The Sun.
London, England, 1866-10-02 00:00:00

side, and I should not be doing my duty here if I
did not say it. There may be criticism which is
not fair, not temperate—criticism which is hasty,
partial, passionate—perhaps on both sides of the
water. We have had a little too much of that—
(hear, hear, and cheers)—but it does not result from
hostility ; on the contrary, if it did not sound para-
doxical to say so, Pshould say that it arises quite as
much from an anxious desire, which both nations
feel, that the credit of those representative institu-
tions which are common to both should by both be
maintained. (Hear.) Ido not suppose the cri-
ticism which I have spoken of can ever wholly cease,
for I have sometimes thought that England and the
United States are like two individuals related by
family ties—both interested for the credit of their
common family, both of whom would be sorry
should any real harm happen to the other, but not
always agreeing in ideas ; and not being of a reti-
cent disposition, however friendly, now and then
exercising the privilege of relationship to express
their opinion of each other's affairs in a manner
which, though it may be frank, is not always judi-
cious or agreeable. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) The
lesson I draw from that is, that now that we are
going to be nearer neighbours, we must learn to be
sparing of such criticism ourselves, and not too sen-
sitive or impatient when it is applied to us. (Hear,
hear.) We are bound to bear in mind that a com-
mon language, if it brings on the one hand immense
advantages, has on the other some responsibilities
and some inconveniences. In private life probably
no man speaks of his friends in precisely the terms
he would use were they face to face. Nations con-
verse by newspapers, and every word which they say
of one another is, by the necessity of the case, said
also to one another. It is in the earnest hope that
we may use our new privileges as befits us both ; it
is in the deep conviction that on the union of the
two nations, more than on any other earthly thing,
the future of civilisation depends ; and it is with
the conviction, also, that whoever wilfully or igno-
rantly estranges them one from another is doing, on
the whole, the very worst act a human being could
commit—it is with these feelings that I now give
you the toast, " England and America united."
(Loud applause.)
The Hon. Mr. DUDLEY, American Consul, re-
sponded. He referred at some length to the great
progress which telegraphic science had made, and to
the extent of that communication, embracing, as it
did, fully three-fifths of the globe. When this great
work had been completed, who would dare to say
that the peaceful time predicted 3,000 years ago had
not arrived when the wolf and lamb should dwell
together, and the earth learn war no more ? (Cheers.)
In conclusion, he hoped that the great work would
bind still more closely the two countries.
The CHAIRMAN proposed " The North American
provinces." There was no prouder title given to
England than that of the Mother of Nations. It
was our delight to see our colonies raising them-
selves, as more especially were the North American
colonies, to positions of prosperity and independence.
If now they thought fit to claim wconfederation
amongst themselves he was sure that her Majesty's
Government would meet them halfway, aye, more
than halfway, while nothing would be further from
their thoughts than to endeavour to induce
them to adopt any measures which might not be
advantageous to themselves; but if they sought con-
federation, he could say on behalf of her Majesty's
Government they would meet with no mean jea-
lousies, but with every disposition to further their
views. (Applause.) They.had no representative pre-
sent of the great colony of Canada, but they had
present the Hon. Mr. Tupper, Prime Minister of
Nova Scotia, and the Hon. Mr. Tilley, Prime Minis-
ter of New Brunswick.

The lion. Mr.TUFPEIt first responded, and alluded
to the great patriotism displayed by the North Ame-
rican colonies with reference to the Fenian threat-
enings, and said that it was with peculiar satisfac-
tion that they, dependent as they were in a measure
on the protection of the mother country, learned
that they had been placed in such direct and imme-
diate communication with her. (Cheers.)
The Hon. Mr. TILLEY, alluding to the question
of Confederation, said they would have been sorry
to ask the Government for such a change unless
they came backed by that authority which was
constitutional ; and it was because they felt
themselves clothed with that authority that they
made the application. They loved British institu-
tions, and were determined to follow them. (Loud
applause.)
Captain HAMILTON said a message had been for-
warded through the cable to the President of the
United States. He had received a reply from New-
foundland, stating that the message had been re-
ceived, but owing to the state of the land lines it
was feared that it would not reach the President in
time for a reply to be read to the meeting.

