The Sun.
London, England, 1832-07-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We have examined the lists` titibliSlied of the
divisions on the Russian Dutch loan on Friday
last, and have detected some errors in them. It
is of importance that the movements of the
expiring House of Commons should be watched,
both with reference to the present state of par-
ties, and the duties which electors will be
soon called upon to discharge. The majority
which Ministers were enabled to bring to. the
post, on the third reading of the Reform Bill,
was from 110 to 120. This is, of course, the
greatest strength they can muster, and when we
consider of what discordant elements it is com-
posed, we are not surprised either at the weakness
of the division on the former question on this
subject, or at the little improvement which the
present list displays. Many gentlemen were not
such staunch Reformers as their constituents, and
having been compelled by public opinion to
support Ministers on that question, have lit-
tle hesitation in turtling round and giving
them a kick, when the fear of displeasing
their constituents is removed from their minds,
or when they can find sufficient grounds on
which to justify their opposition on particular
votes, or to give them a fair excuse for indulg-
ing in their own feelings towards a liberal Ad-
ministration. The Irish Members also form no
inconsiderable portion of the majority—the num-
ber of Gentlemen, who, like the Member for
Middlesex, expect any act of Ministers to accord
with their own precise views and opinions, is
not small—and we shall not be surprised at
seeing, before the end of the Session, the majo-
rity converted into a minority—and the country
placed in jeopardy by an union of these discor-
dant parties. We hope, however, that ail trifling
differences of opinion will give way to more
serious considerations of the risk to which the
victory we have so far won over the Borough-
mongering faction may be exposed, by the
thoughtless conduct of those who contributed
to it, and now seem, in some measure, insen-
sible to the advantages which should be
reaped from it. Much, however, cannot be
done by supporting Ministers on particular points,
where it may be neither in their power to act
upon their own principles, or to explain very sa-
tisfactorily to the public their reasons for depart-
ing from them ; and it should be always held in
remembrance, that in nine cases out of ten,
where they are compelled to propose objection-
able votes, which would never have originated in
their own feeling, they are obliged to do so, by
having inherited the bed of roses upon which
they now repose. Sir Robert Peel, in the dis-
cussion of Friday night, taunted Lord Althorp
with a willinfmess to throw up the Government,
from the frightful responsibility involved in the
present state of our finances, Ireland, the West
Indies, and our foreign policy. Will the Right
Hon. Baronet he kind enough to explain to the
public to whom we are really indebted for the
dangerous situation of our affairs ? In what
state did he hand them over to the present Ad-i
ministration ? The public are not blind ; they{
will i.;Low to whose account to place them wher
the day of reckoning arrives.—Morn. Citron.
While Parliament is occupied with intermi-'
noble discussions on the subject of tithes, it may
he worth while to inquire what advantages are.
derived by the people from the Ministration of
the Members of the Established Church. That
much benefit might be derived from intelligent
teachers of the people is beyond a doubt ; but
we fear that the lessons the people at present
rive from their teachers are in general calculatedt
to debase rather than improve them. In nothing,
perhaps, do they injure the people more than'
by inculcating the doctrine that privation and po-;
verty are favourable to virtue. Several influential
Clergymen of the Church of Scotland have of
late set their faces. against this pestiferous doc-i.
trine, and laboured to show that poverty is thej
parent of crime ; and that whatever improves the
circumstances of the people, facilitates their pro--
gress in religion and virtue. We have been led!
to these remarks by the following account which
Mr. Cobbett gives, in his Register of this dayi
of the Sermon he heard on Sunday the &hi
instant, at Micheldever, in Hampshire. The!
name of the clergyman is Clarke :

