The Sun.
London, England, 1832-12-31 00:00:00

1

s, All ottr eaterapts have ehown that a relasta.tiou of kilo--
bib ition, falsely termed protection, toads to the augmen-
tation of mar prosperity, and to the increase of our wealth.
We have therefore a right to argue that we may proceed
ien the same course. What, Gentlemen, is it that is falsely
called protection ?—Let any man scan it. It is, Gentle-
men, only heaping on that which is already burdened an
additional load—it is loading with increased weight those
who before were unable to compete with others who were
, unburdened. What, then, are the effects that this system
has produced in this country ? The effects are to be seen
here at home in a manner which cannot fail to be present
to every man's mind long ago. Let me ask what protec-
tion has been given to the great manufacture which gives
employment to the hundreds of thousands, nay millions,
within the great district which encircles your town,—
wh it protection has it bad? I answer,—None whatever.
--(Tremendous cheers.) Unaided by any legislative en-
actment—unassisted by the fostering hand of power—un-
provided with custom-house books, that great manufac-
ture has grown from an infant's condition until it has ob-
tained a giant's streneth.—(Deafening plaudits.) Without
the shackles of protection, it enters into the very heart of
the vast empire of India, formerly its riv 41; and extends
and branches forth the fruits of its industry into the
central d-serts of Arnica, where the European foot
was never known to enter.—(Tremendous applause.)
Let one now mark the course of another manufac-
ture enshrined by protections of all kinds, like the
other manufacture for which the raw material is equally
to be brought from a distance. What, in short, was
the case with the silk trade ?—was protection wanting
there ?—were there no laws which rejected foreign com-
petition?—were there no penalties on those who attempt
ed to introduce it ?—and did all those protections,
amounting to absolute and total prohibition, tend to make
this branch of industry flourish with activity, or was it
found to rival and outstrip the manufactures of foreign
countries ? No such thing : not only did it not, but on
the contrary, in spite of prohibitory laws, in spite of pe-
nalties exacted from the smuggler, it was met at every
turn by foreign competitors. In this branch, Gentlemen,
then, I say, you may read the history of the fallacy of
protection.—(Loud cheers.) My system, then, is this—
leave to industry a full and a fair field—remove from us
your unwise protection—leave us alone—let our industry
develop itself,—and if I ever had a doubt, I can have no
;ion Ist now that we shad then have no rival to fear—no
eampetitor to dread. Nor do I take so narrow a view of
she scheme as that which I have as yet presented to you.
There are other important considerations mixed up with
this question. By extending and developing our industry
at home—by giving to its fullest extension as regards
foreign countries (and we can only give it that extension
by consenting to receive from them that with which
they can pass us)—we extend the ben,fiis of the
common bond of unions. Mankind may be knitted
together for a time in various countries by acci-
dental circumstance's, but there can be no common
bond of union between nations, but by a bond founded
upon feelings of common interest. Make a foreign
nation dependent upon you for some of its comforts. Let
them, in the prosecution of their industry, by becoming
their customers become your friends—give to them the
products of your own, and the exchange will be advan-
tageous to both, and you will raise up mutual feelings of
affection and sympathy, which will go further to prevent
that, which, in my mind, has been, and is, the greatest
nurse that can affect mankind—war.—(Loud elvers.) I
have, perhaps, Gentlemen, advanced a step further than
those who support me were willing to go, not in the ac-
knowledgment of principles, but in the avowal of the
principles on which we should act. I contend, and have
contended, that if we consent to take from foreign countries
that which they produce, they must receive from us in
payment our production. They may raise up volumes of
Custom-house books, surround their territory with coast
blockades, fill their seas with cruisers, bet if we are to
take any thing from them, they must take from us in re-
turn. The principles, then, which I have advocated, are
to follow up a straightforward and direct course—to re
move the unnecessary duties and prohibitions on the pro-
ductions of other countries, and trust to one of two
courses—either a sense of their own folly, to induce them
to take a better system of legislature, or that necessity
which must, if they wanted to take advantage of us, force
them to admit something or other from us in payment.
These principles,though followed only for a very short time,
have led to the consequences of which I have treated. Let
one turn to that country which is our next neighbour, and
with whom we are tied by the bonds of sympathy, raised,
I believe, by a common feeling for freedom. France also
has revised her commercial code, and falsified the taunts
by which we were met, that if she were permitted to
enter our market by our liberality, she need not be liberal
in return. We have not asked this of her as a boon, but
