The Sun.
London, England, 1866-08-10 00:00:00

Sir Henry Rawlinson at Frome.

Sir H. Rawlinson, M.P., was entertained at a din-
ner by the Liberal electors of Frome on Tuesday
night. His health having been drunk, he made a
speech returning thanks, in the course of which he
said it was important to keep inview that the House
of Commons had never divided on the real question
of reform ; on every occasion they had divided on
what lawyers call a false issue. It was at one time
whether the Redistribution Bill should have prece-
dence
of the Franchise Bill, at another whether it
should be a rating or a rental franchise ; but in no
case was the house asked to say whether there
should be a reduction in the franchise or not. What
he wished more particularly to say was that there
was in the house a small and inconsiderable party
opposed to reform—that was, a reduction of the
franchise. 'This party occupied an exceptional po-
sition, and gave as it were the casting vote. In
fact they were like the waverers in a borough elec-
tion—the decision either way remained in their
hands. These were the Adullamites, as they were
called. The Conservatives invariably voted with
them, not so much from conviction as for party pur-
poses and with the view of upsetting the Govern-
ment. That, then, was the way in which the Go-
vernment bill was lost. But another point should
be kept in view. From what he had seen of the
temper of the house, he believed no bill would pass
of such an extensive scope as Mr. Gladstone s.
When they dealt summarily with 50 or 60 sfeaottsi,wan-
nihilating some and abridging the power
they would naturally make enemies of those whom
the seats affected, and no Government f
could afford
immediate followers.
to alienate 40 or 50 of their
He believed that a reform bill, o bfesuneicteisisofstell,snnitatsltl
be confined to taking one seat from
places which had two. Thus they would obtain 13
or 20 seats, and provide
for the most pressing re-
quireffients, and give representation to those large
towns whose demands could not much longer be de-
nied. However the House might differ on the sub-
ject, the real point was, what did the people wish ?
After all, it was the will of the people that must
regulate legislation on the subject, and it was for the
people to speak out. how were they to get at the
real feeling of the people ? The recent excesses in
London had influenced many against reform, but he
thought those excesses had nothing whatever to do
with reform. The question then was, how to ascer-
tain the feeling of the country. This was not to be
done by means of professional agitators, or mob dis-
plays, but by legitimate means—by meetings, and by
petition through the length and breadth of the land.
No Government could resist such an expression. Sir
Henry theil passed to the resignation of the late Go-
vernment, which he defended as a point of honour,

tions.

Earl RUSSELL on rising asked for indulgence. Im-
mersed as he had been in political waters he had no
time for science, no leisure for literature, and no
such opportunity for the enjoyment of works of art
as might have qualified him for the task he had be-
fore him. In speaking of science he should avail
himself of the assistance which a friend of high
scientific reputation had kindly afforded him. After
referring to the great discoveries and generalisation
regarding light made since the time of Newton and
to photography, he said that perhaps the most
valued of the generalisations of science in the pre-
sent century were those relating to the conservation
of force; to heat, light, electricity, magnetism, gal-
vanism, chemistry, neuricity, as being modes of
force ; and to their universal convertibility into one
another. The material advantages to be derived
from Oersted's experiments with his small magnets,
voltaic pile, and bits of copper wire seemed hardly
appreciable. Yet from these, and the discoveries
springing from these phenomena, has come the elec-
tric telegraph. The question apt to be put on the
announcement of any discovery of abstract science
—the question of " cui bon° ?" had been often an-
swered by experience. Professor Black, of Edin-
burgh, knew not that his experiments on the ab-
stract nature of caloric and his discovery of " latent
heat" would point out to Watt the improvement of
a steam engine. He hoped that another year would
not pass away without witnessing an ample grant for
enlarging the British Museum, and for trans-
ferring a portion of its contents to a fitter abode.
Passing from science to literature Lord Russell
traced the great changes which had taken place
in the subjects chosen by poets andtheir influ-
ence. History was now written with an accuracy
unknown to former times, Niebuhr and George
Lewis having taught us to distrust legendary stories.
Leaving the past, he asked what is the tendency of
the present political and religious institutions of
Europe ? If Corinth and Carthage, and Rome her-
self perished, had we not reason to apprehend that
the chief nations of Europe might also fall into
decay ? He confessed he could see no reason to
apprehend such a revolution—no reason to fear that
the New Zealander will ever behold the ruins of St.
Paul's. Among the changes which the last three
centuries had seen, there were scarcely any, it ap-
peared to him, which did not tend to improvement
and to stability. The best hopes for the permanence
of civilised communities in Europe must depend
upon the maintenance of their independence and the
progress of their liberty. A single Sovereign
governing the greater part of Europe and control-
ling the rest would very soon establish a despotism
quite incapable of maintaining for any long period
the independence of the nations over which he ruled.
The liberties of Europe, however, do not seem ex-
posed to such danger. Her present state may be
ratherdescribed as one of trial and transition, tend-
ing to something better, but by no means assured
in respect to the form which her various States may
ultimately adopt. Of some of the States on the
Continent it may be said they are seeking those
securities for freedom which many nations have
sought in vain. Few, indeed, can yet be said to
have settled down on any fixed form of free institu-
Our own constitution, perfect as we deem

