The Sun.
London, England, 1832-09-27 00:00:00

.' SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

We have read -a remarkable article on the
Belgic question, in the Journal de la Haze of
Tuesday, which, as it speaks the sentiments of
the Dutch Court, and especially of his Dutch
Majesty, leaves us scarcely any hope of seeing
a settlement of the differences between Holland
and Belgium without an appeal to the sword.'
In this article a definitive treaty of separation is
represented, after two years of negotiation, to be
as distant as ever. The recommendations to
peace of the London Conference are treated
with contempt. A menace of coercive measures,
against Holland, by Great Britain and France,
is considered as a signal for a coalition of the-
Powers of the North in her defence. Belgium'
is spoken of as a revolutionary state, to be corn-'
bated by all anti-revolutionary or conservative
Governments, and restored to its lawful master
Tim recent ordinances of the Frankfort Diet are
'cited as evidences of the determination of Prus-
sia and Austria to put down movements like that
which established a usurped throne in the Nether-,
lands. The alliance between England and France',
in support of this new revolted kingdoa
is said to he only ephemeral. Such an
.race, it is predicted, must dissolve before ii
comes to action, or will be broken on a con•
templated change of the Ministry in this coun-
try. The interests of England arc considere(
so opposed to a war against Holland, that
calculated no English Ministry would' dare ti
attempt it, or to sacrifice the English trade will
all the Dutch ports in order to maintain an un.
obstructed commerce with Antwerp. Besides
England herself is described as torn with fac•
tions, and threatened with disorders at home,
which must prevent her from undertaking ani
foreign enterprise. " We loudly proclaim," says
the writer, " that if England is so blind as to
act against Holland, her blindness will not last
long,—her error will be of short duration ; we
wait her day of awakening from her dream."
With respect to France, if she undertakes an
expedition against Holland, it is more, in the
opinion of this writer, to disarm a menacing
faction at home, than to assist abroad her Belgic
ally. Both of these Powers, it is concluded.
will think twice before they set fire to a vast
train of gunpowder, which must kindle a con-
flagration over all Europe. Such is the spirit
and tenour of an article which is said by the
editor to be " communicated," no doubt, from a
high source, and which, we are persuaded, ex-
presses correctly the mischievous purposes and
ambitioes hopes of the Court of the Hague.
His Dutch Majesty, as he has long shown, is
evidently resolved never to acknowledge the in-
dependence of his former Belgic provinces, ex-
cept upon compulsion. Any terms, therefore,
however reasonable, proposed by the allies, and
agreed to by Belgium, must have been rejected.
because they could never include the necessary'
condition of a restoration to Brussels. In look-
ing to the means of accomplishing this object,
his Majesty sees them only in the hazards of a
general conflict—and therefore he stands by his
cannon, with a lighted match in his hand,
formed of the London protocols. His avowed
reliance is placed on the friendship of Russia—
on the protest of Prussia and Austria against
the coercive measures which he is resolved to
render indispensable for the establishment of
Belgic independence—on the English Conser-
vative faction, which, being hostile to reform, can
never sanction assistance lent to a revolutionar)
crown like that of Leopold—on a change of the
English Ministry in favour of this faction, should
he compel the present Government to treat
him as he deserves, by sending a hostile fleet to
his shores,—on the consequent dissolution of
the alliance between France and England,—on
the triumph of the French revolutionary faction,
—and on a general crusade against revolutionary
principles all over Europe. It would be as (lit:
ficult to deny that these are the ambitious ex-
pectations of the Dutch Court, as to express
sufficient abhorrence and indignation at their
profligate character. Rather than sacrifice his
inconceivably slight hopes of again reigning over
a people by whom he is detested,—rather than
abandon the almost invisible chance of a resto-
ration,—his Dutch Majesty is disposed to begin
a war of principles or of conquest,—he is dis-
posed to throw all Europe into flame, and doe
not shrink from the contemplation of the most
overwhelming calamities to his own country.
Such a pertinacity of mischievous purpose,—
such a fanaticism ofselfish ambition,—has rarely
been exhibited to the world, from " Macedo-
nia's madman to the Swede." But is he sure of
the elements of his calculation ? One of
those elements is the known, or the presumed,
dislike of the English people to an attack on
olland ; and some of the' poor dolts of the
Tory Press, who know nothing of history but a
few detached names and dates, are endeavouring
to excite a popular prejudice against the employ-
ment of an English squadron, in conjunction
with one from France, to compel the specific
execution of a treaty to which all Europe has
(weed, by comparing our present alliance with
the French Government to that of the corrupt
and pensioned Charles 11. with Louis XIV.,
the avowed object of-which was the overthrow
and conquest of the Dutch United Provinces.
Al- hat similarity is there in the character of the
parties--in the objects of the alliance—in the
means to be employed—or in the contemplated
result of the war ? Our joint object now is to
support Holland against the obstinacy of her
own Monarch—to prevent a general contest,
in which Holland could possibly gain nothing.
and might lose every thing—and to enforce
the execution of a treaty which all the
allies of Holland have advised her to accept,
without delay and without compulsion. Is there
any body so blind as not to perceive, or so un-
candid as not to acknowledge, that but for the
labours of the much-ridiculed and much-calum-

