The Sun.
London, England, 1835-11-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The most violent of the Irish Tories, with Lord
Roden at their head, have banded themselves together
in a confederacy which they call a " Lay Association
for aiding the Irish Clergy in the Protection of
Church Property." It might be more fittingly deno-
minated a Society for preventing any settlement of the
Tithe Question ; for their plan is a scheme to feed the
Clergy with delusive hopes of protection, so as to dis-
suade them against acceding to an amicable arrange-
ment, while they further propose to harass and dis-
tress the people to such a degree as to increase, if that
were possible, their hatred of tithes. Thus may dis-
cord and disquiet be kept alive, by which alone the
party can ever expect to regain its station at the helm.
A little better than a year ago a game, having
the same object, was played. The landlords then
came forward with a voluntary offer to become
accountable for all the tithes payable on their
respective estates. Scarcely a Protestant pro-
prietor in Ireland but took this engagement upon
himself ; and as nineteen parts in twenty of the land
belong to Protestants, there—said they—was the
Tithe Question settled at once. And had it been a
sincere and bona fide engagement which they con-
tracted, although the question of Appropriation would
still be a vexed one, the immediate effect would as-
suredly have been as they represented. The parson
would have had to do directly and immediately with
the lord of the soil, by whom he would have been paid
his due, without any chaffering or collision with the
Catholic tenantry ; and we should have heard no more
of the heart-rending sufferings of the Irish Clergy.
But the whole thing was a cheat—a political fraud,
devised by Tory ingenuity, and got up to embarrass
the Whig Government. Some just and honourable
men adhere to their promise, amongst whom are the
Duke of Leinster, and others of his way of thinking,
as well as a few honest Conservatives. But with the
trading members of the faction, no serious intention
existed to give a practical effect to their show of
liberality, unless upon condition. If the manoeuvre
had succeeded in procuring a Tithe Bill to be enacted,
in perfect accordance with their views—in other words,
a Bill which would keep the whole of the Church
property still an heir-loom in the families of the land-
lords, and a provision for their younger sons—they
would have paid what they contracted for. But while
one farthing was liable to be converted to purposes of
general utility, they would see their spiritual pastors
dying a thousand deaths first. If such has not been
the understanding, why are not the clergymen paid ?
Why do we hear such piteous tales of their distress,
when theirs is the first charge upon the fee of the
land, and the combined Aristocracy of Ireland stands
solemnly pledged before the world to discharge it ?
Either the high-wrought representations we read about
clerical suffering and privation are fictitious, or many of
the Protestant Nobles and Gentry of Ireland have com-
mitted an act of collusive trickery, and a scandalous
breach of their public faith. That the latter is the ease
we need no other proof than the published prospectus
of this new " Lay Association," and the list of names
that are subscribed to it. For here we find the names
which stood the foremost among those who volunteered
last year to take the burden of the tithes upon them-
selves, annexed to large subscriptions towards a law
fund for compelling their tenants to pay them. If
they then entered into a bona /We agreement, their
present conduct would be ridiculous ; for in making a
subscription to proceed against defaulters, they would
he supplping means to attack themselves. But it was,
from first to laq, a dirty trick, and a portion of the un-
derplot preliminary to that grand coup IT clot which
followed hard upon Earl Spencer's death, which fur-
nished an occasion for it. The object of their present
course is to keep both the clergy and the people in a
state of fretfulness and suspense ; nor are they al-
together without a silly expectation that the rigour
of their proceedings may break down the opposi-
tion to tithe, or, at all events, punish and harass
those whom they may not be able to subdue.
They have set legal persecution, in its utmost ma-
lice, actively at work. Agents have been instructed
to give a preference to that mode of proceeding
which accumulates the highest costs in the least
given time, and to allow no delay whatever for
arrangement or consideration. In the slang of
the attorneys, they are to put every mother's son to
ihe sword. Without even the form of a notice or de-
mand, subpcenas have been already served, and expen-
sive suits in equity commenced. All this would be
gross enough, under any circumstances, hut coming
from those who have made themselves morally account-
able (and legally so, too, if the documents could only
be come at) for the impost they are seeking to levy
with fire and sword from others, it is most iniquitous
and detestable. The poor Clergy, in the meantime,
are suffering severely. Fur those who are wealthy
(and notwithstanding the lamentations we hear, these
are still the greater number) we confess we have little
pity, for they are deeply implicated in these oppressive
and unjust proceedings. But there are several of the
really distressed and destitute who bitterly mourn for
themselves and for their children, and in secret pray to
be delivelcd from false and selfish friends. Buy they
dare not speak out. The bellow of the faction would
drown their complaints, and they would be hunted down as
apostates and recreants, if they should even hint at a
compromise. Our contemporary the Standard has of late
detailed many a pathetic case of destitution and po-
verty in the Irish Church. Without swearing to all
the romantic particulars of those touching narratives,
we shall not dispute the correctness of their general
features; with more sincerity than many who make a
greater show of their sympathy, we wish that it were
not so. And, further, to testify our respect for an or-
thodox example, we shall close this article by adding
one genuine and well-accredited case of clerical desti-
tution to those which the Standard has given to the
world. Ye Rodens and Bandous, props of the Church
and pillars of the State—
"lf you have tears, prepare to shed them now."
