The Sun.
London, England, 1832-04-09 00:00:00

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_V Ft 11.1 A 31 E X 17 .

HOUSE OF LORDS.
EARL GREY'S SPEECH.
Continued from our Sixth column, First Page.
intelligent, the powerful, the opulent, the atithotititos, and
of all the most important in society.sao(t.osid and reit-
er steal cheers )_Why, then, ears i% be necessary
foe me to ge into argument to proVe Ittat a measure cannot
Oe revolutionary which is supported in the way I
raw state who ere tie persons who support it? t say
they are the moat intelligent and the most important
art of the community, possessing the greatest measure of
wealth, and the most vital interests in the property of this
.-ounty of which they possess so large a share (Cheer-)
and can it be believed in the 19th century with the
improvements of knowledge, with aft the intelli-
gence which that class of perseea possess, that they
wanld cones forward and prefers' to your Lordships—nay,
entreat that you would adopt as a measure of salvation to
they and to their posterity, a system of Reform which was
to destroy their tights of property—a Meastre iii
interfere not only with the security of their posses
sions, bet to interfere with those institetions of the
country, which it was their deseae not to pull
down, hut to improve, and in torch a marine: as to seord
them and theirs the best and mos: ample protection.
My Lords, I therefore proceed to say, that this Bill is
founded, like the last, on the three great principles which
I have just named ; and heviug on a former occasion
twice addressed your Lordships, at very great length, in
support of the views which induced me to propose a
measure founded upon those greet principles, I will
abstain at the present time from going into those general
arguments which I could only repeat without adding to
your information, and which would consequently
fte a useless waste of your Lordships' thile. I
will therefore confine myself to a statethent of those
circumstances on which in respect) to those principles
and the measures founded upon them, the present Bill dif-
fers from the one last presented to your Lordships'
notice ; and first with respect to the principle of
disfranchisement. It is proposed by the present Bill to
di franchise, as it was by the las-, a certain number of bo-
roughs which have fallen into decay, which are considered, I
think justly considered, as an abuse in the system of re-
presentation, and to substitute for them those towns
which have risen to much wealth and importance.
H-ar. hear.) The manser in which that number
of boroughs has beets s-leeted, I will now state. It was
proposed by the former Bill that a certain line should
he drawn, by which all places having in population under
2,000, and in which it was thought, he believed
justly thought that a sufficient constituency could
not be found, that alt such boroughs should be
abolished. The advantage of that mode was this ;
we drew a distinct line by which its application
was limited, and in that degree we were pre-
cluded from the charge of partiality. But it was
objected that we were proceeding upon a principle
(which principle was population) that was very un`jUst. I
explained at that time, that that might not be the true
representation of that principle, but that though
population had been taken as a criterion, it was
but a criterion ; but it was the best which occurred to
me, and those members of his Majesty's Government
with whom I acted, by which the relative importance
of those places could be ascertained. I do not
know, my Lords, that any great inconvenience
would arise, if we had adhered to that criterion,
but when 1, and those who acted with me,
with a sincere anti anxious desire to consider
lisp issionately any proposition which emulated from any
other quarter, with a view, if possible, and to take a bet-
ter criterion, if it coold be ascertained, came to
coasider the subject, we certainly thought
we could take a better criterion by a mixed estimate of the
number of houses according to the census of ISM (which was the
best proofof population) and the amount of assessed taxes. That
criterion is founded according to the hest pi meipies of
calculation, and has been approved of by those maim-
:Aire; who are best informed upon such subjects, and
we therefore think it is the best mode of ascertaining
the relative importance of the boroughs. Having
adopted that plan, we have adhered to the dis-
franchisement of a certain number of boroughs.—(Hear.)
I am aware by looking into this new mode of calcula-
tion, we do not gain that certain distinct line which
was attained under the former bill; but I think it will be
found when your Lordships' come to examine the mea-
sore, and I trust your Lordships' will go into
the examination of it in Committee, with the
intention of canvassing it minutely and strictly.
