The Sun.
London, England, 1832-08-28 00:00:00

4PIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Amid the uninteresting mass of mediocrity,
both in sentiment and in style,—both in discus,-
sions on the character of political parties and the
tendency of political measures,—amid the
eternal clash of controversy on questions long
settled in this country,—amid the sickening
recurrence of the same charges and the same an-
swers,—the same phrases and thr, same affecta-
tions, which have distinguished the Paris pe-
riodical press for some time past,—we are de-
lighted to find a little variety in the introduction
of a name well known to European literature,—
of a name connected with the chief triumphs of
the French press,—of a name which, though
identified with wayward and absurd politics, can
never be indifferent to the literary and political
world. We allude to M. de Chateaubriand,
whose foibles and caprices we have often ex-
posed, but whose literary renown we never
wished to depreciate. This eccentric and
chivalrous friend of the Bourbons in adversity;
—this enemy of the Bourbons in power,—
this odd compound of loyalty and disaffec-
tion,—who acted as Minister when M. Ma-
nuel was expelled from the Chamber of
Deputies for saying that the " Restoration
was viewed by France with repugnance ;" and
who himself, a short time afterwards, joined the
same party of Manuel—this leader of the " de-
fection," whose opposition contributed so pow-
erfully to the expulsion of Charles X., and who,
as soon as he was expelled, attached himself to
the fortunes of his infant grandson in exile—
this sentimental and conceited,but able and warm-
hearted man, has caused a letter to he published
in the journals in exculpation of his friend M.
Berryer, the well-known advocate, now confined
in prison at Nantes. M. de Chateaubriand
himself, along with M. Hyde de Neuville, one
of the members of the Martignac Cabinet, and
the Duke of Fitajames, a distinguished Royalist,
had been imprisoned during the " siege of Pa-
ris," after the insurrection in the beginning of
June, on a charge of Forming a provisional
Cabinet for the Regency under Henry the
Fifth. The sole ground, it would now ap-
pear, on which these Noblemen were deprived
of their liberty, was certain letters found on
the person of M. Berryer, who had been
arrested at Nantes towards the end of May or
beginning of June, on a suspicion of corre-
sponding with the Duchess of Berri, then in La
Vendee. M. Berryer is still in prison, though
the parties above mentioned, who partook of his
sentiments, and were accomplices of his crime,
have been acquitted without a trial, and libe-
rated without requiring a recognizance of future
good behaviour. Having got out of prison
himself by the raising of " the siege of Paris,"
the first thing which M. de Chateaubriand did
was to announce the extent of his politial con-
nection with M. Berryer, and to deny the
charge of a common plot by which they were
so unequally affected. The letter found upon
M. I3erryer is said to have contained an as-
sent to the opinion of that celebrated advo-
cate, that this was not the time to commence
an insurrection in favour of Henry V.,—that a
civil war in La Vendee was to be deprecated,—
that it could not at present succeed,—and that
the Duchess of Berri, by hoisting the white flag,
was about to make a useless sacrifice of the lives
of her devoted partisans. This opinion is said
to have been common to the three Peers
who were subsequently arrested at Paris, but
how so good and so guarded a counsel should
have exposed them to such persecution, has
never yet been explained. Neither is it yet ex-
plained how M. Berryer,—who knows the law
so well,—who must have so many powerful
friends at the bar, —whose own eloquent voice
must subsequently be heard in his defence, could,
even under the most arbitrary Government, be
confined for months without having against him
something more serious than meeting with a
proscribed female, to advise her to leave the
kingdom. If this was all, M. Cassimir
Perrier, when Prime Minister of France, com-
mitted the same offence in waiting upon the
ex-Queen of Holland, the Duchess of Saint Leu,
in her passage through Paris the year before If M.
Berryer went to La Vendee merely to warn away
the pretented Princess Regent of France, why
are not his own correspondence, and the letters
of his three noble friends in Paris, published as
his justification ? We have no doubt that the
distinguished Carlists alluded to had committed
themselves farther than is allowed by AI. de
Chateaubriand, though, perhaps, not to the
extent of warranting their apprehension or de-
tention by any Government conscious of its own
popularity, and strong in its own security. Since
the above observations were written, we have re-
ceived by express the Paris papers of Sunday ;
they do not bring any news. Their contents
consist chiefly in extracts from the London pa-
pers of Portuguese intelligence, and remarks
thereon. The Journal du Commerce says,
that the proposition of new laws relative to
the system of levying custom-house duties
is now undergoing consideration at the
Board of Trade. A tariff for Algiers and
other French possessions on the African
coast, is said likewise to be under con-
sideration. Letters from Ancona of the 15th
state, that it was currently reported there, that
the French corps in occupation of the place
was to give it up in a few days, and return to
France. The Messager des Chambres gives an
account of a pretended mission of the Duke de
Blacas to La Vendee, the object of which was
to remonstrate on the part of Charles X. with
the Duchess de Berri against the claims to the
throne of France set up by her on behalf of her
son. According to this story, neither Charles
X. nor the Duke d'Angouleme has wholly given
up the hope of being recalled to France. M.
de Schonen, a Deputy of the juste milieu, has
lately experienced some ill-treatment at Moulins,
through which place he was passing in the dili-
gence on his way to his country seat. A crowd
of persons not friendly to the political principles
of the worthy deputy collected round the dili-
gence while changing horses, and not only
hissed him, but handled him very roughly.—
Times.

