The Sun.
London, England, 1835-12-17 00:00:00

PIRIW OZTTITE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

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The Times must suppose its readers utterly unac-
quainted w;.th Irish History, when it ventures to make
such sta'tements respecting the rebellion of 1641, as
are contained in the communication of its Correspon-
dent " Y." and a leading article commenting on that
coir.munication. We are told by the Times, that the
Popish Rebellion of 1641
" Was in its execution, neither more nor less than a
sudden, perfidious, bloody, and remorseless butchery, de-
signed for the extermination of all the Protestants in Ire-
land, and defeated by one of those interventions of Provi-
dence, to which, by the heedless or heartless ignorance of
me-a, the name of accident has too often been awarded."
We had imagined that after the successful expo-
sure of the falsehoods of Sir John Temple and simi-
lar partisan writers (unfortunately adopted by Mr.
Ilume) no one would dare to say that the Irish
-rebellion of 1641 was not the result of great
provocation. The documents in Carte's "Life
of Ormond," and other publications or, okma,_
ter, of which Dr. Currie ably availr.,:i himself in
his Historical Memoir, prove the
unfortunate
Catholics were goaded by t'
at the head of affairs in ~a 0 .an
principled men
.
hellion, which, like all c Ireland, into the re-
ionular risings under similar
circumstances, was nr, doubt accompanied by great ex-
cesses. The E-
. adventurers were constantly
scheming to St-‘,O the unfortunate Irish of their lands.
•If we wish have an idea of the treatment of that
race by tide English of that period, we may see some-
thing Ake it in the treatment of the Indian tribes by
the some-
thing_
We have not now time to go through
the many atrocious' attempts during the sway of Straf-
for.., and down to the very eve of the rebellion. Even
Cement Walker (a Presbyterian, and an avowed
enemy of the Irish rebels) admits in his History of
Independency, that
" In the beginning almost of the Long Parliament, the
Independents insisted openly upon it to have the Papists
of Ireland rooted out, and their lands sold to adventurers ;
and passing an Act for that purpose, necessitated the
Irish to massacre the English Protestants, which was pur-
posely done by the Independents, that both Papists and
Protestants might destroy one another there."
Anil it has been proved that Sir William Parsons,
one 'if the Lords Justices connected with the Puritans,
`" Did positively declare, before the Irish fell from their
Obedience, at a public entertainment, that within a twelve-
smonth no Catholic should be seen in Ireland ; and many
%ands were sought; and thousands found to subscribe a
petition tending to the introduction of a severe persecution
against Catholics."
The Marquis of Clanricarde, in a letter to the
Duke of Richmond, so early as the 23d of January,
1611, giving an account of the causes of the rebellion,
informs him that—
" All the Irish generally were discontented with those
that managed the affairs of State, whom they charged with
secret practising both there and in England before the
commotion began, to raise parties and factions to destroy
their religion ; to divert and hinder the King's graces in-
-tended towards them ; and by that means to put theminto
desperation, that they might forfeit their lives and fortunes.
And since the distempers began, that they (the Lords Jus-
tices) had so disposed of affairs, as if the design was laid to
put the whole kingdom into rebellion."
We have not now space to enter into an account of
the various schemes then entertained for stripping the
Irish of their estates. One of the schemes was an in-
quiry into defective titles, and all that the Irish
claimed was an Act of Limitation, barring all such in-
quiry in the case of estates of land quietly enjoyed,
without claim or interruption, for the space of sixty
years immediately preceding. By the legal fiction that
the King is the universal proprietor, and that he
might dispose of all lands to which a good English
title could not be shown, it may be easily conceived
that no Irishman could consider himself secure in his
estate. • The rebellion of 1641 was the work of ava-
rice assuming then, as it does now, the mask of religion.
If we are to appeal to history, let the truth be fairly
told.—Morning Chronicle.
Whe had at first intended to make some remarks
upon the proceeding's of the agriculturists, as reported
in yesterday's Times, and on the speech of Earl Stan-
hope. But really we cannot, and fortunately we need
not. With the utmost respect for the landed interest
as a mighty and invaluable public body, and with sin-
cere personal esteem for the Noble Lord who stood
forward to represent it on this occasion, it would be
impossible for us, consistently with an outward ob-
servance of such sentiments, to express our opinions
freely with regard to their arguments or their measures.
