The Sun.
London, England, 1832-12-22 00:00:00

NORTH LINCOLN.

Abridged from the Stamford News and Lincoln
Alercury of Friday.)

Tuesday, the 18th, being the day of nomination at
Lincoln, for the North division of the county, the town
was thronged at an early hour. At half past 10, the
High Sheriff arrived at the hustings in the Castle.yard ;
the gates were immediately thrown open, and the immense
concourse rushed in.

G. F. HENEAGE, Esq. M.P.—Gentlemen, I will ad-
dress a few words to you on the subject of a circumstance
which excited a great sensation in this the northern dis-
trict of the county, and which arose from a letter addressed
by my friend, Mr. Boucherett, to the Secretary of the
Market Rosen dinner, by which he declined attending that
dinner, giving as a reason for his doing so his disapproval
of theconduct of Sir W. Ingilby and another friend of mine,
the Right Honourable Charles Tennyson. This letter
has been laid hold of by the other party, and they, have
caused it to be printed and circulated through the whole
district, and I believe, this was done by permission of Mr.
Boucherett himself. However, that gentleman is present
on this occasion, and will set me right if I have erred in
what I have stated. Gentlemen, Mr. Boucherett comes
forward to propose Mr. Pelham to your notice, and per-
haps that is the reason wby he will give him a single vote,
for it is no uncommon thing for a person who nonsinates
a candidate, to give him a single vote, as my friend, Dr.
Beaty, did me last week. Those who know Mr. Bou-
cherett as I do, know that be never supports his friends by
halve, and Mr. Boucherett cannot support Sir Robert
Sheffield, because he cannot approve of his political opi-
❑ions. I will not longer trespass upon your time, but I
will propose to you Sir William Amcotts Ingilby, of Ket-
tlethorpe-house, as a fit and proper person to represent
the northern district of the county of Lincoln in Parlia-
ment.—(ltnmense cheering.)
Major BRACKENBURY seconded the nomination.
A. BOUCHERETT, Esq.—Gentlemen, I beg leave to no.
minate the Hon. Charles Anderson Pelham, of Manby, as
a fit and proper person to represent the northern division
of this county in Parliament. As to the votes given by
Sir William Ingilby, in the House of Commons, I have no
objection to them, but with one exception. However, as
to that only one, it is not necessary for me to say any-
thing ; but I do object to the inflammatory language
which Sir William has used during his canvas through
the county.—(Some confusion, and cries of; " Hear, hear,
hear.") Neither Mr. Heneage, nor the gentleman who
seconded him, in nominating Sir William Ingilby, has de-
fended him in the violence of his conduct, and of his
speeches. I repeat, that I object to his violence and in-
flammatory language, and it is on this account that I with-
hold my support from him on this occasion.

. ..
Sir MONTAGUE CHOLMELEY seconded the nomination.

T. G. CORBETT, Esq.—Gentlemen—(Cries of " Ab,
ah—turn coat—go home," &c.) In electing Sir Robert
Sheffield, you will elect a man of good judgment,—a man
who understands your interests, and understanding them,
will support them in Patliament.—(Cheers and hissing.)
TIIOROLD, Esq., of Walesby, seconded (as we
suppose) the nomination of Sir Robert ; but from the
very inaudible tone in which he spoke, not a word of what
he said came to our ears.

Sir W. INGlLBY—Gentlemen, I am sorry to find that
my Honourable Friend Mr. Boucherett, has taken this
public opportunity to find fault with me and my language.
Many people of delicate nerves and susceptibilities I know
have done so ; but what part was I to take when called
before the people in the manner I have been ? for I know
in June that a secret conclave of tyrannical aristocrats,
with their respective Chaplins—( Laughter)—met in Lon-
don at the Thatched House Tavern, for the laudable pur-
pose of turning me out of the representation of the
county. Gentlemen, in June I received divers notices
that I was to quit.—(Laughter.) I should say that I had
six months' warning ; but feeling no desire to quit my
place, I stand here now, and mean to keep it.—(Cheers.)
Gentlemen, I am sorry that Mr. Boucherett should take
offence at the language I have made use of. I was, how-
ever, compelled to address the people at large with whom
I had to deal ; not the Honourable Gentlemen who met at
the Thatched House Tavern to eat their turtle and spend
their money; but I was travelling among the middle and
lower classes, and I was obliged to speak to them a plain
language that they could understand. But where has any
man heard me speak treason or sedition?—(" No, no,"
from several voices.) I would ask you, Gentlemen, why
have I obtained among the middle and lower classes more
interest and influence than any other man in the county ?
Why, because I have spoken a language in which there is
no trickery,—l have denounced the place and pension
list,—and I have laid open to odium the particulars of
that immense mass of money extracted out of the pockets
of the people to maintain an idle aristocracy and priest-
hood ; and the reason of the opposition to me is, that one
party fear they will loose the thousands per year they are
pocketing, and the other party are afraid of having the
sinecures they receive from that edifice (pointing to the ca-
thedral) withdrawn from them.—(Hear, hear.) I have
been the travelling schoolmaster now for the last five
months ; and I say there is that spirit abroad among tf e
people which even if these Tory lords and parsons should
succeed in turning me out, there will be a unity of action
that will tell them that the people are not to be ridden
down and trampled upon by the haughty aristocracy and
idle priesthood of the land.--(Cheers, and " Good, good.")i
Gentlemen, there is a great agency going abroad, circu-
lating the contents of this miraculous money bag, and
crying aloud to the people, " Hear, oh ye people of the
Marshes, and ye of the Woulds, hear what shall be spoken
unto you. There are Pink farms to be let in abundance,
rat away, oh ye people,—cut the Yorkshire manufacturer.
Pink farms in plenty, almost given away by the Tdry
party. Listen to what we say unto you. When ye shall
hear the trumpets sound, and the bagpipes play,—when
the organ in the cathedral shall roll forth its tremendous
voice, then fall ye down and worship the golden image
we have set up for you, and cast out into darkness this re-
bellious little inan."—(The assembled multitude were kept
on the full titter during this part of the worthy Baronet's
speech.) But, Gentlemen, I stand on the strength of
large body of people, and I am convinced that they will

