The Sun.
London, England, 1832-03-20 00:00:00

in the country. He did not remember the time when
some great interest was not affected by distress ; and what
could be thought of the argument about the happiness of
Ilia country by the Hon. Gentlemen opposite, who had
rho tared that Reform bad begun through the distress o,
the country, and through the refusal of that House to
listen to their complaints ? What would he said to it by
the Hon. Member for Boroughbridge, who had made a
similar assertions and who had further declared, that the
distress was the effect of legislative enactments? How,
then, came these differences of description ? Was it only
when they were engaged in discussions upon the currency,
or upon free trade, that distress exi.ted ? but when Re-
form is Parliament was the subject, the people were pro -
sporetri. It was scarcely fair in these Hon. Gentlemen
to maintain that the people were miserable when contend-
ing with the political economists, and that the people wet e
prosperous when contending with the Reformers. He re-
spected the Constitution. he believed that there was in it
much good, but azzodated with it he believed there was
much evil, if, in consequence of the Constitution we en.
jtcsd, we were powerful or prosperous, that our mines
produced us wealth, that our manufactures at Manchester
were diffused all over the- world, it must also be acknow-
ledged that it was in consequence of the Constitution as it
now existed that we were oppressed with the heavy burden
of taxation ; that we suffered from a stagnation of trade ;
that in some parts of England the wages were so low as
scarcely to support animal life; that in them the la-
bourer considered the parochial rates not as a means
of occasional relief, but as the regular source of his sup-
port; and that throughout there existed a most distem.
pered state of society. Under these circumstances he
could not avoid being !ad to the inference, that as in the
present condition of society he saw a great good alloyed by
a great evil, so, in the constitution, he thought lie saw a
-sound principle defaced by a great corruption.—(Hear.) It
was not difficult to know the parts of the Constitution to
which our prosperity was to he attributed, and those to
which were to bs. attributed our distress. The Constitu-
tion of the country had undoubtedly been the cause of much
of our prosperity. It afforded ample security for individual
property again-t ae claims and powers of the executive.
It preserved for the people this freedom of discussion. It
gave them a House of Commons in which, whatever were
its defects, there had always been some Members advocates
for the people. These were its advantages, and they «ere
the advantages they proposed not to take away hut to ex-
tend and to secure. Oa the other hand, it had its dis-
advantages. He could not but attribute to the Constitu-
tion in its present state much of the distress that now ex-
isted—distress caused by unthriftful stewardship, by par-
tial and injudicious legislation ; to a Government from
which responsibility was taken away by that House of
Commons; to a House of Commons from which the defects
of the system of representation took away all the respon-
sibility ; to wars, which, if not more unwisely begun,
were more rashly and feebly conducted than any wars could
be under a Reformed Parliament—(Hear, from the Oppo-
sition)—to years of peace not employed in adopting a sage
economy ; to laws made for the benefit of particular classes ;
in short, to Ministers who had not before their eyes the
fear of Parliaments, and to Parliaments who had not before
their eyes the fear of constituents.—(Hear, hear.)—His
Noble Friend who bad begun the debate, had said that they
ought not to condemn the Home of Commons, for it had
always been ready to back Ministers in measures of eco-
nomy. But was that all the duty of a House of Commons ?
or ought it not to force the Ministers into measures of
economy, instead of being content with merely backing
them ? There were two parts in the Constitution. The
one was the cause of good, the other of evil. It was to
remove the latter, and to extend the former, that was the
object of this Biil ; and for that reason he gave it his sup-
port. It was in vain to say that the Constitution was
good, if it was not applicable to the wants and wishes of
the people ; for otherwise it would be of as little advant.ge,
as would a coat of a most admirable quality and fashion,
if it did not fit the wearer. He did not support the Bill
because it was supposed to tend towards democratic insti-
tutions, or because he thought such institutions were in all
ages and countries the best, but because he thought that
institutions somewhat more democratic than the country
lit present possessed would be likely to ensure for it the
benefits of good Government. In short because he
thought it would accommodate the institutions to the
growth of the country. It was not alone because the
present system was full of anomalies that he wished to
alter it. He did not war against anomalies, except so far
as he believed them to be abuses. He supported this
Bill because be thought it would go to eradicate real
abuses, and to avert dangers not imaginary and remote,
but palpable and near. Hon. Gentlemen opposite had
condemned theorists in Government, but they were the
true theorists who spoke of systems, but refused to look at
their applicability to cla'anging times. They had been
told that they must not argue about the necessity for
liberal Governments in some countries abroad, for that,
though we might think such Governments despotic,thepeople
liked them, and they, therefore, should not require to be
changed. If that.argument was good in the way in which he
had ju,t stated it, surely it was equally good as leading to
a different result—to a result that would establish the ne-
cessity of changing a Constitution, if the people desired
that change.—(Hear, hear.) There was no sign of aver-
si. n given by the people of Spain or Portugal for the con-
stitutions promulgated amongst them, more strong than
those which the people of this country had exhibited
against the continuance of the abuses af our Constitution