we have counselied her to it as a benefit.—(Cheers.) This
has been done, not without efforts on our part; but those
efforts were made, not in the spirit of demand—not in the
spirit of a determination to have concessions—not with
any threat; but the efforts were made in the shape of
amicable discussion on the subject, undertaken with no
spirit of nationality on either the one side or the other—
(Loud cheers)—in short, like two friends, meeting as such,
to look into facts and discuss its bearings. And what,
Gentlemen, has been the result of this coulee? Why, that
already has France followed our example, by adopting a
course of liberal measures. Within the last six weeks she
has proposed to her Chambers to remove from her statute-
book laws which affect her own industry, but which also
particularly touch us. She has pronounced, by the mouth
of her Minister of Finance, that there shall be an end to
prohibition ; and whether from her own conviction that
this course is best for her own interests, or from a di sire
to meet generally the gifts of England, I know not; but
in the first instance she consents to liberalize her system.
(Cheers.) Nor is this all, Gentlemen : the professions of
men in power may be valueless to-morrow, but the spirit
which actuates a people is lasting.—(Loud cheers.) A
representation from the people, stating their conviction of
the propriety of a different system, has emanated from
the very centre of the exclusive system, from Lyons,
where the protective sysieen reigned supreme three years
ago—from Lyons the voice of the people was issued, say-
ing " We feel that free trade is indispensable for our in-
terests—we demand it of you as the right of the people
and as conformable to the best interests, wants, and
existence of ourselves." And what, Gentlemen, is now
the condition of the United States of America, where the
system has been carried to its highest pitch ? That
country, at this moment, is divided against itself. God
forbid that such dissensions should continue for one hour,
but their having arisen is a sufficient proof of the fallacy of
a system which we are endeavouring to remove from this
country. That it will not continue I ferverely hope, but
my hope is as firmly expressed that it may be put an end
to by yielding to the just demands and wishes of those
who uphold a principle so rational, just, and true, as that
it is unjust to the interests of man to place burdens on the
many for the benefit of a particular few.---(Tremendous
cheers.) Gentlemen, nothing would have excused me
having trespassed upon your attention at this length
but the peculiar circumstances under which we meet,
and I must crave your indulgence for a few mo-
ments longer.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, ycu have con-
ferred on me the highest honour which one man can re-
ceive at the hands of his fellow-countrymen, and that I
should accept it gratefully no man could doubt.—(Tre-
modous applause.) Permit me to say, that in doing se,
Day see:ing, though one of satisfaction and pride, is mixed
up with the thorough conviction that I have the power of
showing you, th,:t by my acceptance of it, by the sacrifice
I make to enable me to place my bumble services at your
disposal, I do set a high vsjue upon it:—(Cheers.) Gep-
tlemen, you conferred that hon:aur without my seeking,
without my soliciting. it. A body of my countrymen to
whom I am deeply indebted for their long continued.con-
firience—to whom I am bound by the nearest ties of friend-
*l'll), and by habits of long acquaintance—have also con-
ferred upon me the marked distinction of selecting me for
their representative. On the one side, thee, Gentlemen,
there were feelings of a private nature which could net fail to
e impressed upon my heart ; on the other hand, there were
feelings of a public duty—a desire to take advantage of
that additional power which your confidence justly entitles
me to, both in the country and in Parliament, induced me
to accept your confidence with the most ardent wish to
repay it by a devotion which, when the resolution is taken,
be assured can be exceeded by none. That sacrifice I
have made, and I offer it to you and to the great principles
which you advocate. It may seem presumptuous in the
to talk of a sacrifice, but my connexion with Dover was
of lung standing, and one of affection and confidence—
(Hear, hear)—and which I know might have continued
for a long period of years.—(Continued cheers.)
In
bidding the electors of Dover adieu, f Lou: to the power
of obtaining from you a voice in the councils a. the na-
tion, should that power soon come again into sv
the bands
of the people. All considerations, however, weighed
me as nothing in balance compared with being the free,
independent, and unsedicited Member for Manchester ; but
I mention them only because I believe you know that I
do pay some price for that honour, and you may know,
therefore, that I prize it. You have conferred, as I said
before, the honour of selecting me your representative in
the councils of our country,—you have conferred it on one
who has the honour of being in the Government of that
country. There are, Gentlemen, circumstances connected
with that position, to which I should not act fairly by my-
self, or justly to you, if I dill not draw your p.ttention to

