The Sun.
London, England, 1835-04-03 00:00:00

went an answer to thiS argument.—(('beers.) There is this hu-
e, te•nt deference between us. I have shown that even if the
Noble Lord (Russell) is correct in his statement, and if 200,0001.
is required for education, and the resolution is limited to this, still
it will leave the Irish Church in possession of the surplus.—
( Cries of " Hear, hear.") I have shewn that it will leave the
Irish Church in possession of 591,0001., but I assert that the
Church has not at the present moment more than 450,0001.—
(Great cheering.) Upon what principle could the House legislate
respecting an appropriation?—(Great cheering.) I do not ask
you to decide the question to-night. I only ask you not to allow
the Noble Lord to go into Committee for the purpose of involving
ourselves in these errors.—(Cheers.) This is a matter of
too much importance to be trifled with.—( Hear.) Have
we not a right to insist upon the Noble Lord ( Russell) produ-
cing some practical plan if it were only to prevent extravagant
hopes and discontent? This resolution will not give satisfaction to
the people of this country, to the people of Ireland, to the Protes-
tents of Ireland, aye or to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, if you
undertake in this stage of the business, without waiting for the re-
part, to which Ido not attach much value—if you undertake
to pledge the House to a resolution which is - unnecessary for the
purpose of effecting its object. You say—and you say with truth—
that the Irish Church has not hitherto succeeded in attaining the
great object for which it was instituted. I wish to discuss that
point. I know there can be. no advantage in concealing
what constitutes the real stress of the argument opposed
to me. Yoa say the Irish Protestant Establishment
has failed in obtaining the object for which it was in-
stituted, that there are not more than a million of Protestants,
that there had been no proof of rapid conversions, that the
Roman Catholics, in point of number, still maintain their ascen-
dancy ; and that as the Protestant Establishment has failed in
attaining its object, that you are at liberty to appropriate its reve-
nues to secular purposes.—(Hear, hear.) Now I say there have
been causes in operation which have prevented the growth
and extension of Protestantism, but which at this moment
have ceased to exist.—(Hear, hear.) If that is the case,
if those causes are no longer in operation, then, I say, you
are not justified in arguing on the existence of that which
is past, and in appropriating a surplus which might not be ne-
cessary if the past were to endure ; but because the past is not to
endure, therefore it is necessary, for the spiritual wants of the
people, that no such appropriation should take place. In the first
place, you have removed the civil disabilities—you have put the
Protestant and Catholic on a footing of equality. Then the main
argument you have against the existence of thq,se civil disabilities
was this—that while those civil disabilities continue, a pre-
judice was sure always to be entertained against the Protestant
religion—that there was an impediment of pride which you could
not overcome ; but that is altogether removed, the impediment is
gone, there can be no obstacle of pride to the Pr. etestant, there is
perfect equality. You state that there were abuses in the Church—
that there was an inequality in the distribution of its revenues—l
say those abuses have ceased to exist, and that if they continue,
shall cease to exist. The time is come when these abuses must be
removed. The time is come when Parliament must interfere.