niated Conference of London, which authorizes
this expedition, we must have been invoked in

a general war 18 months ago ? Can anybody
seriously deny, that were the King of Holland
again to invade Belgium, and the Be!gips ap-
peal for assistance to France, while we stood aloof
from any attempt at mediation, the French would
not occupy the Belgic provinces, for the purpose
of a permanent settlement, in the course of six
months ? In what situation would the King of
Holland then find himself, with so powerful a
revolutionary neighbour at his door, acid with-
out the interposition, as at all former times, of
provinces independent of both ? If his Dutch
Majesty is allowed to try the chances of such a
contest, and to throw his crown into the meMe,
he is more likely to come out of it a Stadtholder
than a King of the Belgic and Dutch Nether-
lands.— Times.

The work of M. Sarrans, on Lafayette and
the Revolution of 1830, has furnished a text fin.

an article in the forthcoming number of the
Westminster Review, written by one who seems
thorOughly acquainted with French affairs at the
present moment. As far as we can learn, the

revolution of July finds no favour now even in
the eyes of those who support it, and the changes
►made by it are only supported because a great
part of the French people know that the next
change must he the abolition of Monarchy itself.
So long as France remained under Charles the
Tenth, the people consoled themselves with the
idea that they could establish a Constitutional
Monarchy whenever they chose; but now that
they have obtained a Constitutional Monarchy,
they find themselves worse off than ever.
" There is another treasure (says the Reviewer) which
of itself makes up for a multitude of ills, in which France
has been decidedly the loser, and that is, hope. There
was formerly the- certainty, that if the Government re-
sorted to force to execute its projects, it could he easily
put down by a revolution ; and the public had the per-
suasion that a change of dynasty and a few slight altera-
tions in the existing institutions would be enough to
secure a tolerable Government. But now a revolution
appears a ,langerous affair, because everybody sees that it
eouid not stop short of the removal ef the institution of
Monarchy, and no man can look forward without alarm
nto the unknown guild) of consequences. This dread of
the unknown rallies about the new Government in time of
danger a multitude of individuals who despise and hate it
in their hearts, but who are less afraid of it than of what
they think might follow. Louis Philippe and his cour-
tiers, who are aware of this feeling, make their market of
it with a good deal of dexterity. They know better than
to lose their time in trying to convince anybody of the ex-
cellence of their Government ; but they harp upon the
fact, that if it falls, it must be succeeded by a republic, and
then try to persuade the people that any republic must be
the one of 179:3."
It appears that Louis Philippe has, by his
conduct, completely shaken the faith of the
people on the excellency of constitutional mo•
narehy, as he has proved, that if a King, with
the power which he has under such a monarchy,
chooses to exercise it as Louis Philippe does, the
nation can only help themselves by a Revolution.
" This creed, in politics," says the Reviewer, " has
been wonderfully shaken by the last proceedings of the
reign of Charles X., and the subsequent government of
Louis Philippe. The French begin to think, that a man
who is to hold in hand all the military and financial forces
of a nation, who is to name to all places of profit, and to
be neither removable nor personally responsible, may go-
vern as he likes if be chooses to run the risk of a revolu-
tion. The instances of the late King and his successor
have convinced them, that those constitutional securities
which act so well under a Prince who can be content with
limited authority, and is anxious to transmit it to his de-
scendants, are of no avail against one that is blind and ob-
stinate, and thinks he does not reign at all unless he rules
according to his fancy. Insurrection is certainly left as a
remedy ; but the remedy is such a serious thing, and may
involve so many consequences. that it is impossible to have
recourse to it every day. Two feelings, moreover, in
France contribute to prop up the system of Constitutional
Monarchy ; the belief that this system will be the means
of peace with the great Continental Monarchies, and the
fear inspired by the recollections of the first revolution. If
this fear should ever be got over, and if it should be de-
monstrated that the absolute Kings never meant to keep
any terms after all with a King that owes his throne to the
people, it is exceedingly likely that there would be an end
of the monarchical form of government among the French
for ever."
The Reviewer does not content himself with