thew. Gentlemen, !have heard a new theory pftouueed P
in these times—a theory unsuited to the good times of
English history. I have heard it said that it was impossible
for a member of the Government to be a good and inde-
pendent Member for a great and independent constituency.
God forbid, Gentlemen, that we should ever see such a
principle carried into effect ! I believe that by selecting
a member of the Administration —by the people plac-
ing their confidence on one who has the confidence of
the country (for without it be could not be a mem-
ber of the Administration—(Loud cheers)—l believe that
a constituency obtains a greater power of influencing the
measures of the Legislature—of controlling the course of
Government—of carrying into effect their own views of
liberal policy, tha❑ if they selected another.—(Cheers.) I
believe, Gentlemen, that to have a representative in such a
position, with a desire of preserving the confidence of his
constituents, and earnestly wishing to merit a continuance
of their esteem, will prevent him from leaving his liberal
opinions, and give him power to urge with his colleagues
the views which they mean to advocate. But, Gentle-
men, there is one circumstance connected with this which
must also have attention. All Government is, and can
hut be a compromise of opinion,—one general principle
may and does pervade the whole, but in every Govern-
ment, or society, composed of more than one man, there
must be not only differences of opinion in principle but
slight differences of opinion as to time and course. Go
to any society you please,—t Ace away three or two indi•
viduals out of the thousands in this room, and you will
not he able to find them to agree exactly in any one prac-
tical point. While this is the case, I beg to say, that
Government most be a compromise, not of principle,
but of shades of opinion. You may then, Gentlemen
with your representative a Member of Government,
find occasions in which he may be obliged to yield
not to principle but to opinion, as to time and mode
of proceeding, and it will then be for you to say,
whether the influence he can exercise in the councils of
his country counterbalances the disadvantage that might
arise from his not carrying so zealously as some might de-
sire his own opinions into action.—(Loud cheers.) That
is a consideration which, as practical, sensible men, you
must take ; and I state it to you at once, that there may
be no charge brought against me. I state it broadly and
openly, not so touch as regards myself, but as a general
principle of Government, and th it I may claim before•
,and your indulgence, and receive your full confidence.—
' (Cheers.) How much I shall need that confidence—how
much I shall draw upon your indulgence, I feel but too
deeply. You, however, Gentlemen, have elected me to
the high station I have the honour to fill, which nothing
but my zeal to serve you can justify the course which I
have taken.—(Cheers.) You have probably expected
more from me than my humble abilities will enable me to
perform ; but, Gentlemen, though I may fail to do justice
to the opinion which you have formed of me, and though
I may not succeed in keeping up that reputation which
you have attached to my name, believe me, that I shall
fail only from want of ability —my devotion and zeal in
your cause shall not be exceeded by any individual. Gen-
tlemen, this has bsen the proudest day of my life.—(Hear,
and cheers.) I hope still to see one yet prouder; that
will be the day of returning amongst you after a period of
labour, to render an account to you of the manner in
which I have discharged the great trust reposed in me,
and when, I trust, you will be enabled to meet me here
and say, " Well done, thou good and faithful servant."
The Right Hon. Gentleman descended from the table,
and resumed his seat, amidst the most enthusiastic shouts
of applause.
Several other appropriate toasts were then drank amidst
general applause, and the meeting was eloquently addressed
by several gentlemen.
About 11 o'clock the Chairman and his distinguished
guests left the saloon, when the chair was taken by Ed-
ward Baxter, Esq., and the festivities continued till near
1 o'clock, at which hour all the company had left the
scene of the evening's festivities as well as of rational en-
tertainment.

MANCHESTER, DEC. 9.9.

The dinner on Thursday evening continues to be the
theme of universal conversation, and that day will long be
remembered by the Reformers of this town, as one of a
glorious triumph. Mr. Poulttt Thomson, who, since his
arrival in town, has repeated his former visits to the great
manufactories and warehouses of the town and neighhour-
hood, has been the guest of J. C. Dyer, Esq. Yesterday
the Right Hon. Gentleman was entertained at dinner by
Benjamin Heywood, Esq., at his stat, Claremont, in the
vicinity of the town, where a most influential party of
commercial gentlemen met him. The Right Hon. Gen-
tleman left Manchester for London this morning.

