The Sun.
London, England, 1835-08-18 00:00:00

MAILS.

Arrived. Due Arrived. Due Arrived. Due.
0 America 0 1 Franc'. 0 I Lisllon 0
0 Prazil 0 0 nuern.&Jersey 0 0 Malta
0 nuciaosAyres... 0 0 Hamburg 0 0 Mexico 0
_ __

0 Carthagetia 0
Dublin
0 Flanders 0

0 Holland 0 0 Oster,,t
0 Jamaica 0 0 Sweden 0
1 Leeward Islands 0 1 Waterf)rd 0

HIGH NV ATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW.
Morning 50 minutes after 9. I Evening 24 minu•.cc after 10

HAMBURG, AUGUST 7, 1835.
NOTICE is hereby given, that the Tickets of the
66th HAMBURG GREAT LOTTERY, guaranteed by
the Hamburg State, that begins drawing on the 12th and 13th inst.,
ARE NEARLY ALL CLEARED OFF;

and that Tickets warranted undrawn, selling between the 14th and
28th inst. at 10/. will not be on sale between the 31st inst. and
t2d September (on which latter day the Largest Capital Prize is to
be drawn), below 15/.
The undersigned Contractors decline, as usual, to take any
English orders for any thing less than a whole Ticket, the Corres-
pondence for single shares being too troublesome, and not worth
the postages.
Persons remitting 101. without delay, will receive an immediate
answer by return of Post ; but those who would not feel pleased to
receive back their remittance (as coming altogether too ?ate, or
after an advance in price), must lose no time in remitting 10/.
HEINE BROTHERS.

Direct, Heine Brothers, in Hamburg.
P. S.—ln the last (665th) Lottery, the Capital Prizes came up to
the following Tickets:—

Bancomarks.
No. 2,328 sold in Hamburg lOO,OOO
3,277 sold to Limerick
5,427 sold to Riga
1,620 sold in Hamburg for account of a London
house .. 20,000
3,451 sold to Liverpool
The Prizes of the Hamburg Great Lottery, are since the last
Lottery payable without any deduction whatever, and at the present
Exchange Bancomares 55 are equal to 41.

The publication of THE SUN NEWSPAPER commenced this day
at 80 minutes past 3 o'clock.

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LONDON,

TUESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 13, 1335.;

The Municipal Reform Bill is now virtually de
funct. Not a glimmer of vitality remains in it, Lor,
LYNDHURST'S amendments last night having reduce(

it to a mere caput mortuum. Awl of what nature are
these amendments? 'Why, of the most arbitrary and
exclusive character that it is possible to imagine—a
wholesale change, in short, from the democratic to the
aristocratic principle ; and therefore,--there is no dis-
guising the fact—a direct, deliberate insult on the
Ministers who proposed, and the Majorities who
carried it through the House of Commons ! Their
Lordships now tell us, in terms bold and undisguised,
that notwithstanding the power secured to us by the
Reform Bill ; notwithstanding- our increased intelli-
gence, and the wholly changed complexion of the times;
no ferther improvements shall take place in our insti-
tutions, except such as they, in their wisdom aril con-
descension, shall think fi. to approve. " Talk not to us"—
.such is the uniform tenor of their speeches—" of the
people and their representatives ; doubtless both are
respectable enough in their way ; but We care not a
jot for either. We—We only—are the Government ;
and, come what may, fVe are resolved to carry matters
with a high hand, and legislate for the empire after
th* good old fashion of our ancestors. Pretty thing,
indeed, if the enlightened few are to succumb to the
vulgar many ! Are we not Solons by hereditary
right ? Solomons by our patent of nobility ? And
shall we, thus gifted—thus fashioned of the finest
porcelain, give way to creatures of the basest clay ?
Never ! We will assert our power to the utmost. We
will Yliraicate our Order, even though disorder be the.
consequence. We will stretch our prerogative, even
though it crack with the straining ; and teach these
plebeians what it is to have to do with their patri-
cian superiors." Such, we repeat, is the language,
which if not expressed in so many words, is night after
night implied by the proceedings of their Lordships.
Alas, how soon will their tone be changed I How
soon will the loud shout of the bully sink into the sub-
dued whisper of the craven ! Yet a few days, and if
Ministers stand firm, and the People second them with
all their energies, the House of Lords will not only be
brought back to a reluctant sense of duty, but even be
compelled on its knees to cry Peccavi!
We need scarcely enter into the details of Lord
LYNDHURST'S measure, for its hateful character lies
on the surface, and may be detected at a glance. It
Iropoies, not only to preserve a race of Aldermen,
-",elleaed for life, but also to allow the present Aldermen
to continue in their offices without any fresh election ;
by which means, the very pith and spirit of the Bill is
wholly lost sight of, and set at nought; and its benefi-
cial working—if such a mutilated measure could ever
work at all—postponed to another generation I Justly,
most justly, did Lord BROUGHAM state that an amend-
ment like this would be fatal to the measure, and add
that " it would admit the worst principle of influence,
continue the very worst feature of the present system of
self-election, and practically render the Bill a mere
mockery." Justly, too, did Lord MELBOURNE pro-
test with equal vehemence against it ; for a more subtle,
dangerous amendment, and comprising the elements
of more decided mischief to the community, was never
yet suggested even in the House of Lords. Yet in-
sulting as it is—exclusive as it is—fatal as it is, to the
measure which it professes to improve—treating the
people just as if they were a part and parcel of aristo-
cratic property—giving them not the slightest credit for
common sense, but legislating for them, as if they
were so many idiots, unfit to be entrusted with the
management of their own, affairs ; fraught as is the
amendment with all these odious qualities, it passed the
House of Incurables last night by such an overwhelm-
ing majority, as convinces us that we have nothing left
to expect from their justice, their discretion, or their
mercy.

