The Sun.
London, England, 1832-01-31 00:00:00

Netherlands, previously to the complete liquida-
tion of the same." Improvident as this treaty
was, it is impossible to mistake the meaning of
this clause. Language could not more plainly
point out the contingency on which the payments
stipulated by the treaty were to cease for ever.
That contingency was the severance of the
Belgic provinces from the dominion of the King
of the Netherlands. The only question then is,
has that severance taken place ? The Congress
of the Belgic provinces have not only declared
that a total separation has occurred, but they
have elected a separate King. The States-Gene-
ral of Holland and the Prince of Orange, in his
proclamation to the Belgians, have admitted the
separation. England, Russia, and the other
great Powers, have negotiated conjointly by pro-
tocols, for a year past, on the basis of a separa-
tion between the two countries ; and, in fact,
without an actual severance, and a severance
recognized by all the great Powers, there could
be no foundation whatever for that superstructure
of protocols by which the great Powers prescribe
certain limits to the two States, and dictate cer-
tain terms to both as two separate kingdoms.
Thus, then, we have all the evidence that could
possibly be required to show that an actual sepa-
ration has taken place—and, therefore, the con-,
tingency has happened, by which it was ex-
pressly provided that the treaty should deter-
mine, and, the payments of England and Hol-
land to Russia, by virtue of that treaty, should
cease. The Government of Holland has inter-
preted the treaty as every person of good under-
standing and plain sense must interpret it ; and
accordingly, since the actual separation of the
two countries, Holland has. most properly, ceased
to make any payments. Does Russia charge
Holland with a breach yfaith? On the contrary,
we find that all the shuffling and evasive policy
of the Emperor of Russia, with regard to the
ratification of the treaty founded upon the pro-
tocols, is in favour of Holland, which has de-
clined to make the payments, and is af,rainst the
interests of England, whose Ministers have paid
him three successive quarters of those payments
since the treaty ceased and determined. It is
true the Ministers have taken the opinion of the
Law Officers of the Crown, and they, as Law
Officers of the Crown usually do, have given
their opinions in favour of the view taken of the
subject by Government. By what principles of
construction they interpreted the words " pass
away and be severed" to mean something dif-
ferent from the actual separation which has
taken place, or construed the phrase, " shall
cease and determine" to mean " shall last and
continue," it is impossible for us to say.—
Bound as we are to consider law the " per-
fection of reason," and the law of the Law
Officers of the Crown to he something still
,nore perfect than reason itself, we must bow
down our humble understandings before the
high and unquestionable authority. We can-
not, however, avoid observing that, when
Philip of Macedon was attempting to esta-
blish as powerful a dominion in Greece as
the ambitious Nicholas now endeavours to
erect in Europe, the oracles of Greece
were said to be Philippised, so admirably did
their responses, by means of some mysterious
influence, suit with the political views of the
Macedonian tyrant. There are people in this
country, we have no doubt, who are credulous
enough to believe that the extraordinary inter-
pretation put upon the treaty relative to the
Russian-Dutch loan, by the English oracles,
has been less the result of the dictation of
" perfect reason" than of Russian influence.

