The Sun.
London, England, 1832-10-03 00:00:00

TOWER HAMLETS.

A numerous and highly respectable body (xf the
electors of the Tower Hamlet district of the cc.iutity
of Middlesex met yesterday evening, at the Court-
house, o,borne-street, Whitechapel, for the -purpose
of receiving their present representative, Mr. Hume.
Mr. STOCKS, a schoolmaster, well known, in the
district for his liberality of opinion and information,
was called to the Chair, and stated that Mr. Hume
was present to address the electors ; but that, unfor-
tunately, the other Member for the county, Mr.
George Byng, had not been able to attend.
Mr. HUME then came forward emidst loud cheers.
lie stated that some misapprehension had gone
about with respect to the object which he had in
view, in coming forward to address the electors of
Middlesex ; for it was supposed that he was there
with reference to the December election, whereas
his object was altogether with reference to the past,
and not to the future. It was well known to all pre-

sent that he had been for the last fifteen years an
active Reformer. During the whole of that time he
had had the honour of representing a district of
Scotch boroughs, and during also the whole of the
period, he had met with the most unflinching and
unremitting opposition, enmity, and abuse from
the Government, and from all who profited by those
abuses which he had so long and so ardently
desired to see abolished. He was aware, therefore,
fiom the first period of his return to the House
of Commons, that he should have, in every suc-
ceeding election, to encounter all the opposition
which could be brought to bear against him, both
by the Government, and by their natural allies, the
public pensioners and placemen ; and that every
means would be taken by those parties to prevent
his being re-elected. It was, therefore, his chief
object to endeavour to stand well with his consti-
tuents in the district of five boroughs for which he
was Member, and for this purpose he laid it down
as a rule, that he would at the close of each Ses-
sion of Parliament go down to Scotland, and call
his constituents together for the purpose of explain-
ing the reasons by which his conduct in the House
of Commons had been guided, and of submitting it
to their judgment. Such, then, was the object which
he had in view in coming before the electors on the
present occasion ; and he now called upon them to ex-
amine into his conduct, to listen to his account of it,
arid to charge him openly and before the whole
country with any deficiencies; but failing to do so,
to abstain from charging him in private, and from
house to house, with having derogated from his
duty. In the case of the constituency of the Scotch
boroughs, he had found this proceeding attended
with the most beneficial results ; for, by openly ap-
pearing before them, he had it in his power to jus-
tify his votes, and to obviate the effects of the slan-
derous reports which the enemies of his public con-
duct had spread to his prejudice. He had left those
constituents with reluctance ; he accepted the in-
vitation to represent the county of Middlesex,
only because he felt that by doing so he should
increase his usefulness, by being invested with
the influence and weight in the House of Com-
mons which Justly appertained to the represen-
tative of the first county of England. The pre-
sent was the first of a series of meetings with the
electors of Middlesex, for the purpose of accounting
to them for his conduct in Parliament; he thought
it due to the electors resident within the Tower
hamlets to commence with them, because their dis-
trict was the most populous and important of any
within the county. lie, therefore, begged it most
distinctly to be understood, that his visit to them
was in no way connected with, nor had any refe-
rence to, the election for the ensuing Reformed Par-
liament ; for lie was of opinion that, if the electors
were satisfied with the conduct of their representa-
tive, his re-election was more a matter for their
own consideration than his.—(Cheers, and cries of
" You're the boy for us.") Nor, on the other
hand, had any man a claim to be re-elected, who had
not redeemed the pledges upon which he was ori-
ginally elmeen.—(Cheers.) He took that opportu-
nity of stating, also, that it might be supposed, as
there were four borough districts within Middlesex
which would return Members, he might possibly be
looked to for a recommendation on the part of the
candidates ; but he begged most distinctly to be un-
derstood, that he should exert no influence what-
ever, either one way or the other; arid that he
ehould take great care, as he had heretofore done,
riot to express any opinion whatever on the merits
of the candidates, lest, as he knew some of them,
particularly Dr. Luchington and Colonel Stanhope,
his friendship for those gentlemen might exert some
sway over his judgment.—( Bravo.)
,He was
told that there was an influential person going about,
trying to get lip a requisition for a candidate to
stand against him. Why was this done, but be-
cause he had endeavoured, in his place in the
House of Commons, to get that person's sa-
lary reduced from 14,0001. to 10,0001. (and
quite sufficient too) a year. Why did he do this
but from a wish to see the resources of the country
economised ? Then, ',gain, there was a church
party, who had got up a cry against him. But
why ? For the same reason as the other. Because
he wished to see pluralities abolished—to see the
working clergy properly paid out of the enormous
superfluities of their beneficed brethren, and be-
cause, also, he wished to see no more political Bi-
shops.—(Loud cries of " bravo !") Because, also,
he wished to see tithes abolished, and commuted
Into a sy.tem of payment for the clergy, which
should not have the effect of preventing the suc-
cessful application of skill, labour, and capital to the
land. He had said this so long ago as 1621, when
he pointed out the evils of the Irish Church, and
when he was met with abuse on all sides as an in-
fidel, and as one who wished to see religion abo-
lished in the land, whilst all that he desired to see
was a more equal distribution of the revenues of the
Irish Church, and not one clergyman with scarce
sufficient to keep him olive, whilst another haul
from 30,000/. to 40,0001. a-year.—(Cheers.) But
it would not do then. The clergy here smelt a rat.
They said, " if we suffer this to be done. in Ireland,
it will be our turn next, and we don't like Such
reform. No, no—the man who proposes this to
you is an infidel. He must be an infidel, aye, and a
bad father, a bad friend, and unfit for society.—
(Laughter and cheers.) Such was the abuse that
he met with, but he was proof against all their at-
tacks, and went on his own way, which he trusted
would lead to this most desired of all reforms.—
(Cheers.) He was prepared to speak his mind
upon all subjects, so as to leave no doubt as to his
opinions in the minds of any of the electors of
Middlesex ; and the advantage which he pro-
posed to himself thereby was, that if he should
prove to have done all he had promised on former
occasions to do, there was a greater likelihood of
his performing all he should in future promise to
do. Then again he had been met with censure,
ridicule, and abuse from another class of persons,
who had raised an outcry against him, because he
had repeatedly expressed his desire, and had used
every exertion in his power, to reduce the diplam.atic
expenditure of the country, arid to save to the pub,
lic the enormous sums that were lavished upon
Ambassadors and others of that clans. Those who
were interested in this species of abuse had turned
round upon him and had accused him of being a
leveller—of entertaining a wish to see all the best
institutions of the country thrown to the ground
and destroyed, whilst the real fact was, that he only
touched the purses of those gentry. If any one
present suspected him of entertaining such designs,
let them ask him what his opinions were, arid he
would tell them. True it was, that if he had to
form a Government, he might be able to form one
upon a principle somewhat less complex than that
under which they lived; but as that was not the
case, all he, or any one who thought as he did, could
desire to do, was to endeavour as far as possible to
accommodate the complexness of the State machine
to the war •isht of the people, by removing
the object and simplifying its more
abstruse o above all, not to pull down
without st r and better machinery.—
. (cheers.) yeller, nut he ! he saw as

