The Sun.
London, England, 1832-05-22 00:00:00

APIIIIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS."

The auccess of the Reform Bill, which was very
probable before, .is now more certain than ever, as
the perusal of last night's debate in the House of
Lords will fully establish. Indeed the debates in
both Houses speak but one language so far as that
question is concerned. But the House of Lords
being the place in which the great resistance was to
he made, all eyes are naturally turned to that guar- '
ter for those symptoms by which the fate of the
measure can be best ascertained, Without entering
into any review of the debate, which our readers
will, no doubt, peruse with great satisfaction, we
may say of it that its tone was just what the friends
of Reform had a right to expect—firmness and mo-
deration on the part of Ministers—garrulousness,
and now and then a little hectic anger, on the part
of the Opposition, who, according to their own ac-
count, have already seen the hest of their days. It
now seems pretty clear that the Duke of Wellington
and his immediate friends will secede from the
House tiering the progress of the Reform Bill, though
to keep up appearances, a sufficient number of the
Opposition will probably attend for the purpose of
making some show of annoyance when their power
of doing mischief has been destroyed. Amongst
other fine prospects held out to us, the Duke of
Newcastle bas promised the country a treat, by giv-
ing notice of a motion to question the King's prero-
gative of making Peers—for that, or something like
that, is what his Grace intends, so far as the obscu-
rity of his language can be interpreted. The vene-
rable Earl of Eldon, who was present, made a few
remarks to the same effect with his Grace, and cer-
tainly not much beyond him in respect of perspi-
cuity. His Lordship could not deny the existence
of such a prerogative, but he vehemently protested
that it was vested in the Crown for the benefit of
tile people—a qualification which nobody will refuse
his assent to, either as regards that or any other pre-
rogative. The question, therefore, comes to this,
whether this country was not placed in such a state
by the Anti-Reform Lords as to render the exercise
'if the prerogative beneficial to the people. No, says
Lord Eldon, because the Bill is a bad Bill. Yes,
exclaim the King, the Ministers, and the people
themselves, because the Bill is a good Bill, and the
whole nation has set its heart upon it, and will have
it in spite of the few Noble persons who prefer
their own patronage to the wishes and interests of
millions. But we need not argue with the public
on a question which the people have carried by the
recommendation which their unanimous verdict
carried to the Royal breast. Returning, therefore,
to the tone and complexion of the House, we con-
gratulate the country on the issue of the great
struggle in which it has been so long engaged, and
out of which the country has so triumphantly come.
With respect to the part his Majesty has acted, the
Anti-reformers themselves cannot refuse their ap-
probation now. It is evident, so far as their opinion
is concerned, that his Majesty did wish to spare
them the increase which they considered so much to
their disadvantage. But what is of much greater
importance than any opinion they may form, we
think that the great mass of the people themselves
-we are sure that all the moderate and reflect-
ing part of them—will not feel the less affec-
tion towards his Majesty for the part which he has
acted on this occasion. His reluctance to exercise
a strong prerogative has nothing in it of an
odious or a repulsive character; and those who
judge of that reluctance decide upon the proceeding
by the result. Has it not accomplished what the
people wished, in the way best calculated to recon-
cile the feelings of all parties eventually—that is,
without the exercise of any violent stretch of power,
which, whether authorized by the constitution or
nor, ought to have been avoided if it were possible,
without the sacrifice of the great measure of Reform ?
Lord Ellenborough, it would appear, is to take the
lead in the sort of hopeless warfare which is to be
carried on against the Bill. His Lordship is, no
doubt, qualified to be a very good leader in a case
where victory is out of the question. As for those
who fight tinder his banners, it is enough that they
follow such a leader, and in such a cause, to insure
those against whom their efforts are to be directed that
ail is safe.- The Bill and the public are equally be•