I think and say it will be found, that admitting the prin-
cip'e that decayed boroughs must be disfranchised, it would
not be possible to reduce the number proposed
in the ' Bill, to be so dealt with, although
pmsibly according to this new mode of calculation res.-
eons might be given for extending it. The beet
friends, however, of the Bill have concurred with
me in thinking it inexpedient to propose to Parliament
to extend disfranchisement further than it was ex-
tended in the last Bill. In adopting, therefore, the cre-
terion given by the number of houses, and the
amount of assessed taxes conjoined, we trust we
have obviated the objection raised to the former
mode of estimating the value of bortughs. I trust that
this new criterion will receive the approbation of the
House, and more particularly.of that portion of it which
objected to that which was adopted in the former
Bill. I do not think it necessary to say more
en tus part of the subject. I have already said that it
is admitted that in any pun of Refocus, there must
he some measure of disfranchisement. The ques-
tion here will be, whether the measure we
have adopted is too much or too little.
I think it will be found, when your Lordships go
into Committee, that it is not too much, but that is
at any rate a question to be discussed there, so that
I iru,t your Lordship n ill ado, t the Melon
which it is this night my duty to make. My Lo, tits,
the next alteration made relates to schedule B. When this
question was before under the consideration of the House, I
said that I wits aware schedule B was the week part of the
Bill, and as I am still aware objections may be made to it, it
• has been our desire to redure as much as possible the
amount of those objections. In taking schedule B
according to the criterion which has been applied
to schedule A, we have, instead of forty-one
boroughs in schedule B we have only SO, having taken out
of it 11 of the most considerable towns formerly in it,
altogether restoring to them their original right to return
two Members. Included in these eleven towns, many
of them, by the way, very important, are, it should be
observed, several et unty towns, tbepartial disfranchisement
of which before created so much or'jection. I know
it may be said that the Bil. is full of anomalies.
I know it will be said that the boroughs restored
front schedule B to their original right of re-
turning two Members each, are man) of them inferior
in importance, population, and wealth, to some of those
boroughs to which the franchise has now been ex-
tended. This and other similar anomalies, I admit,
will be charged on the measure ; but these anoma-
lies, my Lords, are inseparable from any mode of proceed-
ing which has for it, princip'e that of retaining as much
as possible of whal now exists. And, my Lords,
the only mode of obviating. this objection, w bleb, by-
the Tye, is one which comes unfortunately from tho-e
who contend that we have done too much—
the duly mode of obviating it is by doing still more.—
( Hear, hear.) It can only be effectually removed
and made perfect in theory, according to those who
attend only to theory and principle, and net to prac-
• tioe, by having an entire new distribution of the elective
franchise, for which purpose it would be necessary to di-
vide the whole country into electoral districts. This, my
Lents, we have not chosen to do ; we would avoid so ex-
tensive a change, and preferred that the measure should be
subject to the charge of containing anomalies for the
purpose of retaining as much as possible of
what now exists. My Lords, such is the ex-
tent of the change that has been effected in
hat part of the bill which carries into effect the principle of
disfranchisement. I will now proceed to enfranchisement. My
Lords, if titers be one part of the subject more than an-
other on which I feel confident I am not exposed to any
serious objection, it is this, that to the great commercial
manufacturing towns which have risen during the last century
into importance, and have attained, many of them,
a population and a wealth equal to many capitals in Europe, it
14 ex redient and necessary that the right or suffrage
should be extended. My Lords, the towns that
are thus to be raised to the right of representa-
tion are contained in schedules C and D, and here
also there are considerable alterations in the provisions of the
Bill. To the twelve new Members which it has been
agreed to add, to these schedules, it has objected
that that part of the Bill was most highly objectionable
as increasing its democratic tendency.—(Hear, hear,
hear.) My Lords, I could wish as far as 1 can, to
state any objections that are made, and to meet and discuss
them candidly, both here and in Committee.--( Hear,
bear.) It has been said then, my Lords, that this
aiditionwill increase the democratic tendencyof the measure.