sporting the Church Reform will I retract. I will begin
with the Archbishop and end with the Curate. Ido say
t, and I will persevere in it, that the Bishops ought not
to be allowed to metamorphose themselves into political
jugglers.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) They ought to br.
•r ansplanted from the House of Peers into their own di
ocese. and live and die there, and there do all the christian
charities and duties incumbent on a good parson.—(Hear,
hear, and great cheering.)
The Hon. C. A. W. PELHAM—Gentlemen, I totally
disagree with what I heard fall from my friend Mr. Cor-
t=tt as to the Reform Bill being the new charter by which
a e were to abide, and though I do not wish to go so fir
a' the ballot, yet, I must say, let us have a Reform of the
Church—,-(Cheers)—let us have R•forin in the law—
(Cheers)—let tts have Reform where Reform is wanted.
The Tories have been so long in office that our institu-
tions have not been looked after with that care that they
ought to have been ; therefore it is that we wish to have
them reformed.—(Continued cheering.) I have had
difficult task to per orm in preserving a strict
neutrality in this election ; hut I here deny any
connection either with Sir Wm. Ingilby and his party, or
S r Robert Sheffield and hie party. You know that Ido
not wish to go to the vote by ballot ; neither am I for
triennial Parliaments ; for I think if we were to oittain
that, we should find, that instead of a.tending to your in-
terests, we should always be thinking of electioneering.'
That is the reason I differ from Sir Vim. lngilby on tics
subject. There is another question, which in this county
has occasioned a great sensation,-1 mean the question of
c alonial slavery. Gentlemen, lam an advocate for the
d mg away of it altogether.—(Cheers.) I have said, and
I maintain, that I will assist in doing away with it as
speedily as possible; but in so saying do not suppose that
I mean to hold out any hope of its being abolished imme-
d.ately, but in everything I can do, I will lead my assist-
ance to accomplish that object.— (Three cheers were
given for Mr. Pelham at the close of his address.)
Sir RODERT SHEFFIELD—Gentlemen, during my late
canvass in the county, I have been able to collect and to
learn your sentiments, and I have no hesitation in saying.,
that your wants and wishes are in general reasonable—
(Laughter and cheers)—and there is more fault to I.
found with the general conduct of the Government of
late, than with the wishes of the people. lam for an in-
crease of the currency, and placing it on a sound and good
foundation ; and by paying more regard to our own trade,
I believe the industry of the country would yet pcevail
against all our difficulties. Our mistake has been in the
long and expensive war with France : from that has
a isen much of the distress which now prevails in this
c auntry.—(Cries of " the Tories' doings.") The two
other candidates for your suffrages belong to that party who
would not allow the continuation of the income tax,—a
tax which bore the heaviest on the tick ; and I challenge
the right of that party to tell you that they are the friends
of the people—(Hissing, cheers, and disapprehation)—for

it that tax had been continued till this time, a large por-
tion of the National Debt would have been reduced, and
many of those taxes which press upon the middle and
lower clas-es would have been dispensed with. As to k*.be
Church, I should be very glad to have real abuses cor-
rected ; but it would be an unjustifiable plunder to make
an innovation upon Church property.—(Groans and his.-
s'ng, and vies of" Let them maintain the poor.") Lcr
there be a reform in the Church, if you please, as far as
abuses exist. Let a fair commutation, or composition,
(according to circumstances) be substituted for the pre-
sent method of taking tithe in kind; but I repeat,
would oppose an innovation of the Church property, when
that property in reality does net amount to more than
sufficient for the respectable maintenance of its establish-
ment.—(Hissing.) On the subj.et of the corn laws I
have found tbat my opinions agree with the great body
the landowners and farmers in the district. It is sufficient
for us to find ourselves and all England involved iu the
expense of a war without any alteration in the corn laws.
On the subject of negro slavery I perfectly agree with my
friend, Mr. Corbett, that it is a practice that ought never
to have existed, and ought consequently to be disconti-
nued, and if I have an opportunity, I will support any
measure that ca❑ be brought forward for emancipation,
supposing it can be done with safety and consivency.—
(Three cheers from Sir Robert's party.)
[At this moment Mr. Tennyson was called for by the whole of
Sir Wm. Ingilby's party, and when the Right Hon. Gentle-
man took aline hat, he was greeted with three times three
cheers. No sooner did Mr. Tennyson attempt to address the
electors, than Sir Robert Sheffield's party commenced hooting
and yelling, after the fashion of the Chaplin and Sibthorpian
school. After the uproar had subsided, Mr. Tennyson again
attempted to address the meeting, but the uproar was renewed
by the Tory party, and cries of " Drive 'em, drive 'cm," pro-
ceeded from the opposite party, who were moving towards the
Sheffield party.]
The Rion SHERIFF-Gentlemen, at the beginning of

