The Sun.
London, England, 1859-05-26 00:00:00

cations might promise a chance of deliverance.
That was out of the question. He was sure that
the people of Augland were opposed to the wicked-
ness of aiding in the preservation of Austria, and
so of stifling the aspirations of freedom and mur-
dering the innocent life of oppressed nationalities.
(Applause.) Therefore the people must speak out ;
for the danger would come when the war extended
—as extend it must—to other portions of the Aus-
trian dominions. It was extremely important to
make it understand that the people of England
would be as unwilling to pay one subsidy or to shed
one drop of blood for the preservation of Austria in
the Adriatic, or on the line of the Danube or that
of the Theiss, as it would be for her preservation
along the Po. He did not ask England to fight for
Italy or for Hungary ; he only asked England to
keep out of harm and not to fight for the enemy of
Italy, of Hungary, and of mankind generally. It
was said that the question was simply of the ex-
change of one taskmaster for another. Suppose it
were so. The greater the reason for England to
stand aloof. (Hear, hear.) England had no right
to prop up one despotism against another. Let the
taskmasters do to each other as much harm as they
liked—(hear, hear)—the better would it be for the
cause of the peoples. If there was really no chance
left but an exchange of masters, then let the
nations concerned decide in the matter, for it
was their business, not that of anybody else.
(Hear, hear.) What would the English philo-
Austrians answer ifthey were told from the Po, for
instance, that in France despotism was personal,
and therefore temporary ; that in France it was but
the form of government, but in Austria the murder
of national life; that whatever may have been the
form of government in France, there was always a
' nation as well as a,government, and that that
nation was, and is, one of those focusses whence the
light of civilization radiated over the world, but
that Austria was no nation but only a dynasty,
which was at all. times, is, and will be as long as it
exists, a focus from which intellectual, political,
and religious darkness is felt ? Woe to the man
who, when the fate of nations trembled in the scale
would allow himself to be guided in his judgment
by his personal sympathies and antipathies, rather
than what he owed to his country. He, for himself,
was no such man. He had calmly weighed all
aspects of the matter, and he had concluded that an
exchange of taskmasters was not the only chance,
but that there was another and a better one in
store—a chance of national emancipation, and con-
sequently of liberty. (Cheers.) This conclusion
rested, first, on the incontrovertible axiom that the
difficulties of the oppressor were always a chance
of deliverance for the oppressed ; and, secondly, on
the fact that he defied fate itself to make the condi-
tion of italy and Hungary worse than it now was.
(Hear, hear.) When things could not be made
worse, every change was for the better. The Italian
question was one of nationality—that was the only
correct view of the case. The Times called this
"an illusion, a dream." There was a particular
instinct of evil about that paper. (Laughter.) Even
when agreeing in the conclusion that England
should remain neutral, it could not help busying
itself in a mischievous direction by instinct.
The Italians had now got assistance of a cha-
racter without which the King of Sardinia could
not have unfurled the banner of Italian inde-
pendence. Let them be wise enough to profit by
the occasion ; and, having had foreign assistance

in getting rid of the foe, if they should not know
how to preserve their future independence from the
French, it would not be their misfortune, but their
own gross fault. (Applause.) After referring to
the possible motives of Louis Napoleon allying
himself with Piedmont, M. Kossuth said that, not
knowing Napoleon's intentions, he thought it safest
to look at that ruler's interests. He knew what
could not be in the interests of Napoleon, and
therefore could not be in his intentions. It could
not be in his interests to enter on the career of the
conqueror, because that would be his positive ruin,
as it was of Napoleon I. It was positively against
his interests to aim at the oppression of nationali-
ties ; irreverent disregard of the sentiment of
nationalities sent Napoleon I. to die, a fettered
eagle, on the scorching rocks of St. Helena. Napo-
leon 111. was not the man to repeat the fault by
which Napoleon I. fell. .By doing good to the
oppressed nationalities he might earn great moral
advantages ; by doing them harm he could earn
nothing but ruin. (Hear, hear.) M. Kossuth en-
larged upon the localisation of the war, and the
consequent chance for Italy and Hungary, if Eng-
land did not interfere ; and contended that that
interference would certainly bring Russia to the
side of France, and so cause a general European
war. He utterly denied that Austria was entitled
to any aid from England, and he compared his
original reception and subsequent treatment by
those who now leant towards Austria, with the con-
duct and sympathy towards him of the great mass of
the English people. In conclusion, he said—All I ask
of you as a nation is, to keep out of harm ; that is the
only public service, which, under present circum-
stances, you can render to the dawning prospects of
the cause of national emancipation, In parting
from you—and it may be in the last words which
I shall address to any assembly in Manchester—l
invoke the blessings of the Almighty on your coun-
try, to the consummation of time. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. T. BAZLEY, M.P., moved :

" That the past interference of the English Government
in the disputes of Continental states has not secured that
visionary object—the balance of power—(hear, hear)—nor
has it promoted the freedom of the nations of Europe—
(hear, hear)—and that its main result has been to load the
industry of England with enormous debt and oppressive
taxes, to impede the progress of reform, and to lessen the
comforts and happiness of the people."
The MAYOR of Salford seconded the resolution.
He said an immense amount of evil would follow,
if we engaged in the present war. War had never
enriched a people, anti even when successful was
destructive of happiness and wealth.
The resolution v. as passed unanimously.
Mr. G. HADFIELD, M.P., moved :

" That this meeting, fully confiding in the patriotism and
the energy of the people of England to repel any aggression
upon their territory, expresses its satisfaction at the official
declaration of neutrality, as embodied in the Royal procla-
mation of the 12th inst., pledging her Majesty's Govern-
ment to abstain from taking any part, either directly or in-
directly, in the war whichhas commenced on the Continent,
but to maintain a strict and iinpartial neutrality ; and urges
upon the Government a rigid adherence to the principles of
this proclamation whether the present conflict be or be not
confined to the Italian peninsula."
Mr. Hadfield, in the course of some very brief re-
marks. referred to the address of M. Kossuth, and
said he bad deep sympathies with a country which
had produced such a man, and he hoped that it
might soon achieve its independence. (Applause.)
As Mr. Hadfield sat down, M. Kossuth advanced
and cordially shook him by the hand, amid the
cheering of the audience.
Mr. J. A. NICHOLLS seconded the resolution,
which was supported by Dr. WATTS, who said that,
after what they had heard, there could be few in
the room whose minds were not made up as to the
course which England ought to pursue. He con-
curred entirely in all that M. Kossuth had said.
This resolution was also passed unanimously.

Mr. T. B. POTTER proposed a resolution express•
ing the thanks of the meeting to M. Kossuth for
his address, and its admiration of his noble. conduct
during his residence as an exile in this country. He
remarked that, whatever might be done by the other
nations of Europe during the war, England must
still keep herself the asylum of o ;Tressed foreigners.
(Cheers.) He did not see any harm in the present
movement to establish rifle corps in England, as he
no more feared giving the working people arms
than giving them the franchise. (Renewed cheers.)
The Rev. MAE:MADUKE MILLER seconded the
resolution, which was supported by Mr. S. POPE,
and passed with acclamation.
M. Kossuni, in responding, begged the meeting
to cherish their flame of sympathyfor his country,
for he trusted that great days were in store for her.
If they should hear that the straggle for freedom
was again resumed, he asked notuin,g but their
prayers to God that it might be successful. In
conclusion, he proposed a vote of thanks to the
chairman, which, being seconded by Mr. T. B.
Potter, was passed,"and the proceedings terminated
at a quarter after ten o'clock.

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