Our contemporary of the Standard very
gravely observes, " Of the certain reward of
real services to the people, the late splendid re-
ception of Mr. Matthias Attwood, at White-
haven, and the no less splendid compliments paid
to Mr. Sadler, furnish abundant proofs ; and
though few or itone have such claims upon po-
pular gratitude as these distinguished gentlemen,
there is no instance in which a similar feeling to
that exhibited at Whitehaven and at Hudders-
field has not manifested itself, where anything
like similar occasion has arisen to call it forth.
IVe have again and again told the Tories, that
as the canaille are the natural enemies of the
Aristocracy and public order, so the people are
the natural auxiliaries of both." In enlarging
upon his claims to the suffrages of the
people of Whitehaven, we suppose Mr. Mat-
thias Attwood did not forget to remind

them that he opposed the Reform Bill, be-
cause it would throw the representation into
the hands of the middle classes, and that the
talents and energy of the middle classes would
make them so much more than a match for
the indolent aristocracy, that the latter would be
deprived of all their influence. He will remind
them that he thought the aristocracy of this
country required for their protection the exclu-
sion of all men from power who would labour
assiduously to make themselves acquainted with
public affairs. But leaving Mr. Matt. Attwood
for a moment) we find from our contemporary
that " the people of England are Christian and
loyal in heart, and that they will therefore in-
stinctively adhere to a Tory party, if that party
do not rrpei them with insult and violence, or
by ;prong." Then the Reform Bill, which en-
ables the people to return Mr. Nlatthias Attwood
and Mr. Sadler, who are such prodigious fa-
vourites at Whitehaven and Huddersfield, has
been most unwarrantably opposed by our con-
temporary. All that the Tories have to do is not
to repel Mc people with insult and violence,
or by Wrong ; which means, we suppose, that
they ought not to cut them down by the soldiery
during the time of canvassing. The most
strenuous advocate of the necessity for bleeding
the people occasionally—for taking means to
keep them quiet, to use the expression of
the Great Captain of the age—will allow that
the return of Mr. Irving into Clithero with
Parson Magistrates and Cavalry, to make an on-
slaught on a crowd not prepared for any out-
rage, was an injudicious election manoeuvre.
Then if the Tories, by merely not being rude,
and violent, and repulsive, on the eve of an elec-
tion can obtain the favour of the people, they
ought to praise the Reform Bill. What more
would they have than the favour of the people on
such easy conditions ? But our contemporary is
most incomprehensible. We thought the Scrip-
ture maxim, to judge of the tree by its fruits,
was a good and praiseworthy maxim. But in the
very same breath that he tells us that a majority
oft he electors in most places will return Tories,
he tells us that the Bill is mischievous. "We
contend (he says) that the Reform Bill was
mischievous, and we trust that a majority of the
electors in most places will show that they agree
with us in opinion, by rejecting at least all the
Members of the Cabinet with which it originated,
and the Members of the House who gave it their
active support." What ! the majority fly in the
faces of the men who gave them the franchise
and tell them we are brutes made to be trodden
on, and we will punish you for thinking better of
us than we deserve, by giving our votes to your
opponents ! Does our contemporary mean to ex-
hibit the very singular candour of terming the Re-
form Bill mischievous, because a majority of the
electors will return Tories ? For what more would
he have than a majority of the electors for Tories ?
But now does our contemporary reconcile his
hopes of the return of Mr. M. Attwood and
Mr. Sadler for Huddersfield with his grounds
of opposition to Lord Althorp ? " As for his
return for Northamptonshire, or any other agri
cultural district, we trust that the farmers will
remember that he and his colleagues are pledged
to the abolition of the Corn Laws, and that
while they gave the elective franchise into the
hands of the rabble of towns, the portion of
the community most ho.tile to the agricultural
interest, they did their utmost to defeat the mo-
tion of the Marquis of Chandos, which ex-
tended the right of voting to farmers in every
point infinitely above the three-and-tenpenny
nrotegh of the Ministers." We suppose, then,
Mr. Matthias Attwood and Mr. Sadler are to
make a merit with the people of Whitehaven
and Huddersfield that they will oppose all at-
tempts to modify the Corn Laws. But we ob-
serve that the sins of Ministers are, that they
gave the suffrage into the hands of the rabble of
great
towns. But Whitehaven and Hudders-
field are not small towns, and each have a tolera-
ble proportion of rabble. Indeed, it is not long
since an agent of Lord Lonsdale led on the
rabble of Whitehaven to a furious attack of the
Reformers, dining at one of the principal inns.
Do the rabble become people, because Lord
Lonsdale has the power over the mob ? We
leave it to our contemporary to reconcile all
these contradictions the best way he can. In the
mean time we may observe, that if we take the
following address from Lord Burghersh—who,as
a practised diplomatist, no doubt bestowed due
consideration on it—as a model of what the
Tories deem proper condescension towards the
people, the outlay of civility forced on them by
the Reform Bill will not be very burdensome
TO THE INDEPENDENT ELECTORS OE THE BOROUGH 01

LYME REGIS AND CIIARMOUTtI.

" Gentlemen,—After the very kind and flattering man-
ner in which I have been received by you upon my can-
vass, I cannot take my leave without expressing my
warmest thanks for the promises of support I have so ge-
,:erally met with, and which enable me with confidence to
anticipate the honour of being returned to the next Parlia-
ment as your representative.
" The connection of my family with Lyme, (luring a
period of nearly one hundred years, renders the desire of
representing you the greatest object of my ambition, and I
(rust, that under the new system of representation which
has been established by the Legislature, that connection
will not be allowed to cease.

" I believe I may truly say that, during the period
above mentioned, no act of my family towards Lyme or
ts inhabitants has had any other object but to secure, to
the best of our ability, advantages to the town and the
good individuals belonging to it.
If you do me the honour of returning me as your re-
presentative to Parliament, I shall be found the anxious
supporter of every measure which may conduce to the
well•being and prosperity of your town and of Charmouth ;
sod by the fearless and conscientious discharge of my duties
as a Member of the Legislature, I shall hope to obtain
your confidence and esteem.
" In the expectation of being able, in a very short time,
again to pay my re.pects to you in pt,r9on,
" I beg to remain your obliged and faithful servant,
" Lyme Regis, Aug. 4, 1832. " BURGHERSIL"

