The Sun.
London, England, 1866-02-24 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 24, 1866.

be made responsible for declining to act on the remon-
strance. The hon gentleman has made statements which
are in a great measure vague as regards the point at issue.
It may be true, and is unhappily too true, that Fenianism
in the main, and as to the means by which it is supported,
is a thing imported from America. About that there can
be no doubt ; but that is not all which should be shown to
the American Government in asking them either to put
down Fenianism, or show why they do not put it down.
In his admirable speech in respect to tho demand that we
should submit the case of the Alabama to arbitration, the
Attorney-General said we were requested to hold that the
Government were responsible for putting down or prevent-
ing that which they cannot always put down and prevent.
There are, however, two things in the main which we
have a right to expect from theAmericanGovernment. One
is, that when American laws have been broken they should
promptly vindicate those laws on behalf of England. Tho
lion. gentleman points out that those laws were promptly
vindicated in the ease of Spain. But that was the case of
the purchase and equipment of one or more ships for an
expedition, and was a thing above board, lying on the sur-
face of affairs and in the light of day. It is not enough for
my hon. friend to say that the Fenians held a congress in
Philadelphia, and collected so much money in so many
years, in order to raise the presumption that the Ame-
rican Government has neglected its duties. He ought to
show that such proceedings have been notorious—(hear,
hear)—not notorious in the way 'things depending on
public rumour are notorious, but notorious in the way
and in such a shape as can be made the subject of judicial
investigation. (Hear, hear.) My hon. friend has stated no
facts of that kind. I have heard nothing from him of any
acts done in America, and in the face of American law,
which it was the duty of the American Government to have
repressed. My hon. friend speaks of an interview he had
with President Johnson, but I do not apprehend he raises
from that an inference adverse to the United States, for he
paid a high and just compliment, if I may presume to say
so, to President Johnson, as a man anxious to do all in his
power to maintain friendly relations and the obligations of
international law. I stated that there were two cases in
which we might expect the United States Government to
act—the one where an offence had been committed against
the American law. Well, no proof has been advanced that
any such offence has been committed, and therefore we
have no ground of complaint under that head. The other
case is that in the event of an attempt on the part of
those misguided men against any portion of the Queen's
dominions we have a right to expect that the Government
of the United States will put down any such attempt. But
no such case happened ; and, therefore, upon that ground
too, we have no right to action on the part of the American
Government. However, there is also the case of persons
in the public employment. The hon. member says that 10
American officers were members of the Fenian Congress ;
but we do not know what was done, and we have no
knowledge of any dealings in which those officers took
part. The hon. member admits that General Sweeney
has been dismissed from the service of the United
States, and therefore, so far as General Sweeney is con-
cerned, there is no title to complain of the United States
Government. I have no more to say of the particular
allegations of my hon. friend beyond this, that where
they are vague they had much better not have been pro-
duced; where they are definite they ought first to have
been placed in the hands of the responsible Minister of the
Crown. It is obviously impossible that on being intro-
duced into this house without notice they can be properly
and satisfactorily dealt with. With regard to the question
what representations had been made on the subject to the
Government of the United States, I have to answer that
we have not made any such representations. We have
seen cause to deplore much that is taking place in Ame-
rica, but we have had no cause that would have justified
our making representations to the Government of the
country on the subject. My hon. friend says it is in vain
to act in Ireland unless we deal with the evil at its source.
These are very big words; to deal with an evil at its source
in the dominions of a foreign power, perhaps involving
measures for the ascertainment of the facts which we
would not for one moment tolerate or hear of in our coun-
try. (Hear, hear.) Sir, we have confidence in the govern-
ment of the United States. We believe it will fulfil its in-
ternational obligations to the best of its power. We have
confidence further in the public opinion of America, and as
far as we are informed the public opinion of America, like
the public opinion of England and Ireland, condemns the
Fenian proceedings. (Cheers.) Let us have some trust
and reliance in the power which the country possesses to
preserve order in every portion of her Majesty's dominions
—in the dignity and character which never reach a point
until they are joined with patience and endurance, uncon-
nected with the suspicion of weakness, and, on the con-
trary, impressed firmly with a consciousness of strength.
That is the course which I trust we may be permitted to
take. Do not let us needlessly or prematurely sow the
seeds of mistrust. We do not for one moment concealthat
the seed of this mischief lies in America, and that the ac-
tive agency has come from there ; but, though it is still in
America, we do not believe it to be of America. It is not
toe genuine fruit of American sentiment, or a general re-
presentation of the American mind. We believe it to be
condemned there as here, and, believing that in the total
absence of all evidence to the contrary, let us trust to a
friendly Government, which has not as yet failed in its
duty, and which we feel will not fail. The right bon
gentleman then resumed his seat, and Mr. Oliphant was
about to address the house when—

