The Sun.
London, England, 1832-06-04 00:00:00

Vnowledge, or that the Press will exterminate
their principles. This powerful and " destruc-
tive" engine pours red-hot shot into the citadel
of corruption, and, therefore, it is the object of
their implacable hate. We will tell them that
the Press is the representative of public opinion
where there is a demand in the market, there is
supply. This principle in political economy is
singularly illustrated by the present state of the
Tory Press. If it were true that the ranks of
the Tories overflowed with numbers and men of
of property, the caitiff's of eorruption would
amply satisfy their ravenous appetites for Toryism
and slander. But what is the fact ? Toryism
has but one Morning Journal and one Evening
Paper, and one " three days a week Paper."
Two Sabbath-day publications constitute the
aggregate Sunday food of the " Conservatives
And what is their gross circulation ? We
wonder not, therefore, that they vainly invoke the
aid of the /are. We tell them plainly., that no
Polignac, no Wellington administration, can
ever " put dowii" the steam guns of the British
Press. No Attorney or Solicitor-Generals,
uo Scarletts, Sugdens, Knights, Pembertons
or Pollocks, no " Judge"--yea, no Lynd-
hurst or W ynford—can destroy our power
while a British Jury of Twelve Men cover
us with their shield. And when that pro-
tection is taken away from us, we shall know
how to act. We are well aware of what has
been meditated recently ; we know the machi-
nations now revolving in the heads-of the faction,
but we defy them. We dare them to the com-
bat. They will find us ready and equal to the
contest ; and while the moral force, intellect,
and property of the people are with us—which
the preponderance of the Liberal Journals de-
monstrates—we are impregnable. The Press is
not to be stormed as 13adajos or Ciudad Rodrigo
were breached by brute force ; the Printing Press
is a battery which the Great Duke and 7loseph
Sur:firce will find it difficult to silence. The
doctrine that political subjects and the conduct
of public men are too momentous for discussion,
and that we are implicitly to receive and obey
the mandates of' our " superiors," is exploded.
The "system" has received its death blow which
kept the people in abject slavery of mind, that a
few might fatten on popular ignorance. Dr.
Cooper, in his admirable dissertation on " The
Right of free Discussion," well remarks, that
" public opinion has awakened from her long
slumber ; and the questions are gone abroad,
what are the motives and designs of those who
would prohibit discussion ?—is it from a love
of truth that inquiry is forbidden ?—what are the
classes of society that consider discussion as
dangerous ? A strong suspicion now prevails
that the human intellect has been kept in fetters
by men who have boldly assumed superior wis-
dom, that their dictates might pass without iu-
quiry—men who professedly deal in conceal-
ment, darkness, and mystery, and who thrive in
proportion as knowledge is suppressed." The
(lark ages of politics arc departed. If men come
forward in public—if they meddle with the
public interests, they must he amenable to the
bar of public opinion. The printing press
was the destruction of despotism ; before that
extraordinary dissolvent error must vanish.
Education is built on the immovable foundation
of the Press. Joseph Lancaster could only be
neutralized by Bell ; and even the Bishops, thirty
years back, after vainly opposing the establish-
ment of Sunday schools, were compelled to
abandon the wicked fallacy that the " populace"
(the " lower classes") ought to be kept in
ignorance, and be fed with falsehood for their
own good. All attempts to restrain knowledge
in the present day are abortive. " The spirit of
inquiry has gone forth ; and no human power
can now say, thus far shalt thou go and no
farther." The " Conservatives" and Tories
would fain enjoy a monopoly of the Press, as
they have hitherto engrossed all political
power and patronage. Hence their savage hos-
tility to a free Press. Formerly, this mighty
engine, by the aid of pains and penalties and
popular ignorance, was wholly in their hands ;
but their patent is expired. And nothing can
exceed the unblushing impudence of their pro-
tests against " personalities." We appeal to
their weekly, to say nothing of their daily at-
tempts to run down the private reputation of
public men. Their base parasites in the country
towns, not daring to face open public meetings,
have been, throughout the last eighteen months,
contributing their anonymous, slanderous, and
gratefully-received communications against every
public man who came forward in the public
cause. Ile vulgar and scandalous calumnies
propagated by Tory Parsons, and the stiletto
pens of other literary assassins, scattered in every
town and parish in the kingdom, have indeed
disgraced the British Press ; and we challenge
Mr. John Wilson Croker to name one single liberal
journal ofany name, which has condescended or re-
sorted to the use of these Italian weapons. We
ask, who commenced this anti-national system
at the period of the Queen's trial, in 1821
and who has continued this despicable system
of detraction and slander to the present
moment ? Who meets at Spring-gardens
and Albemarle and Charles-street, who sits
every soon-day and Friday in solemn divan on
this " mystery of iniquity ?" We can proudly
say, that what the Reformers do, they act openly,
and in the face of day. Not so our plotting and
cowardly foes. They work like moles under-
ground, and shun the light like midnight owls.
Their motto is " leave alone the actions of Tory
Legislators, and let us, with impunity, slander
and vilify every excellent private and public
character in the kingdom." A crusade against
the Press is the daily subject of their miserable
plots and self-deceit ; as well might they study
to move the earth from its axis. These are not
times for mincing truth ; we will unmask public
imposters, and the time is drawing near when
the large bluebottle flies, who have bloated on
the spoil of the people, will be heard of no
inore.—Morning Chronicle.
We did not intend to resume the subject of
our diplomatic establishment till after the pass-
ing of the Reform Bills ; but the Gazette of Fri-
day obliges us to protest against some new ap-
pointments announced in it, and, above all,
against the determination evinced by them on
the part of the Foreign Office to preserve their
old course. Mr. Hamilton, we observe, is to
be promoted from the rank of Secretary to that
(4. Minister at Buenos Ayres. The assurances
given by the anonymous correspondent of the
Times, of his conversion to liberal and reform-
ing opinions, ha,e been useful to him : and, au
reste, we suppose his services will be as useful
to the country at Buenos Ayres as they have
been in Paris. The appointment of Mr. Fox
to Rio will give dissatisfaction to no friend
of freedom or Reform, except possibly that he
has not been sent to replace at once some of the
tools of the faction in the higher European
Courts. Ills name and his talents equally en-
title him to the confidence and favour of a
popular Government. Mr. Canning considered

