The Sun.
London, England, 1835-05-14 00:00:00

lIUNGERFORD.

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THE NEW WORK BY THE AUTHOR OF " STO-
RIES OF WATERLOO."—There is enough of adventure and
incident in " My Life," by the Author of " Stories of Water-
loo," to furnish out three novels. Pathos, humour, and ter-
ror quickly succeed each other in these pages, and yet all is
consistent as a true picture of life. It was the lot of Captain
Blake, the imaginary autobiographer, whose career is here
narrated, to see more of the world than men in general ; but
though the events that befel him are rare and remarkable,
probability is never violated, nor the truth of nature lost sight
of. Even the most eccentric characters of the story, such as
Manus Blake, and Jack the Devil, are in perfect keeping, and
establish the author's claim to a high rank among those novel-
ists who, like Fielding and Smollett, have given enduring
themes for laughter. Were it not, indeed, for the irresistible
drollery of the portraitures we have mentioned, the harrowing
interest of other parts of the work might be too powerful.
" My Life" will greatly increase the celebrity of the writer of
" Stories of Waterloo."—Courier.

Potatoes in Glasgow are 17d. per cwt.
PRICE OF PROVISION AT JERSEY.—Beef, Mut-
ton, and Veal, from 2id. to aid. per lb. Lamb, from ls. Id.
to Is. 10d. per quarter; Fows, from 2s. to 3s. per couple;
Butter, from 9d. to 11d. per lb. ; Eggs 3i-d. per dozen ;
Lettuces id. each ; Asparagus 4d. per bundle. The best
Wheaten Bread lid. per lb. • Second Sort id. per lb.
NEW CABRIOLET.--A vehicle of this description,
hung upon new principles, has just been brought out at
Paris. Its advantages over the old one are greater lightness,
easiness, and cheapness. The principal difference is ill the
mode of suspending the body.
Mr. Bentley has just published the following NovelS
and Romances :—A second and revised edition of Mr. Bul-
wer's Last Days of Pompeii, with a new Preface—My Life,
by the Autbor of Stories of Waterloo, Wild Sports of the
West, &c.—Belford Regis, by Mary Russell Mitford, author
of Our Village, Rienzi, &c.—Lodore, by Mrs. Shelley, author
of Frankenstein, &c.—The Unfortunate Man, by Captain
Frederic Chamier, R.N., author of the Life of a Sailor—
Francesca Carrara, by L. E. L., author of the Improvisatrice,
&c.—Sketches of a Sea Port Town, by Henry F. Chorley,
Esq.—The Heir of Mordaunt, by the author of Adelaide—
Lady Stepney's New Novel, The Heir Presumptive—The
Princess, by Lady Morgan. Tlie same Publisher announces
a ' Lady Dacre, under the title of
T6l aid the Peasantry, by the author of
the Chaperon; and another new Novel from• the pen of the
author of The Spy, The Pilot, &c., to be called The Monnikens.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

