The Sun.
London, England, 1866-01-08 00:00:00

that the Government will not accept your personal apolo-
gies for your bad faith. lam further ordered to say to you
that hereafter, when any garrison under your command is
in a state of siege, no supplies of any kind will be permitted
to be sent to such garrison from this side, General Sheri-
dan considering that it would be less of a violation of neu-
trality against the legitimate authority in Mexico to send
powder to such garrison. lam further ordered to stop all
intercourse with any garrison during the progress of a siege
except that which humanity shall dictate.
"I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
" G. WEITZEL, Major-General Commanding.
"Major-General Tomas Mejia, Commanding Line of
the Rio Grande."
The foregoing communication was returned by General
Mejia, with a verbal message, to which General Weitzel
returned the following:
" Headquarters, District of the Rio Grande,
Brownsville, Texas, Dec. 4, 1865.
" General,—l have the honourto acknowledge the receipt
of your communication of the Ist inst., in reply to my com-
munication of the 24th of October last. The three men that
cannot now be found in your prisons have long ago been re-
leased. If the three men of the 23d United States coloured
troops were captured in the lines of your enemies in arms
against you, I have nothing more to say of course. But, for
humanity's sake, I ask that, on their trial, your court may
take into consideration their ignorance, their ignorance of
your language, and the fact that officers and others from
the other side induced these men to do what they did under
promise of large sums of money. But three pieces of artil-
lery have crossed and re-crossed this river, and that only
once, and then not on United States' transports. But one
of my officers, who saw the whole performance, says the
guns were dismounted, the carriages taken apart, and the
different parts carried over in skiffs. These were brought
over to be repaired, and returned as soon as they were re-
paired. As I understand you, however, you do not com-
plain of this nor of projectiles of American manufacture
being thrown over Matamoros ; but you merely mention
them as facts which justified great precautionary measures
on your part. I have also received my communication of
the 27th ult. returned to me. I must consider it unan-
swered, as I can receive no verbal reply to a communication
written by direction of such high authority as it was.
" I am, Sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"G. WEITZEL, Major-Gen. Commanding.
"Major-Gen. Tomas Mejia, Commanding
Line of Rio Grande."
A special despatch to the New Fork News from Washing-
ton, of the 26th, says :
" The Cabinet meeting to-day was very brief and com-
paratively unimportant. The quidnuncs who started the
story that the French delegation was to be withdrawn from
Washington, and based it upon the recent visit of the:French
Minister to New York, were considerably nonplussed by
the return of Lae Marquis de Montholon to this city a few
days ago. As I had telegraphed, his visit to New York re-
lated solely to private affairs of his own ; the most friendly
relations exist between him and the Government hero, and
there is no prospect that they will be disturbed."
Another Washington despatch says :
" The constitutional term of President Juarez expired
by limitation on 13th November last. Among the Repub-
lican statesmen of Mexico there seems to be some doubt
as to whether he should continue in his office until another
election could be held, agreeable to the constitution and
the exigencies of the country, or as to whether he should
relinquish the Presidency into the hands of Gen. Ortega,
the Vice-President. All true Mexicans were, however,
unanimous in the first opinion. Gen. Ortega deemed it his
duty to be at the capital of the Republic at the expiration
of the constitutional term, with a view to assume the
charge of public affairs, should President Juarez deem it
proper to relinquish them. As rumours growing out of
these circumstances prejudicial to the Liberal cause have
been circulated, the friends of Mexico in this city deny
that President Juarez and General Ortega have quarrelled,
and say that the latter will submit graciously to the deter-
mination of the former, and continue as hitherto to up-
hold in the field and Cabinet the independence and integ-
rity of the Republic."
Now Orleans advices of the 22d contain the following :
" The Times' Mexican correspondent says the Liberal
General Diaz is carrying all before him, and the whole
State of Oaxaca is in arms against the Imperialists. The
Liberals are masters of the whole coast between Vera Cruz
and Tuspan, also south of Vera Cruz. Foraging parties of
Austrians have met with several defeats. Marshal Bazaine
writes to Mejia that the northern frontier is under the
double protection of the Emperor of Mexico and the Em-
peror of the French."
