The Sun.
London, England, 1835-09-22 00:00:00

as minutely as though he had :been one of the
'lndian Chiefs, from top to toe—his face, his figure,
and his apparel. By the way, we do not wander
that they should have thought it necessary to record
an account of his clothes, for Daniel seems cer-
tainly to have dressed the mountebank to the very
life. We are told that he had on a green coat, a
green waistcoat, green trousers, and (what a vain and
absurd old man he must be t) a green cap " encircled
by a gold band." The rioters will certainly have
something to see for their money if Dan goes home so
clad, but still 15,000/. a-year is rather too much fori
the sight. The proof however, that curiosity, and i
that alone, attracted his audience, and that Ikleasiel
saw and was mortified by the fact, is that he was at
great pains to insist that it could not be curiosity that
brought them all, though he admitted it might have
brought some of them. Our Whig London press tells
us how he was cheered : did they ever see even a bear
dance with music ? With regard to Daniel's perform-
ances, they were two in number—one in the morning
to the mob, and the other in the afternoon at the feed.
They were, however, in all respects the same as his
performances at Manchester and Newcastle ; that
at the last-mentioned place being, as we showed,
a mere repetition of the Manchester one. In all
we find the same topics harped upon; the same
stale jokes reiterated, the same lies unblush-
ingly re-asserted, the same abuse as coarsely and
as copiously poured out upon Sir R. Peel and the
Duke of Wellington, and the same object proclaimed
as the aim and end of his mission—namely, " the
preaching down of the House of Lords." It must be
admitted, however, that we observe in his speeches at
Edinburgh stronger illustrations of the force and truth
of °rattan's most happy description of his style of ora-
tory—" His rhetoric is a gaudy hyperbole, garnished
with faded flowers, such as a drabbled girl would pick
up in Covent-garden, and stuck on with the taste of a
waiting woman." Still, all, all is as weary, stale, and
flat as it is unprofitable (to every one but himself), and
we recommend him, by all means to take a month's run
in the " Groves, of Blarney," or he will assuredly break
down even as a mob-orator : and then what will the
Whigs dq ? It will be recollected that we have twice
gone trough all these topics—the whole of Daniel's
stock in trade for English and Scotch agitation, and
fully exposed his falsehoods and his wickedness. We
take it for granted that it will not be expected even of
our patience and perseverance that we should once
more perform that task. Besides, we do not believe any
more faith is now attached to a speech of Daniel
O'Connell, than to an asseveration of Baron Mun-
chausen, or Major Long-Bow. To one or two points
of his Edinburgh spea‘ however, we shall be glad to
direct the attention of our Scotch friends, and
particularly such of the Scotch people as are not so
grossly degenerated as to have ceased to appreciate the
glorious stand their ancestors made against Popery.
Daniel told his Scots audience that he was for the
" voluntary principle" in religion. We believe him.
But why is he for the " voluntary principle?" To
suppose that a Papist—a spiritual subject of the Bishop
of Rome—whose mind and conscience in all matters
relative to religion are more bound and fettered than are
the limbs of the fresh-caught African in a slave-ship—
can be, in the ordinary acceptation of the words, " for
the voluntary principle in religion," is to suppose the
grossest absurdity that a swim man was ever yet brought
to hear without bursting -his sides with laughter. And
such a Papist too I He who went down upon his
knees in the gutter to the priests in the town of
Ennis ! Oh nal this is not what Daniel means.
The object he has in view in asserting, like a Jesuit as
he is, the " voluntary principle" in England and Wales
and Scot/and, is to establish it in Ireland—in other
words, to destroy the branch of the Protestant esta-
blishment in that country, and set up Popish supre-
macy in its stead ; while throughout the rest of these
Protestant dominions he will have gone as far as man
can go to overthrow the whole Anglican establishment,
and to set men's opinions floating in a sea of doubt
and darkness and of danger, without a single star to
steer by. And for this work, next to the establish-
ment of Popery in Ireland, his church will most thank
him. We entreat the sober people of Scotland to
ponder well on these things, and not to be deceived
by the stalking-horse of politics which covers the ap-
proach of those nets the Papists have so carefully
woven, and Daniel works so cunningly to spread.
