The Sun.
London, England, 1835-02-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

end of a long and laborious tenure of office.
Even bodily infirmity, unless of such an extent' as,
to amount to total incapacity, will not avail them ; and
by a too rigid adherence to this rule, it has happened
that very painful exhibitions, bordering on incapacity,
have been witnessed. But let us descend several stages
lower in the seale.of office, and ask how many poor
clerks, to bring about a necessary, but in some in-
stances useless, economy, have been turned adrift
nennyless, or with pittances incapable of providing for
common wants, but who had dedicated their lives :to
the public service, and relied upon its justice in return.
Viewed in either of these lights, and in more of a simi-
lar bearing which will readily present themselves, may
we not confidently ask, was Mr. Abercromby's pension
any thing but a job ? Did he receive it in any other
capacity but as a party man ? And, if it is allowed
to continue, how many pensionless clerks and servants
of the public are there who will have a right to coin-
plai❑ that, in their case, any thing but equal justice '
has been administered ?—Morning Herald.
The question of the Spcakership is one which wc
do not like ;, but when .men of honour and character
are unnecessarily brought into the field, such as Mr.
Tennyson, as persons who are determined to vote fot
Mr. Abereromby-, and not Sir C. M. Sutton, i► is our
bounden duty to expose the lies, to which, in their des-
peration, the Tories are bound to have recourse. A
letter appeared in this paper on Saturday last—a very
useless letter we must say, inasmuch as the contradic-
tion had previously appeared, of which the .following is
a repeated copy :
To the EDITOR of the MORNING ADVERTISER.
" Sir—A paragraph (arising either from misunderstanding
or the device of the enemy) having appeared in several of the
daily papers, calculated to produce the impression that the
Right Honourable Charles Tennyson, from some domestic af
fiction, will be prevented attending the dinner on Monday
next, at the Horns, Kennington, to. celebrate that gentleman's
return for the borough of Lambeth, I beg, as one of the Stew-
ards for that dinner, that you will insert this, in positive con-
tradiction of that paragraph. The Right Hon. Member has
written to his Chairman, Samuel Palmer, Esq., and will cer-
tainly be in London this evening.
" Several Members of Parliament have been written to,
and the following have promised to attend :—Sir Samuel
Whalley, Major Beauclerk, Colonel Evans, Messrs. Wilks,
Williams, and Humphery, and many others are expected, from
whom no answers have at present been received.
" I am, Sir, your obedient humble Servant,
THOS. B. BARKER.
" East-street, Walworth, Feb. 14, 1835." _ .

So it appears that the partisans of the Whig-Radi-
cals affect to treat the incorporation of O'Connell and
Jiis Irish repealers with the expected Whig Adminis-
tration, as a matter not worth any serious thought.
All that we can say is, that if it he a joke, it is by far
the most lUgubrious that the country was ever called
upon to laugh at. It is said that O'Connell will never
he able to carry the Repeal of the Union by means •of
an English party or an English Parliament... But is
it not fact, a fact not
.merely avowed, but solemnly
and ostentatiously insisted on, by the agitator, that he
will revive his agitation for the Repeal of the Union
he moment' the "higs come again into power ? Is
not a fact that at the same time he will be himself
4-candidate " for office" under the dame Ministry ;
which,-we '6ve O'Connell's word for it, and on this
ceasion it would not be his interest to say as much if
•t were a Falsehood, will consist of two-thirds Radicals?
Now, it is not merely O'Connell's assertion which
reads us to believe in the truth of these avowals. The
position of parties—and of the agitator himself—is a
pledge for the reality of the prospects -which his cun-
ning leads him thus publicly to anticipate. The Whip
are, numerically weaker in this Parliament 'than the
Destructives, of- whom O'Connell stands the chief.
