The Sun.
London, England, 1832-03-31 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF Tilt PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Lord Marnehire last night suggested to Lord
Grey the propriety of postponing the second
reading of the Reform Bill, from Thursday, the I
th, to Monday, the 9th of April, because of
the quarter-sessions being to be held in the
course of the ensuing week. The Prime 'Mi-
nister acceded to this proposition, and with a
facility which leads us to presume that the
matter had been already arranged between the
parties. Earl Grey at the same time intimated
his desire that there should he no delay after the
second reading, but that their Lordships shosdtt
at once proceed to a Committee on the
If there be no interval between the second read-
ing and the Committee, it must be surmised that
the creation of Peers will take place before the
former of those stages ; otherwise the severest
portion of the battle may have begun before the
'Ministerial force is prepared for service. As
every hour is now watched by the people with
intense solicitude, and each movement towards
the slightest procrastination meditated with a
jealous and suspicious eye, we do not know
that such a putting off,even though it be but from
Thursday to Monday, was in itself expedient.
However, if Lord Wharncliffe, and other Lords
of the same opinion, should employ the three
intervening days in a sober and bona frEs- re-
flection upon the character of the Bill in relation
to the state of the country, the sacrifice will not
be made in vain. It is to be observed.
that Lord Wharncliffe assigned, es his
justification for abandoning the hostility which
he showed last session to the second reading of
the Bill, that he and his noble companions in
that course " were not supported by any party"
in the country. Such was the fact, and Lord
Wharncliffe's allusion to it is remarkable. Nor
are the logical and practical consequences to be -
deduced from his Lordship's recourse to such
an argument. for such a purpose, 'unworthy of
the deepest attention. Lord Wharncliffe's oppo-
sition " to the principle'' of the Reform Bill,
which is the thing signified by his resistance to
the second reading, had no countenance from
the people of this country ; and they fore it is
that he will now support the same principle.
But what is the principle of the Reform Bill ?
Where is it to be found, and whence extracted ?
Why it is deposited in the most important pro--
visions of the Bill,—in the schedules A, B, C,
and D, including the metropolitan enfranchise-
ment, and in the qualifications of electors. These
exemplify, and may be said to constitute, the
principle of the Bill. Well, then,—lst, can Lord
Wharncliffe be blind to the inconsistency with
which any man would be justly chargeable who
supported the principle of the B-111 as a whole, and
yet endeavoured to destroy it piecemeal ? 2d, Con-
sidering the reason upon which Lord \Vliarncliffe
grounds the abandonment of his former course,
and now votes in favour of the seem-14 reading,
namely, the utter disapproval of that line of po-
licy by the nation—let us ask his Lordship
whether he conceives that any more respectable
" party" in England would support him in his
mutilation of the essenti d clauses of the Bill.
than in his opposition to the whole of' it ? Does
he not know that whatever force belongs to the
above argument would press as powerfully
against an abolition of the schedules, of the me-
tropolitan Members, and of the qualifications for
votes, as against a direct resistance to the second
reading ? If, therefore, there be inconsistency
in the course which we have been deprecating,
and if the punishment of that inconsistency be
self-evident, in the equal abhorrence with which
the people regard an opposition to the principle
and to the clauses wherein the principle is em-
bodied, may we not expect from the known
shrewdness and general manliness of Lords
Vs harncliffe, Harrowby, &c., that they will be
disposed to deal a measure of fairness and libe-
rality in the Committee, equivalent to that which
they have announced for the second reading ?
As for the Ultras, they are raving mad. That
is the most merciful construction which they can
claim from us. What do these stanch Church-and-
King men threaten ? Why, neither more nor
less than to wrench the prerogative fiom the
Royal hand. They will, forsooth, put the new
Peers in Coventry ! They will make themselves
the fountains of honour, as they are the reservoirs
of public virtue, and turn their backs upon, and
deny the titles of, those whom his Majesty may
be pleased to summon as his chosen counsellors
to the House of Peers ! And yet these men
bellow about revolution. Now the mere nu-
merical strength and arrogant impracticability of
the Tory Lords would, it there were no Reform
Bill in question, make it imperative upon Lord
Grey to reinforce, as we have often said, the
liberal interest among the Peerage : otherwise,
how is it possible that any but a pure Tory ad-
ministration can ever carry on the public busi-
ness with the least facility, security, or ad-
vantage, in the House of Lords so manufactured
as the present House has been by a succession of
Tory Governments for upwards of seventy years ?
But the Bishop, in what cause have those
venerable Lords enlisted ? Are not the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury and his brethren apprised,
that while the friends of reform talk of'rights with-
held from them, there is another party which
threatens in fierce accents to meet the demand of
right by force? Have none of their reverend Lord-
ships heard in society, boast lugs that the " troops
are stanch," and their leaders resolute, and that it
the " revolutionary rabble," meaning thereby the
reforming people of England, dare shew them-
selves, they will be shot and sabred like wild
beasts, in four and twenty hours ! This is true
—true as it is execrahle and disgraceful. It is
the language of men familiar with those abuses
from which grows the necessity for a universal
Reform. " The troops are stanch !" To whom?
and whom are they so basely slandered by being
said to consider as their enemies ? The English
nation, one pretty junta excepted, are all Re-
formers. The King, the constitutional and law-
ful Captain General of the army, is a Reformer.
Under whose command, therefore, are the Bri-
tish troops to fight against the King of Great
Britain ? And whose throats are they to cut?
Those of English gentlemen, and citizens, and
farmers. " And is it fur this that the mitre
surmounts itself with a crimsoned crest ? " Is
it for this" that lawn sleeves are tucked up, and
sacrilegious menaces against an anointed King
thundered from the lips of churchmen ? " Is
it for this" unhallowed confederacy between men
of violence and ministers of peace that a smil-
ing land is to be veiled in darkness, a mighty
nation robbed of its inheritance, and unborn
children doomed to " an eternity of bond-
age ?" Let the meek and pious metropolitan,
to whom is not unworthily committed the guar-
dianship of our venerable church and of her wel-
fare, bethink him,elf what it is wherein the wel
fare of that now ancient church consists. If he
would have her old without being obsolete, let
him cultivate for her the hearts of her once affec-
tionate, but now distrustful children. I et him
beware of teaching the people of England to
regard the church of England as a- stumblin:

