The Sun.
London, England, 1866-07-03 00:00:00

sian.

there could be none as to the benefits of a measure

which would protect the women and children of the
artisan class from overwork, and secure a proper
education to the latter. It was distinctly a ques-
tion between the selfish apparent interests of
capital and the obvious interests of labour, and
the Conservatives took the part of the labourer.
This should have silenced for ever all slanders upon
the Conservative party as indifferent or unfriendly
to the artisan. But trusting that this had been for-
gotten, Mr. Gladstone was not ashamed to follow
the example of Mr. Bright and to declare that the
hostility of the Conservatives to his Reform Bill
proceeded from their determination not to admit the
elite of the working men to the franchise. Any
working man who will take the trouble fairly and
intelligently to examine the course of parliamentary
debates and the arguments of our own leading ar-
ticles will become aware of the utter injustice of this
imputation. He will find that the chief ground of
Conservative antipathy to the bill was the gross un-
fairness shown towards the agricultural interest—
the attempt to hand over the county constituencies
to the urban population, and disfranchise alto-
gether, for all practical purposes, the eight and
a half millions who depend upon the land for
subsistence. As regards the working class he
will find that the Conservative arguments were
chiefly directed to two points : first, that that class
already formed one-fourth of the constituency, and
that it was not desirable to double this proportion,
and, secondly, that a bare reduction of the borough
franchise would enfranchise not the elite of the ar-
tisan class, but an indiscriminate mass of whom
many would be ignorant, politically indifferent, de-
pendent, and corruptible. On either point there
may be differences of opinion, but there can be no
ground for accusingthe Conservatives of antagonism
to the working class. And such an accusation can
only have been made because truth would not serve
the purpose ; because Mr. Bright and Mr. Glad-
stone felt that it was impossible to excite the ope-
ratives against the Conservative party, except by
falsifying its conduct and misrepresenting its
opinions ; that, if truly understood, that conduct
and those opinions would render the party at least
as popular as its antagonists. Out of doors, as
might have been expected, the slander has been
wilder, more brutal, and more extravagant. Ab-
stract imputations have been exchanged for concrete
and definite charges, which could only be preferred
in places where ignorance and passion had the field
to themselves, which
.any educated audience, how-
ever heartily Liberal, would silence with an unani-
mous burst of indignant ridicule. Most of the
accusers have been men silly enough to believe
what they said ; too ignorant of men and things to
perceive that they were talking nonsense. We can-
not make this excuse for Mr. Holyoake, who
thought fit some time ago to state in print that
Conservatives had an instinctive delight in the power
of inflicting pain ; that a Tory was in virtue of his
Toryism cruel and tyrannical. Mr. Holyoake
knows better ; but it is probable enough that the
Luckcrafts and Bradlaughs, the orators of Tra-
falgar-square and the fuglemen of. Palace-yard, do
not. It is quite possible that these poor fellows
are serious when they say that a Conservative
Government is likely to plunge England into war
in order to divert attention from domestic politics,
however difficult it may be for us to listen to them
without laughing. How are they to know, unless
their political friends and flatterers in high places
will tell them, that Conservative statesmen are far
too deeply sensible of the awful responsibility that
attaches to the authors of a great war to be guilty
of any such crime? How are they to know, when
Mr Gladstone accepts their homage, encourages their
" demonstrations, and vouches for their respecta-
bility, that he dare not repeat in the House of Com-
mons the least absurd of their assertions, and that,
if challenged, he would be obliged at once absolutely
to disavow it and them? How are they to know,
if their betters will not tell them, that of all living
statesmen, Lord Stanley is about the least likely to
engage England unnecessarily in continental quar-
rels ? They talk about Manchester massacres, and
excite themselves with the imagination that Mr.
Walpole may send a regiment of Dragoons to sweep
the pavement of Trafalgar-square, and slaughter a
score of Radicals at the base of the Nelson column.
How are they to know better while the Morning Star
reports their nonsense without a word of correction?
How are they to know that their meetings, hoot-
ings, and riotous proceedings are unlawful and cri-
minal, when they are tolerated and encouraged by
their political friends, who are responsible for the
peace of the country ? It is natural enough that
they should try to break Lord Elcho's windows, and
think themselves deprived of the immemorial liber-
ties of Englishmen because the police interfere to
prevent them ; natural that they should block the
street in front of the Carlton, and insult the gen-
tlemen who belong to that club ; for while they were
on their way to commit these outrages they re-
ceived a flattering welcome from Mr. Gladstone's
family, and two days afterwards they see in print
a letter from Mr. Gladstone himself praising their
respectable appearance and orderly demeanour,
witliout one word of disapproval in regard to their
insolent and ruffianly behaviour towards his oppo-
nents. We do not care to find fault with them ;
we would only draw from their language and con-
duct the moral it affords—that an excitement
against Conservatism can be got up, even among the
lowest rabble of London, only by a series of false-
hoods so outrageous as to move the laughter of every
educated man, however prejudiced or passionate.
There is nothing in the real conduct or opinions of
Conservatives with which the people—with which
even an excitable mob of Reformers—could be in-
duced to be seriously angry ; so, in order to get up
a demonstration, it is necessary to tell lies, and very
preposterous lies into the bargain. In rance the
aristocrats were accused of eating liitle children and
bathing in human blood, in order to excite the rabble
to cut their throats ; in England the object is only
to break their windows, or their heads, so that the
charges are less atrocious in degree, but they are
not one whit less unprincipled, false, and impossible.
All this lying, however, is very useless. It may im-
pose upon a London mob, for the reason given by
Dr. Newman in his lectures on the position of Eng-
lish Catholics ; because in London opinions and
parties are pure abstractions, with which the in-
habitants are not practically acquainted, and to
which no personal associations are attached; but
then London mobs cannot affect tne political result.
It is possible to induce the silly and ignorant people
assembled in Trafalgar-square to believe that Con-
servatism is a policy of war abroad and tyranny at
home ; but then it is of no consequence what may be
said or believed about the base of the Nelson column.
The constituencies must decide between Conserva-
tives and Liberals ; and in the constituencies men
are personally known. You will not persuade the
people of King's Lynn that Lord Stanley will plunge
the country into war in order to get rid of Reform ;
or the people of Liverpool that Mr. Horsfall and Mr.
Graves would support him in such policy. You will
not persuade the farmers, who for generations have
lived under an old Tory family, that their landlord
delights in the power of inflicting suffering ; as
easily would Mr. Holyoake persuade them to em-
brace his theological creed. You will not persuade
the factory hands who know their master and his
rivals, that a Conservative millowner is a worse
friend to the operatives than his Radical neighbour.
And—if 1852 and 1858 are already forgotten—a
very short experience of Conservative rule will
suffice to convince the nation that it is quite as
pacific and quite as favourable to freedom as that
of Lord Russell—even though Lord Stanley may
not write secret notes to stir up war while his pub-
lic despatches counsel peace, and though Mr Walpole
may not encourage a mob to frighten Lord Russell's
horse with their hootings, or break the windows in
Carlton-gardens.

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COUNTRY MARKETS.

D-JuNE 29.

)ady trade for wheat at about
ing corn were generally well

Peas, Partridge 36s 39s
White ....295 345
Boiling 37s 418
Dun.— ..... 36s 405
ditto, —s
Beans, Tick, old 35s 40s
new 35s 39a
MUTOW—ricks 388 428
new 36s 4CB
Idazagan . 34s 8s