.The Whigs have less of the energy of character, and
none of the desperation by which the Destructives
are infuriated. lii-the last Parliament, when their
" following," as contradistinguished from that, both of
the Conservatives and Destructives, was much stronger
than it now is, every day's proceedings in the House
of Commons only proved the pitiable subserviency of
the Whig Ministers to the faction which was inces-
santly driving, pushing, or trampling them. Lcrd
Althorn's vacillations from hour to hour were the com-
mon theme of every man's wonder and pity. 'Whet
prevailed on Mr. Littleton to make the King's Cabinet
a political client of O'Connell ? What induced the
Chief Secretary to try the wretched game of shaking
hands with the would-be subverter of the British empire,
instead of grappling him by the throat? Nothing, cer-
tainly, but fear of his power,—nothing but a persuasion
which must operate still more forcibly upon the Whigs,
now enfeebled by an adverse election, and by expulsion
from office, than upon the same Whigs in their more
flourishing and palmy state, viz. that O'Connell's sup-
port, nay, his patriarchal protection, is necessary to them
—that they cannot do without him—that he must make
his own terms—be it the admission of ten ultra-Radi-
cals into a cabinet of fifteen members—be it the entire
overthrow of the Established Church in Ireland, as
well as of the tithe system in both countries—be it,
finally, the Repeal of the Union itself, if not as a mea-
sure to be ostensibly recognised as one, at least to be
silently meditated, or to be left open, like the Catholic
Bill, for discussion, until some favourable moment shall
'arrive, when our colonies, together with Ireland, may
be turned over to the blessings of " self.government;" an
equitable adjustmynt,' and the " rights of industry,"
are planted on the ruins of capital ; the ballot be
established for the shelter of hypocrisy and crime; and
universal suffrage and annual Pa-rliaments, in unnatural
league with a Roruish Church of Ireland, bring back
a state of govermnent, intelligence, morals, and civil
society incapable perhaps of handing down a record of
its own existence by any means more authentic than
tradition. Since every act of the confederated Oppo-
sition now proves the leading part to which O'Connell
is destined, and that not merely an office, but anN
office in the Cabinet, save only (until a new bill
shall be passed) the keepership of the Royal con-
science, will be at the beck of him who heads by
far the stronger section of the allied forces, it behoves
the people of England to look about them a little,
and consider what they really have to expect. To talk
of O'Connell not being " able" to-do this or that, not
being " suffered" to execute this or that mischievous
project, is pure drivelling. He will be suffered to do
whatever he pleases. Who in a Whig Cabinet will
stand before him ? It is not alone the bustling, im-
bposing, indefatigable activity of this adventurer, guided
y his experience and skilful trickery ; but while the
Whig noblemen and gentlemen, his partners are ob-
structed in their share of the revolutionary movement,
by aristocratic and honourable scruples, by a sense of
honour towards the Sovereign, and a strong hereditary
attachment to our institutions, O'Connell and his
myrmidons will scorn all these. They will fight un-
encumbered by any conscientious baggage. O'Con-
nell, whom these inefficient but well meaning Whig
gentlemen flatter themselves with making an instrument
to serve their purposes (their purposes, God help
.them I), are the common laughing stock of the
wily old Agitator and his confidants, for their cre-
dulous and dove-like simplicity. One of our con-
temporaries says with much naivete, in allusion to
this bed-fellowship of the Whigs with O'Connell,
whom " misfortune has brought" thus familiarly
acquainted, that honest men and knaves must
sometimes travel by the same road when they have a
" common purpose." Ay, but have the honest men
here a common purpose with the rogues ? Is the
total destruction of the Church a " common" purpose ?
Is the repeal of the Union a " common" purpose ?
Is abhorrence of England a " common" sentiment ?
for it is that which avowedly predominates in the breast
of O'Connell. We should the more lament this al-
liance, so disgraceful to the Whigs, if we could ima-
gine that by their accession to office it would be emi-
nently disastrous to the country. But we speak our
frank opinion in declaring that we do not believe such
an opportunity will soon arise of illustrating the ex-
treme and frightful evils, inseperable from O'Con-
nell, as Premier ruling in the name of Lord Mel-
bourne or Lord Spencer. We do not believe the
Peel Administration is destined to a speedy overthrow,
because we entertain as strongly as ever the opinion
that it will conciliate the support of both press and
people, by governing in the spirit of honest and en-
lightened reform—the sole condition, because the only
just condition, on which any Minister can henceforth
stand, or will dare to attempt the government of the
British nation. In the mean time the Whig Radidals
are playing a desperate game with their -Speaker :
if they lose it, they are lost themselves ; it is a blow
which they never can recover. The best of them, as
an aggregate faction, is known. All the world knows
the best of their wisdom, the best of their virtue, the
best of their statesmanlike and practical efficiency. We
have all, the most candid of us, 'been balked, after the
passing of the Reform Bill. itself, by the inconsistency
between the promises of the Whig Cabinets and their
performance. Hence the small interest the people ge-
nerally felt in their fate. On the other hand, the
worst of the Tories is the most familiar to the public.

