The Sun.
London, England, 1835-01-06 00:00:00

CHARGE.

Permanent Debt
Terminable Annuities
Interest on Exchequer Bills issued to meet the charge on the Con-olidated Fund
Sinking Fund.
The Civil List
Other charges on the Consolidated Fund, including Civil Government Services formerly paid out of the Civil List, 01 the Heredi-
tary Revenues of the Crown

Total Charge
fheSurplua

The Amount of Exchequer Bills issued to meet the charge on the Consolidated Fun,
paid off out of the growing produce of that Fund for the Quarter ended sth Jantr
The Amount issued in the Quarter ended sth January; 183 in part of the sums gran
for Supply Services
The Surplus oft he Consolidated Fund Quarter ended Jan. 5.1805

id for the Quarter ended 10th October, 1831, and
ray, 1835
ated by Parliament out of the Consolidated Fund

The probable amount of Exchequer Bills required to meet the charge on the Cons

!idated Fund, Quarter ended Jan. 5, 1535

talents in the construction of the State will be of no
service ; they will become flatterers instead of legis-
lators ; the instruments not the guides of the people. If
any of them should happen to propose a scheme of liberty,
soberly limited, and defined with proper qualifications, he
will be immediately outbid by his competitors,7who will pro-
duce something more splendidly popular, suspicions will be
raised of his fidelity to his cause, moderation will be stig-
matised as the virtue of cowards, and compromise as the
prudence of traitors ; until, in the hopes of preserving the
credit which may enable him to temper and moderate on
some occasions, the popular leader is obliged to become ac-
tive in propagating doctrines and establishing powers that
will afterwards defeat any s'aer purposes at which he ulti-
mately might have ,:.Imed." Between such men and Sir
Robert Peel tte choice now lies on which the fate of the
kingdom -,lepends. Would it not be an insult to the loyal,
resetable portion of society to suggest even a doubt as
co the result.—" Morning Post."