The Rev.
and a small parish. The principal part of the latter
is the property of a Conservative Nobleman, very high
in the odour of sanctity, who, in 1834, when the
other Tory landlords of Ireland were taking upon them-
selves the responsibility of tithes payable from their
estates, came forward, and very emphatically under-
took to pay the whole of the composition for which
the lands of all his tenants were liable. On the Ist
of November following, a year's composition was
due ; but the- incumbent suffered it to stand over,
expecting, probably, that Parliament would make
some definitive settlement. That hope proving delu-
sive, and the necessities of his family becoming; urgent,
the clergyman, about a month ago, when the second
ear's composition was within three weeks or so of be-
ing due also, applied for payment of one year's debt :
only one, mark. He teas re/rued ! Not having
calculated upon such a contingency, he had passed a
bill to a tradesman, which has been consequently dis-
honoured and protested. Let us hope, however, that
the compassion of his creditor is a more practical qua-
lity than the honour of his noble benefactor. We have
some fears lest we may be supposed to swerve from
our duty to society in suppressing the name of this
titled delinquent. But we will not disclose it now. The
reader must be content to receive the statement on our
credit, which we pledge for its truth ; and further to
try his faith we declare, on the same warranty, the
astounding fact, that the noble personage concerned in
this transaction did, much about the same time that he
- refused to pay the poor starving parson his lawful debt,
subscribe one hundred pounds to the fund of the " Lay
Association for aiding the Irish clergy in the Protec-
tion of Church Property." The hypocrite I—Morn-
ing Chronicle.
The Royal Speech delivered by the Queen-Regent
of Spain at the opening of the Cortes, which we
published yesterday, is a highly interesting document,
and we make no apology for a somewhat long analysis
of its component parts. The introductory paragraph
of the Speech indicates a strong sense of the duties
• incumbent on the Sovereign under the peculiar cir-
cumstances of the country, expressed in frank and
cordial language. An allusion is made to the Mini-
sters whom the public voice had pointed out to the
choice of the Sovereign, and a hope is expressed that
ilthe Legislature will not withhold their support, pro-
'per-means may be devised to repair the finances of the
country; without the necessity of having recourse to
foreign loans or any increase of taxation, either for

ZI=MN

the purpose of defraying the expenses of terminating
the civil war, or of maintaining every pecuniary en-
ing-ement towards the national and foreign creditors
of the State. The foreign relations of the country
occupy the next paragraph, which, though it re-
fers to facts most of which are already notorious, is
nevertheless instructive in some points. We regret
that the repeated proofs of the adherence of her
three allies to the quadripartite treaty, which the
Queen Regent's Speech adverts to, received in
one instance a striking contradiction, by what we
stated on the authority of our letters from -Lisbon, in
another column of our yesterday's impression. The
other Governments, with which Spain has continued
to keep up an unreserved interchange of friendly rela-
tions, are duly enumerated. The names of Austria,
Prussia, and Russia, do not appear among them, and
we are not given to understand that any intention ex-
ists on the part of either of these three 'lowers speedily
to acknowledge the title of Isabella 11. to the Spanish
Crown ; on the contrary, a cold distance seems to be
kept up with them, as most suitable, under existing
circumstances, to the national dignity. As a set-off to
this apparently reciprocal reserve of the three northern
Powers and Spain, by which, in reality not a particle
of the national interests is affected, the speech proceeds
to state that the negotiations with the South American
and Mexican republics are in progress, and likely soon
to lead to an arrangement by which the interests of
Spain will be in a great degree promoted. Some of
the negotiators on behalf of the American republics
were present among the members of the diplomatic
body. The subject of the civil war is introduced in
more than one paragraph of the speech, being, indeed,
naturally mixed up with almost every other topic which
refers to the present interests and future prospects of
the nation. A determination of using every effort to
crush the civil war breathes throughout the speech,
and the failures by which former attempts have
been signalized are ascribed to the cause to which we
have so frequently had occasion to advert—viz., the
insufficiency of the military force at the disposal of the
Queen's Government. The great political measures on
which the constitutional guarantees of the nation are
to be hereafter based are announced in a direct and
decided manner. They are to consist—l st, in a law of
elections, which will give a suitable extension to the
public franchises ; 2d, in a law establishing the liberty
of the press, " the soul of representative government
and, 3(1, in a law on Ministerial responsibility, and on
the inviolability of the person of the Monarch, and of
individual liberty. These five important points, which
are thus to be embraced in three enactments, formed the
very identical bill of rights proposed in the Chamber of
Procuradores during the early part of last session, but
which was then withheld in consequence of the decided
opposition with which its proposal was met by M. Mar-
tinez de la Rosa and his colleagues. It ought to be
borne in mind, however, that although announced as
being among the laws projected and prepared by the
present Ministers, the first one alone, that which relates
to the extension of the electoral system, will have to be
submitted immediately to the Legislature, the Royal de-
cree of convocaloria having called the present Parliament
together for the especial purpose of advising on a broader
system of representation, and having assigned to the
future Legislature, which is to be created by the new
system, the task of revising the constitution established
by the Estatuto Real. The tone and tenour of the
speech denote, that not merely the reign, but the very
language of absolutism is abandoned, and that a libe-
ral form of government, resting on an equal balance of
powers, is projected for long degraded, priest-ridden,
impoverished, and 11 but ruined Spain. It would be
ungracious to dwell on the commencement of this new
era ill Spanish history, without bearing witness to the
good judgment exhibited by the Queen Regent in every
circumstance which has contributed to its development.