--
Among the numerous letters which pour in upon
us from various quarters, we have chosen for insertion
one signed by " A Tory of 1835," which puts a strong
argument in a plain and convincing manner. The
subject of the letter seems to have been suggested to
our correspondent by the belief that the company as-
sembled on Monday last at Merchant Tailors'-hall did
not comprise any sensible, or at least any considerable,
portion of the old moderate Whig party of .the City.
Our correspondent might have recollected how largely,
however absurdly, men's actions are governed, so far as
concerns politics, by mere habitual association, that
they continue doing as they have done before for some
time after they have ceasetl thinking as they before
have thought, and are really; ridiculous though it may
appear, more ashamed of accommodating .their con-
duct to their present sentimects. than to their pre-
ceding conduct, though adopted under circumstances
which exist no longer. An old Whig, for instance,
even if he finds that the doctrines and the spirit --which
formerly characterized the Whig party, and won his
own approbation, and enrolled him among its ran::s,
have been abandoned by those who still call themselves
Whigs, and exchanged for revolutionary frenzies which
' be cannot approve of, that old Whig will very likely be
weak enough to stand by the shadow and desert the
substance, to hug the name and discard the thing=--to
forget that he is more honest in .being ruled by othor
men's examples than by his own reasonings, and more
inconsistent for slackening a rapid pace from a sense of
danger to the State, than for hurrying a moderate one
from the indulgence of party zeal and sympathy. This
foolishness, manifest and mischievous as it is, has been
found to afflict so many minds, that the mere number
of those guilty of it serves to keep each other in coun-
tenance, and still more to put out of fashion fora time
those who have a will sufficiently strong, and a suffici-
ently tender conscience, o adapt their course of action
to their abstract sense of right. The mob of party
ought to remember, that a Whig may rat over to re-
volution, no less than to pure Toryism. The frequency,
however, of the mistake here referred to, and denounced
in our correspondent's letter, by no means lessens the
public danger arising out of the commission of it, at a
time like this. By how much greater is the risk in-
curred of the Whig Administration of Lord Melbourne
being carried away into the whirlpool of indefinite and
unfathomable change, through its necessary dependence
on the party of the movement ; by so much the more
are all those members of the old r Whig interest, who
still retain any command over themselves, or any fore-
sight as to the tendency of the existing political
combinations, bound to hold back from the plunge
presented to them, and to reinforce whatever body
appears best disposed and qualified to maintain
the equipoise of the constitution. We agree in
• the observation that all the moderate or middle
party of Whigs, whether out of office or holding
it under Lord Melbourne, must very shortly make
their choice, and adhere to Conservatism on one
side, with Sir R. Peel for its champion, or on the
other to that self-named " Reform" system, whose
real, though with many of its partisans unconscious,
aim and inevitable result is democratic revolution ;
leaving us perhaps the dress and nomenclature of a
monarchy, but with all the substantial attributes, in-
cidents, machinery, and spirit of a one-sided and un-
balanced republic, of which neither affluence nor
intelligence, wisdom nor virtue, will be the predomi-
nant principle, but brute and multitudinous force. Sir
Robert affirms, and in staid and sober language, that
there is " danger to the institutions of this country—
danger to the form of government under which we
have lived and prospered ;" but he adds, that it is in
the power of right-thinking men to avert the danger,
—namely, by a strenuous exercise of the functions
which the Constitution has left them, and by
gaining an diectual influence in the popular branch
of the Legislature. Let us observe, at the same
time, that if the power to meet the perils which
threaten us consist in the active exercise of our con-
stitutional functions, so the neglect of that wholesome
system of exertion deprives us of the power, and that
although the neglect may be but temporary, the evil
consequence of it may be irrecoverable and eternal.
The Conservative body of the kingdom need only, as
Sir Robert Peel declares, go forthwith " a frank ex-
position of its principles," and a demonstration, so far
as pledges of a corresponding and harmonious line of
policy can demonstrate, that there is nothing " selfish
in its support of the institutions under which we live,
and of the rights which we enjoy." Sir R. Peel's
profession of the principles, on this late occasion, has
been a thunderstroke to two classes of men—to - wit,
the stupid and dogged old sticklers for the maintenance
of every conceivable abuse, as being part and parcel of
the Constitution, whom the Right Hon. Gentleman
has thrown completely overboard ; and, secondly, those
dishonest partisans both of place-hunting Whiggery
and of the anti-Church and anti-Monarch faction, who
reckoned on being able to represent the Right Hon.
Baronet as an ultra-Tory enemy to every species of ra-
tional Reform. He thus broadly states his views :
" We are willing to correct every abuse, and to concur
in the application of the most effective remedies ; we
hold that no public office ought to be maintained for
patronage, and can only be vindicated by its necessity
to the public service—tee want no sinecures—we want
no more salary for any public office than will suffice to
procure the necessary integrity and competence for the
discharge of it ; we are not separated by any line of
demarcation from the middle classes of society." But
Sir Robert Peel repudiates and reprobates the project
of " making the Reform Bill a platform, on which to
plant new batterieS against the institutions of this coun-
try." In this just sentiment every wise patriot will
agree, and we conclude by impressing it forcibly on the
minds of our readers.—Tinges.