fond the roach of those who have already done their
worst. We would impress upon the people, whose
temper has been well tried throughout the eventful
history of this measure—we would impress upon
them to persist in the same career to the end.
When there was real danger that their hopes might
suffer a temporary disappointment from the contri-
vances of artful, designing, and selfish men, it re-
quired an effort—and a great moral effort it was—
t, restrain their indignation within bounds. But
:iow the scene aff4irds little else than amusement.
The Bill is safe, and the fight, which is still con-
tinued. resembles a dramatic fight, in which no one is
to he killed or hurt—in which nothing is to be de-
stroyed or injured—though an agreeable delusion is
kept up, the enjoyment of which arises chiefly from
a comparison of the sham with a real engagement.
It was quite ludicrous to hear Noble Lords vecife-
rously objecting to different points last night, but
not venturing to risk a division upon any. " The
better part of valour is discretion," says Falstaff;
and so it is, especially when exercised by a doubtful
spirit, or in a bad cause.— Morning Herald.

It is now understood that the Tory Peers will die
hard. After all hope of victory has vanished, they
will fight upon their stumps, in pure desperation.
Disregarding the personal solicitations of the Sove-
reign,
whose helpless solitude they made a text for
hypocritical discourses about loyal attachment and
devotion, they refuse to act upon the request sub-
mitted to them through Sir Herbert Taylor, and,
behind the mask of commentary upon Sir Herbert's
letter, they treat the King, at whose command that
letter was written, with the coarsest and most scur-
rilous contempt. The country may reckon, there-
tore, upon a resistance " to the knife" against every
future stage of that great measure, of which the ob-
;vet is to prevent the House of Commons from be-
ing nominated by certain individuals of the Lords
instead of elected by the people, and to re-
;tore, while it restricts, each branch of the legis-
lature to its proper attributes and functions. But
will these infuriated oligarchs succeed ? Never !
—never, except on the impossible accident of the
grossest treachery on the part of the country to its
own interests, backed by a combination of perfidy
and weakness in the Ministers who have taken it
upon themselves to represent both King and people.
It rejoices us inexpress:bly that such an opposition
has been menaced, and that it is likely to be realix-d.
If there be an error ascribable to Earl Grey, it is his
want of promptitude in anticipating the schemes of
the anti-Reformers, and of energy in adopting his
precautions. Had he met the necessities of the case
and demanded pledges from the Court some three
or four months sooner, the counteraction of the
Tories would have been less matured and formi-
duble; there needed to have beet. no resigmtion by
Lord Grey, and the agony of the crisis might have
been much earlier ended. The frenzy of the
anti-Reformers has become so extravagant, since
this last discomfiture, that the Ministers are left no
choice. Ptisans and anodynes mast give way to
stronger treatment. Lord Grey, in a former
stage of the contest, might have mistaken the in-
terests of the Reform question ; instructed as he has
been, if he trifles he betrays them now. But we rely
upon his firmness and decision. It is said, and we
believe the assertion, that the old Court faction,—
the Lords and Ladies, heir-looms of the Palace,—
are still following up the foul proceedings by which
they have long contrived to tlivart the King'
s
Ministers, and to perplex the Sovereign. If this be
true, Lord Grey must be aware of it, and the path
of his duty lies straight and broad before him. The
Palace, and its purlieus, must be completely cleansed.
The Royal Housetiolcrmust no longer be a weapon
..%
for wound ng the responsible servants of the Crown.
It is true, and ought to-be remembered, that the Tory
doctrine of 1812 V " the independence of
the King's
tiutili )1. upon the liwg's Govern-
merit," and n "Tient creation of an interest
in the bemiltv. alace hostile to the movements
frlve
of the state 'itse . The Tories of that day con- ,

