The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-20 00:00:00

THE CONGRESS.

The Moniteur publishes the following article, a
telegraphic summary of which appeared in The
Sun of yesterday :--
"After having adhered to the proposition of the
Court of Russia to refer the settlement of the
Italian question to a Congress, the five Powers
thought it advisable to come to an understanding
upon the bases of the future deliberations, and they
agreed upon the four following points, proposed by
the Government of her Britannic Majesty
" 1. To state precisely the means by which peace
may be maintained between Austria and Sardinia.
" 2. To establish how the evacuation of the Roman
States by the French and Austrian troops can be
best effected.
"3. To examine whether it is advisable to intro-
duce reforms into the internal administration of
those States, and of the other States of Italy the
administration of which may show defects of a
nature evidently calculatee, to create a permanent
and dangerous state of d!iscontent, and what such
reforms should be.

"4. To substitute for the treaties between Aus-
trid and the DucVies a confederation of the States of
Italy between themselves for their mutual protection
at home as wrill as abroad.
" Subseo•aently, the Vienna Cabinet demanded
the prevtous disarming of Sardinia, declaring that
that 'measure was an absolute condition for its join-
iP.g the Congress. This condition having given
rise to objections on the part of all the other Powers,
the Austrian Government substituted instead one
for a general disarming before the meeting of the
Congress.

" The Government of her Britannic Majesty is of
opinion that it would suffice to admit at once the
principle of a general disarming, reserving to re-
gulate its being carried out until the opening of the
deliberations by the Plenipotentiaries.
"The Government of the Emperor, guided by the
same sentiments of conciliation which determined
it to adhere to the meeting of a Congress and to the
bases of the negotiation, has not hesitated to give
its assent to this combination.
" A. difference has nevertheless since manifested
itself upon the question as to whether the official
adhesion of Sardinia to the principle thus admitted
was or was not previously indispensable.
" The Government of the Emperor thought that
it was impossible, logically and equitably, to invite
Piedmont to adhere to this principle, if at the same
time the Powers,did not ask it to be represented at
the Congress.

" The English Cabinet having laid great stress
upon France consenting to induce the Turin Cabi-

net to acquiesce, as a preliminary step, in the prin-
ciple of a general disarming, the Government of the
Emperor has not refused to give a new proof of his
conciliatory views, and he has promised compliance
with this request, provided it shall be agreed that
Sardinia and all the other Italian States shall be
invited to send a representative to the Congress.
"In a perfectly analogous circumstance, at the
conferences of Troppau, in 1820, the Court of Aus-

tria itself took the initiative in a similar proposal.
Its first representative, Prince Metternich, declared
that it was just, as well as useful, to invite the
different Italian States to send Plenipotentiarie's to
the Congress which it had been decided to hold at

Laybach to take the affairs of Italy into considera-
tion, and that advice was shared by all the Powers.
" We find in this precedent a reason to hope that
the condition we have just indicated, so conformable

moreover, to the principle of equity and to the in-

terests of all the Courts of the peninsula, will re-
ceive a unanimous assent.

" Moreover, as regards disarming, the Government
of the Emperor having admitted the principle, it
could not raise an objection as to what might be
thought the most opportune moment to carry it
into execution, and if the Powers were of the opinion
to proceed thereto even before the meeting of the
Congress, it would, on its part, see no reason for
not conforming to that wish.

" Everything, therefore, leads to the, presumption
that if all the difficulties are not yet smoothed down,

the definitive agreement will not fail to be esta-

blished, and nothing more will be opposed t 6 the
- -

meeting of the Congress."

THE AFFAIRS OF ITALY.

