The Sun.
London, England, 1832-04-24 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TI4F, PUBLIC JOURNALS]

We have been favoured with the substance of
he 57th Protocol of the conferences, which was
,igned on Wednesday last. It begins by stat•
lig that the Austrian and Prussian Plenipoten-
•iaries have received instructions from their
Courts to exchange the ratifications of the treaty
if the 15th of November, 1831, but that the
Russian Plenipotentiaries have not received
:heirs, which are, however, daily expected.
The Austrian and Prussian Plenipotentiarie s
express a wish to delay the exchange of the rL-
6fications, in order to enable Russia to join ; bt t
he Plenipotentiaries of France and Englai d
having stated their reasons against such delay,
earnestly entreat the Plenipotentiaries of Aus-
tria and Prussia to proceed at once to the ex-
change of the ratifications. This having been
assented to, the Plenipotentiaries of Rus.
sia request the Protocol to be left open
for them until the arrival of their instructions.
The Austrian and Prussian Plenipotentiaries
then exchanged the ratifications with the Belgian
Minister, and added to the present Protocol, by
express desire of their Sovereigns, the following
declaration :
" That the said ratifications have been exchanged with
the reservation of the rights of the Germanic Confedera-
tion with respect to the part of the treaty of the 15th of
November that relates to the cession of a portion of the
Grand Duchy of Luxemburg, being one of the States of
the Confederation."

The Austrian Plenipotentiaries further declare,
that taking into consideration the necessity of a
future negotiation between Holland and Bel-
gium, on the basis of the twenty-four articles,
with such modifications as the Five Powers shall
consider advisable, the Emperor of Austria de-
clares that the conditions which the two con-
tending parties may agree upon shall be of like
force and value as the treaty of the 15th of No.
vember, and shall be ratified by the Five Powers,
The Prussian Plenipotentiaries further declare,
that it is the King of Prussia's wish and expecta-
tion, that the Conference should consider of the
modifications in favour of Holland, which might
he introduced into the 24 articles, and that, with
the consent of Belgium, these alterations should
become part of the treaty. Prussia insists the
more on this, since France and England have all
along declared that it would only be after the ra-
tifications that any modifications could he made ;
and that (Prussia adds) it would he more pru-
dent to devise some means of terminating the
affair, than to use coercive measures in order to
execute the treaty as it is.— Times.
A letter has been sent to us upon the West
India question, to which, although upon a sub-
ject of that very public nature, the word "private"
has been improperly prefixed,—improperly for
two reasons :-Ist, Because the writer has no
pretence or excuse whatever for employing to-
wards the editor of the Times an indirect con-
, rivance for screening himself personally from
the animadversions due to his presumptuous,
dictatorial, and absurd address. 2d, Because he
calls upon us, in the very letter so marked
" private," to take the sort of notice, which he
thinks fit to prescribe to us, of the subject upon
which, in a tone of grave and official but ex-
tremely laughable coxcombry, he pronounces, ex
etehedrel, our conscientious r pinions to be " er-
roneous," and our deliberate views to be " false."
Under the perverse restraint imposed upon us,
we can only state in general terms, that we have
read, long since, the paper which lie sends for
our edification—viz., the A nti- Sloven, Reporter
of November, 1830 ; and that at the time Y 76
were thoroughly satisfied, as we still are, that it
would be difficult to imagine any system of
reasoning less conclusive in favour of its pro-
fessed object than is exhibited in that publica-
tion. We ate, and ever have been, advocates
for the abolition of slavery, civil and religious,—
agricultural and commercial,—political and per-
sonal,—black and white. But we cannot baud
ourselves, and we will not assist in blinding others,
to the possibility—nay, in some cases, the infalli-
ble certainty—of making the unskilful removal of
that grievance productive of others even more ter-
rible in themselves, and more deplorable, inasmuch
as by a little temper and discretion they might be
altogether avoided. The gist of the argument in
the Anti-Slavery Reporter above alluded to is,
that because in the British islands and other co-
lonies 100,000 free blacks are to be found,
who were either manumitted themselves, or in-
herited liberty from their emancipated parents,
and yet that the peace of society has never been
disturbed by such persons in consequence of
their free condition ; it must therefore be a safe
experiment to let loose at once, and by a single
act of the Legislature, above 700,000 negroes,
at present in a state of bondage. This is the
outline of the argument. We take it for granted
that much is not necessary in the way of an-
swer. The free negroes who now exist in the
West Indies have become so by virtue of in-
dividual and separate manumissions. They
have been the growth of more than a cen-
tury. The annual emancipations were few :
the slaves thus enfranchised were absorbed
in a moment by the general mass of the com-
munity, the spirit, interests, and character of
which could in no degree be disturbed by such
minute and insensible accessions to the number
of free inhabitants; whereas in the case of a
sudden and universal abolition of slavery, th•
great, however vicious, structure of society in its
most important and active relations would be
subverted irretrievably. The slaves would re-
semble a multitude of untaught children turned
adrift from school, without parents to direct or
receive them, and without the superintendence
of authorities to whose control they had been
accustomed. Colour would soon become a ral-
lying point for mutual hostility. The whites—
too numerous not to provoke jealousy—too
weak to be secured against outrage—and per-
haps inflamed to violence by the loss of all com-
mand of labour for their estates—would find it
impossible to exist on terms of entire and uni-
versal equality with the disorderly mass of their
recent bondsmen. The result must be on alt
sides confusion and wretchedness. We should
naturally desire to prevent such disasters, by
compelling the whites to facilitate the practice of
manumissions, and thus greatly to hasten the
effective, though still safe and gradual, pro-
gress of free population in the colonies.—
Saturday ought to be made over " in full
sovereignty and for ever," so the negro, unless
when in crop time he might himself be willing to,
accept wages from his master for voluntary work.
The mere acquisition of this additional day
would enable the slave to lay by some further
portion of the fruits of his own industry, and 50
to insure his ultimate manumission by purchase;
t
nor do we see why the admirable usage of the'
Spanish colonies might not be authorized or
enjoined by Act of Parliament,—viz. the pur-
chase by the negro, atleliesk
, ow
forna discretion,spec ifie., of
su onen
,
day's liberty in the week,
when he had not yet saved enough to pay for
his entire emancipation ; then proceeding to a
second day, and to a third, &c., as his increasing

