The Sun.
London, England, 1859-01-24 00:00:00

Plenipotentiary. warned the infatuated ruler in
vain, and the advance of a Turkish division to the
vicinity of the frontier created no impression. The
troubles which broke out in some districts were
pertinaciously ascribed to the influence of Milosch,
and patriots again placed at the head of the
troops charged to suppress the movement. The
object of the discontented party was thereby
half achieved, and with assistance of Wurezicz
and Petroniewicz (noticed further on), who
had in the meantime returned from Constanti-
. . .

nople, an outbreak took place in the summer, which
the Prince endeavoured to subdue with 10,000 troops.
These, however, equally with his other adherents,
deserted him ; although he twice attempted to give
battle, the same scene was repeated upon each occa-
sion. He sought refuge upon Austrian territory,

Sept. 7, 1842: _
Shortly afterwards the Scuptschina decreed the
deposition of the Obrenovitsch family. Prince
Michael had withdrawn to Semlin, whither he had

been followed by the European consuls. The pre-
sence of the diplomatists awakening within him a
last gleam of hope, he protested to the Porte against
the decision of the Scuptschina, but without effect.
Intervention of the great powers in his favour met
with a little success, and he was given to understand
that he must quit Semlin, as his presence so near
the frontier was productive of disquiet. He has
since devoted himself to study and travel, and has
insignificant.
ALEXANDER politically speaking,
ALEXANDER KARAGEORGEVITSCIL—When the
Servians, in the war which Austria and Russia
conjointly undertook against Turkey, took up arms
for their faith and were vanquished, an old man with
.his son 'fled towards the Saare. At sight of the
river which would separate him from his native
land for ever, the old man declared that he would
return and surrender to the Turks, for he could not
live away from his mountainl. The old man re-
maining deaf to the prayers ana,entreaties of his
son, the youth exclaimed, " Shall live to see my
father torturedjp death by the Moslems?" and
drawing a pistishot his father through the heart,
divided his effects among their companions, and
crossed over to the Austrian territory. This youth
was George, from that time forth surnamed the
Black—in the Servian dialect Czerny, in the Tur-
kish Kara. He distinguished himself in all the
engagements which followed with the Turks, and
soon attained the chief command. In 1811 he was
Prince of Servia, supported, however, only by the
people ;. the aristocratic party were opposed to him,
and at their secret instigation he was induced, in
the next engagement, to divide his troops, who
were successively defeated. Being informed
that the hostility of the Turks was directed
against him personally, and that if he would with-
draw a favourable peace might be concluded, he
went a second time into exile, and during his ab-
sence Milosch usurped the supreme power. Two
years after, as Black George was returning to Ser-
via, he was beset by assassins almost upon the
frontier, shot, and his head despatched to Constan-
tinople.
The son of this Servian hero, Alexander Kara-
georgevitsch, was born Sept. 29, 1806, at Topolo.
He was about ten at his father's death, and had
been placed up to that period in an ordinary school
in Bessarabia. After that catastrophe his mother
brought him to Wallachia, where she received a
moderate pension. As long as Milosch was at the
head of affairs Alexander dared not re-enter Servia,
but he was recalled by Michael Obrenovitsch, who
nominated him his adjutant. He soon became the
pivot of one of those intrigues incessantly carried
on in the country. The so-called national party
attached themselves to his fortunes, and Prince
Michael was no sooner expelled than he was called
upon to assume the sovereignty. A popular as-
sembly, which met September 14, 1842, at Belgrade,
proclaimed his accession. Austria, Russia, Eng-
land, and France, refused to recognise the choice
as constitutional, but, with the exception of Russia,
practically accepted the nomination. The latter
power, however, protested vehemently against
Alexander, and succeeded in prevailing upon the
Porte to declare a new election necessary. The
Servians obeyed, and re-elected the son of Black
George, on the 27th June, 1843. Russian influence
in Servia now sank to zero, but was still able to
occasion an outbreak in October, 1844, which was
instantly suppressed. Perfect tranquillity then
reigned in Servia until 1848. By the aid of Wuk-
sitsch reforms were undertaken which entirely
changed the face of the appearance of the country.
Education, as well as material interests, met with
the most careful encouragement. A series of ex-
cellent roads gave the products of the country
access to to the neighbouring provinces, while ex-
ports and imports were almost doubled. The prudent
policy of Alexander, to acknowledge the Sultan,
who never took part in internal affairs, as sovereign
of the country, and to oppose his fidelity to his
sovereign to the efforts of foreign diplomacy,