block to the redress of their grievances, and as
part and parcel of their most crying wrongs. If-
it be vain for one miserable faction to rule this
empire by the sword alone, what is it short of.
madness to conceive that the church can prosper
with no support but from that same dilapidated
faction ? We put it to the conscience of the ,
reverend bench of Bishops,—we speak not to in-
t:iguers, adventurers, or bullies. ifthere be any such,
but to the virtuous and fr."oeVolent, the charitable
merciful, and majority of that sacred bench,
ove'y countenance, nay assist in pred2c-
-Ig, the dreadful scenes of' vengeerct and moral
convulsion which mn?t foll'OW the refusal of the
nation's right? '-3r will they, in words which we
durst net quote but with solemeity, say to their
to'untrymen—" Peace be unto you ?"—Times.
The approaching denourent its ton drama of
" ratification" has been antronnted. That most
prolix of political araMas has extended through
so many acts', -and the scenes have been shifted
so often without affording much variety, that the
public have become heartily tired of' it, and wish
at an end, hoping never to be afflicted with
its repetition. If, however, the promised de—
nouenzera should be of the character which some
politicians anticipate, it will be that curious sort
of one which leaves the &ct more complicated
than ever ; it will, ie ;act,'' settle" nothing, and
make " cos!fslsion worse confounded." The
di nqi,!linent to which we refer is the ratification
oldie Belgic treaty by the three despotic Powers
which have hitherto withheld, on the most
foolish pretences, their confirmation of the pro-
positions of peace dictated by Belgium and
Holland by themselves—a ratification not pre-
ceded or accompanied by an acceptance of tbe.
treaty on tlso part of Holland, nor to be followed
by any coercive measures against the latter State
if it continue obstinately to reject the " final"
terms of the London Conference. Are we wrong
in supposing that a ratification which does not
bind: Holland can produce no settlement of
that question upon which so much diploma-
tic ink has been shed, and which, if thus left to
the " enlightened" William's own mode of de-
cision, may yet cost even a more profuse shed-
ding of blood? We gave yesterday, by express,
the announcement, from the French journal the
Vout'elliste, that a courier from Vienna had
brought to the Austrian Ambassador the ratifi-
cation of the treaty of the 15th of November,
with orders to have it exchanged in London—
not absolutely—no—but conditionally—the con-
dition being that the exchange was to be made
only in the event of the Prussian Plenipoten-
tiary receiving from his Court a similar autho-
risation. Something of the same sort was an-
nounced two months ago, when it was stated
that Austria had given orders to her Plenipoten-
tiary to ratify whenever Prussia did, and Russia
had resolved to do the same when the other two
Powers hail set her the example, which they
both took care not to do; and the Emperor of
Russia has found it easier to send Count Orloff
to pass away a whole month at the Hague on a
secret mission, than to confirm the treaty, every
article of which was drawn up with his own
knowledge and consent. But Count Orloff,
whom the sapient Lord Palmerston has been
long looking for—as the patriarch on the bound-
less waters, without helm or compass, looked for
the dove with the olive branch—has at length
arrived in London. Has he come to ratify
forthwith, as the same Noble Lord led the pub-
lic to suppose ? No ; he must wait for orders
from St. Petersburgh. Had he then brought
no orders with him to the Hague relative to this
important subject ? Had he received no orders
while there, during the secret proceedings
which consumed a whole month, at the end of
which time he appears to have left the King of
the Dutch as enlightened as he found hint ? If
he has come to England not to ratify a treaty
which his master, according to Lord Palmer-
ston's own assurances in Parliament, promised
to ratify on the 15th of Janunry, and after-
wards on the 31st of that month, why has he
come at all ? And if he has come to ratify, why
:las he yet to wait for orders from St. Peters-
burgh ? The Nouvelliste, having made the
ratification of the Belgic treaty by Prussia a con-
dition precedent to the ratification by Austria,
then proceeded to make a more important an-
nouncement
in the following words :—" We
have every reason for believing that the ratifica-
tion by Austria will have been preceded in Lon-
don by that of Prussia ;" meaning thereby that
the condition upon which the Austrian Pleni-
potentiary was to ratify had been already per-
formed, and the notification of it in London.
There is nothing to be objected to in this important
announcement but its want of truth—the Prussian
Plenipotentiary, like Count Orloff, having yet
to wait for orders. But supposing all which the
Noutelliste says were true, and the three despo-
tic powers were to ratify the treaty to-day, of
what consequence will it be as to the only object
for which so much protocol labour has been un-
dcrtaken—namely, the peaceful settlement of the
quarrel between Holland and Belgium—if the
Emperor of Russia, as the Courier tells us, and
as it is easy to believe, has resolved that no co•
ercive measures shall be adopted towards Hol-
land ? Is this treating the two hostile nations
on equal terms ? Was not Belgium bullied and
threatened until she accepted the treaty which
Holland has refused to recognise ? Was not
military castigation spoken plainly of as the last
resource if she continued refractory ? Did not
even the Governments of England and France
join in the menaces which overcame the repug-
nance of the Belgic people ? But Holland has
refused with scorn to submit to the dictated ,
terms, and no coercion is to be used towards tier.
Will not Holland then be free to attempt the re-
conquest
of Belgium byjorce of arms, whether
the five great Powers concur in ratifying the
treaty or not ?—Morning Herald.
If nations like individuals, grew wise by ex-
perience, this country would not be troubled
much longer with Earl Grey's Bill of Reform.
Among other objection? to the prolonged agita-
tion of the question it involves, we beg to sug-
gest, the intolerable costliness ()jibe experiment.
The Bill is - an exorbitant Bill, and costs us as
much in a single year as a good conservative sys-
tem of Government would cost in a quarter of a
century. The following considerations may serve
to establish this important fact to the satisfaction
of reflecting men. There is no accounting to
tastes, and to 'some minds Radical Reform may
be a luxury ; but 'we wish to point out that it is
at any rate too expensive a luxury to be indulged
in at the present time, considering the dilapi-
dated state of our finances. W e should pay
our debts, and '' put money in our purse,'
before we venture to purchase the fair:.
gold of Radicalism. During the Conservative
Administration, and .before the accession of
Earl Grey, Consols were about 95, and bets
were made that they would reach par. The an•
ticipation was reasonable, for, with peace abroad
and at home, and an enormous mass of capital
constantly seeking investment, money in the Funds
could scarcely be expected to bring a greater in-