It, then, the people of Spain and Portugal were not to
have Constitutions because they disliked them, surely the
people of this country ought to have Reform because they
desired it. No gentleman could deny the truth of this
argument, nor would any venture to get up and say that
the system of the representation of this country was re-
garded by the people with that sort of feeling with which
all men must desire that the people shoo] regard the
Constitution under which they lived. The advantages
of a Government founded on prescription had often
been alluded to. It was said that such a Government
was more respected than those which were not; but
if a Government were in itself had, the mere fact of
its being founded on prescription would not render
it respectable. If the people were rendered mise-
rable under a Government by prescription, their suffer-
ings were the same as it the Government had no such pre-
scriptive rghts. Lt was the same as if a man died of a
disease—it could not be imptirtant whether (to use a fa-
miliar comparison) death was occasioned by measles
or by the cholera. 'Die one was as bad as the other, if
each produced death. But prescription had not always
been respected in this country to such an extent as to for-
bid all change. That which had exited by prescription,
had teen changed, and the change was found to he for the
benefit of the people. Tne Catho'ic had been by pre-
scription the religion of the country, hut the rights of pre-
scription were not impliciq followed, and the St ,te reli-
gi,ot was changed. The revolution, too, had changed the
rights of Government, which prescription had established,
and these changes had shocked many old associarions—had
deeply wounded the feelings of reverence and respect; but
tie Ref Bill would have no such effect, for never had
the present state of the representation been but as t bye-
word of contempt—( Hear, hear.) That part of the con-
stitution was indeed so unpopular, that the whole was in
danger of becoming so, and to avoid that evil it was ne•
cessary to have recourse to Reform. But prescription
was equally destroyed by a small as by a great change, by
eivinr, two Members to Manchester as by disfranchising all
the boroughs in any of the Schedules, so that in fact the
objec-ion of prescription, if it be appli, d to this Bill, would
equally apply to any Bill of moderate Reform.—(Hear,
hear.) In the same manner, whatever anomalies might
be objected to in this Bill, would be found in any other.

It was iinpossible to frame any measure that was not of
a revolutionary nature, without finding some of
these anomalies in it. Any plan, too, that might be pro-
posed would be open to the objection that it was not final,
and the more niggardly it wa,4, the less likely was it to be
final. Any plan of Reform might be said to he the first
step towards revolution, and all the arguments employed
against this Bill might be, and had been employed when the
question only was, whether Manchester should have Mem-
bers or not. Hon. Gentiemea opposite called themselves
moderate Reformers. If so, why did not they produce some
plan of Reform, and allow the House to see whether the
same objections would net apply to their plan of Reform
which they now urged against that proposed by the Minis-
ters. Above all, he called o❑ the Right Hon. Baronet
opposite to produce his plan of Reform. The Right Hon.
Gentleman possessed considerable talents ; he was at the
head of a party ; he had held a high situation in the Go-
vernment ; anti all these circumstances justified him (Mr.
Nlacaulay) in calling on the Right Hon. Baronet for his
plan of Reform. Was it not wonderful that after thir-
teen months had passed in the discussion of this measure of
Reform, all that they knew of the Right Hon. Baronet
was, that he was opposed to the Ministers?—(Hear, hear.)
All that the Right Hon. Baronet said was, that though he
did net bring forward a moderate plan of Reform, such u
plan might have been brought forward, and if it had he
would have given it his support. What that plan was—
what were the grounds on which he would have assented

to it—what were those that made him refuse to bring—it
forward—he had not stated to the House; yet they should
have been stated ; and a man of the talent and of

:he character of the Right lion. Bironet ought not to
hAve shrunk from the respursibi!ity of stating them, nor
ought he to have contented himself with saying, " There
Is something that might be done, but you have not hit
that something, and I will not tell you what it is."--