,sfight ATve ; So The fofination of the
marriage tie ought to be encouraged by all rea-
sonable measures, and its dissolution severely
discountenaTiced. Respectable clergymen, of all
persuasions, ought to have the power of so-
lemnizknr, marriages, and rendering them
valid in 'law. We are inclined (though less po-
sithre on that point) to believe that civil ma-
pistrates ought to have the same authority, and
divorce ought to be met by obstacles, serious
though not insuperable,—open prof of adul-
tery being always one of them, a: it some public
and peculiar stigma might be beneficially affixed
to that offence. It seems to us astonishing that
the institution of marriage has 'never yet
been turned to any solid Irc extensive ac-
count, as an instrument more powerful than
any other known to history for civilizing,
the negro nature, and that education itself ap-
pears in but secondary odour with the loudest
anti-slavery champions. We shall say no more
at present on the wild proposition cor instantly
emancipating the slaves. We are convinced
that were our own views followed up, and not
violently superseded by any fanatical hurricane,
there would be few other than free labourers in
our western colonies after a lapse of 20 years—
a short space in the annals of any nation, But
the writer of the " private" letter rerzrred to ac-
cuses us of being " exceedingly misinformed"
on the sentiments of the " Anti-Slavery So-
ciety on the point of compensation to the slave-
holders." The gentleman must be something
of a wizard to have made this discovery, seeing
that we had never once adverted, in word or (we
might add) in thought, to that society's notions
about the justice or the amount of indemnity to
the planter for his negroes. We will speak with
no disparagement of the Anti-slavery Society, in
whose final object, as declared by its organs, we
concur. It contains, we know, many excellent
persons, with others who, perhaps, have an am-
ple share of human worthlessness in their leaven.
But we are conscious of no wrong towards the
association or its members, in having presumed
to write upon the West India question without
referring to them as supreme judges of a case in
which they have appeared such frequent and
eager advocates, or without being aware that
they are yet acknowledged as a constituted power
in the state.—Times.

Some extraordinary distinctions have of late
been drawn between the principle and provisions
of the Reform Bill, and some equally absurd
conclusions have been founded on the presumed
admission of these distinctions. It has been
fifty times stated in this journal, and was repeated
by Lord Grey both in his opening speech and
in his reply on the second reading of the Bill,
that the principles of his Reform measure are
three,-Ist, disfranchisement of corrupt or insig-
uificant boroughs ; 2d, enfranchisement of large
towns ; and, 3d, extension of the right of suf-
frage uniformly to the large body of town inha-
bitants. It is evident that in making this simple
enumeration of principles, nothing more is
meant than a convenient classification of provi-
ions already known. These provisions are, the
partial or total abolition of the existing right of
returning members to Parliament by the 86 bo-
roughs in schedule A and B,—the distribution
of the privileges which those boroughs had
abused, or could not advantageously exercise,
to the large towns in schedules C and
ii,—and the establishment of a uniform
qualification, or right of voting in the occupation
of a'house of 10/. a year or upwards. In thus
stating the question, the principle is embodied
in the provision, or, rather, they are one and the
same identical thing. But, without being so
rigOrous in our identification of the acknow-
ledged principle and the proposed enactment,
we shall allow that, maintaining the three prin-
ciples above-mentioned, schedule A might be
made to contain 66 instead of 56 boroughs,—
that schedule B might be extended to more than
30 of the insignificant places which are allowed
still partially to retain the former franchises,—
that more than the proposed number of 22
large towns might be included in schedule C,—
that no place hitherto unrepresented, having
above 6,000 or 7,000 inhabitants, should be ex-
cluded from schedule D,—and that in all the
towns admitted to the participation of represen-
tive privileges, a fraction below or above 10/.
rent might be the qualification for a vote. In
every system of reform grounded on ancient in-
stitutions, with a view to their practical improve-
ment, and without any aim at theoretic perfec-
fon, there must be arrangements which have the
appearance of being arbitrary or anomalous.
There can be no decided or very preponderating
reason given why the number of boroughs to be
totally disfranchised should he exactly 56, in-
stead of 55 or 57 ; but 56 having been origi-
nally pointed out by the first Bill which disqua-
lified all boroughs with a population below 2,000
inhabitants, there can be no reason given why it
should be altered to any number immediately
above or below. The same course of argument
may be applied to the 101. qualification. It
might be difficult to prove why it should be fixed
at 101„ rather than at 9/. or 111.; but it is the
duty of those who resist the proposed arrange-
ment, and desire a change, to supply a satisfac-
tory justification of their alleged improvement. It
is quite plain, that a great excess, say Si., either
above or below the sum of the proposed qualifi-
cation, would considerably alter the amount and
character of our constituency ; but for the vital im-
portance of maintaining the precise or exact limit
of 101. in preference to a fraction above or below,
no person would be absurd enough to contend;
as nobody would be absurd enough to insist upon
so small an alteration. The principles, then, of
the Bill being disfranchisement, enfranchisement,
and extension of town suffrage, Lord Grey
may, very safely, announce that he will agree to
any reasonable modification of the provisions, of
which these are merely the heads or the abbre-
viated expression, without laying any ground for
the monstrous inference that he is inclined to
abandon any of the clauses which constitute the
strength or efficiency of the Bill. According to
to the clumsy sophistry or paradoxical coxcombry
Of such a logician as argued the point in an
evening paper of last night, Lord Grey should
be satified with a decision of the House of Peers
which would cut down his bill to a provision for
transferrino• the representative privileges of Old
Sarum to 'Manchester, and for vesting the elec-
tive rights of the new borough in householders
of 501., because forsooth in this case he would
maintain the three great principles of his
measure—disfranchisevient,enfranchisement,and
extended suffrage ! No, no. The following
'ords of his Lordship, which are adduced, to
support this stupid doctrine, will bear no such
construction
Now, in the first place, I say, that although I thiuk
36 boroughs ought to be disfranchised, although I should
be very sorry to see a less number disfranchised, and
although I think the 10/. franchise is not too great an
extension of the qualineation, still these provisions are no
part of the principle of the Bill, and they may be altered
in perfect cOn•isteney'with its principles. But it is said
that I will not consent to any alteraion in this Bill. To
this asserti9n 1 can only repeat the ;inswer I made to a

