The Sun.
London, England, 1832-09-27 00:00:00

do at present is to call the attention or English•
men to the manner in which the bad operation
of this law is aggravated by the influx of poor
from Ireland, and to the means of preventing
that influx. In the first place, then, the re-
moval of Irish labourers to their native country,
at the expense of the public, ought at once to
be put a stop to. This would directly stop the
importation of all labour for which there was not a
real demand. In the next place, such a poor law
ought to be introduced into Ireland as would
compel Irish landlords, if not to reside in that
country, at least to take care that others discharge
the duties they ought to perform. This, and
the necessity of saving the present population of
Ireland from the desperation of starvation, as a
preliminary to the introduction of all laws for the
improvement of their condition, either morally
or physically, are the only circumstances that
would induce us to consent to the introduc-
tion of a poor law of any kind into Ireland.
The question then is, what kind of a poor
law would produce effects that all must admit to
be desirable ? In solving this question many
things are to be considered, but the chief is to
take care to do nothing which will be likely to
lead to the evils which have flowed into England
from the law of ELIZABETH. One of the great
mistakes committed in the passing of the Statute
of ELIZABETH was the making it permanent.
The suppression of the monasteries which sud-
denly deprived many friendless impotent per-
sons of the means of support, no doubt ren-
dered it necessary to make some provision ,
for them, and, as regarded them, that provision
might without injury, have been made per-
manent. But provision was also made for
giving work to able-bodied men, and the
error was in making this a permanent provision ;
a circumstance but for which the after-abuses of
the poor laws would have been unknown. What
we would suggest then for Ireland is the adop-
tion of the Statute of ELIZABETH for a limited
period, during which other measures for the per-
manent and advantageous government of that
country as an integral part of the empire might
be adopted. We would further suggest, that the
work provided under the Act should be in excess
and of the hardest kind, remunerated with a bare
subsistence of the very cheapest nature, so as to
make parish relief the last resort of the direst
necessity. Further, all should be excluded
even from this relief, who should marry after
the passing of the Act, and no illegitimate
children should be eligible to it. It might be
easily explained to the people in each parish how
it was that these limitations of the public bounty
were intended, and would operate for their own
benefit. This is a poor law which would be
safe in its operation ; which would not encou-
rage idleness, improvidence, and vice ; which
would not offer any unnatural stimulus to po-
pulation, but which, in all probability, would
help to save England, (where the laws ought to
be put on the same footing) from the moral
and physical degradation of her labouring popu-
lation, now so rapidly going on,—would insure
the people of Ireland from starvation till other
measures had been adopted for their welfare,
and till time had been given to their landlords
to attend to their duties, and especially the duty
of instructing the people, so that they might
know that their happiness depended solely upon
their own providence.

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