terest than three per cent. In a safe and prosper-
ous state of things, therefore, par may be con-
sidered as the natural price of Consols ; in which
case Ministers might borrow, if necessary, at
reduce a considerable portion of the
Threes with consent of the holders, and thus
extensively relieve the public without wronging
a single individual or injuring public credit in
the slightest degree. The debt itself, indeed,
might be liquideted without difficulty under an
enlighttned system of administration, which
would soon bring about the requisite degree of
progressive prosperity. The real resources of
Great Britain and her Colonies are almost inex-
haustible. But the Revolution of Paris came, and
with it sympathetic movements in Belgium and
England, accompanied by general alarm through-
out Europe. From dread of war and Radical
Reform Consols dropped to 75, a fall on the
whole of 20 per cent. But hopes of peace be-
ing still entertained, and Radicalism being ar-
rested by the glorious efforts of the Conserva-
tives, Consols have crept up to 93-i. Still they
are 17 per cent. below the mark they might be
expected to reach in a peaceful and secure state
of things. With Wellington, and a strong Ad-
ministration, war would be avoided (though
not by truckling to France, which it makes
an Englishman's blood boil to think of), and,
public confidence being restored, prosperity
would instantly return. But nothing of this
kind can be expected under Earl Grey.
seventeen and a half per cent. reduction in
the value of property may therefore be taken
as the price we pay for the mere agitation of
Radical Reform. To be quite within the mark,
however, call it ten per cent, only, and the
following calculation will show the effect of
this on the country at large:—When the Funds
fall from want of confidence all other property
feels the shock, and, being of difficult disposal,
sinks in money value in at least an equal degree.
Supposing all property to have fallen ten per
cent. (and every practical man will say the
amount is underrated), what is the aggregate of
the national loss ? The whole amount of pro-
perty in this country, exclusive of territories
abroad, has been moderately estimated at
3,600,000,000, from which, if we deduct ten
per cent., we get the sum of 360,000,000,
which is the real loss incurred by the deprecia-
tion of the property of the nation ; nearly half
the amount of the public debt ! If, then, we
are correct in ascribing a depreciation of only
ten per cent. to the agitation of the Bill, that
agitation has increased the pressure of the debt,
as from 770 millions (its actual nominal amount)
to 1,130 millions. But this is not all. The
mischief has now been at work for more than
twelve months, and has affected the growth of
wealth, as well as depreciated the wealth already
realized. It has been estimated that no less than
800 millions of' pi operty is annually created in
this magnificent country by the capital and pro-
ductive industry of its inhabitants. Deducting
ten per cent. (a too moderate allowance) from
this, we have a deficiency of created wealth for
the last year of eighty millions, which, added to
the former sum, will give a total loss of 440
millions. Can we wonder at the prevalence of
distress ? Oh, Mr. Hume, Mr. Hume, pa-
triarch of petty savings ! Can you retain your
senses under such a loss as this ? Microscopic
inspector of financial atoms ! Can you not raise
your vision to the contemplation of such a solid
sphere of expense as 440 millions ? It may be
said this depreciation is only temporary, and
may be recovered. We trust so ; but
we defy any one to shew a reasonable probability
of this if the Bill were carried. Then we are
to take into account the wretchedness and pau•
perism diffused through the country by the prac-
tical withdrawment of so large a sum from active
circulation as capital, and the corresponding
diminution of the demand for labour. Hence
it is that the poor are ground to the earth, that
the taxes press with double weight, that the
revenue falls off, that distress proceeds with a
constantly accelerating velocity, and that abso-
lute bankruptcy stares us in the face ! Let but
this condition of things continue a short time
longer, and extend, as it is rapidly extending,
to the colonial interests, and where is the finan-
cier who can calculate the horrible results? The
richest families will become acquainted with dis-
tress, the middle classes will be reduced to pe-
nury; but the poor, the deluded poor, may
literally starve in our street-, or be swept
away by pestilential maladies, induced by
privation and despair, The very bread or pota-
toes they eat cannot be produced without the
confident investment of capital, which could not
take place when popular phrenzy had broken up
the foundations of property, and rendered all
possessions insecure. It is a common but ridi-
culous error to suppose that the rich are the
principal sufferers in revolutions ; they suffer
first, but the poor are the chief victims. It has
always been foretold that a revolution in England
would be far more distressful and sanguinary
than elsewhere, on account of our intense com-
mercial activity, and the dependence of one
class ur on another. The revulsion which
merely deprives the Nobleman of his luxuries,
robs the poor man of his bread. These
then, are some of the first fruits of Radical
Reform, and what may we not expect from
the ripened harvest ? In two short years the
mere agitation of the subject would be
sufficient to double the direct pressure of the
National Debt ! The Radicals are themselves
appalled at the state of the country, and pretend
that the distress is caused by the non-passing of
the Bill. But this is too gross a fiction to de-
ceive the most ignorant ; it does not even de-
ceive themselves. It is the fear lest the Bill
should pass, in some shape or other, that creates
the difficulty. We are threatened not merely
with a revolution, but with a revolution of the
worst conceivable kind to a commercial country.
It is the character of the Bill itself, its very
principle, its very essence, that alarms thinking
men. The whole property of the country, real
and personal, the whole 3,600 millions which
constitute the assets of the empire, are to be
handed over to the 101. householders, the three-
and-tenpenny men, who possess no property
themselves, and cannot but exercise their power
to the prejudice of property generally. we all
know what these men would do with taxes,
tithes, funds, and rents ; and hence capitalists,
even those who talk publicly in favour of Reform,
silently withdraw their investments. The pre-
sent distress is not a hundredth part of what
we might expect if the Bill were to pass. Suave
qui peed would then be the order of the day. If
any man capable of putting two ideas together
,hould doubt the general truth of these views,
let him ask himself this question,
On what
does the value of the property of the country
depend ?" If we had a House of Commons
sympathising with the Radical democracy,
and estranged from property, there would
be nothing to prevent the fee simple of
the country from sinking one-half in value
in a single Session. Then where would
be the debt and the capital which supports la-