" He took his text," says Mr. Cobbett, " from the 10thi
chapter of the Book of Numbers, and it consisted of the
29th verse, in the following words :—' And Moses said
unto Hobab the son of Raguel, the Midianite, INlci.,ee.l
father-in-law, We are journeying unto the place of which
the Lord said, I will give it you : come thou with us,
and we will do thee gooel ; for the Lord bath spoken good
concerning Israel.' This verse contains a simple historical
fact. Moses wanted his brother-in-law to go with him to
a fine country ; to assist him as a guide in the wilderness,.
and he encouraged him to hope that he will derive great'
good from the journey, seeing that the Lord had promised
to give the country to Moses and his people. There is not
the smallest allusion here to anything of a spiritual na-•
ture. The fact has, to us, very little interesting in it ;
and, when the parson gave out the text, I could not for
the life of me imagine how the man would make it
at all apply to any moral or Christian purpose. What
then was my surprise when I found that he had cliff-
covered that this passage was entirely typical; that the
invitation from Moses to Hobab was meant that the
latter was to abandon all earthly connexions, and all
earthly good ; that he was all his lifelong to live in suffer-
ing without wailing, in order that, after this life, he
might enjoy the kingdom of Heaven ! Was there ever
anything in this world more contrary to the meaning of
the words? The fact being, that the very foundation of
the invitation of Moses is, that the result will be wot Idly;
gocd to Hobab ! But is my memory correct? It is per:.
fectly so. A gentleman who was with me took particular
notice of this, and will vouch for the correctness of this'
substantial report.
" But the context will prove it. In the course of his
statement he cited the 14th chapter of Luke, 26th verse,
where Christ says, If any man come to me and hate not
his father, and mother, and wife, and children, and
brethren, and sisters, yea, and his own life also, he cannot
be my disciple,' He cited various passages of scripture,,
inculcating the necessity of constant privations, sacrifices
and sufferings during this life, in order to be entitled to-
admission into the kingdom of heaven. And all this he:
contrived to spin out of the simple historical fact, that:
Moses invited Hobab, his brother-in-law, to go with him
to the promised land, in order that he might there enjoy,
the good things of this world ! I know that I am per-
fectly correct as to the drift and substance of the sermon ;
and I know that the parson will not contradict me.
" With regard to this doctrine of the necessity of
worldly privations, sacrifice, and sufferings, in order to
ensure eternal life, it is at once the most absurd and the
"not mischievous that ever was held, and the most at
variance with the whole tenor of the holy scriptures. It
might, indeed, be proper enough for a congregation
which, upon the whole, was the very poorest that my
eyes ever beheld ; the worst dressed ; the most miserable
in countenance, giving evidence of the worst living. With.
in these few years I have been in more than a hundred
village churches in the south and west of England. 1
have always looked at the congregation with a very
scrutinizing eye, and I would declare upon my oath, that
I believe this congregation to be the poorest that I ever
beheld. Even amongst the young worn-n there was
scarcely one dressed as she ought to have been. I do not
say this at all out of prejudice. The farms are very large
in the parish ; and I have always observed, and hare said
it a hundred times over, that where this is the case, and
where the farmers are opulent, the labourers are miserable.
I do not impute blame either to Sir Thomas Baring, the
owner of the parish, or to the farmers who occupy the
lands ; the evil arises out of the system itself. Taxation
pres'es everywhere ; but where the farms are small, it can-
not be made to fall so heavily upon the labourers. When I
came from the church, I went into a poor man's dwell-
ing to wait far my chaise. I wished to God that Lord
Grey could have seen that dwelling; so complete a want
of everything necessary to comfort I do not think I ever
saw to all my life. My heart was sunk within me. A

young man and young wife, and three small children.
Toe faces of the father and mother were like oak boards,
Emu sheer hardship. The wife had been to church ; I
saw her there. The youngest child appeared to be ill ;
and she wis hugging it very close to her bosom. I, look-
ing at her very inquisitively said, ' Should yon think it
right for your husband to hate you and your children, for
the sake of getting to heaven himself?' No, indeed,'
she said in great haste, and the husband ratified the opi-
nion, that he should never go to heaven on such terms.
Of all the virtues which I have most admired in the
country labourers and their wives, is their excessive fond-
ness for their children. This fondness very often induces
him to things injurious to the children themselves; but,
gracious God, what is thew to be given in exchange for it !"
The circulation of a Newspaper among these
people would benefit them more in four weeks
than such preachers in four years. In fact, no
man of education would think of putting in print
such nonsense as the sermon described by Mr.
Cobbett appears to have been. However, we
have not space to do justice to this subject at
present.—Morning Chronicle.