(Hear, hear.) A great deal of excitement existed on this
subject ; perhaps the Right Hon. Baronet would say,
True, but that is no affair of mine—the excitement is
your own work."—(Cheers from the Opposition.) He
supposed that Hon. Gentlemen opposite conceived three
-sheers to be a full and sitisfactery answer to the argil.
inents he had used ; but the people of the present day
would pronounce whether they were, and the next gene-
ration would judge them.—(Hear, hear.) Was that the
way in which these things were to be treated? The
country would not be satisfied with it ; for these Hon.
Gentlemen wi re responsible not only for the evil they
committed, but for the good they omitted. History
would not bold such men blameless, if, from the tear of
compromising themselves, they either preserved their
.61ence, or spoke in such a way as not to disclose their
meaning. But he asserted that they were responsible for
the excitement, and that in that respect they had at least
quite as much to answer for as their successors. Leaving,
however, that matter out of the question, if the country
was excited, the question was not whose was the fault, but
'.idiot was to be done? That question he put before the
House and the country, to the Right Hon. Baronet, and
that question he hoped to hear answered. The country
had a right to expect from the Right Hon. Baronet
something higher and better than time exhibition of
his talents for debate; and he would ask that Right Hon.
Baronet earnestly, but respectfully, whether he wished
that it should go down to posterity, that when the country
was neiiitated from one end to the other—when its dearest
interests were at stake—he, then the most distinguished
Member of the House of Commons, brought some sound,
and many specious objections against what was proposed
by the Government—that he hinted that something ought
to be done—that something might be done; but could
never be induced to express what that something was.
Supposing the Bill rejected and a change of Ministry the
consequence of its loss, would the new Cabinet venture
to dissolve the Parliament god to appeal to the people ?
Impossible—unless it were intended to commit again the
error into which Charles I. fell when he dissolved the short
Parliament and exchanged it for the long Parliament.—
(Cheers.) Admitting, however, that the new Ministers
could seeure a majority within doors, what would be the
condition of the people without doors ? Tumults asso-
ciations, seditions, and agitations, libels without end, and
a state of general disorganization, compared with which
all former years of disturbance were peace and order. In
the present state of the public mind—in the present state
of the publie education, the people could not be put down
by the strong hand of power : if the House would not
give them libel ty, the people would he licentious. This
found Cromwell—this found Jimes IL—this found Mr.
Pitt, when lie prosecuted Hardy and Horne Tooke—this
found Lord Cestlereagh, when he passed the Six Acts in
1819—and this would find any Government which at-
tempted to smother the complaints of the people of Eng-
land without redressing their grievances.---(Cheers.)
Therefore he was anxious that some of the opponents of
the present Bill would lay before the House their plan,
with a statement of what they conceived would be the
consequences of the rejection of that now before the
country. He thought that there was only this alternative
—the Bill or anarchy.—(Much cheering.) As to the re-
sult he entertained no doubt : he placed the firmest reliance
on the present advisers of the Crown, anti he wanted any
pledge but their characters, he should find it in their
situation. To abandon their country would be to abandon
themselves ; they had done that which must change the
destiny of the nation—(Heir, hear, from the Opposition)
—the step they had t tken on the first of March, 1831,
eras not short nor easily made.—(Cheers.) Befimre them
was glory—behind them disgrace, anti flight could give
them no refuge. For hinvolf he believed now, as he had
always believed, that their virtue, judgment, and firmness
would be found equal to this momentous occasion, and that
their names, to the latest times, would be associated with •
the dearest recollections of their countrymen ; they would
restore health to a corrupt Government, and bind to-
gether the hearts of a divided people.—(Much cheering).
Mr. CROKER—Among the arguments just used by the
Hon. Metnber, there was one which seemed most extraor-