'liked, Ministers seemed to admit that they had
a bias in favour of the payments to Russia, in-
dependently of all treaties, by giving it to be un-
derstood that these payments tended to the
maintenance of the peace of Europe. If they
were made with that view, they were made not
as a matter of treaty and good faith, but as a
matter of mere policy, and policy that cannot
for a moment bear the investigation of sober
reason. What ! do the Ministers of England
think it necessary to make this great country
pay tribute to the Emperor of the northern bar-
barians to induce him to keep the peace ? In
supplying him with money as a matter of policy,
are we not feeding his insolence, encouraging
his ambition, and supplying him, moreover,
with the " sinews of war ?" Did Lord Pal-
merston, or Lord Althorp, or any of our Mi-
nisters, ever talk of the necessity of preserving
our good faith inviolate with regard to that
treaty by which we guaranteed the independ-
ence of Poland ? No ! we allowed Poland
to be crushed by the Russian armies of the
Autocrat, in spite of the treaty of Vienna ; and it
now appears that we have been supplying the
Imperial destroyer with the pecuniary means by
which he equipped and moved those armies for
the destruction of Poland, and by which lie still
keeps up and increases those immense military
establishments which threaten the peace of li
Europe. If this were a question of good faith
the argument of policy would have nothing to do
with it—for we say, let good faith, at all
hazards, be observed. But neither in law nor
equity were the heavily-taxed people of England
bound to pay this money ; and, on the con-
trary, we are decidedly of opinion that the whole
of the sums which have been paid since the
separation should be reflinded.—Morn.Herald.
Lord Chandos brings on a motion this day
for depriving the metropolis of the benefits de-
signed for it in the measure of Reform as already
framed by Ministers. It is to be hoped that
Government, or Lord Althorp, who manages
that portion of the machine of Government
which acts in and through the House of Com-
mons, will in this instance abide manfully by
the cause of real, as contrasted with virtual repre-
sentation ; and enforce, with all the influence at
his Lordship's command, the advantageous in-
crease of Members, of which London, West-
minster, and the Surrey side of the river, have
anticipated the enjoyment for the last ten months.
We state this hope, not unmixed, as it is,
with apprehension, because on another question
between Ministers and Lord Chandos,—one
likewise which was declared by Lord Grey him-
self to be an important question,—we regret to
find that the Noble Earl and his colleagues have
sacrificed the opinion they themselves entertained,
and embodied in their second Bill the principle
which they disapproved of, —we mean with re-
spect to the qualification of tenants-at-will as
part of the county constituency. Lord Chan-
dos, it is true, uo matter through what difference
of horsemanship between the parties, had the
honour of obtaining a majority over Ministers
on the occasion referred to ; and that, in addition
to the clause for dividing counties, was allowed
on all sides to have clinched the ascendancy
of the landed aristocratic interest exhibited
throughout the measure. It is therefore, as we
have hinted, not without some spice of alarm,
that we express our hope of the resolute ad-
herence of Ministers to this redeeming principle
of the Bill, which goes to extend the representa-

tivc rights of the metropolis, by granting to
several great divisions of its inhabitants a choice
of Members to speak their sentiments in the
House of Commons. When so many wretched
places, of barely 4,000 inhabitants altogether, re-
tain the privilege of sending two Members each
to Parliament,—when so many other places
with not more than .20,000 residents have
newly acquired that right,—and when one
Member is given to such hamlets, compara-
tively speaking, as Petersfield and Midhurst,
what sane mind would think of confining
the representation of London, Weettninster, and
Southwark, with that of Greenwich, Deptford,
and sundry other populous and important towns
in the vicinity, to a total of eight votes ? The
metropolis, including its three grand divisions
above-mentioned, contains above 1,400,000 in-
habitants—a greater population than Yorkshire.
And what a population !—what affluence !
what intelligence !—what concentred elements
of a vast and invaluable constituency ! Does
any man in his senses imagine that the hundreds
of thousands now proposed by Lord Chandos to
be disfranchised of the powers which the Bill
holds out, would be contented under such a de-
privation ? Does any one suppose they would
submit to it without agitating England from
north to south ? Some say, " found your re-
presentative system on numbers,"—" found it
on property and education," cries the opposite
school,—" take all for your basis," is the advice
of more instructed statesmen ; but, until this ad-
vent of a Legislator from the unpropitious house
of Buckingham, never have we heard a scheme
of Reform recommended which went upon the
exclusion of all three; and, with equal arro-
gance and absurdity, demanded that the greatest
numbers, the most enlightened intelligence, and,
the most unbounded wealth, should operate
upon the places where all were combined, as a
disqualification for the right of sending Mem-
bers to Parliament ! To such a length, we
affirm, would Ministers proceed, by surrendering
to this second summons of Lord Chandos; as
they have unfortunately, and, indeed, of their
own accord, to the mere recollection of his
former victory on the qualifying of vassal tenants.
—Times.