Of the course persevered in by the King's
Ministers, with regard to the Irish tithe, we can
say little more than that it utterly amazes their
own most cordial and considerate supporters.
Infatuation appears to be but a feeble word when
we would describe Mr. Stanley's conduct. What !
compel the people universally to bind them-
selves by fresh engagements to the payment of
an impost, which they have resolved universally
to shake off ! Read the accounts from Ireland.
No man, but here and there, and that, in very
few instances, an individual, on friendly habits
with some neighbouring clergyman, ever thinks
of paying tithe, either to the church or to a lay-
impropriator. If he does, what happens? All
his labourers forsake him ; his hay rots upon
the ground. If a dairyman, his cows die under
their load of milk, untouched. If a mail-coach
contractor, with sixty or eighty horses on his
premises, he may harness, feed, and groom them
with his own hands, for not a stable boy will
attend them. In the case of Lord Cloncurry,
the hest landlord, perhaps, throughout the whole
of Ireland, and a nobleman of the most consis-
tent and unblemished patriotism, not a workman
among a half-fed population, would remain to
get in his hay-crop, even at harvest wages,
for no reason but that Lord Cloncurry
had thought fit to pay his own tithe to his own
clergyman. We are asked, is not this a fright-
ful state of things ? To be sure it is, most
frightful. Bu " what is to be done ?" for that
question we have often asked, and never vet
has it received a rational answer from Mr. Stanley
or the Government. What then can he done
with a whole nation whose opposition to tithe is
so rooted and unanimous, that they will neither
pay tithe themselves nor buy the cattle or goods
of others distrained for default of payment, nor
even so much as accept high wages for their la-
bour fro-a those who do pay tithe ? Coerce
them ! force them to buy cattle which they do
not want ! force men to take wages whether they
will or not ! Force, not individuals, but hun-
dreds of thousands, to do all this, for such is the
scheme of making the Composition Act " com-
pulsory," if indeed there be any serious notion of
executing such an act. Now we confess again
this condition of things to be most appalling.
Call it conspiracy if you please—the conspiracy
of millions—but can it he put down by an ad-
verse conspiracy of units ? We fear, never.
This obstinacy of the people of Ireland, as some
would call it, may be taken for an exact measure
of the degree of ruin into which the whole tithe
system has fallen, and as evidence that it
cannot ley any human power be restored. How
childish, then, to legislate by paradoxes. How
inconsistent to declare in one breath, that Irish
tithe must be extinguished, or " commuted "
(which seems to be the favourite phrase of Mr.
Crampton), and in the very next, that the Tithe
Composition Act is to be made " compulsory
and permanent " throughout Ireland. Why,
there never was a Parliamentary abortion to be
compared with this. Would it not be wiser to
take the warning held out by the Member for
Kerry, " while yuu can secure the life interest
of the Protestant clergy, do so—next year it
may be too late ?" As for Mr. Lefroy's as-
sumption, that Parliament can interfere no fur-
ther with tithe or church land than to alter the
rateable distribution of it within the body of the
Church itself, it is at this time of day no better
than a grotesque absurdity. The nation will
meddle with, not merely the distribution, but
the amount, as the Protestant community of
Ireland is now enormously over-parsoned and
over-bishopped ; so if bishops and parsons were
both reduced in number to a just ratio with the
population of the Established Church, they
would, without an equivalent reduction of reve-
nue, be both iniquitously overpaid. In one
particular the inefficiency of the present Bill of
Mr. Stanley is as notorious, with reference to its
professed object, as in others the Bill is obnox-
ious and impolitic. The clergy are starving,
and it will not feed them,—the people are ex-
cited, and it will but irritate them the more.
No such measure as this, conceissd in such
utter darkness and helplesness, will tend aught
but to convulse an exasperated country.— Times.
We find that many of those Members who
voted for the Russian-Dutch-loan job endeavour
to excuse themselves on the ground that if they
had not done so the Ministry would have re-
signed. This is a very good reason for an ex-
pectant of the Ministry to give, but a very bad
one for a Representative of the people. Those
Members who acknowledge the iniquity of the
transaction, and yet voted in support of it,
evince a greater love of party than of principle,
and admit that the possession of place by a par-
ticular set of men is of more importance in their
eyes than the interests of the country. But we
ask why, if Ministers were beaten on the Rus-
sian-Dutch-loan job, should they have resigned ?
Are they so compromised with the Russian
party in England that they feel themselves
pledged to act as if the interests of Russia were
dearer to them than those of their own coun-
try ? And we also ask why is it to be sup-
posed, that under any set of Ministers, the
country is to go to ruin with the Reform Bill in
its hands ? Have not the people of England been
continually told by the reform Press that the
(Treat advantage of the Reform Bill would be to
make it a matter of little consequence who
were Ministers, because the people would always
have an effective and constitutional control over
the Government ? And, certainly, if the Bill
does not effect that good, it is of little worth.
Besides, if jobs which cost this over-taxed na-
tion millions of money, like the one in question,
and the guarantee of the two millions to the
new Greek Government—another job, also for
the benefit of Russia ;—we say, if such costly
jobs as would cause a national outcry against
Tories be the fruits of a Whig Government,
what are we the better for the professions of re-
trenchment and economy on the part of the
Whigs ? What we want to see is, not a Tory
nor a Whig Government firmly established for
the purpose of enriching and aggrandising itself by
the impoverishment of the country—we want to
see such au Administration as will give the people