it, is too complicated and requires too mach patience
and forbearance for successful imitation. Italy is
endeavouring nobly to place her liberties on a firm
basis ; Germany is only beginning her revolution,
and her communities, replete as they are with men
of vast learning and of profound views, are about,
like Icarus, to try their wings, in danger at once
from the scorching sun of military despotism
above them, and the deep sea of meta-
physical speculation underneath. There was one
change very remarkable, too clearly borne along by
the current of the times to escape our notice. Seve-
ral States of small extent and inconsiderable popula-
tion had both in ancient and modern times been
" native to famous wits or hospitable." But when
we enumerate the great men of Athens and of
Florence, we may well doubt whether a small free
State is not the best nurse of great talent in states-
men, authors, and artists. But we must recollect
that when these States flourished there was scope
afforded in them for the warrior and the orator, as
well as the poet, the sculptor, and the painter. In
In our days, on the contrary, the small States of
Germany and Italy have languished in a state of de-
, cline and insecurity, rather permitted to exist than
able to live; thence the stirring talent of those petty
Sovereignties has felt the want of a wider stage,
instead of a patriotic attachment to its native soil.
Such must then be the general result, as it is the
general tendency. Yet wherever a small commu-
nity is free in its institutions, and happy in its in-
dependence, it would be an act of inexcusable ambi-
tion to annex it without political necessity to a larger
State in order to gratify a warlike Sovereign greedy
of aggrandisement. While the political spirit of the
age tended towards the absorption of smaller States
and the consolidation of great Empires, the religious
tendency of the times had taken a totally different
I current. After reviewing the history of the Churches
and of the struggle for religious liberty since tho
time of Constantine, Lord Russell said that unity of
faith did not appear more probable now than it did
three centuries ago. If, however, all these Churches
and religious communities,n keeping tohneirthoolve own creeds
and systems of faith, woid
of lore, of mercy, and of forgiveness which are con-
tained in the Gospel, the unity of spirit might be
obtained. At present we hope we are somewhat
better than the generation we have succeeded. We
' might then expect that our sons would be better
than we are. Then, indeed, we should understand
the full meaning and intent of that
of that lay of the
which
highest, the birtha Christ,
"Glory
to God in h
angels
on earth peace
and goodwill towards men."

Sir J. KENNAWAY proposed a vote of thanks to
Earl Russell, and made a request that his lordship
would consent to have his address printed.
Mr. CAIWENTER-CrAIINIER seconded the motion,
which was carried unanimously.

The Imperial Commission has made arrange-
ments respecting the catalogue of the Great Exhi-
bition. It will be in 12 numbers, but each part
may be had separately. Thus visitors will have the
facility of purchasing at a moderate price such por-
tion as may relate to products in which they arc
most interested.

The Government has suppressed the newspaper
called the Courrier du Dinzanche. The Minister of
the Interior, in his report to the Emperor justify-
ing this step, quotes a very dangerous and virulent
article, in which France is represented as. despoiled,
overthrown, and rendered more brute-like every
day. The Minister also states that the Courrier
du
Dimanche had previously received eight warnings,
two suspensions, and one legal condemnation for
exciting hatred and contempt against the Govern-
ment.