assertions ; he endeavours to prove that France
is worse off now than under the elder branch of
the Bourbons. The July Ordinances would
have produced weighty mischief, but the mischief
had not taken place, and it can only be judged of
by conjecture. The Revolution of July was
encountered to ward off the evils that would
have followed the Ordinances ; the evils them-
=elves had not been experienced.
" Under the reign of Louis Philippe, the mass of the
population is in a state of more uneasiness, and suffers
more from apprehension, then in the latter years of Charles
X. And, above all, the object is to examine whether the
actual discontents are substantial and fixed, or hold only of
the changeable humour of the people, and as such m.y be
expected to pass away.
" The result of the July revolution was not to obtain
the liberty of the press, but to defend it; and consequently,
on this head, it added ❑othing to what France possessed
before. The principal use of a free press consists in in-
forming the executive power of the state of general feeling,
and forcing it to march in the track of the public interest.
When, therefore, a nation has the misfortune to he outlet
a Government which makes no account of public opinion,
the press can do nothing but ireitate the public mind. It
is continually laying before it the extent of the mischief,
and the hostile intentions of the Government ; hut it can,
not abstractedly afford the cure for any of the evil.
" Now the fact is, that Louis Philippe and his Govern-
ment make no more account of the remonstrances and com-
plaints of the public, as exhibited through the channel of
the Press, than Charles X. and his Polignac Administra-
tion did. The new King seems only to have acknow-
ledged the right of private individuals to utter their opi-
nions on the measures of his Government, on condition
that, on his side, he shall govern as he pleases. His
claim is, that he has as good a right to be free in his ac-
tions, as the writers have to be free in their comments;
and it never enters into his herd, that the object of the
liberty of the Press may be to limit and correct the li-
berty of power. The consequence is, that he has insti-
tuted a greater number of proceedings against the Press in
the course of eighteen months, than his good cousins
Louis XVIII. and Charles X. in the space of sixteen
years. There is no reason, therefore, to be surprised, if
the success of the French in preserving the privilege of
publishing their opinions on political >Ades has not satis-
fied them at all pints and upon all subjects.
" The other securities that were obtained or preserved
by the Revolution of July were in the stone manner not of
a nature to afford to France any great increase of present
happine.s. It is undoubtedly a good thing for a nation
to possess the trial by jury, and be protected against unjust
sentences for political offences. But when the holders of
power multiply groundless accusations to a certain point,
the assurance of having them brought before a jury is not
a reason for being content with their proceedings. The
mischief done or attempted is all laid to the charge of the
Government; but nobody puts the impartiality of the ju-
ries to the credit of its account, and particularly when the
Government has done ail that was in its power to turn
them from the right. • -
" The raising of the National Guard; which was called
for as the means of diminishing the number of the regular
army and lightening taxation, has ended in increasing the
ouhlic expense, and producing no relief in any quarter.
That the people were armed, organized, and commanded •
by officers of their own choosing, was in Louis Philippe's
yes only a source of fear the more; and instead of looking
to them as a support for measures to be taken, he looked
to the regular array for the means of setting them at defi-
ance. He distributed his regular regiments throughout the
country, with exact reference to the battalions of National
Guards they. were to bold in check. Paris, for example,
during its existence, never saw so many troops drawn
round it as since it has had 80,000 National Guards com-
manded by their own officers within its walls. The only
consequence therefore of individuals putting themselves to
expense and sacrifice to maintain a free system, has been
to increase the expenses peculiar to a despotic- Government.
" The communes have obtained the power of appoint-
ing the members of the municipal or borough councils,
amid in almost every instance they have made good use of the
privilege. But the Government has retained the appoint.
(vent of the mayors, who are the executive officers ; and
almost everywhere its choice has fallen on the individuals
least popular with the public. The consequence is, that
in many of the communes, and particularly in the great
towns, the influence of the authorities that are chosen by
the people is paralysed by the officers of the Crown, and

