The Sun.
London, England, 1866-06-30 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 30, 1866.

added ; two-yr-olds 6st 71b, three Bst 71b ; mares and
geldings allowed 31b ; winners once 31b, twice 51b ex. ;
T.Y.C. 6 subs.

Miss Martineau, 3 yrs, Maggie 2 yrs, lona 3 yrs,
Honesty, 3 yrs, Prelate, 2 yrs, Slap Bang, 2 yrs.
The GRAND STAND PLATE (Handicap) of 50 sovs ; win-
ners of any race after June 18 (at ten a.m.) 51b, of two
or more races 101 b extra ; once round.

Age at lb Age at lb
Lozenge 4 812 Moll Flagon ... 4 612
Gayous 5 7 6 Brown Willie 4 6 12
Tnng ... 4 7 6 Lady Vane ... 3 6 12
The Tyke ... 57 4 Yarrow ... ... 46 8
Arkenside ... 4 7 2 Deerhousd 4 6 8
The Fawn ... 6 7 0 Miss Williams 3 6 6
Madras ... 4 7 0 Lady of the Tees 3 6 4
White Rose ... 4 7 0 Shamrock 3 6 0
Blood Royal ... a 7 0 Bob Chambers ... 3 6 0
Buccleueli ... 4 7 0 Souverain ... 3 5 12
JULY 4.—The SURREY HANDICAP of 3 soya each, with 30
added, for all ages; winners after the weights appear
71b extra. T.Y.C. To close and name by 6 o'clock
on Tuesday evening, and the weights to appear the
samo night.

The HOLM HILL STAKES of 3 sovs each, with 20 added ;
2-yr-olds 7st 131 b, three 9st 41b, four lOst 41b, five lOst
111 b, six and aged lOst 131 b; winners of 50 sovs clear at
any time up to the time of starting 31b, twice or 100
sovs clear Glb (handicaps excepted);- tyro-year-olds
having started three times without winning allowed Mb;
maiden three-year-olds allowed 51b, four 101 b, five and
upwards 141 b; in addition to other allowances ; mares
and geldings allowed 21b ; the winner to be sold for 100
sovs ; if entered for 80 allowed 71b, 60 121 b, 40 181 b, 30
241 b. Three-quarters of a mile. To close and name
s.ame time and place as the Trial Stakes.

HER MAJESTY'S PLATE of 100 gs : three year olds Bst 31b,
four 9st 71b, five 9st 121 b, six and aged 9st 131 b. Two
miles. To name as for the Trial Stakes.

CONSOLATION ►SCRAMBLE (Handicap) of 3 sovs each, with
20 added; for beaten horses; half a mile. To name
after the race for her Majesty's Plate ; weights to be
published immediately.

The LOTTERY STAKES (handicap) of 5 soya each, 3 ft, with
40 added; winners of a handicap after June 18 (at ten
a.m.) of 100 sovs or upwards, 61b, of two of that value
91b extra, the winner of the Northumberland Plato 91b
extra, the second in the samo 41b extra ; ono milo and a
quarter ; 13 subs.

st lb Ago st
lozenge ..Ag
4e . 810 !Lady Vane ... 36 lb
10
Gayous ... 5 7 4 Deerhound ... 4 G 10
Miss Pickle ... 5 7 3 Miss Williams ~. 3 6 4
Our Jim ... ... 5 7 2 Strachino 3 6 4
Holstein ... 4 7 0 Shamrock ... 3 5 12
Lady Durham ... 4 7 0 Souverain 3 5 9
Brown Willie 4 6 10

RACING FIXT

RES FOR 1866.

