The Sun.
London, England, 1832-09-05 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We observe in the French papers of Sunday,
which arrived yesterday, a very extraordin try
ukase of the military Governor of the Polish
province of Wilna, Prince Dolgoroucki, forbid-

ling all political discussion within the range of
'iis jurisdiction,—ordering the inferior authorities
who may detect the inhabitants in such contra-
band amusements to denounce them,—and
threatening the culprits, on their conviction, with
the knout, imprisonment, and Siberia. This
ukase is dated the I6th of June last, and no
doubt is entertained of its authenticity. It may
be taken at once as an admirable specimen of the
paternal kindness of the Czar to his Polish sub-
jects,—a striking proof of the gratitude with
which they repay his indulgence,—and an irn
resistible evidence of the admiration and satis-
faction with which the acts of his Government
ire uniformly welcomed! These acts are too
)verpoweringly just and good for crititism, and
therefore Prince Dolgoroucki commaods the
Poles, under the penalty of imprisonment or ex-
ile, to receive them without a murmur or air
observation. This " expressive silence" which
is ordered to " muse the praise" of the Emperor,
—this ukase against the use of the Polish
tongue on state affairs,—reminds us of some of the
proclamations of James I. against free-speaking,
which happily our " divine right" monarch
could not enforce, like Nicholas 1., by the ban-
ishment of transgressors to the wilds of Siberia.
The press is prohibited in every part of Poland
and Russia from uttering a single accent of free-
dom. Except as it furnishes a readier mode of
publishing the ukases of the Czar, and the man-
dates of his provincial representatives, this great
instrument of human improvement—this inOnense
engine of knowledge and power—this glory of
modern times—might, for the 60,000,000 o
people under the Russian sceptre, have remained
uninvested. Neither is there any substitute for
its use provided in the means of free oral dis-
cussion in legislative assemblies, or at public
meetings. All is dark and stagnant in the re-
gion of Russian politics, like the waters of the
Dead Sea. But private conversation has hi-
therto remained comparatively free in Poland.
No open rewards were held out for denouncing
the fire-side and the social parlour—no interdict
was issued against family talk—no Siberia was
threatened to the obstinate communication of
private opinion. This additional restraint
has now been imposed, this new de-
cree against the expression of thought
realized. The only way, therefore, in
which the Poles can show themselves