t'lis meeting I requested that you would hear every gen-
tleman who might feel inclined to address you. You have
heard five or six gentlemen on both sides : why should
you go on in this uproarious way ?

Mr. TENNYSON-Gentlemen, lassure you it was not my
intention to have intruded myself on your notice, if some
among you had not done me the honour to call upon my
name. I trust that during the progress of this election
the great majority of you will be found to discharge your
duty to yourselves and to your country as effectually as
those persons (pointing to Sir Iti:bert's party) have been
disposed to discharge that duty lor which alone they were
brought here.—(Hear, hear.) The time is now arrived
when it is to be tried whether this district of the county
is to return to represent it in the first Reformed Parliament
the man of their choice, or whether it is to be dictated to
by a petty aristocracy.—(Hear and cheers.) ,Gentiemen,
I shall mince no words—l come here to speak the'truth ;
I come here to do my duty, and to invite you to do yours.
Is there the slightest doubt but that, if the electors of
this northern division of the county were left to exercise
their own free will, my Hon. Friend Sir Wm. Ingilby,—
that tried and efficient Reformer,—that Hon. Baronet
who has so long and faithfully served the people,—would be
returned to-Parliament almost by the unanimous voice of
the whole electoral body ?—(Cries of " He would," Sc..t.)
But he is met, as he has told you, by a conspiracy of
individuals, who have subscribed large sums of money,
and who have endeavoured to associate themselves for
the purpose of opposing him in every possible way.
And why? Because he ventured to attack my Lord
Brownlow in the House of Commons. From what has
fallen trom Mr. Boucherett, it appears that this was his
around for the opposition against him ; that was the
only reason Mr. Boucherett stated, except indeed that
which he took the liberty—l say be took the liberty of
stating—in a letter alluded to by my Hon. Friend, Mr.
Heneage, that was written by him to the secretary of
the Reform Festival at Market Kasen. The letter in
question was' written iu reply to an invitation that was
sent him to attend that dinner, and in that letter he
refused the invitation that had been sent to hint, stating
as his reason for so doing, that it was impossible for hint
to do anything to promote the political aspirations of
Sir Wm. Ingilby and myself. Now, Gentlemen, what
are the political aspirations of Sir William Ingnby ?
He proposes to administer an efficient and searching re-
form to the Church—( Great cheering)—and he propos,s
also to enable you to give your votes at all future elections
freely, by establishing the vote by ballot.—(Hear,
hear.) These are the grounds, I apprehend, on which
all this violent opposition is got up against my friend
Sir Wm. Ingilby. These are the grounds on which it
seems Mr. Boucherett opposes him ; these are the grounds
on which I suppose all the other gentlemen who formerly
supported Sir William have now withdrawn their sup-
port. We have heard that his inflammatory language is
an objection to him. Mr. Corbett told you that that wa:
his ground of opposition, and be believed it was the ge-
neral cause of it amongst his former friends.—(Laughter.)
Why, the inflammatory language, as it is caled, is such
as you have heard from him today, and it vt,s called
forth by the very conspiracy of which I have spoken,—b;
that association of squires and priests who have arrayed
,hein:clves against him, and max hope to triumph ove:
him.—(Cries of " True, true.") But, Gentlemen, w •
will sisow thrum that, notwithstanding all their purses ai-
xageil against him,—notwithstanding the false impair
lions that they have laid to his charge, Sir W. ludill

