The Sun.
London, England, 1835-07-24 00:00:00

the Scripture illustrations of deafness are derived. The peo
plc assembled to petition Parliament : their meetings were
dispersed at the point of the baronet; and the petitioners,tried
and incarcerated under the verdicts of juries from which Rd,
man Catholics were excluded. The popular indignation rose •
to the highest point, and at the general election the standard
of Repeal was planted upon every hustings. The Coercion
Bill is passed—a million is given to the Irish Clergy—the
Church Temporalities Bill is introduced, with a (Treat but
latent principle—the influence of the Noble Lord'pr:!vails,
and the 147th clatise _struck out ; meanwhile the Clergy
starve. The sessien'tif 1834 is opened—Lord Anglesey's
letter, calling for, a new appropriation, is produced-Me.
Ward brings his motion forward—the Church Commission
is issued by Lord Grey : the Noble Lord retires from office,
lets go a Parthian shaft at his associates, and there he now
sits, facing his former friends, and in' juxta position with his
former antagonists.. How far he has descended or he has
risen in public estimation I leave to his own judgment, and
that of the party, of which he was sometime the leader, and
which has certainly gone through the " process of exhaus-
tion."—( Loud cheers.) A Tithe Bill, which would have
given the Clergy bread, is brought forward : it receives the
approbation of a large body of the Irish representatives : it
is thrown out, and the Clergy arc left to perish by those si-
nister'auxiliaries who support the Church by making martyrs
of its Ministers. Parliament is prorogued—Lord Mel-
bourne is dismissed from the Cabinet with as little ceremony
as a menial would be discharged from the Palace. Suddenly,
and to himself, I believe, unexpectedly, the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet is raised to.the Premiership. The fortunes of this great
country are placed by his Sovereign in his hands. He arrives,
declares himself the champion of the Church, enters into a
contest with the Irish people, dissolves the Parliament, strains
every Treaury nerve to return a Conservative House of Com-
mons. The Parliament of his own calling meets ; lie is beaten
on the Speakership, and does not resign ; he is defeated on
the Amendment, and still retains his race ; he is discomfited
udon Irish Church, and he no longer considers it com-
patible with his dignity, his duty, or his honour to remain in
power ; he surrenders the trust reposed in him by his Sove-
reign, and retires with disaster, but without humiliation, for
he fell in a contest with millions ; he had chosen a nation for
his antagonist, and it was impossible that he should not be
overthrown.—( Continued cheers.) Far be it from me to dis-
pute.the talents, the consummate skill, the various attributes

for government which he displayed ; the greater his merits,
greater the evidencepf the power by which he was overthrown.
—(Cheers. )" Of that power I have traced the progress ; that
power vested in millions, deputed to the great majority of Irish
representatives—developed, not created by emancipation—
confirmed by Reform ; and which, so far from being attended
with any likelihood of decrease, is accompanied by the cer-
tainty of augmentation. Three millions have swollen, since
the Union, to seven ; they command the majority of the re-
presentatives of the country ; they. are led on by men of cease-
less vigilance, and unalterable determination ; in their intel-
ligence and property they are making rapid advances ; with
Roman Catholics of high ability the Bar is crowded—by
them the highest law offices are filled—they are within a step
of the bench of justice; if there were no further change by
the Legislature, the advance by the people would be still in-
evitable : the Corporation Bill (for you cannot legislate for
one country on different principles from those which you apply
to the other) is at hand ; can you wish, and if you wish can you
hope, that this unnatural, galling, exasperating ascendancy
should be maintained ? Things cannot remain as they are :
retrograde it is impossible they should ever. What expedient
are you prepared to adopt ? Would you enact the penal code,
let locNe Oranigeism from its den, bid the Orangeman draw
forth the sabre clotted and rusty with the blood of civil war-
fare, that he may sheathe it in the nation's heart ? No ! from
so horrible a conception you instinctively recoil. Will you
dissolve the Parliament? What! after you have already had
recourse to that perilous expedient. You thought that you
could manage the -House of your own calling : you declared
it at Tamworth. Have you not too deep a stake in fame, in