JU.
Carlisle
Newmarket July
Pontefract
Abingdon
Reachog
Nottingham
Down Royal
Knutsford
Stamford l9

Radcliffe 23
Winchester 24
Spilsby
Chesterfield
Southampton 25
Huntingdon
Caen 29
Goodwood 3l

AUG

Airdrie 2
Deauville
Ripon 6
Brighton 7
Brighton Club
Lowes lO
Egham l4
Wolverhampton l4
Stockton l5
Oxford l6
OCT I

UST.
Hastings 2l
York August 2l
Dover
Plymouth
Lichfield

T unbridge 2B
Yarmouth

Derby Summer 29
Weymouth 29
Baden Baden 3l

Northampton 2
Lothians' Racing Club 3
Ryl. Cal. Hunt and Kelso 3
Bedford

IBER.
Newmarket 2d October... 8
Hereford ..... 18
Newmarket Houghton ... 22

SEPT

:MBER.
Monmouth

Warwick September 4
Leicester 6
Doncaster
Brecon l7
Canterbury lB
Richmond

Manchester Autumn 25
Newmarket Ist October 25
Walsall
Lanark 27

NOVEMBER.
Lincoln
Liverpool
IRISH RACING FIXTURES.
JULY.

Carlow

ture of thousands a year. He did not begrudge Finsbury
a park, but he should have thought that Finsbury, which
talked so much about the advantages of self-government,
would have taken the maintenance of it into its own hands.
This was not self-government, but centralisation, and the
project of Sir Benjamin Hall was a myth. Under these
circumstances, and to make the matter as little of an evil
as possible, he should support the recommendation of the
committee.

Mr. LEGG supported tho recommendation of tho com-
mittee.

Mr. BRUMFIELD believed that if the Board allowed
houses to be built near this park it would be a great evil.
Mr. HALL said it was a farco and a mockery to call this
"Finsbury Park," as it was only a stone's-throw from the
boundary of it, and the bulk of the poorer inhabitants were
not within threo miles of it. As regarded Victoria Park,
the Government, in devoting 250 acres to it, reserved the
right to appropriate 50 acres of it to building purposes, and
took powers to appropriate 20 acres of Battersea Park. if
they gave 100 acres for a park at Finsbury, ho thought they
would act most liberally towards the inhabitants, and he
hoped the report of the committee would be carried by a
large majority. _ _

fir. TIT; 111. P., hoped, if the thing was to bo dono at
all, it would be done handsomely ; and by not damaging
the park by buildings their kindness would be appreciated
by the people of Finsbury.

Mr. Rocca hoped that Finsbury would be put in posses-
sion of this park without any buildings whatever being put
upon it..

Mr. DALToN said it was his opinion that the support of
parks should bo derived from such portions of the land as
could be spared being devoted to building purposes.
Mr. WESTERTON said if this was a matter which affected
Finsbury alone, it would be all Very well; it was ono that
affected the whole of the metropolis. Now, as to the size
of the proposed park, he found that the Green Park con-
tained only 58 acres, and St. James's Park 61 acres, so that
together they contained only 119 acres, while they proposed
to give Finsbury 100 acres. He asserted that was a very
noble thing, and believed that the people of Finsbury would
be deeply indebted to the board foi its liberality.
Mr. DouLToN, M.P;, supported the original motion, and
mentioned that the proposed park for the densely-populated
district of termondsoy was only 60 acres.
The CHAIRMAN then put the question, and the amend-
ment was negatived by a majority of 26 to 15.
Mr. SAUNDERS then moved another amendment, to the
effect that only 10 acres of land sr:lonia be sold for building
purposes.
Mr Duns seconded the amendment.
This led to a further discussion, but eventually the
amendment was negatived bp a majority of 23 to 17.
The original motion was then put and agreed to.

The Chief Engineer (Ir. Bazalgette) having road his
usual report, some routine business was transacted, and
the board adjourned.

The Second Fenian Raid.

