The Sun.
London, England, 1832-01-09 00:00:00

FRANCE.

NECESSITY FOR AN ALLIANCE BE-
TWEEN FRANCE AND ENGLAND.

To the EDI FOR of the MORNING CHRONICLE.
Paris, Jan. 3, 1832.
Slll,—Who are your greatest men in Eng-
land now ? Men with master minds—men who
must govern by the force of their talents, their
genius, their energies, and their large and states-
manlike views of the political and moral condi-
tion of society ? Who are they ? You have
but few of them who are known in Europe, or,
if they exist, they are yet buried in the retire-
ment of some study, or in their anonymous peri-
odical productions which they publish in
" Blackwood," or in the " Edinburgh," or in
the " Quarterly," or in the " Westminster."
There are some such men in Parliament, but

they are few. You have a great deal of second
and of third rate talent just now in England—
but where are Pitt, and Fox, and Canning, and
even Lord North, and Burke, and Sheridan,
and Florne Tooke ? The grave can reply—
whilst Europe laments. Yet still you are not
destitute of great men, for you have unques-
tionably the very first man in Europe to-day as
Lord Chancellor. It is admitted, generally—
nay, I may say universally admitted—by such
men as Royer Collard and Chateaubriand—by
such statesmen as Metternich—by the Cottas
and the Eynards of Europe—as well as by Roy
and Barrot, Lamarque, Guizot, and Broglie—
by our Lamartines and de Genoudes—by our
De Pradts and our Berengers ; in one word, by
all men who think and read ; and I understand
that to-day--in January, 1832--Lord Brougham
is the first man in Europe. Lord Brougham is
a scholar, a genius, a satirist, a philosopher, a
lawyer, a statesman, and a philanthropist. This
is known, and this is admitted ; and it may be
as well that this fact should reach his ears, if,
perchance, the letters of 0. P. Q. should 'not
be overlooked by him. From Lord Brougham
I can have nothing either to hope or fear,
as a private individual. I may never see
him—l may never listen to his manly and
classical orations. I can never come in con-
tact with him ; and, therefore, all I have
said of him is on public grounds, and an act of
public duty. Now it is a great thing for a
country to possess such a man, and especially as
by all the acts of a long public life he has shown
himself entitled to the respect and confidence of
the great nation in which he is the greatest man.
This, my Lord Brougham, is what is said of
you, and thought of you at Rome, at Augs-
burgh, at Vienna, at Berlin, at Munich, at
Frankfort, at Geneva, at the Hague, at St.
Petersburgh (by those who think), and at Paris.
In the best society—l do not mean mere
wealthy society—but in all the saloons, and at
all the conversational meetings, and at the as-
semblies of Deputies in all these capitals, where
the spirits of the age collect together—by all
men of all parties whose opinions are worth re-
garding, you are admitted to be the first man in
Europe.
But, my Lord, your Administration, or the
Administration to which you belong, has, up to
this moment, disappointed Europe, and disap-
pointed those who have the highest opinions of
your genius, your talents, and your political in-
tegrity. The perseverance which you have ma-
nu-e.t.a on she subject of Reform of Parliament
is the only bright spot in the history of the last
twelve months. Poland has hem sacrificed
through your fears. Italy has been re-subjected
to the slavery of former periods ; and has been
attempts
etTmhpe onlyts to shake. off the
Belgianuiia questionided,bu h
te even discouraged in her
yaoskebeoefnoipnpardeessa mereion.
affair of pounds, shillings, and pence, and Prince
Leopold has been placed on the throne simply
been
tepirn)el
remtoarpese e,aa
gt
treated
For fear of falling into the errors
the Funds.
you have gone to the other
ngs psraeil
pnarePdofrottria
recep-
tiontuheesehvea
of those benefits which civilization and
LlCiaaomliversti:to,ar denadtsslihiseboneplikeepers and the speculators in
liberty must confer. To reform the British Par-
aniCdldh theant oc
eir,lar administrationor
are undoubtedly t
h e
o f British
justice
t
ocßankruptebjeicntstthe
vast importance, and of great utility ; but the
mechanical part of these arrangements do not
merit your daily attention, nor your constant
care. You have multitudes of understrappers
to whom you can safely confide the task of an-
swering the objections of such men as Sugden
or Wetherell, Londonderry or Newcastle. We
thank you--
for improving
all Europe thanks you for your plan
the British representation—for
your new Bankruptcy Court, and for your divi-
sion of labour system in Chancery, by which
justice will he more quickly and therefore more
justly administered. To a certain extent, these
are European blessings, since the moral influence
which all ameliorations made in Great Britain

must exercise in other and smaller States is all
favourable to the improvement of the civil and
social condition of man all over Europe.
But, my Lord, this is not enough. Lord
Grey is a man highly respected and esteemed in
' all liberal and enlightened society on the Conti.
nent ; and Lord Palmerston is as much valued
as a man can be who has served with Lord Li-
verpool, the Marquis of Londonderry, Mr.
Peel, Mr. Canning, the Duke of Wellington, and
now Lord Grey. Lord Althorp we look upon.
in Europe as a most worthy and well-meaning
man ; and all the rest of your coadjutors are re-
spected as being men who are attached to the
principles of civil and religious liberty, and who
are ten thousand times better qualified for the
age in which they live, than the Tories, who, if
they were displaced, must succeed them. But,
my Lord, in Europe you are looked upon as the
responsible Minister. The faults of the Admi-
nistration are not imputed to Lord Grey, or to,
Lord Althorp, but to Lord Brougham ; and it is
aifi 'm this old Continent a thousand times
day, if Lord Brougham does not govern, 'he'
should retire ; and if he does govern, then he
disappoints us by his policy. My Lord, it is a
most false and dangerous theory which has now
been given out in England, that Great Britain
has nothing to do with the politics of Europe,
and that she has only to preserve in all such
matters a strict neutrality. The very reason
given by Mr. Joseph Hume for such a neutrality
proves its own absurdity. It is said England is
a commercial country, and she has only to attend
to her commerce. Why, my Lord, the very fact
of her being a commercial country renders other'
alliances necessary than those of a mere commer-
cial nature. You have lately sent over from
England some very worthy and respectable men,
who understand trade and commerce most admi-
rably, to treat with our Government about com-
mercial regulations, the slave trade, and a com-
mercial treaty. But, my Lord, this is putting
the cart before the horse. First of all, let us
be allied as friends, and then I will guarantee an
alliance as merchants. Come to us first fbr a
treaty of national alliance : or, if it must be so,
let us go to you ; and after this national act of
friendship shall be ratified by the voice of the
British and French Legislatures, then all our com-
mercial relations will be sure to be satisfactory to
both people.
My object, then, my Lord, is to point out to
you the necessity for this alliance—the utility of
this alliance—the facility with which it might be
accomplished ; the advantages it would ensure to
man—not merely to Europe but to the world—
and to remove those objections which short-
sighted, prejudiced, bigoted, ignorant men, would
make to this alliance, both in Great Britain and
in France.

To-day, my Lord, let us simply look at the
necessity for this alliance. In my subsequent
letters I will call your attention to the other
topics. I admit that it is necessary to France.
Oh, yes, I admit this with frankness. I have
nothing to conceal in this respect. An alliance
with England is necessary to France—it is felt
and admitted to be so—and no treaty would be
hailed with such satisfaction as the one to which
lam now referring. Go where you will in
France, enter into what society you may, you
will hear something like the following remark
from all persons of all ranks and of all condi-
tions, from the cabaret to the Ministerial salon,
and from thence to the palace of our Citizen
Monarch :—" Well, if England and France
were thoroughly allied ; if they relied on each
other, and were faithful and sincere, they might
bid defiance to the world, and might effect more
in one year for the happiness of the human race
than could otherwise be accomplished in a cen-
tury. When the subject of war is mooted (and
how often is it mooted now ! every hour, every
moment of each day), the concluding observa-
tion is always this—" What will England do ?
If England be with us, we may place Europe on
another basis. If England be neutral, we shall
maintain our position. But if England be against
us, then we shall find it most difficult to be able
to resist."

And let me ask you, my Lord, why should
England be neutral in times like these, when
either liberty or despotism must triumph ? I
need not tell you that the triumph of liberty in
France is the triumph of liberty in Europe ; and
that the mere solitary fact that the French Revo-
lution of 1830 had remained unattacked would
be the best species of propagandism which could
possibly be established. Let Germany, let
Prussia, let Austria, let Russia, let Spain, and
let Italy perceive that the French Revolution of
1830 is recognized by England as wise, national,
necessary, moderate, and just, and you know
human nature too well not to be certain that the
inhabitants of those countries will begin by asto-
nishment, go on to admiration, and end by imi-
tation.