Another case is the surplus wealth of the Clergy of the south of Ire-
land—you have taken effectual measures to remove that. The
wealth of the Clergy of the south of -Ireland ! Talk of the trap-
pings of luxury and the surplus wealth of those who have been
robbed of their incomes for the last four years ! It is possible in the
inscrutable ways of Providence, the sufferings they have undergone,
and the patience with which they have borne them--it is possible
the extremity of their sufferings, and the patience with which they
have endured, may conciliate parties towards them, aead make their
efforts in the cause of religion more effectual.—(CEeers. ) If the
causes which have prevented, in some respects, Protestantism, have
been removed, what right have you to depend upon the assumption
of circumstances? You are not now, going to determine whether
you shall divide among the Church of Ireland a sum of
400,000/. or 500,0001., but whether you shall apply it
to other purposes. You eave now 1,100 churches in Ireland—is it
the intention of the Noble Lord to put that down? What do you
mean to do with the existing state of things—do you mean to encou-
rage the Protestant landlord to reside upon his prop erty, and do you
mean to tell him the first things that will strike his eye will be the
dilapidated state of the Church which now exists ?—(Loud
cheers.) Sir, I call the attention of the Honourable Mem-
ber for Weymouth to this part of the ca se. I call his
attention to the last report of the Commissioners a eting under the
Church Temporalities Bill passed by the late Gem Trnment. I en-
treat hisitttention, and that of every man who wishes well to the
Church to this.—( Cries of " Oh.) Yes, yes, those. who made these
exclamations know that there are many who are dissatisfied
with the progress of' this night's debate.--(Hear, hear, hear. )
I understand that exclamation perfectly well—l know, I repeat,
that many are dissatisfied with the progress which this debate has
already made.—( Cheers renewed.) There are many who have
not their minds made up, and who, if the debate mew terminated,
would not be decided on the principle of the resolution.—( Here
some Hon. Gentleman exclaimed—Oh !) lam not, sa dd the Right
Hon. Baronet, addressing rayeelf to you, Sir—(Lous; cheers)—
I have no hope of your conforming in consequence of any rea-
soning you may hear. Ido not address myself t o one who
has taken so prominent and conspicuous a part as you—but
to those who are somewhat less determined as to the course
they may pursue.—(Cheers.) I shall now refer to the report
made under the late Administration to which I was alluding. The
first name on this report was the Archbishop of Dublin. It stated
that the Church Commissioners had the satisfaction to report that
applications were forced upon them for aid to build additional
churches, as the accommodation in the parishes was insufficient for
the congregations of persons belonging to the Established Church,
and that while the Commissioners were unable to do sr.); the parties
expressed their willingness to contribute, some one-fifth, some one
half, and others three-fourths of the expense toward: building the
churches. The Commissioners expressed their regret that as they
had no superfluous funds, there was no prospect of their applica-
tion being favourably entertained. J now inter ad to address myself
to the argument of the Hon. Member for Weyn eoutl_,_i who was de-
termined to support the Protestant establishment.. :He thinks that
the surplus revenues of the church ought to be available to pur-
poses of education. I, on the contrary, think t ant there exists a
necessity now for appropriating these revenu-s to the exietinz.- spi-
ritual wants of the people—(Hear, hear, hear. ) That Honour-
able Gentleman prsposed to send to Ireland a number of Pro-
testant clergymen whose zeal would supply f to de Sciences now
complained of by example of industry and piety, ar el diffuse feelings of
confidence and religion through the country. I differ with him as
to the policy of such a project, and if I succeed i convincing him
that it would not be successful, I hope he will c o nform to my opi-
nions. The Noble Lord, as I do, condemned fa e interference of
intemperate zeal in the furtherance of religion. ' The precepts of a
pious clergyman would surely be increased in efficiency by the
example of his domestic virtues. It is much Is e,ter to allot to a
clergyman sufficient to maintain himself and hi s family, that he
may, by the exhibition of domestic peace and ha ppiness, make a
practical impression on his flock, than to trust to • e .xtraordihennarly vir-
tue or zeal to produce that effect.—( Hear, hea x. ), W look
to the deficient system of education in Irela ad--to the means
possessed by the clergy of influencing the h ambler classes, I
deprecate the practice of encouraging extra, irdinary zeal, and
of leaving the clergyman in poverty in the mi. Ist of his flock. I
will ask the Hon. Members opposite, when they reflect on the edu-
cation and acquirements which are required in a clergyman, and
on the general absence of all society in Ireland swhich an educated
man is accustomed to, what sum they conside r necessary for the
maintenance of a clergyman and his family ? There are 1,400
clergymen in Ireland. Would the Hon. Gen II eman opposite re-
move 200 or 300 from that number ? There c sere 1,400 clergy-
men and 600 curates ; and after making what di cluction from that
number the Hon. Gentleman may think necessary, what income
would they allot a clergyman ? But if they will . allow that that in-
come should amount te 3001., it is not too much to ask that the whole
of the rish Church revenues shall be devoted to ecel esiastical purposes.
I cannot pass by the argument of the Hon. Mere per for Cambridge
—it seems to have made a great impression on 'd ie House.—(Hear,
hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman's argum. .t was this—that by
the ordinary endowment of the Irish Church, 'there was this pecu-
niary charge on account of religion, that then e was no injury done
in applying the revenues of the Church to tt se purposes of educa-
tion. After ten days debate—after every one : who had spoken had
had maintained the endowments of the Chur eh to be serviceable
to secular purposes, he comes down and tells us he will solve all
this. I will prove the education to be for an seclesiastical purpose.
