The Sun.
London, England, 1866-06-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—Daily, almost hourly, the chances of peace
fade away. it is now known in every part of Europe
that the neutral Powers have relinquished in despair
the exertions they have made during the last month,
and that the peace of Europe is now committed to
the moderation of Italy, the conciliatory spirit of
Austria, and the fairness of the Prussian Govern-
ment. Mr. Gladstone has announced in the House
of Commons that the Government has received the
Austrian despatch in answer to the invitation to the
Conference, and that the substance of it is that she
required beforehand an assurance from all the powers
which were to take part in it that they would be
ready to renounce the pursuit of any special or par-
ticular interest to the detriment of the general tran-
quillity. This was further explained to mean that it
was indispensable they should be agreed beforehand
to exclude from the deliberations of the Conference
anything that would tend to give to any of the States
invited and attending at that meeting any territorial
augmentation or increase of power. It is also an-
nounced that the English and Russian Governments
agreed with that of France that this amounted to a re-
f usal of the Conference, in consequence of which deci-
sion it will not be held. Following upon this im-
portant political act come rumours of military move-
ments. The convocation of the Holstein States by
Gen. Gablenz is looked upon by Prussia as an act
of direct provocation. The Nord-Deutsche Zeitung
says that the Austrian declaration to the Diet is
little calculated to strengthen the peaceful hopes
which the plan of a conference had raised. The
convocation of the States " as a political measure
cannot be regarded otherwise than as a glaring vio-
lation of treaties, an attack on the sovereign rights
of Prussia, which Prussia would feel absolutely com-
pelled to resist should an attempt be made to en-
force it." A commentary.on the above declaration
is the order of the Prussian Government to re-enter
Holstein, on the ground that the Convention of
Gastein is at an end. The General is not ordered
to attack the Austrians, but only to assert the right
of a joint occupation, by placing his troops in sta-
tions where there are none belonging to the other
occupying Power. Yet Austria is so well aware
that this armed inactivity cannot long endure that
orders have been given to be in readiness for a re-
treat. In Holstein, of course, a speedy and not un-
important victory awaits the Prussians. They can,
as soon as the first blow is struck, make themselves
masters of the territory which is the cause of the
war, and carry out at once their policy of annexa-
tion. Should the sword be drawn, it is from the
Elbe Duchies that we shall probably hear of the
first serious events of the war. But the contest in
this quarter cannot compare in importance with
that which is impending on the frontier of the two
monarchies. At any moment the Austrians may
burst into Silesia. This province is said to be more
Prussian than Berlin. The war policy of the Minis-
ter is supported at Breslau, for its inhabitants are
excited to the highest degree againat the enemy who
threatens them. A hundred years of annexation to
the Northern Government have eradicated all affec-
tion for the Imperial House. They are for war
with Austria, and for national aggrandizement by
the seizure of the Duchies. They will possibly have
ample opportunity of showing their loyalty and their
courage. It is not unlikely that the first great move
of:Austria will be an attempt to possess herself of
this province. It would almost seem to be the prize
of the conqueror in the coming campaign, and it
can hardly be doubted that the temptation to strike
a blow in this quarter has had much to do with Aus-
tria's rejection of the Conference. The Emperor
has been probably led to look for compensation in
the province thgt was wrested from his House in
the last century. This is to counterbalance Hol-
stein—to make up for Venetia, if Venetia should be
lost. Here Prussia must defend herself, for there
is no one to help her. Even if she had a Western
ally, he could not penetrate into the heart of Europe.
The only aid must come from Russia, and the Czar
is now quite indisposed to take up arms on the side
of the Northern Power. If Prussia seizes Holstein,
it is, therefore, not unlikely that Austria will at
once cross the frontier. The Emperor is naturally
desirous to show his strength,, and to gain reputa-
tion at the outset by a decided success. Whether
Benedek will advance through Saxony on Berlin, or
content himself with a provincial campaign for the
conquest of Silesia itself, the first few days of the
war must determine. But in either case all the re-
sources of the Prussian Monarchy must be called forth
in order to enable it to make head against its late
ally. [he Prussian people, however, appear to be as
much against the war as ever. We yesterday pub-
lished the Address of the Berlin Central Conservative
Election Committee, which is the programme of the
party for the coming elections. A short time since,
it will be remembered, the Government dissolved
the Legislature, which had so much opposed them,
believing that in the excitement caused by impend-
ing war the people would rally round the Throne,
even though Count Bismark stood beside it. Ac-
cording to the most trustworthy accounts, these ex-
pectations have not been realised. From every part
of the country, except Silesia, there are protests
against the war. The great mercantile and manu-
facturing towns especially have denounced the Mi-
nisterial policy, which they look upon as unnatural
towards brother Germans, and dangerous to the
monarchy and the common country. In addition to
this political opposition there is another, perhaps
stronger, which arises from the hardships inflicted
on all classes by the conscription. A militia will
fight willingly to rescue the country from actual
danger, but it will always be opposed to political
and King-made wars. The Prussians have of late
years made great advances in industry and material
wealth ; the young men who swell the ranks of the
army have been better employed, and discontent
has in some districts almost taken the form of re-
sistance. This disposition of his subjects has had
so great an effect on the mind of the King that
even the word " abdication" has been sometimes
whispered. But it must not be concluded that be-
cause this has been the temper of the people they
will patiently submit to Austria. All experience
proves that the first blows in a strife between na-
tions rouse a war spirit which soon overcomes the
previous discontent or indifference. The presence
of Hungarians and Croats on Prussian soil will
probably change the whole face of the national poli-
tics, and do more for the Conservative party than
all their electioneering tactics. The people have
sympathised with the Austrian policy, but they do
not the less hate and dread the Austrian armies.