tended, and the Whigs denied, that the nomi-
nation to a number of offices, giving daily ac-
oesi to the presence of the Prince, and de-
riving liberal emoluments from the public money,
should be placed above the control of the
Government, and be convertible against it. Why
did the Tories so contend ? Because the Court
favourites of the time were Tories. Had
George, Prince Regent, surrounded himself with a
Whig Household, it is more than probable that
parties might have changed sides,—that the Liver-
pools and Castlereaghs would have stickled for the
dependence of the King's menials upon h;s respon-
sible advisers, and Lords Grey and Grenville for the
reverse. But what is the present conduct of the
Noble Earl ? He seems, by his practice, to have
adopted the Liverpool doctrine, and to have turned
it against the interests and existence of his own
Nlin'stry. Lord Grey's tone towards the Court
appears to have been lowered since 1812. He pro-
pounds the Reform Bill to the country as a measure
plainly indispensable, yet he deprives himself of the
means within his power for enforcing that indis-
pensable policy. We are not among those who
would censure Lord Grey for dishonesty, or even
lukewarmness to the cause, upon such evidence,
however striking; but we must state freely our per-
suasion, that if the game of the last few months
be played much longer, the Noble Lord will effect
that which the Anti-Reform faction might labour
for ages without accomplishing in their own be-
half,—he will redeem for them the consequences of
their recent stupidity and trickery, and raise them
once more to the rank from which otherwise they
have irretrievably fallen—that of candidates for the
Government of the people of England. But we
trust to better things from Lord Grey. If he bas
shown, in the preceding stages of his measure, an
abundance of misdirected caution,—if he has feared
that which he might have despised,—and under-
valued what he ought, in common prudence, to have
dreaded.—his Lordship has now been taught a
lesson which no man can forget with impunity. He
has, when in the act of sinking, been borne up by the
arm of the nation : he has found that against a una-
nimous people no faction can stand, were it but for
an hour,—that with their support no Minister can
fail of success,—that the oligarchy are impotent
when resisted by public resolution, and the sceptre
itself a bulrush, unsupported by the general will.
Lord Grey could not have known how strong
he was, before he gave way to the Court,
and threw himself upon the national sym-
pathy. The Anti-Reformers drove him to the
developement of a truth, to Lord Grey, in
this instance, as invaluable as it was fatal to
themselves—viz., that all power in this country
dwells with the people; and that party, and policy,
and law, and institution, possess no force intrinsically
—none but such as is derived to them from that ex-
haustless and unfathomable source. But if Lord
Grey has at times seemed weak, the Tories have
been throughout infatuated. How miserably (thank
Heaven) have they played their game! Ignorance
of the people of England first, and next their own
uncontrollable cupidity, has destroyed them. Had
the Duke of Wellington and his satellites looked for
information beyond the bounds of Charles-street
and Mayfair, they could not have failed to see that
the Bill must be carried. Had they known the eon•
daion of the Whig Cabinet, and how small a share
of tact and skill the Ministers had evinced towards
the individuals who supported them, or from whom
they might have looked for support, the Conserva-
tive party would have suffered the Bill to
pass with but a decent show of opposition.
A little time, and various difficulties, inevitable
in the situation occupied by a Reform Cabinet,
with the Court, the oligarchy, and the whole
army of jobbers for its enemies, /mist have
swamped the Grey administratien. A few months—
it needs no ghost to tell us—would have sufficed
for such a catastrophe ; and then, to what might not
a prudent and temperate Tory chieftain have aspired?
He would have stepped into office at once, without
trouble, without reproach, with little risk of unpo-
pularity amongst a nation not satisfied with the real
benefits of Reform, but disappointed of its visionary
goods. What a fortune might then have been Sir
Robert Peel's; What that of the Duke of Wel-
lington! But his Grace could not wait. He was
impatient to employ the sap, the mine, the escalade.
They have all failed—miserably, disgracefully. The
object was odious,—the shallowness and muddiness
of the whole project have made its authors despica-
ble in the eyes of the country. There never was a
man or party that could hold out against public ha-
tred when mingled with contempt : nevertheless, to
that dismal ending have the Duke of Wellington
and his faction brought themselves within the last
fortnight. They have been their own destroyers;
and if the Grey Ministry but act with common sense,
they may now rivet the exclusion of the Conserva-
tive hypocrites from the British Government for
ever.— Times.