r.~• ~ r
~:r~ ~.'~~' l'.~
'~~ ~

plainly as the loudest arid most fearful' of them, the
advantages which resulted from a limited Monarchy
—a House of Peers, and a House of Commons ;
but what he most desired to see was, each
of those portions of the Constitution executing
in the most efficient manner those peculiar dit-
ties which devolved upon each of them.—(Hear.)
What were the purpcses of Government? Why
wag it instituted, but for the protection of the life
and property of the whole community collectively ?
It was, therefore, the duty of each member of the
community to contribute towards the expenses of
the Government ; but it was also the duty of Go-
vernment not to take one shilling more from them

for whose protection it was instituted, than its na-
tural expenses demanded, or than was necessary to
pay all the charges connected with it. He was not
disposed to be niggardly in his allowance to the of-
ficers of the Government; but he was disposed to
say, let there be no sinecurists ; let there be no
placemen whose duties are executed by deputy at a
double charge to the country, because those exac-
tions fall heavier on the poor man than on the richer
classes, and are thus oppressive to the very class
which is least able to bear the exaction. Let this
be remedied. All his endeavours in the House of
Commons bad been directed towards effecting this
object, and not towards the destruction of the insti-
tutions of the country. One great means of ac-
complishing a more economical expenditure of the
public money, was by simplifying the national ac-
counts, so that the people at large might he able to
form a judgment as to the mode in which their
money was expended. At the time when he first
maintained these sentiments, he was strongly of opi-
nion that what he desired to see done with respect
to the lessening of the public expenditure, could
never be carried into effect hut through the medium
of a Reformed Parliament ; for he was convinced,
that by a fair representation of the people alone
would they be enabled to secure their rights. His un-
deviating aim had been, therefore, to effect a Reform
in Parliament; and that greatest of all leessings
had at length been conceded to them, shackled
though it was with several objectionable conditions,
from which it should be his endeavour to set it
free. Such, for instance, was the clause by which
registration, in itself a highly proper regulation, was
made consequent upon the payment of taxes and
poorseates, and also subjected the elector to the ex-
pense of a shilling, in order to secure to him the ex-
ercise of his rights. The compulsion to reside for a
certain period in a house, in order to become quali-
fied to vote, ought also to be done away with. Let
those, however, who now cavilled at the Bill, recol-
lect what they had obtained, and not forget the vast
boon which was conferred on them by it, without
looking solely at its defects. Let them also recol-
lect that the friends to the Bill had constantly to
meet no less a number of opponents on every point
in dispute than 266 Members of the House of Com-
mons, and then let them not complain if such trilFog
defects as those to which he alluded existed in it.
He confided in the Reformed Parliament to do away
with the slight blotches in the measure. It was
impozsible for any one who looked around him not
to see that great changes were impending. One of
those changes must be the reduction of the charges
which were so unsuited to the country in her present
condition. Let any one turn his eye back to
1792, when the sum of five millions and a half de-
frayed the whole of the Civil List expenses, which
were now swelled to the enormous sum of twenty-
three millions. Though he was taunted in the
House of Commons with having absurdly gone back
to the standard of 1792 as a fit period to compare the
present enoemous and extravagant public expenditure,
yet, whets the Finarice Committee of 1828 was sit-
ting, he had the satisfaction of convincing them—
and amongst its members were some of the existing
Government—that the period of 1792 was that at
which their calculations ought to begin, and accord-
ingly the proceedings of the Committee went back
to that year, and commenced there, He had no
doubt that the Reformed Parliament would go back
to that period also, and take the Civil List of that
day as the basis upon which the future Civil Lists
were to be grounded. A great alteration must also
