The Sun.
London, England, 1866-01-30 00:00:00

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THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDA ^ EVENING, JANUARY 30, 1866

and will.be followed by remainder of the regi-
ment on the arrival of the sGth at Spithead from
India.

PRICE 4d.
ST_ 3IPED sd.

T II E 0 X F ORD,
6, OXFORD-STREET, W.
Tho Oxford and Canterbury Hall Company (Limited).
THIS EVENING, and during the Week, EXTRA
PERFORMANCES by all the available talent. Opera,
Burlesque, Pantomime, Ballet, and Comedy Every
Evening, performed by the entire company, including
Misses Russell, Fitzllemy, Barrie ; Messrs. A. St. Albyn,
W. Williams, Spagnoli, &c. THE HUNGARIANS in
their new entertainment, Messrs. Burial' and Davies's
illustrations of Negro Life ; the ENCHANTED HASH,
eleven characters performed by Mr. E. Marshall, the enter-
tainment written expressly for him by Mr. W. 'l'. Vander-
yell ; and a host of other talent, for which see programme
and small biIIs.—EVERY EVENING.
Admission—Area, Cd.; stalls and balcony, ls. ; private
boxes, 10s. 6d.

The Monroe Doctrine.

Ibusiness in Mexico, in the first place ; but, as the case
stands, people aro more disposed to mock when his fear
cometh.
But assuming that the French troops aro to remain in
Mexico in obedience to their royal master, the question
naturally arises, What will be the consequences ? The last
Congress of the United States passed unanimously a reso-
lution to expel A.IAXINIILIAN, but Mr. LINCOLN, with his
usual good sense, said—" One war at a time, boys lets
wait till we get through the war for the preservation of the
Union, and then we'll see what can be done for the poor
Mexicans." Well, the war for the Union is now happily
over, but the feeling in America against MAXIMILIAN has
not abated one iota; on the contrary, it has been intensi-
fied since the termination of the late war. And that the
present Congress will re-pass the Mexican resolutions of
last winter I have not the shadow of a doubt. Then war is
inevitable ; for President JOHNSON is, and always has been,
as firm a believer in the Munroe doctrine as any statesman
alive, and MAXIMILIAN will have to go. But it is said the
Southern States, in the event of a foreign war, would re-
volt again. I know something of the sentiments of the
Southern people, and I undertake to say that in no part of
America would a war with Franco be more popular than
in the late Confederate States. The South had reason to
expect aid and recognition froM NAPOLEON in her late
struggle: she got neither ; and nothing would suit tho
fiery temper of the Southern people better than to revenge
herself on France for this treatment.
Besides, what would the Southern States gain by rebel-
ling again ? If the late war has taught us anything, it has
shown that two Governments cannot exist on the territory
of the United States, and that any section, however
strong, cannot resist successfully the overwhelming power
of at once the freest and strongest Government in the
world. No, should such a war break out, the Southern
States would be the first to respond, all past quarrels
would be forgotten, Generals LEE and JOHNSTON would be
given commands alongside GRANT and SHERMAN, and united
as one man they would drown in the sea of oblivion all
by-gone differences, and think of nothing and fight for
nothing but the dignity and honor of the re-united States
of America. And so far from fearing or dreading such a
war, I believe President JOHNSON thinks that nothing
would hasten re-construction so soon, or cement the Union
more firmly, than a war for Mexico at the present time.
The South, by her valor on new battle-fields in defence
of the old flag, would win for herself a place more
honorable than she has ever yet held in the family of
States.

The depot of the 56th Foot will arrive in Ports-
mouth garrison from Colchester to-morrow,
February 1.

