The Sun.
London, England, 1859-12-05 00:00:00

THE Sittg, L6NDON, MONDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 5, 185%

does press on the poor, not directll, but indi-
rectly—(hear, hear)—that it crushes the springs
of prosperity and industry ; that it _drives capital
abroad ; that it reduces the wages of the ,labourer,
and that it is paid by the honest man but
evaded by the dishonest. Perhaps you will allow
me to give this general answer to Mr. Bright, not
venturing at such a time as this to enter into de-
tails of the figures he has quoted. I would also
make this further remark on Mr. Bright. In all
his speeches he has held up America as the model
that we are to copy. Mr. Bright says, "It is very
hard"—he is always very plaintive if you don't
agree with him—" that you take your inventions
from America; if they invent a new gun, you have
no difficulty in adopting it, if they build a new boat
on a better line than your own, you have no diffi-
culty in adopting it; but the moment I say adopt
their republican institutions, you fly off and say,
We have a constitutional monarchy that we think
gives us more liberty than any other State we
know of." But if you adept the one, he says, why
not adopt the other ? Mr. Bright forgets, however,
that one of the main distinctions between this coun-
try and America is, that while we raise our revenue
partly by direct and partly by . indirect taxation,
America raises the whole of her revenue by indi-
rect taxatian. (Hear, and cheers.) Mr. Cobden,
who, I am sorry on account of the cause, was not
able to be present at Liverpool yesterday, has lately
been to America, but I doubt whether even with
his eloquence he has been able to persuade the
Americans to give up one jot of the protection
which they give to their manufacturers in that
country. (Cheers.) Mr. Bright made another re-
. mark last evening. He thought there would be a
millennium of happiness and prosperity; that all
nations might be brought into one happy family,
if you could do one thing, and that is, to do away
with all the castom-houses. If we could do that,
all war would subside ; we should fraternise, em-
brace the French, and be all happy together.
(Laughter.) But Mr. Bright—though I observe he
lectured the landed interest, and told as we ought
to be very modest in ghat we said and did on this
question of taxation, seeing what has happened—
has not, I think, set us the example of modesty. He
says, do away with all your custom-houses, and then
you will have this fraternity. But almost, in the
same breath, Mr. Bright takes credit for having re-
, pealed the coral-laws, and having initiated free-
trade measures in this country. Then how in com-
mon sense is it, if this has been accomplished by
Mr. Bright and his friends, that there was never, I
will venture to say, a year in which Europe was in
so precarious a state, we in this country so much
alarmed by invasion from our neighbours, and in
which we have been so nearly dragged into a war
with America ? (Cheers.) The noble duke, after
a few other observations, thus concluded,—l am
old-fashioned enoughlto think the most important
thing in this country is the production of bread,
and beef, and beer ; and I am also old-fashioned
enough to think that the more we can raise in our
own country, whether by means of associations like
these, or by whatever means may be suggested, the
more we shall conduce to the happiness, the wel-
fare, and the morality of the labouring people of
this country. (Cheers.)
A number of other toasts were given, and the
proceedings terminated shortly before 9 o'clock.

THE CONGRESS.

(From the Times.)

