The Sun.
London, England, 1859-03-28 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MARCH 28, 1859

SP ORIING NOTES.

NORTHAMPTON.

The recent changes which have marked specula-
tion on the Northamptonshire Stakes have served
to excite to an almost unprecedented extent the
curiosity of the public, and to impart an additional
interest and importance to the race. The betting
has fluctuated so frequently that the reporters have
been not a little puzzled to compile their lists of
quotations, which have scarcely appeared in print
when a new movement alters them and renders
them valueless. The last incident is the sudden
blazing up of Beacon, who has been supported by
his owner and friends with a spirit and determination
which are likely to advance him to the most pro.
minent position in the betting. That the horse
has improved under Manning's management was
manifested last year, but his Cesarewitch running
and his Cambridgeshire performance wouldindicate
that he prefers a short course. Still, the fact must
not be forgotten that he stayed as a two-year-old
over the severe Feather Plate course. Beacon has,'
it is said, been neither sick nor sorry since he came
into the possession of Sir J. Hawley, and that he
has recently been tried and not found wanting in
any of the qualities required of him. His owner is
too shrewd a turf tactician to make a mistake,
and he has now the proper cattle to test
the ability of his horses. These facts ren-
der me disinclined to deal slightingly with
Beacon, because I have the deepest respect for
the judgment of his owner in all racing matters.
Little Agnes is reported to be so good that I am
little inclined to believe the great things which she
is said to have accomplished. How many pounds
she is better than Archduchess her party of course
can tell even to the turning of a hair. Seriously,
however, John Osborne is a dangerous man to op-
pose, but his judgment is not infallible, and he
may, or his friends may, have over-estimated the
pretensions of Little Agnes. lam not one of her
admirers, but her success may compel me to regret
my prejudice.
For Newcastle I have a strong partiality—a
partiality which is founded on the merit which he
displayed as, a two year old, and which
is warranted by the steady support which he re-
ceives in the turf market. The Isley touts and
the Isley division are loud in their praises of him
9.nd bold in their confidence. The notion which
some people entertain respecting his inability to
stay is scouted as ridiculous ; and, indeed, his
backers seem to think the race as good as won. If
Shafto's chance was as formidable as it was sup-
posed to be, then surely Newcastle must be en-
titled to consideration. Mutineer seems to have
retired, and why he ever occupied a prominent
place in the betting I am at a loss to imagine.
Last season he did nothing, and nothing was ex-
pected of him by the partisans of Whitewall
House. The Newmarket air may however have
brought out latent qualities which no one had sus-
pected, and which I will not believe in until I see
them. Of the top weights I must adhere to Blue
Jacket, who only requires staying powers to render
him as dangerous as anything in the race. Through
Borderer and Tournament, his party ought to be
able to measure his chance to a nicety. The horse's
career has, however, been unfortunate, for, like
John Perrybinglele, he has several times been very
nearly doing a good thing, and has spoilt it. His
performance at Epsom, when a three-yr.old, is not
likely, however, to be soon forgotton. Pan is much
fancied by his own party; and, if my information
be trustworthy, they have good reasons for their
confidence.

Stapleton did a good thing once with Sunbeam,
and if his performance with the St. Leger victress
was indicative of his true form, he must be held in
high esteem for this race. I am not confident of
his ability, however, and shall expect him to run
well for about a mile and a half. Yellow Rose is
a slow mare and well suited to the course, but the
market movements would indicate that she is not
" wanted." Her impost, including the 51bs. extra,
is very lenient, and if she went to the post " with
good intentions" I should be induced to trust her.
The Bald-faced Stag would be better suited over a
shorter course. He is a good-looking horse, and,
at an outside price he might not be unworthy a
small investment.

Elaborate remarks upon the chance of Gladiolus

would be superfluous ; the reader is as well ac

quainted as I am with his pretensions. He has
come through his engagements this year with suc-
cess, and although to-morrow he will meet superior
company to that which he has yet encountered, yet
I do not think his owner is " asking him to do too
much." He has shown stoutness and improvement,
qualities which must recommend him to notice.
Bevis has supporters, but I am not among them.
Without entering into a further discussion, I shall
state that the three animals most worthy of conside-
ration are, in my opinion, Newcastle, Beacon, and
Gladiolus. For a " situation " I should recommend
Pan.

