The Sun.
London, England, 1859-11-25 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 25, 1859.

CONTRACT FOR PITCH PINE TIMBER,

Department of the Storekeeper-General of the Navy,
Somerset-place, 22d November, 1850.
MAE COMMISSIONERS for EXECUTING
THE OFFICE of LORD HIGH ADMIRAL of the
UNITED KINGDOM of GREAT BRITAIN and IRE-
LAND, DO HEREBY GIVE NOTICE, That on TUES-
DAY, the 13th December next, at Two o'Clock, they will
be ready to treat with such Persons as may be willing to
Contract for supplying her Majesty's Dockyards with 8,100
Loads of PITCH PINE TIMBER, to be delivered in the
years 1800 and 1801, according to a distribution which with a
form of the tender, and the conditions of the contract, may
be seen at the said Office. No tender will be received after
Two o'Clock on the day of treaty, nor will any be noticed
unless the party attends, or an agent for him duly authorised
11l .writing.
Every tender must 132 addressed to the Secretary of the
Admiralty, and bear in the left-hand corner the words" Ten-
der for Pitch Pine Timber," and must be delivered at
Somerset-place, accompanied by a letter signed by two re-
sponsible persons, engaging to become bound with the person
tendering in the sum of £5,000 for the due performance of
the contract.

NIETROPOLITAN, COUNTIES, AND
GENERAL LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY,
27, Regent-street, Waterloo-place, London, S.W.
Life Assurance, Annuities, and Endowments.
Loans on real and personal security.
F. .FERGUSON CAMROUX, Manager.

CHEERFUL FIRES AND CHEAP COALS.
:Best House Coals 2ls: &L per ton.
:Duchess Coals
For Cash on, delivery to any part of London.
Orders' addressed to THE ATHERTON COLLIERY
COMPANY, 31, Threadneedle-street, E.C., will meet with
immediate attention. -

the direction of the Major-General, the whole of
which were gone through in an exceedingly effec-
tive manner, the numerous brigade field days held
during the last summer having proved of the utinavt
advantage to the troops, in enabling them to ac-
quire a knowledge of military movements.
Col. Commandant T. P. Dwyer, of the Plymouth
Division of Royal Marines, has been .placed on the
retired list, under the previsions of the Order in
Council of the 13th of Nov., 1859. On resigning
command of the division the gallant colonel notified
in public orders, " that in, thus severing the tie
which from early youth has bound him to the gal-
lant corps in which it has been his study to perform
his duty as he conceived best for the interests of
the service, he cannot repress the pang that every
heart must feel at parting from the comrades of a
long life—the officers, non-commissioned officers,
and privates of the Royal Marines. Ire wishes
them a-kind good=bye, health, prosperity, and hap-
piness." Col. Second Commandant T. Lemon, C. 8.,
has assumed command of the division.

THE VOLUNTEER MOVEMENT.

GREAT DEMONSTRATION IN GLASGOW.

In Perms of a requisition addressed to the Lord
Provost a meeting of the citizens was held in the
City-hall, Glasgow, on Wednesday night, ‘.‘to con-
sider the best means of promoting and encouraging
the volunteer movement in Glasgow." The hall
was densely crowded in every corner, and the de-
monstration was of the most earnest, enthusiastic,
and successful character. The general public was
accommodated in the great hall, and the volunteers
in uniform, to the amount of between 700 and 800,
occupied the galleries---amagnificent body of young
men.

The Lord Provost, who sympathised with the
movement very heartily, was absent from indispo-
sition.

On the motion of Bailie Whyte, Bailie Clouston
was called to the chair.
The CHAIRMAN having opened the proceedin„fn
Sir A. ALISON moved the first resolution, as
fol-
lows :

" That this meeting, while earnestly trusting that friendly
relations will continue to be maintained with foreign States,
is at the same time impressed wilh the conviction that the
surest means of averting the danger of war, and continuing
to our beloved land the blessings of peace and commercial
prosperity, is a thorough and complete system of national
defence."