A Conservative Government has never yet been triec
under the harness of, a reformed system of representa
tion.—Times.

The more our attention is directed to the Aber-
cromby pension, the more indefensible does it appear.
Every pensioner is per se a sinecurist ; and the honest
dispenser of a pension, therefore, will take care that
the country receives a quid pro quo for its annuity.
How does this rule apply in the case of the late Chief
Baron of Scotland—of whom, by the bye, there are
two—both pensioners ? We believe there is not a
shadow of doubt but that in Sir Samuel Shepherd's
time the office had been found to be nearly useless ;
and that Mr. Abercromby was appointed with the full
knowledge, both on the part of the Whigs and the
Duke of Wellington, that it was a mere sinecure, and
would be abolished. But let us take it otherwise, and
assume, for the sake of argument, that its inutility was
the discovery of its new possessor, and that he has the
merit and self devotion of having recommended its abo-
lition, greatly to his own loss. Was there no other way
of rewarding Mr. Abereromby's arduous labours of 17
months, or of compensating his loss, than by giving
him a life income equal to that which, with the excep-
tion ()Nile Lord Chancellor, is given to a professional
life of the longest and the hardest labour ? Was there
no other office to which Mr. Abercromby's valuable
labours could be transferred ? No way in which this
enormous pension mi;2lit be saved to the country ? No
vacancy 'on of the Court of Session? None
of the, legal inquiry of which he might
liavi g bet ? No ;it was necessary
4.•1 .
that: 1
-_-) eistiTO m mould return, like a giant re-
• ~ I ot. . • ,
frejteld; ,113 / i / °rough of Caine. But aim-
pare,Ahrexci* . ' ility dealt out to this gentleman
to t Oilio .g.,.. .I, n&lish Judges. They, it is well
knot ,-fognitlia . 'Weerce a retiring pension at the
-'' ,V, ..f.94. % ..' •

, .
, .
The Standard quotes the above letter as having
simply appeared in the columns of the Morning Chro-
nicle, though it must have known that the contradic-
tion, upon the essential point, had previously appeared
in those of the Advertiser—and from them in the
Sun, Globe, Chronicle, and other papers. But the
comment upon . the letter is the thing I And here
it is :

" All that we can learn from this is," says the Standard,
" that Mr. Tennyson will be in town this evening, except,
perhaps, we may add, that Sir Samu4, Whaley, Major Bcau-
clerk, Colonel Evans, Messrs. Wilks, Williams, and Hum.
phery, are also to be in town before Monday, a matter doulit7
less of great importance to the public. With respect to Mr.
Tennyson's vote, Mr. Barker's letter says not one word ;
if that gentleman adheres to his promise, we suspect that his
appearance in the House of Commons on Thursday next will
be the reverse of agreeable to the O'Connell conspirators.
The whole muster, then, that the Morning Chronicle is able
to make in support of its exultation, is proof that Mr. Daniel
Whittle Harvey will not do what no man living ever expected
him to do ; and an assurance that Mr. Tennyson will probably
be in his place in the House of Commons on Thursday, to do
that which we believe there is no doubt he has promised to do,
namely, vote for Sir Charles Manners Sutton !"
Now, this is something like a great lie indirect on the
part of the Standard—a lie gathered from a quarter
to which no pledge was given—and a lie in the face
of private i declarations which we have published, and
which have been copied into every paper which sees
the sun of Parliamentary reading ; but, in order to
put our cotemporary right—supposing him to be un-
knowingly wrong—we beg to state that Mr. Tennyson
will not be found wanting in any particular cause—,
that he will not vote for a Tory Speaker, when a Whig
Speaker is in the field, as he stated two years ago—
and that there is no greater folly than that of imagining
that he would be guilty of such an aberration of in
tellect. We give elsewhere an abstract of the Speech
delivered by the Right Honourable Gentleman at
the last election of Sir C. M. Sutton ;—and if any ene
can draw an inference from it, they must see at once
how he will vote on Thursday next at twelve o'clock.