Of course North Lincoln is the " pet of the
prophets" for the Whittlebury Stakes, and he will
also be the " lion" of the Racing Stakes, albeit Mr.
T. Parr will send his Derby colt into the arena to
try conclusions with him. The running of the
Newmarket and Wantage horses will be watched
with much interest, as it will influence the relative
positions of both Gaspard and Promised Land in
the Derby betting.
Queen Charlotte, Eltham Beauty, and Lady.
well seem as trustworthy as anything amongst
the nominations for the Stand Plate.
I shall not attempt to discuss at length the com-
parative chances for Earl Spencer's Plate, but shall
merely state my preference for ANCIENT BRITON,
ZITELLA, and TIGHT-FIT. To extend my remarks
to the ether events would, in the absence of trust-
worthy information, be superfluous.

A FRESH MAN.

COUNTRY MA_RICETS.

LIVERPOOL—MAncu 26.
It is only particular qualities of wheat which maintain
late prices, and to-day flour was dull, as of late.

YORK—MARcH 26.

To-day there was a limited show of wheat, and a slow de-
mand. White samples realised 40s to 458 ; red, 37s to 40s ;
barley of superior quality made extreme rates, malting of the
best description selling at 34s to 36s per 30 stone; grinding,
28s to 30s Od In oats there was very little change, prices
ranging from 20s to 22s per 24 stone. Beans scarce and
at high rates, namely, 40s to 44s per 38 stone. Malt, 64s
to 6as per qr.

COUNT CA YOUR TO THE MARQUIS
JYAZEGLIO. -

We are enabled to place before our readers the
following important despatch :--

" TURIN, MARCH 17, 1859.

M. le Marquis,—Sir James Hudson, in a note
deated the 14th of this month, a copy of which you
will find enclosed, has asked me, in the name of his
Government, if Sardinia would be disposed to fol-
low the example of Austria, and to declare in a
formal manner (as Count Buol, on his part, declared
Austria's intention not to attack Piedmont, in his
despatch to Count Apponyi of the 25th January)
that Sardinia has no intention of attacking her
powerful neighbour.
" Appreciating the motives which have inspired
such a course on the part of the Cabinet of St.
James's, we do not hesitate to answer him with the
most perfect frankness, as we have done a few days
since when he asked us to draw up a memorandum,
clear and precise, of the complaints of Italy against
Austria, and to indicate the means of applying a
remedy.
"In pursuance of aggressive acts (what other
name can we give them P) committed by Austria
by the concentration of imposing forces on the
Sardinian frontier; by placing on a war footing
the army of Italy ; by the construction and occupa-
tion of new fortifications on ground which does not
belong to her ; by the occupation of the Legations ;
and by the violation of treaties, the Government of
the King, according to the law of nations, has a
right to prepare to defend herself against Austria
even by means of arms. England implicitly ac-
knowledged such a right when, a short time since,
through the medium of her Minister of Foreign
Affairs—bi- the weight of her great authority, by
the solemn means of diplomatic action—she con-
demned the unjust measures employed by Austria
in sequestering the estates of Sardinian subjects ;
and agreed that if under such circumstances the
dangers of war were prevented, it resulted from
the great moderation of the Sardinian Govern-
ment. *

" Accordingly, as her Britannic Majesty's Go-
vernment has acknowledged the abnormal state of
Italy, and promised to Sardinia that England
would endeavour to find a remedy for the evils
complained of, the Sardinian Government, availing
itself of such promises, and reserving its liberty of
action in case Austria should abstain for the future
from committing aggressive acts, Sardinia is ready
to give her assurance that it is not her intention to
attack Austria. And she agrees on this subject to
make a declaration the same as that contained in
the despatch of Count Buol, which, in reality, is
nothing but a, long and bitter ,accusation against
Sardinia and. the politics of the Cabinet over which
I have the honour to preside.
" The speeches delivered in Parliament explain-
ing our politics, the despatches and circulars which
have been communicated to the Cabinet of St.
James's, and particularly the memorandum ad-
dressed to England and Prussia, in the justice of
which Lord Malmesbury entirely, agrees, explain
and justify our conduct most completely. I think,
therefore, I need not on the present occasion refute
one by one the arguments which Count Buol em-
ploys in his despatch, wherein he represents Sar-
dinia as the real cause of the abnormal condition of
Italy.
" Such arguments cannot. have any value with
any impartial person who remembers the events
which have succeeded each other from the com-
mencement of the present year.
" The military preparations continually taken by
Austria, and pointed out in my despatch of
, have all preceded the justifiable action of
the Sardinian Government. The Speech from the
Throne at the opening of the Sardinian Parliament
was only pronounced on the 10th of January, and
yet on the 3d of the same month a new corps d' armee
was suddenly sent to Austrian Italy.
" Our loan did not take place until after Austria
had en deavoured to negotiate a much larger loan
in London.