The conduct and result of the great meeting yesterday,
at Guildhall, affords the best illustration of the mode in
which the people use the power with the Reform Bill has
invested them. Nothing could exceed the vigour, public
spirit, and eloquence of the candidates, excepting the in-
telligence and order displayed by the great assemblage of
the electors. The names alone of the movers and seconders
of the reform candidates afford a most conclusive and
triumphant refutation of the senseless calumnies with which
the dying venomous lips of faction has assailed us.
They comprise the most eminent of the commercial
and moneyed interests of the city. The applica-
tion of the term " Destructives " to such persons
is quite farcical, and excites the utmost laughter
and contempt for the silly, though malicious pro-
mulgators. The effect of the vast numbers of
bands held up, the unanimity displayed when the names of
the several Reformers were announced, was perfectly
electric, and excited the utmost delight in the breast of
every old patriot, who, in all their experience, had seen
nothing to equal it. The meeting separated with the per-
fect conviction that another glorious triumph awaited the
Reformers of London. It remains now for the electors to
realize the hopes th 2 manifestation of yesterday has every
where inspired—we know the all-important question is safe
in their hands. We entreat them, however, to make yet
one strong effort more, and to-morrow we shall have to ad-
dress ourselves to the grateful and delightful task of an-
nouncing that the first great battle has been decided, and
that the Tory faction in London is destroyed for
ever.—" Morning Advertiser."
The day of trial is at length come. The first shot in the
great battle between the principles of liberty on the one
hand, and the principles and interests of despotism on the
other, has been fired, and fallen into the enemy's camp.
Southwark declared for the people yesterday in an accent
not to be mistaken. The City of London will speak the
same thunder in the ear of the Tories this day and to-
morrow ; and Finsbury and Lambeth, in a few days, will
complete the circle of auspicious omens, and sound the
tocsin of rallying triumph in behalf of the great cause of the
people. Thank God! the dissolution of Parliament has
given them a clear battle-field for the maintenance and per-
manent establishment of their opinions and views as to what
all future government shall be, by the choice of men whose
names, persons, and past acts are the only pledges which
the public ought to accept of their measures. In return to
the Tory watchword of " Measure 3, tot men," the rallying
cry of the people in this most vital conflict must be—
" Men and measures." For the whole body of Reformers
to accept measures of' reform from the men who have al-
ways been its bitter opponents—from the men, the echoes
of whose denunciations against it have yet hardly ceased—
from the men who, four years ago, upon a similar dissolu-
tion of Parliament, writhed in all the agonized contortions
of defeated malice, foamed at the mouth with rage, and even
vomited their seditious threats at the Royal authority—
would be an encouragement of such moral turpitude in poli-
tical men, that any alternative would be better. Reform, if
offered by such men, should be repelled, denied and thrown
back in their faces. Talk of revolution, indeed ! What revo-
lution could be worse than a moral revolution,which would con-
found all notions of right and wrong, convert consistency
into fluctuation, and make a perfect chaos of the best in-
stincts and guiding motives of human conduct. It would,
indeed be, so far as the moral and social world is con-
cerned—setting up the " abomination that maketh deso-
late"—apotheosising public delinquency—and idolizing a
standing lie. For what revolution, what triumph of al-
leged destructive principles could be worse than the exhi-
bition of a political profligacy—than the approbation of a
political dishonesty, which, by confounding all the ordinary
distinctions of right and wrong, would strike the severest
blow at the security and very existence of property.
Away, then, we say to the electors of Great Britain,
with the fraudulent pretence of measures, not men. As
honest men, they are called upon to dash back the
equivocating subterfuge in the teeth of those who may have
been taught to employ such delusive pretexts in the Jesuit
schools of ultra Tory trickery. But, if it be the duty,
at a crisis like this, of the whole body of the people, to re-
ject even the acquisition of an advantage, if accompanied
with that public dishonesty and social immorality which al-
ways end in the degradation and final destruction of nations,
how much more must it be of all that class, whose great
bond of action is peculiarly moral and religious ? We
should, indeed, have been surprised, if the large, influential,
and wealthy population of the Dissenters had listened to
the syren song of Tory delusion, sung now as that song was
of old from amidst the decaying bones of corruption,—from
the midst of the foul obscenities, and sheltered by the
flaunting roses of office. No ! they have rejected, and do
reject the dishonest pretext of " measures not men," and the
watchword of " men as the pledges of measures" will be con-
veyed with the rapidity of an electric shock to every dissenting
community in the kingdom. We have now before us several
pamphlets—to which we may take an early opportunity of
adverting—which prove the predominance of this resolu-
tion among the whole of that mighty and united body which
carried the Reform Bill, and which will equally carry all
the measures which will render that Bill the medium of
unmutilated public benefit. An attempt has been made by
a morning print to weaken the forces of the Dissenters,
by pretending that they are disunited. There never ex-
isted a body of men more united in all their views of civil
and religious liberty ; and the Tories, if they rely on this
weak invention of the people's enemy, will be speedily ap-
prized by the first shock of the election, of the fact. The,
dreaded union of the Dissenters will speedily " confound
the politics" of their renegado tools, and " frustrate the
knavish tricks" of their parti-coloured leaders.—" Morning
Advertiser."

OLD COURT.

The first pair of Members sent up to the new Parliament
I are those elected by the borough of Southwark, viz., Messrs.
Humphery and Daniel Whittle Harvey ; the latter gentle-
man taking, on all occasions, credit for his hostility to the
institution of an Established Church. Si sic omnes, we can
only say that the days of the British Monarchy are num-
bered. The Church, the Army, the House of Lords, the
King, the Queen—all came in for their portion of that
deep-rooted dislike, of which a sardonic sneer upon the
countenance of this loyal Reforming Gentleman was an
outward emblem more significant than a volume of invec-
tive. Read only the speech of this straight-forward person- '
age, whom Colchester has given to Southwark, and then
ask, with some of our curious contemporaries, but "where
are these enemies of Church and State whom you are pleased
to call Destructives ?'" Mr. William Brougham had the
honour of refusing to pledge himself to that catalogue
of revolutionary undertakings for which the Southwark