hour ? Such being the mischief, what is the
remedy ? Under Providence, our only hope is
in the firmness and patriotism of the Peers.
They could instantly change this state of thing,
by rejecting the Bill on the second reading.
Then would all that is wise and virtuous in the
community rally in theirsupport, and Radicalism,
like a baffled fiend, would shrink to nothingness.
But if they tamper with the question, they will
throw into jeopardy, not their own coronets
merely, but all the interests, domestic and foreign,
of the most splendid empire that ever graced the
annals of collective man. The Peers were placed
in their elevated position, not by the votes
of the commonalty, but by the arrange-
ments of consummate wisdom, for the very
purpose of standing between the living and
the dead on occasions like these) and giv-
ing stability to social institutions. These
are not times for flattery, and they must there-
fore be told that if they fail in this duty they can
only expect to be thrown aside as useless by
their friends, and trampled in the dust by their
triumphant enemies. The country requires a
strong Administrwion and a conservative Re-
form, and the Peers can secure both by repeat-
ing the vote of last year. That vote disclosed
their true sentiments, and we now only ask that
the Constitution which their fathers won for us
at Runnymede, and which themselves approve,
may not be surrendered from a mean and un-
worthy fear of one of the basest factions that ever
disgraced any age or nation. The heart of the
country is conservative ; the Peers have to
choose between leading the enlightened opinion
of an empire, and making themselves the tools
of the pretended public opinion of the Radicals.
—Morning Post.
Mr. Cobbett, in his Register of this day,
has some very curious observations on the pro-
bable consequence of either rejecting or muti-
lating the RefOrm Bill.