(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) I hold in my hand a report on
the principle of education, drawn up by tl u Hon. Gentleman
opposite. It was made so late as the year It 3: 18, and abounds in
twenty-two or twenty-three resolutions. It refers to the Act of
Henry Bth. There is a specific reference to its at Act, but not one
word is said of education being a pecuniary cbas •ge on the Church.
The 'Right How- Gentleman did not then . advocate gratuitous
education. You are going to decide on this susl jest. I ask you to
pease before giving your decision. I utterly deny that the application
of 120,0001. to the purposes of education wool. Ido good. lam
fearful it would do more harm than good. '!'her, ei .s, as I before stated,
in this report a reference to the Act of HenryVlll., it is, as I
believe, the plan as adopted by the Noble 1,( a d ; but there is not
one syllable about education being chargeable ( a t the Church. One
of the resolutions continued, that it is the opi eiion of this Com-
mittee that Parliamentary aid should be restri tted to the following
uses in the relief of parishes, and in the ei 'ecting of parochial
schools, but with this proviso, that such aid was : not to exceed two-
thirds of the sum required.--( Hear. ) The s mbject was not to
save pecuniary charge ; it was to invite lo cal assistance ; this
was, in his opinion, a bad principle to apply r this local relief ;
you do more harm than good in relieving the resident gen-
tlemen of that exertion, which was their duty alike with
them interest to extend in cases of local demar s. Observe what
the object of the resolution is. It is confine; 1:to the purposes of
education. 1 assert, as boldly as the Right He es. Gentleman, that
the object of the Act of Henry VIII. was to esta' plist i and confirm the
power of the Established Church, and I maintai sa the inference draws
by him as to right is directly at variance with t facts • The object of
the Act of Henry VIII. was to confirm the pc ewer o f the Protestant
religion by supporting the rights of the Protest ant Ch urch. The Act
recites that a knowledge of divine truths was essential to education.
The Act passed after the annihilation of the power of the Pope,
so far as that could be effected by law in Ca nporal matters—many
years after the statutes of premunire, aka • Henry had been de-
clared head of the Church, after he hari be en declared to possess
the full right to the temporal possessiosee eE the Church ; and the
first provision in the Act was one requiring • the Clergyman to teach
or cause to be taught a school in vilest h the principles of the
Establishment would be inculcated, -by placing education
under the controul of the Clergyman a I assert that the
object of the Act, that the intend( et of - the Statute of
Henry the Bth, was not pecuniary cont tit iution but superinten-
dance. I should like to argue this quest Ws: with the Hon. Gen-
tleman. He has observed that the Act required not superinten-
tendance, but contribution. I maintain the contrary. The Hon.
Gentleman contends for the former view of the cane, and he there-
fore justifies the appropriation of Church ire venues to the purposes
of education. The Act requires a payrr, ant by the clergyman, of
4s. a year towards keeping a school. Is, their auy analogy between
the clergyman to observe the obligatioi is of s. Ile statute and the
principle laid down by. the Righ t Hon, 'aurable Gentle-
man, that we had a right to semi e on tie? revenues of
the Church ?—( Hear, hear.) If there 'es.
' -no analogy'
falls to the ground. The Right Hos.l. Ge ntleman 'ay endeavour
amissio ners bears
to show that the report of the Cor mhis argument
hi In out in his
view—a Commission not appointe'd b and which consists of
Mr. F. Lewis, of Mr. Leslie, of !Jr. IB lake, a Roman Catholic,
and of Mr. Grant. All the (sxtrants vtlai ch the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman read to the House, tend no t in cut ifirmation of his opin.'ons.
but to establish the principles lair downs in the Act of Henry Oc.
Eighth. These Commissioners avow plainly, that the Act of
Henry the Eighth was not a provi sic in for a pecuniary con-
tribution, but a superintendence—( L At id and cox tinned cheer-
ing)—and that it did impose the latter e.utv.—( Rene wed cheers.)