Sir Archibald then said—Gentlemen and fellow-
citizens—l am sure I speak the united voice of this
great assembly when I say we owe a debt of grati-
tude to the Lord Provost for having called this
meeting at this crisis. It was fitting for Glasgow,
the first city in Scotland in population, in wealth,
and in importance, to take the. lead in this
great movement—a movement which is felt from.
the Land's End, as has been stated, to the
furthest extremity of Scotland—which, I trust,
will enable the united British Empire to
show a front to every hostile force, which may
set the united powers of the world at defiance, and
make us maintain that high position among the
nations, and those liberties and that religion which
havelitcri handed to us by our noble predecessors.
(Cheers.) Standing as I do in the heart of this
great city, I need not say that the policy, the wishes,
and the interest of England and Scotland are to re-
main at peace. No defensive preparations. no eli-
citing of unanimous enthusiasm in defence of the
country, can ever give a foreign nation a pretext
to say that we are actuated by aggressive motives,
that we are disposed to invade or disturb other
countries. We are essentially a pacific people.
There is no war can be waged in any part of the
world which does not strike at some British in-

dnstry, and there is no war can be waged by our-
selves that would not bring upon us, if it were with
a great Power, an amount of distress and suffering
which it is painful to contemplate. Therefore, we
are a pacific people. And if we now show a war-
like attitude, if we now show that we ate deter-
mined to maintain the independence of the country
and its honour and the honour and reputation of
the State, it is not because we are a warlike or ag-
gressive people, but because we are a free and inde-
pendent people, and that while we will do no injury
to any man, we will allow no man to injure us.
(Great applause.) It is not surprising to me that
this crisis has arisen. It has arisen, I think, not so

much from the aggressive policy of anv foreign
Power by which we may be immediately threatened
—it has arisen from a long succession of causes
which are now beginning to tell upon us, and which
have forced upon the nation and aroused in the
nation the unanimous conviction that a great stand
must be made for our liberties and our independ-
ence. (Cheers..) But the cause which has rendered
this movement necessary is just in its ultimate effects
the great triumphs and the unparalleled glories that
we have before achieved For what was the effect of
those glories and of those triumphs ? It was that it
bred in Great Britain a feeling of security—a feel-
ing that it was unnecessary to continue our efforts—
that we might lay aside our armour and hang up
our swords in our paternal halls, because that
success led us to think that we should be able
to stand against the world if it were opposed to us.
That was the feeling that pervaded the nation of
England, and hence it was that we disarmed to such
an extent during the long period of 40 years. For
whereas at the end of the late war we had 240 sail of
the line in Royal yards, and 107 at sea bearing the
Royal flag, we now have only 65 sail of the line in
the dockyards, and 37 bearing the Royalfiag at sea.
Besides this, we cannot bring forward more than
50,000 regular troops to defend the nation from inva-
sion. That was the consequence of the cause I have
mentioned—of the feeling of unbounded security and
confidence which arose front the magnitude of our
former triumphs. But consider what the effect of that
was upon other nations. We exhibited to them a
spectacle which could not fail to produce heartburn-
ing among them, for they saw in us a wealth which
they had not the industry. to acquire, a liberty which
they had not the stability to bear, a glory which
they had not been able to attain. That led in all
the nations of Europe to a feeling of jealousy
towards this country, which will sooner or later lead
to a general attack by them upon us. Such was the
effect of the cause I have mentioned—an exhibition
of envy on the one hand, and a remissness of pre-
paration on the other. We see the effect of this in
the serious wars in which European nations have
been lately engaged. We see that our want of pre-
paration tempted the Russians to cross the Pruth
and led to the Crimean war. 'We see that immedi-
ately afterwards it led to a dreadful revolt in our
Nlvl re
aarree aalprpe ar
odayeehiii
ngga gteod
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IndianNvi
th
China,
with America, and we are on very doubtful terms
even with the great Power on the other side of the
Channel. You will see, therefore, that our ideas of
security have not been realised. On the contrary, so
far from being secure, our danger arises from those
circumstances, mainly, that we have not made suffi-
cient preparations to maintain our position. I have
taken especial care hi these remarks to say nothing
in regard to that great Power, recently our ally—
I hope it may never become our enemy—from
which an attack is more immediately apprehended.
I will always speak with respect of the
French. I will always speak with respect of the
Emperor of the 'French. (Applause, and some
hisses.) I admire the talent, and I know the ability
of the French Emperor. (" Hear, hear," and " Oh,
oh.") Listen, gentlemen, to what I say. It is be-
cause I know the bravery of France, because I know
the power of France, and because I know the spirit
and the ability of the Emperor—it is just for this
reason that I say the volunte;r movement is indis-
pensably called for by Great Britain. (Tremendous
applause.) This is not a case of dispute—it is not
a quarrel or temporary necessity. France and Eng-
land have been old rivals. England was conquered
by France 800 years ago in one battle fought on the
coast of Sussex. It was conquered by a province
of France, and that is a warning and a lesson to us
at this time. Seventeen years of slavery and
suffering followed the conquest of England by
France; and what was the feeling aroused in Eng-
land by that circumstance ? It was a feeling of
revenge against France, and a number of times
we invaded France. For 120 years the Eng-
lish wars desolated France, and twice over tho Eng-
lish army marched through the streets of Paris, and
twice over the English cavalry marched from Calais
to Bayonne. The nations of England and France,
therefore, arc old rivals. They, are rivals of 800
years' standing, and, being old rivals, we have been
so often pitted against each other in the ring that
it is no wonder they should like to avenge them-
selves for the last overthrow in the tournament. It
is, therefore, necessary that we should be armed;
and I say that the French are brave and patriotic,
and they arc determined to rival us in every way
they can ; but I say we are patriotic, and we
are 'nave, and we are as much determined to
maintain the power which we possess. (Great
applause.) There are many circumstances inde-
pendently of what I have said which loudly call
for this movement, and which, although the sub-
ject has been so often spoken of in public meetings
in Great Britain, I am surprised to say I have
never yet seen noticed. But, nevertheless, 1 hope
when I have stated them you will see that they

