The Sun.
London, England, 1866-07-13 00:00:00

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE.

OXFORD UNIVERSITY.

A Convocation was holden yesterday at 10 o'clock
for the purpose of electing one Burgess to represent
the University in Parliament, in place of the Right
Hon. Gathorne Hardy, who had vacated his seat
by accepting the office of Commissioner for Admi-
nistering the Laws for Relief of the Poor in Eng-
land. Mr. Hardy was proposed by the President
of St. John's College, and there being no opposi-
tion, he was declared duly elected.

LORD CRANBORNE AND SIR J. HAY.
STAIIFORD.
Lord Cranborne having accepted the office of
Secretary for India, and Rear-Admiral Sir J. C.
D. Hay that of one of the Junior Lords of the Ad-
miralty, they presented themselves yesterday morn-
ing to their constituents for re-election. the nomi-
nation took place at the Town-hall, Mr. 0. Simpson,
the Mayor, presiding.
Mr. R. Tuomrsox proposed the re-election of
Viscount Cranborne, referring, in doing :so, to the
number of men connected with Stamford and its
vicinity who were now in the public service—viz.,
the present Lord Chancellor, who formerly repre-
sented the borough, Lord Burghley, the Hon. G.
Noel, and the two members about to be re-elected.
Mr. Alderman HANDSON seconded the nomination.

Mr. G. CAYLEY proposed the re-election of Sir J.
Hay, remarking that when Lord Derby bad offered
him a seat at the Admiralty, and when the Times
had expressed a wish that a yet higher position had
been assigned to him, the electors had every reason
to be proud of such a representative.
Mr. ROBBS seconded the nomination, and no
other candidate being proposed the Mayor declared
Lord Cranborne and Sir J. Hay to be duly elected.
Viscount C RANBORNE, who on rising was received
with cheers, said—l have to return you my sincere
thanks for the honour which yon have now,_for the
fifth time, conferred upon me in returning me as
the representative of this ancient and loyal borough.
It is not very long since I appeared before
you as a candidate for re-election, and I confess
that on that occasion I had no expectation of having
p soon again to come before you, for a change of
Government, such as that which has just taken
place, was, perhaps, the most remote contingency
that any of us could then have dreamt of. The
constituencies of this country decided at the last
election, by the voice of the members whom they
returned, to repose their confidence in the aged
statesman who was then at the head of the Ad-
ministration, and they expressed that decision by a
majority so overwhelming that no one could have
forecast that within 12 months the Government and
the party of which that aged statesman was atlthe
head would retire from the conduct of public affairs.
If it has so happened, it has, I think, been the
result of a combination of unforeseen causes, and
to a great extent of causes in which the volition of
neither party had any very distinct share, rather
than the consequence of one of those political crises
which are produced by the efforts of one side to ob-
tain the ascendancy. We are now brought before
you, assou are aware, not in consequence of any
vote of want of confidence having been carried
against the late Administration, nor indeed in con-
sequence of any motion proposed by the party
which has now been called to her Majesty's coun-
gels, but in consequence of a deciiion of the House
of Commons on a question which, superficially con-
sidered at least, might have been looked upon as a
maw of detail, but owing to which the late Go-
vernment thought proper to tender their resigna-
tion; No doubt the party with which I have the
honour to be connected offered to certain provisions
of the important measure which the Government
had introduced a most determined because a most
sincere opposition. We thought that in many re-
spects the bill was a bad one and was not likely to
conduce to the interests of the country. As in duty
bound, therefore, we did all in our power to amend it,
and to introduce into it provisions which we regarded
as more consistent with the interests of the nation.
(Hear, hear.) The late Government, however, for
reasons which, I confess, appear difficult to analyse,
held that their honour was at stake in adhering, not
only to their bill as a whole, but even to the detailed
provisions of which it consisted. This is a course
which it is not very usual for a Government to pur-
sue, but I do not question their discretion in so do-
ing, for they were perfectly entitled to deal with
the matters affecting their own honour as they thought
fit. At the same time, it is impossible not to see
that, if they had not entangled themselves by pledges
the full bearing of which I do not think they recog-
nised at the moment they entered into them, a
change of Government would not have resulted
from an adverse decision of the House of Commons
upon a matter which was not in itself of the first
importance. I have dwelt upon these points because
every one, I think, must see that this is not the mo-
ment which anybody except the most reckles partisan
would have selected for a change of Government.
We come before you, therefore, as having accepted
office, because under the circumstances no other
course of duty lay open to us, rather than as having,
however little confidence we might have felt in the
late Administration, wished to select that particular
time for effecting a change. This being the case, a
change of Government does not, as usually happens,
imply, except at least on a limited number of ques-
tions, -any great change of policy. Any one, indeed,
who has studied the political history of the last few
years, must have observed that the contests between
the two great parties in the state the field of con-
troversy has been very considerably narrowed. Un-
doubtedly there are still questions of deep andovital
difference which must be fought out ibetween the
two parties ; but, on the other hand, with respect to
many:matters which formerly were quetsions of con-
troversy and contest, those on either side who direct
the actions of parties, and who may in turn be called
to the direction of affairs, have come to an agreement.
Take, for instance, our colonial policy. Colonial
questions of very great importance have sprung up
within the last 12 months, such, for example, as Ja-
maica and the confederation of the North American
provinces; yet upon thesethere has been no expressed
difference of opinion between the two opposing
parties. If you look back 20 or 30 years you will
find that animated contests were carried on, not
necessarily between Whig and Tory, but between
various public men, as to the extent to which the
mother country should interfere with the govern-
ment of the colonies, and as to the duties imposed
on England by the posse§sion of a colonial empire ;
but as time has rolled on men of all parties have
arrived at *the conclusion that the best course is to
allow the colonies, so far as possible, to conduct
their own affairs, it being evident that even if they,
on the spot, do not come to the wisest decision—
which, however, as they possess the fullest informa-
tion, they are most likely to do—still, that as they
themselves will be the sufferers from any mistake or
miscarriage, it is proper that the responsibility for
an
Such mistake should
rest upon their shoulders,
and not upon others against whom they would then
have just reason for complaint. Except, therefore,
rights
where nativeiatreisconcerned—a very impor-
tant exception which
—the tendency of all public men,
to bear in mind
fon whichever side
of the house they sit, hasbeen
in
be avour of the prin-
ciple that the colonies ought to left as much as
possible to govern themselves. (Hear, hear.) 'rake
again as another instance of this gradual converg-
ence of opinion that great dependency with
which
I at this moment the honour of being more
g
especially connected—l mean India. Thirty years
ago the predominant idea with many English states-
men was that our interests in India consisted in ex-
tending our territory to the largest possible extent,
and that it was our duty, as a matter of prudence,
extend our influence and power over the vast dis:
tricts on our frontiers, thinly inhabited by barbar-
ous tribes, in order to ward off the possible attacks
which some European Power might some day make
upon those frontiers. To such ideas the great dis-
asters of Cabul and Afghanistan were due, and to
that annexation policy the terrible disaster of the
mutiny of 1857 must to a large extent be ascribed.
But as time has gone on, that desire of increased
dominion, which is the natural temptation of all
powerful States, has been overcome, and statesmen
of all parties have arrived at the conclusion that we