that to avoid collision, the best mernbets of the municipal
councils come to the resolution to resign.
" 'Fi.ere was an expectation that a way of setting
bounds to the effects of corrupt influence on the Members
of the Chamber of Deputies would he kept open by send-
ing back to their constituents such as should accept of
office under Government. But ways have been found of
evading this, by giving some of the Members pensions
without offices instead, and zharging them to the Civil
List ; while others have been appl,ed to in a way still more
decidedly illegal, though more difficult of proof.
" The securities, then, that have been the consequence
of the revolution of July, are either null or burthensotne ;
and if they have not been cot over in name as well as fact, it
is only because the new Government is too weak. At the
same time the taxes have been considerably raised ; and to
preserve a peace th it nobody believes will last, the people
have been put to all the expense of war. The arming the
National Guard, the repair of fortresses that had been al-

lowed to run to decay, and the augmentation of the dispos-
able army, were the cause of great expenses, which could

,nlybe met by an increase of taxation:

••'•• • * * •
1 The security with respect to exterior rtlation, is pre.

cisely on the same footing as the interior. The ne
Government has net an atom more patriotic or national
spirit than the one which it succeeded ; while, at the same
time, it has stilt less confidence in its own position. It is
aware that in the eyes of Foreign Power., or the greater'
part of them, it is not legitimate ; and perhaps it is nor
quite sure of itself. Without either the genius and energy
of an usurper, or the confide nee given by the longer nos_
session, which is called legitimacy, or the support of the
popular fueling, it seems only to exist by sufferance. I,
looks as if it considered itself as only the produca of an ac-
cident, which another accident might supplant without
doing any harm either to it or France. The consequence
is, that every body believes its only object is to keep the
arbitrary Governments of Europe in play by concessions,
long enough to get together a snug provision of its own;
and people really think, that if the alternative of making
appeal to the national feeling or abdicating were
strongly put to it, it would choose the latter."
Casimir Perier was the only man of the Mi-
nistry possessed of the least character, and on Iris
death Louis Philippe became his own Minister.
" There are people (says the writer) who go by the
name, but who are in reality nothing mere than clerk-, bay
org no common plan of their own, nor directing the pr,b_
tics of the country either at home or abroad. Who is it
then that really governs France ; and how does a Ministry,
which is neither supported by public opinion nor the
Chamhets. contrive to keep in office?
" France is governed by Louis Philippe. It is he that
directs every thing both within and without. The same
reasons that male him dismiss from about him all the men
of the revolution who were faithful to their principles,
have made him attach himself to Ministers who are nothing
hut the executors of his ideas. During L ifitte's admini-
stration, he used to correspond personally with Foreign
Powers, and keep back from his First Minister the most
important communications of the Ambassadors. At the
present moment there is not one of the Ministers that durst
demand of him, as a constitutional right, to have the di
section of foreign affairs, or even to be made acquainted
with the state of the relations of France with other Go-
vernments. The King directs all and every thing in such
a style of absolute mastery, that he would consider it a
personal incivility to be asked by his Cabinet to let them
have any share in the arrangement.
" In the Home Department he governs in a manner
equally absolute. It must not be thought, for example,
that it is the Minister of Justice who sets the Courts uiion
political prosecutions. The direction cornea from the
Court, The Procureur-General of the Cour Royale at
Paris scarcely ever communicates with any body but the
King direct. It is from him personally that he receives
the order to prosecute such a journal, arrest such a sus-
pected individual, or make an examination of his papers.
The Prefect of Police is another that has his communica-
tions direct with Louis Philippe, and receives his hints
upon the measures to be taken, and the spirit in which he
is to act in the performance of his functions."
But in a Constitutional Monarchy, where the
people are tolerably represented, a state of things
like this cannot be of long continuance. Mi-
nisters must- have a majority, and the creatures
of Louis Philippe cannot have a majority. He
must beat the nation, or the nation will beat
him. It is all but certain that a crisis is at hand.
_ _