similar one !act October. It does not !lepencl upon Me, it
depends upon your Lordships."
" When the Bill goes into Committee, I shall certainly
feel it my duty to resist any alterations which I may think
inconsistent With the main object which the Bill proposes
to carry into inert. But if it can lie shown that any in-
justice has inadvertently crept into any of the schedules—
if it can he shown that otat,- qualification, not so small as
101.,, would he Ists open to fraud and abuse, I will not
resist the correction of such circumstances."
he " main object " which the Bill proposes
to carry into effect if; a foil, free, and efficientrepresentation of the people in the Commons
Hou,_;e of Parliament ; and if that object is aban-
doned altogether, or disregarded in any essential
degree, in the committee of the House of Lords,
the Bill will be as effectually lost, and the inte-
rests of public order as wantonly compromised,
as thourrh the three barren and, unfruitful prin-
ciples abo,:e alluded to, had never been admitted
or recognised. Reform, however, will not ul-
timately be endangered, though it may march to
victory under different auspices, and demand
from its vanquished enemies more humiliating,
perhaps less politic, concessions. We recom-
mend attention to the letter of " Puhlius," on
the necessity of giving members to represent the
magul'acturing interest, though we are not of
opinion that the voice of the manufacturers has
been neglected r.-.ore than that of the rest of the
community, landholders and boroughholders ex-
cepted. We shall perhaps recur to the subject.
—Times.

