The Sun.
London, England, 1832-07-04 00:00:00

THE FUNtis —(THIS DAY.)

CITY, T «'EL VE O' CLOCK.
We have no arrivals this morning of foreign mails or
ship letters.

The motion brought forward list night in the House
of Lords, by the Marquess of Londonderry, on our foreign
policy has given some scope to our city politicians and
Stock Exchange g.-ntlem..n to exercise th• it ingenuity.
Toe re•erved answ,r of Earl G'ey is not lo..•ked upai in
the city to be of a pickle tendency, more particular y with
regard to Russia and Holland.

The Fonds have exp-rience.l a very tr fl,ng effect on'he
above subjects. Consel•, which left off yesteriay at 85k
to 41;,r the acciunt, opened at 85isellers, and at pteseut
they are 85i buyers, with little or nothing duii.g.
The Foreien Market is in a state «f inactivity ; the
Dutch Stock per Cent. lower.

HALF PAST ONE.
We have no political news to the present time. An
express has arrived Irom Paris, hut the particulars have
not transpired. We believe it does I,ot ,ny news
of importance, at the Funds are steady at 85i to for
account nathing doing,
No News of ain Pedrusi expedition at yet, n,,r has the
Dutch steamer arrived,

In the Foreign Alai ket nothing doing—prices much the
same as yesterday.

_
THREE O'CLOCK
Consols for account 85i i.

We are informed that a requisition, nume-
rously and respectably signed, has been sent to tk, Sher ff
of Middlesex to call a county meeting on an early da% to
a Id,ess his 111AJESTV, and to thank both Houses of Par-
liament for passing the great measure of Parliament :ry
Reform.

EMIGRATION.-3,418 persons have emi.
grated to America and the Cina,as sr.,tn B 1•tp1 ato: e
within the last six months—about 6,000 a r-ar
average.
The letters from nearly all the hop countits
agree in promising an abundant crop. T: .e .iuty
troll) 135,0001. to 150,0001. No danger is now appits.
headed from the fly.

,Avre6,ly :d.,,:

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

The B:shop of Exeter cut rather an awkward
figure last night. He was again at his old trick
of quoting letters. On the authority of a letter
which he said he had seen, written by a member
of the Church of Scotland to a friend of his, he
did not scruple to charge the Solicitor-Genetal
for Scotland with having been guilty of a trick,
in order to mislead the General Assembly of the
Church of Scotland. This naturally Ird the
Lord Chancellor, to whom the Solicitor-General
waF, well known, to vindicate his absent friend.
and to express his astonishment that the Right
Rev. Father in God should so soon, after the
detection of his former liberties with letters, yen-
t,:re on a fresh accusation. The Right Rev.
Father in God not only stated himself that
which was not true, for the sake of producing
an impression against Ministers ; hut by his con-
fident manner, he seduced the Duke of Bucking-
ham into a confirmation of his fiction. What
a-tonishes us is, that the Right Rev. Father in
God should have dared in that House even to
toention the word fetter. Many a man, it is to he
hoped, after such an exposure, would have had
the grace to bury himself in seclusion ; and few,
with the memory of the affair so fresh, would
have ventured to provoke the chastisement which
he received in so signal a manner last night. For
the cake of establishing a connexion between
Nliniqers and a certain newspaper,the Right Rev.
Father in God charged them with having com•
municated to that newspaper a certain confiden-
tial letter, written by the Duke of Buckingham
to the King, and which appeared verbatim in
in its columns. Having appealed to the Duke
ot Buckingham, his Grace actually stated that
that letter had appeared almost verbatim in the
paper, although he had never given a copy of
it to any one, and had shown it to only two in-
dividuals. It turned out, that of this letter,
said to have appeared verbatim in the newspaper
in queqion, not one word even was printed in
it. The letter had merely been alluded to by a
correspondent, under the signature of " Radi-
cal." The Bishop of Exeter added last night
to his former offence by his mode of defending
himself If he had confessed his sin, admitted that
he was tempted by the devil to make the charge
against Ministers, in the hope that no (hie would
thihk of doubting the truth of what was so con-
fidently stated by a Bishop, this would have
been something like an atonement for the trans-
gression. But he materially aggravated his of-
fence by a denial of a statement made before so
numerous an assembly, and respecting which all
the reports agree. As this defence is quite a
curiosity in its way, we shall here give it, with
a vi'w of enabling those who are so inclined to
institute a comparison between the Apostles
and their descendant in the see of Exeter:—
" He lagged to state that he had said no such thing.
He had only put a question. Their Lords ips would re-
collect. that hat they were talking about occurred three
months ago ; and it became no man to he confident of the
extreme accuracy of his recoll-ction. He would, however,
state wish confidence, that he believed he had qualified all
he had then said. He had never said that he believed it
himself; but he had said that it was believed by other per-
?.oris, that th-re was a connexion between that paper and
the Government, and that blief gave to the opinions ex-
pri ssed in that piper a pecular weight. He had stated
that he believed the contrary, but that such was tie belief
of whets."