dinary; be had drawn a frightful picture of the tumults,
seditions, and libels that were to he the consequence of
one plan of Reform, and yet he had called on the enemies
of the Bill which was to work these evils, to throw their
ingredients into the caldron, and to add new elements to
the n ttional confusion, -by producing an idle project which
might be brought into discussion, but could never he
brought into practice. Ministers had themselves found it
necessary to abandon one part of their original scheme, as
they found it would neither be endured by Parliament nor
the country ; they had proposed, in the first instance, to
reduce the Members of the House, but the proposition
had keen resisted upon principle, and that principle tri-
umphed. What was the consequence? Ministers were
compelled to dissolve Parliament, thereby affording strong
encouragement indeed to their opponents to give a farther
exposition of their plans. The Hon. Gentlemin had con-
tended, that politics was an experimental science ; he
(Mr. Croker) agreed with him, the difference being that
he and his friends wished to pursue it by the ordinary rules
of deduction and analogy, arid not to jump at conclusions
which were sure to end in revolution. The Hon. Member
had talked of the French Directory, but that was only the
third or fourth stage in the revolution. which began by.the
dissolution of public credit and the forfeiture of public pro-
perty. It Lad been given under the hands and the seals of
the reformers, that their first grievance was the national
debt, and their first remedy its abolition.—(Cheers.) But
in nothing was the Hon. Member more happy than in his
occasional allegories and metaphors—happy in them, not
from their just application, but from the satisfaction that
they seemed to give himself. One of these he had em-
ployed to-night; and, after contending that the Reform
8.11 was intended as a cure for a great disease, he instantly
turned round and argued that the remedy was far worse
than the disorder. He had likened the corruption of
rotten boroughs to the measles ; but he added, that the
Reform Bill, mysterious in its origin, violent in its pro-
gress, and fatal in its effects, was like nothing less than the
cholera morhus.—(Cheers and laughter.) Had he pur-
sued his allegorical metaphor, or meaphorical allegory,
the Honourable Member might also have converted it
into an apologue ; and it was wonderful, considering
that it made so much against the side he was sup-
porting, that he did not do so. Where did the cholera
morbus first appear, and to what place did the Reform Bill
first apply ? Sunderland.—(Cheers anti laughter.) Where
next had the disorder excited extraordinaly alarm ? At
Gateshead—(Cheers and laughter.) Where then did it
make its appearance? At North and South Shields,
which were to have also the benefit of the Bill.—(Cheers
and laughter.) Burt that was not all—the cholera morbus
next ravaged the new Scotch borouali of Alusselburgh ;
and having visited Glisgow, it advanced at once to the
capital, and settled, like the fatal Bill, in the Tower
hamlets.—(Much cheering and continued laughter.) Thus
by the roost extraordinary coincidence, the cholera morbus
and the Reform Bill, visiting the same places, and pro-
ducing the same effects, were almost identified by the lion.
Member.—(Cheers.) He had next argued against pre-
scription, which he (Mr. Crok,T) contended was the
foundation of the security of all human society. Was the
Hon. 3lember, with all his historical knowledge, entitled
to dispute prescription ? Did he forget the Revolution of
1688, when Whiq: and Tory,ealthough they changed the
person of the Monarch, adhered as far as possible to the
great principles of prescription, and maintained the
Throne, the Lords, and the Commons ? The Hon.
Member had been pleased to call the opponents of the
Bill, with peculiar felicity, theorists—theorists, because
they ciung to what had been tried an established for
centuries. But admitting that they were theorists in the
sense of adhering to the theory of the Constitution, all
public writers of any celebrity were theorists also ;
Lord John Russell, Sir James Mackintoah, Mr. Jeffrey,
Mr. Brougham, and Lord Holland. He heartily con-
curred in the principles of these theorists, although
he could not agree hi their votes in direct opposition to
those principles. Their works were before the public,
and by them the House ought to be guided. In 1815 a
celebrated Italian consulted Lord Holland on the beat form