will be planed in that situation on the poll which I trust
will for ever silence them.—(Great and loud cheering
which lasted for "wine time.) Gentlemen, do not let it
be supposed, that bacianse I am inclined to advocate
the cause of Sir. William. Ingilby (agreeing as I do
with him on all the public principles on which 1
have heard him declare himself), that I wish to cast
any reflection on any man who holds opinions
different to my own. I respect the opinions of every
men, if they are fairly and freely expressed, although
they may be against the ballot or triennial Parlia-
ments, and however decided my own opinions may be on
those points.—(Cheers.) And I will do justice to my.
Honourable Friend (Sir Montague Cbolmeley), in this
revect. No private feelings would, lam enre, induce
him to change his sentiments. I know to well his many
character.—(Hear, hear.) If he changes his epinion, it
is on due consideration and honest conviction, and, I be-
lieve, that he, by degrees, is coming to the ballot—and I
myself have but very recently come to a deliberate convic-
tion that nothing short of the election by ballet can secure
to Englishmen their rights and liberties...-(Hear, hear,
and cheers.) If any man among you comes here to hold
up his hand contrary to the feelings which his conscience
dictates, I recommend him to go home and consider well
what he is about to do, before he comes to the poll, and
I recommend each of them to commene with his friends
and neighbours, and confer with them, and tell them that
it is their duty to exercise the franchise with which the
Constitution has vested them, according to the dictates of
their own consciences, especially at a period when the Ile-
formed Parliament is about to assemble-s-teet to sit, as it
appears my friend (Mr. Corbett) evonld have them,
with their arms folded, and do no trore—bu t to redress
all oar grievances, to revise the institutions of the country,
and to reduee all those burdens which press no heavily
on the -industry and comforts of the people.—(Cheer-
ing.) Sir Robert Sheffield tells us that he is favourable
to these reductions. lam glad to hear it,—but when he
tells you that he is for reforming the Church, and accom-
panies that declaration by a statement that he considers it
a plunder on the Church to interfere with the Church pro-
perty,—when we see associated around him, as his sup-
porters, that body,—that black clerical array—( Hear,
bear, and groans)—l ask you whether you can expect that
he would administer that efficient reform with whit!) alone
we should be satisfied ?—(Cries of "No, no.") Why, it
is mere delusion ! The Hon. Baronet himself would not,
I am sure, deceive you, but on the contrary he gives you
to understand what his feelings are on the subject,-.-and
he also tells you in a manly manner, that he is opposed to
the ballot ? Why, Gentlemen, is he opposed to tbe
ballot ? Because the only possible chance of success
that can have visited his imagination is,that a great man
1:f the electors will not be .41e to vote freely and unbiassed.
That is the ground of his offering himself, but even
that will be found to be a delusion on his part.—(Cheers.)
Gentlemen, I find my voice in such a state from recently
addressing much larger multitudes than this in the metro-
polis, that I feel unable to proceed any further. All I en-
treat of you is,—to consider this election as one of the
most important of those which are now in progress,—to
go back to your respective parishes, and to entreat yoer
friends to rally round the standard of public liberty, in
the cause of the people,—for the friend of the people, Sir
Wm. Ingilby. All and each of you, put your shoulders to
the wheel, and rush to the poll to give your votes for
or I should rather say for, yourselves—(Cheers)—and
lend to those who have not the means of coming to the poll
such conveyances as may be at your disposal, and assist
them by such means as Providence may have blessed you
with. Gentlemen, I beg leave to conclude by asking you
to join me in giving three cheers for Sir William Ingilby.
(Three hearty cheers were then given for Sir William, the
same for Mr. Pelham, and three groans for Sir Robert
Sheffield and the parsons.)
Mr. BOUCHERETT replied at some length to Mr. Ten-
nyson, and in the course of his observations said, that in
writing the letter to the secretary of tbe Market Rasen
dinner he bad only exercised a right which he would not
resign, whether called upon by a high Tory or a low
Radical.—(Hear, hear, and confusion.)
Mr. TENNYSON asked if Mr. Boucherett meant to apply
the term " low Radical" to him ?

Mr. BOI:CifERETT—Ye4, I did.
Mr. TENNYsON—Then I tell that ilon. Gentleman,
though it cost all our friendship, that I return to him my
scorn and contempt—l throw at him that scorn and con-
tempt in the strongest language in which I could imply
it—and I beg that he will deal with it as he may deem tit.`
(Great applause and some confusion.)
Some one in the crowd asked, " What does he mean
by a low Radical ?"

Mr. TENNYSON continued—" I thank that gentleman
for his question, which I now repeat; and I beg leave to
a,k Mr. Boucherett another question—Did be authorize,
or was be privy to, the publication ul his letter in the
shape of a handbill, which has bzen so extensively circu
fated by the friends of Sir Robert Sheffield ?"

