The Sun.
London, England, 1866-11-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PDBLIO JOURNALS.

-4.------
TlDlES.—Accurate in their periods as any astro-
nomical phenomenon come the autumn banquets, at
which popular members and local magnates pro-
pound their opinions on the great questions and oc-
currences of the day. Given the events of the
summer at home and abroad, and the principal
topics debated during the Session, one might almost
predict for weeks before what will be said on each
succeeding evening
of October and November.
Colaton's-day in Bristol furnishes one of these
gatherings at which the speeches are rather more
readable than usual, for philanthropy does not fuse
all the Bristolians in a flat and unmeaning accord ;
but there are a Conservative Society and a Liberal
Society, each of which reverences the common bene-
factor, while prepared to do on the proper occasion
stern battle with the other. The speeches of the
Liberal Society generally make their way into print,
we know not why,
except that perhaps the world
expects our old friend, Mr. H. Berkeley, to say
something which it would not willingly let die. This
year we have had a very fair speech from Sir Morton
Peto, and a speech which we have endeavoured,
without success to understand from the great cham-
pion of the Ballot. Mr. Berkeley, as the senior
member, has the first place. After " dropping
some mental tears," to use his own poetical expres-
sion, upon those Colstonians who had been taken
away since the last dinner, Mr. Berkeley made
haste to the subject of the past and coming Re-
form Bills. So far from being surprised that hon.
members, or after-dinner speakers generally, should
at once begin upon Reform, we are rather inclined
to wonder that they should ever leave off,
for no other subject with which we are acquainted
can learn can be talked about for any given length of time
with such ease by any gentleman who takes the
trouble to read the papers. From these not very
1111. Bright and Mr.
and Totnes, the agitations about Yarmouth
recondite sources heca
Beales, the solemn conclaves and the deter-
mined reticence of the Government, the prudent
retirement of Mr. Gladstone, and feel certain that
he knows as much as any Statesman or any States-
man's private secretary in the kingdom. We do
not complain, then, that Mr. Berkeley should have
talked all the time about Reform, but merely wish
that his ratiocination had been a little more intel-
ligible. He begins by expressing the determination,
in which all but a small minority of the Liberal
party are agreed, to wait for Mr. Disraeli's bill
before joining in any party move against the Go-
vernment. As for Mr. Gladstone's bill of last ses-
sion, he had great doubts whether it could succeed
on its own merits, and he only accepted it as a step
to something better. So he will accept the Con-
servative bill. In this Mr. Berkeley is almost osten-
tatiously Liberal. "If Lord Derby should produce
a measure of Reform which he thought even one on-
ward step, it would receive his support," for he " is
for measures, not men." But he greatly doubts
whether he will bring in any measure of Reform,
and, if he does, he believes it will be so hollow and
deceitful that it will fail from the opposition of the
Liberal party. So far Mr. Berkeley speaks the
ordinary and conventional language of his political
section. But then he changes his tone, tells us that
not sufficient credit has been given to the electoral
body as it now exists, and bids his friends " see the
noble struggle which their £lO men had made in
that city against electoral corruption." 'This, how-
ever, is only to draw the contrast between the vir-
tuous citizens of Bristol on the one hand, who
struggle spinet intimidation and rote for Mr, Ber:

keley, and the degraded slaves of Totnes on the
other, who are driven or corrupted by a Whig Duke,
or his not less unscrupulous opponents. Then the
speaker changes his tack again, and concludes by
saying, " Would they tell him that the £5 holder
was not just as liable to that sort of corruption as
the £lO holder? Would they tell him that if
they lowered the franchise they did not at the
same moment give a greater opportunity to the
tempter? How was it that they remained quies-
cent under that state of things ? How was it that
they submitted to the degradation, and still cried
out for Reform, when it was quite certain that
Reform would give them an increase of intimida-
tion and an increase of bribery ?" It may.be that
this reasoning was connected in the speaker's mind
in some way with the question of the ballot, but it
is certainly rather a singular argument for a popu-
lar Liberal M.P. at this moment. We must have
the ballot, because the working men who would be
brought into the constituent bodies under the new
franchise would be more easily intimidated and more
accessible to bribery than the present ten-pound
householders. Are the working men to frame and
glaze and hang up in their sitting-rooms this dictum
of the veteran Liberal? On the whole we are in-
clined to see in the speech of Mr. Berkeley the re-
flection and the doubts which beset even the most
stubborn minds when a great decision is to be taken.
The foundations of the political structure under
which we have lived.in honour and prosperity are to
be relaid, and all who value the edifice are inclined
to seriousness and moderation. " Compare this
country with any other country," exclaims Mr.
Berkeley, " and they would find a better state of
things here, and that more liberty existed, and re-
volution, therefore, to them would be ruin." This
is the spirit in which an honest Member of Parlia-
ment ought to speak, and though it is difficult to
connect the sentence with Mr. Berkeley's argument,
he is entitled to commendation for- having utterer
it. Sir Morton Peto was frank in his acknowledg-
ment that he was not anxious for a Reform Bill last
Session. He had recommended a Commission, and
that the Reform Bill should be postponed for a year,
because with seventeen years' experience of Parlia-
ment he knew thatin a newly-elected House of Com-
mons, with 200 new men, no measure would be re-
ceived with favour which tended to send them back
to their constituents. There was not, he thinks,
any strong feeling in the country for a bill at the
beginning of last session, and the feeling in the house
was quite the other way. To turn to the future,
Sir Morton Peto, like his colleague, will accept a
bill from the Conservative Government. Though
he does not expect a sound Reform Bill from such a
source, yet if such a bill be produced he is pre-
pared to accept it, and where it is wanting he is
prepared to add to it what is wanting. Thus with
sufficient reason and moderation speaks the second
Member for Bristol on the eve of one of the most
important periods in our national history, and we
have reason to believe that he expresses the
opinions of the great bulk of the Liberal party.
POST.—The rumours which float in the atmo-
sphere of our courts are occasionally as unsubstantial
as the meteors which the other night flashed across
the heavens. We do not know what amount of truth
is to be attachad to the statement which has recently
appeared, that her Majesty's Ministers intend to
divide some of the circuits and to appoint three addi-
tional common law judges. These changes, how-
ever desirable in themselves, cannot be effected
without the intervention of Parliament, and there-
fore the question will no doubt receive ample discus-
sion. It may be admitted the existing arrangements
of the circuits is inconvenient, and that with the
progress of population and wealth the fifteen judges
are oppressed with an amount of labour which it is
unfairto impose upon men who have generally passed
the meridian of life before they reach the judicial
bench. The question, however, must not be con-
sidered solely in reference to the comforts of the
judges or the interest of the profession. The public
are the great sufferers. Cases which have been pre-
pared for trial at great trouble and expense are de-
layed from one assize to another, or are referred to
arbitration, because the judge has no time to hear
them. It may, therefore, be desirable on every
ground to make the proposed change; and if the
Government were to let it be known that the three
additional judges would be selected from the most
eminent men at the bar, without regard to political
allegiance or party services, we think the House of
Commons would not begrudge the annual sum of
£15,000 for so useful and beneficial a purpose. But
if the claims of the common law courts for addi-
tional judicial strength are thus to be recognised,
there are other tribunals of equal importance
the judges of which are quite as much over-
worked—tribunals in which arrears are accumu-
lating to an extent almost unknown in recent
times. We allude, of course, to the Court of
Chancery, with its six separate branches, presided
over respectively by the Lord Chancellor, the Lords
Justices, the Master of the Rolls, and the three
Vice-Chancellors. Notwithstanding the industry
and energy displayed by these judges arrears have
accumulated, and must continue to accumulate
unless some relief be afforded. The arrears are not
confined to the appellate business, but extend to the
ordinary business taken by the Master of the Rolls
and the Vice-Chancellors in court and in chambers.
The pressure arises chiefly from the multitude of
winding-up cases which literally choke up the
court. It would seem as if voluntary or compulsory
liquidation is to be the Nemesis of the rash and wild
spirit of speculation which the system of limited
liability has facilitated. In saying this we do not
depreciate limited liability, but we only condemn
the manner in which it has been applied by design-
ing persons to foist upon the credulous public under-
takings which never had the slightest chance of
permanent success. The great panic which occurred
in the spring of this year has brought to the court
a vast crop of these visionary undertakings, the only
valuable portions of which will be gathered by soli-
citors and official liquidators. The latter are almost
invariably professional accountants, and it may be
hoped that early next session some patriotic mem-
ber of Parliament will call for a return showing the
sums actually received by these gentlemen. The
Judges' Chambers and the courts themselves are
filled with these winding-up cases: Unfortunate
shareholders who are made liable for calls either
engage in litigation (that is, appeal from the chief
clerk's decision) to postpone the day of payment,
or, if they have no property, adopt the short and
convenient mode of filing a petition in Bank-
ruptcy, and thus get rid of the call altogether.
The ordinary business of the court is neces-
sarily seriously impeded, and the glut which pre-
vails in the Judges' Chambers extends even to
the Appellate Court. We therefore would urge
that the present condition of the Court of Chan-
cery requires the attention of the Government just
as much as the state of the common law courts.
Another evil quite independent of the arrears arises
from the circumstance that the chief clerks are
most improperly permitted to exercise judicial func-
tions. When the office of Master in Chancery was
abolished by the Act of 1852, Parliament never
contemplated that the office would be restored only
under another name. The Masters in Chancery were
lawyers of position at the bar. The chief clerks are
only attorneys. No doubt they are respectable mad
intelligent men. They were intended to make in-
quiries and to perform other ministerial duties as
mere clerks to the judges. They have, however,
been permitted to decide cases, and the judges, as a
rule, almost invariably confirm their clerks' certifi-
cates. These persons, therefore, now discharge the
duties which formerly belonged to the Masters.
They are practically entrusted with the conduct of
the winding-up business—they make orders for and
suspend calls—they settle the list of contributories,
and all this in addition to the usual business which
passes through the Judges' Chambers. The late Sir
James Graham and Mr. Henley, who were members
of the Chancery Commission, stated several years
ago that they never contemplated that the chief
clerks would have been permitted to assume and
exercise such powers, and that it would be infinitely
better to appoint an additional Vice-Chancellor than
to sanction the settlement of important questions
by a clerk in Chambers, before whom, of course,
no barrister would appear. Under these circum-
stances her Majesty's Government may well consider
whether it would not be desirable to act upon
the suggestion just referred to, and to appoint an
additional Vice-Chancellor to have exclusive pri
mary jurisdiction in winding-up cases, and to act
as judge of the Court of Bankruptcy. The experi-
ence of the last five years has proved that a chief
judge in bankruptcy is absolutely necessary to give
consistency, uniformity, and dignity to thea
nip
nistration of the bankruptcy law. The windingries
of the estates of insolvent joint-stock Co
and of insolvent persons are matters so cogennpaetetrai_s
naturally to fall within the jurisdiction of
bunal. When it is proposed for theal benefit of the
public to appoint three addition uttcinogmmon law
in a plea
judges, we cannot refrain from p
for an additional Vice-Chancellor, whose services
under that name, or as judge of the court of com-
mercial causes, are urgently required to relieve ve the
Court of Chancery from its present oppressed state,
and thus to confer a benefit upon the community at
large.