bear strongly on this subject, and I am sure
they will deserve your attention. It is often said
by people in this country that we need not be
afraid of the French, for we have a great mercantile
navy of 220,000 sailors, who at any time can be
added to our regular navy, and therefore we are
perfectly secure. In the present state of matters I
pray you to observe this—the great mercantile navy
of England, so far froni being a refuge or support.
is—people say that it can be made otherwise—but
as matters stand it is the most serious weakness
that we have, The wages of the seamen in the
mercantile navy are 50s. a month, while the wages
of seamen in the Royal navy are only 31s a month.
(Hear.) It has been often said, how does it happen
that there are so many English sailors in the
American navy? And in the late strife with that
country we were really often fighting our own
navy. The answer to that question simply is, that
there is wonderful strength in half a.dollar a-day.
(Hear, hear.) That is the way that matter stands
as regards our mercantile navy. How can we ex-
pect that men, many of them having families, are to
join the Royal navy at so great a loss ? Do not,
thgrefore, let us lay our heads on our pillows
and say we are perfectly safe because we have
a great mercantile navy. Our mercantile navy is
just a huge competitor which drains men from
the royal navy. Then, again, consider the state
of the army. 'When the militia were called out in
January last there were 100,000 men less in the
militia and regular army than had been voted by
the Parliament of last year. Now, how was that ?
I will tell you how it was. It was just an affair of
money, like the other. The pay of the soldier is
ls. ld. a-day, and the same class of men are earn-
ing at their respective employments 25., 2s. 6d.,
35., 45., or ss. a-day, Can you wonder that, there
is a difficulty in raising men for the royal army
i
when you see that there is such a difference n the
reward ? Now, there is our great weakness and
our danger—so that when men point to our navy
and our army we see that they are a great weak-
ness, instead of being the greatest possible source
of strength to us. There is another consideration
of the last importance, and it is this,—unlike any
other country in Europe, we are compelled to main-
tain an ithmense standing army in India and in the
colonies. At this moment there are 90,000 men in
India, and 30,000 or 40,000 in the colonies,
making a total of 130,000 veterans who are out of
the country. The only other State which has to
maintain an army abroad is France, which has a
certain number of soldiers in Algeria. They, how-
ever, can be brought over in a few days to be of
service in Europe. But there is another most im-
portant consideration in addition to these—viz.,
that we have for the last 15 years been subject to
So serious a drain in the way of emigration. You
notmayh
aware,tut du
but recetnhtParinlleiamentay
returns about
3,000,000 persons have emigrated, averaging about
250,000 a•year ; and you will be able to form some
idea of the drain that has been made on the mill-

tary service, when I say that annual drain by emi-
gration has been double the loss sustained by the
empire of France from the retreat from Moscow.
Now, I neyer bring forrard evils unless I can point
out a remedy. I think I will be able to point out
how it is that these evils may be remedied, and
how it is that we will be able to make our strength
of what at present is the source of our weakness.
(Hear.) The first step I would take in this matter
would be at ore blow, and without the least
delay, to raise the pay of the soldiers and
sailors and the militia from ls. ld. to ls. Bd. or 2s.
a day. (Applause.) If you do this for the military,
and do the same for the royal navy, you will find
that the whips of the line will he filled with sailors,
and you will find the ranks of the regular army
will be filled with able and valiant men, and you
will have no difficulty whatever in raising such a
force as is requisite to defend the country. The
next measure that I would propose is this :—We
are told that it would be very expensive to do that;
that the country cannot afford it ; that it is abso-
lutely uecessary to attend only to a volunteer force,
and not do anything with regard to the regular
army. I will say here that I am as great a friend of
the volunteer force as any man alive, but we are told
that the country cannot afflrd to pay their troops and