good subjects of Russia is to become more sub-
missive slaves than the Russians themselves—to
forswear their mother tongue, and to forget their
ancient rights,—to hug their chains without
making them rattle,—and to welcome the knout,
or to go to Siberia without a remonstrance, when-
ever it suits the caprice of their barbarous
masters. As a proper sequel to this infamous
ukase, we find another decree, under the same name,
forbidding the use of the Polish language in all
the tribunals of Lithuania, Volhynia, Podolia,
the Ukraine,—provinces comprising the greater
part of the ancient kingdom of Poland. Is this
conformable to the article of the treaty of Vienna„,
which stipulated for all the Poles,—not only for
the kingdom of Poland, we say, but for all the
Poles,—whether under the sceptres of the three
partitioning despots, or to be formed into a se-
parate kingdom,—the maintenance of " the',
national institutions ?" The gratuitous insults
which this barbarian of the North heaps upon
Europe, and the Powers which settled European
affairs after the peace in 1814 and 1815, are
even more signal than his breace of engagements,
and his revolting oppressions. Are they to be
always tamely endured ? And are we to permit
him not only " to deal as he pleases," with what,
in the Newcastle style, he calls " his own," but
likewise to dictate in the affairs of Southern
Europe ?—Times.
What sort of morality a Government vac-.
tises whose chief art of statesmanship consits in
the continuance of mock plots, and the studied
incitement of popular disturbances, in order to
be furnished with pretexts for arming itself with
the terrors of energies beyond the law, we leave
to writers on political ethics to determine, but
certain we are that such a Government is more
distinguished for Machiavellian artifice than
wisdom. The latter quality can make a small
State great-and flourishing ; the former can only
aggrandize a Prince at the expense of the humi-
liation and misery of his people ; and, often
while it seems to strengthen the hands of power,
it only prepares the way to its destruction. It
is a remarkable circumstance that since the ac-
cession of the " Citizen King" of the French
to the throne from which public indignation
hurled his tyrannical predecessor, there have been
more plots, disturbances, and oneutes, in Paris,
and throughout France, than during many years
before. In almost all those plots and commo-
tions blood has been shed—in some instances a
great deal—while, in almost all of them that
have occurred, in Paris, at least, the origin
of these civil calamities has been traced to the
agency of the Police. The question
then arises, Can the Ministers of Louis
Philip, and can Louis Philip himself, be igno-
rant of the guilty participation which the Police
have in those matters ? If so, what can be
more weak or imbecile than such a Govern-
ment ? If not, what can be more wicked ? We
have remarked upon the iniquity and op-
pression of trying the responsible Editor and
Printer of the National upon a capital charge,
for alleged libels upon the Government. This
was an experiment to crush the Press com-
pletely, by confounding what, in the worst sense
of it, could only be called a seditious publica-
tion with high treason. But the Government
—the liberal and revolutionary Government—
was desirous of fixing upon the Press—upon
that portion of the Press, at least, which was
chiefly instrumental in raising it into power—
the charge of having produced the Parisian in-
surrection of the sth and 6th of June. The
Government, with that short-sighted cunning
which makes infatuated men carry bad projects
too far, has, by this very prosecution against the
Editor and Printer of the National, and another
prosecution against the Editor of the Cor-
saire, given an opportunity to the public of
more clearly understanding the origin and
cause of the sanguinary movements of
the sth and 6th of .Tune than they ever did be-
fore. It was originally stated by the Government
Papers and the authorities that those disturbances
were the result of a conspiracy in which the two
political extremes—the Republicans and Car-
lists— were implicated. On the trials of the
prisoners, whether they took place before the
illegal military tribunals, or before the regular
Courts of Justice, which were soon re-established
upon the overthrow of the '' reign of tel ror,"
proof whatever could be adduced of such a con-
spiracy. As to the Carlists, though a colour
was given to the accusation by arresting some of
their leaders, the result showed that there w3s

not a shadow of a pretence for charging them with
a guilty knowledge of the Parisian disturbances
in question. As to the Republicans or Con-
stitutionalists, or whatever they were who fought
against the troops, they appeared to have en-
g,ged in the conflict merely upon the " spur of
t occasion," and because of provocation given
them by men whose duty it was to protect the
peace, and not to commit aggression upon an
unoffending multitude, though guilty of the
crime of attending the remains of a distinguished
soldier and patriot of France to the grave. The
trials of the Journalists have, as we observed,
thrown more light upon the cause of the
:sudden explosion at the funeral of Ge-
neral Lamarque than it had received from
any previous circumstance. The celebrated
declaration or protest of the Densities against
the principles which guided the Government of
Louis Philip, was then in process of signature,
and General Lamarque had signed it with his
dying hand. The sensation which thin docu-
ment, so respectably signed, was producing in
France, foreboded a storm in the ensuing Ses-
sion of the Chambers, under which it was ap-
prehended that the Ministers must retire, and a
spirit more worthy of the cause for which the
people had bled when they overthrew the abso-
lute throne of Charles X. be infused into the
Government of Louis Philip, which for a long
time past had been fashioned too much after the
taste of the Holy Alliance. Instead of remov-
ing the grievances of which the patriotic Depu-
ties and the people complained, it was thought
an easier thing to crush the Opposition by a
clever coup d'etat, anti the funeral of Lamarque
seemed to offer a favourable opportunity. Who
the concocters of the plot were we have no
means of knowing. We would fain persuade
ourselves that the King and his Ministers were
made the dupes of some of those bad men who
are always found ready to deceive weak and
incapable Governments for their own selfish
purposes, and who, with truly satanic adroit-
ness, first contrive the guilt, and then be-
come the instruments of executing venge-
ance on the victims of their artifice. Certain
it is, that, whoever concocted the plot, the
Police, with Vidocq, the pardoned convict, at
their head, were described by several witnesses
as having acted in such a manner as does not
seem reconcilable with any other supposition ,
than a preconcerted plan to create a disturbance,
which would have the effect of imputing the
blame of the most guilty designs to the oppo-
nents of the system of Administration, and
thereby detach from them all persons adverse to
violent proceedings. Why else was Vidocq and
others of the Police in smock-frocks among the
crowd ?—why else, as it was given in evidence,
were Police-agents " armed and disguised in
the rue de la Vielle Draperie, where they fired
upon an inoffensive group ?"—why else was the
safety brigade so undi,tinguishable by those who
were not in the secret from the insurgents, that a
company of the 42d regiment actually levelled
their pieces at them, and were only prevented
from firing by their crying out, " Don't fire—
don't fire ; it is we." Even a Captain of the
National Guard deposed, that a man whom be
had sent out on a reconnoisance, came back
and told him that they had been near firing on
the safety brigade, whom they mistook for in-
surgents ; and Sauvage, a dismissed Police-
agent, swore to the fact of a bayonet wound hav-
ing been given by a Police-agent, and that the
agents were disguised. It appears also that dis-
guised Police-agents cried " \rive la Repub-
lique !" "Down with Louis Philip !" This
may explain the mysterious circumstance of the
display of the bonnet rouge. If those things
were done without the knowledge of the Govern-
ment, the Police-agents who composed the
" safety brigade," and who were so disguised,
ought to he put on their trial for creating sedi-
tion ; or, at all events, should not be allowed
any longer to hold an office which they have so
grossly abused. Deeply is the character of the
Government compromised in the eyes of the
people by such disgraceful transactions. Whe-
ther concocted by men in high station, or by
underlings of authority, if allowed to go un-
punished by the Government, it is not possible
to make public opinion acquit the Government
of the guilt of the blood which has been shed,
of the substitution of martial law for the ordinary
Courts of Justice, and the other calamitous con-
sequences which such proceedings brought upon
the country. Louis Philip must choose between
public opinion and arbitrary power—that is,
between moral and physical force. The tune is
coming when he will see it impossible to profess
the principles of a patriot King and rule by the
policy of a Metternich.—Morning Herald.

