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London, England, 1866-07-10 00:00:00

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LONDON, TUESDAY, JULY 10, 1866.

The statement of Lord DERBY in the House o:

Lords was looked for with great interest. It
is true that the noble earl had little to tell the House
that its members did not know already. We are

all familiar with the history of the struggle which
terminated in the resignation of the RUSSELL Alinis-

i,-, W.-, .- .11 -_-

..LA1,14011, ALL CLUCA./....,
ance with constitutional precedent, entrusted the
task of forming a new Administration to the Earl of
DERBY, and we have already the names of the new
Cabinet before us. What was looked for, then,
was less an explanation of the past than a
pledge for the future, an, intimation of the policy
laid down by the new Premier in a time of anxiety
and disturbance. The oratorial ability of the noble
Earl added no doubt to the interest of the audience,
an interest which Royalty itself did not disdain to
share, for not only were the Prince of WALES and
his ',brother present, but the Princess of WALES
graced the ladies' gallery. In the midst of this
brilliant assembly Lord DERBY rose, for the first
time for many years, in his place as First
Minister of the Crown, conspicuous alike for
rank, for talent, and for political position,
the only statesman to whom the QUEEN could tem
in a moment of perplexity and difficulty " as likely
to form a Government which would have her own
confidence and the confidence of the country." Yet,
surrounded as he•was by all the favours of birth and
fortune, the first words of the new Prime Minister
expressed his sense of the responsibilities of his task,
and the willingness with which he would have de-
clined them, while the concluding sentences of his
address gave utterance to his hope that should he
fail to realise his wishes for the public good,
it might be reserved for some other statesman
to protect and to preserve our constitution.
The Earl of DERBY has never been suspected of
undue eagerness for place, which indeed brings him
a vast increase of labour and responsibility without
any corresponding gain. At the present crisis,
however, he could not, consistently with his public
duty, have declined to.form an Administration, and,
having succeeded in so doing, we are glad to find
him giving so temperate, enlightened, and promising
an outline of his policy. Whatever may be the
faults or deficiencies of Lord DERBY'S statements
they are never wanting in straightforwardness and
lucidity. He had been too long he said a member

w runuer nny
public profession of his principles necessary, but
upon some points he thought it necessary
to give an explanation. Beginning with that topic
which just now engrosses so much attention, he
stated distinctly that he held it the duty of the
Government, with regard to the war now raging in
Germany, to maintain a strict and impartial
neutrality between all the contending
parties. "My lords," said the noble earl,

"it has been industriously reported that a
Conservative Government is necessarily a warlike
Government. I believe there never was a rumour
circulated which had so little foundation, either in
past facts, or in the characters, the motives, and
the principles of the Conservative party. That
party consists in a great measure of the men who
have the largest stake in the country. They are
the men upon whom the consequences of a war
would fall the most severely ; they are the persons
who have the greatest interest in the peace and
prosperity of the State ; and, above all, they are the
parties who are the least likely to be carried
away by that popular enthusiasm and those popular
impulses which may hurry even a prudent Govermu ent

into the adoption of courses inimical to the welfare
of the country." So often has this charge been
brought against the Conservatives that it is well
for Lord Derby in assuming office at so critical a
juncture to deny distinctly and emphatically any
inclination for war. At the same time when
Earl RUSSELL said later in the evening that the
present war has arisen out of the Schleswig-
Holstein question, a good many present must have
reflected that a little more firmness on the part of
England shown at the very outset would have de-
terred Prussia from her aggressive policy, and
most probably have averted a war of which no one
can foretel the end. Lord DERBY, as Minister,
disclaims sympathy with any particular Power.
His Cabinet will be ready, he says, to offer ad-
vice or assistance in bringing about peace, if asked
to do so, but he regards the conflict as one in
which the honour of this country is in no
way involved, and from which we may
hold altogether aloof. This language will
tend to reassure the country with respect to
our foreign policy, -while, at the same time, Lord
DERBY'S programme of domestic legislation is

temperate and encouraging. Coming to the great
stumbling-block which has occasioned the down-
fal of Earl RUSSELL'S Ministry, as of his own

Administration in 1859, he said that he had never

shown himself adverse to the principle of Parlia.

mentary Reform. Five-and-thirty years ago he

assisted Earl RUSSELL in carrying the great Re-
form Bill, and on his accession to office in 1858

he at once admitted the anomalies which still
existed iu our Parliamentary system. " Nothing,"
added Lord DERBY, " would give me greater
pleasure than to see a very large increase in the

number of electors, and to see a very considerable

portion of the class now excluded admitted
will
dtiol
the franchise." At the same time he
be bound by no pledges. Perhaps he remembers
that his last Government was hampered by suc:i
promises, which his adversaries did not fail to turn
to his disadvantage. At any rate he reserves to
himself entire liberty to decide whether or no he
shall attempt to introduce a Reform Bill. Should
he retain office we believe he will find it necessary
to do so, and we can only hope that he will
bring forward a liberal, enlightened, and states-
manlike measure, which shall address itself neither