The genus of the Tories will soon become extinct.
Their curious fossil remains will, at no distant day,
form matters of illustration by political naturalists in
lectures on our Constitution. They will be ranged
in the British Mtis,.um as animals that chewed the
cud of corruption, " whereof no man knoweth their
place." Sir Robert Peel will be truly styled " the
last man." The Right Hon. Baronet is " called to
his fathers," he will be soon interred in the mauso-
leum of the boroughmongers. Posterity will
wonder that such a miserable oligarchy could main-
rain itself against a mighty nation thus long, that
the specious mind and Conventional Parliamentary
phrases of the Right Han. Baronet could juggle the
British people in the nineteenth century. sir It.
Peel has been great among little men : his mediocre
understanding, thoroughbred in the Irish school of
Orangeism, and tinctured with cowardice, has
been hitherto the floodgate which regulated
and stayed the stream of Reform. Swept
away in the rapid current of the present
times, we verily believe that he will nes er again
be heard of as " a leading character." Brought out
as a star on the political stage, in a period of singu-
lar dearth of senatorial talent, he has shone his day
—other and first-rate actors will step into his place ;
he must henceforth play subordinate parts, or be-
come a new man. Sir R. Peel ever held out
against the popular voice, till stunned by its echo.
When the ebb tide of public opinion became irristible,
he made a merit of giving way when he could no
longer avoid being sucked into the current. The
history of his political life is a singular illustration
of the dying hiccups of the Boroughmongers. His
vicious and obstinate resistance to the Catholic
Claims yielded to necessity alone. He still conti-
nued to oppose the repeal of the Test Acts, and the
civil di-abilities against the Jews. He opposed
every principle of the Philanthropist. The severity
of our Criminal Code was upheld and justified by
this " enlightened Statesman." Corporate mono-
pole, of whatever kind, possessed in him an uncom-
promising champion. He originated no Reform, he
opposed every Reform on its first proposition. Con-
fessedly ignorant of Finance and Currency, he set him-
self up as the regulating standard of the fortunes of
the whole country ; and when injustice unexampled
had been perpetrated, he blindly refused not only
all practical remedy, but all inquiry. A few Con-
solidation Acts—of the Statute Law of Juries arid
Turnpikes—are the extent of his legislative re-
forms ; and the police of the metropolis is his ut-
most range of municipal legislation But Sir Ro-
bert Peel was an experienced hack. Apprenticed
to office, he was an industrious official turnspit.
He was par excellence the father of 6' the red tape
school of politicians and placemen ;" and perfectly
acquainted with the political anatomy of a close and
corrupt House of Commons, he could dissect a de-
bate and demonstrate his subject in exact accord-
ance with the low character and understanding of
that Honourable House. He " led the House,"
as the phrase is, not only literally but really.
Can such a man cope with the rude and ster-
ling composition of a reformed House of Com-
mons Impossible. On the anti-revolutionary
principles of Sir Robert Peel, he is far ever ex-
cluded from office and influence. If he regain
office (and he vainly attempted on Friday to lay a

bridge for hie return) he will be driven from it in ;'
inonth, or metamorphosed, so that he will scarcely
cognise himself. His stately commonplaces—his
rn anufacturing of words—his shuttle-wove fallacies,
his pompous, saintly, and insincere manner, will no
longer carry their sway; they will not impose on the
next House of Commons. He will enter that House
as a false prophet, or find it what he predicts—to
him an " unmanageable Legislature." No more
power-loom orations—no speeches of two hours'
duration, let off at the last hour, will keep the
English people from the benefits of cheap Govern-
ment and reformed Legislation. We speak this ad-
visedly. We have long foreseen the " coming
events," and henceforth Sir Robert Peel has to
taste the cup of political affliction. His last cards
have been misdealt, arid wretchedly played. We
yesterday remarked on the craft which had distin-
guished his political maneauvres the last month, and
he has fairly thrown overboard the Duke of Wel-
lington, who, he saw, would otherwise sink his
ship. On reviewing Sir Robert Peel's conduct, in
Lord Lyndhurst's tricks, we see no distinction be-
tween his political responsibility and that of the Duke
of Wellington. Cowardice alone prevented his open
Junction with his Grace. But unquestionably the same
excuse will not serve both. One of the two, in the
argument of Sir Robert, must be a political knave:
it is presumed that he did riot mean himself. The
East Retford case and Lord John Russell's motion
in 1831, were an incubus he could not get rid of;
they were branded on his forehead. Always intend-
ing to bring forward, at the last hour, his own nice
little spick-and-span plan of Reform, he was para-
lysed by events, and mortified by the boldness of
the 'Ministerial measure. On the first night of its
proposition, it was observed to strike him as with a
harpoon; he never recovered the stroke, and his
spirit was broken. Always distrusted by his
party, and always distrusting his party, they
worked ill together. The athletic representa-
tives of schedules C and D will throw him on his
hark; henceforth he will he " a respectable debater,"
and his talents will be half disfranchised or placed in
schedule B. His qualification will be lower ; he
will have to contend in a far different arena He
will be more qualified for Holy Orders than a R--
formed House of Commons. The Duke of Wel-
lington and Sir Robert Peel were both reared in the
Dublin school of politics : the former was a Cattle
page, the latter an Iri.h clerk. This species of po-
litical edccation will become extinct. We will to-
morrow trace the outlines of his Grace's character.
Sufficient for the day is the evil thereof...—Morning
Chronicle.