" Finally, if we have called out our contingent,
leaving our reserves at their homes, it was not until
Austria had ordered her Italian army to be placed
on a complete war footing that we were convinced
that we should find ourselves ere long in the face
of one of the largest armies that ever crowded the
soil of Italy.
" These facts form a strange commentary, on the
pacific protestations which close the Austrian de-
spatch, and it would be difficult to reconcile them,
if, in the diplomatic note in question, we did not
find the innate ideas of Austria on the Italian
question.
" Count Buol, after having rapidly examined, from
his point of view, the events which have succeeded
each other since 1848, finishes by declaring that if
Italy is profoundly agitated, if the people are discon-
tented, if the Governments have done nothing to
satisfy the legitimate desires of their subjects, this all
originates in the views and spirit of turbulence which
liberty has developed in Piedmont ; in fact, availing
myself of Count Buol's words, ' Through the intro-
duction in that country (Piedmont) of institutions
which work well when they have been developed
and matured by ages, but which do not seem to be
in accordance with the genius, traditions, and social
condition of Italy.'
" Count Buol also points out, as a principal
remedy to such a state of things (the gravity of
which he does not attempt to hide), the united
action of the great Powers, to be exercised with
the object of modifying the institutions of Pied-
mont ; in fact by stifling the liberty of Piedmont,—
Lombardy, Venice, and the other States of the
Peninsula would become again tranquil.
" Without admitting such a conclusion, and being
convinced that the destruction of the liberal insti-
tutions of Piedmont, instead of assuring peace, would
—the Italians being reduced to despair—result in
revolution—still we do not hesitate to acknowledge
there is much truth in the thought which inspired
this part of the despatch of the Austrian Minister.
" The contrast presented by Piedmont with the
provinces under the dominion of Austria is too
striking not to produce a profound irritation in
Austria. The example of Piedmont proving, con-
trary to the assertion of Count Buol, that the
Italians arc susceptible of a liberal and progressive
regime, makes the military system of Austria, more
hateful to the people of the Italian Peninsula. The
corporal punishments, the ever augmenting taxa-
tion, the fatal financial measures, and the abandon-
ment to the clergy of the rights of the State, make
the contrast more obvious.

" We acknowledge, therefore, that the liberty of
Piedmont is a danger and a menace for Austria.
According to Austria there are only two things to
do—destroy the liberal institutions of Italy, or keep
up her dominion over all Italy to prevent contagion
from spreading over the other states of the penin-
sula which have not enough strength at their dis-
posal for suppressing the voice of the people. It is
the second alternative which Austria has embraced,
waiting the later arrival, and indirect action, the
realisation of the first indicated means.
" Austria, up to the present moment, has suc-
ceeded by secret treaties with Parma, Modena, and
Tuscany, and by the indefinite occupation of the
Romagna (which is now about to cease, accord-
ing to the declarations of Vienna and Rome), and
by the considerable fortifications she has so con-
structed, in making herself mistress of Central
Italy, and thus binding Piedmont with a circle of
iron.

" It is against such a state of things, which is not
justified by the Treaties of Vienna, that Sardinia
has not ceased to protest for many years, calling
for the intervention and support of the great
Powers who signed the Treaties of 1815.
" Such a state of things has for a long time con-
stituted a threatening danger to Piedmont, aggra-
vated of late by extraordinary armaments and other
aggressive acts on the part of Austria which have
forced the Government of the King to adopt defen-
sive measures and call the contingents under arms.
" It is proposed that this state of things should
cease, that Austrian dominion in Italy should enter
within the limits formally stipulated by treaties ;
that Austria should disarm, and that Sardinia,
whilst deploring the unhappy fate of the popula•
tion on the other side of the Ticino, should confine
her efforts, as England has often recommended her
to do, towards a pacific propaganda calculated more
and more to enlighten public opinion in Europe on
the Italian question, and to prepare the elements
for a future solution.

