The Sun.
London, England, 1832-05-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUTSLIC JOURNALS

We vestertlay anticipated the refusal on the pant
of his Majesty to create Peers, and the consequent
resignation of Ministers. Our anticipations have
been realized. Lot,' Grey's Ministry has ceased ti
exist. We alluded yesterday to the journey of East
Grey and the Chancellor to Vs indsor, and the G-
binet Council which was held on their return. Int
the interview with his Majesty the two Noble Lords
stated, that, after what had taken place in the House
of Lords on Monday last, it appeared to them im-
possible to carry the Reform Bill through that
House unimpaired without an addition to the
House of Peers. They bad, therefore, only the al-
ternative of recommending such a creation of Peer:
as would enable them to redeem their pledges to the
nation, or to tender their resignations. His Ma-
jesty (hough of course prepared for the advice and
prepared with his answer) said that he would ac-
quaint them with his determination by nine o'clock
next (yesterday) motning. The communication ar-
rived in due time, that the King declined to create
Peers, and accepted the resignation of Minis-
ters. They now merely hold their places till
their successors are appointed. In both Houses
the resignation was communicated by Ministers ;
;,n the Lords by Earl Grey, and in the Com-
mons by Lord Althorp. Ministers have done
their duty, and done it nobly. The House of Lords
have opposed themselves to the nation, and to a
House of Commons acting in accordance with the
nation. The two Houses, then, are at issue; and
tine House of Commons is called upon to rescue the
nation and itself from the dominion over both claimed
by the House of Lords. In the House of Commons,
then, the contest begins. Lord Ebrington last
night, immediately after Lord Althorp had mede
his statement, stated that " under the circumstances
he felt it his duty to propose a motion to-morrow
(this day). of which he should now give notice.
T, -morrow (this day) he should move an humble
address of that House to his Majesty on the present
state of public affairs—(Cheers)—and although he
supposed that every gentleman who might I.e of
his opinion would attend on the occasion, he should
move a call of the House." Mr. T. Duncombe said
" it was necessary that the people of England
should know who were the waverers in that House
—(Cheers)—and who were the men that would
consistently support the vote which they had given
last year, and which, in his opinion, ought now
to be repeated."—(Hear, hear, hear.) We trust
the House will not stultify itself by an abandonment
of those men who have acted on the faith of its
pledge of last year, but will now redeem that pledge.
Judging from the indications of last night, we are
indeed full of hope and confidence. There may be
a few waverers; but, good God, what man is there
with a decent modicum of brains and a heart inn his
bosom, who will expose himself to the contempt and
scorn of this great nation now looking on this great
drama with intent interest, by shrinking from the
consequences of his vote at a time when he is called
on to redeem his pledge? The great majority Nv o
pledged themselves to the Ministry last year will re-
deem their pledge. Indeed all confidence would be
at an end, were Honourable Members not only to
violate their pledges to their Constituents, but to
earrifice those Ministers who endeavoured to give .
effect to their decision in the only manner consistent I

with the Constitution. He who says that Peers
ought not to be made to place the House of Lords
;a harmony with the House of Commons, says that
the House of Commons ought to remain in a state
of degrading subserviency to the House of Lords.
Lord Althorp wished Lord Ebrington to postpone
his appeal to the opinion of the House. This is
being too candid. Lord Ebrington very properly
refused compliance. The dignity of the House is
concerned. The interests of the nation are con-
cerned. The House of Lords have compelled the
House of Commons to act with due decision. Mr.
Lahouchere forcibly observed-
1f the House now shrunk from their duty, he for one
feared 01 it the greatest calamities must follow. If the
Hou-e slid what the country had a right to expect from it,
the country would receive with sorrow, but in a peaceful
mann,r, the.intelligence which would be communicated to
; but if the House did not, as was its duty, place itself
in the front of the battle—if they were such cravens as to
allow a Government which had honourably redeemed its
pledges to he driven from their seats by a vote of the other
House, he for one should have mast melancholy anticipa-
tions.—(Hear, hear.) He could not avoid contemplating
scene+ at which every man must shudder."