We have given our reasons to the public for consi-
dering the Chancery- Commission a political job, or a
political blunder ; but, taking in either sense, the re-
sponsibility of originating such an arrangement does not;
rest upon the Learned Judges who have been appointed
Lords Commissioners, and who execute to the best or
their ability the duties which have been absurdly
irir-
posed upon them by the Ministers of the Crown. Dui
subject is a most important one, inasmuch as it affects
the efficient administration of justice in the highest
COurt, save one, in the realm. We are glad, therefore,
to find that since we last animadverted upon this
m
ar-
rangement, it has been noticed in the House of Co-
mons,. Mr. Whittle Harvey having put some ques-
tions thereupon to the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
It appears that the• points which Mr. Harvey wished
to ascertain were—Whether the Commission was in-
tended to be temporary or permanent ? and, if the latter,
whether the present Lords Commissioners are to be
continued ? Also, whether, in either case, the Learned
persons so appointed are to receive any remuneration,
in addition to the official salaries to which they are
otherwise entitled? The answer of the Chancellor
of the Exchequer to the first question was in the ne-
gative, which, of course, involved the answer to th 2
second question. The Right Hon. Gentleman did
not, however, give the slightest information as to wirt
was intended to be the duration of this teinpolary
arrangement, which is greatly to the prejudice of the
suitors in all the Courts of Equity. The answer to
the third question was far from being either definite
or satisfactory. There was too much Whig shuffling
and evasion about it to please us or the public either,
who have a right to know at once at'what expense this
preposterous arrangement is carried into effect, and what
price is to be paid for the delay of justice to the suitors
in Chancery. If this arrangement cause no delay, as
some of the Whig-Radical Journals contend, then it is
practically shown, as we said the other day, that all the
business in Equity can be readily transacted by two
Equity Judges, and consequently the country may be
saved the expense of a Lord Chancellor's salary alto-
gether. Now Ministers must either admit that the
present arrangement is detrimental to the interests of the
suitors, or that the country would be saddled with a
needless expense by the appointment of a third Judge
in Equity. But it .is clear, from the statement of the
Chancellor of the ExChequer, that it is in contem-
plation to appoint a new Lord Chancellor ; which is au
avowal that the continuance of the present arrangement
is impracticable, notwithstanding the Whig dogma
that Chancery is always worked best by a Commissio.-,
and the assertion of a Ministerial Paper • that cc
notorious there never was any Chancery arrear at -all-

during Commissions." As to the question whether
the Lords Commissioners are to receive remuneration
in addition to their salaries, we said that the an-
swer of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was neither
definite nor satisfactory. He asserted boldly enough
that no additional charge should be thrown on the
public ; but he intimated, at the same time, if our re-
port be correct, that it might possibly be thought right
and just to recompense the Lords Commissioners out
of the salary heretofore paid to a Lord Chancellor.
If so, we should like to know by what process o.
arithmetic the Chancellor of the Exchequer pro-,e,
that such recompense would not be an add
charge upon the public. As long as no
Lord Chancellor, there cannot be any
possible pre-
text for paying a Lord Chancellor s salaryto any
person. In that case we shoulc.. have expected that
it would have reverted to +.l„ public, and become an
item of saving in the 'eublic expenditure. But if the
Lords Commissi
:,hers are paid out of that sum, which
would, oth-erwise; have been a clear saving to the pub-
lic, then we say such payment is an additional charge
on tt.re public. We speak not now of the right of the
LrAds Commissioners to a recompense beyond their
'official salaries ; we only wish to clear away the obscu-
rity in which the Chancellor of the Exchequer pur-
posely involves the question. Perhaps he only
tries his hand in the art of financial mystification
pre c,aratory to the Budget. The conversation on
tliis subject ended, as our readers have seen, by Mr.
narvey declaring that if the present state of things
in Chancery continued, he should feel it his duty
to submit a motion to the House on the subject.
We hope no consideration of party politics will pre-
vent him from redeeming his pledge. True Parlia-
mentary independence is that which is free to attack
the errors and misdeeds of any party in power, and
will not sacrifice to a veneration for political nicknames
the interests of the country. That there is very little
of that sort of independence in the reformed House
of Commons we are compelled to admit ; but we trust
the growing dislike of the public for party politics will
cause the stock of Parliamentary independence to in-
crease, so that public questions may be looked at and
discussed according to their merits, and not judged by
the fallacious standard of party principle. We may
here observe, as connected with the question of the
Chancery Commission, that we objected to the ap-
pointment of the Lord Chief Justice of the King's
Bench as Speaker of the House of Lords, both on
the ground that it necessarily gives the character of a
Judge too much of a political cast, and that it must
take away that Learned Judge from his proper busi-
ness in the Court of King's Bench. We know that
the Whigs went farther than this on a former occasion,
by making the Chief Justice of the King's Bench a
Cabinet Minister. But we cannot allow them to plead
gross violations of principle at a former time, in ex-
tenuation of less flagrant infringements of principle at
the present day. In answer to our objection with re-
gard to withdrawing the Chief Justice from his proper
duties in the Court of King's Bench, a Whig-Radical
paper said—" It is notorious that the Lords, except
for causes, sit less than an hour a day. Will that
hour, after the King's Bench is up, interfere with the
Lord Chief Justice's judicial duties ?" Logicians who
make their own facts have a great advantage in argu-
ment. If the Lord Chief Justice gave an hour per
diem to preside in the House of Lords after the rising
of his own Court, it certainly would not interfere with
his judicial duties, unless he caused the Court to rise
before the proper time for that purpose. But how
stand the facts ? A day or two after the logician had
given to his own facts such an accommodating form,
the following statement appeared in our paper :
" Lord Denman left the Court of King's Bench shortly
after four o'clock yesterday to attend in the House of Lords,
and as the Court did not rise until seven o'clock, the suitors
were deprived of his judgment on the Bench for nearly three
hours."