Our readers will see, from our Manchester
account, that the authorities of Manchester
(having first, it is said, received the sanction of
the Home Secretary) issued a Proclamation
against the continuation by an adjournment, on
Sunday last, the 29th instant, of a meeting, at
which seditious and inflammatory speeches were
delivered, held on Sunday, the 22d instant; and
that the meeting having notwithstanding taken
place in St. George's-fields under the protection
of a military force, the special constables, headed
by the boroughreeve, with the regular police
force, armed with cutlasses, seized the Chairman
and seven other individuals, and conveyed them
to a place of security, and dispersed the meeting
by a liberal use of their sticks. A pike or dagger,
of about three quarters of a yard in leagtll, of
which the blade was nearly twelve inches
in length, was concealed under the jacket
of one of the men arrested ; and the report
that a number of the men were to be so armed
added greatly to the alarm of the peaceable in-
habitants. Broadhurst and Ashmore, the in-
dividuals who held the threatening and seditious
language at the former meeting, and advised the
holding political meetings on the Sabbath, did
not attend. It is stated that the individual in
the chair (Gilchrist) had advised the people to
come armed. The examinations were to take
place yesterday. What a satire these proceed-
ings form on the famous Manchester massacre
At the meeting at Peterfield, the people had not
even sticks, and females were mingled in the
crowd. And yet against such a crowd, appre-
hensive of no danger, an armed cavalry was let
loose, who slaughtered many, and cut and
maimed an immense number. Here a multitude
met in defiance of proclamation of the authori-
ties, invited to come armed, in order to repel
force by force, and vet the leaders are seized by
the constables, the meeting dispersed, and all
without the effusion of a drop of blood. Every
Government is bound to afford protection to
its peaceable inhabitants, when assemblages
of this nature threaten their security. It
may sometimes be difficult to draw the line be-
tween meetings of inhabitants indignant at some
infraction of their rights, and assemblages threa-
tening an interruption of the public tranquillity;
because the apprehensions of men vary with their
nerves, and some men are constantly in a state
of alarm ; but we think, if the accounts of these
meetings be at all to be relied on, there can be
little doubt of their being on the wrong side of
the line. We do not wish to proscribe the la-
bouring classes, and deem it even wise that they
should have opportunities for expressing their
sentiments on public affairs ; but then they must
not indulge in threatening language towards
others, nor assemble in arms. We trust that
this affair will have no ill consequences. But
when we reflect on the feeling in several of our
manufacturing towns, we are not without our
fears.—Morning Chronicle.
The Connaught Ranger of Wednesday last
contains a long report of an investigation at
Westport, by the Marquis of Sligo, Lord
Lieutenant of the county Mayo, into the alle-
gations contained in a memorial presented to him
by William Murphy, a poor peasant residing in
Newport, the estate of Sir Richard A. O'Donel,
Bart., charging three Magistrates, namely, Sir
Richard A, Bart., Connel O'Donel,
and J. S. Stuart, Esqrs., with having, when
'presiding at Petty Sessions, on the 13th of De-
cember last, wantonly, and without sufficient
cause, ordered the complainant into the public
stocks, in the market street of Newport, on a
market day, with the offence for which he was
committed inscribed in large characters, on a la-
bel pinned to his back. A number of Magis-
trates of the county were present at the inquiry,
and the Magistrates whose conduct was the sub-
ject of it, attended with their professional ad-
visers. This is, we believe, the first time :in the
history of this country that a Lord Lieutenant
has subjected Magistrates to such an inquiry.
I Thanks, however, are due to the Marquis of
Sligo for the first attempt hitherto made, to sub•
Lord
ject the conduct of Magistrates to anything like
responsibility. The example he has set will
not be too extensively followed, for few Lor
inl
Lieutenants will, have the courage to risk
behalf of the poor and they who have none to
help them, the risk of unpopularity with so
powerful a body as the magistracy of a county,
who have much of the espritde corps, and are
but too apt to make common cause when any
one of the body is in any way touched. But
the necessity for the inquiry followed necessarily
from the doctrine lately laid down in the House
of Lords, when Lord Harewood called the at-
tention of the Lord Chancellor to the case of
Stocks. At that time it was laid down, that
though the Lord Chancellor had not power of
naming to the Commission and striking out,