This Act, after reciting among other th issgs the impor fence of good
instruction in the principles of religion, proceeds after an enactment
for the suppression of the Irish lan !, and enforoing the teach-
Mg of the English, to direct that the Clergyman shall keep,
or cause to be kept within the posh' Is in which h e shall possess
any benefice or other Church pref trment, a school for the
education of the people, and shall trite care. that the same
stipend be paid to the teacher to is ace est )coed to be
paid in such place.—Hear.) Nor
it is .dear from this that it was
the duty of the clergyman to adv
what then became of the arguing- the Right lion. Gent., that
the Act of Henry VIII. authorised th 'e appropriation of the eccle-
siastical revenues to genersa Al•tneoig.
nstruct. Vp te the education of the poor—.
uncsmaected with the

Church.—.(Cheeks.) That argument is utterly without founda-
tion, and so tar from shooing that this Act authorised the appro-
priation of Church revenues, the object was to connect education
with the superintendence of the Church. I beg to refer the Right
Hon. Gentleman to the Act which was introduced by myself a few'
years since, for the regulation of Diocesan Schools, whiele
recognised this very principle, and which enabled the
Lord-Lieutenant to establish schools in every Diocese ;
but had I brought in a Bill to tax the Clergynien
for the support of these Diocesan schools, with what a buret of
laughter would not such a proposition have been received by. the
other side of the House, and particularly by the Hon. ;Member, for
Middlesex, if I had attempted to show that there was any connec-
tion between the avowed objects of the Act of Henry the Eighth,
and the appropriation of a pittance of the ecclesiastical- re-
venues to the support of these schools. With respect -to
the appropriation of the surplus revenue, I believe that thhre
could not be a more improper mode of disposing of it.—(Hear.)
I bring you high authority ; the Commissioners' report showed
that there was not a country in which there existed greater means
of education than there did in Ireland. The Commissioners re-
commended that the schools should he founded upon the system of
day schools, with the admission of some free scholars ; but the
proposition now before you goes directly in the contrary direction ;
it says that you should make gratuitous education the principle,
while payment should be the exception.—(Cries of No.) You do
not—that is what I complain of. You do not give any estimate of
the sum you expect as a surplus. I charge you with making a mis-
take of 250,0001., with which you deceive the country. I charge
you with pressing on the question—with making a surplus appear
when you have no information on the subject, and even if you sanc-
tion the principle, to which I will never consent : but even if
vou sanction that principle, sanction it without due consideration,
you
if the Noble Lord carries his motion, he will in the Commit-tee
move a certain resolution—the Noble Lord is not very dear as to
the principle by which he is actuated. On the Friday, the Noble
Lord announced that the surplus was to be appropriated to the mo-
ral and religious instruction of the people, without any distinction.
I say most emphatically that that implied the principle of the en-
dowment of the Catholic Church.—(Great cheering, and cries of
—No, no.) Then why did the Noble Lord alter his resolution to
the general system of education ?—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")
Of course I cannot dive into the recesses of the Noble Lord's mind,
but all his arguments went to shew that the Church only made
Roman Catholics. If this establishment be the nuisance you have
described it, if the Church is a Church forced upon them, and eonai-
dered by the people as a badge of conquest, how can you deceive your-
selves by supposing that you will reconcile the people of Ireland by
this resolution? Why, when they come to read your speeches end
your acquirements, they will laugh at your resolution—(cheery
from the Opposition)—l say they will laugh at your resolution
when they find you talk of it as the settlement of the question.—
(Cheers from the Ministerial side.) The Member for Devon-
shire, in introducing this resolution, made use of these words t
" I am one of those who are anxious to maintain religion and pro-
mote good order, but as the friend of the United Kingdom, I call
upon you to observe whether the Church can make the same de-
fence, and say it has maintained religion and promoted good
order." But that Church is to be maintained !---(Hear, hear.)
I thought you were going to curtail certain.' establishments.
Like the Catholic Bill, which began with " whereas the removal
of civil disabilities will tend to promote the prosperity of the
Church"—this measure is to commence with:" whereas the curtail-
ment of the Church will tend to promote the prosperity of the
Church."—( Hear.) The Right Hon. Member for St. Albans said
taking America, France, or Scotland, it was found in every instance
the remuneration of the Clergy was always in proportion to the
service performed, except in Ireland. The Hon. Member for
Halifax (C. Wood) asked " where was there to be found in any
country a system of Church Establishment where a rich
Church with a small congregation was maintained at the
expense of an overwhelming majority belonging to another
Church, whose feelings were insulted, and whose property was
taxed for the maintenance of one Church Establishment to which
they did not belong, and for the support of their own." The Hon.