The following letter on the affairs of Italy, writ-
ten to the Grand Duke of Tuscany by King Louis
Philippe, only three months before his fall, is a
curious historical document, full of present interest :
" My very dear Brother and Nephew,—l have
received your letter of October 8. I am infinitely
sensible of this testimonial of your confidence and
friendship. You have long been aware of the great
attachment which I feel for you and your family,
and you also know how entirely I share the senti-
ments of my excellent Queen towards all the chil-
dren of a sister who was so dear to her. I shall
answer your letter with the utmost frankness and
confidence, for you cannot but know that, in the
system of government to which I always conscien-
tiously conform, my words express only my own
personal opinion, and have no official character
whatever. But I feel all the more free to speak
plainly to you on the present occasion, because the
political opinions of my Foreign Minister are in
complete harmony with my own on this subject,
and consequently the language which may be
addressed to you by my Government will coincide
with what I say privately. I think you did well
to accept the abdication of the Duke of Lucca in
your favour. I will say nothing here of the terri-
torial changes which you tell me are to accompany
this resignation, because I only know those pre-
scribed by the Treaty of Vienna, and this is the
first time that I have heard anything about the
treaty of November 28, 1844, to which France was
no party, and which is altogether unknown to us.
Nevertheless, the incorporation of the Duchy of
Lucca with Tuscany seems to me a good measure
in the present state of affairs and of public opinion.
I agree with you that this state is serious, but I
think that whether things will get worse or mend
depends upon the course which the Italian Govern-
ments may follow. I do not doubt of the possibility
of an amelioration, but I confess that I have not
equal confidence that the measures which, in my
judgment, are necessary to effect a reform, are
likely to be adopted by the Italian Governments.
The most essential thing of all is to allay the reci-
procal differences between Governments and peoples.
It is by acting upon this principle that we have had
the happiness to obtain that result which France
has exhibited for the last 17 years. The first words
which I addressed to France in 1830 were The
Charter shall henceforth be a truth.' France be-
lieved me. I did not deceive her confidence, and
hence our salvation. Thus it happened that a thing
which may perhaps have appeared very insufficient
to satisfy the passions or illusions of any individual,
taken separately, became dear to all as the palla-
dium of common rights and general security. Do
not suppose, my dear nephew, that I want to urge
you to set up a charter in Tuscany. No ; I give no
opinion upon a matter which I do not understand.
Every country, every people, must be governed by
circumstances peculiar to itself. But what I do
insist upon, with a thorough conviction that I
am right, is that whatever is done ought to
be done thoroughly, frankly, honestly, and
without any mental reserve or intention to
undo at some future time what may be done
now. There, in my opinion, lies the only, hope
of safety; but I have great faith in it if religiously
observed. The impracticable project of uniting
the various populations of Italy in one mass ought
to enlighten peoples and Governments both as to
the immense danger of allowing men's minds to
take this direction, and as to the measures which
would efficaciously conduce to the real object in
view, and thereby avoid all those disappointments
• and perils into which the illusions of unity would
inevitably precipitate them. It seems to me there-
fore desirable—though I am but too well aware
how difficult the task is—that the Italian Sovereigns
and Governments should endeavour to come to some
agreement as to the changes to be made, both in
their governmental regimes and in their internal
administration, so as to give some satisfaction to
the requirements of the age and the present social
state of nations—so different from what it was only
a few years ago—and to the just and reasonable
desires of their subjects. It is not only in the interest
of Italy that I express this desire, but alsointehitet
of Europe, and of the maintenance of that peace
which is the basis and guaranteenedofpteleielehsappsinuechss,
and prosperity of all States
with And
such now
entirey eon-
therefore, is the course which I shouldp .recommenddear
to be taken by all the Italian Sovereigns if I were
nephew,called
that to I advisehav e
I have only to renewout
o
n, etphleiemd.
the
assure ex-
pression fiden oeaonfdma nfriendship, and to beg
and yours.
your family that they may always reckon upon the
.
yobcets.tlw7,islhBe4s7f. or you
sin,c,esltycloofumd,
Es. (in the King's own handwriting.)—You
,may also be very sure that all that concerns your

States is for me an object of spscial—ioaterest and
surveillance ; but I hope you will pardon my old
experience if, oat of the great interest Which I bear
to you, I tell you frankly that the best way to dis-
concert revolutionary attempts is to attach subjects
to the Government, for it is certain that if they
succeed in so doing all such attempts will cease to
be dangerous ; and those who make them will soon
tire when they lose the hope of gaininc, the support
of the masses. What nations dread'altve all things
is arbitrary government ; and what tb eyparticularly
desire is that itshould be replacedby the reign of law,
and that they may be protected by legal order
against the irregular vexations of agents of autho-
rity. This is the only great change which I should
like to see you effect by your own will. The task
is doubtless difficult, but it is a splendid and glori-
ous one ; and, therefore, I am doubly anxious to see
it accomplished by you."