We observe that there exists in most of the
towns in Scotland, a still morn decided feeling,
if possible, in favour of the Irish, in their present
contest with the Established Church, than in
England. On Tuesday week, Mr. Ferguson,
of Raid), the popular Candidate for the repre-
sentation of the Kirkaldy district of burghs, met
the Electors of Dysart. Mr. Ferguson having
been sharply catechised on the subject of the
Corn Laws and the imposition of a Property
Tax (which, he was of opinion, could not too
speedily he adopted), Mr. Andrew Gray, jun.
who put the question respecting the Property Tax,
then stated—
" That he had still another question to put, and, as it •
was MC which considerably agitated the public mind, anti
which the state of In land would soon bring before a Re-
ftsrmed Parliament, he hoped that Mr. Ferguson would
shortly at ate his views upon it. The question was, that
which respected the equity of taxing a whole nation for
the support of one particular religious system. Does
net Mr. Ferguson,' asked Mr. Gray, consider that ever
religious party ought to be left to the support of its own
adherents?' Mr. Ferguson answered by saying, that with
respect to Ireland something great must be done, and that
speedily. He considered ft unjust to force a Catholic
population to uphold a Protestant Church, but was not
prepared to say what ought to be done with the Church
revenues. Probably they ought to be applied to educa•
tional put poses. With respect to England, he was con-
vinced that the Church Establishment must also undergo
some great change. With respect to what he called the
simple Church Establishment of Scotland, Mr. Ferguson
spoke rather unintelligibly. Mr. Gray, however, who
seemed determined not to be put off by mystification, soli-
cited Mr. Ferguson's attention to the important fact, that
throughout the whole nation, Dissenters constituted by
tar the majority of the population ; but, even supposing it
to be otherwise, he protested against the injustice of com-
pelling even one individual to pay for the support of a religious
system of which he disapproved, and from which he de-
rived no benefit. Let every man,' said Mr. Gray, ' have
what religious system he pleases ; let him have Bishops
and Archbishops, and even a Pope, if he will, but let not
me to compelled to pay for thein.—(Lout! cheering.)' Mr.
Gray was succeeded by another of the electors, who
strongly advocated the same views. ' The question to he
settled,' said this speaker, ' is not, as Mr. Ferguson seemed
to suppose, whether or not Dissenters ought to be relieve.i
from the burden of supporting their t sun religion. This
they comitler to he no burden. From this they neither
se;sls nor ask to have any relief. But the question is,
whether or not they ought to he compelled to support the
religion of others. This they ronsi ler, and ju-tly consi-
d,r, to he gross intolerance and oppression. Mr. Fergu-
son explained, that in principle lie was entirely hostile to
church establietments, but he scarcely thought the time
yet arrived for proposing their entire abolition."
The clergy have always had an instinctive
dread of popular suffrage, and the discussion to