The New York World gives the followine•
.L eftraoyditert
,e 3 rub cc ta !Aber e, w itc
alleges exists among the French Canadians and sym-
pathises with the American-Irish Fenians :
"About two years ago, at the time when Fenianism began
to assume its present gigantic proportions in the United
States, an association was formed of a somewhat similar
nature in the different cities of Upper and Lower Canada,
with the purpose of seeking for the two provinces annexe-
, tion to the United States bypeaceful agitation if possible ;
but, if absolutely necessary, a resort to the sword was to be
the last argument. The association grow with the growth
of Fenianism in the United States, and many thousands of
the French Canadians joined the movement. In Quebec,
Montreal, and every town and parish where the French
element predominated, the people became imbued with the
principles avowed as the cardinal points of doctrine of the
Sons of Liberty. In Lower Canada the organization was
styled Les Fils de la Liberte, and many of the most promi-
nent men of both provinces joined the order, and it is said
that at one time the Hon. D'ArcyM'Gee, Premier of Canada,
and Sir Etienne Fache were connected with the movement.
By degrees the order spread and ramified itself throughout
the whole of Canada, and the idea crossing the bcuudary
line found refuge and supporters in Northern New York
and all along the American border wherever there wore
adventurous spirits to take it up. At the close of the
organization it numbered 180,000 men, all solemnly pledged
to shako off allegiance to the British Government at what-
ever risk the endeavour might call for. Very few Irishmen
joined the Sons of Liberty, from the fact that Fenianism
occupied all their attention,and that the organizations pro-
gressed together without clashing for two years. It was
the intention of the Sons of Liberty to keep their projects
secret until they were fully matured, but various disclo-
sures have been made by indiscreet persons, and it is stated
that a number of the officers of the crack regiments sent
over to Canada from England at the time of the Trent
difficulty have joined Les Fits de la Liberte, and are pleged
to act with the organization in military movements. It is
stated that over a dozen of the officers of the 60th Rifles,
an English regiment stationed in Canada, are active and
earnest supporters of the revolutionary idea, and are
on the books of the Sons of Liberty, having been promised
high positions in the provisional army which is in process
of organization. The leaders of the Sons of Liberty aro
in communication with the Federal Government, as they
state, and the formation of branches of the Order in the
State of New York and in the regions bordering on the
Canadian frontier has been winked at—nay, encouraged,
by the powers that be of Washington. The Sons of Liberty
declare in public that the only means to be adopted in re-
leasing Canada from the British rule are—namely, peaceful
and parliamentary agitation, combined with the awakening
of the sympathies of the American people on behalf of their
suffering republican neighbours across the line. But
in secret the same drilling and organising for military pur-
poses which mark the preparations of the Fenians for a
grapple are also nightly witnessed and participated in along
the Candian frontier, in the dark woods of the northern
part of the State of New York, on the banks of the river
St. Lawrence, and all throughout the Canadas.
" MILITARY STRENGTH OF THE SONS OF LIBERTY.
" In April last there were enrolled on the books of the
Sons of Liberty 180,000 members, of which 93,000 were
capable of bearing arms and taking part in a campaign. On
the Ist day of last September the number had increased to
240,000, of which number 188,000 were capable of bearing
arms. The great increase and impetus given to the nume-
rical strength of the Sons was caused by the great and un-
paralleled success of the Fenian organisation in the United
States. A well-known officer of the British army, who has
seen service in the Crimea, holds himself in readiness to
take command of the forces of the Sons of Liberty, when
the movement has reached its zenith. To show that this
is not a mere sensation story, a document has been pub-
lished, showing the spread of the society, its ramifications
having reached Elmira in the State of New York. In the
announcement of the lecture by Dr. Cadieux, Irishmen and
Americans are invited to attend, and the band of the Ist
Regiment Veteran Reserve Corps, which is supposed to be
the pet organisation of Secretary Stanton, is to perform
without charge at the lecture. Dr. Cadieux is a prominent
Canadian, who has been for some years a member of the
Canadian Parliament. He is strongly in favour of Repub-
lican Government and annexation to the United States."

The Irish quarrel in New York continues with unabated
bitterness. The various addresses received from different
quarters appear to be nearly all hostile to O'Mahony.
Hon. Cornelius Cole has been chosen United
States' Senator from California for a full term of six
years from the 4th of March, 1867, when the term of the
lion. John A. McDougall will expire. Mr. Colo was a
member of the last House, and an earnest and able Unionist
of the Republican stamp. Mr. McDougall is a Democrat.
We believe this is the first election of United States
Senator whose term commences with the next Con-
gress.

Colonel Goode, who commanded the 21st Illinois
Infantry, but who Was superseded by Colonel, now Lieu-
tenant General Grant, has become Sir Samuel H. Goode.
