The Sun.
London, England, 1866-03-01 00:00:00

SUFFOLK..

Mr. J. Hutton, inspector for Sudbury and the
➢Telford district, reports that there is no cattle plague
in those localities. Mr. Hutton believes that the
disease was prevented spreading by the stringent
measures adopted in Melford-paik, where the dis-
eased beasts were isolated, while no animal was al-
lowed to leave the park alive.

SPIRIT Or THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

-r

TIMES.-The rumour to which we called atten-
tion yesterday, that Lori Russell had sought to be
relieved from the cares of office, has been so autho-
ritatively denied that we hasten to correct the im-
pression and to moderate the speculations which it
not unnaturally excited. We were careful at the
time to put forward the statement for what it might
be worth, though we frankly confess that it came to
us with such particularity of detail as to command
assent; nor was it until after considerable delay
and inquiry that we thought it our duty to make it
the subject of coalmen. The collateral rumours
of course share the fate of the principal report, and
the condition of the Ministry remains in fact un-
altered, unless we - may suppose it has ac-
quired additional stability by way of reaction
against the rumours of its approaching dis.
solution, the real character of which is now ex-
posed. Among the combinations which might have
succeeded Lord Russell's Ministry, it was impos-
sible to discover any which could be regarded as
more than temporary; and it is satisfactory to know
that we are spared the disadvantages of a provi-
sional administration. The actual Government is
not, indeed, wholly free from that character, but it
is in existence already ; and this advantage, added
to the great ability of its most prominent members,
gives it a promise of permanence to which no suc-
ceeding Ministry could pretend. With a consider-
able Liberal majority in the House of Commons,
and the country eager for any statesmanlike solu-
tion of the questions which have been the sport of
party for the better part of twenty years, Lord
Russell and his colleagues ought in truth to be able
to make their position more assured as the Session
advances, and to find themselves at the end of it
with the prospect of a long-continued reign. We
sincerely trust that this will be the case, though no
desires can blind us to the real dangers of the future.
No Ministry, however illustrious in individual mem-
bers, can retain the confidence of Parliament and
the nation without acts corresponding to their pre-
tensions, and the Members of the present Cabinet
have their fate in their own hands. If we might
believe that in one shape or another the Ministry
are determined to settle the question of Reform, and
not simply to meddle with it, none could be more gra-
tified than ourselves at the cheerful prospects opened
by such a resolution. It is probable that the rumoured
resignation of the First Minister will continue to be
believed however emphatically it may be denied.
There are men who are afraid to hazard their repu-
tation for prescience by the avowal that they have
been misinformed, and in the face of contradiction
will simply declare that their revelations were only
premature. We must distinctly disavow any such
disingenuous proceeding, though it would be mere
affectation not to acknowledge that the readiness
with which the rumoured break-up of Lord Rus-.
sell's Administration was received was due to the in-
trinsic probability of the statement. The Session has
barely lasted three weeks, and it cannot be denied
that the Ministry has become perceptibly weaker as
it went on. Parliament and the Government were
both new, but the great majority professing
Liberal principles in the Lower House were
casting about uncertainly for leaders. The old
champions were gone, and the new were reluc-
tant to declare themselves. It was known that on
some leading questions considerable, not to say
essential, differences of opinion prevailed. The rank
and file of the party were longing for watchwords,
and as none were vouchsafed them they had begun
to divide themselves according as they were attached
to one or other member of the Cabinet. It seemed
as if the conduct of public affairs wouldahave to pass
through a period of distraction such as followed the
death of Mr. Canning. Now, as then, no one knew
what course the leaders of opinion would resolve on,
and now, as then, the appointments which afforded
the most solid ground for judgment of the future
excited animosity in one section, and an ill-con-
cealed expression of triumph in another. It is time
that this uncertainty and rivalry should cease, and
the unfounded statement that the Cabinet was about