We pledge not this journal, but we pledge something
more valuable to us—we pledge our individual honour
that he will vote for Mr. Abercromby. This day a
dinner is to be given to Mr. Tennyson by his consti-
tuents in Lambeth, and a noble assembly it will be.
Upwards of 300 electors have pledged themselves to
be present, and the invited guests who have promised
to attend are so numerous that the Committee, on
Friday last, stopped the admissions and sale of tickets.
This is a just tribute to merit, and Mr. Tennyson is
not the man to play false to his friends. At the same
time, we must say that he will sacrifice much indivi-
dual feeling, for the sake of the public interest, in
voting for Mr. Abercromby.---Morning Advertiser.
• We have great satisfaction in being enabled to state
that no doubt whatever remains of the triumphant re-
election of Sir Charles Manners Sutton to the Chair
of the House of Commons. According to the least,
sanguine computation which could be made yesterday by
persons in possession of the fullest and most accurate
information, as to the determination of Members, the
majority in favour of the late Speaker will not be less
than fifty. We believe. that it will very considerably
exceed that number ; and the ground of our belief, that
the calculation will be greatly surpassed, is that the
system of unconstitutional intimidation and controul
which it has been attempted, and in some instances
with success, to set up, must have induced many
Members who feel bound in honour and con-
science to vote in favour of Sir Charles Man-
ners Sutton to refrain from any previous intima-
tion of their intention, while on the part of
gentlemen intending to pursue an opposite course
there has been no such motives to silence.
We can wait the issue of the contest without much
anxiety or impatience, the rather that some of our
contemporaries are so kind as to take care that we
shall not be left without amusement in the meanwhile.
The Courier, for instance, is entitled to our best
thanks for one or two amusing and very ingenious ad-
missions which it made on Saturday night in reference
to this subject. " It is to no purpose," says our candid
contemporary, " to talk of combinations of Whig and
Radical factions to force- a Speaker on the House—of
the monstrous coalition of Mr. O'Connell and Lord
John Russell ! Knaves and honest men must some-
times travel by the same road, and have a common pur-
pose, though without a coalition." We doubt whe-
ther either the Irish or English Committee-men of Mr.
Abercromby will be much obliged to the Courier for its
love of truth. We, however; thank our contemporary,
although we perceive that the truth in the above
passage is only half told, and arc compelled to be so
ungrateful as to perplex him by an inquiry, which
we hope he will satisfy in Isis next number, as to
which of the two gentlemen he has named he means
to stand for the " knave" and which for the honest
man. The Courier goes not seem to think, indeed,
that the supporters of Mr. Abercromby, as such, are
entitled to be treated with much respect ; and in
.this
opinion we entirely concur. It is something new, cer-
tainly, for the advocate of a candidate to throw over-
board the most active, zealous, and powerful of his
supporters with so little ceremony as our contem-
porary practices upon this occasion. " The friends in
whose sincerity and honour Mr. Abercromby has
the firmest reliance are obviously not Mr. O'Con-
nell and Mr. Warburton." Mr. Abercromby
must be heinously ill-provided with friends, or a very
indifferent judge of " sincerity and honour," if they
were. But he is a mere tool in the hands of Mr.
O'Connell, nevertheless, and must be inconceivably
blind to his own position if he do not know it. The
denial of the Courier " that Mr. Abercromby has
been selected by Mr. O'Connell for the office of
Speaker, can avail but little. In less than a month
the latter will proclaim throughout Great Britain and
Ireland the boast, which for him is a proud one, that
he compelled the whole body of Whig-Radical Mem-
bers of the House of Commons to adopt a candi-
date for the Chair of his nomination. It is, how-
ever,- anything but an omen of victory when on
the eve of the conflict the troops express so loudly
the opinion that it would be ridiculous and inex-
cusable folly to have any very firm reliance upon
the " sincerity and honour" of their most zealous and

THE SUN, LON DON, .MONDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 1835.

efficient leaders. We again thank the Courier for let-
ting us know how little confidence ought in its judg-
ment to be placed in the "sincerity and honour" of
Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Warburton. And now that
we are in the humour to make acknowledgments, we
cannot entirely overlook some very liberal and accep-
table admissions of another of the . journals in the
O'Connell or Abercromby interest. The Globe is
bounteous, indeed, beyond measure 'in its confessions.