Another point of this Edinburgh oration is Daniel's
charge that Sir R. Peel praised the late laws of Louis
Philippe, coupled with an insinuation that Sir R. Peel
would not hesitate to introduce the same laws in this
country, if he had the power. The charge is a cool, a
deliberate, unmitigated lie ; and the insinuation is, if
possible, still more base, because while Daniel cannot
believe there is the slightest foundation for it, he knows
that he may persist in it with impunity, as it is not a
thing capable of refutation. We do not recollect in
the whole annals of political feuds any instance of such
low-bred grovelling baseness as that which is mani-
fested in o'Connell's attacks upon Sir R. Peel. Who
can have forgotten the painfid---the almost torturing—
sacrifices Sir R. Peel made -upon the question of Ca-
tholic Emancipation? Yet this savage now taunts
him—nay, bullies him fb, ehind his back)—because he
did not pass the meaazre sooner. In a year or two, we
suppose, we may eearpect to hear some woolley-headed
black agitator rep. ()aching the Imperial Parliament for
not having given at an earlier time the 20,000,000/.
that set the Ple.ves of the West India colonies free. A
still more iarpudent falsehood of this bad shameless man
relative to Sir R. Peel—though, considering the quarter
from which it emanates, not so revolting as the other—
is his charge that Sir R. Peel would have left the
grievances of the Disssenters, as to marriage, &c.,
just where he found them. Can he suppose that all
the world has forgotten Sir R. Peel's Bill, which ren-
dered the marriages of Dissenters valid if performed
before a Magistrate ? There must be some reason for
all this envy, hatred, and malice, against Sir R. Peel ;
we believe we can tell what that reason is, and, if we
are right in' our conjecture, the conduct of O'Connell
in his slanderous and venomous attacks upon that
Right Flonourable Baronet, is more unmanly than
tongue or pen can describe. Before the registration of
that vow of his in Heaven, which has made him such a
pest on earth, O'Connell received a hostile message
from Sir R. Peel. He accepted it ; they were to meet at
Calais, whither Sir R. Peel immediately repaired, and
waited the arrival of his antagonist. He waited in vain.
Daniel's heart failed him. He came to London, loitered
and lounged about—showed himself in all the most
public places of resort—proclaimed the object of his`
journey, and of course got himself taken into custody.
Daniel never recovered this ; 'and soon afterwards the
" vow in heaven " was resorted to as a specific against
the recurrence of similar accidents. We leave this
little history to the consideration of our readers. And, ,
now we have almost done with this performance of
Daniel at Edinburgh, which will be found at much
greater length than it deserves, elsewhere. We must
not forget, however, to notice, that he told the Scots
that the Duke of Wellington " hired " this paper.
That is a lie he borrowed from some writers of the
Whig press. We hP.ve told those writers collectively,
—we would tell `,:ilem individually if we knew who
they were—that. they, lie fouly and wantonly, when
they say that this paper has been bought or hired by
any indivichaal, or any number of individuals, or that
its course is influenced by aught but our own unbiassed
sense of -what the public weal demands. We do not
tell 04Connell that he is a liar, because we know .iat
answer he would make us if we did. He would say—
" Queen Anne is dead"—Times.
We entirely agree with the Standard that a public
subscription, especially one carried on in England, is
not the way in which the wants of the Protestant
Clergy of Ireland should be relieved. To any such
proceeding its manifest injustice offers an abundant ob-
jection ; for let it be remembered that the distresses of
these persons do not originate in any act of Providence ;
such as blight, hurricane, or general failure of crops ;
but actual robbery. The tithes, which they areas
much entitled to as the landlords to their rents, are in
existence, are withheld from them by force and fraud,
And pass into other hands. Must we add that great
part of them at least pass into the hands and pockets
of the landlords, who quietly standby to see the Clergy,
as they long have done the poor, reduced to absolute
want, while they pocket the means which ought to go
to the suppkt of both. We know that there are nuns- ,
bet) who will take fire at this, and declare that it is

not the case ; nor do we mean to say that it is yet in
reality universally so. But is there any one bold
enough to assert that it is not already partially so, and
that the extinguishment of tithes, at which the ene-
mies of the Protestant Church df Ireland are labour-
ing, do not tend to pttt the incomes of its Clergy into
the coffers bf the land-owners ? If such be not the case,
we rio not know in England what the difference
meaning is between a tithable Alla a tithe-free estate.