General Sweeny with General Spears, Murphy,
and Mahon, laid their heads together at St. Albans
on the sth instant, and decided on carrying the
war for the liberation of Ireland into the enemy's
coantry of Canada. Next day the advance of
Fenian troops left Highgate about 10 o'clock.
Colonel Conlin's command, 600 strong, led the van ;
Colonel Scanlon's regiment, 300 strong, followed ;
and they were succeeded by Colonel Connor's regi-
ment, also 300 men. They halted at Franklin, a mile
south of the frontier, and spent the night in two
barns, where they felt rather uncomfortable, being
drenched with rain and short of rations. Pickets
were thrown out to a line three miles over the
frontier, who encountered and exchanged a few
harmless shots with the British. Early next morn-
ing the march was resumed, and at half-past 8 on
the 7th June the invading force crossed the frontier,
where Colonel Contrie unfurled the beautiful green
silk flag of Ireland, presented to the brotherhood
by the Fenian ladies of Maldon, and round it the
men gathered, cheering vociferously, and waving
the green folds defiantly over British soil. Then,
with heads uncovered, they registered a vow, " that
it should never be torn from them while a spark of
life was left." The. advance was reinforced by a
Connecticut company, 60 strong ; and General
Spear arrived and assumed command, just before
crossing the line. He addressed the men, by whom
he was greeted with loud and prolonged cheers, as
follows :

SOLDIERS—You aro still standing upon American terri-
tory, and you are not to molest or insult the people of I his
section. I bog of you to commit no depredations on this
side of the lino. (Cries of " General, we will not.") There,
said he, pointing towards the Canada line, aro the enemies
of your country. When we get there wo will remember
the wrongs of many a century and will strike a blow and
try to free Ireland; but remember, no harm to the women
and children. When we got tho mon they shall be yours,
to do with them as you please.

There was no river to cross—nothing but an
imaginary line, marked by an iron post driven into
the ground, with the following inscription :
" TREATY OF WASHINGTON BOUNDARY, AUGUST,
1842."

General Spear proceeded to make himself com-
fortable when over the border in the hospitable house
of an Irish emigrant, whose daughters, Grace and
Ratty, played several airs upon the piano, and en-
tertained both the General and his Staff in a hand-
some manner. The men, however, out in the fields,
had by no means such pleasant times. A foraging
party brought in twenty head of cattle and a large
number of sheep, with some prisoners, who reported
the scare general for fifty miles into the interior.
Meantime General Meade arrived at St. Albans,
and General Sweeny and General Mahon were at
once arrested. The former was quietly captured
in his bed. Sir John Michel coming in Canada,
pushed forward a battery of artillery, the 7th
Fusiliers, and a body of Canadian volunteers to
welcome Spear over the border. The distance from
Montreal to Pigeon Hill is 100 miles, but the
Feuians appear not to have waited the attack at
Pigeon Hill, but to have entrenched themselves in
another position, where the men became demoralised
with bad whisky and no food. The sworn defen-
ders of the green flag rapidly became a rowdy
mob. The nearer the British troops drew the greater
the desertions from the Fenian ranks, and the de-
voted band were finally driven pell-mell back across
the frontier by a charge of the Governor-General's
body-guard. With the exception of the few killed
and the 16 captured, the remainder surrendered to
the United States troops, and thus ended the
second invasion.

SUBJIALINE NAVIGATION.—A submarine boat is
spoken about as among the latest novelties in science, and
a now invention of this kind was tested very successfully
in New York last week. There is no particular descrip-
tion of it given, but it must bo something like a diving bell
on improved principles. One of these is that the machine
can bo moved about beneath the water by a propeller
worked by hand, and can travel any distance required.
Another is that tho parties who are in this machine do not
require to be supplied Witli—air- from the surface, as is
usually done with diving-tolls, by-the means of pumps.
They carry in the boat chemical compounds which produce
the gases necessary in respiration. Tho boat, when it
sinks, therefore, goes free of all guidance and assistance, and
moves wherever the navigators choose to take it. The
boat is designed for pearl fishing in the Pacific Ocean, and
has been an expensive affair, costing $75,000. It is 36 foot
long. The parties who went down in her were submerged
for an hour and a half, during which interval fears were
entertained by many' for the safety of the four men who
were in the machine. But when she came up, and the
engineer emerged smoking his pipe, which he had
lighted beneath the waters blue, the gratification of the
beholders was as great as their astonishment.