The same language was held by several Members.
Mr. Hume said " he waited with impatience for the
motion of the Noble Lord, and he trusted that to
support that motion every man would adopt that
course which the interests of the country, the dig-
my of that Howe, and the public peace required."
Tee veteran and patriotic Sir John Newport said,
it was essential to the well-being of the country,
that the opinion of the majorityof the House should
be unequivocally and firmly expressed." " All
England (said Mr. O'Connell) had spoken, and had
sent a majority of Reformers to Parliament for all
open places, and the only question was, would they
Le firm to themselves, or would they shrink from
the contest with a sordid oligarchy ? If the people
of England were true to themselves, and insisted on
Reform, they must have it. The people of Scot-
land, he knew, did manfully insist on Reform, and
when they had so come forward they never yet had
failed." This day, then, will be decisive of the
matter, if the House of Commons does its duty.
The people will keep the House in their eye for their
guidance, for it is of the utmost importance that
they should act with prudence as well as decision.
The Government cannot be carried on, thank God,
without the House of Commons ; and were a disso-
lution to take place tc-morrow, the next House would
be as decidedly hostile to the Boroughmongers as
The present. We defy Lord Lyndhurst, the Duke of
Wellington, Lord Harrowby, or any set of men, to
overcome the difficulties inseparable from the posi-
tion in which they have placed themselves of setting
themselves in opposition to the nation. There is
no alternative if the people remain true to them-
selves, which they assuredly will, but a return to
reason on the part of the haughty boroughmongering
Lord', or an attempt to govern by the sword. In
the House of Lords, the plain statement of Earl
Grey was not calculated to call forth any observa-
tion from the opposition, and none was immediately
made ; but having, in the course of it, intimated
that it was not his intention to propose that they
should go on to-morrow (this day) with the consi-
deration of the Reform Bill, Lord Ell,nborough,
who is now all for Reform, afterwards observed,
that " if the order for proceeding with the Reform
Bill in Committee were discharged, another day
should be fixed for that proceeding." Lord Grey
said he saw no necessity for naming another day ;
when the Earl of Carnarvon, the furious, moderate,
and bit-and-Lit Reformer, broke out into a violent
tirade against the Ministry for deserting the Reform
Bill, on account of a mere matter of alphabetical ar
s-.lngement.

do not think (said his Lordship) that we shall do
our duty to our Sovereign, left by the extraordinary con-
duct of the Noble Earl and his colleagues in a most diffi-
cult, if not a most perilous situation, if we permit this
order to be so contemptuously discharged, and abandon
the measure now, because we expressed our wish—a wish
which we share with tlae treat majority of intelligent men
of the country—to proceed with it on the rowit liberal and
conciliatory prineiples.—(A laugh, anti cries of Hear,
hear.') Bicaure the mode of proceeding which your
Lordships have thought proper to adopt with respect to
the Bill is not ex ictly that of which the Noble Lords op-
posite approve—because the alphabetical arrangement
which the Noble L is opposite recommend, your Lord-
ships have not thought it proper to tollow—because ) our
Lordships decline to consider schedules A and B until you
have considered sliedules C and D; such are the only
grounds on which the Noble Lords opposite have pro-
ceeded. Sly Lords, the Noble Lords opposite may art as
they think ti ; we knotv the grounds,
.the slight
grounds, which their defeat on 3lunday evening afforded
them for one of the most atrocious ptopcsitions with
which a subject ever dared to insult the ears of this
sovereign."
What idiots this Noble Lord must suppose the
people to be who could be duped by this nonsense!
As if it were not known—nay, .4 us riot even avowed
Lord Lyndhurst, thst the object in beginning

