The Sun.
London, England, 1835-01-19 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, JANUARY 19, 1835.

MANCHESTER.

DINNER TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
C. P. THOMSON, M.P.
Our distinguished and excellent representative, the Right
Hon. C. P. Thomson, dined on Tuesday ..with the gentle-
men of his election committee at • the Black Horse Inn,
Greek-street, Chorlton-upon-Medlock. Between sixty and
seventy were present. James Taylor, Esq., presided, and
the Vice Chair was occupied by James - Kershaw, Esq.
Some excellent glee singing by Messrs. W. Povah, S.
Povah, Cooper, and Sheldrake, contributed much to the
enjoyment of the feast.
The first toasts given were those of the King, the Queen,
and his Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex, with hearty
wishes for the restoration of his health. The next toast
was that of the Right Hon. Member, and in proposing it
the CHAIRMAN enlarged upon his excellent.qualities. The
Right Hon. Gentleman had been returned upon the hands
of the electors, not from a Parliament which had died a
natural death, but from one which had ..been strangled in
its usefulness ; but his services bad- been:, so well appre-
ciated during the short period of that Parliament's exist-
ence, that he was triumphantly re-elected. Mr. Thomson
had proved himself not the representative of a mere party,
but truly the representative of the borough of Manchester.
Whoever had applied to him, whether Tory, Whig or Ra-
dical, for the benefit of his services had been promptly at-
tended to, and in all respects their interests consulted. He.
(the Chairman) was satisfied that no man in England could
turn Mr. Thomson from the representation of Manchester
but Mr. Thomson himself.—(Cheers.) He would detain
the meeting no longer from the rich intellectual treat they
would receive, but at once give the health of their distin-
guished guest and representative, the Right Hon Charles.
Poulett Thomson, M.P. The toast was received with
three times three and" one cheer more.".

Mr. POULETT THOMSON, after the applause had subsided,
addressed the assembly to the following effect :—He trusted
that the worthy chairman, however flittering his language
had been, was more correct in the descriptions he had given
than in the expression he had used of not detaining them from
the enjoyment of an intellectual treat ; for. if at any time it
had been in his power to give them pleasure or satisfaction
he felt that upon that occasion, owing to - severe indisposi-
tion taken in their cause—( Hear, hear)—he was totally un-
able to address them in the manner his wishes suggested.
Under any circumstances, however, it would be impossible
for him to express the feelings of pleasure lie had in meeting
such an assembly as that, or to describe the deep gratitude
with which lie was inspired for their exertions in his behalf.
He, indeed felt most deeply, most sensibly, the high honour
conferred upon him on the late occasion. I feel, continued
Mr. Thomson, that I have been amply rewarded for any
humble services of mine, for ai.y efforts I have made to
obtain and preserve your good opinion in a manner which
which is at once the greatest favour and the greatest proof
of confidence you could. 'bestow. It has been to me the
highest possible reward any man could obtain at the hands
of his fellow countrymen. Our worthy chairman has al-
luded to an occasion when lie before filled the chair. I
remember well that it was after you had conferred upon
me the distinguished honour of selecting me as your repre-
sentative when I had received the confidence of another
constituency. I appeared I think in this very room, and
in this place, for the first time before any. body of the electors
of Manchester ; but great as was the honour you then con-

ferred upon me, it was little in comparison with what I feel
the present to be, because then I had not been personally
known to any of you—then I had no acquaintance with
your town or its interests. My public acts were alone be-
fore you—but now I have two years' services to plead.
As was well expressed by our worthy chairman, I have
been returned upon your hands, s' owing with the rest of
the country an utter unsuspicion of the likelihood of such
an occurrence, and wholly unprepared for such an event
—with no power, even if I had the inclination, which I
trust I never shall have, to seek a little shallow popularity
by atoning for past misconduct in the last year of parlia-
ment by better votes—having no opportunity of exercis-
ing, had I been inclined, which I trust I never shall be—
that miserable death-bed repentance.—(Cheers.) With
all my sins you have been good enough, through your in-
strumentality and exertions, with the electors of Manchester
supporting those exertions, to replace me not only in the
situation I filled before, but to place me in it elevated
by a distinction unknown to any one before.—(Cheers.)