And, my Lord, let me ask you is not this
alliance with France also necessary to England ?
Do you imagine that we have commenced the
golden age, when the lion shall lay down with
the lamb, and the Emperor Nicholas shall vote
for a Reform in Parliament ? You know quite
well that at St. Petersburgh and Moscow the
Court and the nobles desire with even more
anxiety the overthrow of your Administration
than do even my Lords Eldon or Mansfield.
The progress of liberal opinion in England is
looked upon with much more apprehension than
the cholera morbus : and the Emperor of A us-
tria would rather see the plague in Italy than
one of your " schoolmasters." When you un-
undertook the mighty task, aided by the
" Aliens" and the " Lancasters" of England to
educate the lower orders, you calculated before-
hand on the effect of giving a primer and a bible
to every poor child in Europe. You knew that
knowledge could not be wasted, and that emanci-
pation from ignorance was also emancipation
from slavery ; and you, therefore, knew that as
knowledge is spreading, the love of freedom is
spreading, and newspapers, and magazines, and
tracts of useful knowledge are demanded, and
the old Governments of Europe are every hour
falling into decay. What a movement there is
in Germany at this moment ! When Romarino
and Langermann lately travelled through Ger-
many on their way -from Poland to France, they
saw what was going on in these German States,
and I have heard from their own lips the heart-
stirring recitals. " Liberty," " Freedom," "
are words pronounced with enthu-
siasm, and there the name of " Brougham is

tO-,,,,
e, .---.....\ 4 - er .
-SIP4 7,-;.'''''
114" -:. .‘\
- 46.*:fr.:4,7.-1-.--
,rt!if.,Tri•\ 1, v• ,
not unknown or unloved. 'Wen, iiiii,VEO: 3,-- .;
whom will you give to Great Brifitif for rAlli', 1
in these stirring times—in this ag when the'
Mussulmen begin to read a daily newspaper at
Constantinople ? Not Austria—not Russia—
not Prussia—not Spain—but France ! And
why ? Because the Government of Austria can-
not feel with you—cannot sympathize with you
--cannot respect or confide in you. It knows
that it must die, and die by its own hands. The
primer and the schoolmaster are sure to beat the
halberts and the bayonets ; and yet Austria
I has no other resource but the latter to keep
down the spirit of liberty in Italy. The Govern-
ment of Russia is crumbling, and it knows it.
It has been resisted for twelve months by a handful
of Poles; and I need not tell you, my Lord,
that the Polish revolution is not terminated.
The Emperor may prescribe and confiscate, but
the nationality of Poland has survived all his
efforts ; and the refugees are sufficiently nume-
rous to form an army of reserve when necessary
and expedient to attack him. And it is surely
not to Prussia you would look for an ally for
Great Britain—Prussia, whose King has for-
feited all right to the respect of his subjects by
not granting the Constitution which he pro-
mised !—Prussia, whose Rhenish States are
ready to revolt when the occasion should present
itself—Prussia, whose local situation with re.
Terence to Great Britain would, of itself, be an
obstacle, without, as ally, England also possessed
the friendship of Belgium and of Holland. These
Governments of Russia, Austria, and Prussia,
:•re one and all opposed to the schoolmaster—
eppesed to Reform of Parliament—opposed to
any thing in the shape of general :or special
amelioration—and hate your policy and your
liberal and enlightened views, because they fear
the emancipation of the human mind, and the
progress of civilization.

And yet, my Lord, it surely would be an
anomaly that Great Britain should be without
allies. Spain is too helpless to serve her, and
yet too insolent and fanatical to offer her assist-
ance. I will not speak of Holland or of
gium, as the question . of existence is not yet de-
cided, and before they can be allies they must be
States. Well, then, here is France, enlightened,
free, instructed, and formidable—France, who is
willing, nay desirous, of forming an alliance with
Great Britain. Is not her alliance necessary ?
Look at her geographical position with reference
to England—look at her ports, her harbours, her
navy yearly improving, her population, 33 mil-
lions, and every man a soldier ; and look at her
resources, her riches, in spite of her poverty, and
her influence in the world. Is not such an alli-
ance necessary to England ? Yes, it is neces-
sary to her security, to her repose, to her com-
merce, to her Constitution, and to her liberties.
Yes, it is necessary because absolutism will yet
attack her—because the battle must be fought
sooner or later between darkness and error on
one side, and light and virtue, and civilization,
and liberty on the other side. And it is surely
necessary that England should have some one
friend who will sympathise, and, if necessary, as-
sist her. You know too well, my Lord, or I
presume you do, what is passing in Europe to
suppose, that Poland is to be re-enslaved—that
Belgium is to be re-united to Holland—that
Spain is settled down to a state of tranquillity
.and death—that Germany is suddenly seized
with palsy—that Italy is by enchantment or by
the wand of some wizard reduced to that state
of " subjection" and " order," which the Pope
calls happiness—and that Europe, after the con-
vulsions of the last 18 months, is now about
to return to a state of " passive obedience"
and " non-resistance." You know, in fine, that
revolutions of a moral and extensive nature
are preparing, which will further the happiness
of man, and the improvement of human society.
Then I ask sou, my Lord, does not a wise
Government prepare for approaching convul-
sions ? Does not a wise Government refuse to
wait till the storm arrives to look out for shelter?
It cannot be supposed that despotic Governments
will make no resistance--will die without a struggle,
and will consent to be despoiled without an
effort. Well, then, my Lord, is it not necessary
to England as well as necessary to France, that
she should have an ally on whose affection,
power, sympathy, and influence she ca❑ rely ?
France offers you her right hand of fellowship
and of love. Beware how you reject it
have said nothing of the utility of this alliance
_nothing of the advantages it would confer on
Europe and the world—nothing of the facility
with which this alliance may be brought about
—and nothing of the absurd objections which
are raised by weak, and bigotted, and ignorant
men to the measure. I have spoken only of its
necessity. I admit that it is necessary to France.
Do you, my Lord, admit its necessity to Eng-
land ? Then propose the alliance, and France
will vote it with acclamations. Yours,
0. P. Q.

Mr. SPRING RICE, 111 a letter to the Trades
of Limerick, acknowledging the receipt of an address in
f ivour of Parliamentary Reform, says—" The necessity of
giving to the people a more direct interest, as well as a
more effectual controul, in the Government of the country,
is now admitted by politicians who have, heretofore, re-
sisted all change in our representative system; and though
it would be delusive and visionary to suggest, as the im-
mediate consequence of Reform, any instantaneous change
that can correct all abuses, and remedy all causes of com-
plaint, it is not too muck to expect that 4 House of Com-
mons more directly returned by the people, and respon-
sible to them, will apply itself diligently in the discharge
of its duties, and will possess the affection and confidence
of the iatelligent classes, to whose support it owes its
existence. From such a representative body I fear no
danger to the other portions of our institutions. Reform
grants legislative power to the constituency; bat it will,
I trust, put an end to that dangerous power which arises
from justifiable discontent."

The second and concluding volume of the
Memoirs and Correspondence of DAVID GARRILK, will
appear in the course of the present week. Among an im-
mense mass of correspondence from various celebrated
English Literati, it will include letters from numerous dis-
tinguished foreigners; among whom figure, we under-
stand, MARIKONTEL, VOLTAIRE, DIDEROT, SUARD, AL-
OAROTTI, Baron GRIMM, DUCLOS, HELVETIUS, LE
KAIN, Mademoiselle CLAIRON, Madame RICCOBONI, &c.

GRANT OF LAND TO THE EARL OF Dux.
oNALn.—The Commissioners of the Woods and Forests
have granted an increase of 200 yards of land to the ele-
gant residence, Hanover Cottage, Regent's Park, the seat
of the Earl of DUNDONALD, who is now employing a
number of workmen in laying out handsome gravel walks,
and planting beautiful shrubberies. In the spring the
e Nobleauti f u
Eaapr
1p epaorsaine
ac .a r
oTuhnedotheir Marquis
rn a
nosfi
oHn xi:
rreo itgl: 0
tia
nn
dd
grounds belonging to the Noble Earl's mansion will present
s
athbe
considerably than any of the other detached villas in the
Regent's Park.
Extreme distress prevails at Coventry and the
other places engaged in the riband weaving. The weavers
of Nuneaton and Chilvers Coton, upon winam
bare dependen-
t
n
4,685 human beings, are actually gaining y
dustry only tenpencc two farthings and a small fraction of
a farthing a week.—Stockport Advertiser.
The typhus and scarlet fevers have again i
become prevalent in the ne• bbourbood of Padstow. Within
the last fortnight eight ig
persons have died of these distillers.
honest i
In the family of a poor man, named FRANCIS OLD, three
children died in five days. Many persons are now ill in
the town and neighbourhood.,-.Cornubintt.