Member for Shaftesbury (Mr. Poulter) made this observation,
" that no length of time nor lapse of ages would induce him to
concur in a great national grievance." I ask those who heard
those expressions, who heard the arguments and the resolution—l
ask them whether they imply the same? It is most important that
a final settlement should be made when you are going to
impose this additional charge upon the landlords of Ireland, to be
received from the RoMan Catholic tenants. Ido not believe that
it is necessary to open the eyes of the people to the fallacy attempted
to be made. They know well that the arguments of Hon. Gentle-
men on the other side do not correspond with their sentiments.—
Would this resolution tend to the final settlement of the question,
or to the peace and tranquillity of Ireland?—(Cries of " Hear,
hear, hear.") Why, the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin
calls it the first instalment.—( Great cheering.) I have been
taunted with the course I have pihrsued—l have been taunted with
inconsistency—but I can tell lion. Gentlemen that there is a
course still more fatal—it is that of being in the rear of one's own
arguments—(Loud cheers)—to shoot an arrow and search for it in
the place where it lies. There may be an excuse for being in the rear.
That doctrine, that public men are always to anticipate public opi-
nion—that they are always to be looking out for the first indication
of public opinion, and provide against the event that might happen
—that doeleine, I have no doubt, is very popelar ; but siepenel upon
it, if any public man takes that course, he will unsettle the minds
of the people of this country. But you do take up positions
which in your hearts you feel are wrong. I see in the
smile of the Honourable Member for Middlesex, he is much too
shrewd to be united by this resolution,—( Hear, hear, and laughter. )
He may vote for the resolution, knowing the principle of it, but he
will find out with me, that it is a mere pretence of applying the
surplus revenue to education, and then he will bring forward his
resolution of 1824, and will argue where is the use of not enforcing
it? lam not looking behind now. lam now looking into the
womb of futurity, and I feel as certain of what it wiii produce as
lam of what the facts are. I feel as certain as lamof my own
existence, that the Hon. Member for Middlesex is too manly to be
satisfied with the principle involved in this resolution, if it be meant
to be a final settlement of the question. And it is because I know
this, because I know that you yourselves have rendered untenable
the position which you wish to take in common with you—it is for
that reason, as well as for others, for that main andpredominant
reason, I will not consent to appropriate this property to purposes
other than Ecclesiastical connected with the Protestant Esta-
blishment.—(Hear, hear, hear.) But I know also that this
is a delusive resolution, that sends not peace, but the sword—
(Hear)--that it will excite false hopes which you will shrink from
disappointing ; it is because I feel that, with the force of the other
arguments against it, that I oppose this resolution. I give the
Noble Lord fair flotilla of the course I intend to pursue. I
mean to oppose his motion for a committee ; and should
he succeed in getting a Committee, I mean to oppose the Noble
Lord's resolution, and lastly, it is my intention to oppose with all
my strength the communication of his resolution to the Crown—
(cheers from the Ministerial side)--because it is unprecedented
and novel, and the course it proposes unnecessary for the purposes
it professes to accomplish. The intention of it was to indicate
evidently to the country that they would pass by the House of
Lords. If that was the course meant to be adopted, it should
have been taken honestly, but it was a fitting course for such a
resolution. Why not embody the resolution in an address, and
send it to the House of Lords? Had they doubts as to this their
mature deliberate plan, which they hesitated to send to the other
branch of Legislature ? They must have considered the course
worthy of the resolution—(cheers)—when they seek such an un-
fair and dishonest pretence for passing by the House of Lords.