lk , Amitt'ing in the Atilt whirls- Ido not, that
liseenlacirought dre, 'of them, to be considered as totally
ig 3)17 IO 7.11. , separated from ire landed interest,—and here ! must
allude to elude to this as an unfCrtinste Reparation
bet`!: en the commercial, me' tele:during, and agricultural
SUN-OFFICE, NINE O'CLOCK.
interests of this ceisetry, in which the objection
on -
j ;m •
etre, frie 't:ti one, my Lords, is . more convinated
am refti's-ried, then the person now addresitt'eg you, f
elfC inseparable connection of eLli with the mutual
advantage and prosperity all these interests ;t ik
ing this to het 'the effect, I would answer in the
first otase'!, that the addition of twelve members
ttio`t • created to their towns is however counter_
balanced by the eleven members taken out dt beitedule
B, which keep one member eac:'4 as compared
with the former which will be con-
nected Chietty gtfic landed and agricultural
interests. [?tit, My Lords, I would sly that the Mem-
here coming from those towns will be exclusively
manufacturing or comenertiel. That the Members
connected with these "eevni will he charged with the care
of their ineereels, is indisput tale ; het neighbourig proprie-
tors es-ill, undouteltedly, as at present they have the chief
influence. It would be seen, my Lords, if the subject
were investigated, in such places th It the persons
connected with the landed interests, teeny of thein connec-
ted with your Lordships by the nearest relations, hive sate,
and do sit, as their representatives of such places is V'arlia-
tnent. rt is not to he presumed that the lrepreeentation
of these places, must necesetrily be of a democratic
nature. But it wilt I.e, as it now is, that after all,
those connected with the great interests of the country.
will beet the lead in the representation, and no shame need
take place, nor any danger he apprehended by this te, hanee in
the C nstitution of Pediment, which, as I
have before stated, is A e.ange founded on an-
ci nt precedent and the established principles of the
Constitution. And here! must caution you against one mis
take; it is generally presumed that the returns of electibtis
with rt:all times, be the former, as they use in times of
poyular agitaion. We are not to peva, my Lords of what willbe
the effect of returns hereater,by the effect now produced when
the question of raillimentary Reform has been so much agitated
This nnestion disposed of, my real and firm convic
tion is that thins will settle into their former
souece, and that property, rank, station, and good conduct
will resume their influence, (Hear,) but if my Lords, rank,
station, and property are not, as they taught be, connected
with good conduct, Why ought they to be connected with
that influence, which legitimately belongs to them, and
ethieh in nayopinion to the advantages of the coun-
try, they ought to possess ? Passing that oowever
it Is not necessary, it is not fair to suppose that
this representation will his one of umnisted demo-
cratic tendency, that their rcpreeentations will be
PO far connected with manufacturing and commercial
interests, as will give them security of atten-
tion to them, is not to be doubted. And, my Lords,
When you consider what have been the gpowth
and progress of this interest, the growing and increasing
prosperity of these towns, will it be said that 64 members the
number of schedule,. C and I) are tco much to repre-
sent that important interest, which, in connexion with
other interests of the country, are inseperable frotn its wealth
and power. On the general principle of enfranchisement
I have now, now, my Lerds, perhaps said enough ;
and on the particular alterations that have taken place, I
have dSvelt perhaps sufficiently at length, as an opportunity
will be given for that purposeupon going into Committee.
when this subject will be beter considered, and provided
for, I trust, in a way most consistent with the general sa-
tisfaction and the promotion of the welfare of the
nation, My Lords, the next great principle to which
I wi,l advert, and which constitutes the true and legitimate
character of this Reform 13ill, is the extension of
the right of voting, my Lords, on the general
principle on which that proceeds, I feel myself
called upon to say a few words. I ought to state to
your Lordships that I am confining myself chiefly at pre-
seat to what has been done in the way of alteration
The county representation is not altered, and I may, perhaps,
presently say something on it. But in my present review of
the subject, as much as possible to save your Lordships time
and spare myself unnectssary fatigue, I abstain altogether
from going into those principles of the measure which were
before discuseed, or upon those particular provisions of the
Bill which remain unaltered. But in respect to the 101.
franchise, it was stated before by a Noble E trl, whom I
sire opposite, on presenfing the Oxford petition,
tint among the petition, (Loud cries of hear, hear,)
which, by the bye, did by imp ication, if not by direct
admission, certainly gave a s unction to the principle of
Reform ; one complaint was, that there was a new
right of voting introduced unknown to the Constitution.