. -.
FRENCH PAPERS. that fifteen or twenty members wets violently beating their I and he theedee demanded that the proeesseerbal should be KC- yield to the wish of the Chamber, he would sit down ; but M. failure Would cause Much distress. Some of the English Papers '
• desks with their hands, incessantly shouting " Order, order." tified in that particular. Lafitte having demanded to be heard against the President, M. style Mr. Maberly " The Scotch Banker," bit they may keep
:FeeM Galignanrs Messenger.) The centres remained quietly on their seats, endeavouring to M. Barthe (Keeper of the Seals)—We are all agreed upon Larneth said, that although he was quite willing to give way to him to themselves—they will find his estallishment at 47,
CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES SITTING OF JAN. 4. obtain silence.) one principle, and in France there is no power superior to the the wishes of the Chamber, he would not cede his turn to any Bread-street, London. It was to make a run against the
The discussion of the Bill for regulating the Civil List was The President at length said—" Unless the Chamber becomes law, that the King is the first subject of the law, and that as one else, and that, therefore, as the Chamber would not pass Scotch banks that he first set up that trade is this part of the
commenced. • more tranquil, I shall be compelled to suspend the sitting." its execution is entrusted to him, the King is the law personi. to the Order of the Day, he should claim his right to speak.— kingdom, and we now see the upshot of h. A mercantile
M. de Corcelles contended that the enormous Civil List pro. Voices from the right—" Well, then let the sitting be sus-, feed. These, gentlemen, are our principles, and I cannot eon- The Hon. Deputy then argued on the absurdity of supposing bankruptcy took place in Glasgow twenty years ago, the affairs
posed by the Committee could only tend to open the door for pended." ceive that any one Member of this chamber can attribute to the that the sovereignty of the people could be exercised by of which were only finally wound up last week, when certain of
the formation of a Court,—an establishment, the pernicious H. Tardieu—We protest against the term : let the Minister Ministry or to the majority any others. What then is the mat- 32,000,000 of individuals, and maintained that, although the the creditors, none of whom had ever receives one farthing of
influence of which had occasioned the ruin of four thrones retract it. There are no subjects in France. There are none ter in question ? A word was pronounced by a Minister, which nation was sovereign the day it elected its Deputies, it was sub- dividend, were obliged to pay above nine shillings in the pound
within the last forty years—and to prepare the elements of in. but citizens. was violently objected to, and it was designated as a counter. ject the day after.—(Great agitation, and cries of "Subject to on their first claims. The deficiency was owing to numerous
evitable ruin to the royalty of July, by granting to it millions M. de Corcelles--The sovereign people cannot be composed revolution, an attack upon the Charter, and it was insisted that whom ?") and long-contested law-suits, and several of the original credi-
which could never be consumed for its own use, and which, of subjects. principle and precedents united to prove that the term should M. de Lameth, without noticing the interruption, proceeded tors having themselves become insolvent during the protracted
therefore, would become, as had invariably been the case, the el. de Ludre—There are no more any subjects than a Mon- be excluded from the French language. This, at least, is what to argue that the King was subject to the law, and every period of the trust, the loss of course became heavier on the
prey of false friends—of those covetous and despicable parasites seigneur or an Excellence. I have understood to be the question. But in the vocabulary Frenchman subject to the King. He said that the tutor of the remainder. Should Lord Brougham's Bill so work as to pre.
who swarm round thrones—of those bright examples of fidelity M. de Corcelles—The word subject is the greatest insult that necessarily employed in discussing political questions, many ex- young Louis XVI., who showed him the Louvre, and all the vent the possibility of such an occurrence, the sooner it is in_
te every Civil List and every successive dynasty who fasten can be offered to the nation. pressions occur which, to a certain degree, if strictly construed, treasures of Paris and Versailles, saying to him, " All these are troduced into Scotland the better.
themselves on the first throne that offers— The President—Unless order is restored, I shall be obliged are at variance with principles which we hold sacred, and may yours," acted the part of the devil who carried our Saviour to
31. Vatout—l demand to make a personal observation. to put on my hat. shock certain susceptible minds. But since a single word has the top of a mountain—(A laugh)—but that the Constituent PRICES OF THE STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK.
M. de Corcelles, without noticing the observation% peoceeded Members on the right urged the President to do so. been attacked because it was uttered by a Minister, and some Assembly explained to him that he was not master of the liberty Bank Stock
in his anathema against the minions of the Coen, describing M. Tillers,' PouX—Put on your hat, then, since you will not persons have been offended, because in speaking of the relations or property of a single Frenchman. As, however, justice was 3 per Cent. Red.... ...... 82ee ei 14 India Stock
them as men who usurp every authority tinder the pretence of do your duty. between the King and the citizens he used the word subjects, administered in the King's name, the King, he said, in his rela. 3 3
per Centons. B2 1% 2 Ditto Bonds
Stock par:l dis.
ee per CenCt B9.ee% S shut
devotedness, blind the Monarch by their caresses-, alieeitte all Voicc4 from the centre—" Impose silence upon those ten permit me to quote some precedents. Without going so far tions with the people, enjoyed a species of superiority, and, Ditto Red . B9ee Me Old annuities —
affection from him for the sake of reducing him into subjection disturbers of order, who attempt to rule the Chamber by their back as the Constitution of 1791, amongst the framers of which therefore, in his opinion, the word subjects might properly be New 3%per Cent 89%14 i,5 New Ditto ........... —....... shut
by keeping him in a state of isolation ; then sign fatal ordi- outcries." were men who were ardent advocates for liberty, I will cite an used in that sense. The Hon. Deputy concluded by accusing 3 Per ent Ann. 1726 .... —l3 pe- Cent. Ann. 1751 .... shut
trances, command the massacre Of the people, and plunge the Voices from the extremities—" Order, order, order." address from the Municipal Committee to the present King, the opposition of seeking every opportunity of showing its aver- 4 per Cent. 182 e 99% le Ex. Bills, £1,000......... 8 9 err.
Bank Long Ann.to exP ire Dito
500 8 9 pm.
country into an abyss. He then argued, that all that was re- The President having vainly used every endeavour to re_ which concludes in the following terms :—" We are with Pro- sion to the Government, and expressed a wish that the Chamber Jan 5,1860
quisite for the proper dignity of the Crown was a fair allowance establish order and silence, and his voice remaining completely found respect your Majesty's most obedient servants and faith- would adopt an article of the regulations of the Constituent As- Oct. 10, vise — Ditto Commercial ... ...... —pm
from the funds of the State, one or two of the best palaces in drowned in the cries from the two extremities, at length put on ful subjects.")—This quotation was followed by a roar of sembly, against those who infringed the dignity of its delibera_ Jan. 5, 1800 — Ditto Advertised — pm.
Paris, and two or three country residences : any thing beyond his hat. laughter.) tions, which would perhaps have the effect of preventing such JLni:il 55, 11€7, — Bank for Opening —
Irdia for Account
that, he maintained, was only a temptation to misappropri. The Minister, at the same moment, haying made a sign with A member on the right—This is a mere common form of po. disgraceful scenes being offered to the derision of Europe.— ,tii, 5: 1een.,,,,,e ......... 'Una, for*Jan. 19 63%%%
ation, either by corrupting those who ought to be the protectors hie hand that he wished to be heard, a momentary silence en_ lite usage. (Loud cries for the order of the day were heard from the
of the country's rights, or by seeking to increase the private stied, and the President uncovered. M. Montalivet was about Another Member—lt was not pronounced in the tribune. centres.) etseces OF FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAT AT ONE O'CLOCK.
property of the sovereign at the expense of the State. In re_ to speak, but had only uttered the word "Gentlemen," when MM. Guizot, Mahul, and Etienne—lread the signatures. M. Lafitte ascended the tribune. Austrian Bonds ....... ........ Neapolitan
Belgian Scrip ' 0 yl4 1 dia. Peruvian Bonds
ply to the often-repeated arguments of a large Chit List be- M. Laboissiere said—" You must first retract the word ' sae M. Barthe—The signatures are those of Messrs. Lobau, Au. The President—You cannot be allowed to speak, the order of Brazilian
.ninni,„ / — Portuguese Bonds —
ing advantageous to trade, he contended that the Civil List was ject' ;" and several Members to the right rushed to the foot of dry de Puyraveau, de Schonen, and Mauguin.—(Hear, hear, the day is demanded, and lam bound to put it to the vote. Buenos Ayres Bonds — Prussian, OW —
invariably expended in a manner more calculated to encourage the tribune and exclaimed—" Retract, retract, or you shall not and laughter from the centres.) 31. Lafitte—The regulations of the Chamber require you to C' it Oil 800,1.,
the evil habits which ruin and deprive a nation than to be of be allowed to go on." 31. Audry de Puyraveau—l do not remember having signed allow any Deputy to speak who wishes to be heard in opposition Colombian Bonds —Russian
o.eo, 18'24
any real service to trade. In conclusion, he alluded to the M. Laboissiere, who was amongst the crowd, addressed the the document referred to by the minister ; but at all events -----, to the order of the day. onnieh 6sle 5 1823 131 e ei