The King will relinquish certain rights by the passing of
this Bill, and in doing so he must signify his assent to that measure
by that modest kind of intimation wnich his Ministers always com-
municate. Was the course then respectful to his Majesty, or fair
or honest to the country? I trust that the House will never con-
sent to adopt that principle, but if it should, by whom shall the Re-
solution be presented ? If the Hon. Member for Middlesex will
allow me I will suggest three Hon. Members, the Noble Lord who
has proposed the Resolution, the Hon. Member for Middlesex, and
the lion. Member for Dublin. Will the Noble Lord thank me for
the felicity of the suggestion, an Englishman, an Irishman, and
a Scotchman.--(Cheers.) It is not for me to anticipate what the
answer will be ; if it were possible to suggest it I think the Noble
Lord would spare me the pain and necessity of stating it. Now
with respect to the Noble Lord, and his qualifications to present the
Address, he advised the Commission of last year, but was not pre-
pared to legislate ; he demanded further time for consideration ; he
adverted to theappropriation, but was not willing to adopt the prin-
ciples without further inquiry. The Noble Lord who was at
that time a Minister of the Crown ought not to be the party to
approach the Crown. Well then, the lion. Member for Dublin
is to be a party to the communication—he is to be a party to the
appropriation of the revenues of the Church, the security of whick
was granted by the Act of Union. Who advised the Crown to use
these expressions with respect to the Act of Union? I have seen with
feelings of concern and regret that attempts have been made in Ire-
land to excite the people of that country to demand the repeal of
the Legislative Union, that bond of our national strength, which I
am determined, under the blessing of Divine Providence, to main-
tain inviolate by all the means in my power.—( Cheers.) Is it fair
in so unusual and unprecedented a in inner to present such an ad-
dress to the Crown? I will candidly tell the House, that I shall
think it my duty to give to the Crown the advice to dismiss that
address in its unformed and immature shape.—(Hear, hear.) But
I hope that the House will pause before admitting such a proposi-
tion. It has the power to reject it, and I trust that it will. I tell
you before hand that I will not act upon your proposition.—(Hear. )
I will not be a party to the act of appropriating the property of the
Irish Church to any but its legitimate purposes.—( Hear, hear. )
-The Hon. Gentlemen opposite differ from me on thie question, but
the Noble Lord prefaced his proposition in such a meaner that we
can differ on some points while we agree upon others. I
am ready to put the question on any footing which may suit
the House. lam ready to postpone the question till after Easter.
—(No, no.) But I cannot think that the House will proceed to a
decision without full information on the subject, and until they have
before them the report of the Church Commission. It behoves
them in a matter in which so large an amount is involved, and in
which matters of such immense importance are involved, not to
come to a hasty decision.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") If there was
a difference of opinion on a revenue of 250,0001., it is but jus-
tice to the Church from which it emanates, to ascertain whe-
ther these revenues you are about to appropriate according to some
540,000!.,-according to others, 791,000/. should be disposed of in
the manner which the Noble Lord proposes. By moving one re-
solution in a Committee, you may have this point satisfactorily as-
certained; and I do, therefore, ask you to relieve the Noble Lord
and myself from a great practical evil. The Noble Lord did net
give this notice himself—it was given by an Honourable
Gentleman who showed more courage than discretion, and
who pressed the Noble Lord into a position that
he was compelled to give way. My opinion is that the Noble
Lord will see the policy, and that he will withdraw this most
imperfect motion, for which he shall have my full permission, and
which is likely to embarrass him so much. Let the House then
concur in relieving the Noble Lord from this position, and let it
not debar him from that happiness he was about to anticipate. He
perfectly coincided with an expression delivered by the Ho-
nourable Member for Weymouth, that where there are so
many differences of opinion they ought to be inquired
into.—(Hear, hear.) Ido ask you, then, to desist until the report
be laid on the table—wait until the result of your own commissioe
be known. If you take my advice you will relinquish this attempt
for the present, and not defeat the object of your wishes by what
might be a hasty decision, nor obstruct its final settlement by this
untoward proposition. You may perhaps succeed in it, awl yet
pray succeed effectually to the destruction of the Protestant Church.
it au may indeed succeed in showing your power here—if you suc-
ceed, don't act rashly—don't glory in your triumph. Let ins as-
sume the functions of an office discharged in former times by a.
slave, but which may be assumed in the present crisis by a freeman
without any derogation to his station. You boast of your superior
strength—you are prepared to control the Executive Government.
Let me whisper into your ear, that though you arc triumphant
here, you cannot fetter the views of the public. You cannot ex-
tend the excitement which exists within these walls out of them.
Yes, in the performance of the functions whirls 1 voluntarily undertook
I place before your eyes what may the consequences of your
triumph. I call upon you to consider the variation in human
affairs and the instability of human calculations. I tell you, you
cannot control public opinion.—( Cheers.) We' may be weak
here: but this I tell you, that the consequence of your
triumph will be to show that there is us this eenntry

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