The Sun.
London, England, 1859-08-31 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDIN Y EVENING? AUGUST 31, 1859,

readily this land—this ancient cradle of all the
sciences and arts—will assimilate the conditions of
material grandeur peculiar to the most advanced
nations ! We see that the Sardinian states (not in-
cluding Lombardy), with a population barely num-
bering more than half that of the kingdom of Naples,
(5,195,000 inhabitants, against 9,200,000), does
nearly five times as much trade as the latter. We
see, too, that it is Sardinia which in 12 years has
accomplished the most rapid increase in exports and
im ports.

Doubtless the system of political and commercial
liberty which it has so resolutely carried out has
had not a little to do with this advance. The Papal
States have made a little peogress too, due, we be-
lieve, to some encouragement given by the present
Pope to the growth of timber ; but see how the
Roman State, with its 3,125,000 inhabitants, lags in
the rear of Tuscany, whose active and intelligent
population, even including Parma and Modena,
does not exceed 2,425,000 souls.

THE ITALIAN DUCHIES.

(From the Times.)

The French Press is entirely free. The Parisian
newspapers are completely independent of all offi-
cial control. M. de Morny testifies to this, and to
doubt the fact would be, as he says, to doubt his
heart and honour. We hope, however, that we may
without offence believe that the Constitutionnel
would not put forward the article we so gladly re-
produce to-day unless the conductors of that paper
were quite certain that it would not be displeasing
to the Emperor or disavowed by his Ministers.
Assuming, then, that the Constitutionnel is correct
in its announcement, Italy is free, and the work
which the French Emperor undertook to do is, with
some modifiactions, consummated. Europe has not
yet seen the text of the Villafranca Treaty. All
speculation respecting the future has been disturbed
by uncertainty.low far the understanding as to the
Duchies extended ; whether the proposed restora-
tion was an absolute guarantee, or only an under-
taking to preserve an attitude of permissive neu-
trality. We never knew how far Austria had
prevailed, or how far the Emperor of the French
had committed himself. It is only now that we
fur the first time read the extent of the obligations
contracted by the French Emperor. At Villa-
franca he" agreed" to the restoration of the former
reigning Princes. This phrase does not mean, as
some readers might incorrectly imagine, that he
had undertaken that the Princes should be re-
stored, but merely that he submitted to recognise
without opposition the fact of their restoration
whenever that event should happen. It does not
pledge him to march armies into the Duchies in
order to control the will of the sovereign people,
for that would be to act contrary to the principle
which he has adopted as the foundation of his own
throne. It does not commit him to allow Austria
to go forth in arms to do what she has stipulated
for, even in her moment of defeat, as the condition
of peace ; for that would be to cast away the
object for which France went to war—namely, to
destroy the Austrian habit of interfering in the
affiirs of Italy. The stipulation which Francis
Joseph pressed so earnestly at Villafranca meant
no more than this—that Napoleon 111. should
use his best peaceable rhetoric to induce the
Italians of their own free will to take back the
Sovereigns they had expelled. It is pleasant to
know that our powerful ally basso much confidence
in the power of reason and of good advice. It is
excellent to contemplate these two Emperors un-
buckling their swords, and tossing them far away
from them, and then sitting down to settle all mat-
ters upon strictly moral principles. Those swords
once thrown aside, the Emperors no longer had any
attention for the details of coarse physical force ;
nothing but the rules of logic and persuasion had
any attraction for them. The French Emperor
would persuade the populations to receive back
their Sovereigns; the Austrian Emperor would
persuade the Sovereigns to grant the populations
amnesties and charters. We hope that Francis
Joseph understood the basis of this treaty to rest
strictly upon moral grounds, and that he is content
with the manner in which it is being worked out.
But whatever Francis Joseph may have under-
stood or may desire, it is quite clear now that Aus-
tria must look d, and either swallow her vexation
or vent it only in words. She must not move a
corporal's guard against these little saucy Duchies.
The Emperor of the French is using his most per-
suasive arguments,—he has not yet given up all
hope of success; in order that his persuasions may
have the greater moral weight, he disseminates his
promise that under no circumstances shall force be
used ; h •lly to the end his disinte-
restea • e grieved if his wise and

towed. But if they won't,
be done ? N)thing, as Na-
to turn round to the Dukes,
and say,—" You see, my
,hese poor people will not
,seph may say,—" Leave
-no mouth, and I'll carry
, however, would be :,ace;
ration of Austria in the
tieninsula has ceased for
.r fort:esses, but opposite

_les the French eagle.