of a Constitution fir Naples. His Lordship did not reply,
Divide each county of the Neapolitan territory into two
—give the elective franchise to 101. householders—let bar-
risters go annual circuits for the registration of voters, and
let there be only two dlys' polling ;" but he said this,—
" Constitutions are in fact productions that can neither
be created nor translated ; they are the growth of time—
(cheers)—not the invention of man ; and to form a com-
plete system of Government, depending upon habits of
reverence and experience, would be an attempt as
absurd as to build a tree.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Member
had told the House to look at the signs of the times ; but
he himself looked at them, as it was said in Holy Writ
people looked at the sky, saying at one time that next
day would be fine because the evening was red, and
at another time that, for the same cause, the next
day would be foul. The Honourable Member saw
evil and good in the signs of the time-, just as
suited his purpose. He (Mr. Croker) too called upon the
House to look at the signs of the times. Did they afford
the slightest pro-pect that this Bill would be either final
r satisfactory ?—(Cheers.) Had the majority obtained
either respect or applause by the support they had given
to it ? What did the lion. Member think of the signs of
the times when in one of the organs of public opinion he
read the following character of fie Minister, and of the
majority by which he was aupported :—" The people have
done it all; the people have stuck the spurs deep into the

I flank of many a shy and shuffling jade—(Cheers and
laughter)—amongst those who are called their representa-
tives, and forced the dogged animal on. It is the nation
that has dune the work ; the Ministry had only to look,
and are borne away by the mighty torrent." Thence
the newspaper from which he quoted paid a compliment
to the Opposition for their consistency, although under
false views ; but the supporters of the Bill were " shy.
shuffling jades" and "dogged animals."—(Cheers and
laughter.) He (Mr. Croker) begged to refer the House
to another, among the many great authorities, against un-
called-for changes—Gibbon. " If," said he, " you do not
resist the spirit of innovation in the first attempt—if you
admit the specious changes in the Parliamentary system—
at last you will be driven from one step to another, from
principles, just in theory, to consequences most perni-
cious in practice, and your first concessions will he
productive of subsequent mischief, for which you will
be answerable hereafter to yourselves, your country,
and posterity."—These, let the House remember,
were the asords of the historian of the Decline and
Fall of Rome, and the prophet of the Decline and Fall of
England.—(Much cheering.) Passing these, he would
just notice another metaphor with which the Hon. Gen-
tleman had treated the House—not, indeed, very sublime,
nor very applicable, excepting in opposition to the purpose
fo. which it was intended to be employed :—" When you
are about to make a coat (said he) fur God's sake let it tit
the man fur whom you mean it ; do not take your measure
from the Apollo Belvidere, but go to the coalman shop-
hoard, and with vulgar chalk and shears cut your coat, not ac-
cording to your cloth, but according to the intended wearer."
He (Mr. Croker) wished much to hear at what period of
our history the coat of the English Constitution had been
cut after the fashion now recommended.—(Cheers.)
When before were the division of counties and the abo-
lition of Corporations heard of? The coat of Reform was
meant to fit every man in the country, and yet no man
would be able to wear it; in cutting a coat to fit every-
body the Ministerial Tailors had produced a coat that would
fit nobody. It was a proverb that nine tailors made a man,
but how many tailors went to the making of a Minister?—
(Chem s and laughter.) Did not the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman see that the framer of the Bill was in the condi-
tion of the tailor in Swift's Flying Island, who took mea-
sure for a coat with a quadrant, and whose calculations
were as unfoi tunate in their results as those of Mr. Drum-
mond? The coat was cut mathematically, but when it was
put together, it was not fit to he worn. Mr. Drumtnond's
coat was scientifically cut to adapt itself to every city and
borough in the kingdom ; but when it came to be tried on,
there was not a borough in the kingdom that would put
it on.—(Cheers and laughter.) Every borough said that
the coat did not fit it. The coat might be a very good
coat for any other hut itself, and for it there must be a
new one.—(Laughter.) Thus, although the coat was a
very good fit for all the people, and withal made of true-
blue cloth, with white lining and red coil ir—quite a tri
colour—(Cheers)—with the King's Crown and name too
on the buttons—(Cheers)—still it was likely to undergo
as many mending% as the stockings of Sir John Cutlar—
(Laughter)—so that not a shred of the original subst once
and not a trace of the original form should remain, and
it would at length be cast aside as a thing which nobody
would wear.—(Cheers.) Not only had it been insisted
that the House of Commons must of necessity give its
sanction to that anomalous measure, but it had been plainly
intimated that the Lords must also accept it. Was it then
to be said thrc the Lords had nothing to do more than re-
gister the acts of that House ? Was it to be said that the
opinion of the majority of that House was to swamp the
opinion of the Lords? If such a doctrine were once to be
admitted, what hope could any simple-minded politician
enterain that the Lords would afterwards have a shadow
of influence as a branch of the Legislature ?—(Cheers.) The
Hon. and Learned Member for Caine had attributed the
distressed state of the country to the feeble influence of
the people in that House, and to the corrupt state of the
House itself. But th it Hon. Gentleman guarded him-
sell against saying thiit the Reform Bill afforded any remedy.
Now he (Mr. Croker) forgot whether it was the Floe.
and Learned Gentleman himself, or some other person in
explanation of his argumeno that quoted the divitch—