mdeed, any Frenchman of spirit or discernment
who reads the work of M. Sarrans, must feel
mortified in the extreme that the Government
should ever have fallen into the hands of so
worthless a man as Louis Philippe. What se-
curity can a nation have that it shall not be be-
trayed by a man whose conduct, from his eleva••.
tion to power to this day, seems to have been
one tissue of duplicity and treachery ? We are
willing to make allowance for the difficulties in
which the new Government was placed ; but if
we were to sanction such faithlessness us that
which has been evinced by Louis Philippe, all
confidence would disappear from among men.
We have no hesitation in saying that the whole
French nation is dishonoured by the infamous
breach of faith of Louis Philippe to the Spanish
and Italian Patriots. M. Sarrans appeals to do-
cuments in his possession, which he is ready to
communicate, if the facts be challenged.
" It is said (he observes), that immediately after the
Revolution of July, the Spanish Constitutionalists spon-
taneously flocked to Paris. This assertion is not exactly
correct. Doubtless the Revolution of July lighted up in
the hearts of these brave but unfortunate men the hope of
re-conquering their country; but the greater number of
them, tied by absolute poverty to the places where they
had taken refuge, left them only at the tacit solicitation of
the French Government. Tests, for instance, that Go-
vernment invited into France all the Spaniards who bad
found an asylum in Engl Ind. If this be untrue, the Mi-
nister then in office will doubtless inform Ui why Colonel
Valley, MM. Llano, Navarelli, Inglad i, and some other
Spanish Chiefs, known through all Europe by their con-
stant opposition to the Government of Ferdinand VII.,
having, at the beginning of 1830, landed at Havre
without passports, obtained them from Paris, on the ap-
plication of the -Sub,larefeet, for the purpose of re-
pairing to the frontiers of the Pyrenees ? Why two
hundred Spanish refugees, who also landed at Havre, were
organised into detachments, comm ended by Spanish officers
of their own choice, and thence directed upon Bayonne
awl Perpignan, with routes, specifying the allowance of
pay and other indemnities granted to French troops on a
march ? Why, in short, did the same things take place
at Calais, at Boulogne, and Paris ? * * *
* ' * From the Ist to the 30th December,
1830, detachments, etch consisting of from thirty to
forty Spanish refugte,, set out daily from Paris for the
Pyrenees, provided with collective passports; and these
passports were remitted by Government to a command-
ing officer, who was directed to receive arid distribute
the pay of the common soldiers. * * * Is it not
true that these routes were delvered by M. Girod de
L'Ain, upon the mere application of one of the members
of the Spanish Committee, who acted with the positive
consent of the Government, and in concert with AINI.
Guizot and Montalivet ? Is it not true that the princi-
pal condition on which those gentlemen granted assistance
aed protection to the Spanish Constitutionalists was the
ultimate union of the Crowns of Spain and Portugal on
the head of Donna Maria, who was to marry the Duke
de Nemours ? Is it not true that the two Ministers just
named had every week two secret interviews with one or
more Members of the Spanish Committee, to deliberate on
the best means of bringing this business to a successful
issue ? Is it not true that, of all the then Ministers, M.
Sebastiani was the only one who opposed this scheme ?
Is it not true that in one of these secret interviews a pro-
mise was made by 111. de Montalivet to dismiss certain
Prefects and Sub-Prefects, who impeded the measures of
the Committee ? Is it not true that the Spanish Ambas-
sador, Count Ofalia, having addressed urgent remon-
strances to the Palais Royal, relative to certain depots of
arms, AIM. Montalivet and Guizot caused the Spanish
Committee to hold a meeting, in which it was agreed to
form false depots of arms—that is to say, of arms
unfit for service; and that these depots should be indicated
by our agents at Marseilles and Bayonne:to the prefects, who
were to order their seizure, tiking care to spare the real
depots? It is not true that the subscription of Govern-
ment formed a great portion of the million collected by
the Spanish Committee, and that it was only on the faith
of Ministerial promises that M. Calvo, a Spanish banker
in Paris, advanced 500,000 francs? It is not true, that
it was with the tacit authority of the Government, and
the support of a banking-house at Marseilles, to which it
had recommended the agent of the Committee, that the
latter dispatched men and arms from Marseilles to Gene-
ral Torrijos ? * * 3/4 * Is it not true that the Pa-
risian volunteers, who at a subsequent period fell into the
hands of the Spaniards and were thrown into the dun-
geons of Pampeluna, departed with the permission of the
Government, and were furnished with routes by its
orders? Finally, is it not true that the day before the
Moniteur published its order for detaining the Spanishße-
fueeea, even by force, if requisite, M. de Montalivet
affirmed to the Spanish Committee, that he had just de-
spatched a telegraphic order for favouring the expeditions
of Mina, Valdez, and Totrijos. Why the change? It
was because, in the interval of a'few hours, the injunc-
tion of European diplomacy, for repressing the patriotic
efforts of the Spanish Constitutionalists, arrived at the
Palais Royal, along with the threatening and disgraceful
recognition of Ferdinand VII ; and because the Royalty
of the Barricades, proud of this dishonourable adoption,
did not hesitate to pay for it by an act of perfidy. * #
* The Crown granted 100,000 francs to aid the
success of the Spanish Constitutaoaaltsts; and this sum
was converted into two letters of credit of 50,000 francs
each, one of which, drawn upon a banker at Marseilles,
was given to the unfortunate Torrijos. This is the
real truth."