SIR HERBERT TAYLOR'S LETTER.

" St. James's Palace, May 17, 1832.

"MY DEAR LORD,—I am honoured with his Majesty's
commands to acquaint your Lordship, that all difficulties
to the arrangements in progress will he obviated by a de-
claration in the House to-night from a sufficient number
of Peers, that, in consequence of the present state of
affairs, they have come to the resolution of dropping their
further opposition to the Reform Bill, an that it may pass
without delay, and as nearly as possible in its present shape.
" I have the honour to IT, }ours sincerely,
" HERBERT TAYLOR."

Twelve Peers, we have good reason for be-
lieving, will be created without any further delay, not for
the purpose of swamping the House of Peers, but as a
matter of justice to the parties themselves. The father
of the present House of Commons, and an Hon. Member
who represents the western portion of the metropolis, are
the first on the list, and, instead of detracting from the
dignity of the Peerage, will give it additional lustre by
their wealth, their talents, and their unstained consis-
tency. Of the others we shall only observe that they are
in every respect meet to enter the House of Lords in com-
pany with the Hon. Baronet and his venerable colleague;
and in consequence that those who are now so much in
the humour to brand as " lacquey Lords" those Peers
whom his MAJESTY may be inclined to make at the pre.
sent crisis, bad better refrain in time from applying such
epithets to them. It is not very complimentary to the
KING thus to denominate those whom it may please him
to bonour ; and it may as readily be taken for granted
that those whom he may so honour will not bear the
affront. Let any one denominate the Westminster Mem-
ber a " lacquey Peer," and we will give him a warrant
for his next day's breakfast.—Morning Advertiser.
EARL GREY AND EARL CARNARVON.—
Few circumstances have lately called forth more surprise
and observation than the extreme bitterness of the opposi-
tion evinced by the latter of these Noble Persons towards
the Administration of the former, remembering, as the
:wmoildtdh adtoethe their
rl oNn go
bml
eaEi natreln, an
withce oaf
stpheec
essaomf e opinion,
chivalrous
self.devotion, generally threw himself into the forlorn hope
on behalf of his party. No small surprise, too, existed that
the Noble Earl, so devoted to his party, should have been
overlooked by the Noble Premier when forming his Go-
vernment. For Lord GREY, however, there is an
ample apology, which, we believe, is not very generally
known—namely, that Lord GREY had not the most distant
reason to suppose that Lord CARNARVON, if alive, was in
a state to take office. The truth is, that for some time
previous to the sudden breaking up of the Duke of WEL-
LINGTON'S Administration, Lord CARNARYON had been
lost to his political friends, being in such a state of health
as left scarcely any hopes of his recovery : as a proof of
which, it may be mentioned that the Noble Earl himself
used every endeavour to deter his friends from putting his
son, Lord PORCHESTER, in nomination for a county, al-
leging as a reason, the apparent certainty of his own speedy
demise. The Noble Earl has since, to the great joy of
his family, given ample proofs of his recovery ; whether
be will have added to his political reputation by the course
which he has taken towards Earl GREY'S Government, is
for posterity to decide.—Morning Herald.
PUBLIC FEELING.—On Thursday a great