We regret to learn that after a full discussion of
the subject by the Cabinet it hes been determined
that Lord Palmerston shall notMattend the Congress
as the Plenipotentiary of England. We had hoped
that the obvious advantages resulting from the
Premier's ronresentation of this country would have
outweighed the inconvenience of his absence at an
important time. However, the original plan is to
be carried out, and Lord Cowley will attend to ex-
plain, and, as far as possible, enforce, the views of
his Government among the Plenipotentiaries. It
need not be said that the reasons which have dis-
suaded the Government from parting with their
chief have reference to the very important business
which must be transacted on the meeting of Parlia-
ment. The Congress assembles nominally on the sth
of January, but practically and for real business not
earlier probably than the 15th, while Parliament
meets earlier than usual,—namely, on the 24th.
Lord Palmerston must, then, either be absent dur-
ing the earlier part of the session, or there must be
a change of plenipotentiaries, which would certainly
be worse than laving everything to Lord Cowley
from the beginning. We had anticipated the proba-
bility that the Government would be able to bring
forward its minor measures at the outset of the
session, and that the Reform Bill and other impor-
tant business might be deferred again until the re-
turn of the Premier. Ministers have, however,
th6mg,ht that this would not be consistent with their
duty, and we have no wish to differ from them on a
matter respecting which they are the best judges.
We only hope that the early day fixed for the meet-
ing of Parliament, and the determination of Lord
Palmerston to be present at his post, indicate that
the legislative business of the country is to be pro-
secuted vigorously and steadily. The two houses
have, indeed, long arrears to make up. For three
years running we have had Ministerial crises ; and,
though in 1557 some measures were carried through
by delaying the prorogation until the very end of
August, yet this was an expedient which Parlia-
mentary nature could hardly bear, and it has not
been repeated. The sessions of 1858 and 1859 have
produced hardly anything, and there remain for
next year the great question of the Reform Bill,
the amendment of the Bankruptcy Law, and of the
laws relating to the tenure and transfer of land, im-
portant questions connected with the national de-
fences, and the ever-pressing subject of our financial
system. If the wisdom and vigour of the Govern-
ment and the patriotism of the Opposition allow
these matters to be settled, we may perhaps be re-
conciled to the thought that England has lost some
opportunity of extendin:-., her principles on the Con-
tinent, and that she has failed to play in a general
Congress that high part which belongs to her.
We doubt, not however, that a part of the public
will learn with a kind of satisfaction that no Pleni-
potentiary is to be " despatched" to Paris, but that
Lord Cowley, being already there, merely attends
as the representative of England, and makes
our adhesion to the Congress as little conspicuous
as possible. They will be glad, after all, it comes
to this—that England, merely out of international
courtesy, puts iu an appearance, and leaves Italian
affairs to be settled by those more immediately con-
cerned. The doctrine of non-interference, they will
say, to be possible, must be complete. It is impos-
sible that a country which sets out by saying that
in no possible case will it interfere forcibly in Italian
affairs can have the influence of those who are always
ready to march an army into the plain of the Po ;
and conversely, if England assumes it as necessary
to her position that she should have a hand in
regulating Italian destiny, it is certain that a time
will come when she will be tempted to enforce her
logic by a movement of the Mediterranean squadron,
or, perhaps, the despatch of a few thousand troops.
But these aruments, though reasonable enough,
prove too much. They bring us to a conclusion
which finds favour with many sensible men—that
we should not join the Congress at all. If we have
nothing to do with Italy, and if the policy which the
nation enforced on its Government a few months
since be the true one, no Plenipotentiary of England
should sit in this Council of European diplomatists.
As they fought without us, and made peace without
us, so let them make up without us the quarrels be-
tween petty despots and their subjects. We own
that this is a view which we have been much inclined
to take, but it has not been a view which our Govern-
ment, after communications with the various Euro-
pean Powers, has felt willing to acquiesce in. Out of
regard to the solicitations of France and the tradi-
tions which link together the community of States,
the British Government has agreed to join the Con-
gress, and so there is an end of the question whether
we should send a Plenipotentiary at all. What re-
mains now is to determine whether, since we are to be
represented, we shall be represented efficiently. It
certainly seems plain that, having once made up its
mind to take part in the affairs of Italy, the English
nation should send the best man it can find, and
endeavour to make its influence as much as pos-
sible
felt. This, we think, Lord Palmerston would
have done, and, whatever respect we may have for
Lord Cowley as a diplomatist, it seems to us that
he does not possess the weight which an old and
tried Foreign Minister of this country would have
in the councils of men of less age, genius, and ex-

pericnce.
Nothing now remains but to hope that the British
Ambassador will successfully exercise his temporary
functions to the honour of kis own country, and the

profit of the unhappy race which is now struggling
against its oppressors. Of the prospects of the Con•
gress we do not preteud to know anything. It is
probable that the crowned heads themselves know
but little. That the influence of England has been

exerted to secure the independence of the Central
Italians in the choice of their rulers is no secret;

and it may be that the French So7ereigu would not
be displeased to see the arrangements of Villafranca
overruled by au international assembly which should
take from him the responsibility of ratifying the
dethronement of the Dukes and the disruption of
the Pope's dominions. It may be, however, that
the Emperor will show himself a better son of the

Church and stancher partisan of order than the
clergy and the Legitimists believe, and that he will
fight the battle of the late Sovereigns in a spirit
worthy the applause of Austria. Nor is it possible
to say beforehand with what temper the Plenipo-
tentiaries of Russia and Prussia will treat the affairs

of Italy. These Governments, particularly the
former, are, of course, adverso to such displays of