CAPTAIN CARNEGIE AND SIR JOHN
PAKINGTON.

4r,
The following letter has been forwarded to us
for publication :—.

" London, April 19.
" Sir,—l have read with feelings of surprise and
indignation the ungenerous taunts that you levelled
at an absent man and former colleague when the
question of my resignation was brought before the
House of Commons.
"Of the circumstances that induced Sir Benja-
min Hall to make his inquiry I had no previous
knowledge, nor had I any communication with him
on this or any other subject, until, when informed
by the papers of the wording of his question, I sent
him a telegram from Ireland, which he read in the
House of Commons.
"The facts attending my appointment and resig-
nation were as follow :
" When you offered me the appointment it was
with the understanding that I should endeavour to
obtain a seat in Parliament as early as possible. I
expressed my readiness to start for any place that
offered me a fair and reasonable prospect of success,
and I make this written acknowledgment of my
obligation, which you seem to regret not to have
received before.

" Such were the conditions under which I ac-
cepted your offer to join the Board of Admiralty,
and from that moment I have not lost a single op-
portunity of endeavouring to fulfil my portion of
our unwritten understanding.
"Now, let me state the facts—facts of which you
were cognisant, although, for your own defence,
and for my condemnation, you thought proper to
ignore them in the House of Commons.
" No sooner had I entered office than the possi-
bility of a vacancy in the representation of Ports-
mouth was anticipated. I expressed my readiness
to you personally to undertake the responsibility
of the contest, if necessary ; the vacancy did not
occur, and the matter ended. When Portsmouth
was thus disposed of I placed myself in communica-
tion with Dartmouth, whence I received such infor-
mation as led me to believe that my hope of success
in that quarter was well founded if a previously
favoured representative in the interest of Govern-
ment did not present himself. Other places were
under my consideration, as I have evidence to prove,
and in an interview I had with you I mentioned
one of them. •

" When a dissolution was announced you spoke
to me upon the subject, and mentioned Dover.
Devonport was also alluded to, but by some one else.
In replying to the latter suggestion, I stated my
opinion that it would be impossible for any Govern-
ment candidate to contest Devonport with any hope
of success, as I could not suppose that the dock-
yard labourers, to be disqualified by the Reform
would support a nominee sent down by a Go-
vernment that had determined to deprive them of
their franchise. Now, with regard to Dover,
which you pressed upon me, I had previously
been requested to allow myself to be put
in nomination for this borough, but the information
that I received from numerous quarters made me
doubt the propriety of such a course, and this
opinion I freely expressed whenever the subject
was mentioned to me by those who recommended it.
" On the morning of Wednesday, the 6th of
April, I announced to you, through the ordinary
means of communication between a chief and his
subordinate, that Dover was a place which I could
hardly expect to contest with success, but I added
that I had hopes elsewhere, and that an interval of
24 hours would enable me to ascertain whether the
reports from another place were sufficiently favour-
able to warrant me in standing for it.
" To this remark of mine you answered by
stating, that in your opinion I had no option,' and
you left the room to attend (I believe) a Cabinet,
while I left it for the purpose of tendering my
resignation of an office which I could no longer
wish to hold under such an imputation.
" That offer of resignation must have been com-
municated to you on your return the same day, for
you then sent for me, and, after alluding to it, and
expressing your regret for having made use of hasty
words, you still strongly urged me to stand for
Dover, and stated that Lord Derby coincided with
your opinion.
" I then informed you of the political difficulties
which attended the representation of Dover, and
mentioned the awkward circumstances in which

should be placed if I went to Dover with the G-
overnment Reform Bill tied like a millstone round
my neck.