[ADVERTISEMENT.]—That the fearful annual mortality of
on,oco young children and delicate persons of all ages may be
arrested,instead of flying blindly to pills and medicines,
which,
If,
though
apparently relieving the patient, have in
reality no other tendency than that of increasing debility,
and with it the dangor of life, we were simply to study how
to inc. ease the vital force by imparting new and pure blood,
upon which the harmonious development of the whole frame
depends, has been successfully proved by Du Barry's Inva-
lids' and Infants' Food, the Revalenta Arabica, and its
thousands of cures annually. It yields three times as mush
easily assimilated nourishment as the best meat, and for
children it is the best substitute for human milk. Dr.
Routh, physician to the Samaritan Hospital for Women and
Children—the best authority on such matters —in his admir-
able publication on Food, says—Amongst the vegetable sub-
stances, th .t which comes closest to milk in its composition
is, without doubt, Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food, con-
taining both phosphoric acid in abundance and chloride of
potassium ; it also includes casein, the same principle which
is found in milk in its constituent part,. No wonder, there-
fore, that under its influence many children affected with
atrophy (wasting away of the body), and marked debi icy
have completely recovered. I have given it with the greatest
advantage in such cases ; and so far as I may judge from my
own experience, practice fully carries out what theory,
from a knowledge of its composition, led us to anticipate.
It]. tins, Ilb, 2s 9d; 21b, 413 6d ; 51b, 11s ; 121 b, 228 ; 241 b,
40s.—Barry Dn Barry and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London ;
also Phillips, tea dealers, 8, King William-street ; likewise
at 81, Graceohurch-street 4, Cheapside ; 49, Bishopsgate-
street Within ; 83, 150, and 298, Oxford-street; 930, Strand;
51, Upper Baker--street; 103, Toth nham-court-road; 96,
Upper-street, Islington, N. ; Harvey, Notting-hill; Close
Brothers, 65, High-street ; and Stubbs, Queen's-terrace. St,
John's wood, Loudon; acid all respectable gropers and che'
1216"•--"Beware of sPyrious imitationo.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—The Jamaica Committee have resolved
on a proceeding so injudicious that it has elicited a
protest from Mr. C. Buxton, who retires from the
chairmanship. The majority of these gentlemen, not
content with the results of the Commission, are bent
on bringing Mr. Eyre to justice for the " murder"
of Mr. Gordon—if possible through the agency of
Government ; if not, by means of a private prosecu-
tion. They allege that in no other way can the ille-
gality of the trial and sentence be effectually
published for the warning of future Governors and
military officers, while they tacitly rely on the
Royal prerogative of mercy to rescue Mr. Eyre, in
the last resort, from a punishment which, as they
well know public sentiment would never suffer to
be executed. Mr. Buxton differs from his colleagues
upon the propriety of this course, and in a letter
which appears in our impression of to-day adduces
reasons of very unequal weight in support of his
own view. It is a pity that Mr. Buxton should
have weakened the force of his argument by an in-
temperate preamble, which he evidently meant to
strengthen it. His object appears to be to show
that while he cannot accept the practical conclusion
of the Committee, he will be outdone by no other
member of it in vehemence of denunciation. Thus
he not only charges Mr. Eyre with " shameful mis-
conduct towards the people committed to his care,"
and participation " in the awful guilt of consigning
an innocent man to the gallows," but imputes to the
Commissioners " a manifest anxiety to exculpate the
authorities." In spite of their recorded opinion that
in the great majority of instances the capital sen-
tences pronounced by courts martial were justified by
the evidence, he describes them as " simply acts of
vengeance inflicted almost indiscriminately on the
negro population, with scarcely a pretence of
distinguishing the innocent from the guilty,"
and declares that " hundreds of innocent men