their part •.-
Ttley will pay nu rt

with enfranchisement was to see whether or not the%
rnigiiilispense with the disfranchising clauses.Lor'd
Grey 9 -answer was not required to satisfy all per-
sons of unprejudiced minds that the Noble Earl %%a
offering an insult to common sense, in representilq:
the difference as one of form merely. But that admi-
t. ible answer will have the effect of depriving
honest men of a pretext for repeating the insult.
" The Noble Earl," observed Lord Grey, " says that
the grounds on which we proceeded were only trifling ;
that they were only mere matters o ffbrm ; that, in point of
fact, it was only if the discussion of the schedules C and D
should or should ❑ot precede the discussion of the shetlul.
A and B. If that was really the case, then the Noble Eat
is right ; but that was not the rase. In the debate on
Mondi.:y evening, I distinctly stated to your Lordships the
reasons which rendered it evident to me that the question
which we were discussing was of the utmost importance.
and that it materially affected the principle of the Bill.
The principle of the Bill is, to relieve the Constitution from
the numerous evils which result from the existence of the
nomination boroughs. The proposition made to your Lord-
ships on Monday was, to postpone the consideration of that
subject to the consideration of another ; and to make de-
pend on that other the disfranchisement which the Bill
tended first to remove. That was a very material change
in the character of the measure. But, my Lords, that is
not all. In what situation was the author of the Bill
placed after the question of Monday evening was carried ?
The Noble Earl said in that discussion that he. was dis-
posed to grant a considerable Reform; hut I did not hear
any other Noble Lord on that side of the House say so,
except a Noble Lord who expressed his willingness to
agree to the whole of the disfranchisement comprehended
in schedule A. But by whom was the proposition of
Monday evening made ? By a Noble and Learned Lord,
who, in the course of the very speech which he made on
that occasion, stated that he still considered the Bill to be
inconsistent with the safety of the Government and sub-
versive of the Constitution. What right had we to sup-
pose that the Noble and Learned Lord would support the
disfranchising portions of the Bill when they came to be
considered ? And by whom was the Noble and Learned
Lord's proposition supported In the first place by
a Noble Duke who has declared that the present
state of the representation is incapable of being amended
by human ingenuity or wisdom. By whom else was that
proposition supported ? By another Noble Duke who has
declared himself hostile to any disfranchisement--by a
Noble Baren, who expressed his hope that, by adopting
the proposition of the Noble and Learned Lord, their Lord-
ships might entirely avoid the necessity of any disfran-
chisement. My Lords, under these circumstances, is it
nut childish to say the question decided by your Lordships
on Monday was merely one of form or precedence.—
(Hear, hear, Lean)"

. .
Lord Grey added, that it was quite ridiculous to
think of carrying tEe Bill through a House with a
majority four-fifths of whom were hostile to all Re-
form. The Anti-Reformers now, however, begin
,o sing another song. Lord Carnarvon is afraid
the country will not FOOD enough be in possession
of their liberal intentions, and, on his proposition,
the House on Monday next is to proceed with the
consideration of the Reform Bill in Committee.
Their Lordships, " in the present state of the
country (said Lord Csrnarvon very naively), had
no choice, but were under the necessity of con-
ceding some considerable, but as safe as possible,
Reform." Some considerable! Bit-by-bit has
grown into some considerable. To whom are we
indebted for this change? The justice of Noble
Lords ? No, no. They have no choice. We
know that they have no choice : but we have
a choice; and we are determined, that while honest
men like Earl Grey remain, in whom the people
have full confidence, we will not trust these hype-

crites—these cheats—these. men who are only re-
strained by cowardice from plunging daggers into
the breasts of the people. This great nation, thank
God, is not the propel ty of a parcel of intriguing
Lords—it will not suffer itself to be insulted. These
tricksters have made their be-i?-311,1 as they have
made it, they must lie on it. We will have no com-
munion with them.—Morning chronicle.

The awful crisis in which the British empire is
now placed sugges's other duties, even to a jour-
nalist, than that of lenghtened dissertation. Every
man, without exception of age or calling, asks his
neighbour the question, " What is to be done ?"
In both Houses of the Legislature language has
been used, or proceedings announced for immediate
recommendation to Parliament, which prove the
depth and power of the sentiment excited in all

hearts by the events of the present week. Yester-
day morning, as we stated in a second edition, his
Majesty signified to his official servants that he ac-
cepted the resignations which they had tendered to
him on the previous evening. But those resigna-
tions being, as is well known, contingent merely on
the King's refusal to take, through his Ministers,
the proper steps for eecuring the passage of the
Reform Bill through Parliament, the acceptance of
the resignations was nothing more than a negative
upon the adoption of the proposed means, being the
only ones through which it could by possibility be
accomplished. As he, therefore, who really
" villa the end" must of necessity " will the
means," the conclusion to which every reason-
ing mind must come is, in plain English, that
the Sovereign was not earnest in his desire for Re-
form,—that at least he preferred the supremacy of
an anti-reform faction in the House of Lords, to the
advancement of the great cause of Reform through
an accession to the liberal Peerage. If it be said
that his Majesty might wish the success of the Bill,

