The Sun.
London, England, 1866-09-07 00:00:00

n lolt,to adopted by him, but the very pith and mar-
row of his existence. Through him, the place of
his birth has not only become renowned, but opulent
too, from the great influx of workmen and officials,
bort h civil and military. Nothing can be more touch-
ing than the universal respect and love manifested
tomards him by all the inhabitants of Sommerda.
In conclusion, I will just add a rumour which is
circulating in the place—viz., that Herr von Dreyse
is about shortly to submit to the King of Prussia a
newly-invented cannon calculated to work as im-
portant a revolution in the Prussian artillery as the
needle gun has in the infantry.

gr. Roebuck on the Late Administration.

SHEFFIELD, Thursday Night.

The "Forfeit Feast" of the Sheffield Cutlers'
Company was held to-night. The principal guest
was Mr. Roebuck, M.P., who has been the guest of
Mr. Brown (the Master Cutler) for a month past,
and has greatly improved in health.
In replying to the toast of the "Borough Mem-
bers,"

Mr. ROEBUCK, who was received with loud cheers,
after returning thanks for the personal compliment,
said,—Here, sir, if I were wise, I should end ; if I
considered merely my own safety and your comfort
I should at once sit down ; but you must know that
since the last time that I have addressed a meeting
of gentlemen in this assembly great events have
taken place. Upon these events, by a dire calamity,
I have been unable to express an opinion ; but the
old feeling remains, the old horse has been running
the course, and I wish on the present occasion, to
use a clerical phrase, to improve the occasion—
(laughter)—and, if you will permit me, I will do
so. (Hear, hear.) Before Ido that I would say
one word about myself, a subject upon which Byron
said all men were fluent, none agreeable. But, sir,
I have a very long experience, I am sorry to say,
and I believe I may say at the same time that I had
only one interest in speaking, namely, the interest
of my country. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, if I com-
mit error say it is error, and not crime ; and if I say
anything not consonant, not agreeable to any gen-
tleman present, let him say that I am wrong, but
let him not say that I am criminal. (Hear, hear.)
I say this because men have been accused, and very
shortly since, who have maintained opinions which
they thought right of almost everything under
heaven. Those gentlemen, whether they be right
or wrong in their opinions, were justified in ex-
pressing them ; and lest the same misfortune should
fall on myself which fell upon them, I make this
appeal to you. Since I last addressed an assembly
in this town events have happened which have been
of the greatest importance to this country and
to the world. The first of these to which I
allude is the advent and life and death of the
Russell - Gladstone Administration. The next
is the Fenian conspiracy. The third is the great
war in Europe. The two last I don't mean to touch
upon, for if I did I should exhaust my own strength
and your patience ; but if you will allow me, I will
say a few words on the first. I have no doubt that
every gentleman in this room has seen a ship start
from her port with all her sails full, with her rig-
ging all complete, her hull shining with paint, and
her streamers flying ; and they have seen, I have
no doubt, that same ship seeking a harbour of re-
fuge, with her tackle torn, her sails split, her hull
shattered, her cargo thrown overboard. That is a
type of the Russell-Gladstone Administration.
(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) I want to inquire
why this has been ? and, if you will permit me, I
will explain what I believe to have been the cause
of that failure. Lord Russell, I have no doubt,
looked back upon the career he has run, and saw
one event there in which he was distinguished in
the annals of Europe and of England—namely, the
passing of the Reform Bill of 1832, but he was like
the fly upon the wheel. The wheel made a terrible
dust, and the fly said, " What a terrible dust we
make !" (Loud laughter and applause.) He be-
lieved that the Reform Bill was carried by himself.
No such thing ; it was not carried by him nor by
his Administration—it was carried by the people of
England. (Cheers.) But he looked back, and,
with his flatterers at his back, he thought he was
the man who carried that Reform Bill. He believed