The CHAIRMAN then proceedede Atlantic
oie give
Telegraph
eegtroaaspht
of the evening—" Success to the
Cables," which he was sure would be received with
unanimous cordiality. (Cheers.) In dong
show-
ing mentioned briefly one or two leadingfacts,
the important bearing of the cables
especially
nthe
commercial operations of the country,
with the American continent. The annual value of
our imports and exports from and to America, in-
cluding the United States and the British colonies,
amounted to something like a hundred millions.
Taking the average time of passage at something
like fourteen days, there was something like four
millions of property afloat between Great Britain
and America ; while the quantity of wheat and
wheat-flour which was imported for the subsistence
of our people averaged nine million cwts. Having
traced the progress of scientific improvements dur-
ing the reign of her present Majesty, and the vast
impetus which had been given to trade by recent
legislative enactments, he referred to the important
effect which the cables would have in promoting
good feeling between England and America, be-
tween whom it was essential for the best interests of
tho whole human race that peace should continue to
be maintained. The Chairman then read a commu-
nication from the Earl of Derby, conveying the sen-
timents and intentions of her Majesty with respect
I to the Atlantic cable expedition and its promoters.
Her Majesty was desirous of testifying her sense of
the merits displayed in this great enterprise, and
had commanded his lordship to submit for special
marks of her Royal favour the names of those who,
having had assigned to them prominent positions,
might be considered as representing the different
I departments whose united labours had contri-
buted to the final result, and had commanded him to
convey her congratulations to all whose energy and
perseverance, skill and science, bad triumphed over
all difficulties, and accomplished a success alike
honourable to themselves and their country. Her
Majesty had accordingly directed that Capt. Ander-
son, Professor Thompson, and Messrs. Glass and
Canning should be knighted, and that Mr. Sampson,
nafndbaMrnr...
deputy-chairman ofdthreeooe
riivgeinathl coehmonpoaunry,
Field received no such mark
baro-
netcy. Gooch, P
o ym.
1.7
.s hcoyurl u s
of. Royal
ifoatveorfuerr,oitwwitahswbhecaatusmeighhert Mseeajmesttny dbied notthe
wish to
chhe countryh had
naturalto
which f u
fert. i o
Fn
eol
df the
b o Go
nogveedr
nmanendt owfh
c
served equally with this country in
continued
—Lord
which
had been done. The Chairman
some further mark more immediately conneDerby had wished to confer upon Capt. Ac
nt
e
dd
ewrsiothn
his own profession, but he had been greatly disap-
pointed to find that neither. the rules of the naval ser-
vice, nor the statute of the Order of the Bath, al-
lowed him to do so. In conclusion, the right hon.
gentleman proposed the " Atlantic Cables," coupling
with the toast the names of Sir Samuel Canningand
MrS.irESI CANNINGIi.ott. briefly acknowledged the toast.
re
wasMsre.rtsuloyriexpssed
ill.
They claimedeat regret
et
dh
iatt
for
rr
laying
the cable, or any special merit in regard to the en-
terprise beyond finding a portion
nof the capital.
They would next lay a cable direct to New York.
(Cheers.)

Mr. HORSFALL, M.P., congratulated the Chamber
of Commerce upon having present the Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs and the President of the
Board of Trade, which be thought they might ac-
cept as a guarantee that the interests of commerce
would not be neglected. He proposed " The En-
gineers and Electricians," mid hoped that this cable

THE SUN, LON

might be a lasting emblem of unity between the two
great nations. Mr. Horsfall here read a telegram
from Newfoundland, in which Mr. Collett, the su-
perintendent there, informed the meeting that the
weather was fine, and the cod fishing excellent.
(Laughter.)
Mr. CLIFFORD briefly responded.

Mr. W. SMITH gave some very interesting facts
relative to the laying of the cables, and assured the
meeting that they were better than any ever yet
laid. The insulation of both had greatly improved.
He mentioned as a curious fact that, when near
Heart's Content with the second cable, he tele-
graphed, via Valentia, an invitatian to dinner to
Mr. Collett, at Heart's Content station, and he re-
ceived an acceptance within five minutes.
Mr. S. R. GRAVES proposed the " Health of Cap-
tain Anderson," who briefly and characteristically
responded, and proposed the " Officers of her Ma-
jesty's Navy engaged in laying former cables."
" The Chambers of Commerce, America and
England," responded to by Mr. M. Ross, President
of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, wasnext
given, and finally " The Health of the Chairman."

The Address of Governor Andrew to the
New England Farmers.

