The Sun.
London, England, 1859-03-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 12, 1859.

THE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, MARCH 12.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
57—highest since noon yesterday.
55—lowest this morning and during the Light.
.57—this day at noon.
BanomETnn-29.78.
WIND, W.N.W. ; light, with dull weather, and rain in
the night.

A more important and interesting subject to the
People of England could scarcely be ventilated
than that so ably brought forward last night by
Lord CLARENCE PAGET in the representative branch
of the Legislature. There has unquestionably
been gross mismanagement and a most wanton and
uncalled-for expenditure in the ship-building de-
partment. Neither the present Government nor
the First Lord of the Admiralty are in any degree
responsible for this untoward state of affairs ;
indeed, the noble lord gave great credit to Sir
JOHN PAKINGTON for breaking through the "old
Admiralty routine and taking the House into his
confidence," clearly and explicitly announcing
what he was going to do with the money. Nor was
there any attack on Sir BALDWIN WALKER. That
gallant officer is, probably, one of the most effi-
cient surveyors of the Navy we have had since
the office had been established, It was the system

that was complained of, and certainly not the pre-
sent men. Sir CHARLES WOOD had been sufficiently
long connected with the department to have, not
only mastered all the details, but to have intro-
duced the ameliorations. But not so. The Right
Hon. Baronet is better qualified to criticise, than
to originate, and we gladly recognise the modesty
which induced him to restrict himself to the defence
of Sir BALDWIN WALKER, without entering into
any justification of his own conduct, or of the
various boards with which he had been connected
during the period of his ministerial services.
We h'ave long, consistently and perseveringly,
exposed the objectionable system, and pointed out
striking instances of the matters so distinctly ex-
plained by Lord C. PAGET. It is more than ten years
since we directed attention to the case of the Nelson,
which had been put on the stocks some forty years
ago. She was, as her promised name indicated,
to have been of the very highest class--carrying
120 guns, and able not merely to sustain the mari-
time superiority of Great Britain against even for-
midable odds, but, as our transatlantic cousins
would say, if they had ever the chance of possess-
ing such a vessel as she promised to be, to "smash
all creation." But, alas our noble Nelson still
remains on the stocks, and is now undergoing the
process of conversion the " ordinary" process,
we should have said ; for the established rule
seems to be, that men-of-war should be cut down to
frigates, and frigates lengthened until they ap-
proximate to the higher class. No private esta-
blishment could possibly stand under such reckless
outlay. But JOHN BULL is a patient animal, and,
with all his faults, he still takes pride in what is
really a noble Navy—a new wonder of the world—
and he is by no means disposed to cavil at or com-
plain of any demand that may render it still more
efficient and better calculated to sustain the honour,
dignity, and independence of his fatherland. It is
this very confiding and laudable disposition on his
part that renders it the more essential that there
should be no abuse. The case of" The Nelson," above
alluded to, is alone sufficient to prove the impera-
tive necessity of a speedy and searching revision of
the entire system. It is usually considered that the
expense of a first-class man-of-war . may be esti-
mated at one thousand pounds per gun. And
the details supplied by Lord C. PAGET last night,
prove that the calculation was rather under than
above the mark, and that exclusive of engines and
steam machinery. Now, the Nelson was com-
menced in " the good old times," almost before
steam had been introduced into the postal service,
and when the voyage from Dublin to Holyhead
might last almost as many weeks as it now takes
hours—when the Lord Palmerston, the last of the
Irish packet-boats, still sustained a system speedily
destined to become obsolete, and struggled with
the desperate tenacity which the party from whom
it derived its name now does against any real
reform, or a semi-insane coach proprietor against
railways. This unlaunched Nelson, then, ought to
have cost £120,000 sterling, but supposing that she
only cost two-thirds of the amount, or £BO,OOO, forty-
two years ago, we would find; making due allow-
ance for compound interest, that her total cost to
the nation would be £64o,ooo,exclusive of the charge
for converting her into a screw 91-gun steamship,
which may be taken at some £50,000 or £60,000 at'
the very lowest. As we do not wish to have our
assertions doubted, we shall give a brief sketch ofi
the mode by which the conclusion is arrived at. 1
The £BO,OOO, in 14 years, amounted to £160,000;
in 28 years, to £320,000 ; and in 42 years, to
£640,000. Adding £60,000 for the conversion, we
shall find that the Nelson, when completed, will
have cost the nation the very moderate sum of
£700,000 sterling !—rather a heavy price to pay
for any whistle, however captivating.
The fact is, that the entire system must be
changed, and the Naval Board rendered a perma-
nent body, and in that respect assimilated to
the authorities at the Horse Guards. At
present the First Lord of the Admiralty
is, generally speaking, a civilian, utterly
ignorant of the subject over which he is presiding,
and of which he is constituted the virtual dictator.
By zealously and assiduously studying the subject,
he may at length begin to discern a glim-
mering of light ; but scarcely has he
done so before a change of Ministry '
consigns him to the cold shade of the Opposition,
where he will regardwith by no means uneasy feel-
ings the failures of his successor, who starts with
no greater experience than he possessed when
nominated to the head of the Department.
Sir JOHN PAKINGTON has been, perhaps, the
best lay lord that has ever filled the office. But
why should there be a lay lord ? And why should
not the whole board remain' in office permanently ?
Other less important positions may be found
to introduce rising young men or juvenile
members of the aristocracy into public life. The
nation would better bear any other legal fiction.
They want the Board of Admiralty to be placed on
the best foundation, and for that reform we believe
they may trust to Lord DERBY and his colleagues.