and to It may be said, a certain degree with truth,
that it is the Catholic holders of tithes who arg -with-
holding. tithes. But are we not with equal, or huh&
Neater truth told, that the bulk of the randed pro-
perty of Ireland is hi the hands of Protestant owners ;
and who are, therefore, the persons, after all, whO
will be, if they ate not already, most benefited by this
plunder of the Church, in which It may be said the
Catholic peasantry, under designing leaders, are the
plunderers, the Protestant landlords the receivers. If
this imputation be true, or even if it be untrue, that
the Irish landlords are' deriving advantage from the
robbery and injustice under which the Protestant clergy
now labour, there can be no doubt, we should think,
from what source relief should issue. In many cases
there doubtless are leases which may prevent any im-
mediate advantage accruing to the landlord; but they
must be strangely ignorant of the relative situation of
landlord and tenant, and especially of the kind of influ-
ence which the one possesses, and as occasion offers
can exercise, over the other, who can have any doubt
that, in many cases at least, the situation of the clergy
as to the income of their benefices need not be what it
is, if that influence were as warmly exerted for their be-
nefit as it has been unhappily used to their disadvan-
tage. At any rate, to call upon the English public to
subscribe to their support would, indeed, be a most un-
exampled instance of degradation and injustice, while
they who are the natural givers of bounty, if it is in-
deed to assume that complexion, quietly pocket their
benevolence, and, in some instances at least, the very
plunder which this subscription proposes to replace.
Without the smallest feeling of enmity or injustice to-
wards them as a body, we cannot too often repeat that
the landowners of Ireland are that class of the commu-
nity of the two countries who have least felt the pres-
sure of the times, and who are deriving incomes far
superior to those which any other description. of pro-
perty produces. As compared with tle landlords of
England, they enjoy an advanta
of full 100 per cent.,
and that, in no small kt:.•.,ree, at the expense of the
former, who find thf:inselves forestalled and undersold
in the market Iv an untaxed producer ; and the same
with lahq'tir ; while both English and Irish are main-
tainA by the law of which Ireland abstains from hav-
ing any parallel. Can it be a question, then, who
should maintain the Irish Clergy—that is, if they are
doomed to be robbed—and an O'Connell-bound Go-
vernment sits still and allows the plunder to be perpe-
trated ?—Morning Herald.
In respect to the display of oratory the past Session
of Parliament has, upon the whole, been unpropitious
to Mr. O'Connell. He made his election to act upon
the Cabinet by means of his tail, rather than upon the
House of Commons by means of his tongue, and thus
dexterously converted all the Ministerial Members, the
Ministers themselves not excepted, into dependents
and retainers. Omnipotent in the morning meetings
at Lord Lichfield's, and Downing-street--exercising a
paramount and irresistible influence over the delibera-
tions of the Cabinet, overawing Lord John, domineer-
' ing over Lord Melbourne, laughing to scorn Lord
Lansdowne and Mr. Spring Rice—Mr. O'Connell
was content to limit his Parliamentary performances to
a few altercations with the honest Representatives of
Ireland, who invariably prostrated him, and to one or
two solemn appeals to the Deity in support of state-
ments which he knew would, in a very few days
afterwards, be proved utterly false. Such having
'Seen the career of Mr. O'Connell during the Ses-
sion, it was manifestly necessary that he should
do something immediately after the prorogation
to sustain his fame as an orator. It was in this
part of his public character only that he had suf-
fered. In all other respects his reputation was more
flourishing than ever. He had during the session told a
greater number of lies, committed and been convicted
of more flagrant perjuries, established and carried on
more mischievous intrigues, plotted more deeply and
with more powerful confederates for the ruin of Great
'Britain, than in any former equal, period of his life.