The pattisan3 of revolution are uneasy in
their _ position, notwith-tanding their boasted
victory. They fear lest the partial advantage
they have gained should be followed by real de-
feat. They cannot believe that the great con-
servative strength of the country will allow itself
to be tieprived of that Constitution which is its
only security without making an effort in its
defence, and they know that such an effort,
however slight, would inevitably involve their
own political extinction.• But the question is,
what can they do? If they call public meetings,
and endeavour to raise the mob, the chances
are ten to one that something will happen to
expose the worthlessness of their cause, and
give the alarm to the respectable part of society ;
and if they remain quiet and allow agitation to
subside, the good sense of the country will be
sure to prove in some way or other a bulwark
to its ancient institutions. And when they per-
ceive the s:;lid unbroken masses which are op-
posed to them, headed by the Duke of Wel-
lington himself, who is not celebrated for giving
an enemy a chance, or for neglecting to charge
home when the proper moment arrived, their em-
barrassment and perplexity become ahnost insup-
portable. In such a state of things the less disci-
plined among the troops, to whom inaction is
death, naturally put themselves into motion first,
however injurious to the common cause. That
precious junto, the Birmingham Political Union,
has, it seems, taken the lead upon this
occasion, followed, as might have been expected,
by the Radicals of Leeds. These people could
not remain quiet and control their irritation,
and they have consequently exposed themselves,
just as we should have desired them to do if
their conduct had been under our control.
William the Fourth, Lord Grey's nominal mas-
ter, issued a proclamation some months since to
put down Political Unions, and this of Bir-
minham among the rest. But the Birmingham
Union, Lord Grey's real master, determined
upon disobedience, and, having secret intelli-
gence from their Ministerial nominees, they
Made a Few technical alterations in their arrange-
ments, and impudently pretended that the Pro-
clamation did not apply to them. They thus
violated the spirit, if not the letter, of the King's
mandate, and Lord Grey was compelled to submit.
Resistance would, of course, have been vain, his
office being held upon the tenure of subserviency
to jacobinism ; " the spur in the flanks of the
shy and shuffling jades" would soon have com-
pelled obedience. If the Lords had boldly re-
jected the Bill these Jacobin Clubs would have
shrunk into insignificance, and the Monarchy of
England would have emerged from its temporary
eclipse. But what has been the result of Lord
Harrowby's temporizing policy ? We are now
informed that the Birmingham Union has de-
clared its sittings permanent till the fate ?f the
Reform Bill is ascertained ! This is precisely
what might have been expected. The Monarchy
has been degraded by issuing a Proclamation
which the responsible Advisers of the Crown
dare not execute from the fear of offending a
rival power ; the House of Commons has passed
a Jacobin Bill ; and the Lords have temporized.
What is to prevent the Jacobin Unions from
occupying in such circumstances that vacant place
of authority which the legitimate Government
has abandoned ? Plainly nothing ; and the re-
volutionists have taken their position accordingly.
A portion of the crew mutinies, and the man at
the helm is in correspondence with the traitors :
of course the vessel is at the mercy of the waves,
and may be expected to be presently on the
rocks. The total paralysis of all the powers and
functions of Government which has taken place
is obvious, but the mode in which it has been
brought about would be unknown to the
public if the cackling of some of the Radical
geese did not sometimes let the secret out pre-
maturely. A correspondent of the Times,
whom the Editor sanctions by quoting, speaks
only yesterday of " the very extensive and per-
fect organization which prevails throughout the
country in the form of Trades and Political
Unions, which afford all the ready machinery of
being converted into Corresponding Societies on
the first fitting opportunity of popular discon-
tent?' He goes on to say that " our mechanics,
servants, and labourers, have only been pre-
vented from enrolling themselves by entreaties
and assurances of confidence in his Majesty and
his Ministers," and threatens Lord Grey with
the Tarpeian rock if he should hesitate about
the destruction of the Constitution and the en-
thronement of jacobinical power ! Now we only
for the present ask, are these things so, or are
they not? Is Lord Grey privy to such a con-
spiracy, and does he hesitate to put it down ? Or
is he supinely ignorant of its existence ? Or is
he consciously betraying his too confiding Mas-
ter into the toils of a ferocious faction, in the
hope that some chance may extricate him, and
sacrificing his country to the phantom of an
imaginary consistency P And will the Peers of
Great Britain tolerate the further progress of this
absurdity P.. • The monster may be crushed in a
moment now ; but let it be fostered, pampered,
and petted, let it be indulged in the commission
:of treason, and accustomed to the exercise of
sovereignty, and who will foretell the cost in
blood and treasure of its ultimate extirpation.
The Leeds meeting is not worthy of much
notice. As the radical prints say that it
mustered 4,000, we may perhaps estimate its
numbers as high as 400. It was attended prin-
cipally, we understand, by the usual Jacobin
„hacks, and represented anything but the loyal
inhabitants of the town. The resolutions ask
i for new Peers, as before ; so that- Lords Hai-
-1 rowhy and Wharncliffe have not yet gained

. .
much by conciliation, the fiouL,c of Lomb is
obviOusly doomed by the radicals as a separate
estate of the realm ; they will not only be per-
mittdd to exist pro tempere to register the edicts
of the representatives of the mobs of the towns.
If they rebel, successive swampings will be their
very lightest punishment. The plain question for
the '.Peers to decide is, whether they will abdicate
theirpretensions for ever, or give battle at once
before the Radicals shall have possessed them-
selves of the House of Commons ? We coun-
sel open, fearless, unflinching resistance, and
then we say that a little month would set the
question at rest for ever, by the complete triumph
of the ancient conservative principles of the
Constitution. Whatever impressions may obtain
as to the desirableness of some Reform, nine-
teen-twentieths of the people would be opposed
in heart and soul to any kind of revolutionary
movement, and loathe J beyond expression the
infidel and profligate crew by whom alone it
would be supported. Separate, we say, the
moderate Reformers from the Radicals, by ex-
tinguishing the Jacobin Bill, and substituting a
temperate measure, supported by a constitutional
Ministry, and we shall be at once delivered from
all practical difficulty. History, philosophy,
and common sense unite to teach the in-
estimable importance of a Government by
means of balanced powers, and the whole
country will gladly support the Peerage
as essential to this object. The middle
classes look up to the Peers as the great conser-
vators of rank, property, and all which consti-
tutes that social organization upon which their
own security and prosperity depend. The re-
flecting people of this country only ask them to
dare to be the Barons of England still, as they
have been ever since Magna Charta sealed the
compact between their illustrious order and the
community at large. The people understand
that the same division of powers which availed
to conduct the empire from extreme barbarism
to its present pinnacle of opulence and power is
now more than ever required to protect the ex-
tensive and delicate interests of its complex
and wonderful civilization. Improve the me-
chanism, they say, as much as you please, but
spare the principles of the Constitution. For
eight hundred years the people have said with
respect to the integrity of their constitutional
system, and they still say, content. What then
ails the Peers ? Are they frightened at the
Jacobin demonstrations of a few trumpery Poli-
tical Unions, which could not turn out, at the
utmost, five hundred fighting-men ? Their
fathers would have ridden stirrup-deep in the
blood of foreign invaders or domestic traitors
in a just and holy cause ; and shall their de-
scendants quail before some twenty silly plebeian
meetings, and more silly printed resolutions ?
As for new creations, let the whole body of
Peers resist, and it could not be effectual. The
order can only fall by its own hands. Tempo-
rising has been tried, and it has already failed ;
one course only remains, which we trust will be
resorted to with perfect fearlessness, and in re-
ference to which, we venture to say, England
expects every Peer to do his duty.—Morning
Post.