" Of all the ills Which human hearts endure,
How small that part that Kings can cause or cure ;"
but this he could say, Via!, for the distress which the
Hon. Gentleman attributed to the corrupt constitution of
that House, he (Mr. ;Macaulay) carefully avoided to say
that the Bill would afford a remedy.—(Hear, hear.) The
Hon. Gentleman contented himself with stating certain
legal and theoretical improvem.nts to which he supposed
the Bill might lead, and which his (Mr. Croker's) Right
Hon. Friend, the Member for Tainworth, clearly proved
to be erroneously expected from it.—(Hear, hear.) But
the Hon. and Learned Gentleman showed no grounds for
hoping that the desire for change, once gratified, would
die away, instead of being increased as it was in human
nature that it should be so. lie showed no reason for
supposing that the expectations of the disaffected would not
be enlarged, and their violence inflamed by the success
which their clamours had obtained.—(Cheers. ) Look to
the difference between the ten pound cl re es it stood at first,
and as it was now framed ; and it „mold be found that
the difference was as grett as that bet,Y. en Reform and
Revolution.—(Cheers ) He was satisfied that nothing
could more encourage the desire for change than the
example which was being set of the advantages that were
gained by clamour. If, as God forbid, the other House
should be equally influenced, as was the House of Com-
mons, by the force of clamour, they would put into the
hands, not of the p ogle, hut of the populace, an instru-
ment that would destroy its own work. By the operation
of the Bill now before the House, all ancient institutions,
all modern improvements, all future hopes, would be de-
stroyed.—(Cheers.) The appetite for change would go
on increasing as long as there remained food upon which it
could be indulged, arid would lie down at last, satiated only
like the wild beast, when at shouid have devoured all within
its reach.—(Cheers.) The lion. and L-arned Gentleman
had not attempted to show that the ordinary course of
human nature would be departed from in this instance ;
and, indeed, it might as well be sail that childhood did
not lead to )oath, or that youth was not followed by age,
as that this democratic measure (as the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman was underst did not lead to anarchy, and
anarchy to despotistn.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lords op-
posite might change the goodly form of tide Constitution) ;
but still he would hope that, as before, when it had
been pulled down in the attempts made to retair its struc-
ture, it rose again in its majesty in 166 S ; so they who
now struggled to preserve, would live at least to see its
restoration (Towards the conclusion of the Right Hon.
G-ntleman's speech, he spoke in so low a tone that
scarcely it word could be caught iu the gallery]. He con-
clude I (amidst loud cheers) by addressing to The framers
of the Bid these lines of the poet :
Food impious man, think'st thou you sanguine cloud,
ltais'd by thy breath, has quench'd the orb of day
To-morrow he repairs his golden flood,
And warms the nations with redoubled ray."
Lord ALTHORP denied that the supporters of the Bill
were the organs of the populace, and that they were influ-
enced by popular dimwit.. To the changes made in the
Bill the) had consented, because they looked upon those
chanties to be improvements. Those improvements they
had supported, regardless alike of the taunts of the Hon.
Members opposite and of popular clamour. The m jority
who hail voted with the YlinistA-s on that measure had
done so on its own merits, and on the ground that it was
necessary for the just satisfaction of the people, and because
they thought that it would he of advantage to the country
to give the people their due share in the representa-
tion, and to make the practice of the Constitution more
consistent with its theory. It had been s did that there
was not a general anxiety for the Bill. But for his part,
as far as his experience went, there never was a measure
pending before Parliament for which the public had ex-
pressed a greater anxiety.—(Hear.) As to the probable
permanence of the change, was it likely to be rendered
mere permanent by resistance to the wishes of the people,
or by giving at once a measure which would satisfy their
demands ?—(Hear, hear.) But it was said that the de-
mands of the people would not be satisfied unless the Le-
gislature went the whole length of Universal Suffrage.
But the people themselves hid sufficiently declared that
they would be satisfied, as indeed reason and common
sense would convince the House that they would be
satisfied with an adequate representation, and with the re-
moval of the abuses which interfere with their rights.
(Hear, hear.) Certainly, since the first introduction of
the Reform Bill into that House, the people had not shown
that they were so fickle in their dispositions, that when
there remained no practical evils to be complained of,
they would demand change for the sake of the change.—
( The House had been referred to an expression
of Lord Holland, who said that in proposing a measure of
Reform, he would keep carefully in view the great land-
marks of the Constitution; but surely it was not to be
denied that the present Bill kept those landmarks in s'iew,
and confirmed the security of the institutions of the
country.—(Hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman who
last addressed the House alluded to the ingratitude which
the supporters of tide Bill might expect to meet with, and
bad told them that they were described as jades, who re-
quired to be goaded and spurred on by the people.—(A
cheer.) The Right Hon. Gentleman cheered; why, he
(Lord Altborp) knew not. He did not know from what
paper the Right Hon. Gentleman read those remarks.—
( A cheer.) Was it not from a paper in the interests of
the opponents of the Bill.

Mr. CHOKER—No, from The Times.
Lord ALTHORP continued.—lf the Right Hon.
Gent. said that the supporters of the Bill would not re-

ceive gratitude from the Times newspaper, he (Lord A.)
would replLthat it was not from the ❑ewspapers, bu t
from the petple, from their constituents, that they ex-
pected or desired gratitude.—(Cheers.) They had al-
ready shown that they were determined to carry that
measure.—(Cheers.) - They had pledged themselves to do
; and whenever it came before them, they had
edeemed their pledges, and he had no doubt that
they would have the gratitude of their constituents, what-
ever might be the opinion of the Right Hon. Gentleman
or of the paper from which he quoted.—(Hear.)
Lord VALLETORT sail that the people were divided
into four classes in respect to their opinions upon the Bill.
The first class consisted of those who conscientiously sup-
ported the measure as one which the circumstances of the
country rendered necessary. The second class considered
it as a Reform which did not go sufficiently far. There
was a third class, which, although desirous of Reform,
thought that the Bill went too far; and the remainder of
the people were either adverse to the whole Bill, or utterly
indifferent to it.

