The Sun.
London, England, 1835-07-17 00:00:00

bility. These Bishops ought not to allow the Priest thus to
work up the feelings of the people to madness.—(Loud
cheers.) If some means be not found to prevent this course
things,of it will continue growing in mischief for genera-
tions. The Catholic Church was now accused before the
world, and it was its bounden duty, if it valued its character
as a Christian Establishment—if it valued the peace and
prosperity of Ireland—to stand up, and clear itself from the
charge of conniving at the mischief that was on foot. What
he (the Archbishop) said he said deliberately, and with pain,
and he hoped his words might be heard in a quarter where
they might produce some good.--(Loud cheers.)
The Earl of LIMERICK said the Noble Viscount by his
speech did a great deal of injury to Ireland. He quoted in
palliation of the doctrines and practice of the Roman Catbo-
lies the proscriptions and confiscations of James the First.
But he neglected to state that the Catholics had previously
forfeited the estates of the Protestants. In 1668, between
three and four thousand Protestants, Clergymen, and Noble-
men, were prosecuted, and their estates confiscated. In the
rebellion of 1798 he himself saw 26,000 Catholics regimented
against Protestants, and headed by Priests. At that time he
heard of the burning of two thousand Protestants in one barn,
and before a Committee of Parliament be heard of the details
of the conspiracy to root out the whole Protestant population
of the country. The Noble Viscount alluded to equality of
rights ; that was the deceptive slang phrase of the times. But
was it equality to plunder one party for the gain of the other ?
Were they never to have peace ? For his part he would make
any sacrifice for it, and would be ready to forget and forgive,
if--by this compact—he could secure the happiness of his
country.

Lora DLTNCANNON could not allow the charge made by
the Noble Duke, that the Government had spoliated the pro-
perty of the Church to pass unnoticed.
The Duke of WELLINGTON never made any such
charge against the Government. He merely said that the Go-
vernment did not afford sufficient protection.
Lord D C ANNON—WeII, did not afford protection.
But the Noble Duke was long enough in office to bring for-
ward some measure for the relief and protection of the
Church ; and during the six months he was connected with
the Government the only mode of relief he suggested was to
deprive the Church of its property—the Tithes. The late Go-
vernment did nothing for the Church, and the present Go-
vernment did. He ( Lord Duncannon) lamented this discus-
sion as much as the Noble Duke could ; and he saw that tho
speeches made that night would not be very instrumental in
diminishing that great evil—the influence of the Catholic
Priests. (The Noble Lord made one or two observations on
the subject of the petition which we could not hear.)
The Duke of WELLINGTON was sorry ho was put upon
his trial. A comparison was instituted between what would
be done and what was. Into that comparison he would not
then enter. He would beg to deny one of the Noble Lord's
statements, that he was six months in office. The Govern-
ment with which he was connected only met Parliament for

two months, and a measure was propos-ed that would put an
end to the question, and the excitement caused by the Noble
Lords opposite. He would not hesitate to repeat that the Go-
verrment did not sufficiently protect the property of the Irish
Church.

Viscount MELBOURNE explained.
Lord A S 118 URT ON could not refrain from making some
observations on the present occasion, It was the duty of
their Lordships, and most imperatively the duty of that Right
Rev. Bench, to inquire, and to ascertain, from whom and from
whose hands the people of Ireland were to receive religious
instruction. He would also say, as the Noble Lord had
charged the Government which was so short a time in power
with having done nothing for the Church of Ireland, that that
Government never permitted the abandonment of any parishes
in Ireland. He would say further that nine-tenths of the dif-
ficulties respecting the collection of tithes arose from the in-
cautious conduct of the present Government. Before that time

there was practically no difficulty in collecting tithes. He did not
mean to say that in certain parts of the country they did not
produce irritation, but nine-tenths of the difficulties, he re-
peated, had been caused by the precipitate manner in which
tithes were denounced in one of the Houses of Parliament.
There, for the first time, were the Ministers of the Crown seen
coming against the Established Church of the country. But
the Noble Lord said that nothing was done by the present Go-
vernment that had not been in the contemplation of the late
Government. He ( Lord Ashburton) should be most happy
to find when the Bill for the commutation of tithes came be-
fore that House that such was the case.

The Marquis of L ANSDOWNE rose for the purpose of
distinctly declaring that if Noble Lords opposite alluded to any
want of vigilance on the part of his Majesty's Government in
Ireland in withholding their protection from his Majesty's
Protestant subjects in that country, no man considered that
a deeper censure on Ministers than he (the Marquis of
Lansdowne) did, and no man could be more willing than he
to meet the great authority of the Noble Duke, or any Peer
in that House, if any case could be made out of protection—
legal protection—having been withheld.—(Hear.) If any
such act had been committed, it would have been the grossest
breach of duty on the part of the Government, and one which
ought to be visited by the most severe indignation and cen-
sure of that House. That was his opinion, as well as the
Noble Duke's, and upon any case being made out, he should
be perfectly willing to acquiesce in that censure. The Noble
Duke, however, appeared to allude, not to any specific act of
the Government, but to the whole course of legislation with
regard to tithei ; and he would now take the libarty of remind-
ing that Noble Duke, that had the late Government continued
in office, a Bill would have been settled, and the security of
Ireland maintained. But he would still further remind the
Noble Duke that it was Midsummer last year that their Lord-
ships rejected that measure.—(Great cheers.) He believed
that the Nob'c Duke aFsented to what he was now stating.
The Duke of WELLINGTON—No, no. As the Noble
Marquis asks me, I do not assent to what he is stating.
The Marquis of L A NSDOWNE resumed. He only
wished to say that in the Midsuummer of last year a Bill
was lost which was brought into another House, was approved
of in Ireland, and which, lie would venture to say, if it had
been suffered to pass, would have secured the property of the
Irish Church, and by its disposition would have done away
with that odium and hostility which for a series of accumu-
lating years had arisen from the measures in which the Legis-
lature had participated. The condition of Ireland and the
state of its Church might have been relieved by associating
with the enactments relatmg to tithes those remedies which
might have reconciled many to the Irish Church, and until
_ _