' yet he was bound to follow the course of
his predecessor, who only acted on the 're-
commendation of the Lord Lieutenant. The
Lord Lieutenant then, being charged with
the surveillance of the Magistrates, would
act arbitrarily, were he to recommend the striking
any gentlemen out of the Commission, without
a previous inquiry into their conduct, and he
thus becomes a tribunal to which complaints
against Magistrates may be carried. The Courts
of Law have only a very limited controul over
Magistrates ; and, indeed, so completely are
Justices of the Peace protected by the laws with
regard to actions against them, that the
Magistrate would be a great fool, as well
as an oppressor, who allows himself to be
reached by actions in the King's Bench. But
the power of Lord Lieutenants over Magistrates
is like the power of Magistrates over the people
—discretionary, ; and a Lord Lieutenant, pus-
sesssed of good intentions and firmness, may, by
listening to the applications of humble indivis
duals, do an infinity of good. The perusal of
the proceedings in this inquiry would almost lead
one to suppose that Ireland was Turkey—that
Magistrates and Protestant Parsons were
Bashaws. The individual Murphy was sen-
tenced to the stocks in the market-place, for hav-
ing, in defending himself, uttered a sentence
which was not deemed sufficiently respectful to-
wards the Rev. Mr. Stoney, adistributor of some
of the money raised in London for the poor in
Ireland. Mr. Stoney had the charge of turf for
the poor, and poor Murphy happening to ob-
serve, if it was for the poor then the poor should
get it, the whole of the petty sessions were in-
stantly up in arms—he was marched to the Police
barracks till the stocks were conveyed to the
Market-place, and then he was marched to the
Market-place, put in the stocks, with 'a label
pinned to his back—" For insolence to the Rev.
Mr. Stoney." The Magistrates seem to have
resented very much this interference of Lord
Sligo ; and, indeed, all his courtesy could hardly
secure him against insolent treatment from them.
" On the Lord Lieutenant (says the report) taking
seat, Sir Richard O'Donel read, what we understood to
be, a protest against the an hority of the Lord Lieutenant
to inquire into the conduct of Magistrates, as derogatory
to their station and offiee; and in a subsequ,nt stage, Sir
Richard questioned the authority of Government to direct
such inquiry.
" The Lord Lieutenant, with much urbanity, expre,sed
his determination to discharge his duty, though irksome,
wirhout regard to any individual. His Lordship added,
that it was not compulsory on Sir Richard or his brother
Magistrates either to attend or to take part in the inquiry.
It was optional with them to follow whatever ceut se thy},
deemed most advisable."
The Magistrates were allowed professional ad-
visers, and the parish priest, Mr. Hughes, was
allowed by the Marquis of Sligo to aid poor
Murphy. The dignity of a Protestant parson
was up in arms at this. The following speci-
men will show the notions of equal-handed jus-
tice entertained by Protestant parsoL;s

" Rev. William Baker Stoney called by the Migistrates.
This gentleman, with considerable acrimony, inveighed
L!gainst being summoned. He said, as a Protestant clergy-
man, he was insulted—the establishment of which I.e
was a member was insulted in his person. After a great
deal of extraneous matter, Mr. Stoney protested against
the authority of Lord Sligo to summon him, to be subject
to be cross-examined by a Catholic priest.
" Lord Sligo, in reply, said it was no indignity to any
person to he summoned to five evidence in a Court of Jus
tice. A Protestant Clergyman, as well as a Peer of the
realist, were equally amenable to the laws. His Lordship
et ited, that he sent to Mr. Fat rell to wait on Mr. Stoney,
and request he would attend ; and Mr. Stoney expressed a
wish to have his name put into a summons."

" Mr. Soucy, with much violence, sad he was shame-
fully used, insulted, and dragged forward, and charged
with robbing the poor, and subjected to the cross-exa-
mination of a Roman Caholic Pt Test, and allusion made to
his accounts.
" Lard Sligo said he could not tree that Mr. Hughe:
had done any thing wrong—and added, Mr. Stoney was
not summoned till he r;quested to he summoned."

One would suppose that the scene was Ja-
maica—that Murphy was a negro, and Hughes
a negro-parson. To have questions to a Pro-
testant Parson suggested by a Catholic Priest !
0, foul indignity ! The following specimen is
very rich :

" Mr. Clendining declared that he would not answer
any question of an inquisitorial nature, beyond his tes-
timony of the char..cter of the two Magistrates, of whom
he had just spoken, having come from his hou.e under
circumstances of severe illness for that sole purpo,e ; wit-
ness will not answer any question coming from such a
source—namely, the Rev. Mr. Hughes.
" Lord SLIGO—[ be that no perFe.nAl allusion. be made.
This is my privve-room in which we sir. If gentlemen
persevere in these personal attacks, I shall he, compelled to
retire to the oppo.ite apartmcry.
" Mr. CLESMINING—My Lerd, I have seen Mr. Hughes
whispering Murphy, and telling Lim to put that question.
" Lard Sm:o—We have laid down in the commence.
ment certain rules for the m inagement of this investiga-
tion ; the Magistrates have law-agents employed, and as
it seemed hut fair to allow Murphy also to have an agent,
Mr. Hughes has been recognised hitherto as such. To those
who have observed these regulations I feel oldiged, and par-
ticulat ly so to Mr. Ruches.