Mr. TREVOR (as we understood) then moved the ad-
journment of the debate, which was immediately agreed to.
The other Orders of the Dray were then di•pased of, and
the finale adjourned at a Quarter twat One.

Mr. Richard Lander, the traveller, who ias
succeeded in tracing the navigation of the River Niger, has
been to Liverpool this week, to make arrangements with the
Liverpool merchants, trading to the coast of Africa, prepara-
tory to his projected journey to Timhuctoo.
Dr. Hoadly, writing to Mr. Garrick upon
his rejecting a play, says, " I hear you particularly object to
a character as unnatural, of a man who marries for love, and
afterwards wants to get rid of his wife. I take for granted,
the author's management had made It unnatural, for there can-
not be a character snore in nature, nor more frequent."
Garrick, however, was of a different opinion—and which was
in wrong
At a brilliant Court day, in 1777, Sir George
Warren had his order snatched off his ribband, encircled with
diamonds, to the value of 700!. Foot laid this on the parsons,
having secured, as he said, his gold box in his waiscoat pocket,
upon seeing so many black gowns in the room.
Garrick, applying to Lord Rochford to ap-
point a Mr. Glover a surgeon to the Essex militia, says—" He
is a most skilful, worthy man, a good writer, and a steady friend
to Government. I have known him long, he is much beloved,
and the worst thing I ever heard of him was, that, by his skill
in his profession, he recovered a thief, after he had hung half
an hour, and which thief, before he had healed the circle the
rope had made, picked Glover's pocket by way of gratitude, and
never thanked him for his good offices."—Garrick Corres-
pondence.
The first notice of Mrs. Siddons, in the
Garrick Correspondence, appears in a letter from Mr. I. Tay-
lor to Mr. Garrick—." To do justice to an excellent actress,
which has appeared here this season, who, I really think, is as
much mistress of her business as any female I ever saw. I de-
clare my opinion of her to be all that my ideas can reach. Her
Portia, Belvidera, and other pathetic parts in tragedy, are, I
think, excellently fine." Lord Byron, in his Detached
Thoughts, says—" I wish you (Moore, or Campbell) would
write a tragedy—of actors Cooke was the most natural, Kemble
the most supernatural, Kean the medium between the two; but
Mrs. Siddons was worth them all put together."
A child of sixteen years old, named Priscilla
Jackson, was sentenced to death at the Lincoln assizes, for
setting fire to a stack of hay. Can it be possible that the go-
vernment of this humane country will suffer the sentence to
be carried into execution ?-31acclesfield Courier.

During the night of Thursday last another
desperate affair took place at Dymchurch, between the smug-
glers and the water guard. The smugglers, being armed with
huge bats, overpowered the men on duty, and succeeded in
working 100 tubs. One of the smugglers was shot in the affray,
and is since dead.—Maccles.firld Courier.
On Thursday, the beautiful statue executed
by M. Dupaty, 1522, representing Cadmus destroying the
Dragon of the fountain of Circe, was placed in the Garden of

the Tuileries; and yesterday, that of Theseus overcoming the
Minotaur, from the chisel of M. Ramey, was set up as a com-
panion.—Galignani's Messenger.

SPLENDID BOUNTY.—The noble donations
of 200/. each to our General Bathing Institution and Infirmary,
from Dr. NVharneford, and his sister, have, with a Princely mu.
nificence, been increased, the first to 1,000/. the other to 500/.
Dr. Warneford has also promised an annual subscription of 15
guineas ; five from himself, five from Mrs. Warneford, and five
from his sister, Miss Warneford. Dr. Warneford stipulates in
return that four beds in the new Infirmary be appropriated, to
the order of himself and sister.—Leamington Courier.
The detachment of the 85th regiment of
Foot, recently stationed in this town, left on Thursday morn.
ing for Bolton. A detachment of the 53d from Nottingham
arrived here the previous day, to occupy the barracks. That
portion of the same regiment which has been for some time
stationed at Derby, has been transferred to Stockport, and re-
placed by a detachment of the Gist. A detachment of the 81st
passed through this town yesterday for Stockport, and another
portion of the 53d has arrived amongst us.—Macclesfield Cour.
We have before us a prospectus of the pro-
posed London and Southampton Railway, the projectors of
which entertain the most sanguine hopes of complete success.
A proposition will, we understand, be made to extend a rail.
way from Bristol through Bath, as far as Basingstoke, there to
meet the London and Southampton Railway. By this means
the English and Bristol Channels would be united ; the pro.
duce of the South of Ireland and Wales would have a ready
conveyance to Market, and a supply of coals be produced for
the Eastern part of the kingdom at half the present price.--
Bath Chronicle.