" As (hr says) I have always expressed, and most
sincerely express, my wish that nothing should be (lone
to destroy the House of Lords, thinking that that llou-e,
when confined within its legitimate bounds, is one of the
best protections for the people's rights and liberties; I
no'v say, God preserve the Lords from listening to this ar-
gument. I beseech them to look at what took place in
France. where fivers of blood were shed, where de-potism
as bad as the former despotism reared its head ; but it
did not reach the great body of the people ; the revolu-
tioni•ts distributed the Lords' estates, and though Royalty
teas restored, there was no restoration of estates; and if
universal confusion arise in England, is it to be believed
that Lords' estates will be more sacred here than they
were in France? The hostility of the Nobles against tt e
people would be much more marked here than it was in
France. The peoole will, if the Bill ht rejected, look
upon the Lords as the sole cause of all the evils that will
ensue. In such a state of things, who is to hope that, if
a state of coniusion arise, the people will not act upon
that persuasion?
" I hope that there is no Lord of Parliament who will
not turn with honor from the argument which I have
above stated ; but if there be any one weak enough to
listen to it. I beg him to recollect the proposition made in
the as-erntily of delegates of Pennsylvania, at the beginning
of the American revolution. The lards of that State were
almost who lv held by persons who had leases of them of
one sort or anoth-r. The proprietors were, to a man,
opposed to the revolution. The Assembly of Delegat,s,
in older to put the occupi-rs on their and in order
to preserve the peace of the community, proposed to enact
that every occupier should stand fist ; and that, if be
were guilty of no breach of the peace for a year and a d
and were obedient to the laws during that time, the estate
that he held should he his own for ever. Instantly the
face of things changed ; instantly every occupier became
the friend of the revolution ; and of that revolution we
well know what was the end ; we well know that in its
pregre-s there was no bloodshed ; we well know that the
great proprietors lost their estates ; we well know that
though the form of the thing was different, the substance
of it was the same iu France ; we well know that the dis
triburion of the estates of the Nobles was the main cause
of the success of the French revolution ; fur succeed it did,
in spite of our thousand million of taxes and a thousand
million of debt to prevent its success.
" God forbid that such a distribution should take place
in this country. God forbid • hat the Lorda should wake
up some morning and find their tenants the owners of their
farms ; but, if the nation should be reduced to the dire
necessity of steeping their hands in each other's blood, or
of imitating th- Pennsylvanians or the French, who in
there that would decide for a general cutting of throats ?
For my part, as tar as I ant individually concerned, I
should think nothing of being compelled to earn my
bread by the most degrading of labour rather than see
events of this description take place in England, knowing,
as I do, that it would be a breaking up of the community,
the best that the world has ever seen ; but I have, for
many years, been afraid that things might he pushed to
this extremity ; this fear I have expressed several times in
my Register, and particularly in a Register of 1829,
where 1 conjured the nubility to think betimes of the pos-
sible consequence of resisting the prayers of the people for
Reform. .
_ .

" The bare pronouncing of the words stand fast'
operated like an electric shock on the State of Pennsylva-
nia. I remember that Mr. Galloway told me at his house
at Watford, in Hertfordshire, that it was this measure that
d. cided the fate of that English Givernment in America.
Much about the same was done in every other State as
well as in that of Pennsylvania. All arrears of rent due
to the great proprietors were cancelled ; all debts due to
English merchants were as good as cancelled by authorising
the debtors to pay the account into the Treasury of the
State in a pap-r money not worth more thaa a penny or
twopence in the pound ; so that ninety-nine hundredths
of the people clearly saw and distinctly felt that they had
a deep interest in the overturning of the Royal Government.
" Again I say, God forbid that a state of things should
arise in England tending to produce a resort to similar
means; hut, at the same time, it is impossible not to see
that the Lords have the power of preventing it from
arising ; and it would argue a total disregard for the in-
terests of the country not to beseech them to let England
have the honour of exhibiting to the world, that which
the wort I never yet saw—the making of a great change,
without a resort to any act of violence or to any invasion
of property. It is for the good of the country that there
should he great owners of the land ; it is for its good that there
shi.uld be several ranks in society clearly distinguished from
each other. The House of Peers has, even within my re-
collection, several times stood bet ateen the people and op-
pression ; if I thought that this Reform Bill had any ten
dency to subvert that House, 1 would oppose it with all
toy mi,ht, deeming the risk too great to be run even for
the sake of getting rid of our present intolerable burdens ;
but still, if reduced to the terrible necessity of choosing
between a law like that of Pennsylvania and general blood-
shed in England, which way does nature bid me to decide ?