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER again rose
and said—l must frankly own that Ido believe it is for the
public interest that the handling of this subject—and it has
been deeply in our minds—should be loft entirely with the
executive Government.

Mr. OT WAY insisted that the facts of Fenian progress
in New York wero patent to every one, and maintained that
the Government had abundnt means on which to remon-
strate with that of America.

Sir L. OLIPHANT deprecated any interference by way
of remonstrance as calculated to do more harm than good.
It was worth remembering that " people in glass houses
should not throw stones." England must first show a
clean bill of health in such matters as those referred to be-
fore she attempted to teach others.

Mr. YORKE made a few brief observations.
Mr. WALPOLE trusted with the Chancellor of the
Exchequer that this conversation would not be allowed to
go further. The question was one of the most grave, diffi-
cult, and embarrassing character, and whatever opinions
they might form of Irish affairs as connected with Ame-
rica the present was not the period for opening up the dis-
cussion.

Mr. T. HUGHES alluded to the great soreness which
existed in tho United States towards England, and which
he attributed to the fact that somehow the English Go-
vernment had allowed vessels to get clear from their coasts
to prey on American commerce, and also to the subsequent
refusal of the British Government to submit the whole
question to an impartial tribunal.
Mr. WATKIN withdrew his motion, and the subject
dropped.
The house then went into Committee of Supply.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved that
the sum of £30,000 be granted to' her Majesty for the mar-
riage portion of her Royal Highness the Princess Helena
Augusta Victoria.
The vote was agreed to, and the house resumed.
The Public Offices (Site) Bill was read a second time.
The Cattle Plague Bill as amended was considered.
The house then adjourned.

CUBAN AND BRAZILIAN SLAVERY.—The New
York, Times, alluding to the influence of the pro-
gress of freedom in America, says :—The bar-
baric institution has a very feeble hold of life in
Cuba. In the mother country there is an agita-
tion for its abolition, and many of the foremost men
of the island, and not a few of its planters, are in
favour of free labour. The pro-slavery leaders
there, however, use the same arguments against
emancipation formerly so pogerful in this country
—that the negroes would not work—that all labour
would be disorganised—that the plantations would
go to ruin, and that Cuba would descend from its
position as a rich and productive isle to that of a
decayed and bankrupt country. The same argu-
ments are used in Brazil ; and indeed they have
served their purpose in defence of slavery and serf-
dom throughout the different countries of the world
for thousands of years. They continually need
new and practical refutation ; and this country, we
trust, will furnish their latest refutation. We may
be sure that slavery will not last in Cuba two years,
nor in Brazil five, after our late Southern slaves
shall have shown that negro industry is not incom-
patible with negro freedom.
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Anniversary of Washington's Birthday.

The one hundred and thirty-fourth anniversary
of the birthday of Washington was celebrated on
Thursday evening last, by the American residents
of Great Britain, who gave a public dinner at
-Willis's Rooms in honour of the occasion. The
beautiful and spacious hall was appropriately deco-
rated by a very grand and imposing array of flags,
banners, festoons of roses, portraits, etc. The table
was handsomely ornamented with fruits and flowers;
the decorations were particularly remarkable for the
manner in which they exemplified the unity of Ame-
rica and England—the Stars and Stripes and the
Union Jack intertwining their folds in all directions.
The company assembled to do honour to the
memory of Washington numbered about two hun-
dred persons, comprising nearly all the more distin-
guished Americans in England, several English
guests, and seventy or eighty ladies, who, instead
of retiring according to English fashion after the
cloth was removed, set an example which we should
be glad to see generally followed, and remained
till the close of the entertainment. The Hon.
Freeman H. Morse, United States Consul at
London, presided. On the Chairman's right sat his
Excellency the American Minister at the Court
of St. James, and on his left Professor Goldwin
Smith.