Mr. BOUCHERETT—No, I was not; I never heard of
its being published until a few days ago.
Mr. TENNYSON—Then I should like to know who
furnished the copy of that letter which is circulated by the
friends of Sir Robert Sheffield, whom Mr. Boncherett
bas not the manliness to support. What is the pitiful
course he is adopting? He tells you my Honourable
Friend attacked in Parliament Lord Brownlow ; that he
used inflammatory language. He wrote that letter, I
assume, for the purpose of supporting Sir Robert Sheffield,
and yet he is not man enough to confess it. Let any man
boldly state his opinions, as Mr. Pelham, and, I am bound
to say, Sir Robert Sheffield have done : but here is a gen-
tleman who writes one way and acts another. I cannot
descend to defend myself froth the calumnies that Hon.
Gentleman has stated against me ; blot for your satisfac-
tion, I will say it is true that I did state at the Lambeth
meeting, that, for the present, I did not think the ballot was
dtsirahle. Ido not admire the ballot on principle, and I
wish 1 could see the day when we should have no tyranni-
cal landlords making it necessary. I would that every En-
glishman could act as openly and honestly as, by the blessing
of God's providence I am enabled to do ; for I never give a
vote one way and promise it another. But after that
meeting I came down into Lincolnshire to aid my Hon.
Friend, and here I heard of the most se indalous goings
un,which converted me to the ballot. Even this morning
1 beard an additional fact of undue influence.—(Cries of
• Name.") Well, I will name; Mr. Gordon, son of the
Dern of Lincoln, wrote to a tenant at Middle Rasen to
say that he understood he bad promised a plumper to Mr.
Pelham, but he demanded that the tenant should give one
vote to Sir Robert Sheffield.—(Loud cries of " Shame.")
Perhaps Mr. Boueherett thinks this an honest pro-
ceeding ! He thinks his tenants are his vassals ! Let
him tell me he dots nut; He knows it is his opinion;
be thinks that his tenantry are to be driven to the
poll like a flock of geese. Ile tells me I changed
my opinion of the ballot to save my election for Lambeth ;
let any man inquire into the feeling of the people there as
to my chance of success before I declared myself favour-
able to the ballot, and they will find my support was
equally effective as now : I do not believe I gained a single
vote by that avowal, while on the contrary I raised against
myself a violent Tory party. Having said thus much in
explanation of what has fallen from Mr. Boucherytt, I
will only tell him in conclusion that I do not wish to quar-
rel with him : as to his phrase " Low Radical," it does
not fit me, and I am regardless of it ; but if he does net
retract what he has said, I must abandon him as he has
abandoned me. With reference to the transmission of the
report, it was sent to a provincial paper by a short-hand
writer, and as a matter of convenience between Journalists,
an early copy, I believe, at my recommendatiou, was sent
to a London newspaper.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. BOCCHERETT—With respect to the phrase low
Radical, I applied it only to the political conduct of Mr.
Tennyson. I conceive his conduct to be of the low Radi-
cal class, and I believe those persons are quite as great
'YrantS as the Tory aristocracy. I mean by low Radical,
toe advocates of the ballot.
Mr. Tesistysori--Surelv, as a starch Reformer you
will have some respect for that honest man, Lord Althorp ;
and he is a friend to the ballot.
Mr. BOUCHEILETT..-.1 mean that low Radicals seek a
Reform, not for the purpose of restoring the Constitution,
but of destroying it.—(Loud uproar, and cheering from
the pinks.)
At last there was a considerable uproar among the Tory
party, which ended by the Sheriff taking the show of
hands, and Sir Robert Sheffield demanding a poll. The
show of hands was three to one, at least, against the Tory
party. The Court adjourned to Friday morning at 9, after
which Col. Sibthorpe harangued the Tory party from one
corner of the hustings. The subjects of his speech were
principally abuse against the electors of Lambeth_ (Mr.
Tennyson's constituents), and a declaration to stand again
for the City of Lincoln at some future election.

SOUTH DERBYSHIRE.
(Abridged from the Derby Reporter of 'Thursday.)
At eleven o'clock, on Saturday last, the time appointed
by the High Sheriff for the election of two Members for
the southern division of this county, the three candidates,
the Hon. G. J. Vernon, Lord Waterpark, and Sir Roger
Greialey, appeared with their friends and the members of
their Committees on the hustings', which had been erect-
ed for their accommodation in the County Hall.
WILLIAM EVANS, Esq., M. P. for Leicester, could say
r Mr. Vernon, that he had witnessed his conduct in P,a-
liament, and that they could not have a more honest, di-

ligent and patriotic Member, nor One who &sired to per-
form his duty with more satisfaction to himself and to the
advantage of his constituents.—(Clamour, and shouts of
applause.)
After Mr. Evans bad done speaking, a great clamour
was raised by a knot of persons on the left hand of the
hustings, who had cheertd Sir Roger Greisle'y on his en-
trance, and who now appeared to be impatient for the Ba-
ronet to 'address the meeting. The special constables
threw themselves into the midst of them, and a struggle
took place, hat at length the hubbub ceazed.
Sir nICHARD PAUL Jooani.L nest rose, and seconded
the nomination of the Hon. George Vernon.
PHILIP GnI.L, Esq., proposed Sir Roger Gr...istey as a
St petson to represent the electors of this portion of Der-
byshire in the ensuing Parlittriant.—(Hisses, tumult, with
some applause in the left hand corner of the hall.)

- r
Esq., seconded the noniinetlon.
13Eau3r0rvr, Esq.. then tdch-essed the electors as
follows :—Gentlemen, elentars of the southern division of
the county of Derby,-1 move, that Lord Waterpark be
returned n. 5 'serve the southern division of the county of
Derby in Parliament.—(Loud and continued applause.)
JOHN STRUTT, Esq., seconded the nomination:
The candida•es having been nominated, and the nomi.
nations having been seconded) the i-ircrr SHERIFF ob-
served that it was novv th'e titne for those gentlemen to
the electors.