We can but be gratified to see that the course
which we suggested on Wednesday will be adopted
by an independent member. Mr. WYLD sits for a
borough in which he has probably learned by ex-
perience the value of the Ballot. Any one who will
but glance at the " elections for twenty years " in
"Dod's Electoral Facts," will see that the bur-
gesses, and the patrons there named, have had a
struggle of some years' duration, which has ended
in the impartial chronicler being able to remark—
" that of late years little personal influence has
prevailed." •He will also note, as the result, that
the Liberals seem now to be quite in the ascendant'
but that a well-known Cornish family has personal
influence enough to take much the highest place on
the poll. We cannot grudge the Honourable J. C.
VIVIAN this honour, since he has honoured himself
by voting for the Ballot; thus showing his con-
fidence that he has earned the good opinion of his
neighbours. Indeed, he will be pretty sure to
find that confidence returned as long as he
seeks it. We have little doubt that both the
Liberal members for Bodmin will this year, as last,
place their names in the Red Letter list of the
Ballot Society's Annual broad sheet of the division
for the Session ; a broad-sheet, by the bye, which
every constituency
should procure before the
coming general election.

Mr. WYLD, then, has given notice that he will
move on the 21st, as an addition to Loirud,
jt
o° be
RUSSELL'S resolution, that a Reform, i 3
satisfactory to the people, must provide for the
votes being taken by Ballot. No one, of course,
can yet predict that an appeal will be made to the
country; still nothing can be more likely, notwith-
standing the announcement of Mr. DISRAELI, of
his intention to submit clauses which will per-
haps correct the most fatal mistake in his bill. It is
therefore essential that the friends of the Ballot
should provide against the worst. We presume
Mr. BERKELEY is cognisant of, and will cordially
support, Mr. WYLD'S motion, and thus, by adhering
to his own in committee, should the bill get there,
have two strings to his bow. In any case, Mr.
WyLn's motion is the more important of the two;
since it ,will, in case of a dissolution, send all the
merabersito
their constituents either as hearty friends

of the Ballot—or as timid abstainers from voting--or
as uncompromising opponents. That is the prac-
tical point to be secured just now. Let every mem-
ber proclaim whether he thinks he should retain
his seat if the electors voted freely. Let him say
whether he believes himself to be the choice of free
and independent, or of intimidated, and, in some
cases, of bribed electors—whether he be the elect
of landlords, lawyers, mortgagees, and the like, or
the elect of the voters themselves.