It very intelligibly describes the Whigs as a set of
people who, when they have an object to carry, do
not much care about what they say, but are al-
ways ready to bestow upon anybody any amount
of " insincere or exaggerated praise"—any quantum
of " dishonest eulogy"—that may be conducive to
their own immediate purpose. After this we may at
least expect that the Whig party, in mere mercy to
Mr. Abercromby, will cautiously abstain from uttering
a syllable in his commendation. " The Whigs are
supposed," says our judicious contemporary, " to be
estopped from making any objections to Sir C. M.
Sutton's personal qualifications for the Chair, on ac-
count of the extravagant praises many of them
showered upon him on previous occasions." How
this may be we do not give an opinion ; but it is quite
clear that " the Whigs are estopped" from saying any-
thing in favour of Mr. Abercromby's " personal quali-
fications for the Chair," after the principles upon which
they bestow their panegyrics have been so thoroughly
exposed, as they have just been by their own especial
organ. The Globe, however, makes further and still
more important revelations. Sir Charles Manners
Sutton had the praises and the votes of the Whig
Ministry and their adherents two years ago, not, it
seems, because they thought he deserved either, but
in order merely to patch up an ugly quarrel among
themselves :
" Every one knows the secret of Lord Grey's Government,
proposing Sir C. M. Sutton as the Speaker of the first re-
formed Parliament. Promises of the office had, by some mis-
take, been made by members of the Government to Mr. Aber-
cromby and to Mr. Littleton. To avoid the scandal of a con-
test among their own friends, they proposed to continue the
former Speaker in office."
There is something admirably characteristic in the
above explanation of the conduct of the Whig Minis-
ters when in power. Mr. Abercromby, as we have
just heard the Courier assert, is very difficult in
the choice of friends upon whose " sincerity and
honour" lie can firmly rely ; and no doubt the
writer of this paragraph is one of the ' very sin-
cere and honourable friends most congenial to
the intellect and disposition of. Mr. Abercromby.
We assure the Globe, however, that the Bettet it
has now given to the world was not known by
everybody, although, from the air of probability
which it wears, few may be disposed to question its
accuracy. Let us look, one by one, at the facts
comprehended in this startling secret. First, the
Whig Administration, or certain sections of it,
made a promise of the office of Speaker to two di f,
ferent individuals. Secondly, neither of these indi-
viduals, of whom Mr. Abercromby was one, would
relinquish his claims in favour of the other, although
the credit and concord of the Cabinet, which they
both affected to support upon principle, was at stake.
Thirdly, it was found necessary, in order to pre-
serve, the peace of the Cabinet, and prevent a
discreditable exposure, to solicit Sir Charles
Manners Sutton to accept the office, he being a
competitor whose success would not finally bar the
hopes of either of the eager Whig aspirants.
Fourthly, in order to the success of this manoeuvre
the Whig Ministry, with " honest" Lord Althorp
for their leader, cheated Sir Charles Manners
Sutton and the House of Commons into the belief, that
the offer of the Speakersliip was made by honoufable
men, and with views directed exclusively to the public
service, and for this purpose the Whig leaders were
prodigal of their hollow and hypocritical praise.
Fifthly, to the whole of this disgraceful plot Mr.
Abercromby was a party. These are the revelations
made by the Globe—made, incredible as it may seem,
for the purpose of convincing' the Members of the pre-
sent House of Commons that Mr. Abercromby is a
more suitable person to fill the first place among them
than Sir Charles Manners Sutton ; the former of whom
is to be preferred because lie was a party to the decep-
tion above described, and an adherent of the Ministry
that invented and practised it, and the latter to be re-
jected simply for want of those pre-eminent and con-
spicuous merits.—Morning Post.
The Tories are beginning to open their. eyes.