The Hon. G. J. VERNON then prettehted himself to the
selectors, and was received with loud and prolonged
plaudits. He spoire nearly as follows : Geutlemen,
Allow me to thank you very sincerely for the cordial re-
ception Which you have given me—a reception the more
atifying to my feelings, inasmuch Ms's it proves to me
that neither the calumnies, tsar the misrepresentations,
still less the sneers that have been lavished upon me have
made any ihspreseitm upon your minds; and that those
principles the profession of which, at the last election,
'obtained for me your confidence and your support, will
not now have less weight with you; will not now find
less favour in your sight, but will induce you to place me
in the situation (to which of all others I aspire), that of
an independent representative in a Reformed House of
Cotnmons.—(Applause.) Before proceed any further,
I must gratefully acknowledge the kindness of those gen-
tlemen who have torhe forward to propose and second me,
and the plesture I experience in being mentioned by them
in terms so flattering. I must congratulate my Hon.
Friend, Mr. Evans, on receiving, at your hands, those
tokens of approbation to which I think he is so justly en-
titled. If integrity of character—if firmness of purpose—
d an anxious desire to serve his country—and to benefit
mankind be merits, then indeed Mr. Evans stands a
claimant on your favour in no ordinary degree.— (Cheers.)
Here, at least, in Derby, his worth will be fully appre-
ciated. My best thanks are due also to Sir Richard Jo-
drell, ewho has kindly come forward on so short a notice,
tt second my nomination. Gentlethen, I shall not tres-
pass long upon your tittre-, but trust that you will bear
with me for a few moments while I endeavour to set
in their preper light those pats of my public conduct
that have been the most objected to. In the first
place, I am charged, forsooth, with being an enemy to
'he agricultural interest—en enemy to my own inte-
rest ! Perhaps I hese not less stake in the agricultu-
ral interest--,-peradventure I am not less mindful of
what concerns myself, than some of those who make
the accusation. I had hoped that the length of time that
My family have lived in this county, supporting and sup-
ported by the agricultural interest, might have exempted
me from such a charge. But let us see upon what grounds
this accusation rests. As far as I can make out, it rests
Prat no other grounds than because I voted against the
proposition of Lord Chanties for giving the franchise to
the 501. tenants at will. Gentlemen, at the last election,
it was thought necessary by almost every constituency to
require from candidates pledges as to their intention of
supporting the Reform Bill. Prom me, as a new candi•
date, as one unknown in public life, you also thought fit

to require a pledr. But here lam stet by another accu-
sation. It i 3 sail to me, " You disgraced yourself by sub..
milting to give a pledge at ad." Now-, although Ido not
approve of pledges in general, yet, considering the cir-
cumstances of the case, the magnitude of the question at
issue—considering that the principles of the Bill had
been already discussed—that the people had bad an op-
portunity of forming a correct opinion upon them—that
the King himself had appealed to the people to ascertain

. .
that opinion—l say, taking into consideration all these cir-
cumstance,, that you were perfectly justified in demand-
ing a pledge from me, a new candidate ; and that I, ar
dently desirous of seeing an extensive reform effected in
ettr representative system--Laving, moreover, duly weighed
in my own mind, and approved of the principles of the
Bill—could nut be disgraced by giving to those principles
a pledge of decided support.—(Cheers.) But here I would
a-k, were no pledges taken by the opposers of the Bill?
Did none of the illustrious patrons of the boroughs in
ShchedMe A and Schedule B insist upon pledges, or,
what is tantamount to them, a distinct understanding
with their nominees ?—(Loud cheers.) But, Gentlemen,
what was the pledge that 1 gave ? Did I ever respond to
what is called the Cuckoo-cry of the Bill, the whole Bill,
oid nothing but the Bill?—(A slight tumult took place
'n the crowd, and a voice cried, " You did, Vernon,"
while many others shouted, " You were right.") Mr.
Vernon continued—" No, Sir, I did not. No, the
pledge that I gave was this,—" That I would support his
Majesty's Ministers in their measures of Reform as long as
those measures should be consistent with the principles of
the Bill. Therefore, Gentlemen, the pledge that I gave
was not an answer to the Cuckoo-cry, still lees was it, as
some of my adversaries had said, the pitiful pledge of
sticking to the Ministers," whether they were wright or
wrong. No ;my pledge was to stand by them while they
adhered to the principles of the Bill. But lam told "if
you thought Lord Chandos's proposition was a good
one, no paltry pledge should have stool in the way of
your supporting it. What! are pledges of so little
value in Tury estimation ? May solemn promises be so
easily violated? Is the Conservative code of political
morality so easy of accommodation that the fulfilment
of an obligation becomes a matter of expediency ?--
(Curers.) But, Gentlemen, let us examine what were
the principles of the Bill. Disfranchisement, enfran-
chisement, and extension of the suffrage. The principle
which the framers of the Bill bad laid down for the ex
tension of the suffrage was this—That they would give
the right of voting to those, and to those only, whether
by their property or by any other qualification, who could
be considered in the light of independent men. Now,
Gentlemen, I contend that it would he quite sufficient for
my justification to show that danger was to be appre-
hended to the Bill from the success of Lord Chandos's
motion. For then, surely, by every promise that I had
made,—by every pledge that I had given,—by every
engagement I had entered into,—l was bound to support
the Ministers, however much I might have differed from
them in their view of this particular motion. That such
was the conviction in the minds of his Majesty's Ministers,
I have not the slightest doubt; indeed, I have reason
to know, that the Auti-Reformers looked forward to
this measure with the greatest confidence, as the means
of defeating the Ball. It was likely to do so in the House
of Commons, because it was perfectly obvious that when
Reformers of such various shades had combined in the
support of a great measure like this, any considerable al-
teration in it,—any alteration, in fact, of principle,—might
create dissensions amongst them, and ultimately detest
it altogether. In the other House of Parliament danger
was also to be apprehended ; for, in the minds of trwst
thinking persons, if this measure succeeded, voting by
ballot would be the necessary consequence. Now many
of my constituents, who approved of the Bill, would not
have approved of the ballot, and I myself, although I
confess that I was no admirer of that mode of voting, yet,
as soon as this measure had passed, could not help looking
upon it with a very different eye.—(A voice from the
crowd, " What do you think of it now? Will you have
the ballot?" Mr. Vernon, in reply to this gustier), said,
" Sir, We'll talk of that by and by.") Gentlemen, I
contend that in either of these views of the case, either
with regard to the pledges I had given, or the danger ap-
prehended by his Majesty's Ministers, I could not be justly
blamed for voting in the way that I did. But, Gentle-
men, lam accused of sneaking conduct. It is said, " Al-
though you disapproved of the measure, i❑ your heart you
sheltered yourself under the specious pretext of pledges."
Gentlemen, perhaps I have been pill of sneaking con-
duct; for, be it known to you, that I did disapprove of