Dear Sir,—In reference to the objection which has been
taken by Mr. Rose to the retainer which we have left with
you on behalf of the Jamaica Committee, we of course have
no wish to take any opinion or decision except your own,
and in reference to it we venture to submit that the Ja-
maica Committee, as is well known from its advertisements
and other printed papers, consists of Messrs. J. S. Mill,
M.P., P. A. Taylor, M.P., treasurer ; F. W. Chesson, hon.
secretary, and others ; and that if they are incapable of re-
taining counsel, it must, of course, be upon grounds equally
applicable to all other voluntary societies.
As a matter of fact such societies have been constantly
in the habit of tendering retainers, which have been as
constantly accepted and acted upon by counsel for mluy
years. Some months ago Mr. E. James, Q.C., M.P., and
Mr. Fitzjames Stephen accepted retainers on behalf of the
Jamaica Committee. It is, perhaps, not altogether imma-
terial that in this particular case, after we had left, the re-
tainer at your chambers, a correspondence ensued in refe-
rence to it which resulted in a note from yourself, intimat-
ing that you accepted the retainer.
As a matter of reason it is frequently quite as important to
a voluntary association to retain theservices of counsel as to
a corporate body or an individual. It is unnecessary to do
more than refer to the litigation which has of late years
been becoming more and more frequent and important, con-
nected with provisional committees for the formation of
joint-stock companies. In Chancery, indeed, voluntary
associations are every day parties to litigation, as they are
also as individual members in the courts of common law.
We happen at the present moment to be engaged in a case
of considerable importance in Chancery in which the
Bishop of Natal is plaintiff, while the defendants are the
counsel of the Colonial Bishopric Fund, a voluntary body
without any incorporation or legal status to distinguish it
from the Jamaica Committee.
If the objection is good, it is good against all voluntary
associations, and this would, in fact, outlaw all societies for
the promotion of literature, science, and the fine arts, and
all clubs, and all the numerous societies which are formed
for the express purpose of enforcing certain branches of
the law, such as the Society for the Suppression of Vice,
for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, the Society for
the Protection of Women, &c.
Should you deem it advisable that the question shall be
submitted to the Attorney-General, we shall be glad if you
will kindly lay before him this letter as what we have to
say on the subject.—We are, dear sir, yours faithfully,
(Signed) SHAEN AND ROSCOE.
To this Mr. Coleridge replied as follows :
Westminster Hall, Nov. 3.
Dear Sirs—l consider your retainer binding, and, for m
the ea
m matter,
bound butae iaf Imaamt t
etro told
my
own part, think there is nothing at all in Mr. Rose's objec
esrtealps thiant
e IA
ttshaller e takeey-G ne
no
btiyonth
professional rule to act for Mr. Eyre, of course I must do
so. I can hardly conceive he will do so, and I shall not
myself ask him any questions. Why, under the circum-
stances, it is thought the least worth while on either side
to contest the matter I cannot understand ; but that is no
concern of mine.—Believe me to be, your faithful servant,