His Lordship does not even condescend to
tell the people of Lyme Regis what his views
and opinions are on any subject. He tells
them, in so many words, " to talk to you about
the affairs of the nation would be a waste of
words ; all your thoughts are about yourselves.
You know that I and my ancestors, for one hun-
dred years, have crammed you ; and if you con-
tinue to return me, you may count upon a con-
tinuation of my favours to yourselves and your
town." Now really Lord Burghersh could not
have treated the Lazzaroni of Naples more cava.:
lierly than he has here treated the inhabitants of
Lyme Regis. If this be the general fashion of
Tory addresses, the people of Lyme Regis have
no particular ground of quarrel with his Lord-
ship ; but if he has singled them out as deserv-
ing of peculiar contempt, the question may be
altered. For ourselves, having no knowledge
of the place, we cannot say how far the people
are deserving of the treatment they have received
from his Lordship. He says he has been re 7
ceived in a kind and flattering manner. If that
be true, it only shows that some people are like
spaniels—the more they are beat, the better they
behave.—Morning Chronicle.!
Our contemporary of the Globe, whose offi-
cious subserviency to power sometimes has the
effect of unintentional malice towards his patrons,

• forgetting the discipline which we were com-
pelled to administer on a former occasion, fa-
vours us very often, of late, with a notice more
particular than polite. If the indulgence in
petty splenetic effusions against those whose taste
and moral sense do not allow them to prostrate
themselves before the idols who receive the in-
cense of his evening adoration affords any relief
to his mind, we wish him " all the health and
pastime in the world," as Mr. Shandy used to
say, and have not the least desire to disturb
him in that Congenial recreation ; but, when he
reads us a lecture on " independence," we feel
disposed, for treating us with so good a joke,
to reward him with a little wholesome advice.
We begin by telling him that it is a foolish thing
to charge us with not being the subservient
tool of a party whose livery we have never
professed to wear. In the next place we tell
him that independent counsel, if followed, is
better than flattery. Wholesome advice, though
unpleasant, may save, where the glazing words
of the flatterer lead to destruction. We
write for the public, not for any faction :
nevertheless, as the 'Whigs professed liberal
principles—and so do we—it was our de-
sire to assist them to carry those principles
into effect ; but, whenever we found them de-
serting or compromising their principles, we
cautioned them when their flatterers crouched to
them, and confirmed the course of error which
a friend would have endeavoured to prevent them
from pursuing. Our motto is, Nullius addictus
jurare in verba nzagistri. When the Duke of
Wellington was at the acme of his power we
cautioned him against the dangerous course
which he adopted in endeavouring to destroy or
enslave the Press by State prosecutions, and
to assimilate as much as possible the civil go-
vernment of this country to that sort of guard-
house discipline which is necessary for the
camp. While we were serving the public, at
that time, by taking an independent review of
the principles and practice of the Duke's Go-
vernment, our Contemporary of the Globe was
the humble slave of the domineering anti-refor-
mer, as he is now the obsequious organ of the
reforming Whig Ministry. That friendship is
always to be suspected of interested motives which
only waits upon a man's or a party's prosperity.
The friendship that only livesin the sunshine of its
friends is very like that pious zeal which only waits
upon Religion when site walks abroad " in
golden slippers"—it is somewhat hypocritical.
The difference between our conduct and that of
the sycophants of the Whigs is, that we stood
up for the principles which the Whigs pro-
fessed—they for the power which the Whigs
enjoy. We supported them when in adverse
circumstances—they deserted the falling fortunes
of their enemies, to gather some of the spoils of
that victory which they did all that lay in their
power to prevent. Nor are we advisers of that