A writer in a contemporary says:—
To write or speak in favour of what is called the
"MoxitoE doctrine," in the United States, is almost equiva
lent to insulting the intelligence and patriotism of the
American people, so unanimous is their belief in its justice
and so undivided are men of all sects and parties in favor
of, tothem, the sacred principles underlaying that doctrine.
But, as there appears to be some misunderstanding in
Europe as to the precise nature of the MosnoE doctrine as
applied to the American continent, as well as surprise at
the tenacity which the Yankees, who have the reputation
of being so practical a people, cling to an idea, and even seem
willing to go to war to vindicate that idea, I will endeavor
to give some reasons for this strong current of national feel-
ing. For the last two hundred years the diplomacy of Europe
has been a perfect network of public or private treaties
Monarchy after monarchy has arisen or fallen through the
signing of a treaty. Until very recently the "balance of
power" was the great cause of all the wars in which Europe
has been embroiled for centuries. The twenty-five years'
war, following the French Revolution, was participated in
by England for the sole reason that she feared the first
NAPOLEON, and not in self-defence, or for the redress of
any grievances at all. And though the principle of non-
intervention has gained much -ground with the great
Powers of Europe during the last few years, it is far from
being the settled policy of those Powers even now. The
late Crimean war, the universal feeling of indignation
expressed at the recent conduct of Austria and Prussia
with little Denmark, and the close scrutiny with which
every move of the Emperor of the French is watched, is
proof of this. Indeed all the groat Sovereigns of
Europe at this hour sleep with their hands upon their
guns, knowing not what moment they may be called upon
to wage a war for the balance of power—for the fulfilment
of some "Holy Alliance," or for some private treaty.
America has ever kept signally aloof from all the broils
and struggles growing out of these treaties and alliances,
and has never in any way, directly or indirectly, interfered
with the affairs of any European country. Had the am-
bition for power and prestige by the Emperors and Kings
of the Old World been confined to their own continent
there never would have been such a principle enunciated
as that known as the MONROE doctrine. But during the
early part of the present century, so grasping was Spain
that, not content with her already large possessions in
the New World, she rode rough-shod over several Of
the small republics of South America, and did then what
she is trying to do now in Chili, force the weaker Govern-
ments to succumb to her outrages and demands. And when
the United States, in 1820, from the purest motives of
humanity and disinterested sympathy that over actuated
any nation, proposed to England a treaty whereby those
two great Powers should throw the mantle of their protec-
tion over the struggling Governments on the western con-
tinents, as a matter of simple justice, England's Foreign
Minister eagerly accepted the terms of that treaty, and
England and the United States shook hands through their
Ministers —Mr. CANNING and Mr. R usit —over the great prin-
ciples—the protection of civil and religious liberty contained
in that treaty, which treaty is nothing more nor less than
the Monroe doctrine, called by this name because it was
inaugurated under the administration of JAMES MONROE,
who was then President of the United States. Tho sub-
stance of this treaty can bo stated in a single
sentence—it does not, as many erroneously supposed,
prevent the establishment on American soil of an Empire
or any other species of strong Government, provided tho
people are consulted in the matter. It simply declares
that no foreign Prince nor Potentate shall force. a Govern-
ment upon any people on that continent against the people's
wishes. The United States does not and never has pro-
fessed to dictate to any of her sister countries what form
of government they shall have. She only asks that they
be allowed to have a free choice in their selection of the
Government that is to rule over them. Now, can anybody
say that this is not fair, just, and honest ? Is there
any assumption, or injustice, or unnecessary interference
in those cherished sentiments of the American people ?
Manifestly not. I know the maxim applied to individuals
or nations, " Mind your own business," is a good one ;
but there are times when it is a man's business
to interfere. When a strong man sees a brother,
especially if he be a weaker brother, knocked down
or robbed by a ruffian, he would be a creature whom it
would be the basest flattery to call a coward did he not
come to the rescue and seek to relieve the suffering. Mexico

The following appointments were made on Satur-
day at the Admiralty :—John E. Blaxland, Geo. 11.
Cherry, Francis Win. Cobb, Alfred A. Taylor, Cecil
H. W hish, and Lewis E. \Vintz, midshipmen, to
the Victoria ; Arthur H. Stone, nikkhipman, to the
Doris ; Edward V. Barri.l:re, Lionel R. C. Boyle,
George K. Gordon, and Michael P. O'Lalloghan,
naval cadets, to the Doris ; and John Bows, first,
class assist.-engineer, to the Star.
The following appointments were made yesterday
at the Admiralty :—Captain ArthurWilinshurst, to
the Prince Albert, commissioned; Staff-Commander
James T. Sullivan, additional to the Frederick Wil-
liam, for service in the Coastguard ; Dr. Henry
Arnot, surgeon, to the Doris; T. Sullivan, naval
instructor, to the Achilles, vice Read ; Charles J.
Fennell, assist.-surg., to the Doris; Richard C.
M'Clement, assist.-surg. additional to the Welles-
ley ; Warden H. E. Roberts, assist.-paymaster, to
the Duke of Wellington ; Thomas Conroy, acting
assist.-surf,►., to the Doris; Edwin A. Hodson,
Naval CadQt, to the Aurora ; James Burder, Francis
R. Pelly, D'Arcy M. R. Read, Frank H. Rogers,
and George A. Walmisley, Naval Cadets, to the
Duncan; James Brant, Henry S. Clarke, Charles
S. Elton, James B. Hay, Francis Gilbert Jones,
John George Haggard, Robert K. M'Alpine,
Walter 11. W. Maher, Henry W. Phelps, Robert
M. Sparrew, and George 11. C. Stapleton, Naval
Cadets, to the Victoria.