The company took their seats at half-past seven
o'clock.
The Rev. C. W. DENISON, chairman of the committee of
management, after the cloth was removed, read letters ex-
pressing regret at being unable to attend from several
noblemen and gentlemen. Mr. BRIGHT wrote as follows :
"4, Hanover-street, Feb. 20.
"Dear Sir,—l thank your committee for their kind in-
vitation to the dinner on Thursday. Unfortunately lam
so much engaged this week that I am afraid I shall not be
able to avail myself of it. Tho occasion this year will be of
unusual interest, and although not present I shall rejoice
with your friends and countrymen in the great triumph
which they witnessed and accomplished during the past
year. With many thanks for your kind remembrance of
me, I am, with great respect, yours very truly,

JOHN BRIGHT."
" Blackheath Park, Feb. 16, 1866.

" Sir,—lu returning my sincere thanks for the invita-
tion I have been honoured with to the dinner to be given
in commemoration of the illustrious man who took so
leading a part in the liberation cf the American colonies,
and in the foundation of the American Republic, I regret
that the great pressure of Parliamentary business compels
me to decline for the present all other evening engage-
ments, public as well as private.—l have the honour to be
your obedient servant, J. S. MILL."

The CHAIRMAN, in giving "The Memory of Tv ashing-
ton," congratulated his countrymen on the fact that they
met that night under very different circumstances from
those under which they met there ono year ago. (Ap-
plause.) There was a great struggle going on at that time
at the other side of the Atlantic, but now they assembled
together with the recollection of the agreeable fact that
their country was at peace with all the world, and was
completing peace with itself. Their country was
now engaged in the work of reconstruction, and
of laying, in some respects perhaps renewing, the
foundation of the liberties of that great country. They
found that their country was now the country of freedom
indeed. (Hear, hear, and applause.) The shackles of four
millions of slaves had fallen from their limbs—(immense
cheering)—and he rejoiced to say that their country
was now without a slave. (Renewed cheers.) That, he
thought, was something to boast of. (Hear, hear.)
Their glorious banner would never more be sneered at as
the protector of slavery. They met there that night as the
representatives of a people completely free—(cheers)—to
commemorate the birth of Washington. (Cheers.) The
private and public history of Washington was so well
known that it was not necessary for him to sketch it. He
was the man of the age in which he lived. For wisdom
which made no mistakes—for calm, unbiassed judgment—
for pure love of country—for patriotism void of selfish-
ness—in short, for all those traits which go to make up a
good and a great man—the ages which had since rolled
away had not presented a superior to Washington.
(Cheers.)
The toast was drunk standing and in silence, the band
of the Coldstream Guards playing "Washington's March."
The CHAIRMAN next gave " The Memory of Abraham
Lincoln." In all probability, he said, future generations
will give to the name of Lincoln a place side by side with
that of Washington himself, and it was meet and proper
that Americans should cherish his memory along with that
of " The Father of his Country." This toast was drunk
standing and in silence, the whole assembly seeming
deeply impressed with the solemnity of the occasion.
The CHAIRMAN next gave "The President of the United
States," and called upon Col. Griffin, of Chicago, to re-
spond. The speaker on rising was cordially received,
and, after a happy introduction, said that he had bad the
honour of the personal acquaintance of Mr. JOHNSON for
several years past, and felt it to be a pleasure to bear
his testimony to the high and noble qualities of the Pre-
sident. He dwelt forcibly on the condition of the country,
and felt assured that under the present Government the
best interests of the United States would be promoted.
(Cheers.)
Mr. MASON JONES was called on to second this toast,
and in a forcible and eloquent speech descanted at great
length on the personal and political merits of the Presi-
dent, with whom he had the honour of acquaintance, and
enlarged upon the merits of the Constitution of the United
States, the results of the war, the high character of the
American Minister, and all the other topics of the even-
ing. Mr. Jones's speech was well received. Ho was
frequently interrupted in the earlier portions of his ad-
dress with applause.