him one of the most intelligent and able men ie
the service. But we wish to inquire what especisl
claims Mr. Aston had on a Whig Administra-
tion, beyond that of his connexion with the
Hertford family, to be removed over the head,
of the whole corps, supposing always it was
expedient tc maintain the system, to be trans-
ferred at once from the post of Secretary
at Rio to the same post at the Embassy at
Paris ? Mt. Abercromby, the son of the Chief
Baron of Scotland, to whom the Whig party
and the Reformers of both countries owe
such obligations, might have been removed from
Berlinothere he was sent as Secretary after having
filled a similar situation in a mission to Rio—if it
was still considered that no competent person at-
tached to the liberal party, but who have not had
the benefit of a Tory apprenticeship in the
mysteries of diplomacy, could be found to per-
forwefficiently the duties of secretary at Patis.
We cite the case of Mr. Abercromby merely to
enable the supporters of Reform to look at these
appointments in both points of view—and to
show the animus which directs them. Some
persons cannot divest themselves of old preju-
dices, or throw off old habits, although they ad-
mit them to be only fitted for times gone by, or
to embrace heartily and cordially new connexions
which they must feel have been useful and va-
luable to them—if only in having saved them
from the the fate of falling into the same insig-
nificancy and nothingness with their former com-
panions of the red tape and pigeon-hole school
—now dragging at the tail of the Tory-wreck.
Mr. Gore Ouseley is selected from the squad of
attaches to succeed Mr. Aston at Rio. We
have some feelings of charity towards this gen-
tleman for the manlier in which he has exposed,
in his late pamphlet, the libels vented on the
American character in the Club trash-book,
called Mrs. Trollope's ; but we shall wait to
hear from the official journal of the Foreign
Office, in what manner this appointment, like
that. of Mr. Wellesley at Munich, is calculated
to satisfy the just claims of those who have been
fighting for the popular cause before these
young diplomatists were born ; or to strengthen
the ranks of the supporters of Ministers in
Parliament. Enough of this subject for the
present. We have done our duty, and the
public are at least indebted to us for the discus-
sion which has already taken place. Every re-
spectable journal—we may say the whole influ-
ential press—has re-echoed our sentiments ; a
convincing proof, if any were required, of the
estimation in which the system and those who
uphold it, are held in public opinion. If the
Members of the House of Commons choose to
submit to the disposal of the patronage of the
state, by certain departments of the Government,
if not with the intention, at least with the neces-
sary effect of increasing the means and power of
the Opposition in the House of Lords, and of
the enemies of the people, it is not at least our
fault, and the consequence of such miserable
truckling and subserviency be upon their shoul-
ders. At the same time, we urge no immediate
notice of transactions of such comparatively mi-
nor importance until the Reform Bills are safe,
or any discussion on these points which may em-
barrass the general measures of Government,or in-
terpose delay in getting rid of a condemned House
of Commons. Our business as journalists is
faithfully to record and animadvert upon these
proceedings as they occur ; and we commit to
the judgment and discretion of those friends of
the people, on whom we know they can rely, the
proper moment at which to press a fitting reme-
