The Sun.
London, England, 1835-08-06 00:00:00

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PRICE 7D.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

We rejoice to find that the people are everywhere fully
alive to the mischief inseparable from the course which the
Lards are pursuing. A numerous meeting was held yes-
terday at Finsbury (of which we have given a Report).
Hull, St. Andrew's, and Portsmouth have meta Prepara-
tions are making fora meetinc, in Manchester. A Requi-
sition for a meeting in Vintry-Ward is signing. In various
other places petitions have been agreed on (as at Northamp-
ton), and meetings are everywhere announced. We are
not, indeed, astonished that men who are interested in the
prosperity of the country—men who possess property, and
consequently love order and tranquillity—should be -parti-
cularly alarmed at the mad course which has been adopted
by the infatuated party who now oppose themselves to the
Government. That party is labouring to plunge the coun-
try into anarchy and confusion. The Tories know that
they cannot form a Ministry. Sir Robert Peel, and
those moderate Tories who supported the principle of the
Municipal Reform Bill, have been abandoned by the ultras,
who have broken through all the restraints of decency in
their mad opposition to all improvement in Corporations.
They have chosen to cling to the grossest abuses, and
to proclaim to the world that they will yield nothing to
public opinion. Sir R. Peel is the only man who could
communicate any character to a Tory Administration ;
and Sir Robert Peel has been cast off by them. The
Duke of Wellington was outvoted at Apsiey House by
his insane associates, and forced to expose himself to
the cutting reproaCh of Lord Melbourne, that his word was not
to be relied on, as he had not the power to adhere to his en-
gagements. These Ultras are but too apt to forget that they
are a clog on every Administration—that they have dragged
every Ministry, from that of Mr. Pitt down to the Reform
Administration of 1830, through the dirt inseparable from
an alliance with them. Sir Robert Peel's difficulties
arose almost entirely from the bad or political cha-
racter of the men with whom he was forced to associate,
and who were necessarily objects of distrust and hatred to
the nation. The Reform Bill opened to the country a
prospect of having the Government conducted on just and
economical principles ; and this prospect has filled the band
of aristocratical plunderers and paupers with the insane
project of involving the country in confusion, rather than
yield to the just demands of the nation. Every man of
sense and penetration must see that though, with the aid
of a profligate Court, they may embarrass the Ministry,
and, if unchecked by the firmness of the people, perhaps
involve the country in confusion, yet that discomfiture must
ultimately await them. We repeat, no Ministry can pos-
sibly be formed of such discordant materials. They
durst not manifest the assurance of again pretending
to conform. Would, then, we ask the sober and dis-
passionate part of the community, a Ministry com-
posed of the organs of the Newcastles, the Cumber-
lands, the Falmouths, the Winchilseas, the Mansfields,
be tolerated for a day in England ? For the sake,
then, of our common country, of the immense interests at
stake—for the sake of the millions now employed in the
various pursuits of industry, and whom any interruption to
tranquillity would involve in distress and desperation—we
call on all men possessed of property and influence in the
country to stay the plague. Put down the mad Tories !
They cannot govern the country, but they may involve it
in calamity. It is only by rousing themselves to vigorous
exertion, in support of a constitutional minority, at this
crisis, that the evil can be averted. Let us make one great
effort, and the Tories will be forced to become good citizens.
The Corporations are the last of their strong-holds. Lord
Lyndhurst confessed that the purification of Corporations
would be the destruction of Toryism. Let us storm these
fortresses, and we destroy the hydra-headed monster of
corruption. By acting like men now, we shall save the
country years of unspeakable calamity.—Morning Chronicle.
It is not often that Mr. Joseph Hume hits upon a
motion, or an argument in favour of a motion, which any
man of common understanding, or of right political feeling,
can with the least regard to his own sense of decency sup-
port. We can hardly guess by what good luck it was
that this enlightened organ of the movement faction found
out the godsend of Orange lodges in the army, as a to-
pic whereon to demand the attention of the House of
Commons—and we were expressing some wonder to a
friend upon that subject, when he stopped us, by exclaim-
ing, " Don't you know that the real drift of the Hon.
Economist's denunciation was not to purge the army, or to
put down Orange lodges, but simply to give the Duke of
Cumberland a slap in the face ?" Now, if that be the
sound view of the matter, and the context of Joseph's na-
ture and character would make it appear not a little
likely, we are bound to say that, as yet at least, the object