" But, so long as our neighbours group round
them and against us all the States of Italy which
border on us, and whilst they can freely march
their troops on the banks of the Po and up to the
Apennines ; so long as they can hold Piacenza
(transformed into a fortress of the first order), con-
tinually threatening our frontier, it will be impos-
sible for us to remain defenceless in the face of the
provoking and armed attitude of Austria.
" The Government of her Britannic Majesty is
too enlightened and too loyal not to admit that we
cannot pursue any other line of conduct without
betraying our rights, without offending our honour,
whatever may be our desires to dissipate the clouds
which threaten the peace of the world.
" I request you, M. le Marquis, to read and give
a copy of this despatch to Lord Malmo bury, and I
avail myself, &c., &c.
(Signed) " CAVOUR."

* See despatch of Lord Clarendon to the Marquis d' Azeglio.

The lournal de .Thwen remarks : ---T t
Normandy present a inestaplendid appearance, which can.
not but be improved by the splendid weather. Rye is par-
ticularly forward, and is beautifully green ; lucerne and
clover are in the best condition. . Should no sharp frost or
extreme wet visit us, all these crops will not only produceabundantly, but muchl earlier than usual,"

THE REFORM DEBATE.

(From the Times.)

Even if this great Reform Debate should have no imme-
diate practical sequel, it will afford to future writers rare
opportunities of studying the individual characters of our
contemporary statesmen. On ordinary occasions politicians
talk and vote and almost think in companies, regiments, and
brigades, and you might as well predicate the exact reli-
gious opinions of one of the Queen's Guards from his style
of holding his firelock, as describe the inner predilections
of a Lord of the Treasury from a vote he gives on
a division. ' But now, when party lies dislocated, if not
quite dissevered, when the limbs no longer obey any com-
mon ruling impulse, we can luxuriate in plausible specula-
tions as to the native, natural tendencies, of individual
minds. We can draw parallels after the manner of
Plutarch. We can compare Lord John Russell and
Lord Palmerston as the great biographer compared Numa
and Lycurgus. As Plutarch contrasts the cruel severity of
Lycurgus in authorising the destruction of the Helots with
the benignity of Name in softening slavery by the inven-
tion of the Saturnalia, so we can note the atrox animus of
Lord John, who would destroy altogether those clumsy
bondsmen; who bear so feebly their burden of reform, and
contrast it with the benignity and pity of Lord Palmer-
ston, who exhorts them to labour and live. and who has,
like Numa, invented an expedient by which they shall for
a little space even sit in the seats of their masters.
There is a'very natural tone in the speech of the Reform
leader of 1831. He looks upon the British Constitution as
the inventor looked upon the Strasburg clock ; he considers
it as entirely a giece of Wl4ig machinery which no one else
can understand, and with ,which none but a Whig ought
to meddle. There is in thi matter and manner of his speech
a mingled feeling of indignation and apprehension, a double
sense of outraged property and alarmed affection. He sees
in the intervention of the Tories upon this broad plateau
of Reform nothing but an insolent invasion of his own pe-
culiar province; he sees in the measure they have pro-
pounded nothing but "a disastrous change in the law and
constitution of this country." It is " Russell to the rescue!"
He goes back to Woburn, and, rummaging among the old
banners of the house—putting aside the No-Popery banner
Of his-great ancestor—tossing into one corner the £lO suf-
frage banner of 1832, postponing for a future occasion the
Finality banner of a more recent convenience, he clutches
the old-fashioned, general, indefinite, and uncommitting
flag of "Parliamentary Reform," and, holding it aloft, he
grandly says, in a peroration that draws down a storm of
admiring cheers, 4‘ I defended it when young, and I will
not desert it now that lam old." With this phrase of
chivalric sound Lord John poised against the Trea-
sury benches that resolution which was to be to them
a thunderbolt—to burn them up body and household.
He had quite made Up his mind to the inconvenience
and unpleasantness of the scene of slaughter he was
about to inaugurate. Let moderate and timorous
men like Mr. Roebuck talk of consequences to the tran-
quillity of England or to the peace of Europe, Lord John
scorned to pause on such a question. Let a dissolution
come; and let Ministers hold up their bill on every hustings
in England ; or let them resign, and then let the world see
how sllly were the dupes who would allow themselves to be
fettered upon this question, and who would vote less with a
view to the Reform Bill before them than with a wish to