(Signed)

J. D. COLERIDGE.

On learning the decision of the Attorney-Gene-
ral, Mr. Shaen wrote the following letter to Mr.
Coleridge :

Nov. 10.

Dear Sir,—The Attorney-Generalfm has stated it to be his
Roseprile.tvoa
il
.el t does,meknow
dethat the
opinion that the retainer of
requesting the Attorney-General retainer of my firm does not, I took the liberty of
of his opinion,kno grounds
but he declined to do • so, saying that such a
course was not usual.
If you consider yourself bound by thi • s opinion I must of
course sub • mit, but I respectfully protest, on behalf of my
clients, that they ought not, on unexplained and technical
grounds, to lose the benefit of a retainer which has been
given and accepted in good faith. I have always under-
stood that the relations between counsel and client wore
fonnded, understanding,
upon any law of contract, but upon an hon-
ourable and that the etiquette of the bar,
which I presume regulates the practice as to retainers, was
designed only to protect counsel from conduct unbecoming
gentlemen. If lam right in this, Iventure to submit that
the retainer which was given in the case by
my firm forms
an honourable understanding which cannot be upset by the
offer of a retainer which is substantially that of another
requested you in vain to lend
committee, who have already
them the support of your name. If zny retainer is to be
upset on account of any e peculiarity in its wordingintroduc-
, then in
the name of the profession I protest againgt th
tion or the maintenance of unpublished technical rules,
upon a subject in which they are unnecessary and for
which they are unfitted. if my retainer is to be upset on
the ground that such a body as the Jamaica Committee is
unable in any form to retain counsel, then in the name of
the general public I protest against a doctrine which rests
upon no intelligible grounds, which, if enforced univer-
sally,
would practically outlaw vast numbers of
• associa-
tions formed to promote the best interests of so • u3t- y, and
which is, in fact, violated by the every day practicesociety,
of the
leaders of the profession.— I am, dear sir, yours faithfully,
(Signed) W. Sii"N.
Mr. Coleridge replied as follows:
The Athenaeum,
Nov.
12.

Dear Sirs,—l regret the decision at which the Attorney-
General has arrived, but you will remember I told you
some time ago that, whatever his decision, I should feel
myself bound by it, whether I agreed with it or not. I
must adhere to that determination. I cannot set myself
against the authority of the head of the bar, in a matter as
to which he is the recognised judge. 1 hope you will see,
as plainly as I do, that it is really of extremely little con-
sequence.—Believe me to be your faithful servant.