but be unwilling to purchase it by a creation of
Peers, the answer is obvious—the King had ac
tually assented to a creation of such extent as might
insure the second reading, and that at a time when it
was taken for granted that the success of the second
reading would be equal to a guarantee for the entire
measure. King William, therefore, having himself
admitted the principle of a creation of Peers for one
purpose, his MAjesty's advocates, or confidential
(though irresponsible) advisers, cannot turn round
and exclaim against the legitimacy of a similar cre-
ation for a purpose still more important. The King
is estopped from such a plea. What his Majesty's
I,elings may be, under the new relation in which he
already stands towards a people who, within one
short week, adored him, it would be disrespectful,
however curious, to speculate. Some explicit
evidences of a change in the public spirit
on that point might already, we believe, be ad-
duced. Could any, besides Ministers known to the
Constitution, be saddled in law with that responsi-
bility which, in a moral point of view, belongs to
hem, the list of pernicious advisers on the present
occasion would, we apprehend, be such as to affect
a grave English auditor with melancholy, a lively
cne with laughter, and both with immeasurable
worn. Men of naive birth, whom the country has
righteously discarrled,—foreign women whom it
may have too easily adopted,—and others whose
presumptuous impertinence is screened even from
reprimand by the sacred offices and missions with
which these dames have been associated,—such
!night possibly be found to swell the obnoxious
catalogue of intruders between a British King
triti people. Reaction ! Yes, verily, there
bids fair to be reaction enough—if not against the

principles of Reform—too surely against the per-
•ons of those who have betrayed or abandoned it.
Too soon and too grievously will it be felt,
ihat the devoted attachment of 24,000,000 of
en might have been reta.ned for one-tenth of
the price which it will cost individals of pro-
minent station to recover it. But to return to the
Parliamentary transactions of yesterday, as reflecting
a true image of the time. After Lords Grey and
Brougham had given to the House of Peers those
explanations which were rein!ered necessary by their
retirement from office, Lord Carnarvon anew away
s,>ine,what may be called, posthumous anger, at the
ins.ignificunce of the ground upon which his Majesty's
Ministers had thought fit to resist their opponents,
4nd subsequently to throw up the Government.
We doubt not that Lord Carnarvon and others of
party to which he has of late acceded, would
n o to found it far more convenient had Ministers been
.cupid enough to remain in office, leaving themselves
the Reform Bin at the mercy of a band of men
ho Lord Grey well de,crihed as being, four-fifth,:
of them, enemies to all Reform. It would have
I,en passing lucky fur the Conservatives had
Lard Grey consented to be a nightly and help-
a apertt..A. of the progreasiVe mutilation