The Reform Association of Glasgow, on the
night of Wednesday last, met to address the
King, and petition the House of Lords on the
subject which is now uppermost in all men's
minds—the Reform Bill. The address and
petition and resolutions voted at this meeting,
and the speeches, while they express satisfaction
on account of the success which has hitherto at-
tended the measure, are at the same time cha-
racterised by great uneasiness with regard to the
future. An unfortunate misgiving has taken
possession every where of the public mind, partly
from the tone of Earl Grey's speech, but still
more, perhaps, through the reports regarding the
intentions of Ministers, which have been in-
dustriously circulated. At the Glasgow meeting
Sir 1). K. Sandford, in answering the question,
was the Bill out of danger ?—said,
" He wished from his heart that the contest were over ;
but though none could be more willing than he was to
hope for the fulfilment of the sanguine anticipations of
some, who in the height of their rejoicing conceived the
victory already won—he must express his own forebodings
—lie must state his belief that at no period in the history
of this vital measure, elated as he was at its present ad-
vancement, did there mingle with his joyful feelings so
many misgivings, so much alarm, lest these hopes should
after all be disappointed."
No one doubts the honesty of purpose of Earl
Grey; but the fear entertained is, that rather
than make any addition to the House of Peers,
he will allow the Bill to be deprived of those
features which are its great recommendation to a
large and most respectable portion of the in-
habitants of this country. The Glasgow Re-
fbrmers declare in their resolutions—
" That it is the completeness of this great measure
which constitutes its value in their eyes and in public
estimation, and that its mutilation or curtailment in Com-
mittee would inflict a disappointment in the public mind,
not less acute than its total rejection ; a disappointment,
the effects of which would render it inoperative for one of
its principal objects—that of reconciling the people to
their political institutions, and thus of binding the whole
community in one friendly and harmonious bond. That,
in particular, the clause conferring the right of franchise
upon householders of 10/, annual rent, is that portion
of die Bill which has taken the strongest hold of the pub-
lic mind in this quarter of the empire, as being admirably
adapted to the condition and requirement of society, and
affording a sound and permanent basis for the creation of
a virtuous and enlightened constituency; and that the
raising of this qualification, however slightly, would viti-
ate this measure in the estimation of the people, and give
rise to continual heart.burnings and renewed agitation, if
not to consequences still more disastrous,"

Mr. Baines stated at the Leeds meeting that
the Bill, if passed in its present shape, would
only give votes to from five thousand to six
thousand persons out of a population of 120,000,
and that if the qualification were raised to 151.,
the electors would be reduced to 3,000. It was
stated by Sir I). Sandford, at the Glasgow meet-
ing :
" Cut off the 101. voters in this very place (and be it
remembered Glasgow has a population of upwards of
200,000), and you lose more than one third of those who
would otherwise get the franchise. If you make it 151.,
the franchise will be lost to 2,500 men. If you raise it
to 201., your voters will lose two-thirds Of their num-
ber. He was certain, and he would be borne out by every
landlord in saying, that the 101. householders were a class
every way as respectable, intelligent, and independent, as
the householders of 15/."

But why should the qualification be so raised
as to reduce the number of electors in large
cities, like Leeds, Manchester, Birmingham,
Glasgow, &c., to a handful ? Two-thirds of
the electors would, it appears, in Glasgow, have
a qualification of 151. No Tory would think of
raising the qualification above 151. Then the
voters of 151. and upwards form a majority, and
the alarm as to the swamping of the higher class
of voters by the 101. voters, appears quite
groundless. The Duke of Buckingham talked
a meat deal of nonsense about the 101.
voters. The truth is, as Mr. Baines re-
the qualification is only far too high at
Tot
aed,
s a
minimum. We agree with him in think-
ing, that five thousand votes in a population of
tii2oon,oouogoht to beov
isfartroie 'fer%evd ; and that the qualifica-
tion 5/. rather than raised
to 15/. The people are quite aware of the de-