We have neither leisure nor space at present
for the thing ; but we shall take the first oppor-
tunity of placing the passage in the speech of the
Bishop, charging Ministers with the communi-
cation of the letter of the Duke of Buckingham
to the Times, in juxta position with the above
memorable denial that he ever made such a charge.
Well might Lord Grey, after this exhibition, de-
clare that he felt only disgust at the time, and
now he felt nothing but contempt."—(Hear,
hear.) We know not whether the Marquess of
Salisbury really thought the conduct of the
Bishop of Exeter venial, or maliciou:sly intended
to attract a more marked attention to the expres-
sion of contempt of the Premier. He " called
upon the House to mark the language of the
Prime Minister. The charge he had made was
not very suitable to the dignity of the House.
The Noble Earl bad for the first time, he
believed, said he felt contempt for a Member
of the Right Rev. Bench. He called upon the
House to protect the Right Rev. Bench." In
charity to the Marquess of Salisbury, we are
ttclined to believe that his own notions of the
conduct of the Right Reverend Father in God
tin not differ materially from those of Earl Grey.
We should be sorry to suppose that he thinks
tightly of the offence brought home in so marked
tuanner to the Bishop. The Noble Marquess,
!.00, knows that the House cannot protect the
Right Reverend Bench, or any member of that
Bench, or any Member of the House, spiritual
or temporal, from the consequences which ne-
cessarily follow the detection of such an attempt
as that in question. The Bench themselves have
too much respect for the nation to attempt to
mix themselves up with the unfortunate member
of their body. We trust the example of the
Bishop of Exeter w;411 be a warning to others,
not to allow thetrielves, for the sake of effecting
any object, to -venture on questionable means in
the hope do% the trick may not be discovered.
6Thch an r.:xarnple may be of inestimable benefit.
Great men are like lights set on a hill ; the eyes
of are fixed on them. The Bishop of
Exeter may in his way do more to improve the
Inorals of the nation than has ever yet been done
by any Bishop. The father, when he sees his
son inclined to presume on the ignorance of
others, will naturally point his attention to the
Bishop of Exeter ; and the Right Rev. Father
in God, serving to
_ _

Point amoral dna adorn a tale,"
may draw many more to virtue than any of his
predecessors have done by their inspirations in
the pulpit or their apostolical virtues in private
lite.—Morning Chronicle.

A conversation of some interest on the sub-
ject of our foreign relations took place last
night in the House of Lords. The extraordi-
nary mission to St. Petershurgh of so distin-
guished an individual as the Lord Privy Seal,
affords of itself a strong presumption that the
peace of Europe is at present seriously threat-
ened. It was natural and justifiable, therefore,
that Members of the Opposition should be de-
sirous of eliciting information on a subject of such
deep importance. It was said of a great writer,
that whatever he touched he adorned ; and it
may be said, with as much truth, of the Mar-
quess of Londonderry, that whatever he meddles
with he embroils. He afforded last night some
evidence of his talent in this way. It may be
supposed that the diplomatic qualifications of
the Noble Marquess being so well-known on the
Continent, what he says in Parliament will not
be deemed of much consequence elsewhere ; but
foreigners, knowing that the Duke of Wellington
and other Opposition Peers were present during
the conversation, will naturally infer that the
Marquess was, on this occasion, the organ of
his party. The Noble Marquess, alluding to
the extraordinary mission, naturally enough con-
cluded that it would nut have been resorted to,