and sweeping away .all former rights. The objection
was fonnd.tl first of all in the idea that the right
of voting prop, se I was unknown to the Con-
stitution ; next, that it was introduced et the
expense of existing rights ; and a third ground of
objection was its uniformity. This embrace! two asser-
tions equally unfounded in truth. In the first pace, that the
prinple was unknown to the Constitution; secondly, that
it inierfered with, and tended to the destruotion of other
rights. As to the latter objection, it ancts, so far as I know,
no other rights. The county right of voting in freeholders,
remains unaltered. The right of freemen to vote, which
was secured by the last 13 11 to the present possessors
dining the existence of their natural lives, is extended
to their descendants, and to those who could obtain
their right by servitude for ever. (Hear.) These rights,
therefore, instead of being swept away are preeerved,but, my
Lords, that the principle is unknown to the Constitu-
tion, I directly and featle,sly deny. I maintain not
only that it is not a principle unknown to the
Constitution, but that it is the ancient principle recog-
nized by the Constitution of Parliament-try represntation.
My Lords, I am almost ashamed to trouble your
Lordships on this point, which was so well
brought forward on tl:e last occasion by my
Noble and Learned Friend on the Woolsack ; but
as the assertion has been repeated, I must return to
it. That Noble Lord has referred to the authority of
Mr. Sergeant Dunstable, who stated that if a new writ was
to be issued,—and he called upon any lawyer to con-
tradict him in that statement if he he could,—that
where a writ was issued to those great towns
to which it is proposed by the present Bill to give the
right of representation, ipso facto, the householder
of the borough would be the person who would return
the writ. Now, my Lords, this right of voting of the
householders is the ancient English right, and what
in fact, my Lords, does this Bill do ? Why, it
introduces this right of voting, but with great limitations.
It limits it to the inhabitant householders within the
borough, provided they can show that they have
been occupiers, for a certain time previous to the election,
of tenements of the actual value of ten pounds.
This, my Lords, so far from being the intro-
duction of a new right, is a limitation of an ancient
one, and one that can be safely adopted by your
Lordships. This right of voting, my Lords,
is nothing more than the scot and lot right of voting,
affixing to it however limitations of the annual
value of 10/. and also that the rent and taxes should
be paid up to a c- rtain time previous to the
right being given. But, my Lords, however,
it is stated that there are general objections to
this which I shall endeavour to combat, but I
with my Lords in the mean time to advert
to the altterations which have been made in thus, from the
last Bill the right of voting is the same as the former Bill.
By the former Bill it was intended the tight of voting should
delong to the 10/. householders, but there was a different
mode of ascertaining the right. There are four modes
ascertaining this right either by being rated at ten
pounds, paying taxes to amount of ten pounds,
or rent to the same amount, or by vote by ballot. The
reasons, my Lords, for adopting the alterations were,
that it was thought that it would simplify the
mode of ascertaining the value, and would guard
more effectually against the practising of deceit.—(hear.)
Now, my Lords, it has been said that there
would be very greet difficulty in ascertaining the
value. That, my Lords, I do not think will be so. Nothing
more is contemplated by this Bill than what takes place at
all county elections. The right there depends upon per-
sons holding a freehoid of forty shillings—the value
then has to be ascertained.—(Hear, hcar.)—
aud I have not heard, my Lords, that there has been
any great difficulty hitherto in ascertaining that
fact. Hut, 'my Lords, it has been thought that more
effective modes might have been adopted to reform abuse.