events of Lyons as affording an additional reason for not burden. Minister in such strong terms, that M. Montalivet demanded if (Here the voice of the Hon. Member became inaudible from the The President—No, Sir. Greek Bends — French Rentes, sp. c. --•.— .
ing with a heavy Civil List a nation already oppressed with so they were addressed to him personally. peals of laughter.) Messrs. Salverte, Dupont (de l'Eure), and Voyer d'Argen_ Ditto, 18e5 , — Exchange --e .
much misery. He did not menden at what amount lie wished A Member replied—No, Sir ;it is not personally that we ad_ M. Barthe—lt must be acknowledged that if 31. de Tracy re- son.—lt is against the President himself that the orator wishes Guati'"ala- —— 3 per cent....... —f —c
"' exicrei Bonds — Exchange...... —; _c„
it fixed, but said that he ebeuld vote for that proposition which dress you, but as minister ; if a personal explanation was re- quired precedents, this is one the authenticity of which cannot be to speak. 'etc: ;Roe 341 Dutch Scrip 40% 1
might appear most in ectordance with the ideas he had expressed. quired, it would not be called for in this piece. questioned, and must be admitted to carry great weight with it. 31. Lafitte—l demand to be heard against you.
The President—.M. Marschall is next in turn. A Member from the left then said, his Excellency the liii- You perceive, gentlemen, that in the earliest days of the revo- The President (in the midst of great tumult.)—Let those
..
M. Vatout..-I have demanded to make a personal observation rester of the Restoration must retract. lution of July, after the new charter was proclaimed— who are of opinion that the Chamber should pass to the order of
The Prrident—l heard nothing personal said, and lam The President then declared that unless order was re_este. A voice from the left exclaimed—" This is a surprise upon us." the day rise. • "'-i'''' -- se., 4444
bound to call on orators in their turn. bushed, the sitting should be suspended. H. Barthe—A surprise: Why this address was copied cor- , The Chamber appeared embarrassed; part of the centres, cur . _.„ . ._:,
cl-1-L., ...- • '
m. Vatout (ascending the tribune)—You are not the proper A Member on the right—Suspend the sitting, It is the only rectiy into the Moniteur, and no objection to it was ever raised however, rose.
judge of the propriety of the observations I wish to make. thing to be done. by those who signed it, consequently it is to be presumed that Numerous voices—The President was not heard, the Chem-
The President—The President is the proper judge as to Other Members exclaimed—" Hear, hear, Gentlemen, take they acted deliberately, as the address was drawn up by them, beg has not voted. LONDON,
whether any thing personal has been said. your seats.'' and they chose their own language. What, then, is the na- The President—Let those who are of the contrary opinion rise. MONDAY EVENING, JANUARY 9 1932_
M. Vatout—l will prove that it was personal. The President, who had put on his hat a second time, again tural conclusion ? That we are all agreed upon the principle Some members of the right and left rose, but the greater part
The President—lt is not your turn to speak. uncovered, and entreated several of the members, who remained that there is nothing superior to the law, that the King is the did not vote.
CHOLERA MORBUS, OFFICIAL REPORT.
31. Vatout (with great energy)—On a point of honour every standing at the foot of the Tribune, to resume their places, and first subject of the law, and, consequently, is its personification. The President--The Chamber decides that it will pass to the
man can judge best for himself, and has no need to consult any again repeated, that if they refused to do so, he must positively Now, gentlemen, this principle being admitted, whence arises order of the day.—(Murmurs and violent reclamations.)
one.—(Long interruption, occasioned by confused cries from the suspend the sitting. Being answered by cries of " No, no ; this extraordinary susceptibility at the use of an expression M. Comte—This is a revolting partiality. COUNCIL OFFICE.—(THIS DAY.)
different parts of the Chamber.) order, order," he at length said, " Gentlemen, since it is iln. which is consecrated by one general sentiment of respect for M. Duris-Dufresne—lt is a brutal force.' DAILY REPORT of CHOLERA CASES,
The President—You are not entitled to speak. possible that the debate can go on, the Chamber will adjourn to him who represents the law, and by virtue of that title has AL Boudet—lt is a frightful despotism. -
Vs --
e .
M. Vatout—What, when minions of the Court, and covetous the Committee-room, and according to the standing rules, the a right to the respect and fidelity of all ? This, gentlemen, is M. Audry de Puyraveau demanded to be heard on a personal se e.
Sc e re - eh P.,•..g
and despicable parasites are spoken 0., is not such language an sitting will be suspended for an hour." He then left the chair, what I could not comprehend yesterday, neither can I under_ question.
-9 3.. e`e 7.' .. r= §
,9.1 § e,'
Places. *v. a, Q . ? 1 '..).) g r...“..) v,
insult to the Prince and all who surround him ?I do not con_ and was followed by the Secretaries. It was then five o'clock. stand it now. lam the more astonished at it, since I have pro. Numerous voices—No, no; the order of the day is pronounced. ce '74g ti 6 E 35 e' 5
eider the observation as personal to myself, but I speak in the After a very short lapse, however, he, upon the invitation of duced authorities which at least those who have affixed their 51. Dubois contended, that as the Keeper of the Seals had 7's sle i., e 8 . ee e, e.se 4,
name of all those who surround the King. several members, resumed his seat, and the members who were signatures to them cannot deny. I will add but one word alluded specifically to a Deputy in his speech, that Deputy had A ..1'.4 Z c." 4 g ...4 1-e, 5 -'''.s
gi
The President--I will consult the Chamber on the subject, standing withdrew to their places, but for some minutes there more. By our oath we swear fidelity to the King and to the a right to be heard in explanation. — _ ___ _—_ --
Jan.
The Chamber decided almost unanimously that M. Vatout continued a very loud conversation throughout the circle. Charter.—(Continued cries of " No, no," from the extremities, 31. Salverte and 31. Dupont (de l'Eure)—The President ought Sunderland
had not a right to be heard, on which the Hon. Deputy de- Messrs. Odillon Barrot and De Grammont were conferring with and " Yes, yes," from the centres.) to have allowed an orator to speak, who wished to be heard 7 2 0 i 1 11 2 532 201
;wended from the tribune, gesticulating violently, and apparently the President, who then rang his bell, and declared the sitting A Member from the right—Obedience to the Charter is sworn. against him. Newcastle 6 120 47 11 44 111 568 172
7 11l 19 8 19 102 577 180
indignant and mortified at the decision. re-opened, expressing a hope that there would not be a renewal Another Member from the same part of the Chamber— The President--The President has always been most anx- Gateshead
M. Marschall entered into a long examination on the prin_ of scenes which totally destroyed all the dignity of the Chamber. Does this mean fidelity to the King ? sous that the Chamber should listen to any accusations against 7 tel 6 6 29 35 339 115
ciples by which Civil Lists should be regulated, and concluded, 51. de Montalivet then proceeded—Gentlemen, I cannot M. Marschall and others—We do not swear obedience to the him, but if the majority refuse to hear, he cannot compel them North Shields ana
to do so. Tynemouth
that under the present contitutional Government of France the account for the prolonged interruption to which my address has King. 7 10 2 0 0 11 39 17
Civil List should be confined to a liberal allowance for the per. been exposed. Permit me to recur to the word which has so M. Barthe (in the midst of the tumult)—Is it intended to say 31. Audry de Puyraveau again demanded to be heard. On
Houghton-le-Spring
sonal wants ot the King and his family, but that all public este_ much offended a part of this assembly. I mean the word c sub- that fidelity to the King is in any degree in opposition with the President assenting, a voice from the right exclaimed, "It and Pensher...
blishments, and every thing not strictly personal, should be re- leas.' I cannot comprehend why it should have occasioned obedience to the Charter ?—(" Yes, yes." " No, no.") is time some one should be heard; the President discusses and '7 11 ' 5
1 1 11 7 3 6 9
38 8
60 26
moved from the jurisdiction of the Civil List, as tending to murmurs so loud. M. Marschall—One is confounded in the other.—(The agita- deliberates all by himself." Haddington, N.B 5 8
6 11 8 3 2 15 8 11
well with the principles of the Restoration, but was inconsistent Charter. silence.)
introduce a system of patronage and coterie which accorded A Member on the right—They arose from our respect for ti It tion increased, and the President endeavoured in vain to obtain The President—When the order of the day is demanded, I
--
must consult the Chamber, and I only proclaim its decision. Total 209 105 41 127 173 1595 550
with the simplicity of the Royalty of July. M. de Montalivet—All depends upon the sense in which it is M. Barthe (with a commanding voice, which rose above the 31. Audry de Puyraveau—l must account for my signature
(Signed) Will. MACLEAN, Secretary.
tumult said)—As representative of the country, and supreme appearing at the foot of a document containing so servile an
M. Thouvenel opposed the Bill, as framed in every respect taken. All Frenchmen are upon an equality amongst each
on a wantonly extravagant scale. In the course of his speech other—all are equal in the eye of the law. The King, however, executor of the law, the. King is a_personification of the law. expression as that of subject.
lie took occasion to censure with great warmth the late alters_ soars above the rest of the nation—this is a great principle ae. M. Levaillant—Fidelity to the King. Obedience to the charter. 31. Barthe—Servile: The French Papers of Thursday, Friday,
__ .. . . . - --- - .. .. ~.. . _ _ . m 11,,rtlie—In using the expression subjects of the King. Numerous voices at the extremities.—Yes, 3es.
Cnflyvti.•‘, n. 1,1 fltrsor. /1...../1 C.lll/1.1./ 11.1,11, /SEISM .... _