, Governor Andrew on the 7th inst. delivered an address
at Brattleborough (Vermont), to the New England farmers,
touching on so much interesting matter that it would have
received more general attention were the people not so
closely employed in watching the lamentable struggle
between the President and Congress. His Excellency's
addreis embraced the whole career of American industry,
and was so skilfully plahned that, notwithstanding the
magnitude of the subject, he condensed it into a speech of
a few hours. Nor did he do this only. He brought out
all the main points so forcibly, he threw such a strong
light on tho chief moving powers, that his audience could
scarcely have helped carrying with them a wider grasp of
America's progress and America's future than they had
before entertained. The address was free from prejudice,
from exaggeration, and from that extravagant laudation
with ,which American
politicians are so apt to disfigure
their most eloquent speeches. His Excellency began by
showing the increase in the population ; the causes that
induced the emigration, and the settlement of the tide over
the country. Having fixed the facts in the minds of his
hearers, he proceeded to give the effects. Having placed
the population, he:proceeded to toll the results. And accus-
tomed as we are to the amazing youth of American pros-
perity, the figures when thus brought before us cannot but
surprise :

"How well those people have prospered in their own
persons, how well they have availed themselves of tho
opportunities of the New World, how steadily thrift has
accompanied the opportunities of industry, there aro a
thousand proofs on every hand. But there is none more
emphatic or significant than their generous and sympa-
thising contributions in aid of the friends and relatives
they left behind. Besides the gifts and remittances of
which there is no accessible trace, its is known that, be-
tween the years 1850 and 1860, there was remitted, through
the agency of bankers and merchants, by these foreign-
born inhabitants of North America to their friends in
Europe, an aggregate amount not less than $50,000,000P

Thus, while the people extracted from the wastes a sure
prosperity for themselves, they generously availed them-
selves of Nature's bounty to extend a helping hand to their
less fortunate brethren in Europe. Nor was their gene-
rosity without its effect on their own national well-being.
The increasing tide of immigration which the people were
themselves so instrumental in directing, added to the value
of the property they had secured, and with the multiplied
numbers came better means of transportation, better markets
for their produce, and the innumerable advantages of a
higher state of civilisation.
" The dependence of agricultural products for their value
to their producer upon domestic markets and easy trans-
portation, the appreciation in value of farming lands by
their contiguity or easy access to market, find exactly here
thoir most emphatic proof and their most instructive illus-
tration ; for, without the advantages of the great domestic
market and the indispensable condition of the facilities of
steam transportation, both due to our diversified industry,
how could the value of farming lands in the United States,
with our population at littlemore than 30 millions of souls,
have appreciated at all ? When to every two acres of im-
proved lands we bad in 1860 three acres included within
the same forms not yet brought under cultivation ; while
the aggregate of our whole uncultivated territory com-
prises an area three times as large as the area of all the
plantations and farms!"

We can use no bettor words than those of the Governor
in describing the effects of this growth of civilisation :
" Better fed, with more fulness and variety; better clad,
in more garments, and those more pleasing to the sense of
beauty; better sheltered, by houses more commodious, and
in styles of more tasteful architecture and more enduring
quality ; but more books and newspapers, and larger pub-
lic libraries; enjoying incomparably more avenues and
better means for travelling and transportation of goods;
with ampler crops and bettor prices than ever before—this
very Commonwealth does, in its own current history,
afford the proof of the advantages of our American aim at
the largest conquest over all the domains of industry."
Having carried his hearers up to the period of the groat
war, he uses that gigantic contest to illustrate the enor-
mous power, developed by the successful work he had thus
described, and again his figures aro startling in their mag-
nitude. From this point he branches off to the export trade
of America, and his statistics are used to prove that the
great market for American agricultural produce is America
herself.

" The mean annual average of the value of the exports
of provisions from tho United States to the United King-
dom between the year 1846 and the year 1860, inclusive, is
computed at only $6,098,564, representing a quantity,
reckoned at a mean annual average, of 1,619,138 quarters ;
the mean annual average of the last term of three years
was 27 34-100ths less than the average of the first three
years. So that while the exportation of breadstuffs to
the Uaitod Kingdom had thus been relatively diminish-
ing during the fifteen years, of which 1846 was the first
year, our population had increased from less than twenty
millions to more than thirty-one millions of people, of
which increased number much the larger proportion had
been found in the food-producing States. The leading
market of American farmers has been found whore it was
predestined to be by the inevitable laws, tendencies, and
aptitudes which mark and distinguish the social man
wherever he exists in progressive civilisation. It has been
found in that very society of which the farmer was himself
a member, to whose wealth, whose economy, whose laws
and institutions ho himself contributed alike by enjoyment
and by direction."