I am net, my Lords, aware of any, but if there are,
I should be very willing to lend every assistance
to the adoption of them, with this proviso,
that it shall not alter the extent of the qualification
As I have before s.tid, my Lords. I think there will be
no very great difficulty in this respect. I have already
stated to your Lordships that there is no great difficulty in
ascertaining the value of freeholders at county elections,
and those with respect to the votes of the guar-
dians of the poor at Norwich no difficulty had
been experienced. I know, my Lords, that it has been
proposed by some that this should be substituted by a
proof that rates to the value of 101. have been paid
brit my Lords I think this would not be expe-
dient, and can he proved to be totally unne-
cessary. In the first place I believe, m) Lords,
it is the custom in great towns to let houses according to
their actual value, in some the rate is taken at three-
fourths, in others at three-fiths, and in some as two-thirds,
and therefore with respect to that there might be
some difficulty, but to make out the value that isj
not necessary. The overseer of the poor knows how

the houses are a.'3c.§2e(l to the poor and he can ascertain
generally the value of the teneinent for which the rates are
paid. I say therefore, my Lords, that. you have here a
criterion that goes far to obt4ate fraud and abuse, and
which .will enable you to ascertain the value easily.
I think, therefore, my Lords the provision introduced into this
Bill, will be effectual, but any thing that can be pointed
out to secure that object more I shall be most happy to take
into consideration. Now, my Lord, it has been stated that
this is liable to further abuse, hut if any thing
can be stated as more effectually nhViating that
abuse, I shall lie most happy to concur in it.
except in Very feiv plAces ihrleed, not above six or seven
at the Most, the constituency created under this
anode iris not at all excessive. One fallacy prevailed
with the public, they suppose] that all this
persona who were ervered as qualifi-d tenant.
would be able to vote at the election. It must be con-
sidered that many of these would be absent, many would
be possessed by widows, and many by others not otherwise
possessed of the right of voting. Probably the persons actually
voting might Ise taken at only.ene fourth the total nattialier.
It must be observed, that this proviaiois it e§ not contain
exclusively the 101. housea, for it contains all those above
10/., great Many of Which are of such higher description of
such a high des&iption that no man would think of ex-
cluding them from the right of voting. The total
number of boroughs in which this right of voting. wll
be possessed will be from 3 to 500. There will be
115 in which the constituency will not exceed 30.
from 50 to 100 ; 69 from 100 to 800 000. There was
nothing very alarming ill this. From 500 and upwards,
only 30. Except in the London districts, the highest is
that of one thousand two hundred. Your Lordships will
not see reason to apprehend that this privilege of returning
Members of Parliament by persons who h a rental of
10/ , subjcet to rates anal assessed taxes, can he one that
threatens any of those dangers by which it has been en,lea-
voured to alarm the public mind. If there is nothing in the
numbers, is there any thing in the quality of the persona
admitted to the right of British citizens. Those who pos-
sess tenements above 10/. have given a pledge t i the corn•
munity for their good conduct by their habits of industry.
I trust, then, in contending for this enfranchisement,

as one of the material principles of the BM, it will
be seen that care has been taken to guard against
the operation of this measure in producing any of the
consequences which it has been supposed were likely
to ensue. I trust it will he further considered
that there must be also a residence and occupation of
one year to entitle a person to vote. The period
cannot he less than a year, and it might be much more.
(Heir, hear.)—After all the consideration I have been
able to give the subject, I do not apprehend that any diffi-
culty or danger is likely to be experienced from this ; more
especially when I consider that in the present scot and lot
boroughs, occupations only required for six months in-
stead of twelve. My Noble Friend has stated
that a large measure of Reform is required.
That is the case, and I sty that as), great measure
of Reform likely to give satisfaction to the country,
must be fonnded on the principle I have just laid down.