7,811,1630
482,6,5
9,3:47
259,453
127,500

342,9.92

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11,572,018

2,744,457
2,3'2'2,477

7,3,0,585
686,095
8,430
214,437
127,500

a 29,116

9,t246,163
`,,32.2,477

11,563,64(1

4,852,799

452,010

electors deemed it superfluous to demand any other pledge
from Mr. Whittle Harvey than his character, so that the
learned gentleman found it hopeless to confront the poll.
In the city yesterday, the nomination of candidates took
place at Guildhall, when four " Reformers " and three
" Conservatives" were proposed to the electors of the
capital. The show of bands is described to have been alto-
gether favourable to Messrs. Wood, Grote, Crawford, and
l'attison, upon whom accordingly the election was declared
to have fallen. A poll, however, was demanded on behalf
of the opposing candidates, and the voting will commence
this day. They arc wrong and inconsiderate who assume
that we have taken any pleasure in holding up to
public notice the languor, unskilfulness, and bad success
of those who managed the Conservative cause, as com-
pared with the friends of the " movement." As little
satisfaction had we in anticipating from the canvass of the
three or four past days, that the materials of victory under
the ablest management might, so far as the city constituency
were concerned, possibly prove inadequate to the desired
end. But our object as well as our duty was to tell what
appeared to us to be the truth, in respect both of the
strength of the parties and of the qualifications exhibited
by their leaders ; and whatever may be the result, or how-
ever partially unfortunate (if it should prove what we yet
hope it will not) to the cause of just government and of
rational reform, no such disadvantage can be in the slight-
est degree mitigated, but the reverse, by flattering ourselves
or others with representations delusive on the face of them.
One fact, which in justice to the " Conservatives" ought to
be stated, is, that they had originally no intention of
raising an opposition to their present antagonists, who were
therefore several days earlier in the field. We admit, too,
with great pleasure, the uncommon exertions made yester-
day—exertions which, if strenuously and zealously conti
rued, will yet secure a triumph. Lord Stanley's address
to the constituency of North Lancashire has been pub-
lished, and is, as might be expected, worth attention. His
Lordship, after reminding the electors that he had always
been a Reformer, ecclesiastical and civil, but always like-
wise the protector of Church and State from hazardous
innovations, proceeds to explain his retirement from the
late Ministry, with which in the general work of reform
he had cordially co-operated, because of its having
assented " to one important step, of which he feared
" the destructive tendency," meaning, of course, the con-
tingent alienation of the property "of the Irish Church ;
and " I declined to join the Administration which
" is now formed, because I had no public grounds for
confidence that they would boldly and strenuously act upon
those principles of reform which I believe to be essential to
the national welfare." And if Lord Stanley had no grounds
which he could state publicly and formally for that confi-
dence wherein alone he could justify, to the satisfaction of
his own mind or of his observant country, a close junction
with a party which he had hitherto opposed, who will say
that his declining at that time, and under those circum-
stances, to unite with it, was not the part of an honest and
high-minded man ? But mark the sequel of Lord Stanley's
address. He does not allege the want of ostensible grounds
for confidence in the present Ministers as a pretext for that
factious and unprincipled opposition to them—for that
condemnation without a trial—for that expulsion from
office without a hearing, which has been so disgracefully
threatened in other quarters—quarters not to be named in
the same century with Lord Stanley—for any one of those
attributes of public virtue, knowledge, ability, or usefulness,
which entitle statesmen to the respect and gratitude of
an enlightened nation. Lord Stanley goes into Parlia-
ment, " not pledged to support, nor to oppose the present,
nor any other set of Ministers." Should "he find that
the Government, however, composed, gives full and free
scope to the principles of Reform," he will lend for
such a purpose " his cordial aid." Should they rashly
endanger the institutions of the country, "he will ln-
hour earnestly to protect those institutions." Should
the present Ministers " be slow to remedy acknowledged
grievances, or madly resist the rational desire of temperate
improvement, my voice will be but one among the vast ma-
jority of my countrymen who will compel them to advance
in the steady progress of constitutional reform?' This is
the language of an honest man—this is the determination
of an independent mind. For this we had ourselves hum-
bly endeavoured to dispose the political feelings of the
country, from the first hour of the accession of the Con-
servatives to office. These same sentiments, in almost the
same words, have been avowed by Sir Francis Burdett to
the electors of Westminster. They are not the sentiments
of sordid and desperate faction, and therefore the praise
and adoption of them will be confined to the just, the wise,
the disinterested, and the patriotic—that is, to a large ma-
jority, we hope and trust, of the representatives of Great
Britain.---" Times."

CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT, JAN. 6.

The January Sessions were opened this morning in the Old
Court, before the Recorder, the Common Sergeant, Mr. Sergeant
A rabin, Mr. Alderman Cowie, and the usual authorities.
The Grand Jury having been sworn, The Recorder addressed
them as follows:

" Gentlemen of the Grand Jury, I am very happy to congratu-
late you on the lighness of the calendar, both as regards the num-
ber and character of the offences ; and, Gentlemen, as I see many
of you who have frequently been on a similar service, I
do not think it necessary to make any particular remark on the na-
ture of the cases submitted to your notice, with the exception
of two, one of which is the case of William Palmer, accused of ar-
son. You will find the materials of evidence here very profuse ;
but of a circumstantial, rather than a direct nature. You must be
well aware, gentlemen, that there can be no better evidence than
circumstantial, if sufficiently strong, and of a conclusive nature ;
but, on the other hand, there are many circumstances wholly in-
conclusive and incomplete : it will be for you to judge. The case
is one of deep importance to the public, and demands a minute in-
vestigation ; and if you should be of opinion that the evidence
which will be laid before you should be strong enough, un-
heard and unexplained, for another Jury to return a ver-
dict of guilty on, it will be your duty to return a true bill
against the accused. The other is the case of Tipper, who, acting in
the capacity of an officer, was accused of feloniously receiving pro-
perty from thieves. In this case, gentlemen, you will only have
the evidence of thieves, a class of persons whose testimony limit
be received with great caution ; but if there should appear a suffi-
cient body of probable facts, it would be their duty to return a bill
in this case also. The other cases are of such an ordinary nature,
that I will not delay you, gentlemen, by any remarks of mine,
from your labours."
The Grand Jury then withdrew, and the Recorder left the Court ;
but Mr. Sergeant Arabin and Mr. Common-Sergeant Mirehouse
remained, and the petty jury were sworn in.
There are 126 prisoners for trial, the most of whom are from
Middlesex.

SECOND EDITION, FIVE O'CLOCK.—We have
direct authority to state that two Conservative candidates start
for this city. Particulars hereafter.—Cork Evening Herald.

COCKERMOUTH.—An opponent has suddenly and
expectedly sprung up against Mr. Dykes in the person of Mr.
Horsman, nephew of Sir John Dalrymple, the late Member
for the county of Edinburgh. His address to the electors is
bold and uncompromising ; and at a meeting held yesterday
(Thursday), he spoke with great fluency and effect, and evi-
dently made a deep impression.—Carlisle Journal.

WESTMORELAND.—WC have no hopes this county
will mend its position. There is to be a meeting to-day ( Sa-
turday) at Kendal, to consider what steps should be taken to
oppose the Lowthers. G. Wilson, Esq., of Dallam Tower,
hitherto a staunch yellow, has promised his best support to Mr.
Barham.—Carlisle Journal.

DUNDALK.—MR SHARMAN CRAWFORD.—We
received last night an extremely gratifying account of the pro-
ceedings of the Dundalk Reformers. The return of Mr.
Sharman Crawford is placed beyond all doubt. —Dublin
Mor Register,