This leads the speaker to illustrate the connection
which exists between all branches of industry.
" A nation—a civil State—is not simply like an indi-
vidual man, buying or selling. A nation is not a shop
nor a factory, nor a farm, nor a ship; not a trader, nor a
mechanic, nor a farmer, nor a merchant. It is each of
those, all of these, and many things more. It implies a
territory, a people, a diversified industry, a multiform
capacity in a multitude of mon—a society of men, having
certain united interests, comprehended on a given
territory, to which they aro attached by residence,
by fidelity, and by welfare. They are related to each
other as no other people can be related to thorn. The
people and the national domain are related to each other,
like the family and the homestead. The members of the
State are bound to each other, as are the family—com-
posed of parents, children, servants, and occupiers—whose-
interests for livelihood and hapuiness are dependent on tho
fruitfulness and development of the same paternal domain.
Tho idea of the nation, a State, implies things spiritual as
well as things material. It suggests a common spirit of
enterprise and of ambition. It stays not on " this bank
and shoal of time ;" it leaps the gulf whore all the temporal
things of life are whelmed in the final catastrophe of our
mortality ; it mounts the giddiest heights of danger or of
difficulty ; it seizes with its faithful eye the great and holy
future of the people ; it glories in the grandeur and the
beauty of that manifestation of Humanity in its excellence,
which it may become in its own power, to actualise in a
human society. It is hoard in the voice of eloquence, it is
seen in the pen of the scholar, in the pencil, the chisel of
the artist; it sings in poetry, and flashes in the patriot
sword ; it suffers and dares, and hopes and believes, and
triumphs.

"Nearly 1,500,000 male and female workers, in 130,000
establishments, manufacturing annually more than ono
million dollars of raw material into cotton or woollen
fabrics, into boots and shoes, into clothing, into paper,
into furniture, into machinery, into books and periodicals,
into loather, into tools and apparatus, and into all the
countless descriptions of ingenious mechanism; or chang-
ing by similar industry the products of the field, tho forest
and the mine, into flour, and meal, and lumber, and iron,
adding to tho value of the material absorbed the sum of
$900,000,000 morn ; the still larger number who make up
the infinite variety of professions, pursuits, and craftsmen,
whoso ingenious industry or whose learning and culture
give diversity, elegance, and convenience to the complex
organism known as human society in modern civilisation ;
the capitalists and labourers, tho engineers and machi-
nists, the agents, merchants, and middlemen, they who
build, manage, and navigate the railways, the locomotives,
the cars, carriages, ships, and steamers demanded by the
uses of both foreign and domestic commerce, have conti i-
butod their value to the farms of the remotest regions of
our common country, and havo raised the American farmer
to independence and prosperity.
"But the diversification of industry not only arouses and
vitalises all the faculties of all the people in the society
where it exists, but while it expands the power of produc-
tion, it enobles each to help his neighbour—enabling all to
buy and to sell by the exchange of their labour and their
commodities."
The speaker then naturally proceeds to describe the
manufactures of the United States, and his remarks tend
strongly to demonstrate the soundness of " protected " in-
dustry as applicable to America. Although in this country
We believe that he is wrong, his arguments Are so ably ad-