crowd again assembled at the Post-office, in melancholy
anticipation that the news would be confirmed of the
" Cold Iron Captain" having formed a Government.—.
When the mail curricle arrived, and the driver had time
to reply to the question put by a thousand voices, "Any
news ?" he bawled aloud, " Earl GREY is restored !"
The electric effect of this short sentence it is impossible
to describe. The multitude rent the air with acclama-
tions, loud and long continued. Immediately thereafter,
a harrying to and fro commenced, to spread the joyful
intelligence, and the shaking of hands and exchanging of
congratulations knew no hounds. So uttiversil a feeling
of heartfelt satisfaction and delight we have never before
seen publicly expressed. In the course of the afternoon,
a number of the staunchest supporters of Earl GREY'S
Ministry, and of the rights and liberties of mankind, met
at CORK'S, to express their sentiments upon the receipt of
such glorious intelligence. The health of Eatl GREY, and
other prominent champions of Reform, were toasted with
great enthusiasm, and the meeting did not separate till a
late hour. Numerous other parties spent the evening in a
similar happy manner. We have received a great number
of communications expressing the unbounded joy diffused
through the country by the intelligence of Earl GREY
having again been recalled to the Councils of the KING, but
we cannot overtake them this publication.— Scotsman.
THE BISHOP OF CARLISLE AT HACKNEY.
—The reception of the Bishop of LICHFIELD and CO-
VENTRY at St. Bride's hail by no means the effect of inti-
midating the Hon. and Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of
CARLISLE from preaching a charity sermon last Sunday,
in the New Church, at Hackney, for the support of the
charity schools of that parish. The congregation was
anything but numerous, and clearly evinced the discount '
to which Bishops are reduced, as the principal part was
chiefly comprised of elegantly-dressed females, the children
of the charity, and the parochial authoritirs. After the
Bishop had ascended the pulpit, and commenced the ser-
mon, a considerable number of gentlemen (as was ex-
pected from that Reforming parish), from different parts
of the church, took up their hats and left the sacred edifice.
YEOMANRY RESIGNATIONS.--We last week
(says the Bucks Gazette) published the resignations of
two of the Hertfordshire Yeomanry. Mr. VARNEY gave,
as his reason fur retiring, that he never, if ordered, could
raise his hand against his fellow-countrymen, who are seek-
ing their " just rights and privileges." His Lordship re-
plied as follows:
" London, May 12, 183.2.
Sic,--1 am extremely glad that you wish to leave the Cashio
troop of Yeomanry, as it appears that you never intended to per-
form your duty, if called upon.
I have written to Mr. NS arwick, of the Woolpack, to receive
tour arms and accoutrements.
" Mr. Varney, St Alban's.
" GRIMSTON."
be it observed, Lord GIMISTON assumes that Mr.
VARNEY never intended to do his duty! What does his
Lordship mean by this ? 01, probably he intends to as-
sert that it is the duty cf the Yeomanry to cut down men
seeking their liberties. And he may make a special ex-
ception against improper means. But pray what means
would be improper after every other resource had failed?
And how are the Yeomanry to act then? Can his Lordship
wriggle out of this—he, and his yeoman-awry

,
=WA.
,

LONDON,
TUESDAY EVENTNO. MAY 22, 1832.