take place in the present system of taxation; the
present was not the proper time to enter into de-
tails on this head, but such a Reform, it was evi-
dent, most come. The state of the law was also
another of those evils, which demanded immediate
attention arid revision, so as to avoid the enormous
expense arid the vexatious delays which were now
attendant on it, and to bring home justice to every
man's door. With respect also to the landed in-
terests, he must express it to be his opinion, not-
withstanding his income was principally derived
from that species of property, that the corn laws
could no longer be endured, but that they must be
altogether revised and rendered harmless to the in-
dustrious classes. It was some years since he
submitted his plan for a free trade in corn to the
House of Commons, and yet to that free trade
must they earne at last. He would, in fact,
abolish all monopolies, as well those of banking
as of corporations; for the evils inflicted by them
ware great in proportion to their general extensien.
With eespeet to banking in particular, he would
place it out of the power of the Government to
tamper with the currency; nor would he leave any
future Ministers the means of affecting the general
interests of the community in this respect, that it
had once been in their power to effect. As to the
necessity of Corporations, there was no doubt in
his mind; the only question was as to their be-
coming the servants instead of being the masters of
the people for whose benefit they were instituted.
So strong was the current of Reform in this re-
spect in Scotland, that he knew of one Corporation
which had given directions to draw a bill, by which
in future the inhabitants were to choose their own
Magistrates ; and this example would, he hoped, be
followed all over the nation. With regard to free
trade, he was a staunch advocate for it, and ar-
dently desired to see its principies carried into effect
throughout the whole world. The odious and dee
grading practice of flogging in the army, navy, &c.,
as a civil puniehment, was one of those things he
was most anxious to see abolished. There was no-
thing also so degrading to huamn nature as slavery,
and it was one of those blots on the country which
must eaaw be wiped off. It was true that the traffic
in slaves was ii,f;w abolished, and that no more of those
unhappy beings were tr.;:p from their native land to en-
dure the miseries of toiling fora p;anter; but what avail-
ed it that one evil was put an end to, whilst the degi ad-
ing condition pf slavery was yet inflicted on any hue
man being ? Nothieg could ameliorate, nothing
soften the deplorable fate of e slave. Yet was this
system protected, sanctioned, and regulated by the
laws of Great Britain. Row, therefore, was its abort
lition to be effected with a due regard to justice
That was a question of the geavest and most ha-
; portant nature. How, he would ask, was the eon-
' dition of slavery to be totally done away with ?
Was the freedom of the negro to be promoted for
his own individual advantage, or did any other con-
siderations mig themselves up in that question) ?
Were there not other parties ,concerned Had not
the master and the public an interest in this matt,er,
tboogh not to an equal degree, with the slave hime
self, and wits it not, therefore, a triply difficult ques-
tion ? He would et once, and boldly, tell them
that, as an honest man, he could not say that the
emancipation of the slaves ought to lie ;nstantatie-
ously carried into effect—(cheers)—and he wonl4
tell them sish;„ In the island of Jamaica there was
a slave population of three hundred and fifty thou-
sand, Now, let them only eoesieler what would be
the effeet of turning this mass of negroc; loose at
once upon soeiety in that island, without mastens;
without provision, and all of them without possessing
the means of support.Eman.cipation, in the slave's idea
is synonimoua with idleness; and let them only reflect
on the condition in whieh this population would be if
even they were to be turned loose for one day only.
He had no hesitation in saying that tech an occur-
rence would be the most frigineful evil that could
happen either to themselves or the rest of the inhae
bitants of Jamaica.---(Cheers, and cries of " you're
right.") That person was, therefore, the most hu-
mane who should say "No, I will not take these melt
in their present condition, and turn them loose with-

