The Sun.
London, England, 1866-05-18 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TILE PUBLIC iCilidikii:

- -
TimES.—The universal sound of warlike prepara-
tion has been singularly interrupted by one of those
episodes by which war itself is occasionally and
quaintly relieved. The provost-marshal, the scout, the
sutler, the peasant, and the cantiniere furnish some
of that comedy which the masters of fiction find it
necessary to intermix with their most tragic stories.
We can scarcely regard in a more serious light the
treatment which the sober and substantial old
element of public opinion is now receiving at the
hands of two very different personages—treatment
not quite identical, but only varied to the circum-
stances. The King of Prussia, not finding it very
easy to obtain the required flavour of Liberalism for
his Government by the infusion of a statesman or
two with a bias that way, and despairing of coun-
tenance from the more educated classes, is bethink-
ing himself of the last political discovery of the age
—a Monarchy founded on universal suffrage. The
immediate difficulty in the way is that even with
the most summary methods for obtaining a repre-
sentation on this deep and extended basis, the
King would certainly find himself far advanced
in the Dog-days before he could have the moral
support and the intellectual aid he looks for from
the Parliament of the People. At the present
rapid pace of preparation that body would find
they had little to do but to vote supplies
and sanction taxes. But as time is so precious,
and the war so imminent, his Majesty has had
further recourse to a species of extempore and sup-
plementary Parliament, just to fill up the gap in
Prussian politics. The rural police, who may, or may
not, have more knowledge and tact than our own,
have been commissioned to pick out, every one of
them, two labourers and working men, and form an
assemblage direct from the very nursery of Dame
Nature, hitherto uncontaminated by class influences
and party views. His Majesty proposes an interview
with these legislative lambs, in which he will put
straight to them the question of peace or war, ex-
plaining, of course, the objects for which that war
is to be waged, the sacrifices it will entail, and the
possibility that the persons themselves, their bro-
thers and sons, may have to give the strongest prac-
tical proof of the sincerity of their opinion. It is
in the villages and the lanes that the King hopes to
find that pure German nationality which is pre-
sumed in these great controversies, but which is
found rather intractable in closer contact, possibly
because alloyed with baser metal. But if the King
of Prussia cannot find that pure element in his
existing Chamber, and will not even discover it in
the Diet, no wonder he should go out into
the fields and collect it as he would a bouquet of
wild flowers or a handful of simples. The difficulty
is that all must depend on the police, and we sus-
pect the Prussian police are rather apt to take in-
structions and follow them with praiseworthy exact-
ness. Our neighbour across the Channel, it must be
said, has no occasion to go to the villages and lanes,
or auy part of the population especially under the
eyes of the police, for the simple reason that this is
the very quarter from which he comes by the happy
and aboriginal mode of his election. He has no
need to go back again or ask on a question of the
day the unbiassed opinion of the sons of the soil.
He is, in fact, their special representative, and fully
authorised to speak for them. What he has to do, and
who occasionally gives him and his friends a little
work for their pens and their authority, is to reduce
within proper limits the opinions of the educated
classes. In France, as in some other countries, the
possessors of land, and money, and education, and
social influence, and professional positions, and
mercantile interests, forget that they are a minority
of the people, on the one hand, and, on the other
hand, are not the sovereign power. Through this
oversight they are led into the indiscretion of pre-
suming to insinuate what the nation should do, and
what, by consequence, they should not do, or the
Emperor should do, or his allies should do, for all
positive advice must have a negative side to it. The
Emperor lately availed himself of what would be
called here a visit to his constituents of Auxerre, to
express his feelings about the Treaties of 1815,
and add a few words which were interpreted into
a politic resignation to the worst that should
come, on the philosophic ground that good would
come out. of it. Though, of course, from different
points of view, there appears to have been a
marvellous agreement in the French Press as to
the meaning of the Imperial declaration. It has
been hailed by one half of the Press, and somewhat
sharply criticised by the other half, as an appeal
from the enlightened classes to those who make up
for their want of artificial illumination by the purity
of their natural tastes and the simplicity of their
patriotic instincts. The educated very naturally
think they know a little more about politics than
the peasants do, and the Emperor evidently thinks
they know rather too much for him, and that what
he wants is not advice, but moral and, above all,
numerical support. A well-known member of the
Parisian press replies in behalf of the class, and the
interest, and the cause, which certainly have been
challenged, and had a right to reply. Ile observes
that the Treaties of Paris happen not to be exclu-
sively, or even principally or primarily, in question.
The Treaty immediately menaced is that of Zurich,
by which France herself secured Venetia to Austria;
and the entire face of Europe is covered by arrange-
ments in which France has taken a part, but which
overlay and even abrogate, in some instances, the
Treaties of Paris. What the Emperor would really
have to dispose of before he cceild do anything for
the advantage of France is the map of Europe alto-
gether as an arrangement binding on the common
conscience of nations. The writer had put it a little
more cautiously than this, but he protested decidedly
and argued conclusively against anything like co-
operation with Prussia, and against a way of speak-
ing which tended to put Crowns at the head of the
multitude, and annihilated the great interests and
just influences between those two extremes. Even
were the design praiseworthy, it is still a speculation,
for nobody can say how the Throne would find
itself when surrounded by an armed mob, or how
the people would find themselves under the guid-
ance of one sovereign will. Fortunately for the
ar-
gument, perhaps unfortunately for the writer,
it is
on record that Napoleon 1., though carried away,
in the days of his power, by popular flattery and
subservience, found out too late that he had better
have listened to the prudent misgivings of the
prosaic middle class, or any class with leisure to
think, and something to think for. Had he lent a
more willing ear to the timely warnings from this
quarter, the Treaties of 1815 would not even have
existed to deserve the hatred oft his successor.
criticisms
Ithis country we see nothing in n these ex-
cept that freedom of disussion which we hold a ne-
cessity of political existence, and from which no sub-
ject is spared. We certainly should despair of our
country, and follow our fathers to New England,
or further, if we found ourselves forbidden to make
remarks on a document which amounts to a declara-
tion of war against half Europe, and a denunciation
of the middle and upper classes of one's own coun-
try. It would seem, hon ever, on tha legal maxim
that a libel is all the worse for being true, this cri-
ticism was all the more criminal bemuse sound. The
journal containing it has received a second warning,
and may now be considered as trembling for its
existence and half blighted by the breath of Impe-
rial displeasure. The writer certainly had put an
adverse, but very natural, construction on a speech
which denounced Europe as it is politically divided,
and France as it is socially constituted, and which
invoked the aid of a multitude to its reparation.
He had, however, something to speak for when he
defended at once Europe and France, order, pro-
perty, education, and law. If he had only tripped,
or exceeded the limits of just criticism, he might
have been answered, in behalf of nations and the
people of France. They, too, are something to
speak for. But why should M. Prevost-Paradol be
silenced, and his arguments left without reply ? All
the reply we find in the official organs is that the Em-
peror maintains a strict neutrality, in order that he
may mediate, and that this mediation, when it comes,
is to be, in fact, nothing less than a European redis-
tribution, not merely for the restoration of peace
and the abatement of grievances, but for the re-
establishment of a state of tjungs older and more
desirable than that founded by the Treaty of Paris.
We cannot see how this mends matters, and if this
be all the explanation the Emperor will vouchsafe
we can easily understand why he would rather have
to deal with the simple and loyal peasantry of
Auxerre than with an educated capital. Even as a
prophecy, here is something to give us all uneasi-
ness. War is to raze the surface of Europe to a
dead political level—a mere crowd of nations and
battle-field of armies. Frontiers are to be swept
away by the incessant passage of armed myriads.
Napoleon is to look on. At length suffering hu-
manity will raise toileaven oue great, simultaneous
cry. Napoleon 111. will then present himself, like
Achilles from his long retirement. He will appear
and set things to rights. He will restore the Golden
Age, of what date we are not told. We are only
told emphatically that it is to be one innocent of the
Treaty of 1815.
POST.—Since the day when the battle of Solferino
decided against Austrian usurpation in the Italian
Peninsula, King Victor Emmanuel and his advisers
have never known anything like repose from the
most anxious State labours and a variety of com-
plications, domestic and foreign, demanding an
amount of political wisdom and forethought which
has made the death of Cavour to be felt by every
Italian patriot as a national calamity impossible to
repair. It is well known that Austria, the exiled
Sovereigns, and the Court of Rome have never
ceased to intrigue against the constitutional king-
dom of King Victor Emmanuel, aided by the
Ultramontane. faction of all Europe. The domestic
difficulty has never ceased. The party of action,