onod and cheap government. If the Parliament
be able to turn out a Whig Ministry, for an ex-
travagant
and wasteful expenditure of the public
money, the same parliament is also able to turn
out any Tory profligates that might succeed them.
Can we forget that the present Ministry dismissed
from office Sir Henry Parnell for not voting
against his conscience on the Russian Dutch
loan job ? Can we forget that Sir Francis Bur-
dett, in voting for it on a former occasion, was
reported to have said he would vote that
black was white" rather than the Ministry
should go out before the Reform Bill was car-
ried ? Well, the Reform Bill is carried, and
we should like to know what reason there is why
Members who profess to be advocates for econo-
my and retrenchment should now continue to
vote that " black is white" at the expense of
millions to the nation ? Why should Mr.
Hume, for instance—whose opinions are known
to be as directly opposed to the job as ours can
be—why should that Hon. :Wernher, who fights
with conscientious pertinacity to save a few
pounds in an army or navy estimate—why should
he sanction, by even his silent vote, a job which
• transfers millions of the people's money to the
Exchequer of the Russian tyrant ? is not this
" straining at a knat and swallowing a camel ?"
As to " national honour," it is a complete farce
while Russia is allowed to violate faith both
towards this country and Poland. We do not
admire their patriotism who regard the intrigues
of party more than the public interests.—Morn-
ing Herald.

SECON 0 EDITION.

SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock.

IMPERIA LPARLIAMENT

THIS EVENING.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Aldermen VENABLES brought up the Report of the
Committee on the City of London Police Bill. The Bill
was then reed a second time.

Mr. TENNYSON presented a petition from the bo-
rough he represented (Stamford), complaining of the
misconduct of the Corporation of that borough. The
Corporation, which was a perfectly close one, was pos-
sessed of various privileges and divers lands, and the peti-
tioners complained that the members of it appropriated
the most part of the produce of the lands for their own
benefit, by granting long leases to members of their own
body at very small rents, and that even those rents were
not applied to the improvement of tho b trough, but for
their own individual benefit; that the burgesses were ig-
norant by what authority the corporation acted, as all ap-
plications to inspect the charters had been refused, and
that the corporation had very considerably raised the tolls,
to the great injury of persons bringing produce to market.
The mayor and aldermen, being justices, were charged with
various acts of injustice, and with being strong politic ii
partizans of a Noble Lord who resided in the neighbour-
hood, and they prayed that the House would call for the
production of the charters, and grant such relief as they
might deem fit.

The petition was ordered to be printed.
'Mr. HEY WOOD presented two petitions from reli-
gious congregations in Lancashire, in favour of the Go-
vernno nt plan of education in Ireland.

O'CONNOR DON presented a petit:on from a parish
in the county of Sligo, in favour of the abolition of tithes.

Mr. TIiIeKNESSE presented a petition from Wigan,
in Lancashire, against the Vagrant Removal Bill.

Mr. EWARI" moved that each clerk of the peace,
treasurer, and town clerk of every county, city, &c., in
England, be ordered to make out a return of the number
of Irish and Scotch poor passed to Ireland annually since
1520,. together with the charges of such removals.