of the Bill ; but, in the eyt s of the peopl.
all the while a party conniving at its ruin
A slight ground! A mere matter of prece
deuce, truly ! between echedules ABCD! Wlr.,
what a childish trick is to denominate the
expedient of a Learned Lord and of a Gallant Duke,
both sworn enemies of the principle of disfranchise-
ment above all other',—to cut down the operation
of that principle to a nullity, by making it depen-
dent on their own will and pleasure in the enfran-
chisement of populous towns ! So little are the
enfranchising clauses entitled to take precedence of
the schedules A and B, that if there were not a
single town in England, such as Birmingham or•
Manchester, with claims to the choice of represen-
tarivee, the non-existence of such a claim in the no.
mination borowehe is, of itself, a proof that they
ought to be disfranchised, even though no Members
to supply the place of theirs should be added to the
House of Commons thus diminished. The most
impudent doctrine that ever was broached is this
of refusing to rid the people of England from
wrongous intruders upon the management of
their rights and interests, until we have first disco.
vered fresh constituencies fit to be intrusted with
the powers so usurped : as if it were more necessary
to keep the blouse of Commons brimful, with 6.58
members, than to purge it of those miscalled mem-
bers who represent nothing but themselves ! Lord
Car narvon " took" so little by his excursion against
Lord Grey, that we doubt his inclination to repeat
it. The motives of the noble Earl and his colleagues
for resigning are such as the whole empire must ap.
plaud. In the House of Commons the proceedings
were most interesting, animating and decided. Lord
Ebrington here also, as in the former instance of a
refractory spirit shown by the Peers, has come forth
like an independent and uncompromising member
of Parliament. After a brief declaration of his acts
and motives by Lord Althorp, the noble member for
Devon announced his intention of this day moving
an address to his Majesty " upon the present state of
public affairs," embracing, as it is said, a strong ex-
pression of the feelings of the House with regard
to the necessity of promoting the progress of the
Reform Bill through Parliament. The Noble Lord
followed up that notice by another—for a call of
the Kruse ; in both, we are happy to add that,
against many dissuasions on as many pretences, he
persisted. By the tenour of the address, his Ma-
jesty will be taught the sustained and unanimous
feeling of his subjects upon the great measure, now
in a condition of immediate, though not final jeo-
pardy. By the operation of the "call," the country
will learn how many of its representatives are stead- '
fast in their duty, and honest, resolute, and patient,
in the maintenance of the people's rights. Mr.
Baring and kiir Robert Peel made some attempts to
wring from Lord Althorp details of fact, not merely
as to the general cause of his resignation, but as to its
circumstances and adjuncts ; but this peg for cavillers
was a signal failure. Mr. Baring distinguished him-
self in the present case, not less than former ones, by
the cool complacency of his assumptions, both of
fact and argurne»t. He assumed that all the sober
and sensible part of the community must entertain
high respect for the Anti-Reform Peers,—he as-
slimed that a reassertion of its own opinions by the
House of Commons would be a " bullying" of
the Peers,—he assumed that a naked statement
of advice having been given to the King,
which he rejected, " implied" a censure upon
his Majesty. Very sad indeed ; and must a
Minister, responsible for his resignation, suppress an
essential truth, because of its implying blame upon
a third party ? He further assumed, that advice to
the King to save the Commons from degradation by
a Reform, and the kingdom from revolution, by a
creation of Peers, was a most outrageous and un-
constitutional counsel; and further (and, indeed, this
was a climax worthy the representative of his own
breeches pocket), he assumed that " a very large
majority of the people of England would be imbued
with strong feelings of gratitude towards his Ma-
jesty, for so promptly accepting the resignation of
those who tendered" to him the advice which he
rejected! So much for Mr. Alexander Baring, Sir
R. Peel's notion about the appointment arid dis-
missal of Ministers being mere personal acts of the
King, was hardly to be expected from a British
Statesman. Such a doctrine may suit a Count
or Colonel of the Russian empire, but is un-
worthy of the Right Honourable Baronet. But
where is it all to end? With a House of Commons

inclined, as we trust this is, to do its duty, how is
it possible for any other than an honest and thorough
reforming Ministry now to carry on the Government
of England with success ? Can Lord Harrowby be
a true Reformer ? And, above all, can he possess
the confidence of Parliament, or the nation ? Can
the Duke of Wellii:gton be both an honest man and
a Reformer to the extent of the Bill ? Will he, as
Minister, support that Bill in its integrity, which
he declared on Monday last, if ever so much
amended, would be an " evil still ?" And lastly,
will the people of England accept, but as an out•
rageous insult, any measure mutilated, disfigured,
and patched up by the officers of the Conservative
Clubhouse ? In the mean time the nation is agitated
to its centre, and who shall say to the angry waves
"be still ?" We oberve in the Court Circular

that Lord Lyndhurst had an rudience of ids Ma-
jesty after the close of the Court. The King then
left London without seeing any other Member of
the Opposition. The rumour that the Duke of Wel-

lingtoti bad been sent fur, turns out to be incorrect.
Lord Harrowby seems also to have been forgotten
by the King : the country, however, will not forget
the noble Marpla, who has not only upset those
whom he professed to support, but has been fool-
ishly caught in his own net. He should go back to
Florence and read his Machiavelli more carefully.—
Times.

The King► having declined to sanction the only
step which now remained to be taken in order to in-
sure the success of the Reform Bill, the Ministers
had no alternative but to res4n. It is not true, as
stated in an Evening Paper, that they tendered their
res;gnation on Tuesday. On that day Lords Grey
and Brougham communicated to the King the final
determination of the Cabinet, which was to the effect

that it was necessary his Majesty should create
Peers, or that Ministers should resign. The King
took until yesterday to consider the application, and