In regard to the mock ballot proffered by Mr.
DISRAELI, it will be worth the while of the
honourable member for Bodmin to turn to a
debate on the 4th of June, 1857, on the motion
of Lord ROBERT CECIL, for a select commit-
tee to inquire into the expediency of taking the
votes for counties and universities by voting papers.
He will there find that one certainly of the most
influential of the present Ministry denounced the
plan for counties in very strong terms. It had
been shownthat, in elections under the Poor-law Act,
votingpapers had been a fruitful cause of forgery and
personation, when Lord STANLEY declared himself
decidedly opposed to it. After some prefatory
remarks admitting its suitableness to university
constituencies, and showing that more numorous
polling places would lessen the chances of mob
violence, he observed—

" When he passed from this part of the question
to the danger of intimidation, he confessed it ap-
peared to him .that this abuse would be infinitely
aggravated by the proposition of his noble friend.
What could be easier, under any system that could
be devised of voting by papers, than for the agent
or any person who had power over another to go
to the voter and to insist upon his signing the
voting paper in his presence ? Supposing it to be
admitted then, that intimidation might exist under
any system of open voting, it seemed to him that
the proposition of his noble friend wagcalculated
not to diminish, but to increase that practice. But
when he came to look at the effect of the proposi-
tion upon bribery, he thought that the evil of that
practice would be increased in a still greater de-
gree. At present, whenever bribery took place,
one party or the other ran some risk of being de-
ceived. If the bribe were given before the voting
paper was signed there was a risk that the voter
who had received it might not fulfil his part of the
contract, while, if the bribe were promised to be
given after the vote, the voter was exposed to the
risk of losing that by the promise of which
he had been bribed. But the proposition
of his noble friend made the thing quite
safe—the voter received his money when he handed
over the signed voting paper, and the agent for the
candidate obtained, therefore, not security for the
vote, but the vote itself. (Hear, hear.) Next as
to personation :—At present it was a difficult and
a dangerous thing for a non-elector to personate an
elector ; he could not do it except by appearing
person at the poll, and he put himself thereby in
peril of the law. It was evidently much easier to
sign a paper than to personate &voter. It might
be said that a person signing a paper in the name
of a voter would be liable to be charged with
forgery ; but the forgery would be committed by 'a
person unknown, there would be no clue to the
guilty person, and, practically, he believed that it
had been found, in elections under the Poor Law,
that personation had gone on to a very great extent.
But even if it had been shown, as it had not, that
, in Poor Law elections the system of voting by
papers had worked satisfactorily, he should still
refuse to admit that that afforded any guarantee
that it would work satisfactorily in the case of
Parliamentary elections. There was an immense
difference between the amount of temptation in the
one case and the other; and the difficulties of detail,
moreover, were such as;to make elections carried on
in the manner proposed almost impossible."
We need not show the appropriateness of these
observations to Mr. DISRAELI'S; or to any system
of voting papers, but those which the voter himself
folds up, having filled them up secretly, and puts,
himself, into a:hallot-box. Lord STANLEY, except as
one of a body bound in honour to stand by each
other, would never surely support the clauses which
provide for voting papers. Mr. WYLD will, we
should think, have no difficulty in showing that
he cannot do so unless he has really changed his
opinion. That Mr. WYLD can get a majority for
his motion may be too much to hope, but it will in
all probability cost some of the refractory Liberals
their seats, and they will be most rightly served
if it does. Let Mr. WYLD be unmoved by any
solicitations ; the Ballot is a Reform Bill in itself
—worth more than any we have yet seen.

ROYAL] ENGLISH OPERA, COVENT-

GARDEN.

There is always something refreshing in the
strains of the brilliant and animated compo-
sitions of Auber, and perhaps he was never better
rendered than he was last evening by Miss Louisa
Pyne, as La Caterina, in the " Crown Diamonds."
The music is too popular to need especial reference,
but we question if Miss Pyne could make a greater
impression on the public ear than in the beautifully
florid execution of the music entrusted to her
in this charming opera. A little too much
.)f one composer has been given of late at this
theatre, and a change of musical diet will be bene-
ficial to the public taste, and duly estimated by all
lovers of " sweet sounds." We see no just reason
why English singers should not occupy a prominent
place in our musical records, and, while such a
company as that of Miss Pyne and Mr. Harrison is
to be heard, we heartily advisd the public to lend
their ears to " native talent." Her Majesty and
the Prince Consort honoured the theatre with their
presence, and appeared highly gratified with the
performance. We see that Mr. Harrison's benefit
takes place on Monday next, when the English
version of Flotow's opera of " Martha" will be
presented, and will doubtless ensure a full and ap-
preciating audience.