CANTERBURY HALL.
RI-FUM ! TI-FUM.
During the , Week will be performed the above most
extraordinary Entertainment, containing all the novel-
ties now in this country, and including the services of
Les Montagnards, their first appearance ; Mr. E. Mar-
shall, Mrs. and Mr. W. Randall, the renowned Talliott,
Les Freres d'Etoilo, Signor Tescano, a la Donato; Les
Tableaux d'Amour, illuminated by the Magnesium Light ;
Fairy Orchestra, designed and painted by Mr. T. Burgess
and Mr. W. Gowrio ; and Grand Ballet of upwards of one
hundred ballerines. The whole written and composed
expressly for this establishment by William Vandervell,
Esq. In addition to the vocal and instrumental entertain-
ment. EVERY EVENING.
Admission—Area, 6d; stalls and balcony, is.

But mon say America has a largo debt ! Has France
no debt ? America's finances aro in quite as healthy a
condition as those of France, while her resources are
infinitely greater. France has no gold or silver mines,
nor cotton-fields, nor rich prairies, nor coal, nor petroleum,
all which America possesses in inexhaustible quantities.
The United States having just come out of a great war, in
which were enlisted at the North and South over 3,000,000
men—a greater number than England, France, and Russia
put together, over raised in one war—is in a better position
to protect her honor than she has ever been before. Secre-
tary STANTON reports that he has on hand army stores
enough to last three years ; while the navy reports a
greater number of ironclads and gunboats than the com-
bined navy of Franco and England together. Again,
France in a war with America would labor under the great
disadvantage of having to fight 5,000 miles away from
home, and in American waters. If it be said we have no
army left, having mustered out 800,000 men since last
July, let but General GRANT sound the cry," To arms!" and,
as if by magic, that whole great army, with as many more
recruits, if necessary, would rally to the rescue instantly.
If it be said American soldiers are not equal to French
soldiers, I point them to a hundred blood-soaked battle-
fields, and say—that not at Marathon, not at Thermopylto,
not at Waterloo, when the Old Guard marched into the
jaws of death, and perished rather than surrender, was
displayed more of true heroism, more sublime courage than
was displayed at Antietam, at Gettysburg, at Chanchellors-
!tulle, and at the battle of the Wilderness.
Unquestionably the great mass of the American people
would regret another war at the present time, or rather
they would regret the necessity for it. The policy of the
United States is peace, but not a dishonourable peace ;
and there is not a man or woman that has an American
heart but would rather endure poverty, taxation, and loss
of friends for forty years than submit to a national insult,
or the violations by a foreign power of their most cherished
WindrdPa7,4ll% insnii\tßU'lnZA3ritNe's"lllb
nephew of his uncle" should withdraw his troops ; and
that ho will have to do so, or fight, is in my mind only
a question of time. The first Napoleon, when in the
very zenith of his glory, sat on his horse one bright
morning in front of his great army, and for the first
time saw the shining domes of Moscow—the city lie
had marched so long a way to capture—full of rapture,
he rose up in his stirrups, and cried " Behold the city
of Moscow—it was time." Tho NAPOLEON of our day
would do a wise thing if—standing as he does on the .
high pedestal reared to the first man of Europe—he
should proclaim to the world, " Behold the evacuation
of Mexico —it was time."

',it:en rorced by foreign bayonets on her people. A 'Usurper,
who has characterised his reign by plunder, by unprece-
dented extravagance, and by the setting aside iu his deal-
ings with the Mexicans all the rules of civilised warfare,
and by his bloody decrees of extermination of all prisoners
has made for himself a name which will live in history
along with the bloodthirsty heroes of the sixteenth century.
Poor Mexico ! bleeding at every pore, panting for peaca
and security, and groaning under the oppressions of the
merciless tool of the French EMPEROR, reaches out her
hands for aid to her old friend and neighbor the United