Then announced his intention not to create Peers.
This, though not exactly the same thing as an ac-
ceptance of a resignation tendered by Ministers, was
equivalent to an intimation that his Majesty could
dispense with their services. The Courier says the
King's answer was the " kindest possible," and
that his Majesty expressed his regret at receiving
such a communication from Ministers who had
always acted so as to deserve his confidence.
No doubt the King's answer was expressed
in the most polite terms ; but the extent of
its " kindness" is better appreciated from the
refusal which it conveyed than from the well-
bred language which graced the harshness of
that refusal. A consent to the proposed creation
of Peers, though expressed in his polished terms,
would perhaps have been thought " kinder" by the
Ministers and the country than the most "gracious"
announcement of a determination to prefer the
wishes of the majority of the House of Lords to the
a !vice of those Ministers and the petitions of the
people. If Ministers have always acted so as to
&serve the confidence of his Majesty, why does he
,vithdrsw it now ? The actions of Kings, as well
'as of other men, are very often much better evidence
of their real sentiments than their words. No So-
vereign had ever ins this country enjoyed a larger
share of popularity than William IV. What was
? Hi* appearing to
friend of that Re-
itriereasosiunrcceereofatnldiatunpeoopnu,plarroirnt7i3ing
form measure which he has now abandoned to
untimely fate. In proportion to the ardour of
he hopes which the people had fixed upon the
King, will be the severity of their disappointment.
nut
is
his Majesty the party chiefly to blame for
/:suing raied their expectations to the highest
eient from their lips ? Let us see. Earl Grey came
p Ma, and then dashed the cup of promised enjoy-
pito the Ministry expressly upon the condition of
supporting a Reform in Parbanieet, To effect this

111 tentiou, he brought in that Bill by the
hands of Lord John Russell, which was certainly a
sweeping measure of Reform, as to the extent or the
changes, both in respect to disfranchisement and en-
tranchisenient, which it embraced. That Bill we
supported, but, as our readers are aware, not in or,
unqualified sense. We approved of the disfran-
chisement of the nomination boroughs, and of the
enfranchisement of the large towns, with the exten-
-ion of the right of voting to the middle classes, at
the same time that we pointed out many detects and
anomalies in the Bill, and reprobated the complica-
ted and clumsy machinery by which it was to be
worked. If we had nothing else to obiect to the
Bill, we could never see the justice or policy of cut-
ting off the scot and lot voters in places where that
sort of franchise was already enjoyed—for we
thought it only fair that what are called the lower
classes should have some representatives in the
House of Commons; but the effect of Lord Grey's
Bill would be to leave the operative classes
wholly without representation. Bat whatever were
the defects of the Bill, Ltsid Grey brought it in as
the wisest measure of Parliatnentaty Reform that he
could devise. His colleagues supported it, not only
ss unexceptionable in all respects, but as abso-
lutely requisite for the salvation of the country. The
Journals that professed to be the organs of the Mi-
nistry cried out, and taught a great portion of the
people to cry for " the whole Bill, and nothing but
the Bill;" and those Journals assured the country,
over and over again, that Lord Grey's Administra-
tion had the full and perfect support of the King in
this measure;—and when we ventured, on one oc-
casion, to expre•s our belief that the King was in-
clined to create Peers for the purpose of carrying the
Reform Bill, those Journal's treated such an opinion

•as no better than rank heresy, and, with the most
pompous pretension to intimate knowledge of the
secret movements of the State machinery, assured
the public that the King had given Lord Grey a
carte blanche for the creation of Peers, which he was
to fill up whenever he pleased, his Majesty only
requiring of him that he should not exercise that
power unless a positive necessity arose. That
necessity was at length proved by the result of the
tit division which took place in the C.immittee; and

when the country expected that Lord Grey would in-
stantly proceed to fill up hia carte blanche, and that
the next Gazette would, ai a matter of cour•e, an-

uounce the names of the titled corps de reserve which
was to be marched up to strike the decisive blow in

favour of Reform, they hear with astonishment that
Lords Grey a►dt Brougham have gone down to
Windsor to endeavour to persuade the King to
create Peers ! It is clear that a gross deception has
been practised on the country ; and let us ask who
have been the parties to that deception ? The
King's name had, undoubtedly been often made use
of by the Whig Ministers in such a way as im-
posed on the public credulity, and made it be very
generally believed that there were no lengths which
the utmost limits of constitutional power embraced
which his Majesty was not prepared to go, with the
view of carrying the Reform Bill. Tl►e people have
been, therefore, grossly deceived. When the Ministe-
rial Journals announced that Eirl Grey had the carte
blanche for creating Peers itt his pocket, there was
no contradiction, on the part of the Ministers, either
in Parliament or out of it, of this utterly groundless
and delusive statement. This was not like fair
dealing on the part of the Whig Ministers with the
nation. We recollect indeed that when the Duke of