The Duchess of Inverness gave a grand entertain-
ment at her apartments in Kensington Palace last evening
to their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Cambridge and
the Princess Mary and the Duke of Cambridge.
Another domestic affliction has befallen his Ex-
cellency Count de Lavradio, Portuguese Minister at this

Court. Yesterday's mail brought the intelligence of the
death of his sister, the Duchess de Ficalho, Mistress of the
Robes to her Majesty the Queen of Portugal.
The Duke and Duchess of Buccleuch are ex-
pected in town early in the ensuing week, from Scotland.
The Earl of Minto was much better yesterday,
and hopes are now entertained of his ultimate recovery.
The Earl of Sandwich is remaining on a visit
with his family at Frognal, the seat of Viscount and Vis-
countess Sydney, in Bent.

Lord Rosslyn has accepted the office of Under-
Secretary for War, vacant by the resignation of Lord liar-
dinge. Lord Rosslyn is a Major-General in the Army, and
has been twice Master of the Bnckhounds.

THE PROSECUTION OF THE BENNETTS.—At the
Middlesex Sessions yesterday, Thomas Stowell, the prose-
cutor of the indictments against some persons of the name
of Bennett, and Mr. Haynes an attorney, charging them
with conspiring to defraud, Rs quack doctors, applied to the
court for bench warrants. Mr. F. H. Lewis said he appeared
for Mr. Haynes, who was present with bail if it was re-
quired, but he submitted that in point of law, as the indict-
ment was framed, the court had no jurisdiction, and could
not therefore issue the warrant, and as a matter of course,
if that were so, could not take bail. The Assistant-Judge
refused to grant the warrants.
ILLUMINATION AND ADJUSTMENT OF THE GREAT
CLOCK AT WESTMINSTER.—Last evening the preliminary
proceedings in connection with this great horological expe-
riment were commenced by Sir C. Barry and other gentle-
men in the clock tower, the faces of the stupendous en-
amelled dial-plates being illuminated by gas fires from
within, and presenting, as viewed from Palace-yard, the
river, and adjacent districts, a very novel, radiant, and im-
posing appearance.
PUBLIC PETITIONS.—There are now 72 petitions
before the Commons House for reform of Parliament,
signed by 24,674 persons, and 63 signed by 34,797 persons
for "universal suffrage," the ballot, and shorter Parlia-
ments. The list of petitions to the House of Commons
against the Marriage Law Amendment Bill (which has
Passed the lower house, and awaits a second reading in the
upper chamber) includes one from the Rev. Richard
Chenevix Trench D.D. dean of the Collegiate Church of
St. Peter, Westminster, and the chapter of the samechurch.
There are only 10 petitions altogether against the Marriage
Bill, signed by iO2 persons, including (besides the above) a
wpprehotiovtiisioitneyilafelroteeim.mhleSion College, London ; one from a few of the
andgyselivnesT
near arwLoemedens,
of Englandandone bothfro,m3lladie
mar-
ried and unmarried." Mr. Beresford Hope, M.P., pre-
sented the parchment honour. ed by the signatures of these
oramfmiestFsrio:tp:O,lEii
31 orthodox petitioners,
rtairioon fbtyea abolitiony RICHMOND-BRIDGE
0
iinsteunresdte
• know that at ame • inrgcotonsitdhee-
public to etmg of the Richmond-bridge
Commissioners, held on the 10th inst., Mr. Pownall, chair-
man
of the Middlesex Magistrates, presiding, it was decided
that on the 25th inst. the toll-bar should be removed, and
the bridge declared free to the public,
Nut
eNs v that the ques-
tion

LATEST NEWS.

THE PENINSULAR MAILS.

(BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.)

SOUTHAMPTON, SATURDAY MORNING.

The Peninsular and Oriental Company's steamer
Alhambra, from Lisbon, &c., was telegraphed off

at 9.5 a.m.

The following telegram has been received at
Mr. Reuter's office :

VIENNA, FRIDAY, 2 P.M.
The news received here, that the position of the
English Ministry is insecure, has aroused uneasy
anticipations to-day among the speculators on
'Change. The tendency is downwards, and Me-
talliques are at 74 10. Exchange on London,
108 20.