out support. It is we, the nation, who have done
the injury to them, who, by our laws, have sanc-
tioned this evil, and it is for the nation to repair
that wrong." Such were his sentiments, and very
good ones. Educate, he would say, and prepare
the slave for his freedom, and then when it comes,
it is a blessing, and not a curse on him. He had
no hesitation in saying that he would institute a
thorough revision of the Pension List of six millions,
and endeavour to reduce its amount to a sum far
below that at which it was now stated. He had now,
he believed, gone through the principal heads of the
great public questions which remain to be settled.
(A voice—" What would you do with the Eastlndia
Monopoly ?) He thanked the worthy elector who had
reminded him of that subject ; he was of opinion
that the China Tea Monopoly, which was the
only existing one, would be done away with
when the question of the Charter came before the
House. He had always been of opinion, with regard
to the East India Company's power in their own terri-
tories, that the greatest freedom ought to be granted
to all persons to go there and settle ; and he had no
doubt but that the present restrictions on ingress
into that country would be terminated. He would
effect a change in the present term of the duration
of Parliament from seven years to three years, by
which, on an average, the electors would have to re-
turn to their constituents once in every two years,
which was as limited a period as was advantageous
to either party. For he was not disposed to give a
lease of his liberties for seven years to any man.
He thought, also, that the 101. franchise was much
too high, and that it ought, and indeed would, be
reduced to a much lower rate. He would not take
upon himself to fix the extreme point at which it
ought to be placed, but he was decidedly of opinion
that it was not so low as it ought to be. There was
another subject connected with this that he would
say a few words on—namely, the Ballot ; and he
was convinced that, in order to give the Reform Bill
its full power, and all the advantages which were
derivable from it, the Ballot ought to he adopted, as
well to secure the electors from the vengeance of the
rich, as from being awed by the power of the mob.
In short, to secure them from those below as well as
those above them. Hisobservation on the construction
of large bodies of men in society led him to adopt this
belief, that the institution of the Ballot would tend to
preserve the peace of society,and to divest men of those
angry and disagreeable feelings which are generated by
opposition to their views and wishes. Such was the
principle upon which the Ballot was adopted in
Clubs, in bodies of Directors, in the Bank, in the
East India Court of Directors. The Honourable
Member here proceeeded at some length to refer
to some proceedings which had been adopted by a
Noble Lord, a landowner in Lincolnshire, by
which it appeared that he had used great influence
ou his tenants' votes, and had even used indirect
means to compel them to register their names as
voters, in consequence of the dislike which was en-
tertained by them to become qualified, and thus be
under the necessity of giving a vote. Mr. Hume
also referred to a declaration from the labouring
classes of Clitheroe, binding themselves not to deal
with persons who voted for the Anti-Reform Party,
and pledging themselves not to suffer their children
to be christened, their youths to be married, or their
dead to be buried by the Clergymen Magistrates
who headed the military in the attack in last August.
Mr. Hume then proceeded to touch upon his con-
duct in the last Session of Parliament, and declared
that he had consented to merge for the time the
question of economy in the Civil List, in order to
give the Government the opportunity of carrying
the great and important measure which had en•
grossed the public mind during the last two
years. He also referred to the Russian Dutch
Loan question, on which occasion he informed
the electors that the Ministers had made a
declaration that they would quit office if they
were defeated on that question ; that he had
gone down to the House on the night of debate
fully determined to vote against them, but that see-
ing from the state of the House that the Tory party
had mustered their strength, with a view to take
advantage of the stragglers who might swell their
ranks from the liberal party, he had come to the
determination as a matter of expediency, and in
order that the Tory party might not have the oppor-
tunity of again seizing office, to vote with the Mini-
sters. There was one forgotten subject upon which
he would now touch, and that was the taxes on
knowledge, respecting which it was his opinion that
they ought at once to be taken off, and that next to
conferring the franchise upon the people, the duty
of the Government was so to act as to enable all to
acquire the knowledge requisite for the proper exer-
cise of their rights. For the attainment of this ob-
ject, the removal of the taxes on knowledge was
absolutely requisite, arid this was one of the first
concessions that the people would obtain. He
begged to thank the meeting for the attention with
which he had been listened to, and also to inform
them that he was ready to answer any questions
which any person present might put to him, as
well non-voters as voters, for he looked upon him-
self to be the representative, not of the electors
only, but of every man resident within the county
of Middlesex.—(Loud cheers followed Mr. Hume's
conclusion.)
Several of the meeting now addressed questions
to Mr. Hume, but as the points to which they re-
ferred were fully expatiated upon in the Address of
that gentleman, we abstain from giving them.
Mr. G. F. YOUNG moved the following Resolu-

