled
immediately. (Cheers.) If it is decided against us, I shall
accept the decision without a murmur. If I sit on those
(the Opposition) benches, I shall give our successors, and
my colleagues will do the same—l am sure I may answer
for all who honour me with their confidence in this house
—we shall give to our successors—provided they pursue, as
I feel sure they will, a constitutional course on home affairs,
and with respect to foreign affairs evince all that zeal and
devotion which even the immediate circumstances of the
hour require—that support which every patriot is proud to
afford the Ministers of the country when a great emergency
prevails. (Cheers.) But if, on the other hand, this new
Parliament shall be of opinion that the amendment which
has been brought forward to-night is not one that is just,
or justified, on us will remain, both as regards our domestic,
but especially as regards our management of our foreign
relations, as great a weight, as grave a duty, as awful a re-
sponsibility as ever devolved on the shoulders of any Go-
vernment; but from that duty and from that responsibility,
however grave and h6wever awful, we do not shrink.
(Loud and long-continued cheers.)
Viscount BURY supported the amendment. The Govern-
ment had put into the mouth of her Majesty the expression
of a hopo that the dissolution would be such as to give her
the benefit of the counsels of a Ministry which possessed
the confidence of the house and the country. That was the
challenge thrown down, and they had a right to take it up.
For himself, he disclaimed all party motives and feelings
whatever in the matter, but he wished that the question
might be brought to an early issue. (Hear, hear.)