were put to death in cold blood." We cannot
but regret that Mr. Buxton, in his anxiety
to propitiate the Jamaica Commission before
offering them unpalatable but sound advice, should
have so far indulged that tone of exaggeration which
cannot fail to damage the best cause. He deserves
credit, however, for exercising an independent
judgment on the question of prosecuting Mr. Eyre,
and the rejeetion of his counsels by the Jamaica
Committee betrays the influence of what too nearly
resembles a vindictive spirit. We may at once dis-
miss from view the proposal that Government should
direct an indictment for murder to be preferred
against Mr. Eyre. No Government would take the
responsibility of such an act, except upon much
stronger representationa of his moral and legal
criminality than are contained in or can be founded
on the Commissioners' Report. On the other hand,.
we may waive, for the sake of argument, all doubts
as to the effect of the Act of Indemnity, and any
other preliminary objections which may be raised to
the arraignment of Mr. Eyre in this country. Let
us assume that, upon the Government declining to
institute a prosecution, Mrs. Gordon is advised that
no technical obstacle can bar her right to do so.
Let us eliminate, in short, all other considerations
but those of justice and policy, and endeavour to
form an impartial judgment by the light of these
principles alone. Now, the offence of which Mr.
Eyre stands accused is virtually this—that, with-
out an overwhelming public necessity, he caused
Gordon to be arrested beyond the limits of the
proclaimed district, ordered him to be tried by
martial law instead of reserving him for the juris-
diction of a civil tribunal, and confirmed a sentence
upon him which the evidence did not warrant. No
one can deny that had Gordon been seen per-
sonally urging on a mob to riot and massacre he
might lawfully have been shot down, if neces-
sary, on the spot. No one can deny that if duly
charged with instigating, • though indirectly, the
outbreak at Morant Bay, and if duly arrested any
where within the county of Surrey except King-
ston, he would properly have been sent to Morant
Bay for trial. No one can deny that, if convicted
on sufficient grounds, under these circumstances he
might have been lawfully executed without refer-
ence to the Governor, and that, if satisfied of his
guilt, the Governor was right in confirming the de-
cision of the court-martial. But Gordon was not
captured in fragrante delicto or in a place subject to
martial law. Even if it was unsafe to keep him in
eustody at Kingston, he might have been detained
on board the Wolverene ; and even if he was fairly
tried at Morant Bay, and not cut off from the
means of making his defence, the evidence against
him was very far from conclusive, and his imme—
diate execution ought not to have been approved
by the Governor, at least without consultation with
the Attorney-General. We may go further, and
say without reserve, that if a malicious intent could
be brought home to Governor Eyre ; if his belief
that Gordon was at the bottom of a treasonable and
murderous conspiracy had been simulated, instead
of being shared by almost the whole white popula-
lation of Kingston ; if it could be shown that he
eagerly availed himself of a worthless pretext to get
rid of a troublesome opponent,—then he would de-
serve no indulgence at the hands of his accusers.
This, however, is exactly what no one ventures to
maintain or even to suggest. " It is clear," as the
Commissioners state, " that the conduct of Gordon
had been such as to convince both friends and ene-
mies of his being a party to the rising," although
their own conclusion is " decisive as to the non-
existence of a wide-spread conspiracy," and there-
fore as to the non-complicity of Gordon. Mr. Eyre's
error consisted in yielding to the universal panic,
and acting as if the public safety could not be restored
as long as Gordon lived. It was a most serious
error in one invested with supreme authority, and
has justly been visited by the deprivation of that
authority ; but it was consistent with pure motives
and with a high though mistaken sense of duty.
In other words; it wanted' the essential elements
of a moral crime, and assuredly cannot be brought