Mr.
motion, but lltrpngty

311i0.t0d70-6'-

had not some great emergency arisen ; and he
hoped that the emergency did not spring from
the indiscreet and intem.)erate conduct of some
oc the Noble Earl's (Grey's) friends, who, in
their great zeal for Reform, carried it to the ex-
tent of applying in another place opprobrious
epithets to a powerful Sovereign, with whom
this country was in alliance ; and with whom he
honed it would long continue to be. —(Cheers.)
He regretted that such statements should
go forth to the world—that there was so
little recollection of the past services of this
(Treat Emperor, and of the illustrious brother of
the individual now occupying the Russian
throne. He repeated, that he much regretted
such expressions had gone forth ; and he hoped
the Lord Privy Seal was sent to Russia for the
purpose of softening them, and doing away with
the effect which they were calculated to pro-
duce." The extraordinary Mission, as all the
world knows, had been announced some days
before the discussion on the motion of Mr.
Cutlar Fermisson in the Huuse of Commons;
but the Noble Marquess soon showed that he
was aware of the object of the Mission, for he
asked " Whether the King of Holland hail
acquiesced in the decision of the other Powers

—or whether there v.'as any probability of his
consent being obtainrd " "If (he added) the
Noble Earl was indisposed to reply to these
questions, he could not but think that the Mis-
sion to St. Petersbufgh arose out of new dif-
ficulties which had arisen with respect to the ar-
rangement of the affairs of Belgium. He hoped
the Noble Earl would be able to give him a sa-
tisfactory answer, especially with regard to the
Belgian question, on the settlement of which the
peace of Europe hung." And then, by way of
contributing to the preservation of the peace of
Europe, this censurer of the intemperate lan-
guage used in the House of Commons, who
hoped that the Lord Privy Seal was sent out to
Russia to do away with the effect of such in-
temperate language, with admirable consistency
recommends to the King of Holland a course
which, if he follows, must disturb the peace of
Europe ! "He highly admired," he said, " the

magnanimous and the courageous manner in
which the King of Holland had withstood the
menaces which had been thrown out against
him, and the attempts made by the Five Powers
to deprive him of his just rights. There was
something so truly courageous in this, that he
should not fail to give full expression to his own
opinions on this subject when the proper oc-
casion arrived." The Duke of Wellington,
and the rest of the opposition Peers pre,ent,
listened to this language without expressing their
disapprobation of it. The Duke of Welling-
ton, indeed, took care to "express his entire
conviction that his Imperial Majesty (of Rus-
sia) had performed every article of the treaties to
which he was bound, so far as he (the Duke of
Wellington) had any acquaintance with them."
His Grace has some notion that the Govern