Man. s .er fortress to France. 'the
intervening • of Lombardy and Piedmont
are but inter i - a as buffers to relieve what M.
de Moray calls the Austrian pressure upon France.
Austria must be regarding the proceedings of the
Duchies with much the sort of feeling wherewith
a hungry grimalkin may watch the motions of a
little company of
,white mice sporting and playing
under the protection of that grimalkin's master.
It is impossible to help feeling that it is rather
hard upon Austria. Cats and spiders have their
instincts as well as mice and flies. Of course, the
French Emperor is quite right according to all the
moralities. It would have been a great crime to
oraliLes.
coerce the Duchies to take back their Princes, and
Austria ought to have known, indeed, must have
known—that it could never be in the mind of
Napoleon 111. to commit a crime against the sove-
reignty of the people? But, notwithstanding this,
a suspicion cannot be kept out of the minds of some
indifferent observers that the Austrian idea of re-
storing the Sovereigns was something rather diffe-
rent from taking the votes of three hostile little
States, and allowing their universal suffrage to
decide the destinies of three Austrian dependencies.
We might perhaps wish that the French Emperor
had withstood altogether the stipulation in the
Treaty of Villafranca, but we cannot but rejoice at
the result. Whatever Austria may now think of
the matter, we are convinced that this end is the
best for all parties. Austria will be stronger in
her concrattration, and Italy will be happier in her
freedom. The Duchies may still have to fight for
their independence, for the Emperors have not
undertaken to keep the peace among the Italian
Powers. There are many mercenaries ready for
service, and one of the Dukes is said to have a
reSpectable force in his pay. It is just upon the
cards, also, that whenever such a force might be
brought to bear it might be discovered that the
exiled Sovereigns are not without a party in their
own States. This, however, will be a very cheap
struggle for independence. If the army of Central
Italy cannot hold its own against a few bands of
mercenaries, we had better forget the name of Italy
even as a geographical expression.
Under the protection of this Imperial promise
the course of Central Italy to freedom and prospe-
rity seems safe and sure. A little firmness to repel
the not too formidable or too earnestly-directed
blandishments of Prince Poniatowski, a resolute
ingratitude towards their liberator, whose tender
heart will be wounded by their obstinacy, but will
perhaps be healed again by their acclamations, and
:he names of the deposed dynasties will be heard
no more in Italy. The next step is already resolved
upon. They have unanimously desired to weld
themselves into one kingdom whereof Victor Em-
manuel shall be the first sovereign. We eannat
conceive that, if all chance for Prince Napoleon be
put out of the question, the French Emperor can
have any hearty objection to such •in amalgamation.
This work of the restoration of Italy will be, if it
shall endure, the principal glory of his reign. He
will naturally desire that it should be as marked a
success, and give as visible a monument to posterity,
as possible. Piedmont, with twenty more Duchies
amalgamated with it, could offer no object of
jealousy or distrust to France. It is not compre-
hensible, therefore, that any stronger sentiment
than diplomatic delicacy can induce him to put
pressure upon the King of Sardinia to refuse the
territory now proffered to him. Moreover, we now
know that this pressure will be entirely of an argu-
mentative and diplomatic character. Vlt 'seems to
us, theta:kr°, as matters now stand, that Victor
Emmanuel cannot refuse the offer of the Duchies.
It would, p, rhaps, not be prudent definitively to
accept it. Perhaps it would he more wise to assume
the Government provisionally, and thus preserve
order, prevent further revolution, and keep out
other candidates until the new order of things is
consolidated. That, unless sonic very rash or very
mad course of conduct should occur to mar the
prospect, the unity of Italy is now secure. We
will add that the Emperor has a right to say—
"To me Italy owes her independence."

On the Great Western Railway of Canada, a
statenient of traffic receipts by passenger and goofs trains
gives the following results :—Week ending August 12,
1359, £5,904 7s. 3d.; ditto, Aug. 13, 1858, £6,644 12s. sd. ;
decrease, £740 ss. 2d. Aggregate gross receipts from the
commencement of the current half-year to date, two weeks,
£11,507 17s. 2d.; ditto, for the corresponding period last
year, £12,342 Es. 2d. ; decrease, £834 lls.
A COURT OF LAW.—Surgeon : "I found plaintiff
had a severe contusion under the left eye, great extravasa-
tion of blood underneath it, with some abrasion of the skin."
Judge : " You mean that he had a black eye `t" Surgeon :
"Yee." Judge ; " Welleyehy didn't you say so ?"