ion :

" That the conduct of Joseph Hume, Esq. as a Repre-
sentative of the county of Middlesex in the present Par-
liament (coupled with his explanation this day to his Con-
stituents), has fully justified the high character he his
established for assiduity, political integrity, and independent
and manly consistency of conduct, and has entitled him to
the grateful estimaann and continued confidence of his con-
stituents."

Mr. OFFOR seconded the Resolution, which, be-
ing put, was carried unanimously.
The Rev. Mr. EvANs now attempted to address
the maeting in favour, as we understood, of Mr.
Hume's re-election, but the 111. v. Gentleman, in the
few words he uttered, was evidently mistaken by the
electors for an opponent of Mr. Hume. He shortly
after sat down.

Mr. 111, a: then, having expressed the gratifica-
tion which he felt at the reception he had met with,
proposed thanks to the worthy Chairman, which
were immediately passed by acclamation. After which
the electors cheered their Representative with nine
times nine, and then separated.

\\re understand that a private meeting has
been held in town, previous to the calling of an open
meeting of the trades, in order to adopt mersures to get
the exclusive privileges of incorporations done away, or
greatly modified. This surely is a question of very consi-
derable importance, not only as regards the city, but all
other burghs throughout the kingdom. Although Edin-
burgh may Le the first to move in this matter, certainly
their unincorporated brethren in other places, who have
felt the discouraging restrictions on their industry, will
not be backward in seconding them in such a good and
just cause.—Scotsman.

