The Sun.
London, England, 1835-05-02 00:00:00

Commons. I know nothing more of the birth of it than this
statement. I presume it to be accurate, and I cite it as show-
ing the system which prevails in some of the Irish parishes.
In the case to which I allude, it was stated that the oldest
man in the parish had never seen the Rector—that he never
had been there but to collect his tithes—that the Curate lived
sixteen miles off—that the sexton was the only one of the Es-
tablishment resident in the parish, and that he was exceedingly
well known to its inhabitants generally, because he kept a shop
at the gate of the church-yard, where he sold spirits without a
licence.—( Great cheering and laughter.) I have now ex-
plained this question to you as it affects the religious instruc-
tion of the people. I have shown you, I hope, that in many
parts and parishes of Ireland, which is called the Protestant
Establishment, does nothing for the promotion of religion ;
and that the system I propose to establish would at least tend
to the promotion and increase of religious knowledge. But,
Gentlemen, there is another view in which this subject re-
mains to be considered. I mean the political—the State view
on a comparison of the present system with that which I pro-
pose to introduce, as it affects the tranquillity of Ireland--as
it affects the loyalty and attachment of her people to the
Crown and Parliament of this country. I am told—l have
even stated on authority—that military force was not used to
collect tithe in Irelar.d. Gentlemen, the fact is notoriously
the reverse.—(Cheers, and cries of " Will any one forget
Rathcormac ?") The fact is—and melancholy is it to be
acknowledged—that the last blood that vvas• shed by the
troops of England, by the soldiers of this country,, was not
shed in battle against a foreign enemy, to ensure our national
independence—it was not shed in a manly struggle with those
who wished to deprive this country either of its naval supre-
macy or of its political liberty—it was not shed in a fierce con-
test against foreign usurpation, but in a campaign at home
against a poor widow, against whom there was a claim of 3/. 15s.
for tithes.—( Shame ) Why, then, Gentlemen, seeing that
the existing system has been productive of no benefit to reli-
gion, or to the object for which the Church ought to be insti-
tuted—that it is fraught with these political evils—that it is
productive of bloodshed—that it alienates the affections of the
people of Ireland from this country, from its Government,
from its Constitution, and from its supremacy,—l say that the
time is come when it should be altered, and when we should
endeavour to establish some better system in its place. I say
that this better system is one which will make the tithes lighter
in Ireland, as lighter they ought to be, and which will give a
portion of those tithes to some objects on which the people
generally can feel that they have an interest. Why, Gentle-
men, I think it will be purchasing what is valuable at a cheap
price, if, by giving a portion of the tithe for the promotion
of general education, we cay buy the attachment and affec-
tions of the people of Ireland. If you can rely upon the people
of Ireland as implicitly as you do upon the people of England,
you will have no more necessity for keeping up a military
force in Leinstcr, that you now for preserving one in York-
shire. These, then, gentlemen, were the grounds on which I
proposed the resolution which I had the honour of submitting
to the House of Commons, and which was supported by up-
wards of 330 Members, forming a majority of the whole House
of . Commons.—( Cheers.) Why, gentlemen, were all these
Honourable Members enemies to the Protestant religion ?
Were they- all inclined to Popery? Were they all anxious to
subvert the Church ? On the contray, the majority was com-
posed of men who, like my Honourable Friend who proposed
me to-day, were most of them warmly attached to the Protes-
tant Church and Protestant religion.—( Cheers.) But, gen-
tlemen, they likewise entertained the feeling that it is by doing
justice that the cause of truth is best promoted. They are
ready to do justice to the people of Ireland. They are ready
to promote the increase of knowledge ; they felt no doubt—