In these respects there was no lost time to be redeemed.
It was not necessary that he should hasten to Ireland
to make his bow, and assume his position at Lord
Mulgrave's Court. It was only as a'declaimer that he
had lost ground. It was chiefly as a brawler that lie
had been chastised. Nothing, therefore, was of so
much importance ,to him as to show to the inhabi-
tants of some of our larger towns that if any of his
faculties had seemed to be suspended they were not
dead—that he still retained the power to brawl and
to declaim. We have not followed the Honourable
and Learned Member for Dublin throughout the
various stages of his brawling and declaiming tour.
Our respect for our readrs forbade us to do so. It
was enough for them to know in gener'al that the great
Irish agitator, the main prop. of Lord Melbourne's
Government, had been exercising his powers in some
of our large towns—that the Whigs and the rabble had
applauded him—while, as they must have anticipated,
the respectable classes of society turned their backs in
unaffected disgust and contempt. But the visit of Mr.
O'Connell to Edinburgh was attended by circum-
stances which entitle it to a more extended notice.
In Edinburgh the great and indispensable supporter
of the Whig Administration was deserted by the
Whigs—yes, deserted, slighted, scouted, insulted, ad-
visedly, cautiously, after full and mature deliberation.
The Edinburgh Whigs were not taken unaware by
the approach of the man who for a whole session had
kept the Whig Ministers in place. The invitation
which had been given to him by the Radicals of that
city was a matter of public notoriety. The Whigs
were invited, urged, conjured, to assist in giving
weight, splendour, and importance to the meeting
by which he was to be received. They were told, in a
printed address, by Mr. Tait, published a fortnight or
more before the expected arrival of Lord Melbourne's
ally, that—
" Mr. O'Connell has ever exerted his transcendant ta-
lents and well-merited influence on the side of freedom and
amelioration ; and, at this moment, he and our honoured
countryman, Mr. Hume, are the two grand supports of
Lord Melbourne's Administration—the most liberal Admi-
nistration that this country has yet seen."
They were further admonished by the same autho-
rity in the following terms, which we quote literally
from his pamphlet on the subject :
" 1. see, by the London newspapers, that Mr. O'Con-
D.'"dil lately dined with Lord John Russell, the able leader of
the Whig party in the House of Commons. Will any
Edinburgh Whig say that, because he does not approve of
all the principles Mr. O'Connell maintains—although he
cannot help approving of his general conduct, and more
especially of his conduct since the accession of the Mel-
bourne Ministry—he cannot be one of those who are to
receive Mr. O'Connell at a public dinner ? I trust none
of my Whig fellow-citizens will be so very strait-laced. By
giving a dinner to Mr. O'Connell you do not compromise
your principles ; or, to speak more correctly, you do not
assume or sanction those principles which he openly pro-
fesses, but of which you have hitherto disapproved, or to
which you have hitherto expressed no adherence. All that
can fairly be said of you, on account of your presence at
the O'Connell festivity, is that you wish well,to Ireland,
and that you show it by your entertaining publicly her great
Liberator, of whose general conduct—especially of whose
recent conduct—you approve, although opposed to his re-
ligion, adverse to some of his political principles, and not
prepared to assent to others."

But Mr. Tait laboured in vain. The Whigs would
have nothing whatever to do with Mr. O'Connell in
Edinburgh, much as they liked his aid, and that of his
tail, in St. Stephen's. We may, perhaps, be expected
to give the Edinburgh Whigs some credit for this.
We cannot give them any. In any man other than an
adherent of Lord Melbourne's Government it is meri-
torious, no doubt, to avoid any contact with such a
being as Mr. O'Connell. But in an adherent of Lord
Melbourne's Government, we can only regard this
conduct as a proof of the most wretched inconsistency
and the blackest ingratitude. We do not hesitate to
say that the Edinburgh Whigs have shown themselves
upon this occasion to be among the very basest of
Whigs. To show how complete the desertion of Mr.
O'Connell by the Edinburgh Whigs was upon this oc-
casion, we shall insert here the entire list (fortunately
we can do this without much sacrifice of space,) of