But the Noble Earl also objected to the nnifortnity of this
franchise. Now, I hold uniformity " prima facie" and
per se' to be a great advantage, for it leads to great facility,
in execution. The objdction to uniformity must rest
upon this—.that uniform right of voting will confer the
franchise upon one particular description of interest. If
this were true, I should admit, uniformly, was one evil
but it is not true. The uniform right of voting established
by the Bill is beneficial, as tending to simplicity
and facility, and executon,—but th ugh the right
he uniform, the possesion is various. We most
recollect that the rank, the habits, the interests, the
character, and the dispositions of all persons possessing this
right will vary according to the different circumstances in
which they are placed. The 101, voters of Liverpool
and Manchester will he a different description of
persons from the ten pound voters of Guildford
and Durcliester.—(Hear, hear.) In one place th, y will
he commercial, in another manufacturing, and in a third
agricultural. In some, perhaps, as Chatham and
Plymouth, they will be subject to the influence of
the Government. That may, however, be an objection ;
but I state it to chew that although the right be uniform
the possession is serious, and will be given to all descriptions
of persons in the community, thus producing that effect which
all must wish who dasire to have a real, and not a
nominal representation ; namely, a fair representation
of all the interests of the country. I think I have already
trespassed too long upon your Lordships' time but I have
now detailed the three great principles of this Bill
which are slid to constitute revolution, but which
I say are great and proper principles of Reform, and
upon which I think this Bill may be beneficially and
safely carried into a law. My Lord., there are
provissions of the Bill, differing from the last,
which have been introduced, chiefly with a view
to meet the objections which were entertained by
many to that which was before under our considera-
tion. In the first place, the number of the House of
Commons are to remain unaltered, the Members
of which representing England and Wales being
being reduerd only by the number of representatives which
have been added to Ireland and to Scotland. In the next
place, the right of voting exercised by freemen, instead
of terminating with their lives, is to be continued to all
who acquire it by birth or servitude. In the third place.
-.he boundaries of bergouhe, intiread of being decided by
Commons, are to be provided for in a Bill now before the
Commons, which will be necessary to give effect to that part
of the Bill. Some sul'ordinate regulation!' have been in-
troduced but as they do not affect the principles of the Bill,
they are undoubtedly matters fur consideration in C. inim ittee
I have left behind me the paper to which I intended
to refer, but I can state generally the contents of it.
With the additions that have been made to the
county representation, the county Members for England
will be 144, with the old boroughs which were not
disfranchised, except those which have been reduced
to use each the old Boroughs will make 264, the new Boroughswill
return 64, making the whole 328, and makiug altogether with the
county Members, 472 for the. whole representation of
England. Add those to the additions which bad been
made in Wiles, and it will appear that the whole number
for England and Wale'', was only thirteen below the
former nutober, which thirteen was given in relative pro-
portions to Ireland and Scotland. Your Lordships will
therefore perceive that the alterations which hive
been made cannot be of very material consequence,
for surely 658 Members in the House of Commons
so constituted will insure a general and due consinera-
tion for the interests of the kingdom. It has been
said as one objection to this measure, that it will be of too
democratic a tendency. There did not appear to him to be
any ground for any serious oppression in the representation
being too democratic. In the first place the 144 mem-
bers were more particularly connected with the landed
or, if you will, with the Aristocratic iterests, I say the
same of the 264 for the boroughs, making 408 out of the
number fi r England—and I should say they were all ge-
nerally connected with the landed interest—there re-
mained 64 for the new boroughs, which, if they
were confined to the manufacturing aad the
coinmei ciaal interests alone, I should say they
might lie objected to. But I do not think that 64
members, added to those interests which have grown
to such a considerable extent within the last century,
witl by any means give them more influence in The State.
than they are justly entitled to in consequence of their
weight and importance. These we the principles and
the alterations which have been made in consequence of
the objections which were raised to the measures
which were last before your Lordships. I hive
now concluded all I had to say, I beg to assure
your Lordships that I feel all the importance of my situa-
tion, I have endeavoured as far as I could, and if I have not
executed the intention I regret it sincerely, and I ask your
Lordship's pardon for it, but I have endeavoured, as far
as I could, to avoid any thing which could excite unplea-
slut feelings, which could produce unpleasant sensatiens.
I wish to introduce this measure in such a manner, and
to discuss it in such a manner as to divesgtietroosfitayl,l
and
drmetor
prejudices, of all party spirit, and of all en
proceed with obliteration
have a
haven d
acted
aheievec t calmness, d
thewished
with
t to introduce
public
inandsincerity,t o g to unite
ilnt
measure, i s in this ghleinsaemrt general
sensible
rtleeh oI
is
peac question.
of this
am the more sensible when I remember the great inte-
treesretestswwhhicilcih depend
dd
l'hpeon internalth
manufacturing prosperity, and the security of its
foreign relations. (Cheer..) I need not tell your Lordships
this fo you must all he aware th at those interests must be
be materially affected by the long continued ens-
pence in which the public mind has been kept (Hear,)
by the discussion of this question. His Al jetty's
Member were not to blame for this suspence, nor will
I imputethe blame to those who thought it their duty.