convinced as they were in their own minds that the Protestant
religion was the truth—that it would gain by the change.
Such was the, conviction expressed by me, not only by many
of these gentlemen, but with several very religious men out of
Parliament, who spoke with me upon the subject.—( Great
cheering.) [A voice in the crowd, " So has Mr. O'Connell1")
I come now to another question, or rather to a name men-
tioned by a person in the crowd, with the view, I sup-
pose, of intimating that my resolution was supported by
Mr. O'Connell. Now, I have a word or two to say to you
upon this subject. re we to declare that a cause must
be bad because Mr. O'Connell has supported it.—(" Yes,"
from the Blues.) Why, gentlemen, if this be the case,
what are we to say of the Reform Bill_( Loud cheers)—which
was opposed by a host of men who now, it seems, take the
Reform Bill as the charter by which they are determined to
abide? I was opposed by those Anti-Reformers, who are
now such great and determined Reforms in those days.—
( Cheers.) I certainly did feel that it was of very great use
to us to have the support of that Mr. O'Connell, and some
thirty or forty Irish Members, who were found, on having a
division, supporting the Reform Bill against those who wished
to maintain old abuses. With respect to the questions that
have yet to be brought forward, I have made no terms. My
Lord Melbourne, or the Government, have made no terms or
conditions with Mr. O'Connell ; but when we propose mea-
sures which we are convinced are right—when we propose
measures which we think will tend to benefit England, and
which we think will conduce to the peace of Ireland—we will
not shrink from or abandon these measures, merely because the
name of O'Connell may appear among the list of our sup-
porters.—( Cheei s.) Why, gentlemen, no man in the House
of Commons, with the exception, perhaps, of Lord Stanley,
has more opposed Mr. O'Connell, or his projects of repeal,
or other suggestions which we think injurious to the country,
than I have done. I never' hesitated yet, and I never would
have purchased his support by acceding to any measure
which, in my opinion, tended to the eablic detriment, or to
the separation of the two countries.—(Cheers.) But is there
no statesman in this country who has yielded to Mr. O'Con-
nell? There is such a statesman, and that statesman is
the Duke of Wellington.—( Loud and continued cheering.)
The Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel declared, as I
remember, and I think the majority of the electors of this county
will also recollect, that the concession of the Roman Catholic
claims would be destructive of the religion and Church of the
country. Such he declared to be his firm conviction—such
Sir Robert Peel announced as his unalterable determination. 1
But, Gentlemen, Mr. O'Connell organized an association in
Ireland—he raised up that association against the powers of
the law, and he reared it until it became of such force and such
power, that the Duke of Wellington thought it dangerous to
persevere in a contest which could only end in a civil war ; and
then, he who had opposed the Catholic Claims—he who had
opposed them on the ground of right—he who had opposed
them on the ground of policy and on the ground of justice,
directly yielded to Mr. O'Connell.—(Cheers.) Yes, he and
Sir Robert Peel bent before the mighty force of the Irish mul-
titude, and declared, " Our opinion is not changed, our fear
of the danger is not diminished; but rather than encounter in
a civil war the popular force of Ireland, we will yield that
which we have hitherto maintained is an essential part of the
Protestant Constitution of these realms." Do I say anything
of this kind ? On the contrary, I say that I am in the right ;
that if I feel I am in the right, I will defy the whole force of
Irish agitation ; I will appeal to the Parliament and the force
of England against the force of that agitation ; but when I
feel that Ireland is wrong ; when I feel that the Legislature of
this country is in the array, I will yield—not to force, but to
justice. I will yield a policy, I will make a concession, which
shall not increase the burdens of—which shall not excite con-
tempt among—the people of Ireland, but which shall conci-
