The Sun.
London, England, 1832-07-09 00:00:00

leading individuals of the ve.-Ary o Green
wich for farming the rates. In order to make
ourselves undenitool, we must first observe
that in most parishes the rental entered always
differs more or less from the actual rental. The
reasons (or continuing these differences are va-
rious. One is, that as county Lites, Sze., are
charged according to the rating for the poors-
rate, each parish is afraid, if it were iairly rated
to the poor, it would pay more than other pa-
rishes towards the county rates, &c. In Green-
wich parish, a 6s. Bd. rate is equivalent to 4s.
on the rack rent. To simplify the matter, we
take the actual rent and the actual rate of four
shillings, and show how much the following in-
individuals have withheld from the parish. Mr.
IVlnze, senior churchwarden:—

Withheld

Rent. Actually pays. Per 11. from Parish,
I House £l2 12 0 £0 13 4 £0 I 1 X 1 6 8
1 Do. 20 0 U 213 0 02 0 20 0
1 Do. 50 0 01
9 6 8 0 2 1 S 13 4
1 Do. 40 0 0
11 Do. 69 0 0 5 0 0 0 1 5 2 0 3
5 Do. 58 4 8 313 4 0 1 3 2 3 6

Xl6 3 9
This is pretty well for one. Another leading
man in the vestry, Mr. Wm. Smith, possesses
houses of the rent of 1481. 65., for which he
pays 131. Bs. 11d., being is. 9,12-d. per 11., gain-
ing from the parish 241. ls. ld. Another lead-
ing man, Mr. George Smith, has a house of
Mt, which pays 81.65. Bd., leaving 111. 13s. 4d.
We give this as a sample of the glaring partiality
of these worthy functionaries in iltvour of them-
selves. Some of them firm as many as seventy-
four houses, to their own great gain, and the
great loss of the rest of the parish. While these
jobbers are thus partial to themselves, the houses
of others are rated at nearly the rack rent, and
consequently pay considerably more than four
shillings in the pound on the actual rent. But
our motive for entering into these details is not
so much to show the jobbing of the Vestrymen
of Greenwich—for parochial jobbing in England
is too general to he thought anything of—but
to draw attention to the mode in which the
inhabitant householders are thereby disfranchised.
The subject is well deserving of attention.—
Morning Chronicle.

It is impossible not to perceive how much
the fair consideration and ultimate adoption of
almost every public measure are impeded by
means of the jaundiced party medium through
which they are almost uniformly met by the op-
ponents of those who suggest them. This is
strikingly the case on the much-agitated subject
of tithes in Ireland. Judging from the way in
which this affair is treated by those who'are op-
posed to the present Ministerial mode of settle-
ment of it, a stranger might be led to suppose
that it was entirely a new and temporary evil,
which, instead of increasing in magnitude, would
in a short time, if let alone, quietly subside and
die away. Yet how opposite this is to the truth
no man of the commonest observation can for a
moment hesitate to affirm. We are as anxious to
defend the sacred rights of property as its warmest
supporters can be ; but to talk of a cournutation
of tithes being an invasion of property, is to
libel and stultify the proceedings of every Par-
liament for more than the last half century,
not a Session of which has ever elapsed without
enclosure and other Bills, dealing with tithes as
a subject of change, of limitation, and of ex-
tinguishment, almost without (if we except that
of the celebrated Bishop Horsley) a single word
of opposition. Yet now, when they are become
in their present state an evil too intolerable to be
borne, an attempt to do that upon a large
scale which has been over and over again tacitly
submitted to and sought for in individual
cases, is taken up as an inroad upon and vio-
lation of vested rights, which party zeal will not
allow to be attempted. To those who read the
signs of the times with any thing like the eye
of experience and observation this must appear
to be the most unwise and inconsistent course
which persons who profess to reverence existing
institutions can adopt. Instead of being alarmed
at the attempts to alter the nature of Church
property, and thereby place it upon a secure and
lasting footing, the real apprehensions of such
persons should, especially as regards Ireland, be,
whether the remedy proposed does not come
too late. We hope that it does not; but are,
at the same time, fully convinced that, if any
longer delayed, it would. It is the fashion to
lay 11:e whole of the opposition to tithes in Ire--
land at the door of the Catholics ; whereas the
truth is, that it is in a great measure the cupidity
of landlords, most of whom are Protestants, to
which the real blame ought to attach. Exact-
ing, as they have done, more rent than a tithe-
free estate in England could be made to pro-
duce, no wonder that the occupier, exhausted in
this way, finds it impossible to find means of
satisfying additional demands. In any arrange-
ment, therefore, that takes place, we trust that
care will be taken that the landlord is no
longer allowed to enrich himself out of
a property which, to whomsoever it may
belong, clearly does not belong to him. If the
Protestants' spiritual wants of Ireland alone are
looked to, such a reform of the Church Establish-
ment might probably take place as, after amply
rewarding all the working clergy, might put much
of the present ecclesiastical property in abeyance.
But, be this as it may, and whether a new distri-
bution of that property take place, or not, there
can now be no real question in any reasonable
mind, but that the sources from whence it has
hitherto issued must be either wholly changed
or greatly modified,—Morning Herald.

We have often adverted to the ambitious de-
signs which Russia has upon Greece, and the
profligate policy which the late Capo d'lstrias,
his brother Constantine, and other creatures of the
Cabinet of St. Petersburgh, have pursued in that
country, which suffers more from Muscovite in-
trigue than it did from Turkish despotism. We
have always regarded the appointment of the
beardless youth Prince Otho, of Bavaria, to the
throne of that nominal kingdom, as a Russian
contrivance, to mask the political intentions
which the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh entertain
with regard to Greece, but which are not yet ripe
for execution. Under the appearance of an inde-
pendent Prince, the school-boy Sovereign is
meant to be nothing more than a Russian satrap,
supported by the influence, and, if necessary,
the arms of Russia, until such time as the Au-
tocrat of the North thinks it prudent to put an
cnd even to a state of nominal independence in
Greece, and incorporate that country, like Po•
Lind, by force of an insolent ukase, with his
barbarian empire. In order to bring about the
object which she had in view, Russia has per-
petually fomented internal dissensions and civil
war in Greece, both to give her minions in
authority opportunities to cut off the most
patriotic Greeks, and also to furnish the pretext
i)t- preventing the Greek people from being
allowed by the Allied Powers to form a govern-
!lent of their own—and unless, indeed, they
i:re allowed to choose their own Government,
hey had better not have been severed from
; for a Government forced upon them by
!,reign influence, will never have the confidence