,ON, TUESDAY E V ENING, OCTOBER 2, 1866

vanced, and at the same time with so kindly a feeling, that
they come with twice the weight that denunciations of
England's selfishness and greed of gain could have come.
" In nothing I have said do I mean to underrate the just
value of commerce with the Old World. We may well
rejoice in what the nineteenth century has done for the
mother land. Her population has more than doubled since
it began. Indeed it had doubled in 1851. And she had
doubled the supply, enlarged the variety and secured the
certainty of food of her people. A hundred years ago she
exported corn. Her farmers had been wont to esteem
themselves ruined by the low prices incident to every period
of plentiful harvests. The other parts of her population
bemoaned every year of agricultural prosperity, because
then they paid the prices, or suffered the pangs, of famine.
Several causes have conspired to make her truly great—
great in the strength, tho dignity, and the happiness of her
people—greater yet in the prospect of the ultimate educa-
tion and enfranchisement of her toiling masses, in the equa-
lisation of public burdens, of all the rights of conscience,
and that fairer distribution of political justice due alike to
Celt and Saxon. These causes in truth are essentially one
single cause —namely, the application of science to the arts,
giving to the island the additional working power of
500,000,000 of men. It is seen in the development of
manufactures by the highest mechanical agencies. It
has brought near together the remotest corners of
the realm. It has restored the bogs and moors
and other waste lands of the kingdom by drainage,
by agricultural machinery, and the intelligent adapta-
tion of crops, and soils, and fertilisers, and has deve-
loped the lean and unprofitable cattle of former times
into the modern sheep, and cows, and oxen which
lend their distinction to the attractions of her modern fairs.
It is seen in manufacturing and agricultural machinery, in
civil engineering, in the construction of bridges, loco-
motives, cars, steamers, and railways ; in the treatment of
soils, the management of breeding, the rotation of crops,
and the composition of fertilising materials, and in all the
thousand manipulations of practical husbandry. Little
more than five hundred years ago, in the reign of Edward
1., they hanged a man in England for the crime of burning
coals, within the precinct of the city, " brought by the way
of the sea to London.' But wiser generations since,
taught by science how to use the treasures hid beneath
the sea and in the bowels of the earth, have found in the
mines of coal and iron the secret of modern power.
" What do you deal in ?' asked George 111. of Matthew
Boulton, partner of James Watt in the business of making
and vending the steam-engine, by the invention of which
the name of Watt is immortalised. ' What do you deal
in ?" What kings delight in—power,' was the stout reply.
Yes, but it was a power which makes the peoples great—
not their kings. That mysterious power—found in the
application of the tremendous forces of nature, in steam, in
electricity, in chemistry, in that practical philosophy which
teaches how to tame and use these subtle agencies of the uni-
verse—dwarfs the proportions of artificial greatness. It
confers a share of its benificence on all, and ennobles by na
arbitrary distinction. What science—applied 6 each and
all the arts of life, to all the creations of inventive genius,
to the uses of commerce, of manufactures, of mechanism,
of agriculture, in all their thousand diversifications can do
for any, let her do for us—with a territory larger than Eu-
rope, a people numerous enough for empire, independent,
free, and thirsting for glory. _ .

....„

"Now when England proposes that the American people
shall discontinue making cloth, and turn their attention to
raising cereals instead—offering on its own part to sell to
the American people their supply of cloth—these several
things are to be understood r.s comprised in the proposi-
tion, viz., that our supply of cereals is to be increased,
while our home market for grain is correspondingly dimi-
nished, and while foreign manufacturers are permitted the
monopoly of the American market for cloth. England
would then undoubtedly sell cloth in a dearer market, and
she would undoubtedly buy food in a cheaper one ; while
Americans would sell their food in a foreign market,
cheapened by the absence of competition at home, and
they would buy cloth at prices enhanced by a similar cause.
Besides, it is to be remembered that if the populations of
the Old and New Worlds are to increase in the same rela-
tive proportions hereafter as heretofore, our own demand
for cloth must increase in vast disproportion to the British
demand for bread. And thus, as the years wear on, our
surplus of breadstuffs would grow on our hpds, while our
generous friends across the ocean would be continually
giving us less cloth for ovary bushel of wheat we should
send them.

" Now I venture to affirm that the annual purchase
and consumption by New-England of Western agricul-
tural products, (including grain, flour, and animal food,
used for the support of man, and the forage of cattle, swine,
and horses), during the last half-dozen years has reached
the average annual value of 850,000,000 ; that this amount
is annually increasing ; that the market is, and has boon,
a flare and constant market, subject to no fluctuations.
The total export of breadstuffs to foreign countries during
the last 40 years furnishes a result annually of only a trifle
over $21,000,000 on the average—more than five-eighths
of which has been sold during the last ten years. But the
foreign demand is so variable that no reasonable estimate
can over be made, one year in advance. It is always con-
tingent on the European crops.
So long as three thousand miles of ocean roll between
the eastern shores of America and the shores of Western
Europe ; so long as two thousand miles besides of water
transportation delay the products of our North-West on
their way from Chicago to the Gulf St. Irawrence ; so long
as the interest of foreign capital, the necessities of foreign
labour, the ambitions and traditions of foreign States,
and sovereigns, and peoples continue to exist ; so long
indeed as every people conscious of their national unity,
who aro able or worthy to endure, must, first of all things,
study to maintain, at whatever cost, the ability within
themselves of independent, nay of defiant, life—just so
long universal economy, the common prosperity, and the
popular liberty, to break the magic
very idea of nationality, forbid our five and thirty mil-
lionsself-government o f men , possessing
an
d a continental domain, enjoying
circle of their industrial power."