liate their affections, when they see we have made it—not be-
cause they are strong—not because they are prepared to use
arms, but because you think them your fellow subjects, and
your brethren, and are determined that the principles 'of
conciliation and justice shall prevail in all parts of the Irish
dominions.—(Tremendous cheering.) Gentlemen, it was for
such reasons—it was upon such grounds, that I was formerly
an advocate for reform in Parliament. It was upon such
grounds that I was for repealing the restrictions which the
Corporation and Test Acts imposed upon the Dissenters ;
it was upon such grounds that I was for abolishing and de-
stroying those bonds of slavery in which the Africans were
held in the West Indies. Gentlemen, it is upon such
grounds that the present Administration is disposed to stand
by the country ; they will not yield to any policy they may
consider unjust or inexpedient, but they will introduce their
measures as well considered as time and opportunity will
allow : they will take care that they shall be known to the
House of Commons and to the country. By the judgment
and decision of that country they will abide. If they are
supported they will perseveringly carry on the measures ; if
they are not supported they will cheerfully resign their power.
I have only a few more words to say. There is, perhaps,
one other topic to which I ought to refer, and I will
trouble you no farther. My opponent is put forth in his bills
and placards as the farmer's friend. I hope, as he will soon
have an opportunity of addressing you, you will listen
attentively to the plans he has to propose for the relief of
the farmer.—( A laugh.) I have heard the party to which
he belongs represented, when in opposition, as the farmer's
friends. I thought one of the first things they intended to
do was to take off the malt tax. But, gentlemen, when the
Parliament met, with a Tory Ministry in power, it appeared
that they were not prepared to reduce a single shilling a bushel
of that duty, but that they resolved to maintain it as it is. It
may be that they intended to bring in a bill for the commuta-
tion of tithe. The only measure they proposed on the subject was
a plan for the voluntary commutation of tithe, by which, when
parties were agreed, the evil might certainly be remedied ; but
whenever there was any difference of opinion—whenever the
tithe-owner asked more than the tithe-payer was willing tt
pay, it would remain undiminished. I do not conceive this to
be a sufficient remedy for the present evil. I am, therefore,
curious to know what is that particular measure—what is that
particular specific—what is that panacea, to use the words of
one of my opponents, which the gentleman, who stands for-
ward as a candidate for your suffrages, is prepared to propose
for the relief of agriculture. Those who stand near the hus-
tings will be glad to hear that I have now almost concluded.
I have another observation to make.--( Uproar from the Blue
party.) I pray you listen a moment.—l have been very much
gratified, not only by the reception I have met with from
the majority of this meeting, but with my receptiou in
the few parts of the county I have been able to visit
to-day ; but I must add, that I am riot a little gratified by the
noise that is made in that corner of the meeting (pointing to
the Blues), because I know perfectly well that if those gentle.
men thought they could answer the facts and arguments I
have adduced, they would have listened to me patiently, and
then have waited to hear one of their own friends supply the
arguments by which all I had advanced would have been refuted
and overthrown. I am now, however, convinced of what
I suspected before, namely, that they know very well that
if they did allow a fair stage for discussion, our arguments
are so much the stronger and heavier, that their claims would
be deprived of all hopes of success—(Cheers.) While I a
little complain of their conduct therefore, as freeholders of this
country, I admire their prudence, excuse their policy, and advise
them, if they rti4ll to liuppon the hipped and prejudiced prin.
eiples of the Tory party, to fill their ears with cotton, to
listen to nothing, to hear nothing, to read nothing, but to go
decoyed and bliud to the poll, and to refuse to let any fair dis-