M. Thouvenel opposed the Bill, as framed in every respect
on a wantonly extravagant scale. In the course of his speech
he took occasion to censure with great warmth the late altera-
tions in the gardens of the Tuileries, and also accused Ministers
of talking perpetually of their honourable and pure intentions,
while perhaps those protestations were as mere verbiage as their
promises of economy, peace, and legality. `. We should, in-
deed, gentlemen," continued he, " be tempted to believe this
to be the case if it be true, as it is asserted, that a certain bur-
densome, or as some call it, fraudulent bargain, has been
allowed to pass ; if it be also true that attempts have been made
to undermine certain Parliamentary consciences by initiations
into the secrets of the Stock Exchange, and by promises of
lucrative places."—(lnterruptions from the centres.)

Favee de Vandoeuvre—Repeat that sentence if you dare.
M. Thouvenel—l spoke in a hypothetical manner. I might
have assumed a perfectly opposite tone.
M. de Montalivet (Minister of Public Instruction)—Name
the individuals.

M. Thouvenel--More than 15 Deputies present could name
them.

Voice from the centre—This is insulting.—(Great agitation.)
M. Laboissiere (to the President)—Pray prevent these inter-
ruptions.

M. de Rigny (Minister of the Marine)—When a Deputy
makes accusations he ought to have the courage to name the
parties to whom they are intended to apply.
M. Thouvenel, however, said no more upon the subject, but
resumed his arguments against the Civil List, which he cha-
racterized as adapted to augment the sufferings of the nation,
and deceive it more and more as to the consequences of the re-
volution of July, and concluded by declaring that he should
continue to oppose the Bill unless very material amendments
were adopted. _ _

M. Clerc-Lasalle (although inscribed to speak in favour of
the Bill) followed in the same line of argument, maintaining
that he was best serving the royalty of July by basing it upon
the popular interests, and adding, that the throne of Louis
Philip was never so truly dignified as when it bore the epithet
of citizen, and promised economy and retrenchment. He
concluded by declaring that he should vote for a Civil List of
13,000,000 f.
M. Jauhert observed that the rule of the Chamber which
required orators to be heard. alternately in opposition to, and
and in defence of, every measure, was here grossly violated by
the parliamentary espieglerie of the Members of the Opposition,
in inscribing themselves to speak for the Bill, and then oppos-
ing all its provisions. He added that if this course were per-
sisted in the majority would have no resource but a premature
demand to close the discussion.—(Great agitation.)
Salverte contended that the rule of the Chamber had not
been violated, as each orator must be the best judge of whether
the discourse he was about to pronounce were in favour of, or
in opposition to the measure, and the President would call him
to order if he required it. He defended the Opposition from
the charge of employing any improper or unhandsome tactics.
This little episodical discussion excited great interest, while
the lamps were being lighted detached groups were formed, in
which the most animated arguments were held, and the Presi-
dent had great difficulty in restoring silence.

M. Dupont de I'Eure complained of the insufficiency of the
documents furnished in the Chamber to enable it to judge of
the sum actually necessary for the Civil List. He argued
strongly on the necessity of economy, and stated that he could
not consent to grant more than 12,000,000 fr., the whole includ-
ing the Crown domains, or 6,000,000 fr. independent of them. At
any rate, he added, he should require accounts of the sums re-
ceived up to this time.—(Cheers from the left.)
M. Montalivet (Minister of Public Instruction), after re-
marking that all the orators who had yet addressed the Chamber
had spoken on one side of the question, said that he should
reply to them by reminding the Chaniber that it was now called
upon to lay the foundation of the dignity of the throne. A re-
publican Civil List was no more to be desired than republican
institutions.—( Agitation.) He then quoted the example of
former Civil Lists which had been granted, and reprobated
those republican ideas which would now convert the King into
a President, the throne into a mere arm-chair, and think the
nation liberal in granting a Civil List of 1,000,000. " Those,"
continued the Hon. Minister, " who, like us, and the majority
of this Chamber, wish to maintain the Constitutional Monarchy
of July, with its Charter and its King, will give that King a
fair and honourable Civil List- They would not, like Louis
Philip, when, sitting at the threshold of his Palace, be sees a
poor and wounded veteran stop to solicit succour, be compelled
to reply, My friend, the Duke of Orleans may assist you, but
the King of the bench is allowed nothing from which he can
contribute to your relief.' " The Hon. Minister then con
tended that the amount fixed by the Committee was insufficient;
" the King," he said, " must be enabled to protect the arts and
relieve the distressed; luxury, one of the cements of the pro-
sperity of civilized nations—(Murmurs at the extremities)—
must not be driven from the habitation of the King of the
French, or it will soon be banished from those of his subjects."
At this word a perfect explosion of cries burst from the
right and left.

Messrs. Marschall, Laboissiere, Clerc Lasalle, Sans, Cabet,
and other Members of the extremities, uttered violent and re-
iterated exclamations of—" There are no longer any subjects
in France:—There have been none since the revolution of July.
It is an insult to the Chamber, and to the whole nation. Re.
spect the Charter :—lt is we who have made the King :—The
King himself is the first subject of the law :—Order, order."
M. Dupin ainc—At all events, we have a King.

The President—As I do not conceive that the Hon. Member
used the term in a sense at variance with the Charter, I cannot
call him to order.

M. de Montalivet—All depends upon the sense in which it is
taken. All Frenchmen are upon an equality amongst each
other—all are equal in the eye of the law. The King, however,
soars above the rest of the nation—this is a great principle ac-
knowliAged by the Charter. In relation to him all Frenchmen
are inferiors, and in this sense may be called subjects.—{" No,
no, no," followed by fresh murmurs.)

The President, turning towards the extreme right, said—
Pray, gentlemen, be silent. You will have a right to reply.

M. de Montalivet—lt was not I who made the law, it was
made by the Chamber.
A Member from the right—The word " subjects" is not to
be found in the Charter.

M. Clerc Lasalle, M. Laboiaaicre, and other Members from
the extremities, again renewed their cry of " Retract, retract."
Members from the centres repeated contending cries of
" No, no," " Yes, yes," and the Chamber again became
agitated.

M. Mauguin—We are subjects to the law, but not to the
will of any individual.—(Hear, hear.—The tumult increased.)
Member on the right.--The word " subject" is altogether
improper, and is, in fact, an anachronism.

M. Marschall—We protest with all our energy against the
use of the denomination "subjects."
M. Thierry Poux—Go into Spain, and there you will be sub-
.o :ta of an absolute King.
M. Cabet—There are no subjects in France • we are all
citizens.

Other Members exclaimed—" The word 'subject' is not in
the Charter." (The disturbance continued.)
Messrs. De Grammont, Voyer d'Argenson, and Comte, re-
newed the cry of " Retract, retract."
M. de Beausejour—All the subjects remain buried under the
barricades of July.