01
Mr. J. HOPE presented a petition from Cupar in
Fife, against the Factories Bill.
Mr. HUAIE presented a petition from Belfast, signed
by the President of the Chamber of Commerce and the
principal merchants of that city, complaining of the
practice of the Irish Court of Admiralty ailiowing seamen
to detain ships for the purpose of extorting money.
Mr. CRANIPTON, in consequence of the Hon. M,m-
ber for Middlesex having presented a similar petition on a
previous day, had written over to Ireland on the subject of
that petition, and he was in hopes in a few days of laying
some information before the House. The practice of the
Court of Admiralty in Ireland was exactly the same as in
England. He admitted that abuses might exist, that
they did exist up to a certain period there could he no
doubt, but since the new Judge of that Court had been ap-
pointed those abuses he believed had ceased to exist.
Mr. ROBINSON agreed with the Learned Solicitor
General for Ireland, that the practice of the Admiralty
Courts in England and Ireland were the sane, and thought
there must be some mistake in the statements of the
petition.
After some observations from Mr. RurnvEN and Mr.
HUME the petition was ordered to be printed.
Mr. HUME presented a petition from Airlie, against
any tax on steam carriages.

Colonel PERCEVAL presented a pAition from Sir
Harcourt Lees, of the county of Dublin, complaining of
the present state of Ireland, and praying the House to
provide for the safety of Ireland and the Established
Church by rejecting the Irish Reform Bill.
Mr. RYDER presented petitions in favour of the better
observance of the Sabbath, from a parish in Bedfordshire,
from East Retford, and from Luxford.
Mr. BARING said, though he was still of opinion
that the Privilege of Parliament Bill was of very
great importance, he saw, from the number of ❑otices
for atnendments on it in the book that it would take up a
considerable time in discus-ion ;he would, therefore now
state, that in cons, (pence of the advanced period of the Ses-
sion, and the press of public business, to say nothing of the
st ite of health in the .Matropulis, he would not press that
Bill forward this year ; he would therefore, move that the
Order of the Day fur its second reading be discharged, and
fixed for the Ist of October.

Lord ALTHOItP was glad that the Hon. Gentleman
had seen it fit to take that course of which he had given
notice. He hoped, as it would be a great help iu further-
ing the business in the House, that, through courtesy,
it would allow him, o❑ the part of Government, to take
precedence of all other business on the future Wednesdays
of the Session.

Mr. PORTMAN said there was a motion fixed for
Wednesday, which had stood over for two years, viz, the
Highway Act. He hoped Lord Althorp would allow it
to come on before his own motions.

Mr. CAMPBELL trusted that he might be allowed
to take that opportunity of stating that he did
not mea❑ to press the General Registry Bill during
the present Session. It stood first in the Orders of
the Day for Wednesday, but he would then only
move that it be read a second time, to have it com-
mitted pro forma in order that certain amendments might
be introduced into it which were -uggested by the Select
Committee who :lad that day concluded their labours.
He thought the Bill one of very great importance, and
wished that it should be before the public in order that
they might the better understand it.
Sir C. WETHERELL trusted that the Honourable
Gentleman would not press the Bill upon the House at
all at present. If so, he must oppose it.
The LORD ADVOCATE moved the Order of the
Day for taking into consideration the Lords' Amendments
to the Scotch Reform Bill, when they were agreed to
without comment.

Lord ALTHORP then moved that the Order of the
Day for the House going into Committee on the Russian
Loan be read.

Mr. BARING considered it his duty, in that state of
the proceedings, to make a few observations on the general
question. Undoubtedly it was impossible not to admit
that every Member, like himself, would feel great reluct-
ance in refusing the sanction of Parliament to any engage-
ment deliberately entered into by the Ministers of the
Cl own. And although he was aware that cases had oc-
curred in which that course had been adopted, very
likely with propriety, yet he felt that a very strong
case required to be made out to justify such a procedure.
This question involved considerations of very great con-
stitufonal importance. Government, on the different
occasions when it had been brought before the House,
had very slender majorities, attained too by a threat di-
rected against their friends, that if they did not stand by
them they would resign. It was impossible not to per-
ceive the reluctance with which the supporters of Govern-
ment had followed the Noble Lord.—(Cries of No, no.)
He did not wish to argue the question unfairly.
He did not mean to prejudge the question, whether
Government had the means of making out a good case to
the satisfaction of the House; but his object was to give
the Noble Lord an opportunity of giving the circumstances