This happened, too, be it observed, the day but one
before the last day of term. Do we blame Lord
Denman for this ? Certainly not ; but we blame the
King's Ministers, who have most improperly throe n
upon him an office which is incompatible with the ef-
fective discharge of his dirties in the Court of King's
Bench. There is no public functionary we believe
less disposed to neglect his judicial duties than Lord
Denman ; but the labours of the Chief Justice of the
King's Bench are sufficient for any man. It is not,
therefore, his fault that the Court of King's Bench,
as well as the Court of Chancery, suffers by the pre-
sent unprecedented Whig arrangement ; we say un-
precedented, for although the Great Seal has been in
Commission before—a fact which we could not and
did not question—yet we deny that it was ever so
put in Commission as it is at present. If novelty
be any merit, we admit that a Commission so con-
structed is as original as it is absurd.---Morning
Herald.
The Standard thinks that a departure from the usual
mode of publication should take place in the case of
the speech of Sir Robert Peel at the dinner in Mer-
chant Tailors' Hall. This " Sovereign Speech"
might, it is said, be dispersed by hundreds of thousand.,
for a sum not much exceeding one hundred pound,..
Printers, booksellers, &c., like other tradesmen, must
live by "their trade, but an extraordinary object
justifies a departure from customary means. Our
Contemporary, having great faith in the efficacy
of placards, wishes that it may be placarded ; it
may be printed both for book reading and for post-
ing, as a placard, at less than one farthing. " This
(says our Contemporary) is the style of printing
which we wish to see introduced, for the purpose of
laying moral and political truths before the people." It
strikes us that the only people whom the speech was
calculated materially to improve, are not in so destitute
a condition as to be unable to purchase it at a rate
somewhat above one farthing. The Tories have
hitherto placed their reliance on the House of Lords
and the Court, and the chief novelty in Sir Robert
Peel's speech was the recommendation to them to
rely chiefly on the House of Commons, and
to avoid placing the House of Lords in col-
lision with the House of Commons. His speech
was a lecture to the House of Lords and the
leading Tories. If the Lords take his advice,
they will not a second time act the foolish and fac-
tious part they acted last year. They threw out the
Irish Tithe Bill, leaving the clergy of the Irish Church
without provision for their subsistence, and thereby
hazarded the peace of Ireland. Earl Grey did all but
go down on his knees to his brother Peers, entreating
them to have some regard for the peace and welfare of
the country, and not to oppose themselves unnecessa-
rily to public opinioh. Lord Brougham, in account-
ing for the very strange conduct of the House of
Peers, observed, that the schoolmaster, who had
visited all other classes of society, had not yet paid
his visit to their Lordships. Sir Robert Peel has
taken upon himself the functions of the school-
master. He tells their Lordships that the great
struggle must be in the House of Commons. Those
of their Lordships who are rich men will always
possess influence in the House of Commons ;
those who are not rich, will have little influence
in returning Members to the Commons. We are not
sure, however, that the House of Lords will gain much
with the country by relying on the influence which
they possess as Peers of Parliament, without regard to
their property. The country is exceedingly jealous of
pauper Peers : and it has been very generally sur-
mised that many of the late movements of their Lord-
ships have been directed more for the interest of these
paupers than for the benefit of the community. A
copy of a Conservative newspaper sent to every
Peer, and to the rich Tories throughout England,
would be sufficient for the purpose Sir Robert had
in view, namely to instruct those who guide the
opinion of the body. With regard to the people,
it is not necessary to warn them against' collision
with the Peers, and to place their principal reli-
ance on the House of Commons. The people wish
to see beneficial measures adopted, and they will of
course be delighted to see the Peers profit by the
lesson read to them by Sir Robert Peel. As far as
the people are concerned, the fruits of the advice are
the great matter. But all the anxiety of the Standard
is for the publication of the speech among the people.
This cannot fail to excite a strong suspicion that the
object of the speech was less to enlighten those to
whom it was nominally addressed, than to humbug tle
people. Mr. Peter Cunningham, in his very ingeni-
ous work on New South Wales, tells us that in con-

