The Sun.
London, England, 1835-05-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

We copy the following paragraph from an Evening
Paper of last night
" The overseers of St. James's parish issued the usual no-
tices yesterday to the parishioners respecting the registering
of their votes. The notice to register claims must be given to
the overseers before the 20th of June, and lists of electors must
be made before the 31st of July. If persons decline register-
ing within a certain time, specified in the Act, they will be
disfranchised altogether. Those who wish well to the Consti-
tution and institutions of the country will be guilty of a gross
neglect of each if they decline registering their votes."
Whether the overseers of St. James's have issued any
such notices we know not ; but the error into which our
Contemporary has fallen with respect to the provisions,
of the Reform Act we think it best to correct, knowing
full well how little either overseers or voters are yet
able to detect any misdirections even of this descrip-
tion. Instead of the notices of claims to vote being
required to be sent in to the overseers by the 20th day
of June, it is only upon that day in every year that the
overseers are to issue their first notice, and all claims
must be sent in by the 20th of July. If the over-
seers of such a parish as St: James have fallen
into this error it is only an additional proof, if any
could be necessary, that the overseers throughout the
kingdom are not a fit class of persons to whom to in-
trust the setting of the registry machinery in motion.
As Lord John Russell has now returned to town we
trust that no time will be lost in completing and for-
warding through its various stages the Bill for the
Amendment of that part of the Reform Act which re-
lates to the registration of voters. We fear, however,
that it is almost impossible for it to be got through
both Houses of Parliament by the 20th of June, par-
ticularly as the Bill in question, as we have before
pointed out, is far frorri being perfect either in the sub-
stance of its enactments, or even in the mere legal
technicalities of the drawing of it. We need scarcely
however, observe that it is particularly desirable that
this Bill should be carried thus early, in order to pre-
vent the time of the Revising Barristers being occupied
in making out lists and correcting formal irregularities
in a year, when, as far as we can judge, there is every.
probability of their attention being called to the sub-
stance of such lists, through the voters being some-
what more strictly looked after than hitherto has been
the case.—Morning Herald.
We direct public attention, with infinite gratifica-
tion, to the proceedings of a meeting of the most in-
fluential Reformers of the country, for the purpose
of forming Registration Associations. The Tories
have flattered themselves that they could pervert the
machinery of the Reform Bill, and debase the consti-
tuency with impunity. We shall now see who is the
strongest—the people or the Tory faction. The objects
of this great and highly useful Association are per-
fectly legal and constitutional. The Tories have left
the Reformers no alternative but counter- societies.
Already we hear that the Liberal party throughout
the country are forming associations to conduct the
registration of electors. We may thank the " Con-
servatives" for the example they have thus oppor,
tunely afforded. The Reformers only required
the stimulus of such a provocative, to develop their
real strength. In a day or two we shall be enabled to
publish the resolutions and plans of this powerful Re-
form Association. In the meanwhile the names which
head it are a guarantee of its integrity and utility.
The venerable and patriotic friend of liberty, Mr. Coke,
of Holkhain—the oldest survivor of the Whig ad-
herents of Parliamentary Reform in the last century--
presided at the meeting, and no one could be so fitting
a Chairman. We cannot now do more than merely
advert to this most important meeting, and call upon
the Reformers to promote its objects. We shall on
an early opportunity show the corruption by means
of which the Tories returned so many Members to the
present House of Commons, and the repetition of
which this Reform Association will effectually prevent.
The "Conservatives" will speedily regret a resort to
Political Clubs, if they have not yet discovered
the impolicy of their tactics in the electioneering
organization.—Morning Chronicle.
There was a meeting yesterday, as our readers will
see by the report in another part of our paper, of
Whig and Radical Members of Parliament, for the
purpose of forming a Society, to be called the Reform
Registration Association. A few other persons were
present ; but the meeting consisted principally of
Members of the House of Commons, whose motive to
their undertaking was scarcely disguised—the dread—
the dread, not unfounded, we believe, as regards a
large proportion of their number—that the next gene-
ral election will, in all probability, deprive them of
their seats. To this or any other club, pursuing legal
objects by legal means, which the desponding Mem-
bers of the House of Commons of the Whig-Radical
faction may deem it their interest to establish, we
can urge no objection. With the qualification
we have stated, that the objects which They seek,
and the means by which they endeavour to attain
them shall be legal and constitutional, the institu-
tion now projected by the Whig-Radical party in
the House of Commons may be described as
innocent, and even laudable, in comparison with
their former practice, of cherishing Political Unions,
Trades' Zillions, and other dangerous and unconstitu-
tional confederalfies, for the purpose of converting them
into instruments by which to coerce„aud subjugate the
Legislature. The present scheme of the Whig-Radical
leaders will prove entirely harmless, and will be, in-
deed, beneficial to the Conservative cause, if it have
the effect which may naturally be expected from it—
of stimulating the loyal and patriotic part of the com-
munity to more zealous and indefatigable exertions,
than, but for this seasonable stimulus, they might pro-
bably have used. Some of the speakers at this meet-
ing seemed to understand, indeed, the strength and the
weakness of the party, for one of them predicted the
failure of the plan if it were intended to marshal one
part of the nation against another ; while another
significantly intimated that their best chance of
maintaining their power, in the Government of the
country, would be to induce the House of Com-
mons to amend the Reform Bill, so that it may be
more perfectly adapted to the exigencies of their
actual position. The suggestion of Mr. Baines of an
efficient Reform of the Reform Bill was supported by
Mr. Hume, and it cinnot be denied the praise of
characteristic modesty and fairness. The country can-
not fail to perceive by this example the difference be-
tween the Conservative and Whig-Radical parties.
The Conservatives profess their readiness to abide by
the provisions of the Reform Bill as the final settle-
ment of a great constitutional question, notwithstand-
ing their perfect knowledge of the fact that it was con-
trived by their political rivals, and passed into a law,
for the single purpose of establishing and perpetuating
their own dominion. The Conservatives are um-
willing to disturb this settlement, because they be-
lieve the peace and welfare of the country require that