the history of the Intrigues
M. Sarrans gives
by which the Italians were deluged. It was in.

consequence of the most distinct and often re-
peated assurances that France would allow of no

intervention, that the Italians were encouraged to
rise. Austria took alarm, and opened negocia-
tious with France, and the Italians were sacri-
ficed. Then began the double diplomacy be-
tween the Foreign Courts and Louis Philippe,
which, on being discovered, led to the resigna-
tion of M. Lafitte. We should suppose that
Louis Philippe, after so much of his duplicity
has been disclosed, will be an object of distrust
to the Holy Alliance as well as to the French
nation. He must have his own misgivings on
this subject. If he wishes to retain possession
of the throne of France, he must altogether
change his policy. M. Sarrans, though supply-
ing abundance of evidence of the bad faith of
Louis Philippe, and of his hatred of popular
institutions, does not distinctly accuse him of
any intention to betray France into the hands of
her enemies. He concludes his most interest-
ing work by the pithy remark, "that if the Mo-
narchy is not inclined to regird any of the
councils it has received, if France is condemned
to bow in silence her forehead to the dust, it
should not be forgotten, that in the event of a
violation of the Constitutional compact, the re-
fusal of the taxes is the literal, the complete
interpretation, and in some sort the dogma in
full vigour of the representative system. And
then what comes next ? Ordinances—Coups
d'Etat? Or, if they are not strong enough to
play that game, we must await the judgment of
Heaven It is clear that France is anything
but in a settled state. Some great crisis is at
hand.—Morning Chronicle.

Some of our contemporaries have reproved
the good people of Edinburgh for the language
used in the farewell address to Charles the
Tenth, expressive of a wish fur tho second re-
storation of that dynasty. It would be difficult
to conceive any thing more ridiculous than the
hope uttered by the Lord Provost, in the name
of the people of Edinburgh ; but before we ,
blame the people, let us ask whether it was the:
sentiment of the people, or only that of a small
junta, who are ready enough to avail themselves
for a purpose, of a name which they hate and
denounce, except when its employment can be
of any use to them. We all know that the To-
ries—nay, that Sir Chalks Wetherell, the most
outrageous of the Tories, undertook to speak
the opinion of the people of England with re-
gard to the Reform Bill. We all know that
when eight or ten admirers of the rotten boroughs
could escape from public observation into a hole
and corner retirement, they called their resolu-
tions the sense of the people of England—of
that people from whom they were obliged to
make their escape in order to fabricate the pre-
cious document that was to bear their name.
Recollecting those things, ought we not to hesi-
tate before we ascribe to the general population
of Edinburgh, or any considerable portion of
them, a sentiment so unworthy of an intelligent
and liberal community as that which the Lord
Provost and his coadjutors thought proper to put
into their mouths ? It is not as an effusion of

mawkish sentiment, but as a wicked imposition,
calculated and intended to mislead the people of
other countries into a false idea of the political
sympathy entertained in Scotland towards Charles