veying criminals to that colony, the greatest rogues
were sure to plant themselves in his way with Bibles
in their hands, which they seemed greedily to de-
vour, in order to deceive him into a belief of
their piety, and thereby throw him off his guard.
If we are to judge Sir Robert Peel from the con-
struction Nit on his speech by the Conservative
papers, his object in giving such reaFonable coun-
sel W the Lords, was not to benefit them, but to hum-
I'dug the people. They say, " Look at this saint Sir
' Robert—he has given us most excellent advice—re-
turn everywhere Conservatives to Parliament, and you
will find them as anxious for the removal of abuses as
any Reformers can possibly be." Were the people
to allow themselves to be deceived into indifference to
the party from which they choose their Represen-
tatives, they might find that there would indeed be
no danger of collision with the Lord 3, as a Tory ma-
jority in the House of Commons would prevent any
measures being sent from that body against which
the Lords would take any objection. The danger
of collision is when really good measures are
sent up to the Lords from the Commons
However, the people of England are about to
have a practical comment on Sir Robert Peel's
speech, which will enable them to decide whether
its object was to benefit the Lords, or to deceive
themselves. In a short time there will be sent up to
the Lords a Bill for improving the Municipal Corpo-
rations of England and Ireland, and a Bill for plaoing
the Church of Ireland in a state compatible with the
welfare of the population of that country. We shall
see whether the Lords have benefited by Sir Robert
Peel's lesson. If they have not, and throw out the
Bills, the people may be assured that the advice to the
Conservatives was nominally addressed to them, but
really intended to throw the people off their guard,
fgecßiot
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Nothing can be more amusing than the elaborate.
efforts of some of our contemporaries to reconcile
Lord John Russell, and the party of which he is the
leader, to the change in his Lordship's Parliamentary
position which has followed his accession to office.
Lord John has gone to Stroud, in the hope of being
elected to supply the vacancy in the representation of
that respectable manufacturing town, created for his
special accommodation by the retirement of Colonel
Fox, and a hope is expressed that his Lordship will be
permitted, at Stroud, to walk quietly over the course.
It is discovered, accordingly, that it is a far greater ho-
nour to be Member of the House of Commons for
Stroud than for the southern district of Devon,
and that the Noble Lord ought to be exceedingly
grateful to the Devonshire electors for having so
kindly rejected him. There is much wisdom in
this agreeable optimism, and we should be sorry
to interrupt whatever comfort it is calculated
to afford. We only lament -that the superiority of
the seat for Stroud was not found out a week or
two sooner, as in that case Mr. Parker and his friends
would have been spared the trouble and expense of
beating Lord John in the county of Devon. A fort-
night ago the electoral body in Devonshire was, we
recollect, in the estimation of our contemporaries, a
very enlightened and patriotic constituency, and these
qualities afforded the most ample guarantee of Lord
John's success. Now they are " the clods of De-
von," and the Noble Lord ought to be all pride and
satisfaction, that, by casting him off, they have
afforded him the opportunity of acquiring the pre-
eminent distinction of representing Stroud, which is
" not only a new borough, but also in some respects
a new town, having been greatly enlarged of late years;
and few readers are, perhaps, aware of the impor-
tance that fairly attaches to the voice of its consti-
tuency." Our Whig contemporaries are, perhaps, how-
ever, a little hasty in thus overwhelming Stroud, and
its 1,300 voters, with their encomiums. It is not yet
quite certain that a successful opposition to the M
nisterial leader, under Mr. O'Connell, of the House of
Commons, may not take place at Stroud, in which
case our contemporaries will have to lavish their enco-
miums upon Tavistock, or Totnes, or some other in•
significant borough, at the expense of Stroud, as they
now lavish their encomiums upon Stroud, at the ex-
pense of Devon. It would, at least, Lave been as
well to abide the result of the election, which it cannot
be denied that Lord John has taken all proper pains
to secure by an early occupation of the field. His