feLL the till still Icavea in our repteAntation,
'They cannot shut their eyes to the large share
of the representation still left to boroughs, of
which the aggregate wealth and population is not
equal to those of one of the new boroughs. But
they make allowances for the difficulties in the
vvay of Ministers, and receive with thankfulness
the partial remedy which they have proffered.
If, however, Ministers now give way, and allow
the Bid to be mutilated, the people will not be
satisfied. The demonstrations at Glasgow, Leeds
(and to be made this very day at Edinburgh)
may satisfy them that any attempt to raise the
qualification, or to deprive the Bill of what is
liberal in the way of enfranchisement, will be
attended with most mischievous results, the con-
sequences of which it is impossible to predict.
The Glasgow Reformers tell the House of Peers
" that if the qualification be preserved at its pre-
sent amount, a long period of peace, security,
and prosperity, will result ; but if raised to any
extent, however trivial, a system of agitation
will ensue, and be continued, the immediate
consequences of which will be injurious to
national industry in general, and to manufactu-
ring districts in particular, and the ultimate result
may be to lower the elective qualification to a
sum still less than that which has been wisely
proposed in the Bill." The Scotch have a
proverb, " let sleeping dogs lie," and it would
be well if the Aristocracy of this country kept
this proverb in mind. The people have been
quieted ; then why awake them ? We all
know that the might is with the people, and
that it is always unwise to drive matters to an
extremity, which may allow that might to dis-
play itself. Can it be for the interest of the
higher orders that agitation should be per-
petuated ? that industry should be paralysed,
and that the people in their difficulties and
sufferings should be taught to view the aristo-
cracy of the country as a curse ? The mo-
ment you deprive any order in society of the
advantage of a general conviction that the
privileges it possesses are held for the general
good, that moment you undermine it. The
higher ranks of this country may be assured,
that by grasping at. too much, they may
exemplify the story of the Dog and the
Shadow. But after all, the question for the
people is not what the Lards will do, but what
are they preparet, to do themselves ; be-
cause, if they are true to themselves at this
conjuncture, the rest will follow. The men of the
north seem aware of the truth, that great benefits
are seldom obtained without an effort, and to be
prepared for the effort. We have no doubt that
the determined men in the ranks of the Refor-
mers have turned the question over and over
again in their minds—What if we are deceived ?
Dreadful will be the responsibility of those who
may throw in one day the whole labouring po-
pulation of the manufacturing districts idle—
who may compel a resolution to cease working,
or some measure of equal efficacy, of a fiscal
character. Mr. Cobbett has transmitted to us
an address to the people of Birmingham (which
will appear in his next Register). In that ad-
dress he assumes (from some alleged conversa-
tion of Mr. Joseph Parkes, of that town, in a
bookseller's shop here) that Ministers are pre-
pared to raise the 10/. qualification, and to
abandon the metropolitan boroughs. We are
quite sure that Mr. Parkes's meaning has been
tnisconceived ; and from what we know of that
gentleman, we are equally certain, that the mo-
ment this meets his eye, he will explain, in a
satisfactory manner, the allusions to the Bir-
mingham people attributed to him. Mr. Parkes
never could mean that the people of Birming-
ham, of all places, would be indifferent either
to the raising of the qualification, or the aban-
donment of the metropolitan boroughs. But
we shall allow him and the Birmingham people
to vindicate themselves in their own way.—
Morning Chronicle.
Having, on several occasions, interposed, and
not unsuccessfully, to prevent the destruction or
mutilation of fine remains of architectural art in
various parts of this country, under the pretence
of public improvement, but really through a
spirit of wantonness, ignorance, or sordid job-
bing, we have great pleasure in observing that
the most recent attempt of this sort, which we
had noticed more than once in the terms of re-
probation which it deserved, has been defeated.
We allude to the case of Booth= Bar, which
the corporation of the city of York had an-
nounced an intention of pulling down, as some
other noble portions of the ancient fortifications
of that city, equally interesting to the painter, the
poet, the scholar and the historian, had been
previously destroyed, as if to show how little of
the conservative principle actuates the proceed-
ings of a corporate body when corruptions or
abuses are not the objects to be preserved. In
the case of Bootham Bar, however, the corpora-
tion of York deserve credit for having, in this
instance, yielded to the voice of enlightened
public opinion, as our readers will see from an
account of a late meeting of that body, at which
a motion was carried, to direct the general Com-
mittee to ascertain the expense which will attend
the restoration of Bootham Bar. Thus en-
lightened opinion has obtained a triumph which,
we trust, will have its effect in saving from wan-
ton and barbarous destruction many other splen-
did relics of the ancient architecture of England.
We observe that on this occasion several mem-
bers of the Antiquarian Society had expressed
their anxiety for the preservation of the interest-
ing memorial in question. We are glad to see
that Society turning its attention to objects of
more rational consideration than what had ge-
nerally occupied its time and engrossed its sen-
sibilities for many years. While it was engaged
in its evening dissertations upon collections of
disentombed crockery-ware, fragments of Roman
or Dutch pantiles, rusty bits of metal, or other
knick-knacks, the hand of barbarian violence was
busy in destroying the splendid and venerable
remains of antiquity which connected the finest
principles of art with the grandest associa-
tions of English history. When, for in-
stance, we interfered about seven years ago
to preserve St. Saviour's Church, in the Bo-
rough, from the doom pronounced upon it by
the Vandal party, who had actually obtained a
vote in Vestry to level its massive and beautiful
proportions with the earth, the Antiquarian So-
ciety was perfectly passive and silent. The dis-
covery of a trinket or a coin of the reign of one
of our Edwards or our Henries would have pro-
duced a sensation among that erudite body ; but
not so the fate of a magnificent church—an or-
nament to the metropolis—a rich repository of
the principles of art—a place where poets and
scholars who adorned our literature are entombed,
and where the martyrs of our religion had tri-
umphed. Such a relic of the " olden time" as
this was not worthy the sympathy or admiration
that were continually lavished upon the nameless
objects of a fantastic curiosity—things which,
when new, had no connexion with science or
art, and, when old, were but the rubbish of anti-
quity. Even when, little more than a year ago,

