The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-19 00:00:00

THE STATE OF EUROPE.

The Earl of MALMESBURY appealed to the noble
earl opposite (Lord Shaftesbury) to postpone a motion with
reference to the disturbances at Travancore of which he had
given notice, in order that he might at once make the state-
ment with regard to the condition of affairs in Europe which
their lordships were all anxious to hear.
The Earl of SHAFTESBURY said that the question
which he wished to bring before their lordships was one of
great importance, but as it was not of such immediate inte-
rest as that to which the noble earl• referred, he could have
no hesitation in postponing his motion. He might, perhaps,
take that opportunity of giving notice that he should in the
next Parliament call the attention of their lordships to her
Majesty's Proclamation. Of that Proclamation, as it ap-
peared in England, he heartily approved, but it had been so
perverted, misunderstood, and mistranslated, that very seri-
ous consequences, indeed, had arisen from it in India, of
which there could not be a more striking proof than those
disturbances at Travancore, which he had intended to bring
under their lordships' notice.
The Earl of MALMESBURY then rose to take the
statement of which he had given notice. He said—My
lords, I must begin by returning thanks to my noble friend
for giving way to me on this occasion. I hope that your
lordships, whom I have twice disappointed before, when I
promised to make a statement upon the position of affairs
in Europe, will believe, not that it was from any reluctance
on my part to lay before you all the information which I

might be permitted by public duty to give, but that I
thought, by waiting three or four days longer, I might be
able to give to your lordships more at large that informa-
tion which you desired to obtain. Your lordships will
easily recall to your recollection what was the state of
Europe at the commencement of this year. On its very

first day we were alarmed by the additional proof which
was supposed to have been given by some words addressed
by the Emperor of the French to the Austrian Ambassa-
dor at Paris, that the relations between France and Aus-
tria were not so satisfactory as we should all desirA them
to be. That belief, on the part of the public, was very soon
strengthened by several incidents to which it was not neces-
sary that I should advert. But while the relations of
France, Austria, and Sardinia were certainly in an unsatis-
factory, and indeed in an alarming 'condition, the relations
of this country with the whole world were, on the contrary,
of a most satisfactory character. I do not say this with any
desire to obtain credit for her Majesty's Government, •be-
cause I know that questions of peace and war are in hands
higher than those of men; but it is remarkable that at that
time the position of this country and its relations with all
other States, great and small, in both hemispheres, were
those of the most profound peace and tranquillity, and that
in the events which subsequently took place England was

from this circumstance and from her power the country

which in all Europe was best suited to act as mediator and
negotiator between the States whose relations were not in
that happy condition. I need not go at any length into a
discussion of the relation occupied by Austria towards this

country. Your lordships know that the feelings of Eng-
lishmen towards the Austrian people have ever been to re-
gard them as ancient allies, who have been sharers in the
events which are recorded in some of the most glorious

pages of our history ; that we are of the same Teutonic
origin, that our respective geographical positions are such
that no jealousy can exist between us; and that therefore
our sympathies are, for all these reasons, entirely with the
Austrian people. But, my lords, if for these reasons our
sympathies are given to the Austrian people, so, on the

other hand, they are, to a certain extent, alienated from
them by the signal difference which exists between the two

Governments. Theirs is an essentially despotic Govern-

went, and ours an essentially free one ; and there certainly
exists—neutralizing the feelings which I have described as
prevailing between the two nations—that other feeling as
_ _ _

regards the Government of Austria which is so different
from that of this country. It appears to mo that it is in
Italy especially that the Austrian Government has given
rise to this feeling with respect to its administration.
No Minister of this country, and I believe no subject
of her Majesty, will deny the undoubted right of
Austria to her Italian dominion. She possesses them by
inheritance, by conquest, and by treaty ; and I know no