which it leads ; and we are much mistaken if the
result do not prove that they had some cause for
their dread. Scotland has never yet had her
feelings and opinions represented in the British
Parliament, but she will now pay up her arrears.
The spirit of Mr. Gray is the Scotch spirit with
regard to the Church of England ; and whoever
wishes that Church to exalt her mitred front, it
will not be the natives of the northern division
of the island. Whether the clergy *ill benefit
themselves, now that Reform has been obtained,
by such exertions as those described by an ex-
cellent correspondent in another column, which
they are now making to throw out Mr. Western
in the northern division of Essex, in order to
supply his place by Mr. Alexander Baring, who
is now (proh pudor !) the great champion of
the corn laws, but who is only consistent in one
thing—attention to the breeches pocket—we will.
not pretend to say. Now, however, that the
battle has been won !n spite of the clergy, we
are inclined to think that they should imitate
the policy of that wise beast—the elephant ; who,
after a beating, never can be induced to measure
his strength again with his victorious antagonist.
—Morning Chronicle.

The intelligent portion of the public do not
now require to be informed that the continuance
in office or the present Ministry is identical with
the progress of revolution. Earl Grey being
still Minister, anarchy marches, as nOnaparte
would say, " at the changing step." The un-
happy Earl does not indeed purpose all the
mischief which he occasions, or intend to en•
courage Jacobinism further than is necessary to
keep himself and family in their snug places ;
but he does not perceive, from sheer want of
capacity, that to encourage it at all, at the present
juncture, greatly increases its pov;er, and throws
into fearful jeopardy ail that is valuable in the
institutions of the country. With that quick
and decisive perception Ns hich has so often dis-
tinguished the Princes of his illustrious house,
William IV. long since danounced the Political
Unions as incompatible with legitimate go-
vernment, but the Minister shrunk from the
duty of extinguishing them. The consequence
is that the Unions have gathered strength, and
now exist in oven rivalry of the kingly autho-
rity. We presume that Earl Grey y wdl ulti-
mately tender his versatile allegiance to the party
which he thinks the strongest, but we beg to
suggest the importance of a prompt decision, as
two Governments in one country are a great
hindrance to honest men in the pursuit of their
lawful avocations. We have been led to make
these remarks by observing the report of a meet-
ing recently held at Birmingham, at which
Messrs. Attwood and Cobbett promulgated, for
the edification of the public, their rival schemes
for the relief of the national distress. The meet-
ing we take to he a fair sample of such a Par-
liament as their Birmingham Majesties would
,u,nmon, and the question discussed may be
deemed an apt specimen of Reform Legis-
lation. The simple point in debate was,
whether the best mode of national relief
would be a forced paper currency, cr a
sudden reduction of one-half in all money obli-
gations throughout the country. Mr. Attwood
recommended the former project, that of a
forced issue of paper ; and Mr. Cobbett sup-
ported the latter scheme, which just amounts to
this, that no man should be obliged to pay his
creditor more than ten shillings in the pound.
The Meeting took it for granted, in the true
Jacobin style, that one or the other mutt be
adopted, and there was a majority in favour of
Mr. Attwood's plan. Each projector of course
threatened the community with the total de-
struction of law, order, and property, by
means of revolutionary violence, if his par-
ticular specific were not adopted. Without
stopping at present to discuss the main question
we shall take the liberty of making two or three
general remarks on the subject of this Meeting.
‘Ve remark, first, that the existence of such a
Meeting at the present time appears to us at
once a consequence and a proof of the miserable
imbecility of the present Government. Why
was Parliament dismissed without settling the
currency and the Bank Charter ? Because
Ministers had no principles to guida them, and
Ito plan ready upon which they were prepared
to act. But to he unprepared upon a subject
which has been debated daily for twenty years,
surely proves them to be utterly incompetent to
the duties of their stations. It is peculiarly the
business of a Government possessing the confi-
dence of the community to lead public opinion
upon such a question, involving as it does the
principles and the details of all the pecuniary
transactions of the first mercantile nation in the
world. But Ministers were unable to form even
an opinion of their own, and, after collecting
information under the seal of confidence, they
violate that confidence, and leave the most diffi-
cult and complex of questions to be debated and
decided upon by those unconstitutional Unions
upon which they depend for every hour's con-
tinuance in office. This is mob Government
with a vengeance, and we submit that, if we are
to be governed by a mob, the Ministers should
be dismissed, and the mob should receive their
salaries. We remark further, that any inter-
meddling with the currency under the present
incompetent Administration would inevitably
lead to the extreme horrors of Jacobin spolia-
tion. A forced paper currency, Earl Grey being
Minister, would be an issue of assignats to all
intents and purposes. Twenty millions of Bank
notes issued by him would be just worth the paper
they were printed on, and hardly that. A thousand
per cent, would not measure their depreciation in
single week . The operation would be perfectly •
useless, unless followed up, as in France, by a
law compelling traders to part with their goods
for notes at a maximum price ; and this law
could only be executed under terror of the guil-
lotine. It remains to be seen whether the
Neckar of the English Revolution will consent
to be its Robespierre too. But he should have
anticipated all these things before he consented
to take office from Jacobin hands. We warned
him long since. Our conclusion is, that all par-
ties who really wish well to the country should
unite their efforts to form a truly Conservative
Government, upon which public confidencg
could repose. It is only by such a Government
that the great and vital question of the currency
can be fairly discussed and satisfactorily settled.
The present Administration exists in open defi-
ance of the intelligence and property of the
country, by attaching itself to a party whose
only measures of finance are rapine and spolia-
tion. A paper currency can only exist as the
result of public confidence, the, confidence of
die holders of property. The Whigs, more-
over, are pledged against the consideration
of a return to paper ; they are bullionists
or nothing. If Mr. Attwood and his Union-
ists had any consistency, they would vote ex-
clusively at the next election lot strong Con-
servative candidates ; for it is only by Con-
servative men that the Currency Bill stands any
chance of being revised, or that its apparent se-