Our space will not admit of our following his Excellency
as fully as we could wish. The address is well worth a
careful reading; and wo recommend it to the attention of
all who doairo to gain in a condensed form a clear concep-
tion of American progress, and of the ideas implanted in
the minds of the New England farmers. We conclude
with tho following extract :
" Assembled on this fertile bank of the broad and beauti-
ful Connecticut, the central stream of New England, bound-
ing two, dividing two, and watering four of the New Eng-
land Commonwealths, associated in our history with grand
events and great men, with ideas transcending far the
greatness of events or of men, I venture to summon these
representatives of the yeomen of Now England to rise to
the height of their new occasion—to concentrate and apply
your influence to this work of national development. Our
fathers founded this nation, planted it here in the wilder-
ness in the early day. They and their sons have helped
to maintain it by their care, and have defended it with
their blood. If others have over done more wisely or
more bravely than we to them let history award the mood
of honest fame. I know, at least, that for all wo are, for
all we possess ourselves, and all we can offer to the com-
mon glory and support, we of New England are indebted
to accidents of fortune, nor capricious favour of earthly
power. By patience, industry, and frugal manners, these
people have turned rocks, and ice, and wasting waters into
thrift and comfort, and have added the results of more
than two hundred years of toil to the national defence, and
to the glory of the civil state. And now I long to see
New England in the load, using alike her political weight,
hor public influence, and Immaterial aid, in a work which
will signalise the far-sighted and liberal quality of her busi-
ness intelligence—namely, the improvement of that great
natural system of lake and river navigation by the deepen-
ing and widening of existing canals and locks, and by the
construction of now ones—by means of which a ship or
steamer, of adequate draft and dimensions, may carry
freight from any port, on any of our great inland seas,
from the Ottawa River, down the St. Lawrence into Lake
Champlain, for distribution at all its ports from St. Albans
to Whitehall. The navigation of the chain of waters com-
prised in the St. Lawrence, and our great inland seas, or
lakes, reaches nearly half the way from the Atlantic to the
Pacific Ocean. Tho extent and fertility of the regions
whose shores are layed by this vast system of waters, the
relation it bears to the groat Mississippi basin as well as
the basin of the St. Lawrence, the relation which this sys-
tem of inland navigation boars to the Northern Railway
route to the Pacific, and to the far Western valleys and
rivers which indicate its direction, all combine to render it
the Mediterranean of our continent, the seat and home of
empire, transcendent in might beyond the dreams of Rome
and Carthage."

[ADVERTISEMENT.]—That the fearful annual mortality of
60,000 young children and delicate persons of all ages may be
arrested, if, instead of flying blindly to pills and medicines,
which, though apparently relieving the patient, have in
reality no other tendency than that of increasing debility,
and with it the dangerof life,
we were simply to study how
to inc. ease the vital force by imparting new and pure blood,
upon which the harmonious development of the whole frame
depends, has been successfully proved by Du Barry's Inva-
lids' and Infants' Food, the Revalenta Arabica, and its
thousands of cures annually. It yields three times as mu3h
easily assimilated nourishment as the best meat, and for
children it is the best substitute for human milk. Dr.'
Routh, physician to the Samaritan Hospital for Women and
Children—the best authority on such matters —in his admir-
able publication on Food, says—Amongst the vegetable sub-
stances, th ,t which comes closest to milk in its composition
is, without doubt, Du Baltry's Revalenta Arabica Food, con-
taining both Phosphoric acid in abundance and chloride of
potassium ; it also includes casein, the same principle which
is found in milk in its constituent parts. No wonder, there-
fore, that under its influence many children affected with
atrophy (wasting away
of the body), and marked debt ity
have completely recovered. I have given it with the greatest
advantage in such cases ; and so far as I may judge from my
own experience, practice fully carries out what theory,
from a knowledge of its composition, led us to anticipate.—
In tins, lib, 25 9d; 21b, 4s Od ; Sib, I" 121 b, 225 ; 241 b,
10s.—Barry On Barry and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London ;
also Phillips, tea dealers, 8, King William-street ; likewise
at 61, Gracecharch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 49, Bishopsgate-
street Within ; 63, 150, and 298, Oxford-street ; 330, Strand ;
54, Upper Baker-street; 113, Tottenham-court-road; 96,
Uppex-street, Islington, N.; llarvey, Nottinz-hill; Close
Brothers, 6,5, High-street ; and Stubbs, Queen's-terrace, St.
John's-wood, London; and all respectable grocers and clic.
miato.—Bewsre of spurious imitations.