The Paris correspondent of the Times second

edition says :
" It is certain that a note was prepared for publica-
tion in the Ilioniteur far less pacific, and perhaps
more truthful, than that of Saturday last. It was
drawn up by the same hand that Was employed on
the famous brochure, Napoleon 111. et l'ltalie, and
was intended to neutralize the effect of the first
note, which indicated a retrograde move-
ment. It was to have appeared yesterday or to-
day in the official organ. The writer, however,
was closeted at the Tuileries yesterday or the day
before—whether in order to modify his lan-
guage or to infuse new fire into it I cannot say.
At all events it has not yet appeared; its publica-
tion is perhaps only postponed, but not abandoned.
This, however, does not much matter. The same
day the sort of apologetic article appeared a com-
munication was made to the Piedmontese Govern-
ment to pay no attention to it. M. Cavour was ad-
vised to continue his armaments all the same, and
to try whether there was a chance of a movement
in the Italian Duchies, with the object of forcing
Austria to intervene, and thus give the appear-
ance of aggression of which advantage might be
taken. Of course nothing is easier than to provoke
an adversary, already irritated by petty attacks, to
an overt act of violence.

" Matters must be now pretty ripe for an out-
break, as I am assured M. Cavour has intimated to
the French Minister at Turin his intention to serve
a formal summons (une raise en demeure) on the
French Government for aid and assistance, as he
considers the measures recently adopted by Austria
as equivalent to a declaration of war. M. Latour
d'Auvergne prayed him, before having recourse to
this extreme step, to wait until he could communi-
cate with his Government.

"The hope of the maintenance of peace that sprung
up on the retirement of Prince Napoleon proves
but short-lived. Confidence has been s 9 thoroughly
shaken, that it is difficult indeed to restore it. We
cannot conceal the fact that no credit is attached to
the most solemn declarations of the Government.
The public are convinced that nothing is in reality
changed ; that matters will go on just in the same
way ; that the separation of Prince Napoleon is ap-
parent and only apparent; that the Cabinent Minis-
ters are as little regarded as if they did not exist ;
and that they are pretty much as 13Olingbroke de-
scribes the Ministers of Charles 11., "mere awk-
ward pageants of Courts, wooden images which
Princes gild," and then throw aside. It is the
knowledge of all this that paralyzes trade and
commerce, and, what is perhaps not to be wondered
at, the very officials of the Tuileries are, I hear,
affected by the disquietude which prevails abroad.
I hear of some among them who do not conceal
their dis May at a system which, if followed out,
they believe may be fatal to every interest in the
State, from the very highest to the lowest."

A telegram, dated Munich, March 11, states that
Count Buol has addressed another circular despatch
to the Austrian diplomatic agents abroad. Accord-
ing to this circular all the pending questions were
discussed at Vienna, between Count Buol and Lord
Cowley, without, however, any proposition having
been made. Count Buol flatters himself that Lord
Cowley, on leaving Vienna, has taken with him the
conviction of the concilitory sentiments of the
Emperor, who is ready to co-operate for the main-
tenance of peace if the Emperor of the French will
re-establish the good relations between the two
countries.

FRANCE.

PARIS, FRIDAY.

BOURSE, March 11.—There was great depression
visible among speculators before the official hour of
business, and quotations fell to 67fr. 70c., but when
the market opened prices improved to 68fr. 20c.,
and are now at 68f. 15c. Mobilier varied from
770 fr. to 780 fr. ; Austrian, 527 fr. 50c. to 532 fr.
50c. ; Orleans, 1,330 fr. to 1,335 fr. ; Lyons, 832 fr.
50c. to 837 fr. 50c. ; Southern, 517 fr. 50c. to 530 fr. ;
Northern, 925 fr. to 930 fr. The following are the
last quotations :

4/ per Cents. 95 25
Do. end month 95 25
3 per Cents 6B 15
Do. end month 6B 10
Bank Shares 286.5
Credit Mobilier
Do. Account

Credit Fonder 645
Belgian 41 . —
Piedmonteso (5) 79 75
Roman B6
Austrian
Spanish Threes
Home Debt 4O

RAILWAYS.

Cash. Account.
Orleans

Northern . 930 . : 926 25
New ditto. BOO .. 800
Lyons and Mediterranean . 833 75 .. 835
New ditto — .. —. '—
Geneva 530 .. '

Midi —
Southern
Western 590 690
Eastern

Grand Central
Sardinian 4OO

Austrian
Exchange on London, at sight, paper, 25f. 15c. ; money,
25f. 10c. ; three months, paper, 251. ; money, 24f. 97c.