fortune, in property, and in renown, to renew these terrible
experiments? You think the English people 'are with you.
If a Conservative Parliament should be assembled, it duration
must be brief, its existence will be stormy and agitated while
it lasts ; but if the excited people should infuse an undue pro-
portion of the democratic element into the representation, you
will .have raised a spirit which you will have no spell to lay,
exposed an institution more valuable than the Church, to peril,
and put, perhaps, what is more precious than the mitre, to a
tremendous hazard—and all for what? For what are these
terrible risks to be run—these awful chances to be incurred ?
For what are Cabinets to be annihilated, -the country to be
brought, perhaps, to the verge of convulsion, the palace to be
shaken to its foundation? For the Church I the Church of
the Ministry—the Church, from which no imaginable benefit
can henceforward flow-; but whence evils after evils in such
continuous abundance have been derived—the Church, by
which, instead of being advanced, religion has been retarded,
and for whose maintenance an enormous army is maintained,
which has cost England trillions of her treasure, and Ireland
torrents of her blood.—( Loud cheers.)
Mr. JACKSON then rose and said, that after the splendid
display of oratory which they had just heard, he could not ex-
pect that the House would listen to any lengthened observa-
tions from him, but he entreated the attention of the House
while he made a few remarks. The Hon. and Learned Mem-
ber had stated that the principle involved in the Bill now un-
der consideration was also to be found in the Bill brought in
two years ago by the Noble Lord the Mem'ser for South Lan-
cashire, and commonly called the Church Temporalities Bill.
In his (Mr. Jackson's) opinion, it was impossible to imagine
any two measures more opposed in principle than these were.
He doubted if there was a single principle in which they were
similar. It was asked why they upon that (the Opposition)
side of the House, wished to have the-Bill divided. The rea-
son was plain. One part of the Bill appeared to be good in
principle, and where it did not meet their views might be
amended in Committee ; but the other part, which regarded
the -apprqpriation cf the surplus revenue of the Church, was
highly phjectionable.—( Hear, hear.) It did not follow, how-
ever, because it was desired that the Bill should be divided
into two parts, that either part should be rejected.—( Hear,
hear.) It was quite competent for the House to pass both.
Now, with regard to another part of the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman's eloquent address—the Hon. Gentleman had
alluded to the income of the Irish Bishops, and, in his (Mr.
Jackson's) opinion, had greatly exaggerated it, and more
especially that of a Most Rev. Prelate of the Church. The
return made by the Commissioners showed that the gross
revenue of the Bishops was 150,000/. a-year ; but that their
net income was only 128,0001. ; but there were reductions
upon that sum to the amount of 65,9401., so that the balance of
62,863/. was all the income of the twelve Bishops of Ireland.
From this he was warranted in supposing that the Hon. Gen-
tleman equally exaggerated his other statements; and that he
,drew a long bow when he said that the income of the most
Reverend Prelate was 17,0001., and would become 23,0001.
The income of the Lord Primate, he believed to be only
10,0001.
Mr. SHE'', had taken his calculation from the return
made by the Archbishop of Armagh himself.—( Hear, bear.)
Mr. JACKSON continued.—The Hon. Gentleman had
alSo taken occasion to contrast the income of the Irish clergy
with that of the clergy in Belgium ; but that was in his (Mr
Jackson's) opinion, not a fair cempaiison. The clergy of Ire-
land had large possessions which were their absolute property
-(Oh, oh.) It was admitted to be their property. He said
•so from high authority, for the Hon. Member for St. Albans
admitted that it was as much the property of the clergy as
Other property was the property of any private individual.
.Mr. WA R D.—l said just the reverse.—( Hear, hear.)
- Mr. JACK SON said that there was another observation
made by the lion. Member far Tipperary, which surprised him
not a little. He compared the claim put forward by the Ca-
tholics in 1829 with that now put forward. He said that the
same principle was at stake, and the same struggle to be made
then as now. Now what was the fact ? There were many
• Gentlemen from Ireland, and among others the Hon. Gen-
tleman himself, examined before the Committee of the House
of Lords upon the subject of Catholic Emancipation ; and
they all declared that neither the abolition- of tithes, the
repeal of the Union, nor any of the other popular cries, would
again be mentioned, if that measure were allowed to pass.—
( Hear, hear.) Now, he would ask, if that had turned out to
be the case ?—( Hear, hear.) Ile would ask if every succeed-
big concession had not been made a platform from which higher
concessions were demanded ; and, although every demand was
said to be final, was it not a fact, that no sooner were they con.
ceded than there was just a cry for more as there was before
it was granted ?—( Hear, hear.) He thought that those who
brought this motion forward could not know the history of
Ireland.—( Oh, oh.) Another opinion which had created a
great prejudice out of doors, as well as within the House,
against the Church was tbis—it was said that the Irish Church
had failed in its object because it was too wealth:—( Hear, hear)
—because, as they said, it was a bloated Church. —( Hear,
hear.) Now the fact was, that one of the chief causes why the
Church of Ireland had not done so much as it might have done
during two centuries and a half, was the total inadequacy of
its means.—( A laugh.) lie had no hesitation, however, in
saying that the interests of the Church, and the progress of
religion had been as much injured by the wealth of some of
the unions in the Irish Church, as by their former poverty.
lie was not, nor had he ever been an advocate for unions of
parishes, pluralities of non-residence ; but it was merely justice
to the Church of Ireland, and those who had lately had the
administration of it, to state that there never had been a
greater change in any institution on the face of the earth, than
had been effected in the Irish Church within the last few years.
He would not go into the details of the question, as they had
been so ably treated by the Right lion. Member for Tam-
, worth, and he must say no attempt had been made to answer
them. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had followed the
Right Honourable Baronet, and undoubtedly be had exhi-
bited great skill, and had produced a powerful effect on
the House ; but he had avoided dealing with figures • he
said they had nothing to da with the question, and there-
fore he did not affect to answer them.—( Hear, hear.) • He
(Mr. Jackson), however, would ask on what principle the
Right Hon. Gentleman could reject them as unconnected a ith
the question ? Were these figures of no consequence to the
application of the appropriation clauses—had they no bearing
on this important question. —( Hear, hear.) It appeared satis-
factory to his mind that the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the
Exchequer did not answer the statement of the Right Hon.
Member for Tamworth, because he felt that it was not: tai,able
of being satisfactorily answered.—( Hear, hear.) He would
state a few facts which would show the great improvement that
had taken place in the state of the Irish Church within the last
few years. At the period of abolishing agistment .tithes in
Ireland, about a century ago, he found, from a return made to
the Irish Parliament, that There were 800 resident clergy, 400
churches, and 150 glebe-houses in.that country. At the time
of the Union there were 1,000 resident clergy, 689 churches,
and 300 glebe-houses. What was the state of things that now
prevailed ? There were 2,000 resident clergy—an increase of
1,000 in the short period of thirtysileo years; 1,300 churches,
being an increase of qgq iq 'time ; and 900 glebe-houses,