it. should lie held sacred. In oliedi-ence- to its letter
an,l its spirit they are acting, with the cheerful
confidence and vigorous alacrity of honest men ; and
thus r, eting, they have been able already, in the
strength of their own manly resolution and their
own noble cause, to throw the ranks of their poli-
tical opponents into confusion and dismay. But
how different is the conduct of the Whig-
Radical faction. The moment they perceive that their
own Reform Bill has failed to secure to them that
permanent dominion over the affairs of the country
which was the single object for which they promoted
it, they begin to carp at its most important provisions,
and to cry out for the correction of its defects, as if the
main and acknowledged purpose of all constitutional
legislation in Great Britain were to he to give to the
Whigs and Radicals a constant and decided majority
in the House of Commons. Why do not these men
assume the courage to advance directly to their object ?
Why not introduce a new Reform Bill, appointing
certain "Whig and Radical Statesmen, expressly and
by name, with the power of nominating successors
in perpetuity, to a clear and decided majority of seats
in the Lower House of Parliament ? Such a Reform
Bill as this would be a good, effective, substantial,
Whig-Radical measure of- Reform. There could
be no mistake or delusion about such a mea-
sure. The country would fully understand it from
the beginning ; and if once permitted to pass, it would
not, like the Reform Bill of Lord John Russell, dis-
appoint its authors, and reduce them to the necessity
of complaining of its registration, or any other of its
clauses. Such a measure of Reform as this, and no-
thing short of it, will afford satisfaction to the
Radical-Whigs. Let them enlarge the Reform
Bill as they may—let them narrow or enlarge the
constituency—let them make the forms of registra-
tion easier or more difficult, more simple or more
complex—let them have secret voting or open vo-
ting—let them try one experiment after another,
until the nation is wearied and disgusted with
their devices--they will still be doomed to dis-
appointment. They cannot, unless by the means we
have stated, acquire secure and permanent domi-
nion over the affairs of Great Britain. The reason is
plain and simple. British society does not supply the
materials of a constituency that can be brought, by
any possible process, to consign the permanent domi-
nion of the country to the hands of a body of men who,
from their political character, their personal qualities,
and their social position, are, as a body, manifestly
and notoriously unfit for so important a trust. The
defensive association of the Whig and Radical Mem-
bers of the House of Commons can answer no other
purpose than that of exposing their weakness, their
dismay, their disappointed ambition. Its projectors
pretend that it is constituted in imitation of the
Conservative Associations which have recently sprung
up in every part of the country. The imitation
is a bad one. The copy is distinguished by
nothing so much as its unlikeness to the ori-
ginal. The Conservative Associations have emanated
from a spontaneous movement of the nation, embracing
a considerable proportion of all its various ranks and
classes. The Whig-Radical Association is about to
be engendered of the disappointment and the alarm of
a few interested and busy Members of the House of
Commons, who tremble, not unreasonably, for their
seats. The former express a national sentiment and a
national resolve ; the latter would evoke such an ex-
pression if it could. . Those manifest power, this
evinces only the desire of it. The Conservative Asso-
ciations tender to the leaders of their party their confi-
dence and esteem. In the Whig-Radical Association
attempted yesterday, this natural order is reversed.
The leaders are beheld in the attitude of petitioners
begging for a testimony of esteem and confidence,
which—as they are reduced to the necessity of beg-
ging it—we may be sure they will not obtain.—
Morning Post.