M. de Montalivet—All depends upon the sense in which the
word is used.

(This was followed by loud cries of " Retract, retract," and
" No, no.")
M. de Montalivet—l will not retract, but I protest against the
interpretation put upon my words.
Messrs. Clerc-Lasalle and Laboissiere—Retract your words ;
we are not subjects.—(The agitation became extreme.)
The President--Gentlemen, it will be impossible to continue
the sitting, if this tumult does not cease.
M. de Montalivet attempted to go on, but was immediately
interrupted by cries of " Order" from the extremities.

The President—Gentlemen, you are violating the dignity of
the Chamber.

M. de Grammont—Do the Ministers all adopt this expression /

M. Laboissiere again reiterated—":We are no subjects."
M. Lafitte-_lt is an absolute counter-revolution.—(Order,
order.) . .

The tumult here attained its highest pitch, and the Presi-
dent's bell rang unnoticed.
The President of the Council—You have no right to inter-
rupt a Minister while he is addressing the Chamber. He has
a right to be heard.—(Order, order.)
The President—The tumult is created by only one part of the
Chamber, and I call upon it to respect its obligations.
M. Girardin—The Minister has insulted both the Chamber and
the nation. The word " subject" is not in the Charter.
Numerous Members from the right and left—" We protest
against the use of the word."
M. Clerc Lasalle—We will not listen to the Minister unless
he retracts it.—(Order, order, and opposing cries of " No, no."
The tumult was renewed.)
The President—lt will be evident that a feeble party hi this
Chamber has prevented the majority from continuing the dis-
cussion.—(Voices from the centres, "True, true; they will
have to answer for it to their country." Voices from the right
and left, " Order, order.")

M. de Montalivet again attempted to renew his speech, but
was interrupted by exclamations of " No subjects, let us be
off:- and at the same time a great many of the Members of the
right, and some from the extreme left, left the Chamber, and a
degree of agitation, almost impossible to describe, succeeded.
M. Clerc Lasalle, on going out, said—" We will never be
subjects. Let the subjects remain."—(Murmurs from the
centres.)
A Member from the second section of the right—" It is an
oppression—an absolute tyranny."
Voices from the centres—" Go on, go on."
Silence being in some degree restored by the departure of
the most clamorous of the opposition,
M. de Montalivet continued his address by expatiating on
the benefits which might be expected to result to the nation
from the manner in which Louis Philip would employ the in-
come ir trusted to him, in completing the Louvre and other
national edifices, and taking journies into the various depart-
ments of France, to encourage commerce and promote trade. In
conclusion, he combated the general arguments advanced by
the opposition, and again called on the Chamber to support the
dignity of the Crown by an adequate grant.

Barthe—ln using the expression subjects of the King,
there is nothing at variance with established principles. The
King is the law.--(Cheers from the centres, murmurs from the
extremities.) _ _

- - ,
M. Odillon Barrot rose, but was prevented from speaking by
cries of " Order, order."
M. de Tracy, 3f. Audry de Puyraveaux, and M. Lameth also
attempted to speak, but could not he heard.
. . _

M. D'Herambaut—But suppose, gentlemen, the expression
escaped from the lion. Deputy inadvertently:
From all parts of the Chamber—" Silence, gentlemen, silence.
Allow the Hon. Member to explain."

M. Tesseyre—You wish to prevent discussion by force of a
majority.
M. d•Herambauldt—What! Are we not to be allowed to an-
swer a Minister when he speaks ?
A voice from the Ministers• bench—" Yes, yes ; speak speak,
answer."

M. Laugier de Chartrouze—We have had enough of this
scandalous discussion.

A Member on the right to M. de Chartrouze—Silence, Sir;
do not interrupt, . .

M. Laugier de Chartrouze—You create an incessant inter.
ruption by your clamours. I have a right to call for order.
M. Odillon Barrot—No one can have a greater antipathy
than I have to disputes upon mere words, but there are circum.
stances which render words of such importance that it is impos-
sible for a political body to suffer them to pass without protest-
ing against their use. Therefore the Chamber protests—
Barthe—You should not say the Chamber Iprotests—it is
is you only who have protested.

M. Odillon Barrot—The title of King of France was inten.
tionally replaced by that of King of the French. This was not
a mere arbitrary change of words, but was done because the
title of King of France implied vassalage and feudality—(lnter.
ruptions)—while the term King of the French can be taken
only to express a high jurisdiction, having no connection with
territorial rights. Neither was it without design that in the
preamble to the Charter, in the place of the word's our subjects,
a different phraseology was adopted, for the express purpose of
excluding them. These are the authorities which the Minister
ought to have cited, instead of seeking out a document, to
which the framers of it themselves did not pay any attention, so
far as regarded its mere formal parts.—(Murmurs from the
centres.) It is not upon such a formula as this that the rights
of the people are founded, but upon the Charter and the spirit
in which it was framed. In order to justify the use of the term
subjects, the Minister who spoke last has gone much further
than the Minister who spoke yesterday ; the latter declared that
the word merely meant an inferior degree in the order of the
hierarchy; the former endeavoured to justify it in the same
manner as might have been done by a Minister of Charles X.
—(Violent interruption from the centres ; various voices cried
" No.")
M. Casimir Perier (with energy), we protest against such
an interpretation. .

M. Audry de Puyraveau—l signed the document without
reading the formal conclusion. lam not, and never will be,
the subject of any one.—(Loud applause from the extremities ;
a voice from the centre exclaimed—" But you were so long
enough.)
The President then called on M. Baillot, the Reporter of the
Committee of Accounts, who requested to be allowed to adjourn
his report until the morrow; but as several Deputies required
him to proceed, he ascended the tribune and read it ; such, how.
ever, was the indescribable tumult which prevailed, that not a
word even of the conclusion of the report was heard. Groups
engaged in animated discussion were formed in every part of the
Chamber; a warm argument took place between M. Lafitte
and M. Casimir Perier, and some of the other Ministers, in
which the former complained of the tyranny of the majority in
preventing him from speaking ; and on M. Perier observing
that he ought to submit to the decision of the Chamber, he re-
plied, " There is no longer any Chamber, all the regulations
are violated by the tyranny of your President : such is the re-
sult of the intrigues for his nomination." At the extreme right
several Deputies were busily engaged in preparing some written
paper, which was submitted to M. Odillon Barrot, who made
some hasty alterations in it. When M. Baillot's report was
finished, it was ordered to be printed, and taken into cousidera-
oq Saturday week.

The Minister of Commerce then brought in 14 Bills of pri-
vate and local interest.—Ordered to be printed.
The discussion of the Bill for regulating the Civil List was
then resumed, and after some observations on the policy and
necessity of economy, was declared to be closed.—Adjourned.

MR. MABERL Y.

(From the Caledonian Mercury.)

The failure of this prince of speculators has given rise to
many absurd stories, among others that, in consequence of his
connection with the Scotch Banks, his failure is likely to be
followed with considerable detriment to this country, while the
manufacturing establishments at Aberdeen and Montrose will
not be involved in the catastrophe. Some little explanation
may be satisfactory to the public ; and first, with respect to his
connection with the Scotch banks. Excepting his own ex-
change and deposit banks, which are established in Edinburgh,
Glasgow, Aberdeen, Montrose, and Dundee, there are no bank-
ing establishments in Scotland that will suffer more than by
holding the few stray notes which may have come into their
hands simce Friday, the 30th ult., the last exchange day. How
far people who may have been induced to deposit their money
with Maberly, for the sake of a larger interest than was allowed
by any of the other banks, are sufferers, it is impossible to
say ; and also, as he was in the practice of giving drafts on
London, cheques on himse{f, at the exchange of ten days
while the banks charged twenty, this is another source of
possible loss, but to what extent no one can know for the
present. It was in consequence of some altercation with the
Aberdeen banks, about the rate of exchange allowed on his
London transactions, that he resolved to become banker ; but
it was never believed that his profits could possibly cover the
expence, and, consequently, the advantage of deposits was the
inducement to carry on a losing game. The great manufac-
turing establishments at Aberdeen and Montrose were the first
connexion Maberly had with this country. We are given to
understand that they were carried on with an ability and success
seldom exceeded; but from these, it seems, be had withdrawn,
Mr. Stephen Moberly being proprietor of that at Aberdeen,
while the Montrose manufactory is now the sole property of a
yhe eaffredct be in
true the
Mr. Leader and a Mr. Richards, gentlemen of large capital in
London. From these circumstances, we have reason to hope
the catastrophe will not be so severely felt in this country as its
sfiurustthasipsecautointhdeurcedquuessttioun ; apprbeuht if apprehend. What
we
et
ii,tamvea
respecting
some transactions on the Continent, the
sufferers will not br enconfinedt to Britain.

General Demarcay—lt is not a matter for explanation ; the
word must be retracted.