To her sagacity in the selection of advisers whose sen-
timents and principles were likely to suit the temper of
the times, to her pliancy whenever the public interest
required concession, and to her firmness in checking
the inroads of democracy, we may in a great measure
ascribe the revolution which has been gradually ef-
fected in. Spain during the last three ,years without
any shedding of blood, or even any alarming ditur-
bailee. It was a very prevalent opinion, both in Spain
and out of it, during the life of Ferdinand, that at his
death time democratic constitution of 1812 would he
again proclaimed. The personal regard which, in spite
of all his faults, was entertained for Ferdinand by nu-
merous classes in Spain, was snppcsed to have kept
back any attempt towards the promulgation of that
constitution, when, after the French Revolution of
1830, the Spanish Liberals had expected sympathy
and good wishes in that quarter. The steady but
constantly advancing system of liberalism, however
adopted and pursued by Ferdinand's temporary suc-
cessor in the sovereign authority, by raising the
hopes of the Spanish people, arrested at once the
hands that would have aimed at the subversion of
the Government by means of anarchy and blood ;
and thus, after three years of comparatively tran-
quil progress, Spain seems to be on the eve of
arriving at that political condition that France
has for nearly the last 50 years aimed at, but
has hardly yet attained, and, through her unreason-
ing impatience, will probably never attain. The
changes which will be made by the forthcoming Le-
gislature in the Estatuto Real, thonA highly impor-
tant, will not, we suspect, be very extensive after all.
'lime introduction of the clauses mentioned above, as
forming the Bill of Rights proposed last Session, will
assimilate the Estatuto Real with the Constitution of
Portugal. Recent experience has taught us to look
upon the wishes of the Spaniards, in regard to a Con-
stitution, as extremely moderate and reasonable. The
system, misnamed " a Constitution," of 1812, has
been declared on all hands quite inadmissible. Even
M. Galliano, the exallado-Liberal—the ci-devant ra-
dical orator of Spain, has very lately proclaimed his
conviction of its impracticability. The insignificant
attempts made within the last two years to put it forth
were owing solely to the absence of every rallying point
for the opponents of the Estatuto Real. The Estatuto
Real, therefore, after being revised, will probably re-
linquish its title for that of the " Constitution of
1836." Times.
In the speech of the Queen-Governess of Spain we
recognize the dawn of a new and happier era for the
Spanish people. This document, which we publish
in another place, is sufficient in itself to allay the tu-
mults of insurrectionary excitement, and destroy every
vestige of hope which might have remained to the
sanguinary Pretender. But it is not alone in the pros-
pect of a speedy termination of the civil war that is
to be found a subject of congratulation—it is the basis
which is proposed to be laid for the erection of the
Spanish Constitution on popular principles, that fur-
nishes grounds of exultation to the friends of freedom
in every part of Europe. This basis consists of three
projects of law, which are to be proposed to the
deliberation of the Cortes—namely, elections, the
basis of representative government ;—the liberty of the
Press, which is the soul thereof ;—and the responsi-
bility of Ministers, which serves as an equal gua-
rantee to the inviolability of the person of the Mo
narch, and to the security of the rights of the people.
The finances of the country appear in a condition
to justify the expression of a hope that the available
resources will be sufficient, without new loans, or an
augmentation of taxes, to bring the war to a termina-
tion, improve the condition of the home and foreign
creditors, and place the public credit on a steady and
solid basis. The whole tenour of the speech reflects
infinite credit on the financial ability, sound and liberal
policy, and energetic spirit of the Minister Mendiza-
bal. The extreme factions on both sides—anarchists
and absolutists—looked to the opening of the Cor-
tes with the malignant expectation of finding some
grounds of attack on the existing Government ; but
the fiendish hope has been disappointed, and each
party has been appalled into forbearance or ac-
quiescence by the liberal and firm exposition of
the contemplated policy. of the Queen's Govern-
ment, the cordial sincerity of manner in which the
address was delivered, the enthusiastic approbation
which all ranks have bestowed upon it, and the
rapturous cheers of the people which greeted the
Queen and Ministers in their procession to and from
the Assembly. The conduct of the Queen Governess
is deserving of the utmost eulogy—she has proved her-
self fully equal to the crisis in which Spain was placed
by the Pretender—and with such a Premier as Men-