By the death of his cousin, Sir Jasper Goode, who recently
died at York, England, ho has fallen heir to estates, the
rental of which amounts annually to £3,000 sterling, and

The "SATURDAY REVIEW" ON SPECULATION IN
1865.—That the company speculation of the year
has been on a scale which cannot be permanently
maintained without bringing disaster in its train
is unfortunately too certain ; but it is very diffi-
cult to obtain any exact statistics of the real
extent of the operations carried on. The ex-
haustive list furnished to the Times by Messrs.
Spackman and Sons is no doubt accurate enough,
but it includes in the same category companies
that get their capital and companies that never
place a share, and exhibits totals which, if they
all represented actual financial operations, would
justify the utmost alarm. The capital asked for
by the new companies of the past year's growth
is upwards of £75,000,000, with powers to raise
£30,000,000 more when it may be found desirable.
The average of the two previous years was even
higher, the aggregate authorised capital of the three
years being the enormous sum of £362,000,000.
But the allowances to be made considerably dimi-
nish the real effect of these grandly conceived en-
terprises. In the first place, many banking, insu-
rance, and other companies have a nominal capital
which is not meant to be called up, except in the
event of unforeseen disaster. Then there are
many other companies which call up very
little of their capital, not because liieyisaH
not want it, but because it is hopeless to make
a call ; and in every case the calls are spread
over a long period, the first deposit being little more
than 10 or 12 per cent. And, lastly, there is the
great shoal of windbag speculations, which never
manage to place their shares, and entail no losses
except upon the over-sanguine promoters, whom no
one need pity. Unluckily, the worst companies do
not always fail to win subscribers ; butit is not im-
probable that, if all the worthless schemes could be
weeded out, the remainder would not be too much
for the financial strength of the country. As a
matter of fact, however, the load is rapidly in-
creasing to apoint which threatens the gravest finan-
cial dangers ; and prudent men are looking to all
quarters in search of some means of checking the
evil before it is too late. In a former article we ex-
pressed ourselves strongly against the notion, which
has been rather inconsiderately taken up, that the evil
can be best checkedbyrepressive legislation. Though
we see not the slightest reason to qualify our opinions
in this respect, we should be sorryto be supposed to
underrate the extent of the mischief which is now
going on. Everything points to the possibility of
hard times (financially speaking) within the next
12 months ; and whenever the pinch may come, the
drain occasioned by the multitude of mushroom
companies will tell heavily in the scale. Even if
easy-going prosperity were certain to be the rule
for ever, there are other results of the game of
company-making which are not less deplor-
able. The whole system, as it now exists, is
perpetually wasting away not only the resources,but,
what is much worse, the very fibre and morale of
commerce. Why, then, it may be asked, oppose
the policy of those who would put an end to the
practice altogether by repealing all the facilities
which the law at present affords ? Simply because
the system as it exists is not what it might be, and
we believe will be, when a little experience has
tempered the enthusiasm in favour of limited lia-
bility, to which so many fragile schemes owe their
existence. In itself, the power of creating corporate
companies is of enormous value. We need look no
further for evidence of this fact than the rapid
transformation which is going on of the best of the
old private banks into limited companies. That a
movement of this kind should give rise to an abund-
ance of counterfeit projects is not very surprising,
and the one consideration which should be present
to the minds of all who interest themselves in the
future of commerce is, how the benefits of this new
phase of industry may be secured without the ac-
companying nuisance of a shoal of bubble specula-
tions. One part of the evil we have already
endeavoured to trace to its origin, and it was not
hard to find it in the well-organised trade of
" promotion," as carried on by individuals,
and still more eriAcjimly
Tifimpe-g trot&
painurs. .1:1 VC WM 1
consequences at present experienced at all more dif-
ficult to discover. Half at least of the facilities
for the concoction of deceptive companies are due
to artificial causes, which it is in the power of those
who control this department of traffic to remove.