On submitting certain resolutions to the House of
Lords last night, respecting the important subject of
national education, Lord Brougham made some highly-
interesting statements, for the particulars of which we
beg to refer to his speech. We are gratified to per-
ceive our recently-expressed opinionsin favour of the
voluntary principle, confirmed by facts, and coincident
with those of such a distinguished and zealous advo-
cate for the dissemination of knowledge as his Lord-
ship. It appears, from the report of the Education
Committee in 1818, that of 644,000 children receiving
instruction, only 166,000 were educated in endowed
schools, while 478,000 were educated in schools
supported by voluntary contributions. In 1828,
from calculations founded on inquiries which his
Lordship had instituted- in parishes indiscrimi-
nately chosen, it appeared that the number of children
educated in schools not endowed had more than
doubled in ten years. " One conclusion," said his
Lordship (and we fully concur in the opinion), " fol-
lowed from this with irresistible force, that, wherever
you have such a mass of schools—wherever you have
such means of education as those which were already
afforded—where you have such means of instruction
as was already furnished by the parents of the children
themselves, and by the contributions of enlightened
individuals, a fund sufficient to educate 12,000.000
individuals, it was obvious that great care ought to be
taken before any interferenco took place with respect
to a system that was going on so prosperously ; and
persons ought to be careful how they put their hands
on machinery that had such rapidity in its move-
ments." At present many benevolent and enlightened
individuals feel a pride and pleasure in contributing to
the diffusion of' knowledge amongst the rising genera-
tion, who, if contributions were levied as a tax, and the
controul taken out of their hands, would feel averse
from giving further assistance, and many of the mag-
nificent establishments, now radiating and developing
the light of mind with fertilizing influence, would be
suffered to fall into decay. It must be admitted,
however, that in many instances the present system
of instruction is partial and defective, and therefore,
though a general interference on the part of the Go-
vernment would be injurious, yet, without meddling
wi h the education now given .by voluntary contribu-
tions, there is no doubt that the establishment of
schools in those parts of the country, more especially
in those large manufacturing towns where moral in-
struction is at present deplorably defective, would be
attended with results " most devoutly to be wished."
The horror of the " Billy-roller " is scarcely greater
than that which must be felt by every enlightened
mind in considering the gross and brutal habits conse-
quent on the utter neglect of education among the
children employed in our factories, where they are col-
lected in large masses—and, without guide or good
example, nature runs wild as in a hot-bed, and every
revolting vice is generated. Religion without educa-
tion must be considered as little more than superstition
—where the faculties of mind are undeveloped the
judgment can be of little avail in the formation of opi-
nions which, under some circumstances, are as readily
influenced by the fanatic as the prophet ; but at the_
same time we consider that to connect religion with
the system of education as advised by the Bishops,
is
open to many and impassable objections. It
would necessarily give a controlling influence to
men, who have grossly and shamelessly neglected
the charge already confided to them. It would
create jealousies—bigotry—and dissensions,—and,
amid the various sects into which the community
is at present divided, many would prevent their children
from attending at schools lest the spirit of proselytising
might seduce them from their creed. Religion con-
cerns only the interests of the individual, but morals
affect all the interests of society ; education is the true
basis of both, and as self-interest is ever paramount,
the first object of a thinking being is instruction on a
subject involving a question of temporal and eternal
happiness. Give means of education, and the people
will anxiously embrace them. Compulsion or controul
is unnecessary and impolitic, and creates suspicion of a
sinister design. Religion will follow education as
effect and cause. Education is ever more valued and
even more sought after, when offered as a purchase than
as a gratuity. To place it under the controul of Go-
vernment is to make it the instrument of despotism—
to connect it with religion is to retard the progress of
both.—Morning Advertiser.
A considerable number of persons, members of Par-
liament, and spine pot members, who, calling them-
selves Reformers (of one denomination or another),
are also supporters of the present Ministry, met yester-