dy for so serious a grievance.—Morningehron.
Nothing can be more ludicrous and idiotic
than the sanguine conceits of the " Conserva-
tives," that they can for any time overcome
liberal opinions, and arrest the march of events.
The Duke of Wellington, four years since, con-
fessed that his assumption of the Premiership
would be a sufficient act for a commission de
latnatico iuquirendo. He, neverthess, braved
his own opinion. What has been the result?—
Necessity compelled him to ruin his own party,
or resign political power. He elected the
former alternative. Ignorant of public opinion,
he braved the popular voice ; the reputation he
gained as a Military General, he has lost in the
failures of a Civil Commander. His Grace madly
opposed all Reform, as a manceuvre to effect a
junction with the Ultra Tories, cut off from
him by Catholic emancipation. Having failed in
that ruse, his Grace next tried his tactique on
the people, by affecting to yield all of that claim,
a minute portion of which he had so lately boldly
refused to concede. Utterly routed and de-
feated in all his professional plans, what public
man ever stood before his country in a more
humiliating position ? No public man was ever
more completely annihilated. An utter want of
principle has characterized these miserable and
desperate political manoeuvres. A marauding
privateer, with false colours and " made up pa-
pers," never more disgraced a country : " give
me power, and I take it on any terms,"
said the would-be Premier ! We repeat, that
never, in the history of politics, was there
such a despicable instance of political ter-
giversation or abandonment of principle.—
The Duke of Wellington may " come in," but
he will quickly " go out ;" and we only speak
the universal, and loudly declared sentiments of
honest Tories out of doors, when we say we do
not know which feeling most pervades the minds
of his own party—disgust or contempt. Nor is
the conduct of Joseph Surface—Sir Robert
Peel—a shade less despicable ; indeed his scene
shifting actions, in the opinion of all his ci-devant
political partisans, are aggravated by cowardice
and meanness. A military officer, who exchanges,
—his regiment being ordered on foreign service
—does much what the Right Hon. Baronet has
performed in the recent " merry go round" feats
of the Most Noble Duke. Sir Robert Peel,
like an old Newmarket jockey riding a "waiting
" lying by," to watch horses
race," has been
beat one another ; but the wily political rider will
find himself distanced. The old paces will not
do. Sir Robert Peel, with whining accent, and
funereal style, has repeatedly stated, on the late
discussions of the Reform question, that no
party could henceforward govern—that is to say,
that schedules A and B would disfranchise his
party. Mayhap the Right Hon. Baronet, ac-
customed to the bye speeches of Joseph Sur-
face, did not implicitly believe what he said ;but,
nevertheless, we do. The truth is, that whatever
Sir Robert Peel may affect, or try to persuade
himself, he knows inwardly that the spell of his
political enchantments is broken. In the last act
of the Schoolfor Scandal is the following clos-
ing dialogue
Sir Peter T.—Sir Oliver, I should be more sur-
vrised at this declaration, if I had not myself found him
to be mean, treacherou,, and hypocritical.
"Lady T.—And if the gentleman pleads not guilty to
these, pray let him call me to his character.
" Sir Peter T.—Then, I believe, we need add no
more : if he knows himself, he will consider it as the
most perfect punishment, that he is known to the world.
" Charles S.—lf they talk this way to honesty, what