THE ELECTIONS.

B UCKIN G HAMSHIRE.

The following account of the declaration by the pi 2.11
Sheriff on Monday last of the result of the p4,lling,
and of whit took place afterwards, is abridged from Sa-
turday's Bucks Gazette. The High Sheriff declared the
numbers to be—
Marquis of Chaudos
Mr. Smith
Mr. Dashwood
Mr. Murray

Mr. Murray is 11l below Mr. Dashwood, Mr. Dash-
woo i is 755 under Mr. Smith, and Mr. Smith is 454 be-
hind the Marquis. It is worthy of remark that in two
out of the four districts, Beaconsfield and Ne.r port Peg-
nel, Mr. Smith obtained a majority,
Tee Marquis of CHANDOS, in addressing the meeting,
said—l shall contrive to act on the principles on which I
have heretofore stood before the country. I will not be
led aside by party feeling, nor will I be swerved by a de-
sire to obtain popularity, nor will I be put down by the
clamour of a mob. I hope that at the close of this Par-
liament I shall he entitled, by a faithful discharge of my
duty, again to stand before the county.—(Cheers.)
Mr. JOHN SMITH iid-I am bound to believe that I
have received the noble support you have given me, not
from any thing connected with myself personally, further
than as it respects the attachment I have ever shown to
all principles of Reform.—(Cheers.) I have a still Irgher
satisfaction than any I can derive from personal feelings, in
knowing—for the inference is a fair one—that those prin-
ciples have spread themselves very widely amongst the
freeholders and other electors of this county, and more
especially amongst that important class of it in whom,
perhaps—at least it has been often said—reside the
virtue, the talent, the industry, and the real wealth of the
population—l mean the middle class ; and the middle
class have returned me.—(Continued cheers.) I am
proud, highly proud, to be so returned. I have not the
good fortune to boast of the support of a most important,
of a most respectable, and, I will say, a highly-valued class
of electors—l allude to the clergy of the county of Buck-
ingham.—(Laughter and cries of " You don't want
I them.") But no ma❑ is a better friend to the Church than
I am : I was educated in its precepts : like others, per-
haps, I have not always attended to them; I have, how-
ever, a real affection and respect fur the simple, honest,
and eloquent worship of our Church as we:l as for its prin-
ciples. There are things in which I shall concur with re•
garal to that Church, but I wish for a fairer, a more equal
distribution of its emoluments.—(Cheers.) I have seen a
man with seven children doing his duty honestly, fairly, and
laboriously, in the receipt of only a small income barely suf-
ficient to live on.—(Cries of " Shame, shame.") Indeed it
is shameful to behold, and I can assure you that I shall
he glad to support any well-considered measure for ef-
fecting a more equal distribution of the Church emolu-
ments. Lot me now revert to that invaluable class of my
constituency, the middle class of society. A very elo-
quent and ingenious foreigner, a man whose principles I
will say nothing about, but whose talents are beyond my
encomium, in speaking of the British nation has said
what is not quite true, but what approaches truth. The
English nation, said he, may be compared to a barrel of
their own old strong beer. The top is froth—(A laugh)--
the bottom is dregs—(Laughter)—but the middle is su-
perexcellent.—(Much laughter and cheers.) I do not
believe the top is always froth—(Hear)—still lea that
the bottom is always dregs—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—
but as that comparison was made four score years ago, I
have no doubt it was more true then than it is now.—
(Cheers.) I ant bound to make one other remark to you ;
a sense of justice alone would require it from me. When
in the House of Commons, shortly before Parliament was
dissolved, the Noble Marquis came to me, sat down by my
side, and voluntarily said something to this effect,—" I do
not wish any more troublesome elections in the county of
Buckingham ; on the contrary, I sincerely desire that the
next may be a quiet one, and I give you my honour I
811411 not intLrfere, nor will I do anything to disturb the
peace of the county." I have been into all quarters of the
county, and, as the result of my observations, I publicly
declare that it is my beiief that the Noble Lord has ho-
nourably, fairly, and strictly kept his word.—(Cheers.)
Mr. DibliWOOD observed—A Reform in the Church,
the necessity of which is admitted on all sides, and which
will come under the immediate consideration of a Re-
formed Parliament, shall have my warmest support, and
I trust by an equitable adjustment of the tithe question we
shall find harmony and peace established where dissension
and strife have separated those whose tempered interests
ought never to have clashed—(Cheers)—that we shall no
longer see Membere of that sacred profession engaged in
the arena of political conflict—(Continued cheers)—or in
rowing from county to county, from bench to bench; in