day to fix upon a plan for the establishment of a
" .eform Association." The purpose of this new
Whig. Radical expedient is avowedly to counteract the
rapidly-spreading organization and returning power of
the friends of Conservatism throughout the British
empire. But what is the nature of the emergency
which thus, at so early a period in the history of the
Reform Bill, has forced the self-called admirers of that
momentous measure to enforce its operation in their
own behalf by extra constitutional practices ? Lord
Ebrington alleges, that " Conservative Associations
have been formed, the object of which was to obtain a
power over the constituency, which might check the
progress of the wholesome reforms essential to the
well-being of the country." A little more candour might
no doubt have been expected from Lord Ebrington, had
his Lordship's mind not been thrown off its natural ba-
lance by the desperate condition to which it is obvious his
friends the Ministers feel that they are actually reduced.
As the matter stands, there never was anything more void
of all pretence to fairness than this the fundamental
proposition of the Noble Viscount, by which he seeks
to build a vast structure of political agitation on a party
mis-statement of the views and character of the Con-
servatives of England. From which of the two autho-
rities will the people of this country be most apt to
judge the real designs of the Conservatives—Lord
Viscount Ebrington or Sir Robert Peel ? The Noble
Lord says that the Conservatives, against whom he
has declared war, seek " an undue power" over the
constituency, that they may be thereby enabled to
check the wholesome progress of Reform. Whereas
the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth urges the
electors, by the most earnest and affecting exhorta-
tions, to obtain into " their own" hands, through a
direct constitutional process, the power with which the
Reform Bill has invested them, simply by each
elector registering his individual vote. Why should
Lord Ebrington quarrel with this course ? Why
should he call it nicknames? Are the Whigs in reality
frightened at the readiness of the Conservatives, whose
numbers they have always treated with such sublime
contempt, to exercise those privileges which the same
Whigs threw to them in scorn, as one flings a bone
to a dog ? Is it true that the Conservatives consti-
tute a large portion of the Reformed constituency ? If
so, why should not Lord Ebrington and his friends
recognize in any corresponding demonstration of sen-
timent the voice which they themselves called up, and
respect it speaking so much of the national feeling,
instead of heaping opprobrium upon those from whom
it issues, and treating them as enemies against whom
Reformers ought to arm ? It is not pretended that the
Conservative societies have in view the coinage of fabri-
cated votes. They wish merely that each qualified
elector should register his qualification. What, we re-
peat, is there in such a proceeding to give umbrage to
any honest party ? But the truth is too plain to be dis-
guised. The Whig-Radicals are cruelly disappointed
that the Reform Bills and the powers created under it
have turned a little restive upon their hands. They
forgot that a two-edged sword would cut in both direc-
tions ; and are scared and confounded that the weapon
which they had destined to the exclusive destruction
of their political adversaries has villainously. drawn
their awn best blood. Lord Ebrington and Mr.
Grote, to do them justice, profess no illegitimate
or unworthy objects in their ostensible prospectus for
these " Reform" Associations ; they talk only of " in-
suring the registration of the electors of Great Britain,
and protecting them in the independent' exercise -of
the franchise." Upon this latter point of " protec-
tion" we would refer the Lords and Gentlemen who
met yesterday in Cockspur-street to a letter in this
morning's Times from our Staffordshire correspondent,
who paints in colours more striking than attractive the
mode in which the partisans of Lord Ebrington's
friend, Colonel Anson, are likely to exhibit during the
poll, their respect for the " independent exercise of the
franchise," whenever it may happen to run in favour
of the Conservative Candidate. We acquit Lord
Ebrington and his coadjutors of any desire to enlist
personal violence or intimidation among their means
of political warfare ; but we would direct their atten-
tion to a shrewd and salutary warning, delivered at
the meeting in question by Mr. Whittle Harvey,
who told them, in blunt terms, that if by their
associations they meant ,to marshal the people
into " one party against another, they would entirely
fail." And so they ought. Let the registers by all
lawful means be made as full as possible on every side ;
let every class and division of political sentiment have,
through our enlarged representative system, its natural
and unclogged expression ; and we fear not that the
result of the whole will be that for which Sir Robert
Peel declared himself to be the advocate—a thorough
correction of all abuses, and a determined maintenance
of our civil and religious institutions. However, the
Conservatives being put upon their defence, will from
this day forth relax none of their well-organized exer-
tions, but must, on the contrary, hasten and extend,
and persevere in them more actively than ever. Poole
may have been lost through a grievous family afflic-
tion, which paralyzed no doubt the personal influence
and efforts of Sir Colquhoun Grant. But if Stafford-
shire should miscarry also, it will be not merely a mis-
fortune to the Conservatives--it will seriously injure
their cause, and damp the progress of that sound
reaction on which we are persuaded depends, under
God, the salvation of the British monarchy.— Times.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