" 1 trust, however, that we are to stop far short of
dangers like this ; and that the Peers, seeing that the Peo-
ple ars so unanimous in their prayers for the passing of
this Bill, and, at the came time so moderate in their de-
sires, and so firm►v attached to the present form of Go-
vernment, will, on their parts, pass the 811 with very
little hesitation, and will thus take out of the minds of
even the most wild and extravagant, all desire to see over•
turned, or robbed of its privileges or prerogatives, any one
_ .

of the other two great branches of the Government. Above
all things, I beseech them to turn a deaf ear to the argu-
ments of desperate men, above stated by me. Let them
be assured that the people will not cut one another's throats :
let them be assured that the people are all of one mind ;
let them be assured that there is no difference of opinion
amongst the people up .0 the subject; that there is nobody
opposed to tne except those who live on the abuses of
the present system ; let them be convinced that these a, e
but as 'lust in the balance ; let them be assured from me,
who know the fact, that the people are resolved to have
cheap government ; that t bey well know the causes of then
poverty ; that they well understand the situation and the
resources of their country ; that they know well why the
standing army is augmented at the end of eighteen years of
peace; that they also well know why policemen are armed
wnh swords ; that they do not ascribe these terrific
changes to the taste or disposition of any particular indivi-
duals; that they know that they are the natural effect of

the system ; that they know that such means of coerciob
must go on increasing, as long as the present fisail system
shall exist ; and that, therefore, they are looking forward
to the execution of the Reform Bill as the means of chang
ing the system."
The account of the means by which the
tenants of Pennsylvania were made such warm
friends of the Revolution, is, no doubt, exceed-
ingly instructive. If the Cortes of Spain had

divided the Church lands among the peasantry,
the revolution in that country would not have
been so easily overturned. It happened fortu-
nately for the new order of' things in France,
that the provinces in which there were most
Church lands were the provinces bordering upon
the most powerful of the enemies of France, and
the distribution of these lands made the peoph'
of Alsace, Burgundy, Lorraine, &c. the most
staunch supporters of the Revolution. But
though we believe that the first to repent airy
attempt to involve the country in confusion
would be the Anti-Reform Nobles, we do not
think they are likely to be much alarmed with
the possibility of their being supplanted by their
tenants. It was very easy for the tenants of the
great proprietors of Pennsylvania (the descend-
ants of Penn) to stand fast, because the Yeo-
manry of America were then nearly the whole of
the people. But a tenant would not find it so
easy to stand fast in England. Every
man on his farm would think he had as
good a right to stand fast as the tenant, and
there might bea good deal of shoving before any
one could stand fast. The truth is, that in a coun-
try so thickly peopled as England, and with so
large a portion of the population without pro-
perty, the dread of anything like a scramble is
always uppermost in the minds of all who pos-
sess property, and will always lead them to make
every effort to preserve a respect for justice.
Now, there would be no justice in giving the
farm to the occupying tenant. If the landlord
misconduct himself, his property ought to be-
come
public, and the proceeds be applied to the
relief of the public wants. Besides, in this
country, there are few estates which belong ab-
solutely to individuals. Estates are often mort-
gaged to their full value, and it would be hard
indeed if an unoffending mortgagee should be
ousted by a tenant. These estates are carved
out of estates in a hundred different ways, well
known to conveyancers ; so that the same estate
may belong to a score of individuals. In the
case of the Derwentwater and other forfeited
estates, all incuinbrances were religiously respect-
ed. God forbid that this country should be
thrown into confusion by any set of men.
What might be the consequence of paralysing
credit and confidence in a country where mil-
lions of strong-hacked men live from day to
day, and are never possessed of more than a
week's wages at a time, it is impossible
to predict. But this we can predict—so long
as any respect for law and property exists in the
country, the tenants will never be allowed to
usurp the property of the farms occupied by them
without paying the market price fin. them. When
law ceases to have force, and the simple plan of
Rob Roy prevails—that every man may rake
who has the might, and every man may keep
who can—the tenures will of course be exceed-
ingly short. It is always exceedingly hazardous
to draw conclthions with respect to our country
from what has happened in former times, and
other countries. Without all the circumstances
be alike, the precedent will not appiy.—Morn-
ins, chronicle.
The subject of Irish tithes was again discus-
sed last night in the House of Commons. This
subject is as entertaining as the squabbles about
the whole Bible for the Irish schools are weari-
some and unprofitable. Mr. Thomas Don-
combe said truly, that what was termed by some
the extinction of tithes, was in fact only a dif-
fetence in the mode of collection ; in fact, the
resolution was not at all what Ireland required
and a right to expect, for still, under the new
system, the money was to be applied to the
maintenance of an overgrown, burdensome, and
sinecure Establishment, with which the people
at large had no interest or sympathy. lie re-
torted very happily on Sir Robert Peel and the
Duke of Wellington, their argument as to the
necessity of conciliation in the case of the Ca-
tholic claims, and contrasted it with their present
horror of mob dominion. " The Right Ho-
nourable Baronet had himself (he said) yielded
to that dominion ; at all events it was not more
yielding to mob dominion now than it was on
the subject of Catholic claims.”—(Cheers.)
Aye, but tithes are a very different matter from
Catholic claims! The reason why the Catho-
lics were excluded so long and so pertinaciously
was, that it was thought the concession would
only be a prelude to the tithe question—and
that so long as the claims were not conceded, the
tithe question would remain untouched. The
Aristocracy of England care nothing about the
• grounds on which the claims to civil rights were
withheld ; but they are tremblingly alive to
tithes. The church, the colonies, the army and
navy, are the patrimony of the younger brothers,
and the means by which enormous estates are con-
tinued in the same families for many generations.
All that law can do to establish religion has been
attempted in Ireland. The law can give tithes,
and impose church rates ; but the law which can
' give the tithes to a clergy cannot give the flocks.
On that rock the Protestant Church of Ireland
has split. In these days it requires no little
assurance to pretend that a clergy of one faith
should be continued and richly paid for by a
people of another faith. The most insolent
Aristocrat must feel that there are bounds to the
outraging the common sense of mankind. The
other nations of Europe are astonished that
there should be found any persons so lost to de-
cency as to stand up for such an abuse. It seems
to be admitted that the tithes do not constitute so
large a share of the gross produce in Ireland
as in England ; and on this an argument was
founded by Mr. Shaw, that the Irish Church was
not rich enough. The Hon. and Learned Gen-
tleman no doubt thinks that a million of acres of
the best land in Ireland, and one full tenth of
the gross.produce, are not too much for a Clergy,
who, it is confessed, in three provinces at least,
are only of use as country gentlemen, fruges
consunzere nati—who can give to hunting par-
ties the diversity occasioned by a proper mixture
of black with red coats. The time surely is past
for this foolery. The property of the Church is
public property. There is no use in looking out
for black-coated country gentlemen who enjoy
large public estates, so long as the public bur-
dens are pressing so heavily on us, and the poor
of Ireland are suffering from destitution, and
spreading over the land the diseases which are
engendered by famine.—Morning Chronicle.