ment are not altogether satisfied with the manner
in which the Emperor of Russia has performed
the obligations of the treaties to which he was
bound ; and in volunteering this opinion, he
wishes to embarrass Ministers in Russia, and to
add to the difficulties in which his ally, the
Marquess of Londonderry, wished to involve
them, by his praise of the conduct of the King
of Holland. In fact, the Opposition wish to let it
be known to the despotic Powers, that were there
a change of Ministry in this country, England
would support the King of Holland and Don
Miguel, and abet the conduct of the Emperor of
Russia towards the Poles. We are far from ap-
proving of the language used in the House of
Commons, in speaking of the Emperor of
Russia. It was well observed by Earl Grey—
" That ther, was a respect due to foreign Sovereigns
which ought to be preserved.—(Hear, hear.) He bail
stated this on other occasions, and he certainly must tie-
precve all language of that kind.—(Cheers.) It was not
consistent with the dignity of Parliament—it was injurious
to the interests of the country—it created difficulties where
there were none previous y—azg; avated those which already
existed.—(Cheers ) No one could disapprove or regret
more deeply than himself the use of language calculated to
give great offe..ce to foreign Powers."
England ought to make herself felt in an-
other way than by a display of Billingsgate.—
The occasions are few, indeed, in which the
Members ofa British Parliament are at all justified
in entering on the affairs of foreign countries,
and they are still fewer in which they are jus-
tified in holding, on such imperfect informa-
tion as they must possess, the language of
abuse and invective. But the Duke of Wel-
lington, not content with disapproving of the
intemperate language of the House of Commons,
runs into the other extreme of lauding the Em
peror of Russia, and lauding him at a time, too,
,‘ hen even the fettered press of Germany ex-
claims against the " detestable measure" of car-
rying off children to Russia from Poland. In our
extracts from the German papers, in another
column, our readers will see that this new and
unheard-of cruelty drove the wretched Poles to
the resistance of despair, and that even the Rus-
sians themselves have become reluctant to carry
the unnatural mandate into execution. The
partiality of the Noble Duke for the " Illustri-
ous Individual" is, however, sufficiently intelli-
gible. Woe to the nation which should have
no other protection than the tender mercies of
his Grace, or the illustrious subject of his pa-
negyric. Earl Grey, with regard to the mission,
confined himself to the stating " that circum-
stances so important had occurred as to make it
appear advisable to his Majesty's Ministers to
send that mission." He censured in strong
terms the mischievous conduct of the Marquess
of Ltaidonderry, who, while professing a love
for peace, endeavoured to encourage the
King of Holland to act in such a manner as
to render war inevitable.—Morning Chronicle.
It is to be feared that matters may not go off
smoothly, between his Majesty's Government
and that large majority of the people of Ireland
who hare resolved against any further payment
of tithes. The fact is, that the conflicting par-
ties are at war on grounds which appear to he
utterly irreconcilable. Turning to the second
report of the tithe committee, the recommenda-
tions of which have, we believe, been largely
adopted by Mr. Stanley, and therefore to be
embodied in several acts of Parliament on his
proposition, we find that a leading object of the
committee with regard to tithes, is to make the
composition under Lord Wellesley's Bill " per-
manent and compulsory." Now what is the
state of Ireland in respect of agreements under
the Composition Act ? Why, that since the
anti-tithe spirit became general, tithes com-
pounded for under that act have been just as
ill-paid (that is, not paid at all), as where the
parishioners are still exposed to the rough hand
ling of the tithe proctor and his drivers. It is
easy to say, make the composition " compul-
sory." Nothing is easier than to draw up a bill
by which the parishioners, refusing to sign an
agreement, shall incur even penalties, if the
clergy should so insist. But what then? You may
compel to sign, but can you compel the payment!
A power as strong as legal ingenuity can invent is

now, and has for years been resorted to, to en-
force the liquidation of arrears of tithe. Dis-
tresses innumerable have been levied under it.
But buyers cannot be created by statute. Here.
then, is a right recognised which cannot be en-
forced ; for it is met by another right which
cannot be impeached—the right of refusing to
purchase a commodity presented to us ; and in
that consists the whole power which has been cp-
posed to the payment of tithe in Ireland. But it
is an omnipotent power, for by it the tithe system
has been already crushed, and no Act of Parlia-
ment that we ever heard of can restore it. While
Ministers, then, are bustling with Committees,
and labouring to suggest convenient rules and
forms, in correspondence with which the clergy
are to receive their tithe, it is quite lament.ble
to observe, what, indeed, is manifest,—that the
question has been settled by the Irish themselves
upon the spot,—Protestant and Catholic alike
declaring that they will pay no arrear of tithe ;
that they will not pay tithe at all, en nonzine,
nor a substitute for it ; and, therefore, that
his Majesty's Government may spare itself
the trouble of making so many dexterous ar-
rangements for the pertnanency and compul-
siveness of Composition Acts, or for the
recovery of their dues by clergymen of the Esta-
bliThed Church. It is not surprising that men's
meditations should become confused, when they
see with dimmed organs through a dark, yet
party-coloured, medium. The Duke of Wel-
lington and Lord Eldon descanted the other
night, when Lord Roden brought in his strange
Irish motion upon the necessity of maintaining
private property (meaning tithe), and of putting
down the general conspiracy of the Catholics
against the loyal people (meaning the Orange-
men) of Ireland. Now will these noble Peer,
informs us, specifically, what ought to be done?
Can you (once more) force people to buy cows,
homes, or pigs, which they have unanimously
resolved they will not purchase ? If the answer
he in the negative, then is the tithe system dead
and buried ; and, with grief we say, the present
destitution of the Protestant clergy is altogether
incapable of relief, except by charity or by a pay-
ment from the Consolidated Fund which must be
continued from year to year, or the distress of
these reverend and deserving persons will of ne-
cessity return. Enforce the law ! Against
whom ?—a whole community ? Can such a
process be executed ? This is the true hone