to perish will not be wholly a matter of regret if it
should prove the occasion of its termination. An
emphatic declaration of policy would do more to re-
assure the just anxiety of the wellwishers of the Go-
vernment than any disavowals of danger, however
eagerly made ; for it -is- only in a declaration of
policy that the nation can see proof of that unity of
counsel which it desires in the Executive Govern-
ment. As long as a declaration of policy is with-
held it will be believed that it is withheld only be-
cause disunion prevents its adoption; and where the
apprehension of disunion is paramount the confi-
dence of followers is impossible. It must be remem-
bered that the Liberal party is now in a remarkable
position. It has practically held office for a num-
ber of years without parallel in the Reformed Par-
liament, and it is a necessary consequence of this
prolonged tenure of power that it has lost the vete-
rans who were long at its head. But it has lost more
than these. By a series of inscrutable fatalities it
has lost those who would in due course have suc-
ceeded to command. Mr. Sidney Herbert, the
Duke of Newcastle, Lord Elgin, Sir George Come-
wall Lewis are the names of men who excited the
highest confidence and unbounded' hopes, but who
have been cut off in their prime. More recently we
have lost Lord Carlisle, and Sir Charles Wood has
been forced to relinquish office in the full maturity
of his powers. It is unnecessary to dwell upon the
last report that Sir George Grey is about to resign
the Home Office, or the rumoured retirement of
Lord Russell no sooner denied in one fashion than
it reappers in another, to feel that the horoscope of
the future is dark and uncertain. It is a time for
the development of new ideas, the manifestation of
a policy, the construction of a new and strong com-
bination ; but all these things require clearness of
vision, strength of resolution, energy of performance.
If they are to be done, it were well that they were
done decisively ; for every day of delay adds to the
embarrassment of supporters and the strength of
opponents.
POST.—Without anticipating the discussion on the
condition of Ireland which, if nothing occurs to
•suggest its postponement, Earl Grey's motion will
raise, it may not be amiss to advert to a circumstance
of more immediate importance. It no longer ad-
mits of doubt that the Fenian conspirators have to
some extent undermined the loyalty of some of the
troops stationed in Ireland, and perhaps to a greater
extent than we conceive possible. They have
evidently proceeded systematically ; they have been
abundantly supplied with the means of corruption •,
and they have had peculiar facilities. Obviously, if
Irishmen entered into the conspiracy at all, there
could be no difficulty in embodying a certain num-
ber of them in the Queen's regiments by enlistment.
This has been done, and the result remains to be
ascertained. Of course, it can go no further, and
if we could discover how far it has already gone, or
rather how far it is likely to spread in the infected
area, a summary remedy might be applied. That
is in the nature of things next to impossible. Com-
promising disclosures may be made, but we shall
probably never know, nor need we care to in-
quire, how many soldiers wearing her Majesty'e
uniform, and receiving the pay of the British Govern-
ment, have been halting between two opinions. It
will be enough if the proper measures of precaution
are now taken ; and if this duty is not discharged
efficiently, the authorities, whoever they may be,
will. incur an exceedingly heavy responsibility. No
one can entertain any misgiving as to the ability
and the character of the Commander-in-Chief of
the army in Ireland. Sir Hugh Rose is perfectly
competent to deal with rebellion in whatever form
it presents itself. But, looking at recent events, a
military officer may well desire to be armed with a
I sufficient warrant. The convicted conspirators have,
it is true, experienced the force of justice, but the
sentences passed upon them have not had a deter-
ring effect, inasmuch as their severity is only known
to themselves. On the contrary, indeed, it is seen
that some, at least, of these men had forfeited their
lives, and that the penalty was not exacted. The
required example is entirely wanting, and in the
presence of treason that which is urgent is also
merciful. This may be a painful question, but there
are obligations which must be fulfilled firmly,
_ promptly, and with inflexible decision. We have
Lot to consider a case of national disaffection, but
A tonspiraey prompted by. the citizens of a foreign
cAmory. The United Irishmen were in treason-