has completely failed, no particle of evidence having been
adduced, although the minutes o :;the Orange Com-
mittee have been diligently ransacked for the purpose,
which could make out even the shadow of a case against
his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland, by invoving
him in any privity or knowledge of the institution of Orange
lodges in the army, or of the perversion of his warrants as
Grand Master, which were signed by the Duke, and issued
in blank, to any such pernicious purpose. The debate was
adjourned until Tiiesday next, and what the interval may
produce we know not, but at present the only fact unques-
tioned is, that in defiance, or rather evasion, of the strongest
reiterated orders from the Commander-in-Chief, many regi-
ments, it is said between 30 and 40, have been inoculated
with this pestilence of Irish party, and the soldiers who re-
ceived the virus have been thereby transformed into fac-
tious politicians, prone to judge of those civil contests which
have so long disturbed the peace of Ireland, and checked
her prosperity, with the eyes of partisans eager tO mix in
them, not according to the views of their commanding offi-
cers who condemn them, and in execution of whose
orders it is the duty of all military men to interpose for no
end•but to suppress them. The principle is so obvious and
so trite which reprobates the introduction of politics into
the army, that we are astonished at the levity or stupidity
of those persons (in the rank of gentlemen too) by whom
the troops have thus been contaminated. If Oran-Yemen
be permitted to seduce soldiers into the ranks of that in-
stitution, bow is it possible to blame the Popish enemies
of Orangeism for furnishing soldiers of their persuasion
with the rival drug, and swearing them in as defenders ?
If one factious authority be tolerated, and suffered to im-
pose its orders and obligations upon the troops, thus dis-
tracting that spirit of unvarying obedience which ought to
actuate them towards their officers, with what justice can
the State punish, or by what Legislative ingenuity can it
prevent the intrusion of other and opposite influences
upon the minds of the soldiery, to such an utter ex-
tinction of discipline, and destruction of the moral sys-
tem of the army, that when a regiment is called
upon to act for the maintenance of the law in cases of
factious outrage, it must end in the members of the
hostile associations taking adverse sides with the com-
batants whom they are ordered to crush, and in an
insurrection of the paid force of the monarchy against its
own recognized rulers. We trust, therefore, that some
means may now at once be adopted for terminating this
mischievous practice, so far as concerns the army, which
otherwise must soon be undermined and ruined. As for
Orangeism among the Protestants of Ireland, and without
relation to the troops, it has long appeared to us to have
originated in the manifest necessity of self-defence, against
the insurrectionary schemes and movements of an anti-
Protestant, and far more multitudinous power, which has at
last thrown aside all regard to decency as well as circum-
spection, threatening openly to destroy all the Protestant
landmarks and safe-guards of the kingdom, for which the
revolutionary leaders have found out the new nickname of
" persecution," although they have endured for centuries,
and to wrest Ireland from the British Crown, whose do-
minion they assert to be inconsistent with the wants of
Irish Popery. Nevertheless, the army is no fitting hot-
bed for political enthusiasm, even that which, out of the
army, is most lawful.—Times*.
The nature and extent of the faggot votes and registra-

tion are becoming more abominable, and call as loudly for
reform as did the state of the rotten boroughs. Strange to
say, the new system appears to be almost wholly Whiggish ;
and it falls to the lot of those who had the merit of putting
an end to abuses in one way, to revive them as effectually
in another. The Duke of Bedford, the sire of the father
of the Reform Bill, seems to be the person whose large
possessions are principally used to give effect to this sys-
tem—a system which, if carried to the extent it is capable
of being carried, would go very far to establish, even in
large counties, a nomination, the effect of which could
scarcely be avoided, an which, in smaller ones (such as
Huntingdon, where it is put in practice); must be over-
whelming, and destructive of every other franchise. Than
such a system as this, it would be a vast deal better that
the whole soil of the kingdom should be parcelled out into
as many breadths or lengths of forty shillings annual value
as it is susceptible of, and that a wealthy person who
may happen to have 10,0001. a year in a county, should at
one carry 5,000 votes to the poll. That such a proposal
and such a practice would be absurd upon the face of them,
admits of no doubt ; but it is only by showing the prepos-
terous extremes to which a bad practice is capable of being
carried,.that we can hope to check its introduction or its
progress. It is one of the many weaknesses common to