Henceforth, therefore, we must look to ourselves
for safety, and fight their Lordships with the same
weapons with which they are fighting us. They
=act qu4ifications froth us ; let us exact qualifications

from them. They insist that we produce vouchers
of respectability and intelligence, before they allow
us to discharge even the humblest municipal
duties ; let us insist on their producing the same
vouchers, ere we allow them to exercise the slightest
authority over us. Furthermore, let us insist that on
all great questions in which our own interests are con-
cerned, their Lordships be compelled to hear before
they decide ; in other words, that the vote by proxy be
done away with—that absurd privilege, by virtue of
.which a gambling, jockey-club Peer, qualified only to
figure in his own stables, may send up from the betting-
post at Newmarket the vote which is to decide the desti-
nies of thousands, perhaps millions of the community
There is no need for us to be squeamish on these mat-
ters. At a crisis like the present, reserve is false deli-
cacy. Besides, their Lordships use none with us.
They tell us plainly they will have their own way, and
dare us to say otherwise. Let us, then, take them at
their word, for here at least they may be believed ;
though we must confess we should be somewhat shy of
placing the same implicit reliance on the Duke of
NEWCASTLE'S declaration last night—that he was
heartily rejoiced that the Reform Bill had relieved him
from the embarrassments attendant on his rotten-bo-
rough influence. If however his Grace be really
delighted by such relief, how grateful ought he not to
be to the present Ministers, who are now, from the most
affectionate motives, doing their best to relieve him
also of his Municipal influence ! Being delight-
ed on the former, he ought to be in exta-
cies on the present occasion ; and we have no
doubt that it is the very delirium of his joy that has
made him of late so incoherent and unintelligible in those
rhapsodical Philippics, which he calls speeches!
Before we conclude, we cannot omit directing our rea-
ders'attention to the Duke of CLEVELAND'S remarks on
the recent exhibitions in the House of Lords. " I must
say," observed his Grace, " that in all my experience I
have never seen greater indecorum, greater impropriety,
and greater irregularity than I have seen in this House
during the last fifteen days." As the testimony of a
direct eye-witness, this evidence deserves every atten-
tion, and the question to which it naturally gives rise
is, is a bear-garden the proper place for discussing
legislative matters of moment ?—a question which
needs no reply.

The Corporation Reform Bill is not the only use-
ful measure which " the Lords " seem determined to
reject. The Irish Church Bill, we know, is doomed,
and the fate of the Irish Corporation Bill is not
doubtful. To these we may now add the Imprison-
ment for Debt Bill, which passed the Commons on
Saturday last. We bad imagined it possible that this
Bill might experience a little mercy at the hands of
their Lordships. Why we gave way for a moment to
so favourable an opinion of our divinely-ordained
Legislators, we really know not ; for certainly nothing
that we have ever seen, heard, or experienced of them
varranted the conclusion, that any measure calculated
for the benefit of the people would escape the destruc-
tive fury of their hereditary oppressors.