description who first concur in a design until it
happens to be unfortunate, and then condemn it.
We deprecated from the commencement the
several errors in both foreign and domestic po-
hey which the Whigs have committed, just as
plainly as we do now, when the great mass of
the public see and acknowledge the injurious
consequences of measures which we predicted
would lead to evil. The wisest of men has said
that " the wounds of a friend have a saving
power, but the kisses of an enemy are deceit-
ful." Certainly our advice to the Govern-
ment on various occasions, however it might
have wounded the vanity of those who were
taught by their flatterers to believe themselves
perfect Statesmen, was given with the most
friendly intention of rendering both them and the
country service. But, whenever we found the
policy of the Whigs and the interests of the
country at variance, we could not hesitate as to
which cause to prefer. If we do plead guilty, as
we fear we must, to not being the slavish ad-
mirers of the Whigs, we cannot be accused of
paying our court to the Tories. The great prin-
ciples of Reform (though we early objected to
the machinery of the Bill) found in us no wa-
vering—no laggard support. Whether it was
effective we leave the public to determine. Our
contemporary speaks of a system of shooting
between wind and water. This is a metaphori-
cal expression taken from seamanship, and, if it
means any thing, means the most effective mode
of shooting to sink the vessel of an enemy ; but
the objects we aim at are not the colours of any
party, but the vices and errors of misgovern-
ment. We confess we would rather hit them
" between wind and water" than merely damage
the rigging. As to " operating upon the world
of Noodledum," we suspect that our contem-
porary, from his recorded praises of the labours
of such statesmen as Lord Palmerston, the pa-
tron of Lord Heytesbury, Sir Charles Ba-,
got, et id genus omne—his admiration of Mr.
Poulett Thomson's talents, and others of that
class, is better acquainted with the inhabitants
of the world of Noodledum thari we are. We
have had something to do with them, no doubt,
when they have pretended to the wisdom of
statesmen ; but it has been more in the way of
reproof than admiration. With regard to Ire-
land and the Marquis of Anglesey, we have only
to observe that his Lordship is wholly incompe-
tent to the civil government of that or any other
country. We have said that personally, and
as a soldier who has served with honour, he has
our respect ; but as a statesman he will never
add the civic wreath to his martial laurels. It
is not a Chief Governor hardy enough to run his
head against stone walls, or loquacious enough
to be perpetually engaged in some foolish " pa-
laver," that is wanted in Ireland ; it is a man of
thought, of moral energy, of political knowledge
and civil wisdom ; one who, instead of exciting
the animosity or provoking another sensation
among contending parties, would enforce
respect, and obtain affection, not less by the
qualities of his mind than by those of the 'heart.
We do not question the goodness of Lord An-
glesey's intentions : it is his discretion, his
knowledge, his capacity, we dispute. To sus-
pend the Habeas Corpus Act at any man's dis-
cretion is bad enough ; but, if suspended at his,
who could answer for the consequences.—
Morning Herald.
For thirty years the Whigs have been hourly
asserting that they could govern this country
better than their rivals. They have now been
in office for something less than two years, with
full powers to carry all their measures, and we
take the liberty of asking what have been the
results ? Their professions were of course mag-
nificent in the extreme. They promised us
peace and non-interference ; financial retrench-
ment ; and such a Parliamentary Reform as
would relieve the State from abuses, satisfy all
reasonable men, and yet be essentially conserva-
tive of whatever was really valuable in our ancient
institutions. We were to have a golden age of
satisfaction and prosperity at home, and of glory
and influence unparalleled abroad. All our dif-
ficulties were produced by the mismanagement
of Government, anti would instantly yield, at
least to a considerable extent, and as an earnest