that in his old age, although he had been called
" finality John," at the present:time he could carry
a new Reform Bill. (Hear, hear.) Now, when he
inquired about that there were two questions that
ought to have presented themselves, and I have no
doubt did present themselves to his mind. Was
there any need or necessity for a Reform Bill?
And if there were, was it practicable to carry one?
Now, Sir, I would answer first, that there was a
need for a Reform Bill, and I will say, in answer
to the second, that with good judgmentit could have
been carried. (Cheers.) If you will permit me I
will ask why there was a need of a Reform Bill, and
I will ask what were the circumstances that enabled
it to be practicable—to carry it. And I will ask
first, was there anything in the House of Commons
that rendered a Reform Bill necessary ? I answer
boldly to that question, No. (Cheers.) I say that
the House of Commons represented the people of
England. (Cheers.) (Mr. Dunn—" Totnes.")
Stop a moment, Mr. Dunn, I will answer you about
Totnes. (Loud cheers, and cries of " Order," and
tt Hear Mr. Roebuck," and " Fair play.") Don't,
for Heaven's sake, let any difference of opinion enter
into this assembly. (Applause.) I think lam not
verging upon anything that ought to be kept back.
(‘‘ Hear, hear," and applause.) lam merely calmly
stating what I believe to be the circumstances that
led to the failure of Russell's Reform Bill. If Mr.
Dunn will only confine himself—(cheers, and a voice
"he interrupted you.") No, don't say a word.
If he could only confine the ebullient spirit that be-
longs to him, I have no doubt we'll get on quietly.
(Laughter and cheers.) I was asking why it was
that the House of Commons needed Reform, and I
said that the house represented the people of Eng-
land. Now, this House of Commons, the produce
of the Reform Bill of 1833, has run a race of legis-
lation unexampled in the annals of the world. (Hear.)
They found the people of England at the time of
1832 in a situation which required Reform. Reform
was given ; and what did they do ? Why, almost
the first thing they did was to wipe out from the
annals of England the stain of slavery. (Cheers.)
They then relieved the municipal government of this
country from narrow, I might almost say corrupt,
administration, and they threw it into the hands of
the people. (Hear.) They then went forward and
made a code of laws that was the most sanguinary
in the world the least sanguinary and the most
merciful that the world knows ; and, last of all (for
I won't mention many other good deeds), they freed
commerce, and they made the people of England
communicants of their power and their wealth to all
parts of the world. And this was done under the
Rform Bill of 1832 ; but I will state in one short
phrase the result of their action—that every man in
England might say what he thought, and might do
what he liked, so long as he did not injure his neigh-
bour, and that he was the freest man that walked
foafctehoe of
Htohues
egol of bceo. m
mTohneen
t,
hla
ts ay , thererendered
uir nno dthefeaulsurt
Reform necessary. I will presently state what the
circumstances were which rendered Reform neces-
sary ; but I am now stating what was not. The next
thing is—Was there anything like a natural right in
anybody to be represented ? Now, I look with a sort
of contemptuous pity upon a man NV llf Right 0 es that?
Rlang-
uage.Right,
Right ! What is themeaning of
in one sense, is the creature of law. Right is opposed
to wrong. Well, if they want that, let us inquire if it
be the interest of the people of England to alter the
Bill of-1832 ; and it will not be helped or aided by
stating that there was any natural right on the part of
anybody to have thepowiferthoefrveobtie n
voting. But,
laßudth,
essir,inlptahses
by that. What, they,
House of Commons, and there be no natural right on
ohfaEv
eniguls;acde?.
wt hheapt rs
to f
that anybody t
makes
mo
ehsaavye t
ht
ah
te
there power
shoofu vdobt ienagr—e -
m
flot ris Governmenttolifist.hletCisonnsottietuntoluognhalthatwes
hould
Justice is not justice unless the people think it be just
tice. Well; then, I say that in the distribution of
power in England there are certain men who have not
now the power of voting, but who have the faculties
and the capacity. Capacity in every sense to en-
title them to a vote, but they have it not; and there-
fore, for the purpose of putting aside discontent, I