the Tenth and his family, that we object to the
language of the Address. Nothing could be
more at variance with the spirit of refcrm than
to wish for the restoration of a tyrant and the
subversion of a just and necessary revolution.
Nothing could be more inconsistent with the
conduct of the people of Edinburgh in the re-
cent struggle with our own tyrants, the borough-
mongers, than the flattery with which they are said
to have approached a foreigner of the same school.
There is, therefore, a presumption that the
people were not present, either by them-
selves or their representatives, when this whining,
whimpering address was agreed to. We should
like to know the number and the names of those
who attended, for we cannot divest ourselves of
the notion that the Lord Provost bad his mag-
nifying glasses on when he thought he saw the
people of Edinburgh voting their concurrence in
a sentiment which no body of men raised above
the condition of idiotcy or the lowest subser-
viency to power could think of sanctioning for an
instant. But while we are disposed to acquit
the people of Edinburgh in our own, minds, we
think they are bound to acquit themselves by
disclaiming the stupid expression. These are
not times in which people ought to permit them-
selves to be misrepresented or mistaken, upon any
point which involves great political or moral
truth. The whole system has undergone a
change, and character ought to be as dear, for
it is as necessary, to the mass of the community
as to those who dispose of our interests upon the
pretext of having more virtue, as well as more
wisdom, to acquit themselves of the charge.—
Morning Herald.
The old stock of exaggerations being ex-
hausted, the anti-colonial faction have now
eagerly seized upon the decrease of the slave
population, and certain defensive resolutions
adopted by " Unions" in various parts of Ja-
maica, as weapons for assailing our West India
possessions. In: both points they have been
ignorantly or maliciously aided by the partial or
unfair statements of some of our contemporaries,
who seem to wish it to appear that the resolu-
tions of the Jamaica meetings were subversive
of all religious institutions, and as if the Bap-
tists and other sectaries were the only teachers in
Jamaica. Now it is notorious that, since a Bi-
shop was appointed to that island, and the
Church of England's institutions we:e fully ex-
tended to it, new chapels and schools have been
erected in almost every part, and, notwithstanding
the under-current of sectarian opposition, the
greatest exertions have been made, collectively
n and individually, to promote sound religious and
moral instruction amongst the negro population,
and ,whilst other slaves were in rebellion, those
under
that
,whilst
charge of the regular clergy have re-
mained peaceable. Independently of individual
grants of property and personal exertions, the
public of Jamaica, as appears by Parliamentary
Returns, are paying annually, as stipends to
Curates and Rectors, about 20,0001., nearly
1,4001. to Presbyterian and Roman Catholic
be,ides nearly 30,0001. a year for
clergymen,
schools and other religious and charitable insti-
tutions. Surely these are substantial proofs of
a desire to promote the moral and religious wel-
fare of the slaves ; and, in discussing the differ-
ences which have arisen between the people of
Jamaica and the missionaries, we consider it
very unfair to leave out these important facts,
more especially as the Unionists in that colony,
upon the face of their resolutions, declare
the purest loyalty to his Majesty, and the
"
highest veneration for the established religion."
The anxiety shown of late years by the colo.
nists to encourage the clergy of the Churches
of England and Scotland, together with their
endeavours to restrain the practices of the
missionaries, who they allege were misleading
and draining the slaves of their little earnings,
very naturally excited a great deal of jealous
and the senseless
feeling ; and this feeling,

measures at home, originated the late rebellion.
The Journalists alluded to, who seem to adopt,
without examination, the statements of the anti-
colonists, and to write with only one eye open,
say that Fibb or Nibb, and other Baptist
preachers, tried for rebellion in Jamaica, were
acquitted " in the face of evidence ;" ergo, that
they were quite innocent. But the colonists
assert, that a careful examination of official docu-
ments will show that they were acquitted in the
absence of direct evidence ; or, to use a Scottish
law term, their guilt was " not proven." But
such a verdict is always considered very far from
a declaration of innocence. To every fair and
unprejudiced person who will carefully read over,
not the special pleading of my Lord Goderich,
but the actual facts stated in the despatches from
Jamaica, the letters of Commodore Farquhar,
Sir Willoughby Cotton, and others, together
with the confessions of the leaders of the rebel-
lion, afterwards tried and executed, it must
appear very extraordinary that, if the Baptist
teachers were innocent, the rebel leaders were
not only Baptists but actually elders or leading
men in the Baptist chapels—men who, accord-
ing to the custom of that sect, are in the habit
of- holding private meetings and consultations
with the preacher after the rest of the congrega-
tion disperse I It is moreover notorious that
almost all the poor creatures shot had Baptist
tickets in their pockets, and that Linton, Bin-
ham, Evans, Dove, Gardener, Mighty, and
other chiefs taken and executed, accused their

preachers, the missionaries, of instigating thcin
to rebellion ; and it was chiefly, if not without
a single exception, negroes on those estates where
the missionaries had acquired influence that
acted in the " infamous and cruel" manner de-
scribed by Sir Willoughby Cotton. We by no
means attempt to justify violent or irregular
combinations at home or abroad ; but, looking
at the whole circumstances of the recent blood-
shed and destruction of property in Jamaica,
and the barefaced manner in which the mission-
ary instigators of disturbances are countenanced
by the Colonial Office, together with the ex-
ample of the " Unions" at home, we are not
surprised that the people of Jamaica, unpro-
tected by the Government, should combine to
prevent a recurrence of those fearful evils by
which they have so recently been assailed. The
constant endeavour of the anti-colonial party, for
many years past, has been to dissever our Colo-
nies from, or render them useless to, the Mo-
ther Country, and they have partly succeeded in
their object. Possessed of Colonies, our trade
is secured against the whole world ; but without
them we will soon become powerless. We,
therefore, consider it of importance to guard our
readers against misrepresentation, especially at
the present time, when we seem to be on the eve
of another war. We shall shortly lay before