such a manlier as to bring it to a speedy
to appose the measure. All I desire is that it shall be now
(tleirsemuisnseatdionin. The opportunity is afforded which trust will
nut be lost, for it may not be very easy to recov,r
it again..--(Cheers.) 1 hive been accused of using
me language of intimidation ; but nothing was eeer
farther from my wish than to influence your Lordships.
fears on a question which shonld be de-
rided' I tnent. I wish e •
by your calm g .state to your Lord-
ships that no influence, no authority, no power on earth
tee set up in defiance of public opinion..—(Loud
cheers.) I counsel your Lordships not to yield to the
exorbitant and nureasonable demands of clamour;
but I also state that the deliberate sentiments of
hceoyuatreraey:n,tdihintiilsts.

governs and intelligent people possessed only
after long refl cction are entitled to your at.
tcntion, and give ate leave to say to your respectable
I feel deeply all the consequences of a rjection
of this measure to the country, to your Lordships,
and to myself—to the country, as it is connected with
all the interests on which its power and prosperity depen
and to your Lordships te whom the people look with con-
fidence, reference, and respect. I have been told
that the people no longer look upon the question
with the same eyes as they did before ; but I
'eny the truth of that assertion. (Heir, hear.) They are
silent; but they look with no less anxiety to the
,leliberatians of this evening—they are silent, not front
such causes as have been attributed to them ; but
solely from an unextinguished hope th it your Lordships
will grant that for which they have so earnestly prayed.—
I believe the silence which has prevailed of late
throughout I.the country, on this measure, to be the
ffect of a latent 113 p • that ydUr Lordships will not
reject the Bill, and give up the people to despair.—Hear,
hear, hear.) These, my Lords, are my views on this
important question ; and I am sensible, that no man
ever stood before Parliament under the same weight
of personal responsibility that now rests on me.
In the course of this proceeding I have been subject to
much undeserved suspicion, which I hope I never
will deserve. I have proposed what I thought
woul,l be the best for my Sovereign and my country : and
it has been a measure which is now generally admitted to
he necessary, and with respect to which the only difference
of opinion is as to the extent of it.—(Cheers.) Upou that
1 have exercised the best judgment I had. I believed that
a large measure of Reform—an efficienr measure of
Reform—such as would meet the expectations of
the country, was certainly very necessary —necessary
if you wish this country to draw that peace.
ful and prosperous situation: which as long as their
aagitation continues it cannot be expected to
resume, but which in my opinion is absolutily necessary to
have effected. I knew well the difficulties I would have
to encounter in bringing forward the measure, and
amidst all the perplexing embarrassments with which
it has been beset. I have endeavoured to conduct it
by an even and steady conduct to the successful end
which I trust on this occasion it will come to.—
(Hear, hear, hear.) As on the one hand I have
not been deterred from bearing of difficulties, so
on the other I have not suffered myself to b • forced by
clamour into prosecu ing the measure by means which, if
another mode could succeed, I was certain ought
not to be adopted.—(Cries of " Hea-, hear, hear."
under these circumstance I hope for better things—indeed
I look with something approaching to a firm confidence in
the conclusion to which your Lordships' will come.
I f I should be disappointed, I shall st ill
have the consolation of feeling that I did
the best my judgment could suggest, and that I acied ac-
cording to the best dictates of my conscience of what was r:ght
If misfortune should follow this measure, what I pray for
is—that it may be only confined to myself—that
I may he the sole victim of it—that my so-
vereign, my country, and your Lordships may remain
untouched—above all, that you moy be enabled to
maintain that union with the people which
is so necessary for tae welfare of both, and upou
which your fortunes, your authorities, your character, and
influence must all depend. My Lords, with these observa-
tions I beg to move the second reading of this Bill.-
--(Long and reiterated cheers followed the Noble Earl's
speech.)
Lord ELLENBOROUGH lose to oppose the second
ri ailing of the Bill.
(LEFT SPEAKING.)