verity could be in any degree mitigated without
demolishing the whole credit of the country.
We are astonished that a man of Mr. Attwood's
general intelligence should not be aware of this.
We protest against the supposition, that be-
cause a paper currency under the manage-
ment of a Government essentially con-
servatit7e afforded the country many com-
mercial and financial facilities, there-
fore such a currency under a Government of an
opposite description would do the same. The
truth is, that it is not paper currency so much as
credit and confidence that the country wants ;
and these cannot be expected to return without a
decided change of system. Political agitation
must be put down, and confidence must he re-
stored by the formation of a competent Go-
vernment ; and these things must, in the
, nature of things, precede all useful anti practical
discussions upon currency and finance. That
confidence which is the very element of com-
mercial life, and of which a healthful and secure
paper currency is the offspring, not the parent,
cannot be created by Acts of Parliament ; it is
the slow growth of enlightened opinion, and
the just reward of a firm and equitable Govern-
ment. England possessed it once, when we
need not say ; and the world wondered at her
unrivalled progress in all that could impart wealth
and freedom to an empire. It exists not now ;
and hence the unmitigated and almost intolerable
distress of the country. We therefore call upon
all honest men, of every party, not excepting the
Radicals themselves, to forget past animosities,
and unite with us in procuring the establishment
of such aGovernment as would seek the well-
being of all classes, by supporting instead of de-
stroying those sacred and venerable institutions,
which are essentially and unalterably identified
with the national prosperity.—Morning Post.
'I he Paris papers are again especially barren
of intelligence of any domestic interest ; but they
supply us, nevertheless, with a highly-interesting
article of foreign news—we mean the address of
the Hanoverian States, or, in other words, their
Protest against the Frankfort decree. Such a
document we have never before had under our
observation ; nor did Majesty ever receive such
a castigation as that which the states of Ha-
nover have inflicted on their illustrious Sove-
reign. The Frankfort edict is taken to pieces
without mercy, but with an apparent mildness
of submission which adds tenfold bitterness to
its satire. The states declare themselves "to be
aware of the necessity of union throughout Ger,
many, and of the strict execution of the finida-
mental laws of the Confederation for the pre-
servation of security at home and abroad ;" but
then, mark this—" they are convinced that the
object can only be attained by preserving the
independence and inviolability of the different
states of the Confederation, which are also gua-
ranteed by the fundamental compact !" In other
words, the Diet has, by its decree, been endea-
vouring to infringe upon the inviolability of in-
ternal 11-eedom, and the States of Hanover are
nct inclined to submit to such ii&ingement. Fur-
ther on the following diatribe against the King
of Hanover is fulminated with very little care
as to who may be offended by it. " The re•
presentative constitutions," says the document,
most justly, " are guaranteed by the funda-
mental laws of the COnfederation from all
changes, except such as have been effected by
constitutional means ; and as the States submit
voluntarily to what the fundamental laws dwer-
mined in regard to their right, so they reckon
on the justice of their illustrious Sovereign for
the maintenance of that principle in its full
tenour !" This is a tolerable hint : but more
matter of the same stamp follows immediately.
" The Legislature of every country," says it,
" should have due regard to the decrees of the
most illustrious Diet, when coVfined to their
proper limits ; but the States of Hanover must
declare that the Diet cannot hinder his Majesty
from confiding the interior affairs of the king-
dom to them." In other words, the Diet is
declared by the States of Hanover to have no
right to interfere with their internal concerns,
and has greatly exceeded the limits of its au-
thority in daring to issue the Frankfort decree.
The last touch in the address is, however, the best;
for die States, while they declare that they have
received with much satisfaction his Majesty's
assurances of paternal care, of which they never
doubted, " beg the Ministers to assure him, that
they hope the Diet is prepared to fulfil the pro-
mises given to the people by the 19th article of
the Federal Act, and also to grant to Hanover
the indemnity due to it for the expenses of the
federal contingent." There were only four votes
against the address —all the others were for it ;
and, in our eyes, it is not only a model of re-
spect to the Sovereign, but of that firm remon-
strance against oppression and internal interfer-
ence, which it would be an honour as well as
a duty on the part of the other states to imi-
tate. We attach great importance to it, and we
would fondly entertain hopes that the spirit
which has been manifested in Hanover will spread
itself over the whole of the independent States
of Germany. The people of Poland have been
sadly and most barbarously treated ; but never
was greater impudence exhibited, or a grosser
breach of faith manifested, than in the conduct
of the Germanic Diet towards the enlightened
subjects of its different states. With the Diet
the interests of the Sovereign are every thing—
the rights of the people nothing; but the ques-
tionat issue is that of the few against the many;
and if the latter be true to themselves, they
must ultimately triumph.—Morn. Advertiser.