the discharge of their magisterial duties, postponing their
secular to temporal concerns, in a sort of legal itinerancy,
ill befitting the character 9f the magistrate, and in my
opinion most derogatory to that of the priest—(Cries of
" Hear, hear")—that by a more equal distribution of
those immense revenues of the Church, the really indus-
trious and working clergy will be remunerated for
their most useful and most invaluable labours ; that
there will no longer exist an abject state of poverty
on one hand, or the wanton superfluity of riches
on the other. The best control in the bands of the
people to prevent a lavish and profligate expendi-
ture of the public money are those two means which I
now trust are placed within their reach—publicity and
investigation. Those two weapons of Reform, if I may
so style them, I trust to see most unsparingly, most un-
flinchingly applied to that expenditure which dives deep
into the pockets of us all under the denomination of
county rate.—(" Bravo," and cheers.) That the present
Administration is entitled to the support of the people, I
most conscientiously believe ; to them may every honest
politician tender his support, watching them, however,
with the most ceaseli ss vigilance and scrutiny.
Three cheers were then given for the High Sheriff.

BANBURY, DEC. 2S.—Mr. Tancred, our respected
Member of Parliament, first learnt of the recent contest
for the south of Warwickshire, in Westminster-hall, at
half-past five in the evening of Monday week, the first
day of pol ing. He got into the Banbury mail the same
evening, arrived at Warwick at seven the next morning,
voted at half past eight for Skipwith and Phillips, and
was off for London at nine. It will be remembered that
Sir George Phillips was returned to Parliament by a ma-
jority over Shirley of thirteen votes only.— Oxford
Herald.

SOMER9ET.-The electors of this county, and the dif-
ferent boroughs in it, have elected Members who are friendly
to Reform ;—the county, 4 ; Bath, 2 ; Bridgewater, 2 ;
Wells, 2 ; Frome, 1 ; Taunton, 2. Total 13.

•
AYLESBURY.-Colonel Hanmer, we are sure, knows
not that the Reformers will never be content with such a
a representative as he is ; and he must be a wealthier indi-
vidual than he has the reputation of being, if every time
there is an election he can aft,rd as large a sum as it was
found necessary to expend, and in the most disgraceful
way, to secure his first return. Mr. Hobhouse's ex-
penses were less than 400/. ; Colonel Hanmer, who ob-
tained only a trifling majority, is said to have involved
himself in obligations amounting to 3,000/. Thus, if the
gallant Colonel site in the House for six years, his seat
will cost him 500/. a-year.—Bucks Gazette.

PURITY or ELECTION.-Colonel Williams has been
returned for Ashton, without canvassing that town, or
even visiting it. The whole of the gallant Colonel's ex-
p,nses connected with his election amounted to exactly 95.,
which sum, as may he conjectured, was not spent in
bribery and treating, but in journeying from Liverpool to
Manchester, by the railway, to see his constituents, and
in returning home the same way. To compensate the
gallant Colonel for this sacrifice, his constituents, seeing
that his hat was not so sound as his principles, and know-
ing that like Cincinnatus, he cultivated his own land,
presented him with a handsome new castor, and a pair of
clogs strong enough to trample a score of boroughmongers
to the dust.

LITERATURE.

WACONSTA, 3 VoLs. LONDON, 1833.

The scene of this tale is laid chiefly in the
Canadas, and the time of action is about the
middle of the last century—an epoch in the
new world, as well as the old, rife with all the
elements of change and revolution. The tale is
an interesting one, for it abounds in character and
incident, and the scenic descriptions have the ad-
vantage of being drawn from life, the author
having himself, as he informs us, been long
familiar with the local peculiarities of every
landscape he undertakes to delineate. This in-
troductory sketch of the north-western settlement
of America, is drawn with the minute, geogra
phical accuracy of a Guthrie or a Pinkerton,
and affords a fair voucher for his fidelity on
other matters. 'We like Waconsta the better
that it has no sickly sentimentality about it. An
air of truth and reality pervades it from the first
to the last chapter.