In the East the cholera frequently falls upon
a community like a shower of grape-shot. It was decided in
the King of Siam's Council, on a visitation of this kind, that it
might be caused by a monster, who might be scared from the
coast by making a terrific noise. His Majesty, in consequence,
moved out against the invisible enemy at the head of 50,000
subjects, all on the stretch to produce sounds of horror. He
lost 5,000 in one day, and returned vanquished. A Persian
writer says, " We were apprized that the cholera was at Shiraz,
by finding one morning, when we awoke, that it had carried
0ir2,000 inhabitants during the night."—Logsdon Medical and
Surgical Journal.

DRUNK AND SOBEIt.—A drunken sailor
was last week seen standing at a gate in Leith, supporting
himself by holding fast by it, when a person passing asked him
if he knew where he was ? " I hardly ken," said the tar.
" You had better take care (said the person), if the doctors see
you they'll order you to the hospital, and you'll be buried
before morning." The sailor stared with horror, and, all at
once recovering his senses and his limbs, ran off at full speed,
till he reached the glassworks, when he appeared quite sober.

On Monday last, a child named Tompson,
at East Mitt)ly, was burnt to death tinder most distressing cir.
cumstances. The father, who laboured under an affliction
which deprived him.of the use of his limbs, was lying on his
sick bed, when he was suddenly aroused by the screams of his
infant. He attempted to move, but was unable. He called
for help, but the only reply was the groaning of his suffering
child. At length his cries reached the ears of his wife, who
had just before left the child playing by the hearth. She flew
to the threshold, when she saw her child enveloped in flames.
Assistance was soon obtained, but the child lingered twelve
hours in a dreadful state, and then was eased of his sufferings
by death. Two or three similar instances of death, occasioned
by children left unprotected from the fireplace, have recently
occurred, which ought to operate as a warning to parents.—
Portsmouth Herald.

individual, Miss ZOUCH.—This who, it will
be recollected, was some time since brought into public notice
by her extraordinary conduct in refusing to marry a rich East
Indian, named Wootton, after accompanying him to the altar
at St. George's, Hanover-square, applied on Tuesday to Mr.
Conant, at Marlborough-street office, for relief. She came in
the presence of the Magistrates with the paupers of St. George's,
Hanover-square, and stated that. she resided in South Molten-
street, but was so reduced in circumstances as to be obliged to
seek parochial relief. Mr. Conant spoke to the acting overseer
of St. George's upon the subject, who questioned Miss Zouch as
to her parish. She stated that her father, who was a relation
of the Earl of Lonsdale, resided in Dublin, where she was born ;
and it appearing that she had no claim upon any parish, the
overseer observed that all he could do in the case was to pass her
to Ireland. Mr. Conant, however, advised him to afford her some
temporary relief, and we understand that on application at the
workhouse five shillings were given to her, upon an under-
standing that she would not again trouble them. It appears
that Miss Zouch had been residing in the country, and over the
door where she resided was inscribed, " A day-school kept by a
reduced relation of the Earl of Lonsdale." On her coming to
London her necessities obliged her to snake application at
Marylebone office, and we understand that she was a short time
in the poor-house.

A Correspondent is scandalized at the want
of proper attention " not only to cleanliness but to many other
matters," on the part of those connected with Eton College
church. He goes on to state, that Prince George attended
afternoon service last Sunday at the above-named church,
when, owing to the exceeding filthy state of the gallery, his
Royal Highness was obliged to stand up during the whole
of the service. We profess to know nothing whatever as to
the correctness of our informant's statement ; but if well-
founded, such a state of things surely cannot be too speedily
reformed.— Windsor Express.
At Sir Gore Ouseley's audience of leave, he
begged the Shah of Persia graciously to tell him what was the
number of his children, that he might give his own Monarch
correct information on so interesting a subject, provided, as
was probable, he should make an inquiry. "A hundred and
fifty.four sons," replied the Shah." " May I venture to ask
your Majesty how many children ?" The word daughters, ac-
cording to the rules of Oriental etiquette, he dared not to pro-
nounce, and, indeed, the general question was, according to
Persian notions, almost an offence. Th• King, however, who
liked Sir Gore very much, did not take it ill. " Ha, ha, I
understand you," said he, laughing, and called to the chief of
his eunuchs—" Musa, how many daughters have I ?"--
" King of kings," answered Musa, prostrating himself on his
race, " five hundred and sixty.' When Sir Gore Ouseley re.
peated this conversation to the Empress.mother in Petersburgh,
he only exclaimed " Ah, lc nrinstr,,.!"