within the legal definition of the worst crime known
to the law. It is one thing to speak of Gordon's
execution as a judicial murder; it is another to give
that name to Mr. Eyre's part in it. The former
expression denotes a conviction that Gordon was
wrongfully put to death ; the latter implies that Mr.
Eyre wilfully compassed his death with malice
aforethought. Mr. Buxton wisely reminds the Ja-
maica Committee that no less definite issue than
this would be raised on an indictment for murder
in the improbable event of its not being ignored by
the grand jury. Even were Mr. Eyre convicted Mr.
Buxton anticipates that he would receive a free par-
don from the Crown, and that, in either case, his
discharge would be hailed as a triumph by " his
partisans," while " he would be regarded by public
opinion as a martyr." Mr. Buxton further argues
that, by making a scapegoat of Mr. Eyre, the Com-
mittee would virtually condone all the other atroci-
ties committed by naval, military, and civil autho-
rities. Ho thinks it would be far better to rest
satisfied with the censure already passed on Mr.
Eyre, and to bring Parliamentary pressure to bear
for the purpose of getting these offenders punished,
as well as of obtaining compensation for the suf-
ferers. There is some truth in these remarks, but
it is not the whole truth, nor can we accept Mr.
Buxton's treatment of the case as altogether dispas-
sionate. The point of view he selects is not high
enough, and the objections he entertains to proceed-
ing against Mr. Eyre are not the strongest which
may be urged. When he endeavours to dissuade
the Committee from undoing the good effect of the
lesson already administered to Colonial Governors
by prosecuting Mr. Eyre, ho points only to the cer-
tainty of his being "acquitted or pardoned amid the
plaudits of the British people." This is somewhat
low ground, for it seems to follow, whatever Mr.
Buxton may himself mean, that if a conviction were
probable, or likely to be popular, no scruple need be
felt. Now, weventuro to believe that a prosecution,
whether successful or unsuccessful,popular or unpopu-
lar, would go far to defeat the main objects which phi-
lanthropists should have at heart. A great oppor-
tunity will have been lost if a sentiment of honest
indignation at the grievous abuse of authority by a
large number of persons, both civil and military,
from the Governor downwards, under cover of
martial law, should degenerate or be perverted into
a clamour for vengeance on individuals.
HERALD.—The fact that Lord Derby had not
completed all the arrangements for the formation of
the new Government within four-and-twenty hours
of his first audience of her Majesty is hailed by the
organs of the Russell-Gladstone Administration as
conclusive evidence that the noble earl will not be
able to form a Government at all. We do not wish
to dispel a pleasing delusion, which, together with
the grand demonstration of roughs before Mr.
Gladstone's house, may comfort our contemporaries
for the fall of their patrons ; but we may say very
frankly that we are quite as well pleased as they
can be that the Ministerial arrangements have not
been settled in a rash and inconsiderate manner.
The formation of a new Ministry is, as we have ob -
served before, a work of considerable difficulty, and
of the greatest importance ; and in proportion to
the care taken in the composition of a Government
will be its chances of an honourable, useful, and
protracted, career. Entering, as the Conservatives
do, upon office with a minority upon general ques-
tions, although with a majority upon the most
weighty of all questions, it is of the utmost im-
portance that the different offices in the new
Cabinet should be filled by men whose ability and
character assure the energetic and successful dis-
charge of the functions devolving upon them, and
consequently command general esteem and confi-
dence. We allow frankly that the new Government
will need to present an array of greater ability than the
late one. They have to enforce a support which was
given to the mediocrities which mainly composed Lord
Russell's Government out of mere force of habit.
They will have to assure the support of tho6e