What does this prove to me ? As was well said in an
address to myself which I saw lately from a friend whom
I now see in the room, it proves to me the necessity
of further exertions—to continue to merit your con-
fidence.—(Loud cljeers.) It proves to me the necessity of
persevering in tha determined advocacy of liberal prin-
ciples—(cheers)—which first recommended me to your
notice, and, the perseverance in which I feel has obtained
for me the vast support I have received and the renewal of
your confidence. Believe me, then, that whilst I look back
with feelings of pride and pleasure to the distinguished
post in which you have placed me, to the elevation to which
you have been pleased to raise me, by the records of the
poll—l say believe me that will be matter to spur me on
to future exertion—(cheers)—why I should yet more
steadfastly, if that be possible, adhere to the cause of the
people, and why I should be more jealous of any suspicion
that I may be diverted from those principles which I know
are yours, and which I know have recommended me to
you.—(Cheers.) We live in strange times.—(Hear.)
We have seen strange events within the last few months.
We have seen that ministry—a ministry I should rather
say—which had not been tried, but which had received
the confidence of the Sovereign, and which I believe
possessed the confidence of the people, suddenly dismissed
from power, and their seats occupied by those whose sole
qualification for holding office has been the possession of
office until the people drove them from it—(loud cheers)—
who since they were ejected offere,l an uncompromising op-
position to all the reforms the people asked. We have
seen this Government, prepared as it notoriously was to
justify the confidence the people felt in them, prepared with
measures for the ensuing Session which the majority of the
country, which all its intelligence and public spirit, would
have hailed with delight—we have seen this Government
ejected from their official situations and deprived of the
confidence of the King. We have seen that Government
replaced by a list which every man who loves freedom and
his country has only to read to turn from with disgust and
indignation.—(Loud cheers.) I say with disgust and indig-
nation, because amongst them arc men honourable both in
private and political life, and I cannot for a moment do
them the injustice to suppose that listening to the
assertions of false friends or fl ttterers—that losing all
respect for consistency, they can turn suddenly round and
adopt measures which but three short months ago they
spurned from them.—(Cheers.) I say, then, that giving
them credit for adopting a course like that, I must look to
the policy which is indicated by their former conduct ;
and I see in that course of policy nothing at which a
friend of freedom would not revolt, and nothing but
which would render one who loves his country and
wishes to see it advance in the career of improvement
and intelligence, look at with disgust and indigna-
nation.—( Cheers.) It is true some attempt may be
made to delude the public under the notion and sem-
blance of liberal measures. Some miserable half-and-
half, some wretched one-tenth part measure of reform
may be submitted to parliament ; there may be declara-
tions made as unintelligible to a common reader as one
which has been made, and which I am sure created no
little effect—dealing in vague generalities, pretending to
come to details, but carefully abstaining from them—
(Hear.)—and equally careful to avoid all explicit declara-
tions of principle. Such a document may, perhaps, serve
the purpose of men like these, and of such declarations
and documents we may, perhaps, hear more when Parlia-
ment meets. But to suppose that from men of this
calibre, that from men capable of putting forth these un-
meaning generalities, we are to have anything in the slight-
est degree satisfactory to the people, is as absurd as any
thing can be—it is as vain a delusion to create as ever
conjuror, in the days of witchcraft, invented.—(Cheers.)
And it was this feeling which induced me to give the an-
swer I did on the hustings, when I was asked whether I
would reject good measures if proposed by them ? I
answered that I could not consider the present Adminis-
tration capable of introducing measures of that charac-
ter—that, in my opinion, it was next to an impossibility
they should. The battle, then, it is clear, must be
fought with the men. On the one hand, if measures of
any value were to be proposed by the Administration,
there must be a sacrifice of public character, of political
consistency—nay, even of honesty itself, which would
render the men capable of it unfit to govern this coun-
try ;—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—or, on the other
hand, if there be consistency, if there be regard for public
character which would certainly lead to another course of
action, there must be an utter absence of all those great
measures which every honest man attached to the liberties
of his country would desire, and to obtain which he would
endeavour by every means in his power to displace this mi-
nistry for one more in unison with the feelings of the peo-
ple—(Cheers.) I have little doubt of a successful issue to
the iiruggle now taking place. The vain attempt at delu-
sion to which I have alluded Las failed already. It failed
by the impossibility of even prese4ing §gcli an array of men
to the country as would not by their very name arid oharacter
convey an exposure of the delusion itself. The moment 4 be-
came clear that ffgtpe 09 had left the Government of Lord
Grey, because it. was ativaneing top fast, ill their opinion, in the
course of reform, refused to unite therif;Oves with 014 pretend.-
ed to be liberal government, it became necessary to draw
assistance from men of an opposite character, enlisted under
the banners of ultra-Toryism in is boldest array. The
Stormonts, the Knatchbulls, the Newcastles, the Percivals,
' Mansfields, were called in to assist, ansdirtoßosebe
rvretupnedeelr,
the of the ),,YViliryel9n and
and thereby it became at 046 gPoirPlit 0.9 OliaiPP4

of reform which had been hinted at, and which
I say had been hinted at only for the purpose of
delusion, could never be expected. The country by these
banners being unfurled, and these officers appointed, was
told that an attempt was to be made to drive back altoge-
ther the march of improvement and reform, that the stand
of which we had heard so much as being necessary to be
made against their further progress was now to be taken ;
that a barrier was at last erected, on the one side of which
stood the people, prepared to demand as their rights, and
to insist upon obtaining, the fruits of the Reform Bill, and
on the other stood the Government, ready to defeat their
purpose and to oppose their efforts. I say again that Ido
not believe the struggle on the part of the Government will
be successful. The Duke of Wellington, for it is his Go-
vernment—(Hear)—let us not be deluded into the belief
that it is the government of Sir Robert Peel, who on some
occasions has certainly shown himself desirous to remove
abuses—the Duke of Wellington, for it is his government,
has been a mighty warrior it is true, and has gallantly fought
the battles of his country. I render him every praise in .