HATTON GARDEN.

Yesterday Alexander Durant, a young man with a very
expressive countenance, but indicating insanity, with a de-
cayed military cloak, was brought before Mr. LAING,
charged by his wife with having threatened her life.
The prisoner, when about to be placed at the bar, re-
sisted the officers violently, exclaiming, " Don't force me,
I'll not resist vou." On being placed at the bar, he became
more calm, and taking off his cloak, threw it over the railing.
It appeared that the prisoner was a teacher of languages,
and formerly held situations as usher in the neighbourhood
of Islington. About two years ago he married, and was re-
markable for his assiduity, and treated his wife in an affec-
tionate manner, but he was suddenly seized with insanity,
and was rendered totally incapable of pursuing his avoca-
tions, and he had lost several situations. During the last
week his conduct became exceedingly violent, and he would
return home, abuse his wife, and threaten to murder her,
and himself, and she was compelled to apply for parish re-
lief. He was seen yesterday morning wandering about Is-
lington, and conducting himself in so eccentric a manner
that he attracted general notice, and at length he proceeded
to the side of the Regent's Canal, where he commenced
playing with the water ; and to prevent him committing
suicide, he was taken into custody.
Mrs. Durant, who is a prepossessing young woman,
being sworn, with tears in her eyes stated, that the pri-
soner was formerly in the habit of treating her with the
utmost kindness and attention, but being seized with insa-
nity in the most sudden manner he lost his situation, which
reduced them to the greatest distress, and she had parted
with every thing she had in her possession to support him.
He was in the habit of wandering about at night, and lat-
terly he had used her so violently that she felt convinced
he would do her and himself some fatal injury.
Mr. LAING—What -is he ? Mrs. Durant—He is in the
scholastic line.