of justification which their conduct required. His opinion
was, on the paper, that Russia had no claim to the loan in
question. The Noble Lord himself confessed he had come
to his opinion reluctantly, and the claims of Russia de-
pended on the dry letter of the treaty ; but would it not
lia the grossest violation of the duty of that House
to vote away five and a half millions of sterling
money, merely upon the opinion of the law officers
of the crown, founded on an equitable conviction,
arising merely out of the spirit of the transaction, and
Lyon considerations which had never been stated to the
House ? Was it fitting to vote the public money on such
vague assurances, the treaty not being, on the face of it,
obligatory on the country ? He wished to have the papers
which attended the negociations produced before the
House. And although they were founded on trans-
actions which had occurred seventen years ago, yet
he could not see any valid objection to their production.
If he had intruded to embarrass the Government as it was
called, be would leave that Government in the hands of the
Hon. Member for Middlesex, because those who voted
against Ministers on the former occasion, would no
doubt also vote to night against the payment of the
money, which was the object of that Hon. Member's
motion. But he wished to avoid that, and it was upon
this ground that he wished not to be obliged to do that
which was cer trinly a constitutional duty in refusing money
to the Crown upon such an occasion. The object of the mo-
tion of the Hon. Member fur Middlesex was simply not to
pay she money.—(A Member here said something to Mr.
Baring•) His Hon. Friend had reminded hint that the
Honourable Member for Middlesex had voted both
ways—( Hear)—and how he could make it appear consistent
to vow that the last payment was properly made, and yet to
move that no more be paid, he could not tell. If the
Noble Lord said " I will give you no further information,
bat you shall say yea and nay in the present state of
things," he, for one, should feel it his duty to vote against
the peyinent—(Hear)—because he should feel that the
Ministers of the Crown bad done gross injustice to the
Crown to come with its engagements to Parliament, and
yet to refuse that Parliament the necessary information,
If the Noble Nord could show not only that there was
this obligation binding on the country but that there was
even a doubt upon the subject, he would then vote in fa-
vour of the creditor, and against the debtor. The position
of the case seemed to be this ;—the House had refuted to
vote that the last payment was contrary to law, and
they were now proceeding to go into a Committee
for the purpose of granting the money. The Minis-
ters who proposed it admitted that, as the force
of the treaty, they had no case that the treaty was as dis-
tinct as could be, that the money was to be paid —not in
the contingescy of Belgium being taken by France, but
simply in the event of its being separated from Holland,
and then the obligation was to cease. The Ministers said,'
" We did think as you. think ; we looked at the
terms of the treaty, and found that it was so ; but
when we came to consider the negotiations at the time,
and what is called the spirit of the the whole trans-
action, we thought differently." It was said the
spirit of the negotiation was directed against France.
Now there was no part of the Treaty which,
Lad any reference to France. If the Noble Lord could
produce any correspondence, or other documents, to show
that it did, then he (Mr. Baring) might alter his opinion.
Tien, it was said that the construction of the treaty was,
that the plytnent la as to cease in case the two countries
should be separated by foreign invasion, and not by inter.
nal commotion; but not one word o, that appeared in
the treaty. If there were any documents which would
give it that construction, the House ought to be in the
possession of them, or if the Goverament had requested
Russia to consent to the separation, merely for the sake
of establishing peace in Europe, and upon the understand-
ing that Russia should not be a loser by the separation, that
would be ground of justification, although a different one.
He could not see what difficulty there could be on the part
of the Noble Lord, if he wished the House to grant
this loan, or for its Members to stand well with their
coastituennts, to grant the papers which he required.
The Noble Lord (the Paymaster of the Forces)
ha•l stated distinctly, in a speech on a late occasion, that
the House was asked to pass a vote of censure on Govern-
ment, without having papers before it which would, make
explicit the whole transaction, and on which the interpre-
tation of the treaty in a great measure depended ; admit-
ting, therefore, that the House had not before it all the
informatio❑ it ought to have. The question now
was not a vote of censure ; for he did not call
upon the House to adopt such a couriie, but
nothing more than asking for that which Ministers had
stated they bad, and the knowledge of which was necessary
to the enabling of the House to be aware of all the facts
upon which it granted the money. The Hon. Member con-
eluded by moving, as an amendment to the motion, that
the House resolve itself into a Committee on the Russian
Dutch Loan ; that an humble Address be presented to his
Mdj,:sty, praying that he would be graciously pleased to
direct that there be laid before the House copies and extracts
of any documents relating to the convention at Vienna on
the 19th of May, 1815, between Great Britain, Russia,
and the Netherlands, explanatory of the spirit or objects of
that convention.