The King of Prussia is now about to set out for
head-quarters, and it may be that in a few days he
will have under his command an enthusiastic as
well as a brave and efficient army. In the mean-
time the belligerent Powers are beginning to feel
some of the worst evils of war before the sword is
drawn. An imperial rescript has been published
imposing a loan of twelve millions of florins on
Venetia. The unhappy inhabitants of the province
are ordered to contribute their share to meet
" the extraordinary financial wants of the State.
In order that the loan may be more easily raised the
communes are authorised to dispose of or to pledge
their moveable and real properties, to raise loans,
and to add surtaxes upon direct charges without
further authority." Tbis is only a sample of what
is going on everywhere. It is possible to doubt that
this will be a brilliant war, or a successful war, or a
bloody war, but it is most certain to be beyond all
precedent a costly war. If the wealth of nations
has increased, the expense of armaments has in-
creased in a still greater ratio, and the belligerent
States must purchase military glory at the cost of
financial ruin.

POST.—The Government, "guided by the de-
mands of public interests and the circumstances of
the time," will doubtless yield to the opinion ex-
pressed by the House of Commons and ratified by
the country. When, as Earl Grosvenor says, a bad
bill is added to an unsatisfactory measure, it is easy
to see what the result must be, and the advice which
he invited her Majesty's Ministers to consider ap-
proves itself. It was offered in a friendly spirit,
but with unmistakable firmness, and in plain and
forcible language. The feeling against attempting
to settle the Reorm question this session is reason-
able, based upon sound judgment and solid convic-
tions. As a matter of fact, too, it is evident that
no proper settlement is immediately possible, and
the sooner this admission is made the better. It
would be mischievous as well as idle to protract and
envenom a controversy which cannot be concluded.
The Government must be aware that the measures
they have joined together are indivisible, that their
responsibility covers the whole scheme, and that
they are not entitled to take one half under their
wings and leave the other to the protection of the
House of Commons. They might have refused to
produce the Redistribution Bill, but, having pro-
duced it, they are bound to take charge of it. The
reduction of the franchise—the measure of its re-
duction, assuming the principle to be recognised—
depends very much on the redistribution of the
seats, ' and still more on the boundaries of the
boroughs, and the house would not be justified in
assenting to an arrangement which has been sus-
piciously suggested. Even if the seats and the
boundaries could be adjusted so as to balance a £7
suffrage, the revision of the representative system
upon such a contract would be discreditable to all
the parties concerned. Compromise and conces-
sion may be right and expedient on certain well
understood conditions, and it is in conformity
with those conditions OAK Ministers are now
expected to withdraw and reconsider their mea-
sure. They know whether they can bring for-
ward a Reform Bill which will pass ; that is to say,
apprehending the requirement, it is for them to de-
cide if they are able to meet it. If they are, their
course is clear ; and, on the other hand, if they are
not prepared to act upon the instruction of public

opinion, the path of duty is always open. But there
is no middle way. The end that cannot be arrived
at fairly and legitimately is inaccessible. Any re-
ference to Ministerial pledges must be regarded a 0
wholly irrelevant to the issue. The Government iS,
the guardian of its own honour •, but its national
obligations can only be fulfilled through the confi-
dence of Parliament. It was apparent even in the
tone of the debate on Mondaynight that the hens°
was not disposed to entertain the subject in its pre-
sent shape. Lord J. Manners invoked sentiments
which are deep rooted in the heart of the nation.