The noble author of " Matilda," and " Yes
and No," is, we understand, busily engaged in the revision of
his novel of high life, entitled " The Contrast, a new story of
Nature and Art," previously to his departure from this country
to fulfil his high political appointment in another hemisphere.
A man who believes that he owes all his eleva-
tion to virtue, is ashamed to be obliged to associate with that
virtue any other means unworthy of it; but, nevertheless, he
finds, on a thousand occasions, that if chance and industry do
not lend the hand to virtue, virtue alone has not power enough
to save him from the hatred, nor even from the contempt, of
the public.—Mem. de Sully.
On Friday night, an inhuman wretch, named
Meehan, murdered his wife near Camas, in this county. It
appears that this savage tome months back, married this ill.
fated woman, in order to avoid a criminal prosecution, and
that, on the night in question, he invited her out under pre-
tence of visiting some friends, when lie committed this hor-
rible act. Ile has since been arrested and committed to
prison.—Limeria Herald, -

MARKET INTELLIGRNCE.

LONDON MARKETS.
(From the London New Price Current of yesterday.)

SUGAR—The prices of Muscovades early in the week fell
per cwt., since which the market has been steady. The total
;ales of the week are estimated at 1,500 hhds. and trs. ; the small
quantity sold is chiefly owing to the limited supplies at market.
This afternoon there is more demand for Muscovades, and the
market has nearly recovered the depression of Tuesday. In
Refined Goods the prices gen, rally declined Is. early in the
week, but there have been since very extensive orders for ex.
port. Some parcels of good melting large lumps were bought
this morning at 655., or 31s. lid. on board, making an advance
of about Is. since the beginning of the week ; common large
were sold at 635., being their former value, but of these, few
parcels are offering for sale; grocery lumps and loaves continue
in fair demand at former prices; for fine crashed, entitled to
the double-refined bolli.it:ii; tlicre has been mr_”e inquiry, but the
prices asked—viz., 34s a 565., are too high hoi ti,k limits of the
buyers, notwithstanding the accounts from the Mediterrane
and the North of Europe are more favourable.
EAST 'INDIA SUGARS.—Since our last there has only
been one public sale of Mauritius of 4,237 bags, which went off
as well as could be expected, considering the late large ar-
rivals, amounting to 49,608 bags. The above sale consisted of
good descriptions, and brought nearly former prices, except some
low bright yellows at 515., and coloury grays at Ms. a 545. ed.,
which were about 6d. to Is. lower than their previous value; fine
yellows sold at sss. ; 2,500 bags, for exportation only, will be
offered by public sale next week. This day's sale 3,2.22 bags
Mauritius sold at full prices--dark brown, 495. ed. a 50s. 6d. ;
yellow, 535. a 56.9.