We are unable to write seriously about the currency
question, in connexion with the distresses of agriculA
Lure. We have not command of our own muscles, and
we have too much pity for those of .our neighbours,
to undertake a discussion on the subject of cc equit-
able adjustment ;" and with those who recommend a
reduction of the taxes affecting agriculture, we can
hold no logioal communion, when. they affirm that an
entire abolition of rents would not make three far-
things' difference in the price of the quartern loaf I
For all that, we wish heartily well to the landed inte-
rest, and would be its advocate even on the present
occasion, if we could understand the meaning of the
proceedings.—Times.

A mighty quarrel 'has arisen between certain Com-
missioners appointed by the Whig Ministry to inquire
into the state of burgh matters in Scotland and the
Town Council. of Edinburgh, the bone of contention
being the patronage of the University of Edinburgh,
including the appointment of Professors and other
officers of that scholastic institution. For once we
incline to think a body of Whig Commissioners in the
right. It is manifestly absurd to suppose that any
burgh Corporation in Scotland, as these are now con-
stituted, can have any idea, or any feeling, calculated
to lead to the appointment of proper or competent
Professors of au University. The patronage is to be
taken out of the hands of. the Town Council, to be
placed, perhaps, in bad hands, but certainly not in
worse hands, for that were impossible, than theirs who,
as now constituted, are the last body upon earth to
whom such a power ought to be committed. There
is not, and never can be, a man of them but what
would be willing to abolish humine letters, and inter-
dict scientific investigation for ever, fo get an appoint._
ment of 1501. a year for his fiftieth cousin. Tt is
quite true, as the Committee of the Edinburgh Town
that
Council urge, with little advantage to their cp:tise,
many eminent men have heretofore been kced. in Pro-
fessors' chairs by the votes of the Town Councils.
There have been, as we are reminde,:f by our excellent contemporary of the Edinburgh I:4vening Post, Whytt,
and the Monroes, and 81ae,',3 and Cullen, and the
Gregories, and Fergusson,. and Dugald Stewart, and
Robinson, and Playfair, ,and Leslie, and Brown, and
Murray, and a host of others of equal fame ; but what
is all this to the, 'purpose? The Committee of the
Edinburgh To.mn Council forgets that all the above
appointmer.cs were made by the old, corrupt, unre-
formed r:Jorporations of Scotland. Who'possessed of
eonur.on sense believes that the new and popularly-
elected Corporations will be fit to sustain any compa-
tison with the old, in respectability, intelligence, or
public spirit ? The argument of the Committee of
the Town Council of Edinburgh is an evasion of the
whole question. What the Whig Commissioners mean
to say, and on this one occasion Whia Commissio
speak truth, is, that although the old°Corporationsners of
Scotland 'droved themselves qualified to exercise aca-
demical patronage. ,to the advancement of letters and
the v.avantage of the community, it would be ridiculous
to expect tlie same fitness for this important office -in
the new, reformed, and popular Town Councils. We
may, perhaps, be answered that it is all a trick, and
that the Whig Commissioners have had no other ob-
ject iq vicw than to divert certain valuable patronage
to :he political uses of the Administration, or to their
own. Be it so. Nothing can be more probable. But,
In proclaiming the unfitness of the new Scotch Cor-
porations to exercise academical patronage, they never-
theless promulgate what is true, and we pay homage
to truth, by whomsoever, or from whatever motive, it
may be spoken.—Morning Post.
The last defence of the insulting speech of the Rus•
Sian Emperor to the Poles, which appeared in the
.Alkemeine Zeituna and to which we briefly drew the
attention of our readers immediately on its reaching
us, is so singular,-perhaps we may add, so important
a document; as regards some of the confessions and
disclosures which it makes, that it would seem to call
upon us for some additional remarks. Although it
----larsGerman paper of some celebrity, no pub-

lie writer who has hitherto commented upon it has
hesitated to impute to it a semi-Official Character and
Russian pareuta,,,me. Thesre 6.61 iii fact, such intrinsic
evidences in the
its 46eWenent, that May fairlybegin by takingeManation NM the It O.ttian
Cabinet, ot from Russian agei'ltt haing under that
Cabinet, for granted this being admitted, we may
gather melt Useful admonition from the defence.