Lordship's friend, Colonel Fox, did not resign until
every thing was duly prepared for his election. And
his Lordship then stole away, to commence his can-
vass, having dexterously concealed his real purpose
until that moment under the cloak of an infinite variety
of other schemes to get possession of a scat. Upon
the whole, the seat of Lord John Russell, in his own
Reformed House of Commons, will be surrounded by
a halo of glory.—Morning Post.
The speech of Lord John Russell, at Stroud, in its
manly tone, and honest straightforward exposition cf
principles aid intentions, affords a splendid contrast to
the duplicity, the affectation, and studied guile which
characterized the harangue of Sir Robert Peel to the
flattering minions who assembled around him at Mer-
chant Tailor's Hall. When Sir Robert saw before
him an assembly of degenerate citizens licking the dust
before him, and inflicting the leprosy of their adula-
tion on him, whom he in his soul despised, while
he put on the semblance of equality with them,
—well might he express his astonishment that,
with such rottenness at its core, with such traitors
in its bosom, London and its boroughs should
return eighteen independent representatives, and not
one tool of Toryism to represent them in Parliament.
" I am disposed (said Lord John) to give educa-
tion to the Catholic as well as the Protestant. The
Catholics are willing to abide by the Pro
testants say they are not ? If by this means we con-
ciliate and govern without so large a military force,
the empire will be stronger and better able to meet its
enemies." " I shall (said he) do my bust to maintain
the Established Church ; but it is not to be done by
principles of civil inequality and religious distinctions."
Enable the Catholics to judge which religion is the
better, you will probably bring them nearer to Pro-
testantism, and not confirm them as Catholics. But
the most important part of the speech and that
wherein was included in a single line the only
sound principle of Government, and a pledge grati-
fying to the friends of progressive improvement, and
worthy of the Statesman and Philanthropist, was
towards the conclusion, when he said, " My object is
to keep pace with the improvement of the age and
country.' This sentence embraces the whole secret
of Government, as no Ministry can withstand the Re-
forms which are demanded by the enlightened wishes
of the people. It was holding back from reform—
coercing where they ought to have conciliated, and
conciliating where they ought to have coerced, that
shook the Grey administration to its downfall. The
leading Ministers of the present Cabinet have profited
by this experience, and must be convinced, as well
from their unceremonious dismissal, as from their un-
gracious recall, that not only their own continuance in
office, but perhaps the very salvation of the State, de-
pends on their pursuing with steadiness and unflinch-
ing determination, those reforms to their accomplish-
ment, in expectancy of which, the people reinstated
them in power, and in consideration of which, the
same people will bear them in triumph over all the
opposition which base intrigue or besotted imbecility
can marshal against them.—Morning Advertiser.

A gentleman and a lady who were divorced on the
20th of February, 1835, again became man and wife on the
23d of February, 1835. This fact is a beautiful commentary
on the American law matrimonial.—American paper.

Accounts from Warsaw state that an iron railroad
is about to be established between Warsaw and Dombrowa,
a distance of 40 miles. The weather in Poland became so
severe, and so much snow fell during Easter week, that the
people were conveyed to church on sledges. The following
anecdote shows the tact of shepherds in prognosticating
changes of temperature. A rich proprietor, two leagues from
Warsaw, was rejoicing at the fineness of the weather and the
warmth of the first days of April. His shepherd announced
that it would snow at Easter, and offered to bet year's
wages against 30 sheep in support of his opinion. The tic alter
was accepted, aad on the second day in Easter week the
shepherd out into possession of his little flock.

VICE-CHAN CERY COURT.

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, MAY 14, 1835,

once; but she was fully committed for trial, for the con-
cealment of the birth.

A parish surgeon who had lost a finger in a post mortem
examination, objected to examine the body of the child
until he was remunerated for his services. He did not
refuse for the sake of reward, but as a matter of prin-
ciple and right.