greatly favoured the development of indepen-
dence. The events of 1848 put a sudden stop to this
fortunate condition. The South Sclavonians at first
intended to join Servia, Bosnia, and the Turkish
Herzegovina, as united provinces to Hungary, and
subsequently to Austria. It is probable that the
plan would have been frustrated by Russia, but it
failed even before that power could interpose, owing
to the war of races in Hungary. This Hungarian
civil war was for Servia a turning-point in the most
fatal sense of the word. Up to this time the reform-
ing and conciliating policy of Alexander had suc-
ceeded in holding the balance between the contend-
ing parties ; from henceforth the fanatical Sclaves
obtained the supremacy. The secret influence
occasioning the movement was revealed clearly
enough by a meeting to consider the advantages of
a Russian protectorate held by Russian officials and
the Servian youth at Belgrade, and by the toasts
given by the Russian consul-general at a public
banquet in favour of the union of Servia with the
great Sclavonian kingdom.
During the Eastern war Russia made frequent
overtures to the Servian ruler, but the latter re-
mained firm in the maintenance of neutrality. Upon
the return of peace a new opposition was formed
against Alexander, originating with the Senate.
External intrigues fanned the flame. The breach
between the Prince and the Senate grew daily
wider, and was greatly increased by the Senate dis•
puting the right of the Sovereign to nominate
ministers who were not members of their body.
Alexander gained his point, it is true, but from that
hour the Senate rejected ail propositions laid before
them by the Ministry, not alone for the sake of
opposition, but also with a view to seizing the
sovereign power. In June, 1857, the Prince re-
ceived information of a conspiracy to procure his
overthrow, concocted principally by the Senate.
On October 9 some senators were arrested, and
more in the following days. The prisoners were
fully convicted of intended regicide and high trea-
son, partly by evidence, partly by confessions, and
ultimately condemned to death. The Porte inter-
posed, and, assuming the privilege of confirming
or vetoing the sentence, nullified the proceed-
ings. The condemned—among whom were the
President of the Senate, three Senators, the
President of the Supreme Court, a clergy-
man, and a custom-house officer—were conveyed to
Rustschuk, where they were treated with sufficient
indulgence to enable them to bribe a young
foreigner to declare that Prince Alexander had
hired him to assassinate these, his chief enemies.
The Porte, through Ethem Pasha, Turkish Pleni-
potentiary Extraordinary in Servia, further com-
pelled Alexander to change his ministers, which
brought the national party, a coalition of the Rus-
sian and democratic elements, again into power.
The apparent tranquillity of the country spread
but a flimsy veil over the troubles in preparation.
A smothered discontent was perceptible, increased
by the uncertain tenure of the sovereign's power,
the equivocal attitude of the Senate towards the
regent, and the secret exertions of the adherents of
the Obrenovitsch family. The best means to issue
from the prevailing uncertainty appeared to the
discontented to be the meeting of the Scuptschina,
which, according to the constitution, should take
place annually. This popular assembly possesses
privileges unknown in the Parliaments of more
civilised nations—among others, the right of calling
the Government to account for all its deeds. Fear-
ing the exercise of this privilege, the Prince had
not summoned a Scuptschina since 1848—a course
which was justly regarded as a breach of the con-
stitution. The Senate was of the contrary opinion,
and rejected a proposition for the meeting of the
Scuptschina by a small majority. Upon this result
becoming known much general excitement was
manifested, and in some districts assemblages took
place with a view to calling upon their own re-
sponsibility a meeting of national representatives,
which, according to ancient Servian customs, should
consist of all males capable of bearing arms. Seeing
this Alexander took the initiative, and laid before
the Senate, upon the 15th of last September, a pro-
posal to execute the wish of the people, which met
upon this occasion unanimous acceptance. In
November instructions were issued relative to the
mode of choice, according to which the assembly
must contain not only the elected representatives,
but also 17 judges, 17 mayors of communes, and 17
prieslsitghly d
priests.
slightly
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Servians are
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ts
he
ent was regarded
national party
learnt the lesson experience teaches all coalitions—
that one or other of the allied parties is tolerably
sure to suffer. At least three-fourths of the mem-
bers elected were adherents of the Obrenovitsch
party. The Scuptschina was opened on the 16th
Dec. by the Prince in person, the entire ceremony
occupy-bag scarcely five minutes. The Prince read