the measure. I did vote according to my conscience.—
(Applause.) I am aware that, in making this avowal, I
am descending from the vantage ground ; that I am re-
linquishing that strong position in which I considered
myself perfectly impregnable. Let gentlemen on the
other side make what use they can of my confession.
Gentlemen, if you will allow me, I will tell you why 1
disapproved of Lord Chaiidos's proposition. The chief prin-
ciple for the extension of the suffrage was, as I have told
you before, " Independence." N.iw, were the fit ty-
pound tenants at will independent ?—(No, no.) Gentlemen,
I fear that I must answer " No." But I think I hear
somebody say, " Why, do you mean to say that the fifty.
pound tenant at will is not as good, or as independent,
as the ten•pound householder ?" The fifty-pound tenant
at will may, for aught I know, he better, may he
more may be quite as well qualified, in otherrespect,
risii intelligent,ect,toexercise the franchise, as the ten-pound house-
holder, but that he is as independent I do most confi-
dently deny. If the ten-pound householder, on account

of his vote, is ejected flout his hou,e, what does he do ?
He packs up his goods and chattels in a basket, he puts
his capital on his back, and goes off to the next street,
where he may be as well, if not better lodged than he was
before...a(Cheers.) But it it so ttrith the fifty-pound te-
nant at will ? I4e bas laid out laige sums in the purchase
of stock, of implements of hnsbandry, and probably em-
barked much capital in draining, buildings, and Other im-
provetnents on his farm ; for whiCh he cannot obtain a
return for several years. If he is threatened by his land-
lord,
he has no alternative bin the misery of voting against
his conscientt, or utter ruin.—(Cheers.) But, Genth:.
men, even supposing I were wrOng.in this particular vote,
am I an enemy to the farmeica ? By no means. Here is
another misrepresentation. ,at the very time when Lord
Chandon lirringht forward his motion for giving the right
of voting to the fifty-pound tenants at will, the franchise
was already actually given by a provision of the Reform
Bill to the seven years leaseholders. Therefore, taking
the view of the case the most unfavourable to me, I could
only, to say the worst of it, be accused of voting against a
particular description of farmer—hot against the farmers in
general. Again, thost who tak me with Voting against Lord
Chandos's proposition take special care not to mention that
I voted for it in the ensuing session, when embodied in the
new Bill. If I am to have the odium of the one,
let me have the credit of the other. Gentlemen, it is false
to assert that I am an enemy to the farmers ; I wished,
according to the principles of the Bill, to form an inde-
pendent constituency. t could have no enmity against the
fifty-pound tenants at will, but I did not think that they
could exercise the franchise independently. It vexes me
to the soul to see an honest English yeoman dragged
through the mire, subjected to the degradation of voting
against his conscience, at the beck of his landlord. It is
a foul blot, and an ignominious stain in our representative
syetern.—(llear, hear.) Far better would it be to give
the franchise to the landlord at once, than to hold out this
mockery of freedom to the tenant. Perhaps some will
say, "Oh l the tenant only has the franchise in tight of
the property which belongs to his landlord—the proprietor
it is who should be represented." Gentlemen, it is said
that I am an enemy to the agricultural interest ; what if I
am a large landlord ? Why, by virtue of Lord Chandos's
motion, I may compel my tenants to vote against their
own consciences—against their own interests—the agri-
cultural interest !—(Hear, hear.) There is another
charge, so ludicrous, that had it not been repeated so often
I really could not have thought it worthy of serious no-
tice--scarcely indeed of any notice at all. I am accused of
having voted in a disgraceful minority with Mr. Hunt,
the blacking-maker.—(Laughter.) That vote was given
on principle, but no one has objected to the vote itself ;
they only find fault with my having voted with Mr. Hunt
the blacking-maker. Now, Gentlemen, if a motion be
substantially good, lam not very particular in inquiring
who is the author of it. If I mistake not, the Conserva-
tives were not apt to be snore p articular. It has been my
fortune to sit opposite to them for many a long night in
the House of Commons, and there have I seen Mr. Hunt,
the blacking-maker, sitting cheek-by-jowl with Sir Chas.
Wetherell, Sir Robert P, el, and even the Most Noble Mar-
quis of Chandos.—(Great laughter.) Therefore, Gentle-
men, in voting with Mr. Hunt, the blacking-maker, I
considered that I was following a very good conservative
example. The next charge is one of a very different
nature; I am accused of being led by the nose ; of having
no opinion of my own; of being the mere tool and instru-
ment in the bands of a party. The only answer that I
shall condescend to give to that charge is this—