BRUTAL CONDUCT.—On Wednesday an
inquest was held in this city on the body of a chimney-
sweeper's apprentice, who came by his death on Tuesday,
through the unfeeling barbarity of his cruel master, who
forced him to ascend a chimney at Tramore, the soot being
almost in a state of ignition. The poor little fellow com-
plained that the linen were absolutely burning, but his
master insisted on the soot being removed at once. The
creature had scarcely eominenc, d his work when he found
himself utterly unable to proceed. He descended as quickly
as lie could, and dropped on the floor in a state almost of
insensibility. had medical assistance been then sought,
some relief might, perhaps, have been afforded ; but the
master, anxious to conceal his brutal behaviour, took the
little sufferer on his back, and removed him at once from
the premises. On his way to Waterford the child died
in the most excruciating torture, the flesh having been ac-
tually melted on his little limbs. The master then left
him in a ditch until the night fell; he then removed the
body to his house, procured a coffin, and was making pre.
parations for his interment, when the circumstances were
made known to the authorities. Immediately constables
were dispatched to the residence of the master, whose
name is CORBETT, where they found the body as described,
in a st,te of preparation for burial. Cons Err was then
removed to g ,01, to abide his trial at the ensuing assizes.
The verdict given by the inquest was a mere recital of the
circumstances above detailed. In order to prevent the
cruel treatment to which the unhappy children brought
up in this miserable way of life are but too frequently
subjected, a machine for sweeping chinanies was brought
over to this city from London, at the expense of a few
benevolent individuals, chiefly of the Society of Friends,
about eighteen months since, and placed in the hands of
this very CORBETT, who has now been the brutal instru-
ment of the very melancholy death above mentioned.—
'Waterford Chronicle,

SUMMER ASSIZES.