(Signed) J. D. COLERIDGE.
Messrs. 511aer and liscoe.

Tuesday being the anniversary
ston, it was celebrated in Bristol
demonstrations. The friends of the Dolphin Society
(Conservative) dined at the Victoria Rooms, under
the presidency of Major Bush, and the Anchorites
(Liberal) dined at the new St. James's Hall; Grey-
hound Hotel, Broadmead.
Sir J. ROLT, M.P., replied to the toast of "Her Majesty's
Ministers," given at the Dolphin Society's dinner. The At-
torney-General, on rising, was received with loud applau so.
After some preliminary remarks, he said the toast told hint
that they not only permitted but encouraged the introduc-
tion of political topics—(hear, hear)—especially those hav-
ing reference to those groat Conservative and Liberal prin-
ciples with which they were all identified. (Hear, hear.)
Now, he did not think he should be wrong in pronouncing
the political era in which they lived one of the most im-
portant long known in this land. Ho was aware it was the
tendency of human nature always to magnify the import-
ance of the present moment—to forget the difficulties of the
past, while their political vision was not strong enough to
see into the future; and therefore they were often too dis-
posed to think there was something special and peculiar in
the present moment, and that they had trials to which they •
had not been subjected before. But making allowance for
all this, he would venture to think—and could not too much
impress it on those present—that they were livingin an ors
of the greatest importance and danger to their Constitution.
(Hear, hear.) And he would tell them why he thought so.
The wisdom, firmness, and moderation of their ancestors
had giventhem aConstitution consisting of a mixed monar-
chy, under which they had obtained an intellectual, civil,
and religious freedom in a degree and manner which cer-
tainly never before existed in the known world. Coupled with
this there had been from time immemorial, as the founda-
tion of all civil society, a recognition of the rights of pro-
perty, the supremacy of law and order amidst all our free-
dom. (Hear.) Their freedom had never degenerated into
licentiousness. That being so, he would say that the pre-
sent was an era of importance, because democracy was mak-
ing a desperate effort to take the stronghold of our Con-
stitution, and notwithstanding the large measures and in-
fluence of democracy in their councils, it would not be
satisfied unless it Lot the absolute ascendancy. (Hear.)
The leard gentleman then drew a comparison between
the theory of the present political agitators and the practi-
cal results that would follow the' adoption of their views,
and contended that the trades unions were beginning to
merge into ono—the questions of the rights of labour and
the rights of property. Political economists and theorists
led those whom they addressed to believe that if they car-
ried universal suffrage, and extended their number in the
House of Commons, all they needed would be obtained, and
the rights of labour being triumphant, they could attack
their rights of capital and property. (Hear.) It was this par-
tisanship between the theoretical politician and the trades
unionist that he so much dreaded, and which he believed
was making steady advances. But he believed also that
all classes of the community, and of all politics except ex-
treme politicians, seeing the danger in which .they were'
placed, were endeavouring to oppose the movement. (Hear,
hear.) Should this movement succeed he supposes they
would begin by abolishing the laws of primogeniture. The
next step would be to stop settling property on the next
generation. All that could be done at present. Then they
would be deprived of the power of disposing of property
after death ; and then they would limit the extent of pro-
pertyl:se
ceiracchumisntdainvemidauaitl
bshehouovldedbealalllcolaswesedsttoo econjoesyi.dertiwnhdeart
course should be taken to avert the evil. It was impossible
for him to enter into details, but it was their duty to main-
tain the Constitution with firmness and moderation. With
those who advocated the handing over the whole power of
the House of Commons to a mere numerical majority they
must hold no parley—they must keep them at arm's length.
(Cheers.) There must be no surrender. (Cheers.) If this
course be pursued he ventured to think that, as in the 17th
century the wisdom, firmness, and moderation of their an-
cestors saved them from an absolute monarchy and in the
18th century from a narrow oligarchy, so in the 19th cen-
tury their Constitution would stand as it had hitherto
stood, and would resist democracy as in earlier centuries.
(Cheers.) Moderation was desirable, but moderation was
not inaction. (Cheers.)
Mr. BERKELEY, M.P., responded at the Liberal dinner to
the toast of " The Health of the Members for the City of
Bristol." Touching on the subject of Parliamentary reform,
ho said if Lord Darby should produce a measure of reform
which he (Mr. Berkeley) thought to be an onward step, it
should have his support. But he disbelieved in their bring-
ing in any measure of reform at all, and if they did, lie be-
lieved that it would be so hollow and deceitful that it
would fall to the lot of their members to oppose it. (Hear,
hear.) And now did not those present think that they were
going a little too fast ? How were we to have reform in this
country under the existing state of things ? While the
composition of the Honse of Commons was as it was,
while the electoral body who sent the members to Parlia-
ment was it was, he said, reform was almost useless.