that capacity, but I say he little knows the spirit of the
people of England if he imagines for a moment that the
same perseverance which enabled him to conquer the ene-
mies of England, will enable him also to triumph over the
liberties of her sons.—(Cheers.) And why ? Because when
fought the battles of England he was supported by English
arms and English hearts.—(Cheers.) The combat now
will be a very different one. The honest hearts of English-
men will all beat high against him ; their arms will be all
raised against his power, whilst on his side he will only be
able to lead on a troop of placemen and pensioners—(Loud
cheers)—of bloated churchmen, trembling lest reform should
remove the abuses from the establishment in which they
profess to glory, and of all the hungry expectants of the
crumbs that may fall from his table, who, like stragglers
upon an army, are ever the first to plunder, but the last to
fight: —(Tremendous cheering.) Ido not expect, I again
say, that the struggle will end successfully for the Duke of
Wellington's government. I believe that the events of the
last few days will mainly have contributed to destroy all
all hopes of that nature. I believe that the events of the
last few days will mainly have contributed to destroy all
hopes of that nature. I believe that what we have seen in
Manchester and in London will give a complete overthrow
to all the vain hopes which may have been entertained by
the Tory party. I remember that when Sir Robert Peel
conceded, or rather was beaten out of, the claims of the
Catholics, in a very able speech he made in bringing for-
ward the Emancipation Bill in the House of Commons, he
stated that all the reasons which had induced him formerly
to oppose the measure still remained unshaken ; that his
opinions as to the policy of granting it remained unchanged ;
but, said he, I have carefully looked over the division lists
of the debates upon this subject ; I have examined the
constituencies on either side the question, and I find the
representatives of the great and important constituencies on
one side, and those of the smaller places on the other, and
I yield to the force of public opinion, for a numerical ma-
jority of members in Parliament is not what I consider an
indication, that is a fair indication, of public opinion ; I am
bound to look at the weight and importance of those who
elect and send members, and I cannot conceal from myself
that the preponderance is great and all upon one side,
namely, in favour of the claims being granted. Let that
test, gentlemen, be applied to the returns which will take
place in the course of the present election. The disso-
lution we have lately seen, and a dissolution, be it re-
membered expressly made for the avowed purpose of the
sense of the country being taken with regard to the prin-
ciples of Toryism or those of reform, may probably give
some trifling advantage to Toryism as regards the num-
ber of representatives ; but let Sir Robert Peel look at
the weight and importance of the constituencies electing
those representatives according to his own principles,
and then say what the result will be. I would not lead
you into the mistake of supposing that, by referring to
this test, I have a doubt, even in the slightest degree,
that the Tory Government will be in a very small—the
smallest—minority ; that the Liberals and Reformers will
out-number them in the coming House of Commons.
All that we have hitherto seen, confirms the opinion I
have entertained from the first ; but still it is evident
that the Tory p4ty may be and will be stronger than
they were in the late House. It is but natural they
should be so ; but then I do believe that applying Sir
R. Peel's own test, although the reform cause may have
lost numerically some thirty or forty members, it will be
found to have gained much rather than have lost in
weight of constituency.—(Cheers.) I know of no in-
stance, as far as my own observation has gone, where
the leaven of corruption not being left, and those dis-
graceful practices engendered by the old system, and
still continued by the prolonged existence of venal freemen,
carried into effect, of any place of any considerable import-
ance which has not continued either its Reform Member or
taken a Reformer where a Tory has been removed and dis-
placed. The struggle, however, must come, and that early
in the ensuing session. I trust it may be at the earliest
possible moment, for I am impatient till I see a decision
taken. If the people of this country are really Tories
in principle, one of two things must be the case—either
the Reform Bill has not done its work, or we ought not
have given it, for the people would have been better sa-
tisfied and done quite as well with rotten boroughs.—
(Cheers.) lam impatient for the moment which shall
bring to a decision the important question whether we
are to see good or bad government.—( Hear, hear.) I
am impatient that the time should arrive when we can
either put an end to the silly outcry of re-action we hear
so much of, or, owning the re-action and confessing our-
selves defeated, be content to say." We tried to give the
people good measures, we tried to place power where we
thought it might safely be entrusted and liberally used, but
we found the opinions of the country against us, and we were
mistaken in supposing Reform to be really called for."