The parsons are as active as ever in intermed-
tiling with business with w!iicli they should have nothing
to do—lording it over the liberties of their fellow-subjects
as magistrates, as well as over their consciences as divines.
A farmer's wife has lately been fined for catching a hare
pa her husband's grounds. Two out of three of the bench
of tnagistotes who convicted her were reverend parsons.
The Game Laws ara br,,d enough; but that they should be
enforced by the clergy is monstrous.—Church Examiner.
AN IMPORTANT VISITOR.--For more than
a week past Loch Long has been frequented by one of the
largest whales that has been seen on our coast for many
years. This unwieldy monster of the deep makes its ap-
pearance several times a day in pursuit of herrings, of
which it is supposed to devour upwards of a hunderd bar-
rels per diem. In one of the trips it made lately up the
the Loch it nearly ran aground, when the fishermen were
all in commotion, intending to have made an attack ; the
tide, however, favoured its escape, and the plunderer re-
gained in safety the depths of the Loch. We trust cir-
cumstances will shortly occur that will enable the fisher-
men of Loch Long to bring the huge overgrown mono-
polist to a fair count apd reckoning respecting the proceeds
of the Loch.— Greenock Paper,

LONDON, '
WEDNESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 3, 1832.

Despatches have this day been received at the
Admiralty from Admiral PARKER, dated off
Oporto, September 26. They merely announce
his arrival with the fleet for the protection of
British subjects, and state that nothing of interest
had occured at Oporto up to that date.

The Conference separated yesterday, not only
without agreeing upon any protocol for the
adoption of coercive measures against Holland,
but with an understanding that further concilia-
tory means are to be tried. There was perfect
unanimity, as farlas words go, among the mem-
bers, as to the propriety of adopting some more
positive line of conduct, supposing all attempts
at conciliation should fail ; but we have reason
to believe that if any coercive measure had been
recommended by M. DE MAREUIL, in the inte-
rest of Belgium, the representatives of the other
Foreign Powers would have opposed it. Lord
PA LNIERSTON is stated to have acted in such a
way as to give perfect satisfaction to the French
Ambassador; but what is the use of all these
meetings, seeing that the King of HOLLAND is
determined to adhere to his own view of the
conditions of treaty with Belgium ? The best
thing the Conference could do, if it cannot act
with vigour, would to be dissolve, and not to
co►atinue the exquisite foolery displayed at their
meetings. If the British and French Govern-
ments are sincere, they can do what is right,
without consulting the Sovereigns of the Holy
Alliance.

An official notification of the appointment of
Marshal SouLT to the Presidency of the Coun-
cil of Ministers in France, has been made to
the diplomatic corps here by the French Ambas-
sador, and we have reason to believe that the
notification has been accompanied by an an-
nouncement that the new Prime Minister will,
as far as consistent with the honour of France,
adhere strictly to the peace policy.
At the date of the latest officialaccountosfrToAm_
Paris, it was announced, that-1 MM. rN
LIVET, BARTIIE, DE RIGNY, and D'ARGOUT,
were to remain in their present posts, that M.
TRIERS was to be Minister of Public Instruc-
tion, and M. HUMANN Minister of Finance.
Marshal SoULT had offered the portfolio of
Foreign Affairs to the Duke de BROGLIo,
but he had not given his answer. General
SEBASTIANI had formally announced his
resignation to the British Ambassador.
M. TIIIERS is a man of great eloquence, and
he has probably been chosen on that account,
to defend the Ministry on the question of the
etat de siege in the Chamber. M. HUMANN
has, we believe, but little reputation as a politi-
cian, but he is well spoken of as a financier,
The Duke de BROGLIO is a doctrinaire, but
of a more liberal shade than Al. GUIZOT, whose
services have been declined by the KING. He
was long the intimate friend of LAFAYETTE,
and a writer in Le Globe, before it became a
St. Simonian paper. M. de BROGLIO has also
writtenE;lops some
uvee, ray ablegai papers in the R
punishment.
u evHetet
is a man in the full vigour of life, and possessed
of great influence in the Chamber. The KING
retains the right of being present at the delibe-
rations of the Council. His relinquishment of
this right was one of the conditions on which
M. DUPIN based his acceptance of a post in
the Ministry. Louts PittmvPg thus renders
himselfresponsible, to a great degree, for all the acts
of his Ministry ; whereas by a less bold mode
of proceeding, he might avoid all the odium of
bad Ministerial acts, and assume all the credit
of good ones. If, however, he will adhere to
the sentiments which he was stated at the time
to have professed to Dr. BOWRING, in art in-

ptckjind wishes c
!tioniitte\parts,
peration4 but
,übstituiiirg othei
He was-role
_