Mr. LAING—What do you mean ? I suppose you mean
that he is an usher ? Mrs. Durant—Yes, Sir, an usher.

Mr. LAING—Then, why don't you speak in plain lan-
guage ?
Police-constable 235, N, stated, that yesterday morning
the prisoner was acting like a madman in Islington, and at
length he proceeded to the Regent's Canal, when he (wit-
ness) was advised to take him into custody.
Mr. LAING—Has he got any friends ? Mrs. Durant—
Only a brother, residing at Winchester.
Mr. LAING—What is he ? Mrs. Durant—He is a
clerk in a banking-house.

—Mr. LAING—IT he is insane he ought to be taken care
of. (To the prisoner)—What have you to say to the
charge ? Prisoner (in a melancholy tone)—l have been
very ill lately. I have been very much disturbed in my mind.
Mr. LAlNG—Through what case ? Prisoner (hurriedly)
—I cannot say.

Mr. LAtNo- ordered the officer to call upon the overseer
of Islington, and Mr. Ashley arrived in the course of the
day, and said that he had before heard of the prisoner,
whose case he found to be a most wretched one. He was
a teacher of languages, and had held several highly respect-
able situations, and was driven to distress through his in-
sanity. He had ordered that he should be brought to the
workhouse to have his examination taken, his legal settle-
ment traced, and to be examined by the doctor, and then
placed in an asylum, but he had since left home and had
been wandering about. They had parted with everything
and were in want. He (Mr. Ashley) was ready to receive
him and his wife inte the workhouse, and do everything in
his power for them.
Mrs. Durant, whose feelings were greatly distressed dur-

ing the examination, then left the office arm in arm With her
husband, who seemed considerably more calm, in company
of the officer, to proceed to the workhouse.

QUEEN- S Q UA RE.

Edward Gardener and Tunas _Mangle, two Thames
watermen, were summoned by the stewards of a very old
charter existing in the parishes of St. Margaret and St.
John, Westminster, called the " Westminster Chest," for
usurping the privileges of the said society, in having acted
contrary to an Act of Parliament of the I Ith and 12th of
William 111., in plying for fares on Sunday from Lambeth
to the Horseferry, Westminster.
Mr. Hubert, clerk to the society, attended, and read the
meaning of the Act, to the effect, " That no freeman or
apprentice of the Waterman's Company were entitled to
ply for fares on Sunday from Lambeth to Westminster,
but only from the Horseferry to Stangate."
Mr. Bougham, clerk to the Watermen's Company, cited
an old Act, from which it appeared that from 1700 to 1742
the watermen of the Thames were privileged to ferry, on
Sundays, passengers from Lambeth to Westminster, as well
as from Westminster to Lambeth, the proceeds of which
went to the poor of the Company ; that in August, 1742,
an arrangement was made between the Watermen's Com-
pany and the Westminster Chest, stipulating that each
should alternately allow their men to ply on Sundays from
each side of the Thames, and which arrangement had been
kept up to the present period. Mr. Bougham then pro-
duced the book of the Watermen's Company, of the date
of 1742, by which it appeared from a memorandum that
the said arrangement was sanctioned by the stewards of the
Watermens' Company and the Westminster Chest.
The Magistrates, after examining the said documents,
consulted together, and then decided in favour of the Water-
men's Company, by dismissing the summons.