NORTHERN CIRCUIT, YORK, Sierr. S.

Henry Clam was indicted for having feloniously
and maliciously killed a hors-, the property of Eli
Clegs, on the 13th of July last.
The prosecutor lives at Horton, near Bradford,
and on the 13th of July last placed his horse in a
field at a shirt distance from his house. The horse
was found the following morning quite dead, with
its throat cut across, in a lane adjoining to a field.
The prisoner was seen late at night going in a
direction towards the lane, and, upon being appre-
hended on the following day, a knife was found in
his pocket, on which was a mark of blood. There
were al,o some slight stains of blood on the wrist of
his hirt, and in his pocket. It appeared that, a
short time before, the prosecutor had preferred a
bill of indictment against the prisoner at the Wake-
field sessions, for alleged robbery. The bill \vas
thrown our, and the prisoner was set at liberty. A
week before the prosecutor's horse was killed, the
prisoner, in a conversation which he had with one
of the witnesses, made use of some threatening
expressions respecting the prosecutor.
The Jury found the prisoner Guilty.
Sir G. LEIViN then moved in arrest of judgment,
on the ground that the indictment charged the pri-
soner with killing a gelding, but did not aver that
that gelding was " cattle."
Mr. Baron BOLLAND would consider the point
before he passed sentence.
S',veral cases of horse-stealing were disposed of
in this court in the course of the day.

INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, SEPT. 4.

Andrew ilifWermott, formerly a merchant of Li-
verpool, was opposed by Mr. COOKE, on the part
of Mr. Bartholomew Barnwell, of Lloyd's Coffee-
house. He was supported by Mr. WOODROFFE.
lii 1827, the insolvent, who had been in partner-
ship with Mr. Robert Barnwell, the son of his
opposing creditor, dissolved the partnership. It
appeared, that at that time the firm of M'Dermott
and Barnwell were indebted to Mr. Bartholomew
ilarnwell, in the stun of 2,0601. for money lent. It
was agreed, that to discharge this debt Nit.. Robert
Barnwell should draw eight bills of exchange on
M‘Dermott, the first bill to become due at four
months, and the other seven bills to become due at
intervals of four months from each other; and that
these bills should be put into the hands of Mr. Bar-
tholomew Barnwell, as security for his claim. Six
of these bills were paid, but on the nonpayment of
the seventh and eighth bills, an action was brought
by Mr. Bartholomew Barnwell against nliermott,
as acceptor, and a verdict recovered to the amount
of 6051.; the costs of the action were 1051. No
part of these sums had been paid by the insolvent ;
he had been in prison ten months, was at this pre-
sent time a bankrupt, and had passed his third
examination, but had riot yet obtained his cer-
tificate. He had, however, paid under the
commission of bankrupt 18s. 4d. in the pound
to ail the creditors who had proved. Mr. Bartho-
lomew Barnwell had . not proved, and was
therefore entitled to oppose his liberation under the
Insolvent Act. Mr. Bartholomew Barnwell denied
that he had any vindictive feeling in his opposition
to the discharge of M‘Dermott. He stated that
M`Dermott had written abusive letters to many
persons, imputing his insolvency to him and to his
son, Robert Barnwell, but that he had been willing
to release him from imprisonment on his suit, if he
would make a proper apology for so doing.
On the part of Mr. M‘Dermott it was contended,
that four of the bills given to Bartholomew Barn-
well, of which he bad been the acceptor, were to
have been paid by Robert Barnwell, and not by him;
that, in fact, neither father nor son had any just
claim against him.

The case occupied the Court the whole of the
day; in the course of it the learned Commissioner
Bowen observed, he " thought it a question of feel-
ing rather than justice bet, een the parties, and that
it appe,red rather to belong to the Court of Bank-
ruptcy than to this tribunal." In was in justice to
the insolvent that they decreed the case to be ad-
journed till Friday, for that error to be amended.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

BO W-STREET.