" If I am traduced by tongues, which neither know
My faculties nor person—yet will be
The chronicles of my doing—let me say
'Tis but the fate of place, and the rough brake
That virtue must go through."—(Tremendous cheering.;
Gentlemen, I have thus endeavoured to refute, riot, 1
trust, unsatisfactorily, these, what I must term, contemp-
tible accusations. So much for the past; now for my
views of the future. Whenever I have appeared among
my constituents either in public or private, [ have never
neglected any opportunity of inviting them to inquire into
my political opinions. I have lately put forth a more
ample exposition of those opinions in an address, a copy
of which has, I believe, been placed in the hands of every
elector. I have the happiness of knowing that that ex-
position has been satisfactory to my friends. They there-
fore will not desire that I should say anything more upon
the present occasion. I am sure that the gentlemen on
the other side cannot consistently with their professions
expect that I should enter more into detail; for were
they to do so, they would be asking me to do that which
they themselves so loudly condemn, the pledging myself
to support particular measures before those measures have
been fully discussed.—(Cheers.) On this account there-
tore, and thinking that you will be impati,nt to hear the
sentiments of other gentlemen, I shall not occupy your
time any further ; but lest any one should still entertain
I any misapprehension as to my principles,l will sum them up
in the words of an able writer—tbat I am for those mea-
sures which will produce " the greatest good to the
greatest number, for the greatest length of time."
Mr. VERNON concluded his speech amidst cheers from
every part of the ball.
Sir ROGER GREISLEY, Burt., in addressing time elec-
tors, observed that among other nick-names, they had be-
stowed upon him that of Tory. Upon his honour, he
sincerely wished that the word Tory was entirely ex-
punged from the political vocabulary. He knew and ac-
knowledged nothing of divine right and passive obedience ;
he was not unconscious of the numerous abuses that cried
out aloud, and would have redress. But he stood with
those who stoutly maintained their attachment to monar-
chy, without which, liberty would be immolated on the
altar of anarchy—he stood in opinion with those who
insisted that the many must he governed by the few—
and standing upon these coostitutional grounds, he
might contend for the representation of the county,
even with the stoutest disciples of Windham or Fox.
lie was a friend to economy and retrenchment. With
respect to our commercial system he was certainly no
friend to what was called free trade. Free trade was a
mere name. It enables the le reign grower to overwhelm
our mat kets with raw material, and the articles of manu-
facture without any increased demand for the prcducc of
our own labour. Nothing could restore our commercial
prosperity, but our ancient, wise, prohibitory duties on
foreign imports and a retur❑ to paper currency.
Lord 'VVATERPA 11. K rose amid the cheers of the electors.
A great deal had been said respecting Ministers having
done nothing to relieve the people. No,v, the Duke of
Wellington's Government said they had carried reduction
as far as they could with safety to the State, and Earl
Grey's administration had since reduced the burdens of
the country 2,loo,ooo.—(Great applause.) Had the
Duke remained in office we should have had no other relief
than what he had carried into effect—the 2,100,0001.
would not have been saved. It was said the Whig
Ministry had done nothing—but they had taken the
tax off coals, printed cottons, and candles. Was
this nothing ?—(Loud cheers.) When the present
Ministers introduced their first budget it was the ridicule
of the House—the Tories prophe'ied the country would
soo❑ be iu a miserable state; but they were false prophets,
as there was now half a million surplus revenue, instead of
ruined finances, a proof that they knew snore tha❑ their
predecessors. They had been told of our enormous debt
of eight hundred millions, but who was it that created
that debt?—(immense applause.) Was it a Whig Go-
vernment? He wished to give all the merit due to
the Wellington Administration ; the Duke did make great
reductions, and therefore greater praise is due to the
Whigs, who made great reductions atter the other
had declared no more could be made safely; and they
did not begin with the clerks, as their predecessors 'raid
done, but reduced their own salaries first.—(Cheering.)
Respecting the Church—(Cheers)—the Bishops them-
selves thought Reform necessary, and lie was glad to ob-
serve from Col. Grey's speech that it was the intention of
Government to carry it into effect. Than tithes nothing
was snore oppressive; they almost prevented the employ-
ment of capital in the improvement of farms. He con-
sidered the corn laws injurious to the small farmers, as
prices were often greatly reduced by the admission of
foreign corn at a low duty, and the small farmer being
unable to hold his corn, was forced into the market at a
low price to make good bispayments.
The Hausa SHERIFF then took the show of hands. For
Mr. Vernon a forest of hands were raisJi up. Sir Roger
Greisley's supporters were comparatively few. Lord
NVaterpark's friends were as numerous as Mr. Vernon's.
The Sheriff declared the show of hands was in favour of
Mr. Vernon and Lord Waterpark. Mr. Gell then de-
manded a poll fur Sir Roger Greisley.