Liberals who separated from their party on the Re-
form question, and so produced the present crisis.
They will have to face a powerful opposition which
has the command 9f the numerically greater portion
of the press of the country ; they will have, in fact,
to win the confidence of a number of people pre-
judiced against them. There are, for instance, four
offices which it is of the utmost importance should
be filled at the present moment by men not merely
of credit with their party or of high ability, but en-
dowed with great energy and animated by a spirit
of devotion to all work they undertake. We may
name these offices now without incurring the risk of
injuring the feelings of any aspirant for office, in-
asmuch as nothing yet being determined our obser-
vations cannot be interpreted into personal reflec-
tions which are not meant. At the present moment
the Foreign Secretaryship is perhaps the most im-
portant position in the Government. England is
fortunately at peace, and, for all the difficulties that
must arise, will, we hope, continue, in the progress
of the present war, so. But England is not only
interested in keeping at peace herself ; she has a
great concern in the restoration of peace to Europe.
Again, the difficulties which have arisen between
this country and the United States, and other
awkward and unsettled questions in different parts
of the world, which press for a solution, render it
of the utmost consequence that the seals of the
Foreign Office should be placed in the hands of a
Minister not only able and industrious, but com-
manding by his reputation a general belief in the
fitness and justice of the policy he may pursue.
Then, at this juncture, Ireland needs rulers who
combine energy and conciliation, men who, whilst
taking care to maintain the law, to preserve order,
and to repress with severity all seditious proceed-
ings, will yet give to all grievances, let them be real
or imaginary, a careful and candid hearing ; men
who will know how, whilst they inspire a general
feeling of confidence in their determination to
protect the peaceful and orderly inhabitants in
the enjoyment of their liberty and their inde-
pendence, to be accessible to the complaints of all
parties, and will make it their object, second only
to the paramount one of upholding the law, to pro-
pose all those reforms on the existing legislation,
which may promise to remove any actual injustice
suffered by a section or class, and promote the gene-
ral welfare of the country by developing its resources
and encouraging the industry -and enterprise of its
people. The condition of our Indian empire, in the
third place, renders the greatest care necessary in
the selection of the new Indian Secretary. Sir
Charles Wood had great talents and much know-
ledge, but Sir Charles had a habit of disregarding
the opinions of persons most conversant with that
particular subject that has accumulated a number
of very awkward difficulties which in the feeble
hands of Earl De Grey have made no advance to a
solution. The public does not hear very much of
India now. It is not the theatre of war or insurrec-
tions upon any large scale, and the famine and pes-
tilence which now desolate so large a portion of the
country hardly excite •attention except from those
who have some connection with it. But at no time
perhaps since the change of Government took place
does India more need an able and courageous Mini-
ster than she now does. Finally, there is a depart-
ment of the Ministry of recent establishment which
is now assuming the utmost social, if not political,
importance. The powers of the Poor-law Board are
no doubt limited. The guardians of some parishes
can set it at defiance upon nearly every point, and
the guardians of all parishes upon some few but
important points. But still the President of the
Poor-law Board has great power for good, if he
chooses to exert it, and if he will-only exert what
power he has well Parliament is ready enough to
give him what further power he may need. The re-
cent revelations as to the condition of the sick wards
of our workhouses and as to the character and
amount of out-door relief afford evidence that re-
forms of a very sweeping character are required. We
are not inclined to question Mr. Villiers's ability,
but it has been devoted to a very different subject.
He has been eager about assessments, and left the
sick to rot in the sick wards of workhouses until
some energetic action was absolutely forced on him.
He was, no doubt, as most of the public, ignorant
of the horrors perpetrated at their very doors, and
we have no idea of attacking him for an ignorance
so excusable. But the veil of ignorance has now
been torn away, and public opinion insists upon a
thorough reform of our whole system for the relief
of the poor. That question is now upon the order
of the day, and, reform being removed, is likely to
take the very front place on it. Under the circum-
stances it is imperative that the new President of
the Poor-law Board should be a man not only gene-
rally acquainted with the poor-law machinery and
animated by good intentions, but possessing the firm
will to propose and carry out against the whole
weight of interested opposition which would be