The general tenour of this defence of the Warsaw
speech may indeed be concentrated in 6. feW *Ord&
It is simply this—thA the Emperor haViiig the most
ruthless feelings towards the Poles h his heart, it was
better for him to avow the Mali, as he did, than to
mask it under the form of an official We Will
give the Russian diplomatist's own because the
sentiment is expressed with Some ingenuity and sar-
castic point, and we Aould be glad to see one part
of the writer's I`.'..nt to his brother diplomatists not
thrown away, " What did the Emperor say ?" sa
the";rifer; " you wish to make a speech to me, gen-
tlemen ; but I decline it, in order to spare you a lie.
Was that not the case ? Lies, which in such cases
are spoken with barefaced levity, or as a mere form of
civility. If a high-minded Pole chose for his motto,
I prefer dangerous freedom to tranquil slavery,' shall
not the man esteem dangerous truth more than a con-
venient lie ? Who that has any sense of this truth,
of the dignity that becomes a man, of the dignity of
mankind, is not disgusted at the odious melody of the
official ballad singers, ground on the barrel organ of
hypocritical etiquette, on such occasions of parade ?"
Is there anything so solemn in the stereotyped, Mes-
sieurs, je suis sensible, with the obligato accompa-'
niment, that the unmeaning speeches, which do not
come from the heart, should go to the heart ?" The
epigrammatic point in this passage is sparkling, but its
glitter will not prevent the eye of a practised critic
from detecting the moral poison which stains with
cowardly design the brilliant weapon of the wit.
The compliment paid is that which might be
paid to the frankness of a murderer, who, strip-
ping off his mask, should say to his victim, " I shall
not disguise myself. I have robbed you, and I shall
now destroy you. It is my interest by your destruc-
tion to secure myself against the chance of your future
refenge." That is, in fact, the whole amount of the
defence. But the writer, in making it, drops some
little hints; either accidentally or purposely, which are
worthy of a brief notiCC. First, the chief blame of the
Russian outrages in Poland is imputed to the Con-
gress of Vienna, which united Poland with Russia--a
severe and pointed lesson to profligate diplomacy.
" State policy," says this document, " which attempted
to unite what was most incompatible, which combined
what was most dissimilar, has to answer for this con-
tradiction, this necessary conflict, and all the evils
that have arisen or may yet arise from it." The
sophistry of this excuse for State criminality is as
easily detectible as the foregoing. What prompted
the ambitious and craving maw of Russia', long before
Poland was transferred to it, to attempt to gorge
and incorporate with itself a morsel so incompatible
with its vital elements, and so incoalescible except by
a forced process. of unhealthy digestion ? Every one
knows—and we used the same argument with regard
to the present Spanish and French Cabinets—that
freedom cannot exist without collision by the side- of
despotism. But who compelled Russia, we repeat, to
hunger for the junction of a free State with her im-
penetrable and icebound despotism ? But the diplo-
matic champion of Russia is not satisfied with defend-
ing his master according, doubtless, to the code of
morality which is fitted to the latitude of St. Peters-
burg, but, like a skilful General, he attempts to divert
his opponents from the weak place by making an at-
tack on them. " Poland," says the writer, "is the
Ireland of Russia—it was doomed to be so by its
geographical position ;" and then, since frankness seems
to be the order of the day with him, he drops these
two hints en passant—one is, that if we wish that
" Poland should not be the Ireland of Russia, we
ought to have thought of it before." We do not know
what new spur will be requisite to stimulate that su-
pineness which we have so recently and repeatedly attri-
buted to the British commercial community. The second
is a hint growing out of the first, and equally worthy
of silent annotation, that "even Constantinople may
share the fate of Warsaw, if we are equally supine."