Yesterday, Mr. Conhman, a magistrate for Lin-
colnshire, appeared before Mr. ROE to prefer a
charge of assault against Mrs. Nancy Jqlliy.y, a
fashionably-dressed lady-like female, who was ac-
companied to the office by her sister.
Mr. Coultman was proceeding in a cabriolet along
Pall-mall East on the preceding evening, about half-
past seven o'clock, when the defendant came up and
forced herself into the vehicle. In the struggle to
put her out she tore his coat. The complainant
added, that the defendant was in the habit of annoy-
ing him in the streets, but as he entertained no vin-
dictive feeling towards her, he merely wished that
she should be bound over, to prevent a repetition of
such conduct.

Mr. ROE—Had you previously done any thing to
warrarit her in stopping you ? Had you assaulted
her ? Mr. Coultman replied in the negative.
Mr. Rom—Have you any witnesses ?
Mr. Coultman called forward the driver of the
cabriolet, No. 295, who stated that he was driving
the complainant at a gentle pace along Pall-mail
East, on the previous evening, when the lady called
out to him. They exchanged a few words, which
the witness did not hear, and the gentleman then
bade her good-bye, saying that he was going into
the country. The lady then jumped into the ca-
briolet, and in attempting to put her out she tore
the gentleman's coat.
Miss Jeffrey, in her defence, denied that she had
been guilty of any assault, and said that if the coat
had been torn, it was the effect of accident and not
design. The truth was, that Mr. Coultman had
himself appointed to meet her where the occurrence
took place, and she went to the side of the cabriolet
for the purpose of reminding him of his promise,
when he directed the man to drive on, and in order
to prevent her leg from being broken, which would
most probably have happened from the situation in
which she stood, she threw herself forward into the
vehicle, from which the defendant threw her with
great violence ; and if some persons in the crowd
had not caught her before she fell, she would have
been seriously injured.
Mr. ROE—You had no business in the cabriolet,
and was guilty of trespass in forcing yourself into it.
Besides, the complainant has sworn that you tore
his coat. Miss Jeffrey—l did not do so designedly,
and merely went to meet Mr. Coultman by his own
appointment. He promised to bring me some
money to pay my expenses, and—
Mr. ROE-,-I have nothing to do with that.
Have you any witness? Miss Jeffrey said that her
sister was present at the time.
Miss Caroline Jeffrey was then sworn. She
stated that her sister went by appointment to meet
Mr. Coultman, who had promised to come to a set-
tlement with her, after an acquaintance of six years.
Mr. ROE—Be good enough to come to the point.
Did your sister tear his coat ? Witness—No; she
made no attempt to tear his coat.
Mr. Rot;—But she had no business in the cabriolet.
Witness—She had business with Mr. Coultman,
who had pledged his honour as a gentleman to meet
her that evening. She merely intended to ask him
why he had not come to the settlement be had pro-
mised, when he pushed her rudely out of the ca-
briolet, and caused her to be confined all night in
the station.
Mr. ROE asked the cabriolet driver if the defend-
ant tore the complainant's coat ? The driver re-
plied in the affirmative, and said that the gentleman
was obliged to get into a hackney-coach.
Mr. ROE must call upon the defendant to put in
bail. •

Miss Jeffrey, unfolding a large bundle of letters,
hoped that the Magistrate would allow her to state
the circumstances of her connection with Mr. Coult-
man, who had acted -
Mr. ROE would not hear sword upon the subject.
He had nothing to do with the private circum-

stances of parties who came before him on a public
charge, nor would he ever consent to hear them.

Miss Jeffrey—l suppo.,e, because Mr. Coultman
is a Magistrate I am not allowed to speak.
Mr. ROE.—You must find bail.

Mr. Coultman then waked away, and Miss Jeffrey
was locked up in default of bad. In a short time,
however, she found the requisite sureties, and ob-
tained her liberation.
WORSHIP- STREET.

Henry Brown, alias Peters, &c., TVnr. Beekin-
sale, alias Smith, and Samuel Solomon, commonly
called the " Honest Jew," who had been in cus-
tody a considerable time, charged with numerous
depredations at hotels, and other public places in
and about town, were finally examined b: fore Mr.
BROUGHTON on Monday. Many cases bad already
been taken, in order to the commitment of Brown
and Solomons, and several fresh charges were now
brought against them; after which they were com-
mitted to Newgate for trial, upon such cases as had
been taken, subject to any detainers that might he
lodged against them upon other charges.