we %etc instrumental in saving that glory of c&•
clesiastical architecture, York Minster, ftont the
mutilations with which it was threatened, under
the name of improvement, the Antiquarian So-
ciety raised no voice for its protection. Perad-
venture it was digging for relics into green
mounds, or collecting mouldering trophies from
Ofra's Dyke, as valuable as the helmet-full of
shells which attested the conquests of a certain
Imperial collector of ancient Rome. If indeed
the Antiquarian Society had been really what its
name implied, and had acted up to the obvious
obligations which that name imposed upon it, it
would have been impossible that the Vandals of
modern times could have committed the havoc
which they have done upon the finest relics of
English art, and the most interesting historical
monuments of the empire. The valuable and ef-
fective cooperation of Mr. Etty, the Royal Aca-
demician, in saving both York Minster and the
other remaining antiquities of York, we acknow-
ledge ; but he is a man of taste and genius, not
an antiquarian in the ordinary sense of the word.
Yet we are glad to find the Antiquarian Society,
even at this late hour, come forward to earn for
itself a better reputation tha❑ it has heretofore
deserved, by assisting in the conservation of those
inestimable works of ancient art which are a por-
tion of the national history, and reflect glory on
the earlier recollections of England.—Morning
Herald.

It is evident that emigration is, and has been
for some time, going on to a considerable extent
from all parts of the United Kingdom. In so
far as this has been confined to labourers or
tradesmen, who could not find employment in
their own country, its operation would be bene-
ficial—the poor-rates would be to a certain ex-
tent,
and for a limited period, relieved—and the
good effects of an increased demand in the la-
bour market would be generally felt. But it is
well known that emigration has not been con-
fined to labourers and tradesmen without employ-
ment. Many experienced farmers, with the rem-
nants of their capital, have fled, from the ruin
which seemed to await them in their own coun-
try, to wilds which may now transfer the epithet
" inhospitable to the nations from whom they
originally derived it. We need not enter into
any arguments to prove that persons of this de-
scription—persons possessing small capital, and
great enterprise and experience—are a loss to the
mother-country ; and that even the power of po-
pulation, with all its accumulative energies, may
not easily replace them. It is therefore that we
would urge upon G overnment the necessity of tak •
ing into immediate consideration the state of the
poor•laws, for in the working of that system arc
to be found most of the evils which banish the
industrious farmer to seek a livelihood in foreign
lands, by depriving him of all hope in his own.
The great struggle between corruption and Re-
form, which has so long furnished Ministers
with a pretext for postponing every other mea-
sure, is likely to be soon terminated. We hope,
however, that the present Parliamentwewailillu tdioet
.
separate without taking some step towards the
correction of the system to which
The case of Ireland is especially urgent, and its
urgency is not confined to considerations affect-
ing its own interests exclusively. England and
Scotland require that something should be done
by Ireland for her own poor, in order that they
may escape the burden which has been hitherto
thrown upon them, and chiefly upon this country,
by the uncharitable, the barbarous, and inhu-
man negligence of Irish laws and Irish landlords.
It is aggravating to reflect how large a portion
of the Irish poor are thrown every year upon this
country for support, and that not by any cunning
or design, but by the mere heartless dis-
regard of the landlords for the lives of the
wretched peasantry. If the want of an equivalent
for the word " comfort" in some languages be
justly charged upon other nations as a proof
that the domestic virtues are not much cultivated
by the people, the total want of poor laws in
Ireland, or of any thing in the shape of a legal
provision for the destitute, may be applied, in
the same way, as indicating a disposition the very
reverse of charity in a people who pride them-
selves not a little on their benevolence. We
hope, however, that the emigration now going
on will attract the attention of the Government
to this important subject, and that some steps
will be taken, before Parliament separates again,
for the improvement of a system which so ma-
terially affects the agricultural, and, indeed, all
the great interests of the country.—Morn Her.
If ever the people of England entertained any
doubts of the low estimation in which they have
always been held by the Tory faction—if ever
they considered it to be a question worthy of a
moment's reflection, whether they conceived the
people to be made for them, or the Government
which they had usurped to be made for the
people—these doubts must have been dispelled
by the declarations of the faction itself, during
the discussions upon the Reform Bill, and
especially by their hostility to those clauses in it
which have the rights and interests of the people
more especially in view ; for the whole of their
objections to it may be summed up in two brief
sentences—first, that it will confer too much
power upon the people ; and, secondly, that by
conferring such power it will not only put off to
a very distant day their return to office, but render
it valueless in point of patronage and plunder.
That these are weighty objections, on their
part, to an acquiescence either in the ten.
pound qualification clause, or in the rotten
borough disfrafichisement, or in the metropolitan
enfranchisement clauses, we do not attempt to
deny ; but while we are prepared to shew, on
the one hand, that the evils which they pretend
to anticipate as the result of their sanction by the
Legislature, are wholly nugatory and unfounded,
we are quite as ready, on the other, to assert
that, whatever they consider to be a blemish in
the Bill, is to us an additional proof of its uti-
lity, and that could we entertain any doubts of
the excellence of the whole measure, they would
he dispelled by the mere fact of the unconquer-
able opposition manifested towards it by the ene-
mies of the people. To come, however, to the
objections urged by the Tory faction to the ten•
pound qualification clause, it is asserted by them,
first, that it is too low ; and secondly, that it
will not, in all places, embrace the same class of
voters. The first is the offspring of their habi-
tual hatred and contempt, not unmingled with
have so long trampled with impunity ; and the
ltlhocantammne;
natural subject of wonder with every one who
their fear of that people on whose necksndyetrhae;
knows them must be, not that they. object ,to it
theirs o
defeating, evenit,
t h
en
most
theost agony
hoavfe
ict,onadeisscie.nt
ed
for both qualifications, when sanctioned by the
amonga sa 1 them
improvementshou ki
Legislature, would prove equally fatal to them.
There is this great ditrerence,lhowever, between
them, so far as the people are concerned, that
the tenTound franchise will embrace a much
,larger constituency than the fifteen-pound, and
consequently one more unlikely to be bribed