Hitherto they have hal it all their own way. They
have had a Government without a Parliament, a dic-
tatorship, a dissolution, and a declaration of public
principles in the veracious form of an electioneering
address. This has been all very delightful and very
absolute ; it has given them three months' reign : but
alas ! pleasure has its end ; and now, when the work-
ing of our constitutional monarchy, is about to
be resumed by the meeting of Parliament, the
film of official delusion is fast falling off, and
dire images are discovered of votes of inquiry,
of a want of confidence, and of censure. They have
tried to raise a " property in danger " cry against
their opponents, and to fare up "a Reform " cry
in their own favour. But it would not do ; people
would not believe them. They are at their last shifts,
and like penitent sinners in extremis, are about to die
decently in their own old high Tory beds. Accord-
ingly, their daily organs, the Post, the Standard,
and the Times, are preparing for their fall by preach-
ing up the acceptable doctrines of prerogative and pas-
sive obedience. Before and during the elections, we
were told that the sense of the new Parliament was
to decide the question at issue between the Tories
and the country ; but now, when a muster has
been made, and expectations have been examined
by the test of numbers, the tone is changel
The " leading journal," in that gentle style by
which it instructs three-fourths of the people of
England, calls all those Members who shall pre-
sume to place no confidence in the Duke of Welling-
ton and the Times, factious—tells them that the Duke
and his followers will not quit their offices for any votes
of their's—nay, that the King must not permit them ;
and then, clenching its editorial fist, most modestly,
constitutionally, and in sober sadness, canvasses for
converts under the threat of another dissolution.'
Thus, then, the present Parliament is not to express
an opinion upon the King's and the country's new
Ministers, or if it does so presume, then it is either to
be disregarded or dissolved. Now, on these points we.
beg leave to offer the opinions of a statesman to whom
Tories are not unwilling to refer. In a proposed ad-
dress from the Commons to the Throne, he says—
" We humbly conceive that besides its share of the legis-
lative power, and its right of impeachment, that by the law
and usage of Parliament this House has other powers and
capacities which it is bound to maintain. This House is
assured that its humble advice on the exercise of prerogative
will be heard with the same attention with which it has
ever been regarded; and that it will be followed by the
same effects which it has ever produced during the happy and
glorious reigns of his Majesty's royal progenitors ; no
doubting but that in all those points we shall be considered
as,a council of wisdom and weight to advise, and not merely
as an accuser of competence to criminate. [His Majesty
had, in an answer to an address from the Commons, said,
' I observe at the same time there is no charge or complaint
suggested against my present Ministers.'] This House claims
both capacities ; and we trust we shall be left to our free
discretion which of them we shall best employ for his Ma-
jesty's and the national service. Whenever we shall see it.
expedient to offer our advice concerning his Majesty's ser-
vants, who are those of the public, we confidently hope that
the personal favour of any Minister, or any set of Ministers,.
will not be more dear to his Majesty than the credit and cha-
racter of a House of Commons. It is an experiment full of
peril to put the representative wisdom and justice of his Ma-
jestv's people in the wrong it is a crooked and desperate
design, leading to mischief, the extent of which no human
wisdom can foresee, to attempt to form a prerogative party in
the nation, to be resorted to as occasion shall require, in dero-
gation from the authority of the Commons of Great Britain,
in Parliament assembled."
These are not crumbs of comfort to those who believe
in the omnipotence of the prerogative and of the Duke
of Wellington. A little further on, it is said, with
reference to that Ministerial adhesiveness to office re-
commended by the Times
A House of Commons respected by his Ministers is essen-
tial to his Majesty's service : it is fit that they should yield to
Parliament, and not that Parliament should be new modelled
until it is fitted to their purposes. If our authority is only to
be held up when we coincide in opinion with his Majesty's Mi-
nisters, but is to be 'set at nought the moment it differs from
them, the House of Commons will sink into a mere appendage
of Administration, and will lose that independent character
which, inseparably connected the honour and reputation with
the acts of this House, enables us to afford a real, effective,
and substantial support to his Government. It is the defer-

ence shown to our opinion, when we dissent from the servants
of the Crown, which alone can give authority to the proceed-
ings of this House when it concuas with their measures."
Speaking of a dissolution, a single dissolution, by
the unwonted exercise of the prerogative, he says :
" It is the undoubted prerogative of the Crown to dissolve
Parliament ; but we beg leave to lay before his Majesty, that
it is, of all the trusts vested in his Majesty, the most critical
and delicate, and that in which this House has the most reason
to require not only the good faith, but the favour of the
Crown."

These were the deliberate opinions of Mr. Burke,
embodied in an address to the Throse in 1784, on the
occasion of a dissolution—a single dissolution ; and
one also which had been so far approved of by the peo-
ple of England, by so much as they returned a majority
in favour of those who had advised it. The idea of a
second dissolution, a succession crop of dissolutions,
never entered even the fertile imagination of Mr Burke.
It would. belong inure to the Polignac or Strafford
school.---Morning Chronicle.