But these political objections were not the only
ones I foresaw I should have to encounter ; it was
very soon made clear to me that there was only one
possible method by which either of the sitting
members for Dover could be deprived of their seats,
and this was a course I could not condescend to
adopt.

"-I have only now to complete my case by quot-
ing an extract from a letter, addressed to me by a
gentleman high in your confidence, dated on the
afternoon of that same day on which you had been
verbally and by letter endeavouring to induce me
to stand for Dover :

" t They say they must either get you to stand for
Dover or Devonport, both of which must be fought
by Admiralty men. I am inclined to think you
would have the best chance at Devonport ; I don't
like Dover much. The enthusiasts think they can
turn out Russell. I told them they might turn out
Osborne, but had no chance with Russell ; and,
in fact, I believe the latter would fall through the
former.'

" You have compelled me to make this statement
public. You have, in your place in the House of
Commons, endeavoured to protect yourself by attri-
buting the most improper motives to me, which, if
they were true, would be inexplicable:Nan-further
accuse me of hesitation and vacillittion; -end you
presume to declare your regret that fitfAnd not
taken down in writing the partictitireatrthe con-
versation which passed between us on the occasion
of our first interview.
" I have placed in writing the arrangement made,
and I have endeavoured to carry out that arrange-
ment. I did not hesitate, nor did I vacillate. I
declined, upon consideration, to contest the repre-
sentation of a borough which I could only have
gained by means repugnant to my sense of honour,
and, not acknowledging the assumption that I was
bound to contest either Dover or Devonport, I de-
dined to remain at the Admiralty.
" I purpose to send a copy of this letter to the
public journals, and have the honour to be your
most obedient servant,

" S. T. CARNEGIE.
"The Right Hon. Sir John Pakington, M.P., 8zo."

THIS DAY'S MARKETS.

CORN EXCHANGE.

A very limited supply of English wheat was on sale in
to-day's market. The demand for all kinds ruled steady,
but far from active, at Monday's improvement in value.
The general condition of the samples was good.
Fine foreign wheats commanded more attention at ex-
treme rates, but inferior parcels were a slow inquiry.
The barley trade ruled firm at full currencies, but malt
moved off slowly at previous quotations.
There was a fair demand for most kind of oats, at previous
rates.

Beans moved off freely, but peas wore much neglected.
The flour trade was firm ; in prices, however, no change
took place.

ARRIVALS THIS WEEK;!
wheat. Barley Malt. Oats. Flour.
English 1,420 ( 670 i 3,370 , 100 i 1,030
Irish
Foreign - 22,870 i 2,440 ski
No
____ I

WIIITECHAPEL.
Beef, from 3s 4d to 43 6d; mutton, 3s 6d to 48 10d;
lamb, 4s 10d to 6s Od ; veal, 4s 2d to 5s 2d • and pork, 3s
Od to 48 2d per 81b., by the carcase. Trade steady.

BOROUGH HOP.
All new hops are selling steadily, at very full prices
Yearlings are firm. In other hops vary little is doing.

PRICE OF GOLD.—The quotation of gold at Paris
is about at par, and the shorteichangeon London is 25.071
Per £1 sterling. On comparing these rates with the Eng-
lish Mint price of £3 17s. 101 d. per ounce for standard gold,
it appears that gold is nearly 4-10ths per cent. dearer in
Paris than in London. By advises from Hamburg the
price of gold is 4211 per mark, and the short exchange on
London is 13.3 per £1 sterling. Standard gold at the
English Mint price is therefore about 1-10th per cent.
dearer in Hamburg than in London. The course of ex-
change at New York on London for bills at 60 days' sight
is about 109! I per cent., which, when compared with tho
Mint par between the two countries, shows that the ex-
change is slighly in favour of England ; and, after making
allowance for charges of transport and difference of inte-
rest, the present rate leaves a trifling profit on the uppor •
tatiou-of gold fro a the United States. •