States. And the United States would-be false to her
history, false to the treaty of 1820 and false to the
genius of her institutions, to the spirit of liberty, did
she refuse support to Mexico in this her time of need.
But there are other reasons why the people of America feel
so deeply sensitive on this Mexican question. They say
that the invasion of Mexico and the placing of MAXIMILIAN
on the throne there was a part of the late rebellion, that
nothing of the kind would have been thought of had not
the United States been engaged in a terrible life-and-death
struggle—that NAPOLEON 111. took a mean advantage of
us, and walked into Mexico through the back-door of our
weakness, and that the rebellion will not have been fully
crushed till MAXIMILIAN is driven out. These views are
held by Generals GRANT, SHERMAN, and SHERIDAN, and
many other of the first men in America. Indeed the
reason for the Emperor of the FRENCH going to America
was so clearly defined in his celebrated letter to General
FORRET, viz : " to extend the Latin race, and thereby
check the advancing power and growth of Republicanism
on the American Continent," that it is useless to argue
them. And the whole press in England and throughout
Europe unfriendly to the United States (and nearly the
whole press was so till the surrender of General Lee),
boasted of the fact, and glorified themselves over it, and
were never weary in telling the American people that the
expedition which placed MAX in Mexico was an insult to
them—that it was meant to be an insult by its great pro-
jector (as it unquestionably was)—and in taunting them
again and again over it. It is really marvelloushow these
newspapers have changed their tone since tho col-
lapse of the rebellion. Now, the expedition was
only, it was said, to "collect a few debts," only a
little harmless affair, in which the United States
were asked to join " etc., etc." But the Americans are a
sensitive people, and despite all the good feeling which, till
recently, has always existed between them and France,
they can never forgot the course of France when she
deliberately, knowingly, and maliciously violated the
MONROE doctrine.

But says the Emperor, through his Foreign Secretary,
to Mr. SEWARD, " We aro willingto withdraw our troops,
but we want some guarantee from you as to your future
conduct towards MAXIMILIAN." Ah, but, Mr. Emperor,
you did'nt ask your guarantee when you placed him there.
Why be so particular about guarantees now ? And
what business is it to Franco whether we recognise
MAXIMILIAN or not ? Are not the States the best judges
of tho matter? And have they yet asked for any instruc-
tion from NAPOLEON as to the course they shall pursue on
the Mexican question? No; yet ho assumes to dictate to
them by urging them to recognise MAXIMILIAN, as if every
nation had not the right to regulate its own diplomacy.
But, says the EMPEROR, in his Speech last Monday,
"the United States were invited to join us in the expedi-
tion," which planted Imperialism in Mexico, as if that
was any reason for our non-interference at the present
time. Yes, Mr. LINCOLN was invited to take part in that
unholy crusade ; but ho spurned the offer, and earnestly
protested, in the name of the American people, against the
occupation of Mexico by the French. As well might mid-
night robbers ask the clemency of the Lord Mayor of Lon-
don, when brought up for trial, on the ground that they
invited said Lord Mayor to join them in their plundering
schemes, as for France to seriously plead this absurd
invitation as a bar to American interference. And to cap
the climax, the EMPEROR dwells on his belief in a
SUPREME BEING, which fact the world will be intensely
interested in hearing—and says that "America will bo
appeased by the frankness of our declarations."
What declarations ? Surely the EMPEROR must have
meant this for a joke. I look in vain through his whole
speech for any declarations at all on the subject of Mexico,
further than that he, the EMPEROR, "is arriving at an
agreement with MAXIMILIAN, whereby the time will be
fixed for the withdrawal of the French troops." Arriving
at an agreement—but it may take twenty years to make
that agreement—and then the time "fixed" may be twenty
years more. And these aro the declarations of which he
boasts. But when we Americans were engaged in a great
war NAPOLEON did not use to talk in this evasive way
about Mexico; but it is evident something troubles his
conscience now, as it has not been troubled before—
"When the Devil got sick,
A monk was he ;
But when the Devil got well,
The devil a monk was lie." _

The EmpEnon feels that ho is in a very critical position.
lie evidently thinks to retire from Mexico now, after the spicy
correspondence which has passed between his Government
and the United StatPs, it would be looked upon as disgraceful
and cowardly ; and, on the other hand, to remain there is
to incur in all probability a war with the United States.
Like the man who was holding on with both hands to a
bear's tail, it won't do to let go, nor it won't do to hold on.
NAPOLEON would really be entitled to some sympathy in
his present delicate and dangerous position U ho had any