The Sun.
London, England, 1866-10-10 00:00:00

111011 WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.

THIS DAY.—Marning, 2h. 55m.—Afternoon, 311. 12m.
Ta-Monnow.-Morning, 3h. 27m.—Afternoon, 3h. 42m.

4
0311 to 4:: • ~ ASX•Pik "

LONDON, WEDNESD.II, OCT. 10, 1866.

The Austrians are not conducting their affairs
with anything like discretion, and neither rniJor-
tune nor experience seems likely to impress them
favourably. Ifungary now threatens
to be the
scene of their disasters, and all eloquence and
exhortation are thrown away upon the Vienna Go-
vernment. Last Sunday most unwarrantable steps
were taken concerning the former members of the
Hungarian Legion, who had been dismissed from
the Prussian service. After being dismissed by
the Prussian Government theyproceeded (the second
division) on their way, but learned at Oderberg that
the first had been arrested and remained in custody
by the Austrian authorities. Therefore they took
another route to Hungary, while some returned to
Prussia. Such conduct is unwise in the last degree,
for it will tend to provoke every one, and of course
it is a direct affront to the Prussians. It is much
to be regrettel that more consideration should not
have been shown by these who are already in so
precarious a position themselves, but we do not
regard the act as so mischievous and short-sighted

respecting Prussia as it is suicidal relating to 11-an-
gary. Nothing is more likely to confuse th;,ngs
in that country than to find that these mem-
bers of the Legion have been so ill-treated.
We consider it as the sign and token of worse to
come; it seems to show that the Austrian authori-
ties have determined to stop short of nothing that
can gain them their point, or that they believe can
gain it for them. It will be long before the nations
of Europe see the last of this confusion that has
arisen in Germany; and we may safely predict that
the next stage in the affair will be a serious disagree-
ment between Austria and llungary. With proper
management and timely care this might have
been prevented; but if people will persist in
following their own desires, totally unmindful of
consequences, they must expect to reap a bitter
harvest. The only chance for Austria at the pre-
sent time would be to strike out in a new line,
and to eschew those domineering ways, and ab-
jure those tyrannical methods, which have wrought
so much injury to herself, and occasioned so much
mischief to those under her own domination.
We cannot say that we see any sign of such
being the case, and, on the contrary, have cause
to apprehend the outbreak of fresh disasters.
Obstinacy seems to be the characteristic
of the Austrians all through their affairs.
Nothing could induce them to give up Venetia,
which they are now forced to do under very diffe-
rent circumstances to those which would have
attended their previous withdrawal. Prussia could
never have got the ascendancy which she has now
had the Vienna Government been better prepared
to face her. Want of unity is the chief drawback
to the Austrians, it pervades everything, and does
incalculable mischief in all directions.

While Austria is thus going to the wall,
her rival is getting into an equally perilous
position through too much good fortune,
or at all events what some may call so. We do
not, however, regard this very rapid acquisition of
territory as real power conferred on Prussia, and,
in the end, it may prove to be most inimical to
her success. All these places that have been just
annexed have been forced to do so against the ex-
pressed wishes of the people, and in most instances
in face of the most earnest efforts to prevent the
ceremony taking place. Flushed with the success
of their armies, the Berlin Government have has-
tened to take possession of all they can, and have
put their threats into execution without any regard
for the feelings or respect for the rights of those
concerned. The doom of Hanover, for the present
at any rate, was sealed last Saturday, and that of
the other places on Monday, by the publication of
Royal letters patent. The present is hardly a
fitting time to judge of the case with regard to
future consequences. The truth of the saying that
the world is always on the winning side was
never more fully exemplified than it is now
respecting Prussia, and many have turned into
flatterers who at other times would have
been stern censors and inflexible judges. We
must wait until time has shown those who clamour
for annexation that they have changed King Log
for King Stork with a vengeance, and until Prussia,
now so omnipotent, is in fresh straits herself. Let
her get involved in a fierce war with France, and
we would not give much for her chance of keeping
her possessions long. As for talking about the in-
terests of Germany and such like, we regard it as a
completely erroneous view of the question. No
doubt much might have been done with advantage
in the great work of remodelling Germany, and of
uniting its discordant elements, so that more might
be made of its resources, but how people can deceive
themselves into thinking that the mere appropria-
tion of States against their will, and the triumph of
force are to be regarded as a work of great national
regeneration, it is indeed difficult to believe.

If we wanted a proof of the real meaning of
Prussia we should find it in the course pursued
towards Saxony. The persecution which this brave
little kingdom is undergoing from the stern victor is
indeed most disgraceful. Surely enough, and more
than enough, has fallen to the share of Berlin with-
out its ruthless authorities exacting the uttermost
farthing. But if we are to applaud the present
course of Prussia, we must unsay all we have said
concerning the attacks made on Schleswig-Holstein
some years back. What concerns one relates to
the other, and if wrong-doing and oppression are
justified now, they were not culpable then. Perhaps
upon mature reflection we may come to the conclusion
that the only Power to be congratulated is Italy, and
even she has not added to her fame in the events of
the recent war. history will have nothing very
creditable to report of the progress lately made by
the nations of the Continent. An inordinate love
of power seems to possess them all, great or small,
weak or strong, and so long as they can gain their
own immediate ends they seem to care very little
who suffers or what is sacrificed. Such a tone of
sentiment is lowering to the true character of a com-
munity, and, in every sense of the word, regret
must be the feeling now uppermost in the minds of
all independent persons who reflect upon the late
transactions in Germany.

Sir J. KAY SHUTTLEWORTII is always worth
hearing, and is no mean authority on matters of
education and social science ; and, consequently,
when he yesterday moraing read a paper on
the laws of social progress " illustrated by the
growth of the freedom and political capacity of
the manual labour class in England," he was cer-
tain to be listened to with interest and attention.
The range of his subject was a a ide one, and dealt
not only with the history of the past, but with the
politics of our own time, since the position of the
lower classes has been for long a subject of anxious
deliberation. Sir J. KAY SIIUTTLEWORTII entered
upon what may be termed the philosophy of history,
and especially dwelt upon the slow and gradual
progress of any great principle. Time, he said
with truth, was a most important element in all
national changes ; and however much the enthu-
siasm of the hour may induce the leaders of
my years
are popularly recognised, popular movements to believe their work accom-
plished when the principlesnisedit is
which
hten an they advocate
before the effects which they anticipate are really
brought about. Thus, with regard to the Great
French Revolution which apparently swept all be-
fore it, Sir J. KAY SHUTTLEWORTII clearly showed
that its objects were not yet attained, and
might not be for another century. The
great aims
of the revolution of 1792 was to destroy all
privilege, to confiscate and break up the great
estates, to create as far as possible civil
equality by the compulsory subdivision of property.
" But the idea of personal and civil liberty has
been of slow growth, and that of self-government
has not had power to develope itself under the cen-
tral bureaucracy of France and the military organi-
sation which have subordinated personal and civil
liberty to that of the extreme influence of France
in Europe. "France," added the speaker, " has an
armed democracy, and the people have only attained
equality by the creation of a despotism supported by
the peasantry, the artisans, and the army. The
fruits of the French revolution cannot be
said to be reaped until among this subtle
and enlightened people there is a perfect free-
dom in the expression of politica' Opinions, nor