will tl!ey say to !re, by arid by ?—[Asi4c. 1"—!1/9r nin
(ltronicle.

ECON E DITION
SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock.

IM ['EWA L PA RLIAM EN

THIS EVENING.

HOUSE OF-COMMONS.

On the motion of Mr. DrxoN, the Newcastle and Car-
lisle Railway Bill was read a third time anti passed.
Mr. /Wulf: brought up the amendments of the Com-
mittee upon the Bristol Compensation Bill, which were
read a second time.
On the motion of Lord STANLEY, the Chorlton-row
Improvetnent Bill was read a third time and passed.
Sir E. HAYES presented a petition from a parish in
the county of Louth, against the proposed system of Na-
tional Education in Ireland.
Mr. DUNDAS moved the third reading of the Edin-
burgh Polic- Bill.
An HON. MEMBER, whose name we could not learn, si
lie had received a communication from a Committee of
persons in Edinburgh interested in this Bill, stating that
several alterations had been made in it which were nut
fully understood by the parties interested, and therefore he
hoped the Hon. Member wonld consent to a postponement
of the third reading for a short time.
Mr. DUNDAS could not consent to any postponement
at this late period of the Session ; ii he did the Bill would
not he passed this session, and consequently Edinburgh
would he without any police whatever. He understood
that the Lord Advocate hail communicated with the
Committee in Edinburgh, and that that Learned Lord
had assented to the 8.11 in its present shape.
Mr. A. JOHNSTONE said that no question for a long
time past had occasioned such heart-burnings in Edinburgh
as this Bill, and if the Hon. Member did not choose to
consent to a short postponement, he should take the sense
of the House upon it.
After a few observations from Sir G. CLERK, the
House divided, when there appeared—
. For the third reading
Against it
Majority —3
Mr. M. O'CONNELL presented several petitions
from various parts if the county of Tyrone, and from
Dublin, in favour of the proposed system of Education in
Ireland, in favour of Reform, and also praying for the
abolition of tithes.
Mr. LITTLETON presented a petition from a hundred
in the county of Stafford in favour of Reform, and one
agreed to at a numerous meeting in the Staffordshire Pot-
teries, attended by 35,000 persons, praying- the House to
stop the supplies until the Reform Bill be passed.
PETITION OF THE COUNTRY BANKERS