of better things hereafter, to a more judicious
system. Never was pretension carried to more
exorbitant lengths than by this party, and never
perhaps was public disappointment more bitter
or more calamitous. The Tories left them the
government of the country in what may be called
a state of absolute prosperity compared with its
present dilapidated condition. A little topical
irritation indeed existed, the natural result of
the sympathy, it may be the morbid sympathy,
of a great and free people with the excitement
of the recent French Revolution ; but this could
not .fail to be merely temporary, when the great
interests of the country were in a safe and
improving condition. A heavy pressure had
been sustained by the adoption of a metallic
standard as the basis of our currency, and by
the subjection of several branches of the national
industry to a modified foreign competition ;
but public confidence being unimpaired, and the
real resources of the country being untouched,
the various interests were fast accommodating
themselves to the new system, and rising above
the difficulties by which they were surrounded.
The chief dangers incident to these measures,
arose from the extensive changes they produced,
and the embarrassment which multitudes could
not but feel in adjusting their operations to an
altered standard ; but those dangers might be
expected to cease when the transition had been
perfectly accomplished. At all events, whatever
opinions may be entertained as to the abstract
policy of those measures, the country under a
Conservative Government was more than able to
overcome the permanent or temporary difficul-
ties which they induced, and had in fact sur-
mounted them, or very nearly so, when the
Whigs came into office. In spite of all the
disasters we had encountered, the country was
essentially prosperous, and full of hope and
energy, up to the moment, the fatal moment, in
which its destinies were confided to Earl Grey
and his colleagues. The last acts of the Duke
of Wellington's Ministry diminished expendi-
ture and repealed taxes, and yet so elastic were
the springs of industry, and so buoyant was
public confidence, that the revenue instantly
flowed up to its former level, and left a surplus
of two or three millions in the National Exche-
quer ! Such was the proud condition of the
country when au unparalleled coalition of par-
ties threw the Ministry into a minority in a new
Parliament, and induced them, from a too punc-
tilious sense of honour, to retire from the re-
sponsibilities of government. The melancholy
sequel is well known. The Whigs came into
power, and all the national interests, without a
solitary exception, have since been in a constant
course of deterioration, and that, too, from
causes clearly referable to the measures of the
Administration.—Morning Post.