But this is not the most serious aspect of the mat-
ter. Losses by shareholders who gamble in shares
of new companies are injurious enough, but a more
I legitimate object of concern is the damage so often
inflicted on straightforward traders who have been
tempted, by an illusory show of activity and success,
to deal with insolvent companies on the same terms
as with ordinary firms. We do not pretend to have
the same pity for a victimised shareholder as for a
plundered tradesman. If the purchaser of scrip
finds, as he almost always does, that premiums turn
into discounts before he can realise and get out of
his venture, he has no one but himself to blame. It
is not even certain that the waste of national wealth
is at all in proportion to the sufferings of indivi-
duals. H a few hundred men lose, by the depre-
ciation of their shares, some fifty or a hundred
pounds a piece or more, for the sole benefit of
a knot of ingenious projectors, the circumstance
may be regretted from the point of view of
poetical justice ; but the operation is, after
all, only a transfer of capital, and it is by no
means certain that a man who may use the
sharpest practice in the game of speculation will
not invest his winnings with as much advantage to
the public as if the money had been left in the
pockets of his dunes. The case is very different
when a company breaks and leaves its creditors
crippled or bankrupt in consequence. A rotten firm
is no doubt as bad as a bubble company, and the
half-forgotten revelations of the last panic proved
that trading without capital or honesty was not con-
fined to limited companies. No corporate body has
yet produced a parallel to the great leather frauds,
and the worst company failures have been in con-
cerns which were sustained by the unlimited liability
of every shareholder. The only protection against
the recurrence of such disasters is, of course, pru-
dence in giving credit to doubtful firms, whether of
the partnership or the company kind. leis true that
this is a remedy which is more easily prescribed in
general terms than followed in particular cases.
Some amount of trusting faith is soon found to b. e
essential by every one who engages in commerce
any shape, but the specially alarming feature of m
the
present time is the utter reckless confidenceelleweat iwth
which credit seems to be given to the
heplaee
ofcom-
panies. A reaction will assuredly come,
thme, when
per-
haps an excessive suspicion will take
unreasoning trust ; but it would be
tabhetttertheood
thatfi the
tide should turn gently now than G
should be suddenly checked hereafter by universal
panic.
‘ IN
1,4
ITIEHEHSOPT
JECSETAOTFORC"OO3Nim hoiNns._LivArrS. TBONriEghAtS,a LE
apAeDeEeh rt
.
at Rochdale concludes with a somewhat curious
passage, in which he expresses his eager desire that
Lord Russell were not in the Lords, and could still
lead the House of Commons, and expresses it in a
way which indicates very distinctly indeed, not
exactly what he thinks, but what he does not think,
of the statesmanhteo weahyosm,
,t,htahtatoffiLecrednßowusfsaelllsl
notlament
a member of the House of Com-
monsat
thia dme eepe
al ye,
n" t
;" and further on he adds, in regard to reform,
much depends upon him, and I am not sure with
regard
to the measure that is coming that every-
thing does not depend upon him." Clearly Mr.
Bright places no confidence at all in Mr. Gladstone.
And what of Mr. Gladstone himself—how does he
look upon the task before him? Ho has told us by
the motto to his Lancashire speeches that he partly
realises the greatness of the change which his pros-
pects have undergone, that " he'll shape his old
course in a country new." He has, like the Earl
of Kent, in " King Lear," already experienced in-
gratitude where lie should least have found it—
in the University of Oxford—but has lie not
new trials of the same kind still before him,
and is not Mr. Bright already by antici-
pation turning him from his door ? We know no
statesman whom we admire so much, and from
whom we hope for so much, as Mr. Gladstone. But
we fear that the same motto which he has chosen as
a delicate reproach to Oxford may be but too appli-
cable to the case of other desertions of Mr. Glad-
stone in this ungrateful world—that in the " new
country" in which he has now to travel, he will
often " weary with the greatness of his way" and
with the pangs incident to a nature in many respects
too sensitive for the work before him. Undoubtedly
in the task of leading the House of Commons Mr.
Gladstone has a kind of duty before him to which
every statesman would look forward with peculiar
anxiety, and that in great measure for the very rea-
sons for which we all admire him. For Mr. Glad-
stone is in many respects the first leader of the mo-
dern generation of politicians—the politicians who
do not look at politics as a game of chess, but as a

4 department of li
moral
riioerdlipa perplr
thoughtlmeil
being how to o'
the world with
that was not ea. ig
nobleman, with convictions certainly, but with no
conviction so strong as the necessity of breaking all
opposition to his own Government. Mr. Gladstone
is the first leader of the House of Commons, who
will look at the obstacles of his Government from a
quite different point of view than that of mere diffi-
culties to be surmounted. Take the case of Mr.