Earl Grosvenor spoke to the point practically an,
sincerely. Mr. Osborne was lively, as he always °,
when other people are distressed. Mr. Coleridge might
have been more effective if he had discreetly avoided
Mr. Lowe's arguments. Mr. Disraeli was com-
pelled to notice the manifest impropriety of a Afinisi
ter of the Crown assuming that " the peroration
a Parliamentary speech must necessarily consist ill
scolding one's opponents," and he opportunely
claimed some consideration for the landed interes!,
with its ten millions of population. But the lassi-
tude
which could not be dissembled proved, if Preci
were wanting, that the patience of the House was
exhausted. It was almost too weary to be irritable,
and, indeed, it was only in his last words that the
Chancellor of the Exchequer gave Mr. Disraeli the
opportunity which he did not fail to use. Mr. Glad'
stone, however, took occasion to explain the leading
principles of the two measures which he was pressing
into committee. The principles of the Franchi,_BB
Bill are, he says, to complete the provisions of the
law which enfranchised the £lO voters and to
tend the franchise downwards. Mr. Lowe and 67„
Hugh Cairns would have been only too happy
deal with this definition, which is of course totally
irreconcilable with the theory of the Attorney-Gene:
ral, inasmuch as it assumes—on what ground itts°
difficult to conceive—that the £7 franchise is thee
completion of the £lO franchise, and, consequently,
in the view of the Government, the extreme limite
the downward extension. For although Mr. Glad-
stone divides the principle, the division would aP"
pear to be mere rhetorical redundancy ; and, mere"
over, if the provisions of the Reform Act in respee
to the borough franchise would be completed by ite
reduction to £7, it is remarkable that Lord John
Russell should have proposed to reduce it to £5 and
to £6. Then, as regards the Redistribution Bill,
the Chancellor of the Exchequer says its principles
are to curtail the small borough representatio.o,
by the removal, in whatever manner may be thougn.;
best, of some fifty members, more or less—it 10
not necessary to adhere to the particular figura
—and to distribute the seats among great a%
growing communities ; which means, it maY
presumed, that disfranchisement, or curtailmen,;
as Mr. Gladstone calls it, is the principle
of the measure, but that the House may modifY.4
by substituting fifteen for fifty. Parliament will
probably hesitate to accept the responsibility :II
framing a Reform Bill on these terms, and, at
events, the proposition is conclusive in the enl
sense the House of Commons would listen to it e 0
Monday. However it may be inclined to relieve
the Government, the House is not ready to under;
take such a task on the 7th of June. It is not at
all an equitable apportionment of the work. The
Ministry object to look at their measure in its en;
tirety ; they shrink from the fusion to which they
consented, and bestow all their concern on the ab-
sorbed Franchise Bill. If the House will adopt ~0
£7 suffrage it may fling the grouping overboar.ue
distribute the seats, revise the boundaries, devisa
some means of checking electoral corruption, a°4
in short, do in all respects much what seems rig
in its own eyes. Mr. Gladstone has not said this in
so many words, but he has led the House to under-
stand that grouping is not a " vital principle," 313,0
has stated explicitly that the readjustment ftu
boundaries would have to be argued in commitil
and that the subject of redistribution should be
open for discussion. The leaseholding clauses the
Government will itself review, but, for the rest;
always excepting the franchise question, it is in t
11
hands of the House. Now, this might be very Weia
if the House had demanded' a Reform Bill, but it 3
altogether another thing when one is forced upon,
and, in their own interest, it is to be hoped ti°
Ministers will not further trespass on the forbearb;
auce which has been extended to them. It must
observed that they are not only wasting public
by vain procrastination, but are aggravating snsPot,
cions it may be hard to overcome, and which, ,
at once abated, can scarcely fail to stand in the way
of any Reform Bill they may hereafter bring %for-
ward. Mr. Gladstone eloquently described the coll,
ditions on which the Reformers of 1832 had to eens,,
der the revision of the representation, and argued ire::
the success of their experiment in favour of repea
ing it now, under more auspicious circumstances,
and with a precedent to guide us. But the Reform
:
Bill of 1832 stood upon real and palpable grievance:v.
There were the nomination boroughs, the systemwhich an individual exercised an undue influence in
the election ; there was gross general corruptit
not only in small but also iu large places ; tu;
greatest and most important manufacturing town
were unrepresented ; the franchise was unequallis
distributed; and the expenditure in elections w9d,
enormous. To these defects rein edies were aPl3l,i 0
,e
and it cannot fail to be remarked that with the ""be
evils which remain unmitigated, if not increased, t
Government did not propose to deal. It mi ht,c
therefore, have been more to the purpose if, instep
of illustrating a theory, Mr. Gladstone had addee 0
some substantial reason for introducing a meastifici
that, in the opinion of competent persons, we al
add to the expenses of elections and extend elector
venality.