The CHAIRMAN then gave "Our Guest, the American
Minister at the Court of St. James." The harmony which
at present exists between England and America he attri-
buted in a great degree to the fact of Mr. Adams being the
representative of the United States in this country.
(" Hear, hear," and cheers.) During the last four years
Mr. Adams had a difficult task to perform, and it was well
known that he had acquitted himself to the credit, hon-
our, and advantage of his country.

Tho toast was honoured with the utmost enthusiasm,
the whole assembly rising to their feet and giving three
times three for Mr. Adams.

Mr. ADAMS, on rising to respond, was received with
loud cheers. He said—l thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I
thank you, ladies and gentlemen, from my heart, for the
great kindness with which you have received the extraor-
dinary expression of goodwill and of good opinion which
have been uttered by the chairman and the gentlemen on
the other side of the table. I also thank the committee for
the kindness which they have displayed in associating my
name with this toast, because it enables me to carry out the
resolution that I had made not to talk upon the subject
which the chairman referred to. The subject, however
much I may admire it, is not a very suitable one for
me to discuss in a mixed assembly. I would rather pre-
fer, on a day of this sort, to recur to the associations in all
our minds connected with the event of this celebration.
And on this occasion, more than all others, have we some
cause to congratulate ourselves in recollecting the last
greatest injunction of the great man, "that we should
bear in mind at all times, and in the future, to maintain
the preservation of our Union." (Cheers.) We have been
for the last four years undergoing a great trial ; and, after
hours of vicissitudes which have tried all our hearts, we
can meet each other on this occasion and say —" To the
great injunction of the chief of the country we have been
true." I would, therefore, in connection with that idea,
simply propose to you a sentiment, and it is this, the last
charge of Washington—" The preservation of the Union ;
may the restoration be prompt and complete -the true
foundation of happiness at home and of respect abrold."
(Cheers.)
THE CHAIRMAN next proposed the sixth toast of the
evening, " Oar Whole Country."
Rev. CHARLES W. DENIsoN, who was received with
hearty cheers, on rising to respond to this toast expressed
his heartfelt pleasure in being honoured with the invita-
tion to speak for his country on such an occasion. There
was not an American or a citizen of any friendly Power
present but would join him in paying a tribute to the
nation we all loved so woll. (Cheers.) The pre-
sent time was peculiarly a fit one for doing
honour to America, and, throughher, to the me-
mory of the great and good man whose anniversary we
were met to celebrate. We could speak now for our whole
country, as we could never speak before, and commemo-
rate with new devotion the principles that governed the
illustrious Washington. Henceforth we, as Americans,
have one country—from the North to the South, from the
East to the West—oceans and lakes, rivers and mountains,
plains and valleys, unite us all together in bonds of strength
and amity, that shall never be dissolved. We could now
lay just claim to a common constitution, the great Magna
Charta of our national rights, that had just stricken the
chains from four millions of bondmen. Thank God, an
American sun could no more rise or set on an American
slave! (Loud cheers.) The historical fact is established that
our Union is that of an independent nation. We are no longer
to be regarded as a confederation of republics, a series of
sovereign states, bound togetherby a mere treaty of alliance
and friendship, a firm of business partners, liable to dissolu-
tion at any moment. No ! We are now a distinct and
consolidated nation, with one form of government, one
flag, one body of the representatives of all the people at
home and abroad, one currency, and one army and navy—
a nation

"Distinct as the billows, yet one as the sea"—
the Republic of the United States of North America. (Ap-
plause.) It was for the establishment of such a nation as
this that the early settlers of America landed on those
distant shores. Mere words failed to do full justice
to a country so favoured of Heaven. The events of the
time were speaking for America what human language
could never speak. (Applause.) In passing through the
Cathedral of St. Paul's you would =tie° heueath the bunt

of Sir Christopher Wren, the architect of the building, the
words :

" Inquirendo monumenturn? Circuntspice !"