including the extreme partleane of Atamsini,tsT4
constantly hampered the Government by urging .14
line of policy towards Rome and Venetia which
would have offended France and brought destruc-
tion on the newly-formed unity of Italy. Another
great difficulty which the Government had to
,
contend with was that of national finance. 111(.3,
debts of the various States had to be amalgamated
and provision made for an endless number of mili-
tary and civil officers, whom it was thought prudent
to place on the retired list. Then, again, in order to
amalgamate the Italian people from the foot of the
Alps to Sicily, it was deemed a supreme necessity to
form an army which should make the people of one
State familiar with the peasantry of another ; this
had a political as well as a military meaning, and It
resulted from this the best soldiers of the Italian
Peninsula, viz., those of Piedmont, found themselves
amongst Sicilians, Tuscans, Neapolitans, Romans/
men of Parma and Modena ; in fact, recruits from
every quarter of the Italian Peninsula ruled over
by the head of the House of Savoy. The patriotism
of Italy responded to the will of the Government, a
patriotism which was cemented and strengthened
by the ardent and universal desire that this military
force should one day be employed to incorporate
Venetia and become the guardian of the temporal
interests of the Papacy. No disturbing cause oc-
curred to thwart either the domestic or foreign policy
of the Italian Government until the Emperor Napo-
leon had decided on withdrawing the French flag
from the States of the Church. Previous to that de-
cision the Court of Rome and the exiled princes had
confined their hostile intrigues to organising
bri-
gand bands, who we employed in making depreda-
tions in the rural districts of the Neapolitan States.
But of late the conspiracy against the Kingdom of
Italy became more widespread abroad, and there
is every reason to believe that the exiled princes,
since the commencement of the Austro-Prussian
dispute, have conceived plans in anticipation of
a European war in which it was calculated that
Italy would of necessity take part. The Italian
Government, aware of this conspiracy, had taken
precautions against a domestic revolt to be set
on foot by the priest party, when suddenly the
dispute between Austria and Prussia assumed a
gravity and importance which the statesmen of
Italy had not originally anticipated. There is every
reason to suppose that Count von Bismarck soli-
cited Italy to commit herself to that ambitious pro-
gramme, the main object of which is to break up
the Austrian empire. The ready ear of Italy could
scarcely expect to be found indifferent to the Siren-
like invitations of a great Power, who asked her co-
operation in the destruction of an enemy. Disre-
garding the counsels of the Emperor of the French,
and urged to excitement by her long-cherished
hopes, the King and his Cabinet have roused the
national aspirations to a state of enthusiasm, which
animates Italy at the present moment to a frenzy of
patriotism exceedingly difficult to control in a
Southern race. The King and his sons are ready to
jump into the war-saddle. The public roads are
swarming with troops, the " Garibaldian Hymn" 13
heard on the mountains of Calabria, in the Pontine
marshes, in Florence, and in all the maritime town?,
of the Mediterranean. The war-cry is universal, an
foreign complications are forgotten, and the heart or
the nation pants for battle. At such a supreme mo-
ment diplomacy unexpectedly steps in, and the Em-
peror Napoleon, who has hitherto observed a sullen
neutrality towards Germany, whilst counselling
Italy to be cautious, and rather expectant than ac-
tive, suddenly assumes a marked and decided desire
to prevent European complications, which for the
last month have been gathering thick and fast upon
the political horizon. Negotiations for a Congress
are now actively in progress, and Prussia is under-
stood, on account of the hostility of the German
people towards her Court and military policy, to be
contemplating the overthrow of the Bismarekian
programme. Italy, therefore, finds herself arrnedfor
war purposes, with a whole nation expecting a great
struggle for freeing the whole Italian soil from the
occupation of the stranger, whilst there springs LIP
a powerful peace movement which would leave her
alone with the sword drawn. In a few days W
must expect to witness a solution of one of the most
complicated webs of political and military combi-
nations which has ever been witnessed since the
days when Napoleon 1. made it impossible for the
politician to anticipate the events of the future.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

