The Sun.
London, England, 1832-02-03 00:00:00

Cabinet—if darkly, he must come down and raise
the standard in Yorkshire ;tor that I believe is hi,

calf country." He also observes, " If there were
a war either at home or abroad, the army woulc

expect to see Hardinge as far forward as any
body but the Duke." So this " buttoned-up,"
" fiery-eyed," " solid-jawed" " card" of Black-
reood was in fine feather last night.

" As I am called upon (be said) t;-; 'name, I may alludt
to the fact that Cabinet 'Ministers have, in their corre-

spontience with Political Unions and interchange of cour
tesies with them, even •untured to designate the discussioi
of the House of Lurtls as the whisper of a faction,—(Tre-
mentions cheering from the Opposition.) I apply again to
what was said by the Noble Lord, -anti tvhen I find him

resting his chief argument on the opinions of the people
oat of doors, I think I am justified in concluding that, in
a great degree, his motion is brought forward because out
of doors all opposition to the Bill is denounced by certain
bodies, and because the fruit of these opinions tr.-evails.—
(Cheers.) The Noble Lord tells me, esal he repels with
indignation something that has Ellen from me. Ido no'

understand him—but if means to say that he repel
with indignation anything advanced as a fact or epinion by
see, I receive ibis with quite as much indignation as he
expresses, and I am perfectly ready to meet it in any way
the Noble Lord chooses.—(Tremendons cheering from the
Opposition, and cries of Order,' from the Treasury
Benches"

This will not do, Sir Henry., " I am perfectly
ready to meet it in any way the Noble Lord
chooses." If we were not certain that Sir Henry
was a very brave man, we should have our doubts
after this language. Every one knows what a
menace in the House of Commons means. In
the first place, the tone is not suited to a legisla-
tive assembly ; in the next place, every man
knows that nothing comes of threats in public.
We trust that Sir Henry will not allow himself
to be led away by writers like those in Rock-
wood, so far as to think that by stfch ill-timed
exhibitions he adds to his reputation. Sir
George Murray never forgets himself in this
way. Let Sir Henry take a lesson from one
who, in his own profession, is inferior to no
one, and who, never since he entered Parlia-

inent, attempted a tone of' menace to any one.—
Morning Chronicle,
The metropolis, and, as we are well unformed,
the whole country, are greatly disturbed at the
present prospects of the Ministerial measure of
Reform. Twelve months have now nearly
elapsed since the first introduction of the English
Bill. Its success in the House of Commons was
considered a certain passport to its safe journey
through the House of Lords Spiritual and
Temporal. The astounding and almost unani-
mous expression of public opinion in all parts of
the empire, and the return of representatives of
the popular interest in every county, city, and
borough where a semblance of freedom of elec.
tion existed, impressed the Government and all
ranks of the Reformers with the confident expec-
tation of an early and satisfactory settlement of
the great vital question. The woeful disappoint.
ment of the hopes of the nation, by the infatuated
blindness of the Peers to the " signs of the
times," haunts the people, and, with the present
critical state of parties, is creating a real revo-
lution in their minds. From the moment the
majority of forty-one of' the hereditary Legis-
lators recorded their determination to oppose all
Reform, it became palpable that the British
Constitution afforded but one mode of avoiding
the horrors of a civil contest—Mat mode was an
early and full creation of Peers, to restore the
equilibrium of the three estates of King, Lords,
and Commons, and to rescue the refractory
branch of the Legislature from suicidal destruc-
tion. Desperate diseases require desperate re-
medies, and the Royal Prerogative, in this
situation of imminent political danger, was the
constitutional practice and the only choice
of evils. Moreover, every man of political
honesty and common sense discerned in the
state of the Upper House the causes of
early revolution, unless it could be moulded to
some conformity with the enlightened character of
the Commons of the empire and an amended
popular representation. From such an aristo-
cratical senate as the Peers, saturated with olden
prejudices, and jealously apprehensive of the
liberal spirit of the nineteenth century, none of
the ends of the Reform Bills could ever be ob-
tained, if those measures even ultimately passed
the present House. That Legislature must be
purified from the Pitt and Liverpool leaven
by the addition of new blood ; it must either
be popularised by a copious addition of
new Peers, or its ultimate and total extinc-
tion as a branch of the Legislature be-
comes inevitable. " Hobson's choice" is be-
fore the Lords Spiritual and Temporal. The
Commonwealth times, which are always so art-
fully and falsely cited against the present Re-
formers, are a type of the certain consequences
which would infallibly follow the inability of this
Administration to amend the representation.
The people of England in the seventeenth cen-
tury were by no means disaffected to their form
of Government before the year 1640. The
practical redress of grievances—of the then state
of the representation especially—was their origi-
nal and sincere opposition to the tyranny of the
Stuarts and the Tories. The jorni of Govern-
ment opposed itself to the spirit of the age :
disaffection to it and dissolution rapidly fol-
lowed ; a sweeping and unforeseen torrent de-
vastated the face of society, and laid waste the
institutions of ages ; the thunder of public opi-
nion suddenly gathered with terrific and unex-
pected power, and, with the lightning of demo-
cratic destruction, burst over the heads of the
unhappy and devoted members of the Aris-
tocracy. Thus it is that the interested
and born-blind members of privileged classes
rush down the precipices of political de-
struction. Thus the enlightened and intel-
ligent friends of good Government long pre-
dicted the results of refusing all Reform of
the Irish Church ; the consequences are upon
the heads of those who were interested (as they
thought) in opposing the semblance of Refor-
mation. By insane endeavours to preserve
tithes untouched, the Hierarchs will lose all, and
play the game of their bitterest enemies. When
Turbot was sacrificed bythe French Aristocracy
how little did his base persecutors dream that,
they were erecting he guillotine, and concerting
the confiscations of the future awful revolution !
Thus are the Tory nobility harked on by a gang
of desperate and dependent ex-placemen, and a
long train of servile followers and slaves, hurry-
ing to the brink of destruction. If they suc-
ceeded in upsetting the present Ministry who
could safely usurp their places ? Is there one
public man among the Lltra-Tories, or in the
moderate or juste-milieu parties of this country,
who could form or maintain a decent At:minis-
tration for six consecutive months ? Could they,
in the present House of Commons, or by means
of a desperate dissolution of Parliament, carry
on the Government ? Could they agree, or
carry a quarter, a half, or two-third Reform
measure ? And if they could, would it be hu-
manly possible for any Minister or set of men, or
coalition of parties, to juggle the people from
immediately acquiring more than the present
measure of Reform ? Any Member of this