AUSTRIA.

VIENNA, MARCH 8.

The evening sheet of the Wiener Zeitung is not
an official paper, but it is under the direct control
of the Home Department, and considerable impor-
tance must, therefore, be attached to the three
articles on the Austro-Italian Treaties which ap-
peared in the number published last night. As the
articles in question fill seven columns of the
paper, there can be no question of giving them
in extenso, but their more salient points
will be found in the subjoined summary:—
" One part of the so•called Italian question has
been satisfactorily settled by the Papal Government,
' which, with its wonted wisdom, has prevented the
identification of the revolutionary principle in Italy
with a practical question of the day, by requesting

he Austrian and French Governments, to recall

their troops. This step on the part of Rome ren-
dered it necessary that a new basis should be found
for the Italian question, and it is therefore now
urged that a revision of the conventions be-
tween Austria and the Italian States is
necessary. The treaties of Austria with
the Italian States are known. The con-
tracting parties agreed to render each other assist-
ance should they be attacked, and in the treaty with
Naples (July 12, 1815) it was stipulated that no
changes should be made in the kingdom which
were not in accordance with the monarchical prin-
ciple or in opposition to the principles adopted by
his Imperial Royal Majesty for the government of
the Austro-Italian provinces.' The perpetual' (int-
merwahrendes) right to occupy Ferrara, Com-
machio, and Piacenza was secured to Austria
by Article 103 of the Vienna Act of Con-
gress, and also by a treaty which was con-

eluded on the 10th of June, 1817, between Austria,
Spain, France, Great Britain, Prussia, and
Russia. The right to garrison Ferrara and Cora-
machio in the Papal Legations, and Piacenza in
the Duchy of Parma, was given by the Powers to
Austria, in order that she might be the better able
to maintain the territorial arrangements made in
Italy, ' and protect herself against internal and ex-
ternal enemies.' The alliances between Austria,
Tuscany, and Modena are based on the claims of
the former to the right of reversion. During 300
years—with the exception of a period of 14 years
during which Napoleon ruled over Italy—Modena
was a fief of the Empire under the house of Haps-
burg. By documents, bearing date Jan. 18th and
January 30th, 1771, it is to be seen that Modena
was, on the extinction of the male branch of the
ducal family, ' to revert to his Imperial Highness
the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria and his pos-
terity, and, in default of the same, to the collateral
heirs.' On the 3d October, 1735, the Duke of Lor-
raine received Tuscany in exchange for the Principa-
lities of Bar and Lorraine. The claims of the Grand
Duke of Tuscany to the Duchy of Modena are
settled by articles 100 and 98 of the Vienna Act of
Congress. The reversionary rights of Austria and
Sardinia on the Duchy of Parma, and on Piazeaca
and Guastalla are established by the Treaty
concluded at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748, and by
that signed in Paris on the 10th June, 1763.
In article 99 of the Act of Congress it is said, that
in case of escheat the Courts of Austria, Russia,
France, Spain, England, and Prussia are to settle
between them how the claims of Austria and
Sardinia on Parma are to be arranged. An ad-
ditional article to the Treaty of May 20, 1815,
gives to the King of Sardinia the Duchy of Piacenza,
with the exception of the fortress and 2,000
Mittel. (six feet) of land, which are to be ceded
to Austria, who is to pay a proportionate indemni-
fication.' In a treaty concluded between Austria,
Sardinia, Modena, aid Parma, on the 28th of No-
vember, 1844, the sum that Austria—in case of
escheat—is to pay to Sardinia for the fortress of
Piacenza was fixed.

" By the foregoing it is to be seen that the sepa-
rate treaties between Austria and the Italian
States are like those which continually have
been, and continually will be, concluded be-
tween independent Powers. As much noise has
been made about the additional article to the Nea-
politan Treaty, it may be well to observe, that it is
completely antiquated.' Should any question arise
about it, it is not likely that Either of the contract-
ing Powers will refuse to set it aside. Ferdinand I.
of Naples did not invoke the treaty in 1820 when
the Constitution of 1812 was forced on him, nor
did Austria send troops to Naples in 1821 in virtue
of it. In 1821 Austria interfered in Naples because
it was resolved by the Laibach Congress that she
should do so."

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THE SUN.
SATURDAY. MARCH 12, 1859.