ILL USTR AT lONS OF MODERN SCUL,P.

TURE. No. 11. LOYDON, 1833.

As we noticed this work at some length on
its first appearance, we shall content ourselves
on the present occasion with saying that it con-
tains one admirable and highly finished engrav-
ing of a female in a recumbent position, by
Dyer, from the original, in sculpture, by Chantrey.
The poetic illustration to this engraving is from
the pen of Mr. J. K. Hervey, who is quite at
home in all matters connected with the Fine
Arts. The two remaining are good, but by no
means first-rate.

A few days after the apprehension of the
Duchess de BERRI, Marshal BOURMONT was fortunate
enough to effect his escape from France. After encoun-
tering many difficulties and dangers, he succeeded in find-
ing a vessel, which conveyed him to England. The
fatigues he endured had so changed his appearance that
his intimate friends could scarcely recognise him. The
traitor who delivered up the Duchesse to General d'ER,LoN
used all his efforts to bring the Marshal to the same house
wherein the Princess was concealed, in order that they
might both he arrested in the same coup de filet. After
having agreed on the price of his treachery towards his
mistress, he named a certain sum for the betrayal of
the Marsha), to which the General acceded. M. de
BOURMONT was at that moment in the house directly
opposite to the Hotel of the General, and would have in-
evitably been taken at the instant, had it not been for the
fear that any movement of police or military demonstra-
tion might alarm the Princess, and impede the measures
prepared against her. The order was suspended, and in
the interim the Marshal quitted Nantes. M, de BOUR-
MONT is now in London.

Our Correspondent, 0. P. Q., in a tribute to
the French army, observes—" Nor must we forget ' the
soldiers'—' the mass'—those for whose interests and hap-
piness this correspondence is continued with the Morning
Chronicle; for French soldiers are French citizens—our
sons and brethren, and in the ranks of our regiments are
confounded the sons of merchants—of shopkeepers—of
farmers—of landed proprietors—and of daily labourers.
We hare no aristocracy there. The French army is a
true Republic—for all the sons of French citizens are
bound to serve in our national corps; and whilst the
younger members of the family go abroad to defend the
rights of France, and secure the liberties of her allies, the
elder members of the one great family of Frencl,men re-
main at hqme, and perform the arduous duties of National
Guards." The manner in which our army is raised and
officered makes this contrast of our correspondent most hu-
miliating to us. It is true that our insular situation
makes the army a less important object in our ryes than in
those of our French neighbours. But if we must lie under
" the cold shade of an aristocracy," the shade must not he
so broad as it is. If we must have aristocratic officers, we
need not have so many of them; we need not have two
Generals for every 500 men.-211orning Chronicle.
FREEDOM OF ELECTION.—As an elector—
elector mind !—went into booth 1, at Mansfield, on the
first poll day, he fell into conversation with an acquaint-
ance who inquired of him who he was going to vote for;
he replied " I must see Mr. 11A--K—s, he's talking to a
person there !" and the voter actually had an audience
with the great " Ruler" before he polled ! ! We pledge
ourselves to the troth of this ; our infartna.tion is from a
source on which we can safely rely.

. .
The Journal de la Corse announces the death
of the celebrated bandit RICCIAItDI, who during so long
a period had spread terror round ZAlana. Pursued by
a detachment of Voltigeurs, be fell beneath the swords
of two of them who overtook him, after a desperate re-
sistance.
Sir CiiAs.
Coo
P(
attackedt c ke t
atsaysA i a
yhbaotr
ough
TheTE'scarriage
ilwigas, on Sa-
turday, by a mob, who smashed it to atoms, and set the
horses running wild through the country. Sir CHARLES
himself escaped uninjured.
A BITTER SPECULATION.—.Some hops
have been sold in this city within these few days at 18s.
to 20s. per cwt., which a few years ago were worth 121.
or 141. per cwt. ; but the owner did not think that price
sufficient, and, therefore, kept them in the hope of " better
times."... Worcester Journal.