(Cheers.) When he looked about the country and saw the
state of degradation into which the constituencies were
plunged, when he saw noblemen standing up and equivo-
cating in the meanest manner when under examination,
and setting an example to all witnesses, whoever they might
be, who might be called upon to tell the truth, anything but
good, he must say that it presented a fearful spectacle.
(Hear.) He took Totnes purposely, because it reflected
upon the Liberal party. There were but two ways in which
we could obtain reform. One was by altering the whole
state of election, by altering those miserable committees of
the House of Commons, in which no justice was done
either as regarded law or equity. That must be done in
order to obtain reform, or there must be a revolution to
gain it. Who was there prepared to say they would have a
revolution ? None of those present. They knew in this
country that bad as the state of things might be, they could
compare this country with any other in the world. (Hear,
hear.)
Sir M. PET°, on rising, was received in the most flatter-
ing manner possible. When silence had been restored,
the hon. baronet observed that he thanked his friends most
heartily for that very kind reception. Last year he made
ationh
yattuh
Lordsien _b
0
some remarks which he feared were misapprehended by
many persons in the country. He recommended the ap-
pointment of a commission to fully ascertain all the facts
which could be known upon which a Reform Bill should
be based, and that the Reform Bill should be postponed for
a year. A great many of their friends in the country
deemed that rather to be the advice of an insincere Re-
former; but he could not help feeling, with 17 years' expe-
rience of the House of Commons, that their object was the
obtaining of a sound Reform Bill, and that a year lost in
the preliminary investigation would not be practically a
year lost in the cause of reform. (Hear, hear.) They
were met that night to look at things as they existed, and
he asked them whether there was at the commencement
of last year that earnestness on the part of the people
ogene-
rally which was calculated to impress a 'new House of
Commons with the necessity for a Reform
For one,
what was the position of the present MinistryEeforin Bill from
hear.) He said unaffectedly there was eot.7Allnd(now,
he was not prepared to expect a sou
course which his
any such source—(hear, hear)—but
forward, he was prepared to take the
(Applause:
) And if
honoured colleague had indicated to accept it—
the bill was a sound bill he
wwases prepared
Ivantiug
he was prepared,
iinda bill was brought
ntthinegH. o(uHseeaorf,
liCeoamr
(applause)—and wher©
.)
to mention an in-
They would, perhaps, now
when Lord Palmerston and Lord
stance which occur
mans,
the help
dhdetlop ofa t
hoatthnewimi
allowcem svb
aerssihvoiafm
had the honour of belaing
de by Lord Hartington, stating
coed a motion to be
Russell resumed the l.idiniasstirtyodinbythLe
ord last Parliament Hsee-
Tory Administration. He ventured humbly to write
the the House of Commons had no confidence in
he would not do
g of the kind, and he declined to take that action,
becashould committ
themselves by some overt act, to show that they were not
Palmerstonf
lt thatun tisltatthi stating
Toryt that
t party
in accord withtheprinciples of the majority of the country,
it was a short-sighted policy to turn them out. (Hear.)
He therefore declined the honour, and it was undertaken
by the hon. member for Middlesex. He was not prepared
to be a party to anything like an action to turn out the
Tory :Administration without giving them a fair trial—
(applause)—and he knew that his honored colleage would
not be wanting in the same act of justice. As to a Reform
Bill, he was not prepared to take anything less than the
oaus.rislmodi
day,
h,oaaftnvhadee
fewhave
oaovk hen.ed e
adsb
yea
eus
npo not
upon
t e
withoutts
collapsed i
at
war
e ea
flr ma n w
betweeni t h
Aaunsy-
bill of last session. (Hear.) Referring to the importance of
reflection efficient
could
ec ofti
ngo n Austria
whatin
tt
hr iea sahnodr tPpreat
might possibly be: the fate of his own country. There
was no greater friend of peace in that room than he was ;
but he was prepared to say this - that it was the bounden
duty at the present moment of every party in this country
—whether Conservative,
Liberal, or whatever they
might
be—to see that the various services in this country should
at the present time be placed in the highest possible state
of efficiency. (Applause.) He then touched upon the pre-
sent position of our navy. With regard to the Board of
Admiralty, be had often stated that he did not conceive it
possible that whilst the board existed as at present consti-
tuted we could have an effective or useful administration.
The first thing we should do was to alter our plan entirely
with regard to our foreign stations. We had 91 small and
effective vessels ; and he said that in the place of them wo
should have asmaller number of thoroughly effective ships.
Then he said that the second thing requiring to be done was
by
the replacing of our obsolete wooden line-of-battle ships
iron frigates. We had the Victoria in the Mediterranean,.
the Duncan in North America, and the Princess
Royal in
China-till wooden line of-battle-ships with something
like 800 souls on board of each—and if war were to break
out to-morrow morning with America she had a vessel
in
those seas which would annihilate either of these vessels
in five or ten minutes; and he asked if that was the posi-
tion in which the country should be placed ?