Id reconciliation were effected he would tell that house that

it might wish to secure the Iroperty to the Church, but it
would not be able. He trusted that whoever was called to his
Nlaesty's service would propose such measures as would se-
cure the due administration of the law, and secure property in
Ireland, and that Parliament would adopt them in a way that
would not offend the prejudices and be irreconcilable to the
interests of the population.
Lord ASHBURTON and Viscount MELBOURNE respectively
explained.
Lord FARNHAM rose to say a few words. It appeared
to him that his Majesty's Government were now endeavouring
to throw off from their own shoulders the odium of that Bill.

He believed that many of the Irish clergy would sooner suffer
starvation than that the Church of which they were members
should be deprived of a single living. The whole con-
duct of the Government justified the Protestants of Ire-
land in supposing that they did not enjoy the same de-
gree of favour as the Roman Catholics. He had been in-
formed, and he believed it to bo true, that the most amia-
ble prerogative of the Crown—that of mercy—had been
abused by the present executive Government of Ireland. Two
parties, the one Protestant and the other Catholic, had un-
fortunately been concerned in rioting,, and they were sentenced
by Lord Chief Baron Joy, the Protestants to three months'
imprisonment, the Catholics to six. At the expiration of the
three months the Protestants were liberated, and at the same
time the sentence of the Roman Catholics was remitted. If

the Judge who committed the prisoners recommended the
remission, then he (Lord Farnham) had nothing further to
say ; but from what he had heard he believed that both par-
ties were equally deserving of their punishment. If the pro-
perty of the Protestant Chinch in Ireland were not protected
he was afraid that the period of restoring tranquillity to that
country was more remote than was generally expected.
The question having been put, the petition was ordered to
lie on the table.

The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and

the House adjourned at a Quarter to Eight.

MR. COOKE'S MEMOIRS OF LORD BOLING-
BROKE."—The Times in reviewing this new work, says,
" These Memoirs must be considered an indispensable compa-
nion to the history of Queen Anne and the House of Hanover.
They may be read, too, with advantage for other reasons.
' History,' Lord Bolingbroke tells us, 'is philosophy teaching
by example ;' and it would not be difficult to extract from the
political events of that period lessons for the instruction of the
present. The striking traits in the character of Bolingbroke
are the union in it to so remarkable a degree, of the man of
pleasure, the man of business, and the philosopher, and the
great inequalities between 'his political and speculative writ-
ings. Mr. Cooke has traced the general history with which
the biography of Bolingbroke is inseparably interwoven, with
care and ability, and has placed several incidents in that pe-
riod of busy intrigue in a strong and new light."
-THE STUDENT," BY THE AUTHOR OF " EU-
GENE ARAM."—No work that Mr. Bulwer ever wrote is better
calculated to show the bent and capabilities of his powerful
mind, than the volumes before us : they consist of papers
written at different periods, and under different feelings, all
evincing the same noble tendency—the improvement of the
human mind ' • and though they arc works of eloquence and
passion, which, by the bye, are inseparable—though, as Mr.
Bulwer tells us, they address the sentiment rather than the
intellect, still they carry with them, even in their strongest
glow of feeling, a natural and overpowering logic, which,
while it kindles the imagination, strikes with sweet and grate-
ful vibration upon the unerstanding."
" TIIE PASHA OF MANY TALES."—The ini-
mitable novels of Captain Marryat, " Peter Simple" and " Ja-
-cob Faithful," have met with perhaps greater success than any
works of fiction since the appearance of the Waverley. Series ;
and the rapid succession in which the gallant Captain pours
forth one novel after another, gives indication of a genius al-
most as fertile as that of the lamented .Scott. These novels
are unquestionably destined to take a place, like those of Field-
ing and Smollett, among the standard works. of English fic-
tion. The entire series consists of twelve volumes—!" The
Pasha of Many Tales;" "Jacob Faithful," " Peter Simple,"
and " The King's Own." . - •
Dr. Nordmann discovered in the eyes
inOsfuctevera
different species of Perch, eye worms, sometimes _
In a single eye he detected
num-
bers as must have •interfered with the.dinisduinffeetresingtliptixoftsp3a6ssomogf
objects.
these animalcules ; when much increased, they often produce
c.ateiects ic_the_eyes nf_the ashes they infest.