keep our foreign relations unchanged and our correspon-
dence with foreign Courts unjarred by a sudden rupture in
the•medium of communication. Lord John responded for
all. B e would cover us with his broad buckler • he would
be at once our decus and our tutamen • in his broad shadow
let England sleep without a fear. His only condition was
—" Stand not between me and my victims." He spoke
and launched his thunderbolt. It does not seem to have
been of the true Cyclopean manufacture, but rather to have
been a fabrication of the more recent schools of Con greve, or
Shrapnel, or Norton ; for, although it has frightened the
opposite party a good deal, it has not yet quite blasted them ;
and although it has created a great noise and smoke it has
not yet exploded. The Ministers were like the Russians at
the first advance upon Sebastopol—if the invaders could
have acted at once the catastrophe would probably have
been complete. But while the Parliamentary combustible
was fizzing and smoking there was time to recover from the
first shock ; sangags and windbags, but principally the
latter, were threvii up d improviste ; neutral friends, some
of whom had even assisted at the fabrication of the projec-
tile, came in to tender aid. Mr. Walpole first suggested
that it was by no means so deadly as it looked at first sight,
and Sir Stafford Northcote seemed at last to think that it
was sent over with a rather kindly intention. It might be
used as a bluelight, a lantern, or a torch to light them
through the dense fog certain to arise when they got into
committee. The opinion still remained, and still does
remain, that there is a nasty bounce in the tail of the
thing, which sooner or later will divide its contents
unequally between the house and the lobby ; but many re-
medies have been suggested to neutralise the effects of this
inevitable explosion, and several wet blankets have already
been rather efficaciously brought to bear upon this unquiet,
but provokingly procrastinating, combustible.
But, while making manifest the stern severity of our Ly-
curgus, we must not forget to shadow forth, in proper
artistic and Plutarchian contrast, the benignity of our
Numa. It may be said, perhaps it may be truly said, that
Lord Palmerston hail not the same strong innate feeling
about Reform which Lord John Russell has ; or that, if he
had, it pointed rather to the opposite pole of the political
compass. But still Lord Palmerston stated the case very
much as Lord John had done. He also thought that Minis-
ters had sinned against the Constitution—that poor Consti-
tution which, like truth, appears sharply defined in a dif-
ferent shape to each individual vision; that their borough
franchise was too high, and their forty-shilling freeholder
disfranchisement was unconstitutional ; that they were un-
profitable servants, and deserving of all condemnation. But
mark the difference of the sentence I Although the convic-
tion was upon the same indictment, Lord John says, " Die,
that I may take your place and do mine own duty, which
you have usurped." Lord Palmerston says, "Live, and
live in purple and fine linen. I condemn you to £5,000 a
year each and the patronage of the State. Live, that you
may do the drudgery which I should probably be obliged to
do if I were to kill you. Live and labour. Behold the
nosebag, and behold the bit—open your mouths both and be
content."
It is doubtless pleasant A. have an alternative. Even a
dagger and a bowl is better than no choice whatever. There
is an opening for a little dash of scenic heroism when the
choice is between death and hopeless slavery. How say you,
Lord Derby? Will you turn Out with your herd and range the
plains in the wild liberty of Opposition, or will you be stalled
and stabled, and mashed, and curricombed, and clothed, and
gently galloped in Lord Palmerston's stables and train-
ing-grounds ? How say you, Mr. Disraeli ? Will you fall
under Lord John's sling, or will you suffer yourself to be
caught and tamed by Lord Palmerston's silken lasso ? " I
condemn you," said Lord Palmerston, quoting a precedent,
"to keep your places." The same thing is done at this
day in China. Our old friend Commissioner Lin, whose
life was forfeited for making a treaty with the barbarians,
was, instead of being put to death, sent to govern a dis-
turbed province, and he travelled to his government wear-
ing slight golden fetters as a memorial to him of his state
of condemnation. These things have happened, and may
happen again. But hitherto they have only happened in
despotic countries, and have only been submitted to by serfs
acting under so dire a necessity and so material a compul-
sion that obedience could not be held to imply consent, and
the execution of a servile task could not carry with it dis-
honour. It may be that Lord Derby is about to set us a
new precedent, but he must be the guardian of his own
honour.