" Mr. IluGI-us—My Lord, you hare been frequently
disrespected on that Bench since the commencement of this
investigation ; and when the sacredness of the place you
occupy on that Bench has not protected your Lordship ft out
insu:t, it would ire too much for me, an humble individual,

to hope or expect to be safe from similar insults."
These insolent Basnaws must be shamed into
decent behaviour. The light must be let in on

them.—Morning Chronicle.
The news from Ireland is of a most gloomy
description. Party feeling—religious animosity,
the worst description of party feeling—continues
to play its awful pranks, to the sorrow of true
religion, and reason, and humanity. When is
this disgrace—this blot upon the name of
Christian, to have an end ? In reading the
Irish party papers one would be disposed to think,
if the vehement proceedings of rival factions were
to guide his opinion, that there was no Protest-
antism in the world but that which has taken re-
fuge in Ireland—that there was no Catholicism
in the world but that which is to be found in
the same country,—and that there was no way
of maintaining the doctrines of either church but
by a course of conduct directly the reverse of that
which the Great Author of Christianity incul-
cated on his followers, and the benignant spirit
of the Gospel breathes in every line. Surely
there must be something wrong in the state of
things which exhibits such a picture of our holy
religion. It is not Christianity which has
done this. It is not Christianity which has
arrayed party against party, and man against
man—which has eradicated the social virtues,
and substituted in their place a certain wild and
sanguinary devotion, which the deep and solemn
pathos of the Christian morality repudiates with
its simple but expressive tongue. No ; it must
be something of human error—something of hu-
man vice—which has crept into our institutions,
and poisoned the very fountains of our religious
faith,—and that something ought to be investi-
gated, detected, and expelled, if there be such a
principle as responsibility recognised amongst
the motives of human action. The Committee

now sitting on the tithe question, as respects Ire-
land, will do well to look largely and compre-
hensively at the subject. We have slid that the
news from Ireland was gloomy, it is worse—it
is murderous. A clergy man of the Church of
England (the Rev. Mr. Whitby, rector of Gol-

den, in the county of Tipperary) has been way-
laid and assassinated almost at his ow❑ door, and
the only reason assigned for the worse than brutal
deed is the known fact of his determination to
have enforced payment from his parishioners.
Catholic priests have been assaulted, too, for
preaching against the resistance to tithes. Surely
it is high time to try what legislation can do to-
wards putting an end to such enormities. We
know not how far the Committee have proceeded
in their investigation, but the country expects
their report with impatience. The present state
of things cannot last, and it will not satisfy the
thinking people of either country to throw the
blame of such atrocities as we have mentioned
upon the ignorant wretches who commit them,
or upon the party to which they may belong.
Legislation must take a higher ground. Effects
must be traced to their causes, and the hand of
power must be laid upon those vices in our sys-
tem which have hitherto escaped detection, or
defied improvement, amid the darkness anti con-
fusion of existing feuds. It is, we hope, in the
spirit—it is, we are sure, in the most deferential
regard for the interests of true religion and
virtue, that we entreat the Committee to grapple
with this awful question of tithe, and to deter-
mine upon some course which may at least eman-
cipate Christianity from the disgrace of being
associated, even in name or by implication, with
deeds of violence and- bloodshed.—Mornillg
Herald.

An Evening Paper of last night has the fol-
lowing paragraph. We know not whether it be
correct in its basis or not, and as little, we pre-
sume, will the public care. Sir Henry Parnch
is a highly respectable man, and it may be said
of him that he would prove an excellent political
adviser, on financial topics, to any Ministry that
stood in need of his advice ; but it does not fol-
low that he would prove equally efficient as a
Chancellor of the Exchequer—an honour which,
it is well known, he has long coveted. Indeed
his friends entertain a very poor opinion of his
talents as a Minister, though they highly respect
both his acquirements and his individual respec-
tability. We shall assuredly regret his secession
from office, if he has seceded, or been dismissed;
but he had no business to hold office with those
in whom he had no confidence, or of whose
measures he did not approve. We care not who
may be in the same scrape with Sir Henry Par-
nell; but were they our colleagues, we shouki
have no hesitation in characterizing them as
sgmeihing worse than spies. If Lord Grey has
dismissed Sir Henry Parnell, he has only done
his duty, and proved his strength. Union in
the Cabinet is now more requisite than ever,
and Lord Grey, in justice to himself, as well as
to the country, ought to adopt the precept of
" those who are not with me arc against me."
" Sir Henry Parnell," says our Evening Cotempotary,
" has been dismissed from the office of Secretary at War,
as a punishment for the honest vote of which he fapren,l
to be guilty upon Mr. Herries' motion; yet the Times
has told us, within two or three days, that the unanim;t)
of the Cabinet is wonderful. This dismissal furnishes a
proof of the stringent means by which the majority were
collected."—Morning Advertiser.