other titles by which her gracious Majesty holds the king-
dom of Scotland, her empire of India, and some:of the colo-
nial dependencies of the British Crown than ,these three—
right of inheritance, of conquest, and of treaty. The Italian
possessions have been secured to Austria by treaties which
our Sovereigns have signed, and those treaties are not only
held sacred by every person in this country who is inte-
rested in politics, but are looked upon as of the greatest con •
sequence to the security of the whole of Europe, and as en-
gagements which must be upheld by any Government which
administers the affairs of Great Britain. It is not, therefore,
on account of her possessions that our feeling towards Aus-
tria is less sympathetic than it would otherwise be. It is be-
cause when in possession of that part of Italy she has not,
as we think she ought to have done, wisely restricted her-
self to the management of her own affairs, and to the ame-
lioration of the condition of her own people, but has been in-
duced by political reasons to interfere with other States of
Italy, and had thus become unpopular, not only in that
country, but to a certain degree, as far as her administration
goes, also in this. (Hear, hear.) It is in private life a most
dangerous and unpopular employment to be a constable to
preserve the peace of a town or city. Austria had assumed
this position in Italy. By keeping in awe those populations
which could not be restrained by their own rulers she has
not only assumed a great deal of what I should call unne-
cessary unpopularity, but has also diminished her strength
in her own part of Italy; and there can be no doubt that if
her policy in this respect was changed she would both se-
cure the peaceful possession of her own dominions and
strengthen her political importance over the rest of the pe-
ninsula. (Hear.) With respect to Sardinia our feelings are
different, and the contrast is remarkable. We are not of
the same race or the same descent as the people of that
country, and therefore there is no smypathy of race or of
descent between us and them ; but there is such a resem-

blance between our Governments ; they are so nearly iden-
tical in character that the greatest desire for the !prosperity
of Sardinia has always existed in this country. We have
always admired the way in which she gained her liberties,
and has made herself a living refutation of those assertions
which have been constantly put forth, that constitutional
Governments are impossible in Italy. For some years her
Government proceeded in apeaceful and prosperous manner,
and when she was obliged to have recourse to arms her

behaviour and her deeds were admired by all men in this

country. (Hear, hear.) But, my lords, more lately, lam
sorry to say, she appears to have forgotten that her mission
in Italy is one of example, and that she ought to stand forth
as a model and a pattern to the other States. She seems to
have forgotten that military glory may be an appendage o
constitutional government, but thatit is not its object. (Hear.)
She seems to have forgotten that every victory gained which
was not in support of the principle of self-defence and the
preservation of her own liberties, would be a fruitless vic-
tory, and one which would involve her in the greatest diffi-
culties with other countries. It is under these circum-
stances that the Itajian difficulties have arisen, and it is
for these reasons, which I have imperfectly sketched, as far
as I can understand them, that the position of the northern
part of Italy is such as we see with so much regret. Austria
and Sardiniabeing in this position with respect to one another
and with respect to public opinion in Italy and Europe, there
remains another great empire which did not look on with
indifference as to what took place initaly. That empire, I
need not say, is France. Now, my lords, it is difficult for
Englishmen, and for anEnglish Minister, to understand by
what process of reasoning, and by what principle of sound
policy, the ruler of that prosperous country should be in-
duced to inter fere with ether nations, and to involve himself
in the difficulties in which they were involved. Of all
countries in the world France has the finest climate
and most equal soil. Her wealth and resources are capable
of almost incalculable improvement, and there is ample
room for the energies of her people and those of her Go-
vernment in bringing her to a much higher state of pros-
Ferity and development than she now enjoys. But, my lords,
rance in her policy has deemed it fit to unite herself com-
pletely with the cause of Sardinia, and appeared determine d
at the time to which I have referred to assert her right of
interfering in the affairs of Italy, and of restricting what
she regarded as the encroachments, both moral and mate-
rial, of the Austrian empire in that country. My lords, this
could be seen only with regret lay her faithful ally, Great
Britain. No one would suppose us, or would suppose any
English Minister, capable for a moment of assisting thq
Austrian legions against the subjects of the Emperor of
Austria. That is utterly foreign to our principles and our
policy all over the world. It is contrary to our policy to
interfere in the internal arrangements of foreign nations, to
seek to emancipate them from any real or supposed oppres-
sion, or to endeavour to change their existing Institutions.
We accept the revolutions which they bring about by their
own hands and their own judgments. We recomnise their
de facto but not their de jure Governments. It there-
fore, not easy for us to understand the policy under which
France appeared to be desirous of taking part in a contest in
which she had no direct interest. My lords, the state of
things daily grew worse, and at the end of the month of
February it reached such an alarming point that, as I have
already told your lordships, Lord Cowley was sent to