SPIRIT OF TEM PDBLIO JOURNALS.

TIMES.--Some twenty years ago, when the doc-
trines of Socialism were actively discussed in France,
M. Louis Blanc, one of the ablest advocates of the
new school, propounded certain axioms which are
not without their interest at the present moment.
He laid it down as an introductory definition or
principle that " the people " of a country consisted
exclusively of those who had no certainty of either
board or lodging. If a man were possessed either
of a little capital or of any such means of labour
as would render his subsistence more probable, or
his dependence upon others something less than
absolute, he was not one of " the people" at all,
but belonged to the clase of " burgesses," or, as we
should say, shopkeepers or citizens. This assump-
tion monopolised a respectable title in a very arbit-
rary manner ; nor was it, indeed, at all difficult to
reduce the proposition to an absurdity. M. Blanc
was writing and thinking of a country and an age
in which " the people," according to his definition,
might really form the majority of the population,
but it was perfectly easy, not only to imagine, but
to produce examples of times and countries in which
the means of comparative independence might be so
generally distributed as to leave very few "people "
discoverable. To take a very strong case, we might
find one of the United States of America in which
with a numerous population, there would perhaps
be no " people " at all. Indeed, to complete the
demonstration, we need only observe that, if M.
Louis Blanc could have established his own prin-
ciples of society in France, and those principles had
been successful, the result would have been simply
the destruction of the entire French "people." M.
Blanc's belief was that by the principles which he ad-
vocated the dependence of the labouring classes would
be abolished, and a reasonable competence secured
to all persons alike. In;this event, however, "the
people," by his own definition, would have ceased to
exist. We have said that these now almost forgotten
discussions have an application to our own current
politics, and we make it by remarking that it is ex-
ceedingly doubtful whether the people of England,
according to this definition, form more than a small
minority of the population. There was one attempt
during the Reform debates of the last session to in-
troduce poverty or dependence as the characteristic
of a political class. Mr. T. Hughes, the well-known
member for Lambeth, argued that the " excessive
solvency of" of the upper and middle classes dis-
qualified them for appreciating the views of work-
ing men—intending, we presume, to contrast the
dependence of the latter with the independence of
the former. We showed at the time with what very
large corrections on both sides this distinction should
be received, but we are now led to conclude, from
certain documents recently published, that it would
be by no means easy to maintain the distinction at
all. In a few words, we suspect that the average
working man is, according to his wants and ways,
as well provided against a rainy day as the average
shopkeeper, clerk, artist, or professional man gene-
rally. This result, it is but just to add, has been
produced by something resembling that organisation
of labour to which M. Louis Blanc lookd for the
accomplishment of his own views. Our working
classes of all trades and callings have co-operated
and associated to such good purpose that the
absolute dependence or uncertainty of subsistence
which M. Blanc assumed as the characteristic of
the order has pretty well disappeared. What with
trades' unions, friendly societies, benefit societies,
and societies for mutual help of all kinds and
descriptions, a working man has always the means
of assistance at hand. Through these various
agencies he can and does insure himself against sick-
ness, accident, old age, loss or suspension of employ-
ment, domestic casualties, or any kind of contin-
gency which might either diminish his income or in-
crease his expenditure. We see, indeed, that working
men can, by thousands together, cease from labour
of their own free will, in order to enhance, if pos-
sible, the value of that labour, and that, so far from
living in a state of helpless dependence, they can
put this pressure upon their employers for months
at a time. These working men's Clubs have very
large accumulations of capital at the service of their
members. The Report of the Registrar of Friendly.
Societies, just published, gives a list of these Asso-
ciations, extending over 132 pages, printed in double
columns, and this list is entirely independent of
Associations for purposes of trade. Then the ac-
cumulations of private capital as exhibited in the
Returns of the Savings Banks are enormous. The
old Savings Banks alone have nearly a million and
a half of depositors, with an aggregate of deposits
little short of forty millions of money. In fact, the
average amount standing to the credit of each de-
positor is £26 7s. Bd., and, as we presume the de-
positors mainly represent the working classes, and
we.have recently been assured on the authority of
Professor Leone Levi that the average income of a
working man is 225. Gd. a week, it follows that up-
•wards of a million of working men possess, upon an