Mr. ROBINSON seconded the motion, and wa3
(LEFT srEAKING).

HOUSE OF LORDS.

The Duke of RUTLAND presented a petition from
Mrs. Moffatt, on the subject of her Divorce Bill.
Earl GREY laid on the table, by command of his Ma-
jesty, certain papers relative to the treaty of commerce
and navigation between this country and Hamburg.
Lord RADNCR presented a petition from the prisoners
in the Court of King's Bench, praying that the Coroner's
Court may be made an open Court.
Lord FINGAL presented a petition from a place in the
county of Meath, praying for a composition of the tithes.
Lord MELBOURNE laid on the table certain returns
relative to the monthly pelice in Ireland.

Lord GLENGAL said, that as so much had been said
at different times on this subj(wt, he thought himself justi-
fied in moving (which he did) that the papers might be
printed.—Ordered to be printed.
Lord RADNOR moved the third reading of the Cor-
porate Funds Bill.

Lord ELDON said that this Bill in the very words of
it had been introduced into the House about two yeats
ag,“, and unanimously rejected. He thought it his
duty to say he could not give it his support. People
ought to be at liberty t i apply their funds as they
thought proper subjects to the law of the country. This
Bill proceeded, us it appeared to him, upon an entire
mistake of the present law.
Lord RADNOR said, that the object of the Bill was to
prevent persons from jobbing on election occasions with
corporate funds.
Lord ELDON hoped, as that was the object of the Bill,
and as the Noble Lord, no doubt, disliked jobbing exceed-
ingly in corporate funds, he would have no objection to
go to the Court of Chancery for an order front the Noble
and Learned Lord on the Woolsack, upon the Lord
Mayor, Aldermen, &c. of the City of London,
compelling them to refund the 3,000/. which
they had just misapplied in a dinner given by them to the
advocates of the great Reform Bill ; also if the ladies
were to be supposed to have influence on election occa-
sion, (which no doubt they were, as a ball was advertised
to he given to them,) compelling the Lord Mayor, &c. to
return to the corporate coffers the 1,200/., which it was
said this ball to the City ladies was to cost.
Bill read a third time.

Mr. BERNAL and others brought up the Scotch Re-
fat-in Bill, with the amendments agreed to, the Irish Linen
Bills, and the Scotch Trespass Game Bill.
Mr. TIERNEY brought up copies of all cases decided
under the Tax Acts.

The Marquess of LONDONDERRY gave notice,
that to-morrow night he would make some inquiries
relative to the Protocol by the Three Powers,
and the great expense attending the order to place Otho,
Prince of Bavaria, on the throne of Greece, became, when
the House considered the large sum which the country was
called on at present to pay, on account of the Dutch Loan,
it, in connection with the expense to which he had
just alluded, and the alarming state in which the country
now was, rendered it absolutely necessary their Lordships
should have some information on inquiries he meant to
submit.
The LORD CHANCELLOR suggested that to-mor-
row would be a very inconvenient day for the Noble Mar-
quis to name, inasmuch as it was the day appointed for
his Majesty to receive the Recorder's Report.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said, his enquiries
would not occupy many minutes.
Lord GODERICH said, it was probable that his Noble
Friend (Earl Grey) who bad just left this Ho 4 e) would
not be in attendance to-morrow.

—The LORD CHANCELLOR suggested Thursday, as
a day that might be convenient.
The Alarquis of LONDONDERRY, after consulting
with the Duke of Wellington and one or two other Noble
Lords, gave notice that he should put his questions on
Wednesday.

Lord DUNDAS presented, as we understood, a peti-
tion from Mr. John Wright, which stated that he, as
agent in town, for conducting the Sunderland Dock
Bill through Parliament, was this day, on withdrawing from
the Committee-room, in their Lordships' House, violently
struck in the fair, by Mr. James Allen, who was likewise
in attendance on the Committee, but adverse to the passing

of this Bill, praying that the petioner might be heard at
their Lordships' Bar.
Mr. WRIGHT was then examined at the Bar, and de-
posed to what we have already mentioned.
James Allison was then ordered to attend to-morrow
at two o'clock at their Lordships' bar.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said that it was necessary
to have the attendance of Allison at two o'clock, as the
Recorder's report being received would not allow of his
being on tha Woolsack at that hour.