MANCHESTER-THURSDAY.

Our market this morning was only slenderly attended II
buyers. In wheat and flour the business passing 0'3,6
and we repeal the currency of this day so'nuigh'
Oats were ld. per 451 b. and oatmeal 6d. per load dearer.
Beans and peas again advanced 6d. per qr. In Indian corn
no change was observable.

BIRMINGHAM —THURSDAY.
We had rather more wheat showing at our market to-
day, the demand for which was slow, but rather more
money was obtained. Barley very scarce and fully as dear.
The demand for oats was active, at fid. per qr. advance•
Beans in request, and rather better sale. Peas firm, at late
terms.

BURY ST. EDMUND'S—WEDNESDAY.
Notwithstanding the monetary crisis, and a good suPPI9
of wheat on offer here to-day, millers were obliged t.o
..
accede to an advance of ls. per qr., at which rates a fair
clearance was made. Barley was sought after, and quite
as dear. Oats and beans fully maintained late rates.
White wheat, 56s to 595; old red, 49s to 51s; new red,
44s to 48s , grinding barley, 35s to 388 ; Page's prolito bar-
ley, 39s to 40s per qr.
22
.iverages :—Wheat, 7601 qrs, at 43s 9d ; barley, 1
qrs., at 35s 6d ; oats, 25 qrs, at 27s Od.