average, private capital equal to some six months'
subsistence, apart from their claims on Unions and
Societies. All this, too, is exclusive of the sums de-
posited in the new Savings Banks opened at the
Post-offices by Government, and of the annuities
purchased on similar security. Now, upon the whole,
is there any calling which is better provided or less
dependent than this? Labour is "organised," not, in-
deed, by any such State agency as Louis Blanc con-
templated, but by the better agency of labouring men
themselves. In fact, the organisation has been
almost carried to excess. The Trades' Unions have
shown symptoms of that exclusive and tyrannical
spirit which distinguished the Guilds of ancient
times, and the benefit societies have been. so multi-
plied, and have entered into such competition with
each other, that Mr. Tidd Pratt is often obliged to
complain of their rules as based upon calculations
which must lead to insolvency. Upwards of ten
thousand of these societies have just made returns
to the Registrar, showing the number of inembers
to be 1,374,425, and the amount of funds to be
£5,362,028. Add this sum to the deposits in the
old and new savings banks together, and we shall
get a total sum of more than fifty millions of money
which the working classes In, England alone have
put by, for the Savings Banks' Returns apply to
England only, and those of the Friendly Societies
only to England and Wales. Professor Levi, how-
ever, gives the total number of " workers" in Eng-
land, male and female together, as under 7,500,000,
so that, upon an average, every man and woman of
the labouring classes would have a saving of sonic
£7 to fall back upon. This, of course, is a very
rough calculation, liable to many corrections, but it
is enough to show that our working classes are not,
in their own spheres, more dependent or helpless
than the classes above them. Many a professional
man's subsistence hangs by a frailer thread than
that of the artisan, and we fancy M. Louis Blanc,
ono looking around him, must discover that his defi-
nitions of 20 years since are upset by the experience
of the very country which he has complimented by
selecting it for his domicile.
HERALD.—The latest news from America tends
to justify the predictions of those who foretold a
second invasion of Canada by the Fenians before
the end of the present year. The danger grows
more imminent, in proportion as the chances of Pre-
sident Johnson's success diminish. The more evenly
the two parties are balanced, the more important
becomes the Irish vote and the more popular the
Fenian cause. Were the Democrats sure of a
triumph in the approaching elections, we might con-
fide in the good sense and the firmness of the Pre-
sident to restrain the Fenian leaders, and to observe
the laws of good neighbourhood towards the British
territory. But there is now scarcely any room to
doubt that the President's wise, liberal, and patriotic
policy will fail in gaining the support of the majority
of the American people, who insist upon claiming
their full revenge upon the beaten South, and upon
asserting the Union by preventing unity. This is a
matter which concerns the American people alone,
and which we may leave them to settle in their own
way. But it is obvious that the predominance of
the Republican party in the States means a direct
menace to Canada. The Republican majority in
Congress has already openly avowed its sympathy
with Fenianism, and has done all in its power to
remove all difficulties from the path of the next
Fenian invasion. The further observance of the
rights of neutrality can, in any event, be hardly
expected from the United States Government. The
press of either party makes no secret of its sym-
pathies, real or affected, with the Fenian movement.
The New York Herald, which professes to take the
popular voice for its guide, declares that " the four
millions who represent the Irish race in America
constitute too important an element in our political
society to have their views opposed and thwarted
olitician.'
by any party or by any p It affirms that
no executive officer in America will dare to place
any impediments in the way of the Fenians, and that
" whenever the Fenians are ready for the invasion
of Canada on a grand scale," their movements will
be passively aided by the American Government.
The New York World is struck with the pertinacity
of the Irish Americans in their patriotic design, and
announces it as " very certain that the A merican
people will warmly second their fellow-citizens in
their endeavours to secure justice for their native
land." Making every kind of allowance for the
characteristic habit of American politicians to say
more than they mean, it is impossible to shut our,
eyes to the reality of the Canadian peril. Every
circumstance is in favour of a renewal of the Fenian
enterprise, and the road to Canada may be trodden
by General Roberts as soon as ever he is pleased
to enter upon his mission of restoring justice to his
native land. There is nothing wanting, at least on
the American side, to render the crusade both easy
and profitable to the warriors of the green banner.
They are called upon for no other sacrifice than to
give up for a few clays the luxury of quarrelling with