The HON. MEMBER then presented a petition from the
Committee of Country Bickers, now witting in London,
signed by the Chairman. The Committee was composed
of bankers from nearly every county of England, and
they prayed to be heard before the Select Com-
mittee of this House, notv sitting upon the Bank
Charter, and the system of banking in London, in order
that tl.ey might give such information respecting their
interests, as might be desirable at the present crisis. They
referred porticularly to the year 1826, when the House
knew considerable alterations were made in the system of
banking, and particuarly adverted to a note written by the
then first Lord of the Treasury and the Chancellor of the
Exalt quer to the Bank of England, attributing the un-
fortunate events which then took place to the rash system
of speculation then supported and fostered by the country
hankers—(Hear, hear, hear,)—a statement that was
wholly unfounded, but which was adopted by
the House without investigation. The petitioners
stated that they could, if allowed, prove the injustice of
such a charge. They likewise denied the superiority of
the Scotch banking system. The Hon. Member begged
to refer to a note written by the Right Hon. George Daw-
son, by command of the Lords of the Treasury, in which
it was promised that when the Bank Charter came under
consideration, the interest of the country bankers should not
lie affected without their being heard ; the petitioners now
prayed to be heard, as that question was under consideration.
In 1826 he expresssed the great injustice which had been
done to such an important body by the allegation of the
then Government, and he still continued to entertain the
same sentiment. Although he admitted there was some-
thing pet nicious in the existing system, he did not expect
such a great act of injustice would be done to the body of
country bankers,' when it was clear that the system was
attributable to the Bank of England and to the then Go-
vernment. He regretted that Lord Althorp was not in
his place to inform the House what steps he meant to
adopt as regarding the country banks ; but when that
Noble Lord arrived he should take an opportunity of
putting the question to him.
Mr. HUME considered that this was not the cause of
the bankers alone, but of the public. He saw no reason
why banking should not be as free a trade as any other in
the country.—(Hear, hear.) He cndemned the proceed-
ings of the Government in 1826, and although only
29 Hon. Members divided with him on that occasion,
he felt perfectly satisfied that if the same motion was now
brough;; forward it would meet with a very different de-
cision.—(Hear, hear.) He considered the country
bankers on that occasion %vete very ill used, the faults
of the Bank of England being laid to their charge.
He thought the !louse would not do its
duty if it sanctioned any measures of Government to
carry on the present system,—(Hear, hear.) He hoped
the case of the present petitioners would meet with that
attention it deserved, and that they would be allowed the
fullest opportunity of laying their case before the public.
Mr. PAGET concurred entirely with the sentiments
that had just fallen front the Hon. Metnht r for Middlesex,
that the present was a subject on which the interests of
the public was deeply involved. The petitioners bad no
other wish than the preservation of perfect equality,
and that the real burden should be placed on that
bank which ought to bear it. At the time of the
peace iu 1826, out of 100 bankers there were not more
than seven who had not paid twenty shillings in the
pound. He hoped the petition would receive great
consideration. The petition was then ordered to be
printed.
Mr. DIXON presented a petition from the shipping
Association of Glasgow, praying for the protection of
the West India interest. The Hon. Member concurred
entirely with the prayer of the petition.
Mr. GORDON presented petitions from the presbyte-
ries of Dromore, Forfar, and Stirling, also from parishes
in Derby, Kildare, and Hereford, against the new plan of
education in Ireland.
Mr. BEAUMONT presented a petition in favour of the
Government plan of education in Ireland from the in.
habitants of North Shields and Tynemouth.
Also a petition from the county of Northumberland,
praying the House to stop the supplies till the Reform Bill
became law.
Earl GROSVENOR presented a petition from Stock-
port, praying the House not to grant its confidence
to any Ministers who were not pledged to carry the Re-
form Bill. The Noble Earl also presented a petition from
the freeholders of Stockport, against the Registry Bill ;
also two petitions from workmen in factories in the county
of Chester, against the Factories' Regulation Bill ; and
from the Justices of the Peace of Chester against the New
Beer Act.

Lord DUDLEY STEWART presented a petition from
Arundel, praying that that borough might return a
Member to Parliament itself, and not be joined with
Littlehampton. He said, that the towns were so far
distant from each other that they could never be joined
but so near (being in the same trade) that they could
❑ever agree. He was persuaded, that if the two towns
were joined, the feelings of the people would run so high
that no election could take place without riot or bloodshed.
Mr. CHOKER had been requested to support the peti-
tion. He was informed from good authority that there
were many churches near to the church of Ai untie]
than was that of Littlehampton. He hoped that
these towns were not joined so as to benefit any
particular interest, but it so happened, that by the town
of Littlehampton le:iag thrown into the borough of
Arundel, the interest of the Duke •f Norfolk would there
predominate.

Lord ALTHORp said, the arrangements made for
joining these towns under the Boundary Bill, were made
by indepenndent gentlemen, and the boundaries were fixed
with reference to no particular interest but that of jus-
tice. The gentlemen who were commissioners were in-
capable of such conduct as that imputed to them by the
Right Hon. Gentleman.

31r. CROKER said that the Boundaries Bill was
fixed to come on for discussion on Wednesday. He was
anxious to know from the Noble Lord whether it would
come on on that night or not ?
Lord ALTHORP at present thought that it would be
convenient to bring it in on Wednesday, but if not, there
was an open day when it might be convenient for the
House to take it.

Lord DUDLEY STEWART then presented a petition
from the Corporation of Arundel, complaining that that
rown contained more than 300 ten-pound tenantry, yet
Littleha ?a... had
,been joined to it, in order to send a
nem!), to Parliament, The Hon. Gentleman said,