a short speech, and departed with the customary
salutation, " With God, brothers !" to which he
received a " with God" in reply. The choice of
officials removed the slightest doubt as to the poli-
tical bias of the assembly. The member for Belgrade,
a salt merchant, named Mischa, was chosen as pre-
sident—a man of small capacity, but who, from his
enormous wealth, has played an influential part in
Servia, and in all the changes and chances of the
times has managed to be upon the winning side.
One of the most zealous agents of the Obrenovitsch
party, the district-commandant Michailovitsch, was
selected as vice-president. The plan of the cam-
paign was arranged in nightly sittings at the house
of the president, and consisted simply in the resolu-
tion to compel the Prince to resign the chief military
command to the Scuptschina, or, failing this, to
decree his deposition. How their design sped is
now matter of history.
ELIAS GARASCIIANIN.—There exists in Servia a
class of nobles which those less favoured by fortune
endeavour to decry, by styling them, in allusion to
the animals which constitute their chief possessions,
the pig-dealer aristocracy. Certain it is, never-
theless, that many sound thinking, and, in their
way, distinguished men belong to this body, some
of whom have originated valuable measures of
reform. One of the most ancient and distinguished
of these families is that of Garaschanin, and
none of the name enjoy a higher reputation than
Elias. Born in 1807, in the village of Garasch,
he had added to the benefits of an excellent educa-
tion by foreign travel before he entered upon a
public career. In 1844 he was nominated by Prince
Alexander, in whose election he had played a con-
spicuous part, as Minister of Education. His exer-
tions in this capacity are deserving of high praise.
He invited to Servia teachers and scientific men in
all branches, sent at the expense of government
young Servians to London, Paris, Berlin, Prague,
and Vienna, established libraries and museums and
even instituted agricultural schools. Milosch had
purposely allowed the formerly existing schools to
fall into disuse, as he said, from religious motives.
Garaschanin founded and carried.ou with success an
entire system, of national instruCtion. Upon his
nomination, in 1852, as Chancellor and Minister
President, he advocated the schemes of the national
party with a zeal that rendered his removal neces-
sary a year later. After the Eastern war he became
confessedly a protege of the French consul, Des
Essards, whose intercession in his favour with E them
Pacha occasioned his being again forced upon the
Prince in 1858 as minister by that functionary. He
bore an active part in the intrigues formed against
Alexander, and was one of the chief movers in pro-
moting the summons of the Scuptschina. Garas-
chanin is one of the provisional government chosen
by the Scuptschina to carry on the affairs of the
country until the return of Milosch. In person he
is a man of commanding appearance, with a strongly
developed Roman nose, flashing eyes, and black
bushy beard.
Wuksitsch Peritschisch bore an honourable share
in the Servian war of liberation under Milosch,
and belongs to the notables of the people. Without
having received the slightest education during his
military career, his undoubted eminence in the
state is due solely to his experience and to the
aptitude with which he adapts himself to the various
situations into which he has been thrown. In 1825
he aided Milosch in the suppression of an outbreak,
but five years later was at the head of an opposition
intended to bring the prince under the influence of
the chiefs. An attempted insurrection to this end
in 1835 was quelled, without Milosch daring to
bring the leaders chief among whom was Wuksitsch,
to justice. When the Porte, by a hatti scheriff of
February 22, 1839, established a Senate to control
the acts of the Servian ruler, Wuksitsch was
among those nominated to the dignity. Milosch
was unable to agree with his new assistants iu the
cares of the State, and intrigued to abolish their
functions by the aid of the troops, but was so far
worsted as to be forced to nominate Wuksitsch to
the chief military command. Chiefly by his means
Milosch was forced to abdicate in June, 1839, in
favour of his son Milan, upon whose accession
Wuksitsch, Jephrem Obrenovitsch, and Amram
Petronievitsch were associated with him in the
government by the Porte. In consequence of the
intrigues already noticed, Wuksitsch and Petronie-
vitsch were driven into exile, from which however
they were recalled in 1844, to the extreme delight
of the people. Both then took office in the ministry,
and much of the wise and prudent course of the
Government in later years is ascribed to their
counsels. Wuksitch is of a thoroughly genuine Ser-
vian nature, wild as a beast of prey and crafty as a
fox. His colossal stature, simple attire, and camp
habits render him popular to a degree hardly
credible. For some years he has retired into pri-
vate life, but still possesses much influence upon
public opinion. From his antecedents it is scarcely
probable that he will view the return of Milosch
with a favourable eye.—Daily News.