into the taunt of Menibef:; to the House of
Commons, who either possess not the talents, or
have not in them the moral qualifications befit-
ting the discharge of the important duties with
which they will be intrusted ; and it is this
which gives it its highest value in our estimation.
It affords security, on the one hand, for the
existence of a respectable and thinking consti-
tuency ; and, on the other, against every species
of bribery and corruption, except in a few towns
of small population. With regard to the
objection that it will embrace a different
class of voters in almost every different town, we
deny that it has any other foundation, in fact, than
that in the metropolis and in large towns gene-
rally, it will produce a constituency which a qua-
lification of one-third less amount would bring
together in smaller cities and towns ; but while,
on the one hand, it would have been clearly im-
possible for his Majesty's Ministers to have, by
means of any qualification, however modified
according to place, so adapted it as to have em-
braced precisely the same constituency, in point
of intellectual. and moral attainments, it may be
fairly stated in reply to the oligarchic faction on
this head, that if it be the main object of a re-
presentation of the people in Parliament, to re-
present the opinions, feelings, wishes, and inte-
rests of all classes of the community—and repre-
sentation, if such be not its object, is neither
more nor less than a mockery—why, the different
classes whom the ten-pound qualification is cal-
culated to embrace in different parts of the United
Kia,dom, is a benefit and a recommendation,
and not a disadvantage or a ground of objection,
a proof that by means of it we shall return to
the ancient practice of the Constitution, instead
of retaining the shameful abuses to which its
principles have been perverted. So much for
the Anti-Reform objections to one of the main
clauses of the Bill. To-morrow we shall possibly
advert to some of those which have been urged
upon other popular clauses of it. In the mean-
time every friend to the measure ought to be on
the alert, and watchful of the movements of the
enemy. Meetings ought to be held, and pen-
dons agreed to, and every other step adopted,
which may be calculated either to strengthen the
hands of his Majesty's Ministers, or to promote
the final sanction of the Bill by the Legislature,
entire and umnutilated. Now is the day of
trial—now is the season of hope ; a few weeks
past and gone, and the former may have termi-
nated against us, and the latter have given place
to one of regret and danger.—Morn. Advertiser.

LONDON MARKETS.

PRICE OF BREAD.

The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis is 10d. fot th•
41b. Loaf. There are others who sell from !¢d. to IA. below
that price.

PRICE 01' SEElis.—April 23
New English Red Clover Seed (per Cwt.) —s. 525. tine —s. 82s.
Old Ditto Ditt0................... —s. —5. hne —s. —s.
New Foreign Ditto..... 52,. 63s fine —s. 925.
Old Ditto .. ..,
New White Clover , 525. Rs. fine —s. 9.25.
Old Ditto Ditto —s. —s. fine —s. —s.
New Trefoil ... —s. 12s. fine 50s. Ws.
ald Ditto —..». —s. —s. tine —s —s.
Rib Grass ---...---....--....—. —s. 375. tine —s. 42'.
English Carraway Seed„ .. —s. —s. 60s. fine 655.
Foreign Ditto ----................—„*. —s. —s. —s. fine —s.
Voriander —.---„, . —s. —s. fine 255. 30s.
St. Foin . (per Quarter)........— —s. —s. fine —s. 725.
Rye Grass .---- . —s. —s. new 20s. 435.
['acey Ditto -40 s. 56s. new —s. —s.
Linseed, for feeding —2. 40s. fine --s. 445.
Ditto, for crnshing .............365. 40s. —s. fine —s.
Canary Seed, New -, —s. 70s. 72s fine —s.
' 'ltto Old - —s. —s. --a. fine —s.
White Mustard Seed —(per 8u5he1)....... —s. 7s. Ss. fine--s,
Drown Ditto — ,-s los 17s. tint. —s.
. .

Turnip Seeds, Rounds —s. —s. Bs. tine 12s.
Green and Red Ditto _ .... -s. —s. Bs. tine 12s.
Tares, Old _ ~ —s. :is. fid. tine (is.
Ditto New —s. —s. fine —s. —s.
Rae Seed, English, fine (per Last) 23/. 271..,,..,. Foreign 201. 24g.

L'lttUL3
5t 0,. fit. 2.A. to 81. OS.
41 153. 51. 12s. to tit. OS.
~ 51. Os. 5/. 15t. to 71. Os.
—9/. N. 12.1. Os. to 01 Oa.
01. Oa. 71. Os to 91. Os.
..... 41. 10s. St. Its to 61. 15s.
4!. 4s. 51. Os. to 51. ss.
3/. 15s 31. Os. to 51. 12s.

Kent Pockets--.
SPFSCX Ditto
Fe2ex Ditto
Fateham Ditto.

3econdh

Kent Lags
Sussex Ditto
Essex Ditto

PRICE OF OIL.
Ripe Oil, brown Refined 0
Linseed Oil
Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, per thousand
Rape Cake, per ton

10 10
5 5