The Sun.
London, England, 1866-12-20 00:00:00

THE SUN,
.LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 20, 186.

Prussia, and it is curious, indeed, to look from the
state of strength and the stronghold of power she
now enjoys, to contemplate the picture here drawn
of her state at the time of the First NAPOLEON.
" Stripped of half her territory, the rest a mere field
for French tax-gatherers, or exercise-ground for
French troops, the policy of Prussia for the next
six years to the outward world seemed to consist
in different degrees of servility to the master whose
chains she had no power to shake off ; her revenues
were swallowed up by foreign exactions, her army
reduced to a mere corps by the decree of NAPOLEON;
her means of rising against the oppressor seemed
hopelessly gone. A sudden change was made from
this drearyposition when the allied powers proceeded
to make a new division of territory after the peace of
1815, but not satisfied with this advantage the rulers
strove vigorously to increase her military resources,
and thus to confer upon them a power beyond the
natural importance of the territory. This seems, in
truth, to have been the great idea of Prussian states-
men for some time past, and we may fairly presume
their ambitious projects to have culminated in the
late splendid successes of BISMARCK.
We may trace one great evil in the present
system of military arrangement, and that is the
monopoly which is enjoyed by the higher classes in
the possession of appointments in the army. " Many
of the noble families of Prussia are almost without
means except as they may find them in the public
service, and since the civil bureaux have been thrown
open to other classes, the aristocracy are all the
more tenacious of the supposed hereditary right of
their order to the officering of the army." Besides
this it must be taken into account that the Crown
has the privilege of giving a large part of the first
commissions, and of late years the proportion of
these has increased, and it may easily be imagined
that the consequence of this is that there is no simi-
larity of taste or feeiing between these officers and
the bulk of the people. It seems a sufficient condem-
nation of the system to mention that not more than
a twelfth part of the officers are of the middle orders.
\\re quite agree with the opinion here put forth
that " it needs no prophet to foretell the difficulties
which this system will produce in revolutionary
times." It is a great burden upon the people that
they should have to deal with the effrontery of this
military caste ; and nothing can make the thing en-
durable but the prospect of foreign enemies making
themselves obnoxious ; and when the time comes for
any remodelling of the odious system now in vogue,
the prejudices which these exclusive and aristocratic
soldiers of fortune feel towards all civil interference
will be very likely to cause a decided collision to
take place between the Crown and the people.
There is abundant cause for irritation in the circum-
stances attendant upon this state of things, and it
will need but a spark at an exciting moment to
create such a conflagration as may well be dreaded.
A more exclusive system could hardly prevail
than that which restricts the privileges and hinders
the progress of this great military people, and it is
difficult, indeed, to realise at once all the conse-
quences of the mischievous customs that prevail.
" Promotion from the ranks of the line in Prussia,
in the sense in which it is understood in our service
and that of France, is a thing unknown ;" and we
think this circumstance alone is a fitting answer to
those who have lately taken to magnifying the
merits of the Prussian Government, and extolling
its progress in civilisation and liberty. An able
account is here given of the state of affairs in the
Prussian army, and the great risks which its leaders
are of meeting with disaffection in its ranks. All
did not go on so smoothly as some enthusiasts
would since have had us believe, but, on the con-
trary, the unpopular Minister was as loudly
blamed " in the camps around Glatz and Galitz,
as in the democratic circles of Frankfort or the
Courts of Austria's allies." The arrogant and
audacious Government of Berlin would have found

itself in a very critical state indeed had anything
but a striking success followed upon the attempt of

last summer, but, as we have seen, " on such suc.
cess, BISMARCK staked and threw." But it is in

deed idle to deduce from hence that all his plans
were advisable ones, or that he might regard the
result of his efforts as the consequences of the con-

fidence he inspired in the army. It is, indeed, just
as suitable to come to this conclusion, as it would
be wise to seek for illustrations in the pages of his-
tory and select those who were tyrants and oppres-
sors, and consider that their triumphs were the
meed of their toil or the proof of their merit.
It is truly said here that the moral must be
a twofold one which our nation should draw

from the recent events in Prussia and the history of
the war. Our statesmen should look into matters
and consider if our system could not be improved ;

so that it might be more available in case of war our
infantry must be armed with the breech-loader and
fitted for its use ; and, moreover, whatever be the

number of the " combatant force " that is main-
tained, there should be kept in readiness and com-
plete equipment and machinery for the service of a
much more considerable one. Other matters natu-

rally present themselves to notice in connection with

,his subject of Prussian success. 'We entirely con

cur in the observations here made as to the probable

result of the late contest, and in the doubts ex

pressed as to the accuracy of those prophets who

deem that BISMARCK is only the instrument for
working out the long-cherished scheme of German

unity, and that he will subside into a secondary

state when his work is done. There are signs and
tokens which may well be taken as proofs that the

new empire is not likely to ke kept in the limits

which some lay down for it. It is truly said that
in sketching the historical growth of the military
force of Prussia the writer has done no injustice to
the " patriotism of her princes, the dexterity of
her statesmen, and the value of her armies,"
but that the triumphant success of a great
military conspiracy against the existence of
her own confederates and allies, and the political
results to Northern Germany, " cannot efface the
recollection of the scandalous duplicity and falsehood
on the part of the Prussian Court which marked
every stage of the late transactions." We are glad
to see so eminent an authority thus come forward
to vindicate the majesty of truth, and uphold the
sacred rights of justice which have been too much
slighted by those who join in the hero-worship of
BISMARCK. How forcible is this passage :—" The

unchecked succors of Prussia in this enterprise has

given an irreparable blow to political morality, it

has shaken all trust in those public engagements on

which the peace of the world depends ; it has taught
mankind once more the cruel lesson that strength
alone, and not law, can give them security. Great

ndeed must be the advantages and political results

of the new system to be established by the Prussian
arms which can compensate mankind for those po-

sitive evils." We think that this view of the ques-
tion is the correct one, and before long the position
of affairs will doubtless make it evident to those

who are now too much wrapt up in the success of

BISMARCK to allow themselves to take a fair view of

,he question.

CHURCH AT CONSTANTINOPLE.—Her Majesty the
Queen has forwarded, through Sir Thomas Biddulph,
K.C.8., to the treasurers of the Society for the Propagation
of the Gospel the sum of £5OO, as the joint contribution of
her Majesty and the Prince Consort towards the memorial
church at Constantinople, which, we understand, is now
rapidly approaching completion.