Thanks were returned to the Sheriff, and the immense
meeting quietly dispersed.

GREAT MEETING at PLYMOUTH of the FRIENDS
and SUPPORTERS of LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

Plymouth, Friday Evening, April 30.

This day a public meeting of the friends and supporters of
Lord John Russell was held at the Royal Hotel, by adjourn-
ment from the Mechanics' Institute in this town. Long be-
fore one o'clock, the hour appointed for the meeting, the large
room in the Institute was crowded to excess. In consequence
of this, the Committee determined to adjourn the meeting to
the area in front of the Royal Hotel, which was accordingly
done. Hustings were soon erected, and in a short time up-
wards of 4,000 persons assembled. The greatest order, how-
ever, prevailed throughout. About one o'clock Lord John
Russell, accompanied by Lady Russell, arrived . amidst the
cheers of the assembly. The business of the meeting shortly
after commenced. G. W. Soltan, Esq., took the Chair.
The CHAIRMAN then addressed the meeting as follows :
When I had the honour to address you in December last, I
stated that his Majesty, in the exercise of his just prerogative,
had dismiised the Whig Ministry, and elected in their stead a
Tory Administration. Since then the representatives of the
people, in the exercise of their duty, have dismissed the Tory
Ministry.—(Cheers.) His Majesty has, therefore, called to
his councils a Whig Ministry, and among them there is no one
on whom greater reliance can be placed than on the Noble
Lord who now seeks our suffrages. It is, I concive, quite
unnecessary to advert to his claims on us. The high station
which he now occupies in his Majesty's Councils, and his
having been returned by you to three successive Parliaments,
are sufficient proofs, if any were wanting, of his worth and ex-
cellence.---( Continued cheering.) The part he took in pro-
curing the repeal of the Test Act, and in procuring the passing
of the Reform Bill, also confirm this. Mr. S. then referred to
the cry raised by the Tories of the Church being in danger,
and after proving the fallacy of it, quoted the following lines
on the elleect, which he said he had met with while reading—
" Whenever you hear a Tory prate
About Constitution in Church and State,
Do you think he cares one tittle or jot
Whether religion is honoured or not ?
He solves Canon and Civil Law
Just as he estimates a straw ;
For place and pension prateth he,
His zeal burns only for L. S. D."—(Loud cheering.)
Mr. S. concluded by calling on all present who desired sub-
stantial and vital Reforms to be adopted, to render their sup-
port to Lord John Russell at the ensuing election.
Lord Joins RUSSELL then rose to address the meeting, and
was received with the most enthusiastic cheers, which con-
tinued for some time. As soon as they had subsided, his
Lordship spoke to the following effect :—I have the honour to
present myself befcre this numerous and respectable assembly,
because I have accepted an office under the Crown. I have
accepted this office, because I believed that by so doing I
could render measures of Reform more effectual than by re-
maining in the independent situation in which you placed me
at the last election. I come forward now with the same pro-
fessions and principles, asking for a renewal of the confidence
which you placed in me on the last occasion. It was because
the late Ministry did not propose those measures of Reform
which I conceived to be necessary that I was opposed to them.
The first question of difference which arose was upon the sub-
ject of Municipal Corporations. Upon this subject I hold the
same principles as I do with respect to others—that though
good' in themselves, and worthy to be maintained, yet they
require to be restored to their original vigour and purity;
and I am more convinced of this, since the Commissioners
have made their Report on the subject.—The Noble Lord
here referred to several parts of that Report, and mentioned
instances of undisputed Corporation abuses ; and added, that
he knew of no way of remedying them but by putting them
under vigilant popular controul. Lord John then alluded to
the abuses in the Established Church, and the course which
Sir Robert Peel had declared it to be his intention of adopting
on the subject. He next spoke of the Irish Church question,
and after stating Sir Robert Peel's and his own well-known
respective opinions on this important subject, went on to show
the existence of a surplus revenue, although this had been de-
nied by Sir Robert Peel and his Administration. The Noble
Lord added, with reference to this question, " When I pro-
pose to correct this abuse, though accompanied with the safe-
guard that, in every district, complete care of the Protestant
interests should be taken, I am met with a cry of spoliation
and plunder;" and his Lordship proceeded to show the ab-
surdity, and utter want- of foundation of such charges. He
stated that he had referred to these various topics because he
had been totally misrepresented by his opponents, and that he
could entertain no respect for persons who could, knowingly
and wilfully, misrepresent him. Lord John then referred to
Mr. Parker, the Tory candidate's, claims on the electors, as
well as his own, and satisfactorily demonstrated the superiority
of the latter, and concluded by calling on the electors, seeing
that the eyes—not only of all England, but of all Europe—
were upon them, to bear in mind that the approaching contest
must decide whether or not they were desirous to continue the
preses abuses in offer various institutions, or whether they
wished them to be remedied, and the institutions themselves
thereby strengthened and consolidated. (The Noble Lord sat
down amidst loud and long-continued bursts of applause.)
Three cheers were then given for Lady Russell.
C. B. CALMUDY, Esq., of Wenbury, after an appropriate
speech, moved a Resolution to the effect that the electors of
the Southern Division of Devon and others present, having
heard from Lord J. Russell a most satisfactory exposition of
his views in relation to the Irish Church, Municipal Corpora-
tions, and other subjects connected with the general welfare of
the country, took that opportunity of expressing to his Lord-
ship their grateful sense of his past services in the cause of
Reform, and pledged themselves to use every effort to secure
his re-election.

JOHN COLLIER, Esq., M. P. for Plymouth, in an able ad-
dress seconded the Resolution.

J. C. BULTEEL, Esq., JonN RUNDEL, Esq., M.P. for
Tavistock, and THOMAS BEWES, Esq., M.P. for Plymouth,
severally supported the Resolution with great ability.
The CHAIRMAN then put the Resolution, which was carried
amidst loud acclamation.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL returned thanks, and in doing so ad-
verted to one topic which he said he had before omitted to
mention—the supposed alliance between Mr. O'Connell and
the present Government—he referred to Lord Melbourne's
recent declaration on the subject, and added his own testimony,
which was to the same effect.