MANCHESTER, SUNDAY EVENING.

SUNDAY MEETING AT MANCHESTER, AND APPEL'.
HENSION OF THE RINGLEADERS.
According to the announcement of the meeting of
operatives on Sunday week, that another meeting
would be held on the following Sunday, of the ope-
ratives, for the purpose of further discussing the sub-
ject of Reform on the principles of vote by ballot,
universal suffrage, and annual Parliaments, a meeting
took place in St. George's-fields yesterday (Sunday.)
In consequence of the determination of the leaders
of the Political Union of the working classes to get
up a large meeting of the working people, the ma-
gistrates, boroughreeve, and constables had a me,t-
ing, at which they came to the resolution of publish-
ing a placard, warning the people to refrain from at-
tending the meeting.
At an early hour in the morning the military, un-
der the command of Colonel Shaw, consisting of the
Bth Hussars, and the 80th Regiment of Foot, were
called out to be upon the alert to quell any disturb-
aace, and to assist the civil power in dispersing the
meeting, should its instigators be determined to as-
semble in defiance of the notice.
The authorities having satisfactorily ascertained
that the misguided people, wider the advice of
their dangerous leaders, were resolved up') meet-
ing, the military and the special constables, of the
att I- of whom there were fourteen divisions, we- e
nted to different stations in the neigh hour-
hood of the scene of meeting, to be in readiness to
disperse the meeting. The artillery and tl e 80. h
regiment of Foot were placed in the foundry of
Messrs. Peel,Williams, and Co., Swan-street, Shude-
hill, and the cavalry in the Market-place. The
various divisions of special constables were arranged
in front of the lockups, i►a which were several Ma-
gistrates and the Town-clerk, Mr. Mute. The
whole scene presented a most warlike appearance ;
the streets were crowded with people, and the ut-
most alarm seemed to prevail amongst the inha-
bitants, as it was well known for some time the
disaffected workpeople had been carrying on an ex-
tensive pike manufactory (a description of dagger)
with which it was stated a number of the men in-
tended to go armed to the meeting, for the purpose
of defending themselves in the event of an attack
by the military.
Towards twelve o'clock, the time appointed for
the meeting, the streets leading to St. George's-
road were filled with people proceeding towards the
scene of agitation, some thousands of whom did not
approach towards the pile of bricks on which the
seditious orators had taken their pieces, but con-
tented themselves by lingering in the streets and
neighbou►hood, having only a distant view of what
was going forward. About half-past twelve o'clock
a number of persons to the amount of nearly 1,000
were assembled round the propagators of the meet-
ing, when a discussion arose as to the propriety of
dividing the people into groups at some distance
from each other, so as to evade the meaning of the
boroughreeve and constables' notice, and thus ac-
cordingly divided into small distinct sets, each
having an orator, one of whom commenced reading
an article from Hetherington's Poor Man's Guardian.
Havieg been in this situation a short time, they
again assembled together, whets it was proposed
that a chairman should be appointed, and the busi-
ness of the meeting commenced. Accordingly, a
man named Glchrist, who has been one of die fore-
most in using language of an intlamtnatory nature
at nearly all the public meetings which he has graced
with his presence, and who at one of the Campfield
meetings advised the people in future to come armed,
was called to the chair.
The CHAIRMAN then addressed the meeting, and
wished to have the opinion of the people, as to
whether they should adjourn, as the military and
the constables were in the neighbourhood, or whether
the business of the meeting should be proceeded
pith•—(Cries of " Go on, go on ; we have plenty
of ammunition here," alluding to the bricks.) The
Chairman then said as he was supported he would
go on with the meeting. They had not met like the
Bristol people, for the purpose of riot and the de-
struction of property, but for the assertion of their
rights, and their object was peace and union; and
that the meeting might rest assured that the King
and his Ministers would never give them anything
unless it was forced upon them through fear ; and
he recommended them fearlessly to unite for that
purpose, and join with heart and soul the Political
Unions.
About this period Mr. Milne, the Town-clerk, ac-
companied by several epecial constables, came up to