We have not yet had an opportunity of hearing much of
the opinions or of the intentions of the members of this go-
ernment. Many of them have the advantage, as they pro-
bably will consider it, of sitting in parliament for very small
places, and therefore are not called upon to express their
political opinions publicly and explicitly ; others are re-
turned for counties where preponderating family influence,
and where, I must add, a most unfortunate alteration in the
Reform Bill, almost converted them into cloSe boroughs.
However, in a speech I read to-day, delivered by a Cabinet
Minister, I find that some reforms are in preparation. I
t.iink it was stated that a reform in the Church was in pre-
paration, and that the condition upon which it should be
granted was the full consent and concurrence of every mem-
ber amongst its dignitaries.—(Laughter.) I have heard
another reform hinted at. The grievances of the Dissenters
are to be removed, provided always they do not ask to
be placed upon a full and equally free footing with their
other fellow-creatures ; provided they are content not to
he received into the universities—(Laughter)—that they
are content still to be burdened with Church rates ; and
to take precisely the same views of their grievances
which this member of the Cabinet entertains ; provided,
too, they consider themselves entirely mistaken with re-
gard to their grievances, willing to pick up the crumbs of
redress from beneath the masters' table, and submit
quietly to receive from the hands of their opponents
worse measures, by a great deal, than they indignantly
rejected at the hands of those who had offered them
something before.—( Hear, hear.) Another assertion
made by this gentlemen, and which, I apprehend,
will give peculiar satisfaction to the people of Manchester,
is that the doctrines of free trade, of which you have done
me the honour to suppose that I am the zealous and the
constant advocate, are, by the plans of this government, to
receive their death-blow.—( Hear, hear, hear.) By the
bye, this gentleman, not fifteen years ago, was one of the
warmest advocates for those principles ; he had the honour
of presenting .the City of London petition, and upon it
making one of the ablest speeches in favour of the principles
of free trade ever delivered—a speech which, if I had any
fault to find with it would be that it went too far.—(Cheers.)
This gentleman states as one of the advantages of his
holding the office I had the honour to fill under the go-
vernment with which I was connected, was that he had
never been a free trader, and that therefore the doctrines I
had propounded"and endeavoured to carry into effect would
by the present government be continually opposed. When
I r that, I own I look back with some satisfaction' to
the circumstancek of what we have done within the last
four years, which fortunately has left him less mischief to
do, or we to apprehend ;' and I own that in spite of the
threat I look to the future with perfect confidence ; for
although the onward progress of the course of com-
mercial improvement may be stayed for a time, I defy
him or any or the whole of his colleagues to cause it to
take a step backwards.—(Cheers.) At the same time I
am sure you also feel that confidence, it may be conso-
latory for the people of Manchester to know that nothing
but the way is wanting—that the will exists to undo all
we have attempted to do for the last four years—that if
this gentleman had
his will the China trade would be once
more closed to our industry, all the various annoyances
which we had removed re-imposed, and the taxation from
which our greatest efforts were made to relieve commerce
instantly put on again—that so far from renderinc, assistance
to trade, even if that new doctrine otfall:iuspopfn tfh:reeirgenpecaolrno.f
the malt tax for the relief of the ittiebreesnteifivterteo ca
r••
as an enemy to
an
f e bwp. a e filo;
ctith that
oreliefpl
people
crl log
suiinto
rnoi
ter
detifftioy:e err ttosh,;:hopievse
twppegno,e.
idep
acoenfrufros
stjtohtigiohst
cvtgeheornret
to be relieved from that which I consider an
lahfllottichliciass4sciiceu
ntry,
odious imposition upon corn. It may be consolatory for
those engaged as you are in Manchester in active commerce
to know that the repeal of the corn laws is considered by
this new protector of yotn. rights and industry—by he to
whom your commercial intiTs,ll 1149 f TorA 13?Ydrxitnea
acp serially foZtptided!. a§ fie giOt 'unjustifiable attempt that