" Would you inquire for his monument ? Look around
you !" In the decorations of this hall, as well as in the
progress of our country, one has much to remind us of the
unity of America,. The names of all the States are around
these walls. There floats above us the national standard
—not one star is wanting from its loyal field of blue; not
one stripo is missing from its folds of white and red. On
the right that flag hung in front of the ensign of England.
It was a flag of an honoured history, for it had been pre-
sented by his Royal Highness, the late Prince Consort, to
the American packet-ship Prince Albert, and,; on the loss
of that vessel, had been kindly loaned for this banquet by
Captain Davis, of the Yorktown. (Applause.) Our
country had received a new bond of unity in the sacrifices
of the last four years. Wo wore now bound together as
we had never been before, by the heart's-blood of patriots,
hallowing more than a thousand battle-fields. Viewing
America as she is, and as she promises to bo, he was surd
the toast proposed would be the aspiration
,of every loyal
heart. (Prolonged applause.)
The seventh toast of the evening was "Our Fallen
Heroes." This was drunk in silence, while the band
played a dirge.
The CHAIRMAN then gave the eighthtoast, "The United
States and Great Britain."

Professor GOLDWIN SMITH, in response to the senti-
ment, met with a most cordial reception. He said that the
character of Washington was not only historical, but in
many respects it illustrated some of the best points of
English history. The principles of English liberty led him
to fight English soldiers who opposed them. He was sure
the real lovers of liberty, in every part of Great Britain,
would rejoice more and more in the spread of liberal prin-
ciples in America. In times past this had been the case,
and he thought it would be still more so in the future.
The English constitution was capable of great expansion
in diffusing a right basis of government ; and while Eng-
land had early stamped a portion of a free policy on Ame-
rica, wo must expect the reflex influence to return to us
across the Atlantic. America has been fortunate in having
at the Court of St. James a man of such skill in states-
manship, coupled with so much of caution and wisdom,
as the present Minister. It is certain that his correspon-
dence will bear a favourable comparison with that of
any statesmen of modern times. He indulged the hope
that events would prove the honour and glory of the
United States to be coeval with those of Great Britain.
Mr. Thos. WALKER seconded Professor Smith in a few
pointed and forcible remarks. He was sure that the utter-
ance of the noble and manly sentiments of this occasion
would exert a favourable influence in England. It was by
such national gatherings as these that the citizens of the
two countries learned to know each other better and re-
spect each other more. With much pleasure ho supported
the principles implied in the toast before them.
The ninth toast of the evening was " The Constitution
of the United States, the Charter of American Liberty: it
is now crowned with a new glory by the extinction of
American slavery."
The Hon. Mr. FoLsom, late U.S. Minister at the Hague,
was received with applause, and responded to the toast
with much spirit. His experience of the value of the Con-
stitution had been an agreeable one at home, and he had
learned to prize the great instrument of popular rights
while abroad. It was perfectly clear from the history of
America that the framers of the Constitution originally
expected that it would eventually be the means of remov-
ing the political evils of the country. Whatever differ-
ence of opinion there may have been as to the best manner
of exercising the power of the Constitution on mooted
questions, it is settled now that it has secured the perma-
nent removal of the great evil of slavery. As a source and
guarantee of American law, the Constitution of the United
States was the just pride of every loyal American citizen,
in whatever quarter of the world his lot might be cast. He
had much pleasure in commending the toast to the as-
sembly.
J. H. ESTCOURT, Esq., lately of Manchester, rose to se-
cond the(response that had just been made by the hon.
gentleman. He had had occasion to study the Constitu-
tion of the United States as affecting, in its action, the
progress of events in America, and the more he studied the
more he admired it. He was prepared to stand by the
Constitution, because it stood by the Union, and ho
had learned by experience the wisdom and justice as well
as the policy of going for Union and Emancipation at ono
and the same time. His conviction of the importance of
the United States Constitution went beyond America. He
regarded it as a great bill of rights for all mankind.
" The Ladies." Music—" Home, sweet home."

Mr. EDWARD CURTISS, of the University of the City of
New York, responded in a few well-chosen and felicitous
remarks. Ho spoke not only of the charms of American
women, comparable with those of any in the world, but of
the noble efforts they had put forth during the war for
the Union, in arousing and keeping alive the patriotic en-
thusiasm of the country, providing for the wants of the
soldiers and seamen who were fighting for their country,
in her defence, and with sweet charities helping the sterner
sex to succour the sick and wounded, to solace the dying,
and bury the dead. (Applause.)
The company then separated.