EDINBURGH—WEDNESDAY.
Wheat on the top, is 6d down average, Os 6d dol..
Barley on the top, is Od down average, Os 8d doW
Oats on the top, is 6d down average, Os 24 up.
Beans on the top, is 6d down average, is 3d up.

-.--
Total supply and sales.
493
Wheat ...................... 1774 qrs
119
Sold
Barley ...................... 168 qrs sold
Oats ......................... 1922 qrs
sold
dd
845 t Beans 7l qrs

Average prices.
Wheat, 48s 8d I Oats, 3os ld
Barley, 37s 9d Beans 49s 3d
Town-made flour sells as follows :—White, 40s Od ; airs
superfine, 38s Od ; superfine, 36s 6d; fine, 35s Od.

GLASGOW—WEDNESDAY.
®A fair attendance to-day, with a slow business dolog'
Wheat firm, and fine qualities realised the prices of last
week. Flour was also firm at recent rates. Barley 1
Gd per qr higher. Beans, peas, and oats were in favour 0
sellers.

• Foreign Mail Packet List

MAILS DUE.

- -
Australia and New Zealand,via Southampton. 20 Mai
Ditto, via Marseilles June II
Brazil and Cape Verde. by British packet ...... June 4'
Ditto. by French packet
_;ape of Good Elope, Ascension, and St. Helena— MaY 'Li-.China, China, Penang. and Singapore. via Southampton MaY 4".
Ditto, via Marseilles . May 23"
Falkland Islands
Gibraltar, via Southampton vray 20.
India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton—. MaY V
Ditto, via Marseilles
India (Bombay), via Southampton. Alay 29
Ditto, via tiarseiiles . gay 23
Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton may 20.
Ditto, via Marseilles slay 2/
Mauritius, via Southampton
Ditto, via Marseil:e 4,
ewtoundland
Portugal
• •
Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon. . .
Cu,ted t,tates and British North America, by Bri-
tish packet..
Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp-
ton

Ditto, via C.}rk ••••
Ditto. oy Canadian packet, via Londonderry .. May 8'
West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and T,,neriEfe June 18'
west Indies and Pacific (except Bahawas and
Honduras)
Cuba and M xico ..... May 22'
Bahamas, via New 1' (irk. ... may 31.
Bermuda. via Halifax ... 9.
May

Births.
Wire
BERKELEY—At the Vicarage, Morebath, Devon, the -
of the Rev. S. H. Berkeley, of a daughter.
aids-
SMITH—On the 17th inst., at 33, Clifton-gardens, -;aids'
vale, W., the wife of H. C. Smith, Esq. , of a deugh'ea'te
SKELMERSDALE —On the 15th inst., at 11, Prinneffrga
Lady Skelmersdale, of a daughter. Col.
SHUTE—On the 14th inst at Templemore, the wife °af
Neville Shute, of a daughter.i
wee Of
UNWIN—On the 16th inst., at Merton, Surrey, the TV'''
Captain Unwin, of a daughter

Marriages. "rob,
DANIEL—WING—On the 17th inst., at the parish c—ber-
Melton Mowbray, Charles Daniel, of Derristone. A-- 01
gavenny, to Mary, daughter of Thomas N. Wil*.'
Melton Mowbray.s Go'
rf
ORDAuNT—CO
—On the 15th inst., at St. r, 013
3,1
o
Hanover-square, John M. Mordaunt, Elizabeth sewn" Evelyn'
the late Sir John Mordaunt,Tart., to B
third daughter of Mr. and Lady Louisa Cotes.

Deaths.
PEEL—On the 14th iust ,at 4, St. James'-road, Liverpool,
Lawrence Peel, Esq. • rerjo'i..
in'
N O STR -
G—On the 16th inst., at Thorpe Hall, near i
borough, the Rev. Wm.L EN Strong, M.A., Chaplain in O
nary to the Queen, aged 77. e Dr*-
ST • • •
A ENS—On the 16th iust• ,at 26, Bloomsbury-squat 1 °
James Stevens, aged 47. ct 111
WOLLOCONIBER— On the 15th inst., at Stowford Re-
Devon, the Rev. John Wollocomber, aged 91. Ara tO,
WATTS—On the 15th inst., at Holloway, Mr. John AVM
late of the Legacy Duty Office, aged 94.
......--

London : Printed and Published by WIL LIAM A /2,
ot No. 112, Strand,
re Piinter, at 'fru. SUN Oilide, ift
Strand, in the Pcinct of the Savoy, in the C°ll2--
Middlaiear-Friday, May 18,1866.