The writer, then, apparently tired of a task so unfitted
to Russian diplomacy, as that of denouncing the sys-
tem of diplomatic lying which is in fact its very life-
blood, suddenly bolts out with an assertion which when
we pronounce it to be a falsehood, we doubt not that
the verdict will be echoed by every one who reads it—
" The speech of the Emperor is harsh, but it says no-
thing which, under similar circumstances, would not
be done in France, and even in England." Even if
this allegation were the truth, the argument would prove
nothing. It would merely be a repetition or amplifi-
cation of the Juvenalian adage--
" Cledius accusal mcechos ; Catalina Cathegum."
A bad character is not made better through being ac-
cused by a bad character. An evil act does not jus-
tify an evil act. But it is not the truth. We need not
say a word more respecting this self-refuting falsehood.
It is not worth while to fight with giants of the semi-
official scribe's own creation. But in another passage
he again couples together a mischievous sophistry
with a useful admonition. Like all knaves, there is
just sufficient folly in his composition to counteract his
knavery. He is just thoughtless or contemptuous
enough to supply the " bane and antidote" at the
same time. He argues that Poland is not yet de-
pressed so low as Ireland, but it probably will be, if
we in England and in other free States persist in sti-
mulating the outraged and oppressed to turn on the
oppressor. "Poland is not yet depressed so low as
Ireland, but it may come to this if the promises of
foreigners—if the splendid prospects which they hold
out in high-sounding speeches and articles, should
make an impression on the sons of an unhappy
country." So, we are, according to the moral code of
this minion of despotism, even to withhold the ex-
pression of moral sympathy with the miseries of our
fellow-creatures, nurtured like ourselves on the soil
and in the atmosphere of free • opinion. We are to
mould our countenances even to the form of apathetic
indifference—we are to quench the flashing in-
dignation of the eye—we must not even look displea-
sure at the tyrant—in order that we may not prompt
the mutilated and insulted victim to make one last des-
perate struggle, in order to free himself from the avowed
doom of death and of dishonour. But we are glad to
see the tyrant judging himself from his own mouth,
and forced as it were, by the internal agonies of his
own conscience, to announce to the world that there
are yet hopes for Poland ; that though trampled under
foot, she breathes defiance to him and to his legions;
and that it is only by the instant and constant applica-
tion of main force, she is kept down. He tells Europe
plainly, as lie told the Deputies of Warsaw, that this
is the truth—that to assert the contrary would be a lie.
Flee Europe will have time and cause to think on this
declaration.—Morning Advertiser.

A marine soldier in 1756, was ordered to be shot at
Plymouth Dock for desertion. The marine companies,
and the 4th Regiment, were ordered to -attend the execu-
tion. About nine in the morning, the prisoner was brought
out of the barracks, after having received the sacrament,
and escorted by an officer's guard and the clergyman ; his
coffin was carried before his face, which made the procession
more dreadful and solemn. About ten he got to the field
of execution : he frequently kneeled and prayed. About
eleven the commanding officer ordered him to march round
the troops to admonish them, and the clergyman dictated
what he should say, after which he returned to his place.
There were nine men, who were formerly deserters, ordered
to shoot him ; he kneeled, and was bid by the officer to
pull his cap over his face, whiCh he did, and whilst the
officer turned round, dropped a handkerchief out of his
hand, which was understood by the men as a signal to shoot
him ; and three of them instantly fired through his body.
The officer had a reprieve in his pocket, but by some un-
accountable futility, the poor man lost his life.
A very curious scene is said to have taken place in
the chamber of the Princess of Talleyrand, after she had ex-
pired. She had given i❑ her dying moments a casket, con-
taining papers, to the Archbishop of Paris, who attended
her, with the injunction to hand them to the Corntesse
D'Estignac. That lady having come, the Archbishop pm:
ceeded to fulfil the direction of the defunct, when a person-
age, representing the interests of the Prince, interfered, and
said the papers should not be given up. Madame D'Estig-
nac had also a friend who interfered in behalf of her right
to the casket, and violence threatened to terminate the dis-
pute, when a Juge de Pail., hastily summoned, came iu, and
declared, that he would keep the object of dispute it) his
possession until the right to 'it was legally decided,