I'OLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HOUSE.

Mr. Barker, the pawnbroker, was summoned for hav-
ing refused to restore to Mr. Huekstable a pair of silver
spectacles, of which the litter had been robbed, and which
had been pledged at the house of the former.
Mr. NOBLER, said, that the law was against the pawn-
broker, but the equity was for him ; and

Alderman FAKEBROTHER advised the complainant to
divide the expense with Mr. Barker, which he at once
acceded to.

BOTV-STREET.

THE FACULTY AND THE POLICE OUTWITTED.-Yes-
terday Mr. Thomas, superintendent of the F division of
police, attended before Mr. HALLS, the sitting Magis-
trate, for the purpose of accounting for the non-appearance
of a man whose name was entered on the official list of
charges to be heard, as being accused of a violent assault,
and endeavouring to rtscue a person, charged with felony,
from the custody of a police constable.
The statement of Mr. Thomas created great merriment
in the office. It was, that a tall powerful young man,
who gave his name Thomas Taylor, and stated that he
lodged at No. 7, Duke-street, Lincoln's-inn-fields, was
brought into the station-house, in Covent-garden, on the
charge above described. He was locked up in one of the
rooms below, in the usual manner, but had not been there
many minutes before dreadful groans and moanings were
heard, and an alarm was given by the other inmates of
the cell that the new corner was attacked with cholera
nimbus. Mr. Thomas ordered him instantly to be brought
up stairs, and sent for two surgeons, who attended in a
very few minutes. The prisoner seemed to be in the
extreme of agony, and as he sat on the floor, which he
preferred to an easy chair which was offered to him,
his limbs appeared to become contracted; he complained
very much of cramps, and reached violently, but nothing
was ejected from the stomach. Hot brandy and water,
with an infusion of laudanum, was administered very libe-
rally, and the man called out every minute or so for a fresh
supply, telling his surrounding attendants that he thought
it did him good, and was the only thing that would save
his life, although the agony that he was apparently en-
during did not seem at all to decrease, The surgeons, in
fact, were acting upon the belief that he was labouring
under an attack of most " decided" malignant cholera. At
length a surgeon proposed to bleed him, this operation was
submitted to by the prisoner, and a pint and a half of
blood taken from his arm. He then seemed more composed
and free from pain, but complained of being faint, and re-
quested that he might be taken into the yard for the be-
nefit of the air. He was taken into the yard, and placed
in a chair, and said that he was much refreshed, but that
his head felt cold. At this moment there was
only one gentleman in immediate attendance upon him,
the others being in the supei intendant's room, and he
went into the home to get his hat for him, hut he had
scarcely turned his back upon his patient, when the latter
jumped from his chair, bounded upon the high wall at
the back of the station-house with a deer-like spring, ran
along it with the speed and confidence of a tom-cat long
experienced in nocturnal excursions of a similarly hazatd-
Ml 3 kind, until lie got into Covent-garden church-yard, at
the end of which, at the back of Mr. Oiliey's celebrated
Burton Ale House, he contrived to seramb!e over an iron
gate at least ten feet high, and escaped altogether. All
search for him was vain. His address was found to be
fictitious. His person was well known to the policemen
on duty at the station-house at the time he was taken
there, and it has since been ascertained that he was
" wanted" for offences of a much graver kind than that
with which he was charged at the station-house.
Mt. HALLS made no observation upon the statement.
NOTHING.—A young gentleman, residing in Euston-
square, who, we understand, is a student at law, was
charged by a young man, named Langhain, who resides
at No. 3, Middle-row, High Holborn, with committing a
violent and unprovoked assault upon him on Saturday
night. in Chancery-lane.
Langham said that he was going down Chancery-lane
between twelve and one o'clock on Saturday night, and
he saw the defendant and a number of other young men
" larking" with every one who passed them. They kept
possession of the footway pavement, and " shoved" every
one who came by into the carriage way. One of the
party attacked a female, and he (Langharn) told the gen-
tleman that he was a " blackguard," when the defendant
came up to him, and, with a cane, about an inch and a
half in diameter, struck him on the temple, and he fell on
lhe ground stunned. Witness exhibited his forehead to
Mr. Halls, the Magistrate, who said that he appeared to
have suffered severely.
Mr. HALLS asked the defendant what he was ? De
fendant—l am, Sir—that is, I may say, I am " Nothing"
—(Laughter)—but, I assure you, I was struck first. He
interfered, and I tapped him slightly on the face, and I said
to him, " My good fellow, don't be angry," and he tried to
strike me with his fist, when I knocked him down with
say stick.
Mr. HaLts—Oh, you tapped him on the face ; then I
recommend you to write in your note-book, that tapping
a man on the face is an assault. As you are a law student,
it may be hereafter useful to you in your profession.—
(Laughter.) Defendant—l have a witness who will prove
I was struck first.
A young gentleman, wearing spectacles, who was stated
to be a barrister recently called to the bar, said he saw the
transaction, and the first blow was given by the complainant.
Mr. HALLS—Now, Sir, perhaps you will inform me
what the defendant is? Witness—Why, Sir, I may say
that he is—that is—he is nothing.—(Loud laughter.)
The cane with which the blow was given was here
banded to the magistrate.
/1 \
Mr. HALLS Do you call this " nothing.—(Laughter.