THE "SUN,, NEWSPAPER.-
G. R. GLENIE, Sporting Library, 4, Connaught-
terrace, Ed4ware-road, 18 specially appointed At;r;.N 4. to
deliver the 1.,1TE EillTluS of "'TUE SUN " at the
earliest possible moment atter leaving the press. _He La able
to Aqiver copies in Town, the Suburbs, and in many parts of
the Gila:try at a comparatively early hour the saute
say 40 tulles by 9 o'clock.
Orders by Post punctually attended to.

rip HE "SUN" NEWSPAPER.-
G. R. G LENIE delivers the LATE EDITION at
tliclsei, 7.40 ; 8; Starch-green, 8; Woolwich, 7.30 ;
Uxbridge, 9.20 ; Watford, 8.45.

THE LATEST EDITION of "THE SUN."
J. LIOLVES begs to inform his friends, and the pubic
generally, that he supplies the LATEST EDITIoN of
" illE SUN" as soon as published —No. 18, Hampstead-
rJad, il.iY.

riniE LAST EDITION of " TILE SUN "
supplied as soon as Published, containing all the
LA PEST NEWS and S:.'ORTING INTELLIGENc.c,
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Cx;II.'"TING.—JOHN ROBERTS supplies the
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te•!itd• —l, Bath-street, City-road, E.C.

"FITE LATEST EDITION of " THE SUN "
d!Tplied, as soon aA published every Eventn, by
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4 'ioientilstl-,treet. xiord-street.

1-T-i-:10It THE LATEST POLITICAL and
-1 spORTING INTELLIGENCE se, ilie Late Edition
S11:1"
t,i Uxbridge at Alr. Blake's, Queen's
NVindbor-
.

1 WIN GOSNELL and (.----
'S CHERRY
ep TOO I'll i'll ST is greatly superior to any tooth
l,vder; gives the teela a pearl whiteness, protects
to the
ehuamel from decay, and imparts a pleasant fragrance
T in., brea
street ut, Price
London la. 01 t,a
.--Ited Lull Wharf, , upper
hames-. .

NOTHING IMPOSSIBLE.—Thegrea test and
most ueetai invention of the day, AGUA aMeR.ELLA
I,iessrs. JOHN GOSSI4:LL and CO., Bed Bull Wharf, 93.
vri Tlies-street, Perfumes to her Majesty, ,
respect.fully fifer to the public this truly marvellous ad which
gradually restores too human hair to its pristine hue—no
matter at what age. The Agua Arnarella has none of the
properties of dvcs ; it, on the contrary, is beneficial to the
system, and when the hair is once restored one application
per month will keep it in perfeot colour. Price one guinea per
Dottie, or in half bottles, 10s. 8.1. Testimonials from artistes
of the highest order, and from individuals of undoubted re-
spFctability, may be even on application. Messrs. John
Ga.nell and Co. hn' been aupointtl returners WI;""'T
Highness the reilOc2c Of Willa.

_ _ ~:~_