Bright himself, for instance, who is quite likely to
be one of Mr. Gladstone's difficulties. Lord Palmer-
ston probably regarded Mr. Bright as a providential
instrument intended to render ultra-Radical views
obnoxious to the country, and took no more note of
what lie said than just to pick out the points on
which a judicious word or two in due season would
be calculated to aid this beneficent intention of
Providence. But Mr. Gladstone will certainly not
be able to take this calm, external view of powerful
assailants. If Mr. Bright is unpleasant, he will
fret, he will think of ways of convincing his reason,
of arguments likely to persuade him that he is
wrong; he will look at his speeches with a conten-
tious controversial zeal ; he will measure the weight
of his thought as thought, instead of merely mea-
suring its importance as a political phenomenon.
Even if Lord Palmerston were annoyed by a
vigorous Radical onslaught, he only thought of
his opponent as Mr. Kinglake says that the
Turks think of an Englishman or an -Englishman
of a snowstorm, namely, as "a mysterious, unac-
countable, uncomfortable work of God which may
have been sent for some good purpose to be re-
vealed hereafter." But that is the point of view of
a statesman who is mainly a man of the world—
who looks not at the intrinsic value of a thought,
but at its political operation—at its influence on the
state of parties, at the move' which will best coun-
teract it as a matter of policy. But Mr. Gladstone
is not mainly a man of the world. He is a man who
broods over his plans and the ideas of his opponents
with a strong desire to arriveol.t the. truth, Diffi-
culties that were mere stumbling-blocks to be
avoided to the old school of statesmen will be thorns
'in the flesh to be prayed against, and patiently
used as political crosses, by Mr. Gladstone. Now
this more modern and higher, if sometimes too sen-
sitive, way of looking at political life will un-
doubtedly be a real difficulty to Mr. Gladstone as
leader of the House of Commons. The manage-
ment of the House must always be more or less a
matter of real savoir-faire. In the House of
Commons it is scarcely true that the forces to be
dealt with are convictions. At a stage further back
no doubt it is so, and one great advantage that
Mr. Gladstone will have over former leaders is this
—that he may exercise if he will a real influence
on the convictions of the country, and even raise
the standard of its political ethics. But, par-
ties once fairly organised in the House of Com-
mons, the majority of members are more or less
pledged, and scarcely at liberty, even if they
were able, to alter their minds, though they may
be induced by politic considerations to alter their
votes. The notion of seriously altering the convic-
tions of members of Parliament, say on Reform, by
argument, however powerful, is like the notion that
you could mould a bust in the marble because you
can mould it in the clay. To address argument to
the member for Birmingham, for instance, on that
subject, in the same sense in which you would ad-
dress argument to minds still confessedly in search
of truth, is a waste of moral and intellectual force.
It might tell powerfully upon the country, but it
would be sure not to answer the purpose for which
Mr. Gladstone would be in danger of using it,—the
clearing of a Parliamentary obstruction out of his
path. As a set-off against the advantage of having
a Minister at the head of the House of Commons to
whom political conviction means something very
real, something implying a long intellectual and
moral process for every conviction,—we have un-
doubtedly the disadvantage that he will feel intel-
lectual and moral objections to his policy far too
keenly, and desire too much to parry them, not for
the reason for which a swordsman desires to parry a
dangerous blow—because it is dangerous, but for
the reason for which an argumentative man desires
to answer even the feeblest objections,—from a sort
of intellectual resentment of their vexatious imperti-
nence, and from a fascinating sense of being
able to annihilate them completely: Then, again,
Mr. Gladstone will have another great difficulty
as leader of the House of Commons. He will not
only, we feat, look at his duties too much as per-
suasive duties, too little as managing duties, but his
political position will be perplexing and sometimes
unintelligible to his followers. lie will care too
much to understand them, often when there is very
little to be understood ; they will care too little to

derstood, and they will be the harder to manage in
consequence. A leader loses much in power whose
followers cannot pretend to follow him into half his
, i positions. In Mr. Gladstone they will have such a
• leader Much of the course which he shaped in the
old country—on ecclesiastical questions, for instance
—and which lie promises to shape also in the " coun-
try new," is utterly unintelligible to Liberals in a
' great Liberal leader. His mind is indeed made up
of a complex system of intellectual cells communi-
cating with each other by passages intelligible to
himself but not to the mass of mankind. Now the
habit of following, a habit useful to a party, must
be at least seriously weakened when, on a certain
class of subjects, the Liberals have to admit to
themselves that they must " make allowances" for
their leader, and leave him to think and vote apart
from them. None of the mere phalanx-men had
any difficulty in following Lord Palmerston or Lord
Russell. The Conservative Liberal creed of the
one, the Whig creed of the other, was as well known,
as visible an external reality, as easy to rally to,
as the standard in an army. But Mr. Gladstone's
creed to be understood at all must be studied in its
motives. Why is he, for instance, almost one of
the Manchester school on questions of military ex-
penditure, finance, and peace,—nearly as Liberal
as they are on the extension of the franchise,--and
yet a Southerner in feeling on the American ques-
tion ? Why has he the keenest possible sympathy
with the miserable captives of Naples, and little or
none with the miserable captives of Louisiana or
Mississippi ? Why does he trust popular feeling
and free inquiry so implicitly in secular matters
and distrust it in religious,—devote all his power as
a statesman to promote the spiritual principle of a
free press, and yet to sustain the authoritative and
.