FOREIGN SUGARS.-Favourable accounts received yes.
terday from Hamburg have occasioned an improvement for all
descriptions suitable for exportation. The public sales have
been confined to a parcel of 1,207 boxes white Havannah, of good
and mid. colour, and of fair quality ; the whole was bought in
from 335. a 3:35. ; 345. was refused for the parcel immediately
after the Sale; fdr Brdwri Brazil there is a good demand, but
there is very little of this deseription at ilitifelil Sfffbtitik far stile
2'20 chests and 40 barrels white Bahia are advertised for iAkt
week. The arrivals bring 867 boxes Havannah. This
day's sale 367 chests Havannah, partly damaged, sold at rather
easier rates than anticipated-30s. 6d. a 345. for the white ; the
26.1 packs Rios were all washed Sugars.
COFFEE-There has been this week a considerable revival
in the demand for Coffee j the prices are generally Is. a 2s. per
cwt. higher; St. Domingo 58s. and 665, 6d, Favourable ac.
counts received yesterday from Hamburg occasioned some ani.
mation, and several parcels of Foreign have since changed
hands, good St. Domingo at 58s. 6,1„ and on 'Change yesterday
595. was reported to have been refused for a superior sample;
Brazil fine fine ord , with a considerable deal of colour, fetched
60s. The public sales consisted of 167 casks 76 bags British
Plantation, 819 bags Foreign, and 3512 bags East India, which
sold as follows :-Jamaica fine ord., 88s. 6d, a S9s. 6d. ; mid.,
91s. 3d. a 925. ; good mid„ 955. fat. a 968. ; Berbice triage,
88s. 6d. a 89s 6d. ; mid., 86s. a 87s. ; good mid., WA, a 945. 6d. ;
Brazil good ord. coloury, 555. 6d. a 565. ; Ceylon good ord„
545. tid. a 555. ; fine ord., 575. 6d- This day's public sale 220
bags Brazil, all sold, ord., 545. a 555. ; good ord., 575. By pri.
vate contract large parcels coloury Brazil sold this afternoon at
605., and St. Domingo at 595. The estimated sales since Friday
by private contract 6,000 bags Foreign, and 4,000 bags East India.
RUM, BRANDY, and HOLLANDS.-The request for
Rum has subsided, partly owing, no doubt, to the late exten.
sive transactions; the prices are, however, maintained.
Brandy is firm. In Geneva there is little variation, The
market this afternoon is again more brisk, proof Leeward&
Is. 7d., eight over Is. Bd. Brandy also is higher.
HEMP DUTY.-The Ministers have to-day positively re.
fused all the applications for a reductiou of the import duty ;
the state of the revenue is given as the reason for the refusal.
The import lately has fallen off from 40,000 tons to 17,000; the
revenue is about 60,0001.
WOOL.-The market continues in the tame dull state in
which it has been for some time back, and few sales making.
About the middle of the next month there will be several pub.
lie sales of N. S. Wales, V. D. Land, Odessa, Spanish, and
German Wool, and many buyers from the country are expected
to attend.

TEA.—The market is already at our last quotations—namely,
Id. advance on Boheas which cost 125., and Congoue which cost
'2s. I d advance.
SILK.—The market remains in the same flat state; prices
remain the same as last quoted.
FRUIT.--There is no alteration to notice this week; Turkey
pulled Figs continue in demand, and a large quantity has been
taken off, particularly of the ord. descriptions, at low prices;
the fine Patras Currants, landed last week, continue to go off'
steadily at 745, ; for red Smyrna offers still continue to be made
for shipping.

IRISH PROVISIONS—The Butter, as well as the Bacon
market, is in that depressed state, that prices must be nomi.
nally considered as last quoted, and for all other articles under
this head there is no alteration in either price or demand.
COTTON.—In Cotton there is little variation; the market
remains firm. The purchases this week consist of-400 Bowed,
mid. 51y d., good 6M d. ; 110 Surat, public sale, ord. 5 14d. to
7d. ; 1,750 Madras, ditto. good fair, 5d., good 5%d. ; 60 West
India, fair 6 !f,d. ; 1,260 Surat, ord. fine 5 !sid.
SPlCES.—Pimento lid. to ;,(1. per lb. lower, good quality
sold at 634 d. ; in other Spices no alteration.
SALTPETRE.—In Saltpetre there is no alteration.
TOBACCO.—The sales of Tobacco are confined to small
parcels for the home trade.
RICE is heavy at a small decline in price.