Defendant—The man had no right to intei lete with me ;
he did interfere, and 1 certainly knocked him down with
the cane.

Mr. HALLS—You must find bail to answer the charge
at the sessions, or retire and make the man some compen-
sation. If you are " nothing," you can pay nothing—ex
nihilo nihil fit; but, in this instance, it may be wise to
bring something out of nothing.—(Laughter.) The de-
fendant satisfied the complainant by giving him two
sovereigns, and was discharged.

I'ItICE OF SEEDS.—Aug 2 7.
New English Red Clover Seed (per Cwt.) —s. 525. fine —s. 82s.
Old Ditto Ditto--- —s. —s. fine —s. —s.
New Foreign
Old akttp _ —s. —s. fine —s. —s.
New White 595. 82s. fine —s. 928.
Old Ditto fine
New Trefoil —s. 12s. fine 511 s. Os.

Jld Ditto -s. -s. fine -s -s.
Rib Grass --s. 375. fine -s. 423.
English Carraway -s. -s. 60s. fine 641.
Foreign Ditto --.....-- -s. -s. -s. fine -8.
C:oriander -s. -s. fine 255. 303.
St. Foin ----(per -s. -s. fine -s. 725.
Rye Grass -s. -s. new 20s. 435.
Pacey Ditto
Linseed, for feeding
Ditto, for 365. 40s. -S. fine 903.
Canary Seed, New -s. -s. 85s fine 925.
"i tto Old -s. -s. -s. fine -s.
White Mustard Seed -.(per -s. Bs. 10s. fine -s.
Brown Ditto 15s. 21s. finc. -s.
Turnip Seeds, Rounds -s. -s. Bs. fine Os.
Green and Red I)itto
Fares, Old - -s. ss. 6d. fine 6e.
Ditto New -s. -s. fine -s. -5.
lta,,eSeed, English, tine (per Last) 23/. 25/.- Foreign 20/. 24/.