(From the liforniny Herald).
Between Lord John Russell and a largo proportion of his
supporters a great difference of .pinion exists. The former
desires to postpone legislation on parliamentary reform, the
latter demand the immediate settlement of the question.
The member for London not only seeks to render the pass-
, ing of the Government measure impossible, but actually bids
for the support of Reformers of every grade and degree.
And this he does without offering a singl pledge or laying
down principles which might form the basis of a settlement.
In the difficult position which he occupies explanations
might create embarrassment. His object is not to elicit
truth, but to gain votes. Hence his resolution commends
itself to Mr. Bright and his friends who will be satisfied
with nothing short of revolution. Their principal aim is to
defeat the measure, and this ambiguously-worded amend-
ment offers the most convenient weapon. Yet the majority
of those who have spoken in its favour have openly declared
that they neither wish to arrest the progress of the bill
nor to assail the present Government. Many do not
hesitate to assert not only that the continuance in
office of Lord Derby's Administration is the sole
pledge of the preservation of peace, but further, that Lord
John Russell's elevation to power would be a national
calamity. That which was intended as a vote of censure
upon the present occupants of office has proved, beyond
doubt, that they possess the confidence of the House of
Commons, and that their political opponents are objects of
general distrust and suspicion.
This will probably account for the conflicting statements
made by various members of the neW,coalition. Lord John
Russell desires to censure the Government. Lord Palmer.
ston assures the house that the success of the amendment
cannot be construed in this manner. The feeling of the
Legislature in favour of an immediate settlement of the
question has been so strongly expressed that even the pro-
moters of the opposition are appalled at the results which
their unconstitutional proceeding might, if successful, pro-
duce. Lord Palmerston •is aware that it considerable majo-
rity of the Lower House would, were the direct issue raised,
vote for the second reading of the bill. The noble lord
naturally feels alarmed at having pledged himself to an
amendment, which is nothing more nor less than a clever
device framed with a view of making certain members of
Parliament vote in direct opposition to their natural incli-
nations. Many of those who have promised to support
Lord John Russell's amendment do not attempt to conceal
their regret at having given that pledge. The member for
London is literally dragging them through the mire, be-
cause, in an evil hour, they permitted themselves to be
allured into a false position. In this dilemma Lord Pal-
merston steps :in with a word of advice. He treats the
amendment as a very trivial matter, and laughs at the
idea that the Government or anybody else should view it
in a serious light. Anxious above all ihings to put him-
self right with the representatives of the people, the mem-
ber for Tiverton bows to the decision of Parliament. So
far does his zeal carry him that he pronounces an eulooium
upon Ministers for their patriotic conduct, and, without
doing himself much good, places Lord John Russell in a
most ridiculous and humiliating position. We do not,
therefore, wonder at the murmurs that have since been
heard in the ranks of the disconsolate Whigs. Their com-
plaint that while one leader is urging them on to the en-
counter, another advises them to throw away their weapons
and quit the field, is substantially correct.
Our task is not to reconcile these differences, but merely
to show that they exist. At this moment, when a great
subject is under discussion, they stand out in bold relief,
proving in the most conclusive manner that combined
action amongst the various sections of the Opposition is
impossible. The leisure and , repose of the Opposition
benches afford a good opportunity for reflection and im-
provement, yet discipline has not been restored. Bitter
hostility reigns amongst these warring bands. The rank
and file have different watchwords, and the leaders are ani-
mated by very opposite feelings ; and until a change is ac-
complished the, influence of both must be of an uncertain
character. The desire of obtaining office obtains strong
possession of their minds, though they cannot agree even
upon the plan by which that object is to be secured. As
for guiding principles, they
.have none. Lord John Russell
seeks to avail himself of their infirmity in this respect. He
asks their support for a resolution that means nothing. It
is framed in such an ambiguous manner that it commands
the sympathy of the democrats, whose cry is "war to the
knife " to the small boroughs, and who demand manhood
suffrage, and vote by ballot, and those constitutional re-
forniers who believe that the small boroughs form a valu-
able element of our constitution, and declare that a £2O
county franchise is low enough. Thus, by the aid of those
who think the Govnrompro- Lill goes too far, ar.d of e
Os; enough, the mesnlies bUrLondon -Gives to of a iliajotity of the
House of Commons to the most disgraceful parliamentary
dodge of late Years. His hopes, which we are informed
were at one time high enough, have gradually declined, and
we believe that Lord John Russell is anxious to escape
from the dilemma in which, by his anxiety to obtain office,

he has been placed. It is not the first time that his lack of
discretion has led to inconvenience, from the consequences
of which he has been the greatest sufferer. At any rate,
the noble lord is onee'more in difficulty, and escape how or
when he may, it can only be with a damaged•reputation.