dogmatic principle of a traditional Church ? These
aanreyqouneestwiohnos h which
stucadinedofhceornteeriob: a
of
Mr ere d by
Glad-
stone's faith. But few politicians do study interiors
at all. The popular impression is that his politics
are "not of a piece, and you don't know where to
have him," that " a plain man can't follow Mr.
Gladstone with any consistency, but must set up
thinking for himself." And this, we take it, will
be one—by no means wholly unfortunate—but
rather disorganising effect of the leadership of this
brilliant man. The multiplicity of seams in his
willvie7s deter men more than ever from pinning
their faith on his. You might be a Palmerstenian
or a Whig, but only Gladstone can be a Glad-
stonian.

BUSINESS IN THE DIVORCE COURT.—In addition
to the legal arrears already mentioned, a list of cases for
the approaching term in the Divorce Court has just been
issued. It bears an "improving" appearance." There are
only 81 cases set down for hearing, besides 26 standing
over by consent of the parties.
[ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pills.—
Rheumatic and Nervous Pains.—The chilly mornings and
evenings provoke these tortures in constitutions suscepti-
ble of such maladies. Nothing affords so much relief as
Holloway's ointment well rubbed upon the skin after re-
peated fomentations. Thousands of testimonials bear wit-
ness to the wonderful comfort obtained from this safe and
simple treatment which all can adopt. Holloway's oint-
ment, assisted by a judicious use of his pills, is especially
serviceable in assuaging the sufferings from cramps and
other muscular pains, whether they be acute, chronic, ex-
ternal, or internal: It is earnestly recommended that
every sufferer from these pains should give Holloway's
remedies a few days' trial, which will fully convince the
invalid that a cure will be the reward of continued per-
severance.

[ADVERTISEMENT.] —That the fearful annual mortality or
60,000 young children and delicate persons of all ages may be
arrested, if, instead of flying blindly to pills and medicines,
which, though apparently relieving the patient, have in
reality no other tendency than that of increasing debility.
and with it the danger of life, we were simply to study how
to increase the vital force by imparting new and pure blood,
upon which the harmonious development of the whole frame
depends, has been successfully proved by Du Barry's inva-
lids' and Infauts' Food, the Revalenta Arabica, and its
thousands of cares annually. It yields three times as mu:h
easily assimilated nourishment as the best ;nee, and for
children it h the best substitute for human milk. Dr.
Routh, physician to the Samaritan Hospital for Women and
Children—the best authority on such matters —in his admir-
able publication on Food, says—Amongst the vegetable sub-
stances, th A which comes closest tl milk in its composition
is, without doubt, Du Barry's Revatenta Arabica Food, eon.
aining both phosphoric acid in abundance and chloride of
potastium ; it alio includes casein, the same principle which
is found in milk in its constituent part 4. No wonder, there-
. w
judgeht he
from
lore, that under its influence many children affected with
atrophy (wasting away of the body), and marked debi ity,
have completely recovered have gr
my
own eatest
ady
experience, advantage fn cases; and I
so far givenas
I may it it
practice fully carries out what theory,
from a knowledge of its composition, led us to anticipate.—
In tins, 1 lb., 25. 9d. 21b., 4s. 6d ; 51b., lie. ; 121 b., 220.; 241 b.
408.—Barry pu Barry and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London;
also Philli tea dealers, s, King William-ttreet ; likewi-e
at 61, Grazechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 49, Bishopsgate-
streA Within ; 63, 150, and 298, Oxford-street ; 330, Strand;
54, Upper Baker-street ; 103, Tottenham-court-road ; 96,
Upper-street, Islington, N. : Hay",
' , eY, Notting-hill ; Close
Brothers, 65, High-street; and. Stubbs, Queen's-terrace, St.
John's-wood, London; and all respectable grocers and che-
ruists.—Beware of spurious imitations.