them some very extraordinary facts regarding the
other point, namely, the alleged great decrease
of the slave population, showing that a period is
approaching when that decrease must be fol-
lowed by a rapid increase, and that the aggregate
falling-off is owing to very different causes than
those falsely and maliciously set forth by the
anti-colonists.—Morning Post.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HOUSE.

Yesterday William Reynolds, the man who stands
charged with haVing endeavoured to impose upon
Mr. Wilson, of Devonshire-square, by writing an
excellent character of himself, was brought up for
further examination.

Mr. Wilson requested that a postponement might
be allowed, in order that the case might be made as
complete as possible.

A- gentleman, for the prisoner, olvjected to the
postponement altogether, arid contended that his
client ought to be discharged, there being a failure
in point of evidence.

The LORD MAYOR could not think, whatever
might be the consequence to himself, of discharging
a man against whom such a prima facie case had
been made out.

The prisoner said that the gentleman who had
written the character of him with which Mr. Wilson
had been furnished, was a gentleman with whore he
had lived.

The LORD MAYOR--1 suppose if Mr. Rawlinson,
the magistrate, was ever your master, he would give
a good character of you? Prisoner—No doubt of it.
If I was ever servant to him, he would give me a
character.

The LORD MAYOR—By the by, did you ever lire
as servant to Mr. Rawlinson, the magistrate? The
prisoner—l have no right to answer an improper
question.

The LORD MAYOR—Surely that's not an improper
question ? Prisoner-1 don't see that I have any
right to answer it.

The LORD MAYOR.—Now suppose he had any
thing to say against you ? Prisoner—lf he has, he
can come forward and state it; he can come forward
and prosecute me.

Air. Wilson then handed over a note, of which
1e following is a
copy :
__ .

" Reynolds got into my service by a
false character by -. He has since been brought before
me for robbing his lodgings, to which he was recommended
by a Lase character from Mr. Corry's servants, and after-
wards for passing bad money at a gaming-house.
" I am yours obediently,
" JOHN RAWLINSON.
" Marylebone, Sept. 24.
- Wilson, Esq., Devonshire-square."
The prisoner's solicitor said, that the letter was
not evidence, neither was any document that had
been produced in any way calculated to show his
client's guilt.
Alderman WILSON had been present at the first
examination, and the case was of such a nature, the
prisoner appeared to him to be a fellow of so much
impudence, that he thought it the duty of a magis-
trate not to let him go without some very good
reason. He thought, indeed, that if such a man were
to be allowed to go abroad amongst the public with-
out further inquiry, there could be no utility in the
appointment of magistrates. _ _ _

The prisoner's solicitor—l speak of the legal
right to detain the prisoner, which I contend ycu
have not.

The LORD MAYOR—J consider that I have a
right in equity and justice to hold him in custody.
Mr. Wilson might, if this man had got into his ser-
vice, have been robbed to a most serious extent, and
it is my duty to protect the public against dangers
of the kind.

The prisoner's solicitor—l only speak of the
legal right.
The LORD MAYOR (to the prisoner)—You -say
you lived with Captain Foy, at Cheltenham ? Pri-
soner—Yts, I did live with him.

The LORD MAYOR—How long ago—a month ?
Prisoner—l really cannot recollect at what time.
The LORD MAYOR—But you can say whether it
was a week, or a month, or six months ago. Pri-
soner—l can't say, really.—(Laughter.)
Mr. Wilson then produced the letters which the
prisoner had sent to the proprietor of the Plough.
inn, at Cheltenham, and to Whitmarsh, the waiter
there, who exposed the whole business by writing to
Mr. Wilson.'

Sapwell, the officer, who took the prisoner into
custody, upon comparing these letters with some
words which he had seen the prisoner write, and
with the character of that individual, believed they
were all written by one and the same hand.
The LORD MAYOR adjourned the case for final
examination.