brought to bear upon him the amendments of the
law which humanity and justice alike demand.
Lord Derby could very easily put his hand upon a
good man for each of these posts, as well as for the
other offices in the new Government. But he wants
to put his hand upon the best man, and it is not so
easy as people who know nothing of the matter sup-
pose to apportion the different offices of a Govern-
ment in such a way as to utilise to the utmost for
the public service the talent and the energy at the
disposal of the leader of a party. It is easy enough
to put the round men into the square holes, and the
square men into the round holes, but to fit the
round men to the round and the square men to the
square holes is a matter of much more labour. The
labour, however, is rewarded in the composition of a
Gcvernment which commands instead of appealing
to public confidence, and our Liberal contempo-
raries have really some good reason for their com-
plaints of what they call Lord Derby's delay, in the
fact that the time taken to form the Government
adds months, if not years, to its tenure of office.
THE " ANGLO-AMERICAN TIMES."—The great
anniversary of the Independence of the United
States which Americans love to honour
will have passed before our next issue appears,
and will have passed without any public observ-
ance on the part of Americans in London. It is a
mistake to suppose that the people of England look
with disfavour on rejoicings which represent the
triumph of Freedom over Despotism. Nor indeed
was the war gained by a foreign foe. The results
turned our colonies into an independent nation,
and the Americans from that day became a
foreign people; but America was more English in
every essential point during the War of Indepen-
dence than she is now. Indeed we believe she was
more English than the army who failed in subduing
her, composed so largely as they were of German
mercenaries and of Indian savages. There can,
however, be no question of the fact that in the
War of Independence our colonies fought for free-
dom, and our stupid KING, and his still more stupid
Ministers, fought for despotism. The former were
the champions of all we hold most dear ; the latter,
the type of degradation and slavery. The success
of the KING would have ruined freedom in England
—the success of the colonies emancipated themselves
and struck the last great blow required for the
freedom of England. Those Englishmen who un-
derstand this anniversary aright are little disposed
to cavil at the rejoicing of the American people, for
in their minds its represents the triumph of right.
It was in reality no triumph over the Old Country
—it was the triumph of freedom over despotism,
and we think it a great pity that both in this
country and in the United States the fact should
not be more generally recognised, and both nations
taught to triumph together over so great a deliver-
ance. We cannot hope, however, for such a consum-
mation, so long as the American Press alludes to
England as the hereditary enemy of their country ;
as if the acts of a senseless clique were for all time
to be made a charge against the heart of this great
nation. There can be nothing offensive to the English
people in the celebration of an event by which they
only profited in a lesser degree than the American
people themselves. It is vain for us to speculate on
what might have been the case had our rulers been
sane men, and the colonies governed with moderation
and justice. Whether we might have grown together
into an overwhelming power, or split up still more diF_-
astrously, it is bootless to conjecture; but the historic
facts stand on record that the blow was struck
against a cruel and a foolish despotism, and that
blow can only have the hearty sympathy of all
'right-thinking men.

From the military correspondent of the Times we
glean the following remarks :—" Gorlitz„ June 21.—The
Prussians have not been careless witnesses of the great
struggle in America. The organisation of their army shows
that its administrators have eagerly noted all the
results of modern science and advanced civilisation which
the contest between the If odemls and Confederates called
into the service of war. Orders and reports are no longer
conveyed tardily by aides-de-camp or orderlies ; they are
flashed from corps to corps along the wires of the tele-
graph, for to each head-quarters a field telegraph division
is attached, which as soon as head-quarters are established
connects the temporary bureau of the chief of the staff
with the nearest permanent telegraph station."
The oldest house in the United States now stand-
ing as originally built is the Rev. Dr. Whitfield's, at Guil-
ford, Connecticut. It was built in 1639, and the stone
walls and oak work remain in good condition.
On the surrender of Lee the American Govern-
ment came into possession of 30,000 muskets of British
manufacture. These wore sold to a speculator, and have
recently been purchased by the Canadian authorities at
double their original cost.
The United States Treasury Department has
been informed by an official at Frankfort-on-the-Maine
that the number of American five-twenty bonds which the
disturbances on the Continent will return on its hands will
amount to $75,000,000 worth.