The Sun.
London, England, 1835-10-19 00:00:00

or of adopting the only,
to exist between I ;he Hat i„,
it self desirable, means of bringing
it to albeitan not
earlitoodg.e t h,tl sr..h eirne
is indeed a report that Parliament
e that motion is discussed. But
this
sy
supposition
edimipbclifor
e
s the monstrous impossibility that the
Kixg will desert I lis . %Vlinisters !
We rejoice, for of it own parts, that the crisis has at
'length arrived. The state wherein we have been plunged
for some months pas t has been most alarming and intoler-
able. The question, is, a real and practical reform sys-
tem, or a return fI 3 one of rotten borughs ?—the en-
joyment of a free c onstitution, or the endurance of such
gross and unboun &ed corruption as shall enable an un-
principled Goveri invent 'to dispense with the forms of des-
potism?—No T ORY MINISTERS OR NO INDEPENDENT
HOUSE OF C 031? lONS c?
Of such a question it is not dif-
ficult to see the result_,
These remark. ha ye been written on the supposition that
•
the Tories will ci a
such an ( re to throw out the Irish Church Bill.
Our own opinio
a is, that they are too low-spirited to at-
temptmterprise : our hope is, that they will make the
attempt. Aft ar deep and long consideration they screwed
. .

their courage up. to the " sticking-place ;" but, as the
hour for stri.king- comes, their courage, like that of poor
Bob Acres',, ooz es out : the Duke of Wellington slinks
away (we will neat say where ;) Sir Robert Peel will not
hear the muster,-call ; and Lord Wharncliffe, who is the
watchnian of ti ie party, as reported to the station-house
—the Conserv; itive Club—that the plot will not do. Is
it not incredib' le that it should never occur to THESE
WRETCHED SP isrLEToNs that the nation observes all their
movements ? E)oes " the Irish Narcissus" think that the
men of Liverpc,ol, of Manchester, of Leeds, of Birming-
ham, of Londcm, admire him as much as he admires him-
self? Does the sensible and modest Speaker, who has no
greater admirer than ourselves in all the really valuable
(and they are not few) points of his character, think
that he can stem the tide or govern the whirlwind of
public opini on ? He has ever shown (and that is his
,reat strength) that he justly estimates his powers
" A. wise man's power's the limit of his will ;"

and we believe it to be impossible for him to risk a very
well-earned and enviable reputation for the Bartholomew-
fair glory rof being for a short time the tinsel tenant of a
Throne, from which he is to be pushed at the first moment
when it may suit the Duke of Wellington or Sir Robert
Peel to take it. No ; Mr. Sutton cannot consent to be a
cat's-paw—a warming-pan.—/lforning Chronicle. •
Most of our readers will have witnessed with con-
terapt the charge made against the House of Lords of
delaying and defeating the progress of public business;
nor is it a little extraordinary that some of those who
have either originated or given sanction and currency to
this imputation, are themselves the persons to whom the
blame ought in justice to be transferred. It is to want
of foresight, and of preconcert, and arrangement in the
heads and underlings of the different departments of
the Government, that so much of the public business
of Parliament is huddled together towards the close of
the Session, and the originating of Public Bills confined
almost exclusively to the House of Commons, instead
of being divided between them and the Lords. And
because the House of Lords will not consent to slur
over in a few weeks, or often days, what the Ministers
have had months to arrange, if they had been so
employed, that House is stigmatised as accessory to
the delay and defeat of the public business, and on
that, among other grounds, consigned to absolute ex-
tinction by the brutal wholesale incendiary. Unless
Ministers, whoever they may be, wish to be considered
parties to this unjust and slanderous warfare against
one branch of the Legislature, they will, by a prompt
alteration in the mode of conducting the public busi-
ness, obviate all colour for it for the future. This is to
be done by the very simple process of knowing and
agreeing before hand, as far as practicable, what the
Government measures of an ensuing Session shall be,
by requiring the persons in whose departments those
measures rest to prepare the Bills and documents
necessary for the purpose, and at the same time divid-
ing the task of originating those Bills between such of
their own number as are Members of each House of
Parliament. This done, instead of the main business
of the Session being defer red till towards its termination,
and instead of the House of Lords sitting for three,
four, or five successive months, with little or nothing
to do beyond the labours of its appeal jurisdiction,
the country would see the public business proceeded
with deliberately and in time, and the House of Lords
lending its powerful aid in furthering those objects, in-
stead of being, as now, driven to the alternative of
either rejecting measures or passing them in a crude,
imperfect state, and in either case unjustly accused of
obstructing and hindering that which they arc not per-
mitted to forward. No reasonable man can wish to
deny to public men some relaxation from their labours;
nor can any one wonder or complain that Ministers
should now be dispersed, and for a short period enjoy-
ing air, exercise, and retirement. But either before
they went, or immediately on their return, this method
of Parliamentary foresight should be put in practice,
and not another Session left to exhibit the same slo-
venly haste and want of method which has charac-
terised so many of the preceding, and has given a
handle to the detraction to which we have alluded.--
Morning Herald.