The CHAIRMAN, after a short address, then dissolved the
meeting.
About four o'clock Lord John Russell and his Lady left
this place (Plymouth) for the seat of R. W. Newman,
Esq., in, order to enable the Noble Lord to be present in
person at the nomination, which is to take place to• morrow at
Exeter. ' The Noble Lord was in excellent spirits, and looked
as well as could be expected after the great fatigue which he
has had to endure of late.

Every thing in this district augurs well for the cause of the
Noble Lord : in fact his friends in the South of Devon are,
from all we can learn, in excellent spirits, and quite confident
as to the result of the approaching election.

HANOVER. SQUARE ROOMS.—The application for
tickets yesterday by subscribers, for the first subscription ball
to be held at these rooms on Monday next, were very numerous.
We understand that Captain Marshall, the master of the ce-
remonies, will attend at • the '"Hanover-square Roomi on
Monday, until five o'clock, to answer further applications.

• 4
THE SUN, LONDON, SA'`, ITRDAB% MAY 2, 1835.

' cussion take place, convinced as I am, mid as they are, that in
that fairliscussion they must be worsted—( Cheers.) Gentle-
men, I thank youfor the reception you have given me here to-
day, and I trust that upon the day of polling you will consider
that lam as fit as I was at the three last elections, to repre-
sent your sentiments, and to speak your voice at the head of the
Commons House of Parliament.—( After entreating silence
for Mr. Parker, the Noble Lord concluded his address amidst
deafening and enthusiastic cheers.) It rained incessantly dur-
ing the whole of its delivery, and the steam rose in clouds
from the saturated clothes of the dense mass in front of the
hustings.
Mr. PARKEU then came forward amidst the cheers of his
friends. He had to request, as a young candidate, their indul-
gence whilst he delivered those sentiments by which he had
been called upon by a large body of friends. He would not
trespass long upon their patience, it had already been put to a
severe trial. He did not come forward, as was said, merely to
oppose the Ministers of the Crown, but he had been called for
by a large majority of the electors, whose opinions were ad-
verse to any measures that savoured of spoliation, and who
said that their feelings had not been fairly represented.—
( Cheers and groans.) No part of the kingdom was
more devoted to the institutions of the country than the
county of Devon, and they had called upon him to come for-
ward as their Representative to support the Protestant Church.
—(Laughter and cheers.) It had not been satisfactorily
proved to him that the Irish Church was overpaid. At all
events there was no proof of a surplus—(cheers and groans)__
but it had been said that the present Church system had led to
bloodshed. It was not the Irish Church, Lut the spirit of in-
subordination which had long existed in that country. They
might throw themselves upon the tender mercies of Mr.
O'Connell.—( Great uproar.) Would they believe that a man
whole motto had been, " Agitate, agitate I"—(General confu-
sion, in which the Hon. Gentleman became wholly inaudible.)
It was his belief, that so far from this being a sufficient sop
in the pan, that the repeal of the union would soon follow.
He would now, as briefly as possible, declare what his views
were upon the subject of agriculture—(cheers)--and although
he might not be prepared with any panacea at that moment,
yet, at the same time he would, if he was returned as their
representative, give his best attention to every branch of it. But
he would not go up to Parliament bound by any pledge. He
should disdain to obtain a few stray votes by giving a pledge. One
word on the subject of tithe. They had heard of the abolition of the
tithes. But what would they say, when it was admitted that
the, Church property in England was not too large ? He was
favourable ton fair and equitable commutation of tithes—
( Cheers and uproar)—but he never would consent to any
measure which tended to bring religion into contempt. He
would merely repeat the grounds upon which he came for-
ward. It was to uphold the principle of the great body who
had called upon him to come forward—a principle which set
some bounds to Reform. He could have no confidence in a
Ministry in which the little finger of Mr. O'Connell was hea-
vier than all the rest of the Government.—( Uproar.) He was
proud to say that he, an humble individual, was thought
worthy by the electors of that division of the county to stand
forth as a candidate for the honour of representing them in
Parliament. He felt the utmost confidence in the event.
The show of hands was then taken, and was declared to be
greatly in favour of Lord John Russell. A poll was demanded
on the part of Mr. Parker, which will commence on Monday
next.