M. dere Lasalle—Yes, yes! You were Minister of Charles X,
—(Renewed exclamations from the centres.) _ .

The French Papers of Thursday, Friday,
Saturday, and those dated Sunday, have been re-
ceived. The storm which took place in the
Chamber of Deputies respecting the word
" subjects" will be found fully detailed in
another part of The Sun, It is therefore
unnecessary to enlarge upon it. here. We think
that the scene reflects no honour upon the sena-
torial dignity of France. Indignation at the
supposed insult to the national honour or liberty
might be expressed otherwise, and certainly more
gravely than by such tumultuary expressions and
conduct as that displayed in the Chamber. We
do not wonder, however, that the Opposition
should be so jealously alive on the subject,
especially as Louis PHILIP has lately been con-
ducting himself more in the spirit of CHARLES
the Tenth than that of a Citizen King.

M. Bgausejoui—l demand to be heard.
M. Jaubert—To proclaim a republic, I suppose.—(Murmurs
and cries of " Order.")

M. Odillon Barrot—lf, while under the empire of the charter
of 1814, I had been called upon to explain the word 'subjects,'
I should have said the King is the personification of the law,
and consequently we are subject and under submission to the
law.—(" Hear, hear," from the extremities. Violent murmurs
from the centres.)
M. Perier—We are not here in the Convention, Sir, and you
have no right to use such language.—(The agitation of the
Chamber increased.)

M. l'Herbette opposed the grant proposed by the Committee
as grossly exorbitant. He was proceeding to argue against the
continuance of any crown domains, properly so called, when he
was interrupted by murmurs and marks of disapprobation from
the centres.

Cabet—Order, order.
Messrs. Thouvenel and Glais.Bizoin— Allow the speaker
to explain.
Messrs. Junyen and Beausejour—We will never be subjects.
M. Clerc Lasalle—Then, Mr. President, call the member
to order. respect the rules of the
The President—Silence, gentlemen,
Chamber ; respect your own dignity.
M. Marschall—Call his Excellency to order.
M. Cabet—" Order, order," Charles X. had subjects, but un.
ler Louis. Philip we are all citizens.
(The exasperation of the two extremes came to such a pitch,

M. Dubois (to the President)—l entreat you to call for si.
lence ; it is impossible to hear the orator who is in the tribune ;
it is a member of the opposition.
M. Luminais—You take care not to call for silence when it is
a member of the opposition who is speaking.
M. de Corcelles—Silence is only sought to be preserved for
the Ministers.

A Member on the right (to the President)—Pray put an
end:to the interruptions proceeding from the Bench of Ministers.

. .
The President—l do all in my power to prevent interrup-
tions, let them come from where they may.
M. Odillon Barrot (to the President of the Council)—We are
not under the reign of the Convention, nor are we under that of
Charles X.—(Hear, hear," from the extremities.) _ _

M. Casimir Perier.—Therefore attacks worthy only of the
Convention ought not to be made.—(The tumult became more
violent.)

M. Cabet and M. Audry de Puyraveau—Call the Minister—
call the President of the Council—to order.
A Member from the centre—Silence, gentlemen, it is your-
selves who disturb the order by your clamour.
The President—l beg leave to remind the Chamber that by
these repeated interruptions its sacrifices its own dignity.
M. Cabet—Then call the Ministers to order when they inter-
rupt the speaker.
M. Odillon Barrot—One more observation, and I have done.
We ought not to give to words a less signification than they le-
gitimately bear. We have remarked,—the whole nation has
remarked,—that the King in all his intercourse with the people
has always abstained from employing the word " subjects."—
)True, true.) The King of the French has a more conscien.
tious impression of the nature and origin of his authority than
any one else, and we offer him therefore our most grateful
homage for it.—(Applause.) It is because the expression "sub-
jects" appeared to be connected with an antiquated system that
the Chamber has felt itself called upon to protest.
M. Barthe—The Chamber has not protested.
M. Perier—There are not more than twenty-five Members
who have done so.

M. de Saint Cricq—All the disturbance has been created by
those twenty-five Members.
M. Odillon Barrot—The Minister is master of his own lan-
guage, and has a right to persist in the use of any words he may
have uttered in the Chamber ; but the Chamber is to decide
upon its own proces verbal, and has a right, by expunging any
word from that record, to protest against its re-production,
which would tend to invade the rights of the people, and de-
naturalize the Charter.—((question, question.)
M. Barthe— When I said that there was no power in France
above the law, and declared that the King was the first subject
of the law, and that his authority ought to be confounded in '
that of the law, and that in this sense he might be personified
as the law, I confess I did ...Apt expect to be compared to a Mi-
nister of Charles X., or one of the Polignac Ministry. I repel
this denomination as an insult. It shows the prejudices of cer-
tain persons.—(Cheers.)
Negative signs being made by M. Dupont de l'Eure, M. Casi-
mir Perier said, " Yes, Sir, it is perfectly true."
H. Barthe continued—l have been heard upon every occasion
to declare that the law alone should bear sway, and that there
the common g
l was no authority above it. I defy the Opposition to show a
single violation of the law, either in my words or actions. Have
you not seen me firmly protest against the adoption of recom-
mendationsn of passing la
s of
M. Odillon Barrot--Who has recommended laws of excep-
tion ? ofo teppeople
exception, which would be vio-
lations
M. Barthe—l repeat that in France there is no authority be-
yond the law : the King himself obeys it, but in return he is
entitled to fidelity and affection.—(Very general cheers.)
M. Lameth ascended the tribune amidst loud cries of " Ques-
tion, question," but declared that, being always willing to

The alleged plot seems now to be treated as a
hoax got up either by the Carlists or the Police.
The idea of eight men going up to ring the
tocsin at Notre Dame, in order to originate a
plot, is absurd.
The angry debates in the Chamber have had
the effect of depressing the funds, which closed
on Saturday at 651. 60c., having fallen one per
cent. that day.
It was understood that the time for exchanging
the ratifications had been :enlarged—but where-
fore does not appear, unless that obstinacy may
betlAepeNpoDrpol
eftelwsailosmst,iss believeiVi
izlGeaUllEyinLt:Fielye.
have an excuse for continuing still longer obsti-
nate. In the mean time the Emperor of RUSSSIA
aeAnn encourages ireratagt
Autocrat's
there FpEe
all
caper
aei
seem to be blessed with a large share of the
EMPEROR'S peculiar moderation !

M. Marschall—The President gave himself a little more
trouble just now for the Minister who was in the tribune.
M. Dubois—We demand silence, or that the discussion may
be closed.

FRENCH FUNOS.-FARIS, JAN. 5.-Five per Cents. 96f. Sc.
96f. 96E sc. I 6f. 95E 75c. 80c. 85c. 75c. 70c 75c. 60c. 55c. 6Cc. 55c.
60c.; Four per Cents. Slf. ; Three per Cents., 66f. 75c. 67f. 66f.
75c.671. 75c. 7Cc. 75c. 70c. 6.5 c. 60c. 65c. 60c. LOc. 60c. 55c. 50c
50c 65c. ; Bank Action, 1616 f.; Rente de Naples, 76f. 75f. eoc. ;
Royal Spanish Loan, '74% ; Rente Pcrpetuelle d'Espagne,
54% % • Exchange on London, one month, paper, 25E
40c. ; money, 20f. '4oc. ; three months, paper, 25f. 25c. ; money,
23f. 25c.--Coors Authentique.
FRENCH FONDS.-.PARIS, JAN. 6.-Five per Cents., 95f. 95f
10c. 50c. 40c. 25c. 50c. 55c. 60c. 65c. 95f. '7sc. 70c. 50c. 40c. 45c.
40c. 50c. 40c. 50e. 95E 45c. 50c. 40c. 50c. 40c.-Rente, 80f. 30c.-
Three per Cents. 66f. 666 Ioc. 40c. 20c. 15c. 76f. 66E 15e. 50c.
66f. 3.5 c. 30c.2.5c. 30c. 35c. 40c. 30c. 40c. 35c. 66f. 25c.-Bank Ac-
tions, 1,610f-Rente de Naples, 76f. 75c. 70c.-Royal Spanish
L0an,74.-Rentes Perpetuelle d'Esgagne 54 53% 'A 54 53% 54.
4Exocc. h;atghereeonmLoonnthdso,n,paonpeer,m2,sontt.hlkpa. paper, 0e25.1;..25mr_e
Authentique, Jan. 6.)
JAN. 7 Five per Cents. opened at
FRANCS FUNDE.-PARIS, money,
60c., closed at 65f. 60c. : Bank Actions ,
opened at 76f. closed
at 76f. 10c. ;Royal
at 53%, closed at
72%; Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagne opened t•s*RoePentenedde aNtap66l4
95f. 75c., closed at 94f. 80c. ; Thepez6Clofen
53;-Exchange on London, one month, paper, 251. 40c. ; money,
25f. 3.5c.-threernonths, money, 25f. 20c. ; paper, 25.25 c.