their sailors in such a way as to gain an of body
of men, I may state that I have gathered from a
Parliamentary return issued the other day that,
since the year 1811, we have repealed taxes to the

amount of £31,500,000, £10,600,000 being the
double income-tax. That as e all know. There re-
mains, therefore, £21,500,000 that has been given up
since 1844. Now, one-fourth of that sum would
raise the pay of our soldiers and sailors to an ade-
quate amount, and would put us in a state of com-
parative security. What in comparison with the
restoring of those indirect taxes in a question of
pounds, shillings, and pence, is the danger of being
conquered by the French? I will just give you
one or two facts to let you know what you may ex-
pect if the French ever conquered this country—(a
laugh)—in addition to the horrors of war and the
massacre of men. In the matter of pounds, shil-
lings, and pence, it will affect the pockets of every
human being in the country. In 1808, Napoleon
went to Portugal, and he said he came as a libera-
tor, to free the Portuguese from their yoke. The
first thing lie did when he got into Lisbon was to
by a contribution of £4,000,000 sterling of Portu-
guese money, equal to at least £10,000,000 in Scot-
land. Napoleon went in 1796 to Milan as a libe-
rator, and the first thing he did was to impose
£BOO,OOO upon the liberated city. He then went
to Venice, and he imposed there £2,500,000. In 1806
he went to Prussia, and levied upon Prussia—con-
taining only about 4,000,000 or 5,000,000 of inhabi-
tants—a contribution to the amount of £24,000,000
sterling, and he actually squeezed the money out of
the country in the five years by military occupa-
tion. In 1812, he said, in a letter to Davoust, when
that Ger.eral was in Hamburg, " If you had shot
six of the principal merchants of Hamburg, on the
day you entered, it would have been well ; but as
you have not done that, you must just make them
pay for it, and, therefore, I require you to lay hold
of 200 of the principal merchants. and keep them
as hostages for the psyment of 50,000,000 fr.," and
he actually levied that sum, equal to about
£2,000,000 sterling, upon Hamburg, which at that
time only contained about 80,000 inhabitants, and
the imposition would be equal to £10,000,000 in
this city. You see at what price the peace-at-any-
price gentlemen would purchase their salvation.
(A laugh.) I would say that although we may
by increasing the pay increase our regular forces,
and of course our militia, yet it is indispensable
that we should, in addition, have the support
of a great body of volunteers. I hope that the time
is coining when we shall see 30 sail of the line iu
the Channel, when we shall see 15 sail of the line
in the Mediterranean, 100,000 regular troops in
Great Britain, and 80,000 militia. I am sure the
object could be gained if the Government would
adopt the plan which I propose, and I am sure no
one would feel it a burden That done, all that we
require is the assistance of a great volunteer force.
A force that would bring 100,000 men together in-
stead of 20,000, which could be done now in front of
London, would not be sufficient, unless it were sup-
ported by a great force in the rear, for the French,
if they once got the command of the Channel, could
throw as many men over in a week as they brought
to fight at Solferino. But if there is a sufficient
and adequate volunteer force in the country, then
I say we may be altogether invincible. I do not
pretend to say that volunteers, however brave and
skilful they may be, can at once be brought to
equal efficiency with regular soldiers, but I say
that volunteers may be the greatest of supports to
a nation engaged in a strwrgle for independence,
when I find that in Portugal the Duke of Welling-
ton, with 30,000 regular troops and 30,000 Portu-
guese—a brave volunteer force—resisted the efforts
of 300,000 Frenchmen, whereas in Spain, with a
similar force, the attempt ended in nothing but de-
feat. In conclusion, I would say that what I think
should be done in order to render the country com-
paratively safe is to bring all its best resources to
bear at once upon its necessities. I look around, me,
and sec an excellent body of 2,000 volunteers, that,
lam sure, will be second to none in the world in
bravery, skill, and military discipline. (Cheers.)
What I think should be done is that there should
be a thorough organisation. Now, where would be
the point of danger? The point of danger would
be London or Woolwich. Woolwich, being our
only arsenal, would probably be one of the first
places attacked. We must not only have great re-
sources in Scotland and England, and other parts,
but we must have the means to bring these resources
at once to bear on the poineof clan ger. Now, if France
landed on the coast of Sussex, in five days they
would be in London if they were not resisted. Now,
consider this; we have a railway system throughout
the whole country, and by its means the volunteers
might be sent up to the support of the regulars
from Plymouth and other.places. They could sup-
port them as light troops in every possible way, and
in that way they could more than double the
strength of the whole army. (Cheers.) With these
volunteers in the various parts of the country Great
Britain would be altogether invincible. I will con-
clude with one observation, with a most memorable
instance, which will show you what is the wonder-