for the legislative body. When 6,000,000 or
7,000,000 of men declare that their ob-

jection is not to tithe alone, but to any payment
—no matter of what description—to a class
of ecclesiastics who render them no kind of
spiritual service, it seems idle for Parliament
to waste the public time on the details of mea-
sures, of which the purpose is to direct how that
shall be done, the doing of which is obviously
impracticable. Upon this rock, we fear, it is
that the Ministerial policy for the tranquilliza-
tion of Ireland will be shipwrecked. As for
plans of commuting tithe hereafter, explained at
some length in the report referred to and in the
evidence, they may be very wise, and good, and
useful ; but, in the mean time, the country is
on fire, and what is to be done ? Lord Plun-
kett's speech, on Monday night, was an able re•
ply to Lord Roden and the Duke of Wellington,
the latter of which Noble Peers and Learned
Lords transfixed, with little appearance of com-
passion. Last night, in the House of Lords,
a severe lesson was read the Bishop of Exeter
for the haste and vehemence with which he
brought a serious charge against the Govern-
ment, on what he now allows was mere hearsay.
The Reverend Lord will probably hereafter have
a more correct notion of the duties of a Chris-

tian Prelate, than to prefer a criminal charge on
unexamined and unfounded rumour. His Lord-
ship's opinion of us we value not:at one straw ;
but for the sake of the church of which he is a pillar
we recommend him to put off with all conve-
nient speed that polemical violence of character,
which, however befi'ting his former profession
of a political controversialist, ill becomes the
office of a father of the church.—Times.

The feeling—deep, intense, and almost una-

nimous— which has, at length, manifested itself
in the House of Commons on the melancholy
subject of the wrongs of Poland, and the unex-
ampled atrocities of the Czar towards that gallant
nation, must afford the greatest gratification to
every Englishman who feels for the honour of
his country ; but it is nut in the hearts of the
Englishmen alone that the feeling, which
breathes a holy hatred of injustice and op-
pression, will find a response ; it will be re-
echoed in every region and in every country of
the globe where there are minds animated with a
generous solicitude for the cause of civilization
and the interests of humanity. To ourselves,
who, from the beginning of the Polish struggle
for independence, have endeavoured to obtain
sympathy and justice for a people who are so
well entitled to the one by their sufferings, and
to the other by their virtues, it is a source of
peculiar pleasure to find that the warmest ex-
pressions of our attachment to the cause of Po-
land, and of our indignation for the conduct of
her treacherous and merciless desolators, have
been equalled by the glowing language of the
Commons of England, describing the wrongs of
a people as full of glory as of misfortune, and
reprobating with all the eloquence of honest
feeling the savage cruelty and exhaustless malice of

the tyrant who loads his ill-got rriumph with every
crime that revenge suggests, as if to make more
odious in the eyes of the civilized world the
ignominy of his success. We recur to this sub-
ject at present because we observe that an attempt
is already made, by a paper in whose eyes the
equivocal public character of Lord Palmerston is
very precious, to render the sympathy of the
House of Commons for Poland a barren feeling,
which is to have no practical result. We are
gravely told by that Journal that Austria and
Prussia, being parties to the treaty of Vienna, are
as much bound to insist upon the fulfilment of
that treaty as England. No doubt of it. But
it would be just as sapient, and as much to the
purpose, to tell us that Russia is as much bound
as England to abide by the terms of the ireaty
of Vienna. in the crime of the robbery of the
rights of Poland Russia was certainly the prin
cipal felon, but Prussia and Austria were the
accomplices. They originally partook of the
booty, which they still keep. The one holds
Posen as its share of the crime-stained spoil_
the other holds Galicia by the same title of fel°.
mous violence. Yet the evening organ of our
Government suggests that, as Prussia and
Austria are as much bound by the obligations
of the treaty of Vienna as England is, we should
take no step towards obtaining redress for
Poland, unless with their concurrence and co-
operation. What ! is England to sacrifice her
sholoneomunr,traetaidty, tio)ecaalurasnedootnhetr phearobligations of a
have scandalously violated tt ? or are we to ask
the accomplices in the robbery to join us in ob-
taining redress of the principal offender ? What
a simple nation they must take us to be if we