. _
(From the Glasgow Free Press.)
The failure of the great banker and loan-jobber, Moberly,
has created a strong sensation both here and in those other
places in which he did business ; but, in this city, though indi-
viduals may, perhaps, suffer severely, the consequences will not
be generally felt. We suspect this failure will produce impor-
tant effects upon the baneful system of loanmongering,--a sys-
tem, the most hostile to human freedom and happiness, of any
of modern invention ; inasmuch, as, by supplying bad Govern-
ments with those means without which they could not have exe-
cuted their projects, it has been the main support of despotism
for the last forty years, and entailed on the present generation,
and their posterity, burdens the most wicked, ruinous, and in-
tolerable. Doubts as to the inexhaustibility of those resources
from which the loanmongering system was supplied, are now
apt to be engendered, and to embarrass the future operations of
jobbers and needy Governments ; and such a result is at this
juncture calculated to operate most powerfully on the troubled
politics of Europe. For example, Belgium wi.s negotiating
with Mr. Moberly for a loan, at the moment of his failure; and,
as this negotiation will now probably be broken on; and Bel-
gium left to seek out another merchant, who knows what effect
this may produce on the relations between that country and
Holland ? We understand that the amount of loss sustained
in this quarter by the failure, will be about twenty thousand
pounds ; but, as remarked above, this will chiefly fall upon indi-
viduals, and make no impression on general trade.

The President--I do all I can to keep silence. If it be not
preserved, the President is not to be blamed for it.
M. l'Herbette then continued his discourse, reiterating the
same arguments as had already been urged against a heavy civil
list.—Adjourned.

'We have received Hamburg, Prussian, and
German Papers this morning. The most im-
portant matter in them is the fact that the Em-
L)eisroorbnoof.RiouusssdlA found
ecreerespit necessary
respecting
gthe to modify
iiffiodiby
restricting its operation till the Ist of
January, 1832. Originally it was ordered to be
put in force from the date of its promulgation ;
but this being found to be attended with very
great oppression to parties having goods in bond,
the time is extended. The cholera had totally
disappeared at Berlin on the 31st Dec., am] re-
appeared on New Year's day :
THE HAGUE, JAN. s.—ln the sittirp, of the second
Chamber yesterday, the debate on the project of law for
providing the ways and means to meet the extraordinary
expenditure of the State for the year ISV was
adopted by a majority of 34 to 15, and :lent to the first
Chamber.

(From the Scots Trines.—Glasgow.)
If the political world is somewhat gloomy, we regret to say
that the commercial is not less so. The great house of
Maberly and Co. has most unexpectedly suspended its pay-
ments, and so great was the effect of this announcement in
London, that even the funds felt the shock. Our readers aro
doublers aware that Mr. Maherly is Member for Abingdon—a
great loan contractor—a banker in London, Glasgow, and other
towns, and proprietor of various manufacturing establishments
at Aberdeen and Montrose. Of course the failure is to an im-
mense extent, and will be productive of many serious commercial
embarrassments throughout the country. Fortunately for
Glasgow, the banking establishment of that city has not of late
done business to a great amount. Of course the injury to trade
there will not be to any serious extent.

The river before Dordrecht is full of floating ice.
His Royal Highness the Prince of Orange, returning
from the Hague to the headsquarters at Bois-lc-Ditc, had
some difficulty in passing the river on account of the ice.
Actual Debt
AMSTERDAM, JAN. 6.
, 2% per cent
6 per cent 4014; to 41
in Aort Syndic 4% per cent 66% to 67
Ditto, ditto,
-i% per cent.
Voluntary Loans,
89% to 89‘,4
HAMBURG, JAN. 2,—Letters troiii St.Petersburgh, bring
the important news, that the order for levying a duty of 121
per cent. has been revoked by the Government, by which
great embarrassments in trade are prevented. However,
on all goads to be imported after the let (13th) January
1832, the increased duties, with the addition of 12A per
cent., are to be levied, and it is probable that the duties
on some articles may be farther increased.
The navigation on the Upper and Lower Elbe is now
interrupted by the great accumulation of floating ice.
Floating ice has also appeared at Cuxhaven, so that it ham
been necessary to remove the buoys in the Elbe as far as
the Bosch. If the frest continues, the Bernhard and

Accounts from Brussels state that the rg
organization of the army was proceeding wit'
great spirit—a fact that seems to indicate tii,
degree of faith placed by LEOPOLD in the CO"
tinuance of peace.

The course which the Council of the Nadal
Political Union appears resolved to follow in #
gard to the diffusion of knowledge, is such
if persevered in, will not only secure the re
utility, but the permanent stability of the ins
tution under their charge. The Council, conceit
ing its first duty to be to supply sound politid
information, and to impress the minds of t 1
people with right principles of morals
Government, has taken steps to establish a red
ing•room for the members of the Union, any
not only to stock it with standard works, but
publish elementary treatises to convey to tl
people that kind of knowledge which they st
the most in want of.

As a matter of the first necessity to the objet
they nave in view, the National Political Unid
will petition, without loss of time, against th
noxious taxes on paper and Journals. The,
will also protest, in distinct petitions, against th
Advertisement duty, and the Foreign Book dull.
Both of these rank under the denomination (J
taxes on knowledge just as much as the other
and we are surprised that so shrewd a man as 14
PLACE, should not see that the repeal of
Advertisement duty ought to be required,
precisely the same ground as that of the Ned'
paper Stamp duty. The fact is, that Advil,
tisements are as regular and proper a source
profit to a Journal as the sale of the Pape
and whatever impedes the success of a Neill
paper, as a mercantile speculation, impedes, 1
a matter of course, the diffusion of knowlede
It is not to be supposed that proprietors
Newspapers, more than others, will inform 1,11
public at a loss to themselves ; but they must,
.1
course, charge the public a remunerating prig
for their Papers. It is plain then, that ado(
impeding advertisements tends to , keep up th
price of Newspapers, and that the surest ds
to cheapen Newspapers, and in fact to reduce the
cost to a sum almost nominal, will be to relief
them from taxes ofevery kind—on paper, stampl
and advertisements. Those who deny tlll
utility of Newspapers are consistent in
.1.11
deavouring to keep them taxed ; but such 0.
profess to see the matter in the true point 4
view, contradict their own principles when the
doubt whether the Advertisement duty is a t$
upon knowledge. So with regard to the Foretg
Book duty ; the reason for repealing it is pf
cisely the same.as touches the Newspaper swill
duty, viz.—that the good to be derived froo
the diffusion of information is much great
than can be attained by the augmentation tht

revenue may derive from the existence of
taxes in question.

A Government can only be said to be real',
good and wise, when it comprehends the relatiO
importance to the nation of the different thins
and questions which affect its political condition'
It is no proof of political sagacity to deal wit'
every question affecting the revenue as a simlA
financial question, and to leave out of view tho#
higher considerations which must ever have till
most weight with well-cultivated minds. have
cannot reflect, without mortification, upon thi
want of zeal which the present Government liF
displayed for the advancement of knowledge,
because we had a right to expect from it beat,'
things. Mr. HUME and his associates see ail
matter in the true light, and if their plans (sortie;
what modified) succeed, will do the country
real and lasting service. They will, perhaps,
the way, teach the Society for the Diffusion 4
Useful Knowledge a lesson, that may suggest
that body how little it resembles what the publtli.
hoped it would have become. While the peopF
are craving for knowledge to instruct them in till
right conduct of life, and in their social righC
and duties, this Society persists in the absurditl
of feeding them with elaborate Treatises of
Electro-Magnetism, and Biographies of NO
oT
ror
some,ahiboieti
idepsaKepinnodrEspotPltpreluLei
erct:
etssßimitotnin!aepisin.idtWii
tiny
Without
tfotiowoottriuhoat
thne
brcasteenh:yewfadlotsihidtrsiepd;eofbnrrsioeeiettdu: eoi
donetiotniof'aytpiuct flatterlit
little
et the
or Pnoothiltiiiciagl_Uwie)ioninuTtfosrayi t
there has
is,
eye
swa s i
on more
of room for h
knowledge
tthaeiiir a
t t
the exertions
for the
present
moment
The The approaching period of the passing of alit
Reform Bill -will give the. Union leisure to de
vote their attention to other questions than mersli
constitutional ones, and of, at least, equal in;
portance.