Wellington, on the second reading of the Bill, ad-
verted to the use which had been made of the King's
name, and declared that he did not believe a word
of the imputed zeal of his Majesty for the success of

the 8.11, the Ministerial Pre.s attacked him in no
measured terms, as a calumniator of the King. Yet
it now appears that he knew his Majesty's mind
better than some of his Ministers, and, to do the
Duke justice, he has acted a straightforward, manly,
and consistent part, in opposing the Bill from the
beginning to the end ; and we think an open enemy
is preferable to a treacherous friend. Under cover
of the popularity which the apparently determ;ned
support of the Reform Bill gained for the King, the
Civil List was largely and liberally settled, and the
supplies not parsimoniously voted. The King was,
then, either a sincere supporter of the Bill, or he was
not. If he sincerely supported it, what has since oc-
curred to change his mind? If he did not sincerely
support it, how came the Duke of Wellington to
understand this better than any of the King's Mi-
nisters ? As to what has been said of the Queen,
we leave it out of sight, as we do not make war
upon women, nor do those who defend his Majesty'
on that ground pay him any compliment by repre-
senting him to be so weak as to hold his opinions
only at the mercy of the capricious influence which
they describe. Presuming his Majesty, as we are in
decency bound, not to hare lent his name to the de-
ception of the public, we ask why have Lord Grey
and his colleagues so long kept the Reform question
in agitation, to the detriment of all the other great
interests of the country, to the ruin almost of trade
and all regular industry, while the public were made
to believe that the King was pledged, not only to
support the Bill in all its stages, but to exercise, if
necessary, the extreme power of the prerogative, to
secure its final triumph ? But, though the people
have been deceived by some party, we trust they
will show their love fur the Constitution by observ-
ing the laws, and disclaim the violent and mis-
chievous counsels of all intemperate advisers. The
Reform Bill has been indeed defeated, but the cause
of Reform is not lost.-3forning Herald.

Happy Change of Ministry.—We have this day
to perform one of the most pleasing public duties
that has ever fallen to our lot, in congratulating the
Nation on its happy riddance of perhaps the most
imbecile and mischievous Administration that ever
presided over the affairs of this country. It will
lie seen by our Parliamentary Reports that, in con-
sequence of the King having nobly resolved not to
adopt an odious expedient in regard to the Reform
Bill, which even Lord Grey himself had acknow-
ledged would be illegal arid unconstitutional, those
ievolutionary Ministers, fearful of incurring the dis-
pleasure of the mob and of the Political Unionists,
have resigned those situations, which with all their
love of place and emolument, they knew they could
not retain, unsupported by the Radicel faction, into
whose hands they bad so unworthily thrown them-
,, Ives. Are we not, therefore, warranted in offer.

ing our most cordial congratulations on so auspici-
ous an event ? The Constitution is safe, and the
country can no longer be deemed in danger. What
happy results arising from virtuous exertions. The
Lords have immortalized themselves by the firm and
successful stand they have made in favour of the
Ginstitution, and'our excellent King by refusing to de-
grade that truly Noble House, becomes for ever en-
deared to all his loyal subjects, in whose grateful
hearts he will henceforward reign as the saviour of
his conntry. To prove the imbecility of the late
Administration, it is not necessary to refer to their
repeated and continual blunders in every department
of the public service. We omit their precious Bud-
get, of which folly was the least fault, since it com-
bined, with extraordinary folly, a direct violation of
public faith. We omit their miscalculating of the
public revenue, arid their affectation of joy and con-
fidence on the express ground of a financial deficit,
before unknown in England. We omit their creation
of a Court of Bankruptcy, which will not work, or
works only to deprive the subject of all the benefit
which the whole law of bankrup,cy was intended to
collier. We omit their game law, which was in-
tended to put an end to poaphiug,, and has doubled
We omit the fact, that in the eighteen months
of their Administration a greater number of men
Hive been executed in England for political offences
I hall in the eighteen antecedent years. We omit
t lie still more important fact that these unfortunate
teen were, without a single exception, the victims
of an excitement which Ministers themselves '
ad studiously excited. We omit the present to
Russia of many millions of English money, for the
ivowed purpose of promoting an object repugnant
to the honour and hostile to the interests of Eng-
Lnd. We emit the thousand inconsistencies and
debasements of their foreign policy. We omit the
te.eolutionary character of their Reform Bill, which