e*."'m

able correspondence with the French Dire**
and the Fenians, as we trust and believe, receive no
encouragement from the Government of the United
States ; but the principle and purpose of the one
are the principle and purpose of the other. It is
not the object which was sought to be attained by
the Catholic Association, or even by the repeal
of the Union, but an independent Republic of
the American type, and may in fact be de-
scribed. in the ver words of Lord Cornwallis
in
.1798, with the single exception we
po.inted. out The real cause of the present
mischief is a deep-laid conspiracy to revolutionise
.Ireland. on the principles of France, which. was
originally formed, and by wonderful assiduity
brought nearly to maturity, by men who had ll°
thought of religion but to destroy it, and,who knew
how to turn the passions and prejudices of the
have just
ferent sects to the advancement of their horrible_
plot for the introduction of that most dreadful c!!
all evils, a Jacobine revolution." Further, in au
cases of this nature, ill-timed lenity is adverse from
genuine clemency. We can now be just ; but thin,
might come to the pass at which fear invariably
.produces violence. In the event of an insurrection
it certainly. more difficult to restrain the
loyalists than to put down the insurgents.
. Hess, as. Lord Macaulay put it, is
a great
,andven
inu.blic affairs, but it has its proper sphere b
this. is a conspiracy which may be best repress.ed
vigorous action To shrink from the exer.cise 0_
power in an emergency is to abdicate the right ot,
exercising. it at all. The majesty of the law cane'
be said to be vindicated when the law is °Pen uY
defied. At present a line can be drawn between
those are,,,
those who are really criminal and those
more or less, their dupes • and if that were
excited
.drawn sharply at once, and strictly observed, the,,..
is every. reason to suppose that the ir,
Am. ericans would abandon a mad and wicked thetcr
prise. As it is, these aliens are presuming en t
forbearance of the Government, and, for our part,
we think it is time to measure' their rebel
machinations by the motives which they rev
If Fenianism represented in any sense the wren°„
of Ireland, it would be idle to attempt to elle
pass its suppression except by removing t‘h,
causes to which it owed its existence. nut the
claims that are made in the form of a consPilthe
to overthrow the established Government OL. ns
country cannot be recognised. Those
should be disposed of before the questions relat.intao
to the welfare of the Irish people are taken nines
consideration, and, therefore, to urge tee, as",virly
which,. if severe, are indispensable, is vlrt•
urging that justice be done to Ireland. The sit.tire
ton was very different in 1829. Then, there Ile
real. grievances to be redressed, civil pretensle,
raging throughout the island, industry was ParalZs„vi,
and the unity of the empire was menaced.. and
t.he. agitation is as un-Irish as it is un-English' &-
it is inopportune to arraign the policy of the bud
vernment when Ireland is invaded and distursea
by foreigners, Republican emissaries whose emi, us
home lies some two thousand miles away. arld
abate this nuisance first of all, and when pe.ac.4ich
order
.are restored pay attention to matters In ", no
the Irish are interested. But there should on.
misapprehension. as to the basis of the dis.cuss,k,be
acts, declaring its dependence were repeal
Ireland is not a dependency of Great 8rita1n..,,82,
discord 7
ed '
and it
.was legally independent of England 1113,,ht
the period of the Union, which was mainly broaore,
about by the Rebellion of 1798. So that, autrrish
sent, Ireland is an integral portion of the, w
uter," sts
l empire, and there can be neither separate
t eat
nor a divided duty. It may be quite true that great
measures of importance are looked for and r,el for
that the Irish railways leave much to be wuwenierts
and that the people envy the paternal Govern': one
of other countries. But what we say is, thD
faints,
thing is now pressing, and that these comPto the
just and a
right as they may be, are irrelevant, by 3
issue which has been offensively interpoltea
foreign conspiracy.