Mr. ROBINSON, last night, brought under the no-
tice of the House of Commons the commercial con-
federation which Prussia has succeeded in establishing
among the German States. The Hon. Member
seemed to suppose that political motives were at
the bottom of the exclusive system of trade adopted
by the Northern States of Germany, which, he said,
merely availed themselves of the pretence of defending
themselves against the effects of our corn laws and
timber duties to conceal their political hostility.
Lord PALMERSTON stated in reply, that the pro-
ceedings of Prussia had not escaped the attention of
the British Government ; and that there did not ap-
pear to be any ground for alarm at these proceedings,
which related to regulations of trade with which we had
no right to interfere, as they had not been forced upon
any of the States, but adopted from views of national
advantage.
Prussia, it would appear from the Noble Lord's state-
ment, has been rather a loser than a gainer hitherto by the
Confederation ; and if any advantage has been de-
rived from it, the manufacturers of Saxony, not of
Prussia, are the parties benefitted. The Ger-
man Union is, in our opinion, the natural result
of our restrictive system of commerce. If we
lay heavy duties upon the importation of the produc-
tions of foreign countries, can we wonder that they
retaliate ? Ought we to be surprised or oanded that
others mete unto us with the same measure wherewith
we have meted unto them ? Surely not. Let us sat
an example to other nations of unrestricted commerce,
and- we shall have nothing to fear from hostile corn-
binations.

Mr. WARBURTON has brought to light a snug
little Tory joh, by which the public has been made to
pay for political support to that ncstler in corruptioggi
Mr. G. DAWSON. Mr. PEARCE, of Plymout
had sent in a tender for a contract to supply
thirty thousand cubic feet of stone for the
Plymouth breakwater. Another person of the name
Of SCOTT, likewise made a tender ; and thou :h his
terms were considerably higher than those of Mr.
PEARCE, his tender was accepted in preference ! There
is a singular instance of foresight connected with the
case in question. This. Mr. SCOTT had a sort of
prophetic impresssion, that exactly 30,000 chbit feet
more would be required, and made another tender for
that, before the Admiralty had even so much as drawn
up their intended advertisement ! We need not
add, that Mr. SCOTT, the zealous partizan of
Mr. G. DAWSON got this contract also—
without competition !! It fell to Lord ASHLEY'S lot
to explain and defend these proceedings last night.
Flow he succeeded, the Report of the debate will show.
All that he could say was, that some insinuations had
been thrown out against Mr. PEARCE'S character, of
which, however, Sir EDWARD CODRINGTON and
Lord EBRINCTON spoke in very favourable terms.

France must coerce or depose her King, if she would
preserve even the external forms of liberty. She has
no longer a middle course left. Either she must har-
ness herself to the car of an absolute despot, or she
must rise in arms, and, in the majesty of freedom,
assert the inviolabity of her chartered liberties. The
apostate minions of an apostate Monarch are so drunk
with their past success, that they are incapable of be-
ing influenced by reason or touched by remonstrance.
Force alone can restrain them ; and to force the nation
must shortly have recourse, as the only effectual means
of preserving the dearest rights of the people. The
alternative is dreadful ; but when a great and intelli-
gent people are constrained to choose between slavery
and revolution, their choice requires not a moment's
deliberation. France presents one of the most de-
plorable spectacles of apostacy and corruption, extend-
ing from the greatest to the most insignificant branches
of a Government, to be found in the annals of man-
kind. Her KING, the majority of her Chambers of
Peers and Deputies, the majority of her Magistrates,
a large number of citizen soldiery, her police—all
have conspired to sacrifice faith, principles, the liberties
of France, and the good opinion of mankind, for lar-
gesses in the shape of power, bribes, and official ap-
pointments. So extensively has the system of bribery
been carried on, that the majority in the Chambers of
Peers and Deputies arc as much the menials of the
KING as the meanest scullion in the Royal kitchen.
The people have been betrayed on all hands.
In truth, the two branches of the Legislature
on which they relied as the guardians of their
independence, would cheerfully, on the bidding of the
KING, pass a Bill for abrogating the Charter of 1830.
Such a proceeding was even contemplated at Ver-
sailles, and actually discussed within the walls of the
Palace. That it will vet be adopted is confidently
hoped by the KING, although he fears that to
attempt it at present would be going a step too
far. He, however, consoles himself for the de-
lay which may take place, by chuckling over
the power by which he can violate its spi-
rit, while professing an unbounded veneration for

its mere form. Being well read in the tyrant's
doctrine of State-necessity, he anticipatec no difficulty,