The BILL went last night into Committee in
the Lords, and some progress was made in the
Enfranchising clause of Schedule C. The
public are not, however, to infer from this that
the Bill is yet safe ; no, it will never be safe till
it has escaped out of the clutches of those
who lose no opportunity to strangle it by
fair and by foul means. The conduct of
a portion of the Ultras, last night, is clearly in-
dicative of what the main body would do—or
yet may do. We therefore say to the people—
watch but fear not. It is solely owing to the
noble stand which the people united have
made, that the Ministry of Earl GREY is
now in power, and the Bill in progress
through the fiery ordeal of the House of
Lords. The reported speeches of certain
Noble Lords give no idea of the tone and angry
manner in which the base idea of going into
Committee was viewed by the Opposition
speakers. Lord ELLENUOROUGH, with a vast
assurance of moderation, expressed his deter-
mination to mutilate the Bill or amend it,
which, according to his notions of amendment,
would be the unkindest cut of all which the
Bill would undergo by way of improvement.
Nor was Lord WINCHILSEA mure disposed to
let the Bill pass into a law than his friend Lord
ELLEN'BOROUGH. The Duke of NEWCASTLE,
too, considered the " obnoxious" measure as
fraught with evil consequences as Pandora's box,
and doubted—if such a sage ever doubts—whe-
ther the KING'S prerogative could be exercised
to create Peers for carrying the Bill. Indeed
much virtuous indignation was altogether thrown
away upon the subject by those Noble Lords
who can see no good in any measure which does
not minister to their particular interests or party
purposes.

All that the people of England have to do is
still to be on their guard, for while they do so
the Bill must pass, and pass the more speedily
too, because the Opposition will see that there
is no hope of a reaction or indifference on the
part of the people, to the great measure of
Reform, which by purifying the House of Com-
mons will, in its consequences, not only benefit
the present generation, but be a source of wealth
happiness, and glory, to the latest posterity.
The Committee, last night, granted Members
to Manchester, Birmingham, Leeds, Green-
wich, Sheffield, Sunderland, Devonport, and
Wolverthampton. This evening there will
be a sharp discussion on the metropolitan
sections, which stand next in order. To
the enfranchisement of these Lord WIIARN-
cLirFE expressed his utter abhorrence, on
the sage plea that the Members would not
be sufficiently removed from the control of their
constituents ! Such arguments are worthy of
the " tame elephant," who introduced an enfran-
chising scheme of his own last night, by way
of amendment, but his courage failed at the
cries of " Question." He did not venture on a

Several opponents of the Bill absented
themselves last night,—and others expressed
their readiness to offer no further opposition,
provided there be no creation of Peers. But
this contrition, we apprehend, comes too
late now. The suggestion of the Duke of NEW-
CASTLE to pass the Bill at once, is we think
the best plan their Lordships could adopt. It
would save themselves much useless labour and
the country much anxiety. It would almost
redeem the memorable vote of thirty-five.

The House of Lords last night resolved itself
into Committee on the Reform Bill, but not be-
fore the usual demonstration of violence had
been made against it. Earls RODEN, MALMES-
BURY, and WiNcHiLsEA, particularly distin-
guished themselves by the warmth of their hos-
tility. But Lord ELDON, too, entered the field
of opposition—Lord ELDON, who, beyond all
other Ultras must, we conceive, be thunder-
struck at the immeasurable distance at which he
has been left behind by the age in which he
lives. The venerable Earl maintained that to
create new Peers for the purpose of passing
the Reform Bill, " would not only be a de-
parture from the proper exercise of the Prerogative,
but a most abominable exercise of it, to create
Peers for a purpose adverse to the interests qf
the people. Indeed ! For what purpose then
have Tory Peers been created for the last forty
years and upwards ? Have the interests of the
people been consulted in any one creation that
has taken place during that period ? The ques-
tion needs no reply ; it suggests one for itself.
After some further desultory discussion, Lord
ELLENBOROUGH moved an Amendment for the
enfranchisement of a distinct number of bo-

roughs, giving to each two Members, and en-
tered into some prosing details of his shallow
plan of Reform, The amendment, however,
was not pressed to a division, and schedule C
was proceeded with. The Committee will re-
clime its labours this evening.

The Poor Press ! The Tories were at it
again, tooth and nail, last night in the House of
Commons. Sir ROBERT, as usual, overflowed
with excessive candour, and Sir CHARLES, with
excessive wrath. Sir ROBERT was not with-
out his apprehensions that the Press was a
nuisance—Sir CHARLES had no apprehen-
sions at all about the matter, for he was
positively and unalterably convinced that it was
a nuisance, and of the worst description.
The characters of the two speakers were abun-
dantly exemplified in their remarks on this
tempting topic. Both came to the same con-
clusion, but ili how different a manner !
The Ex-Attorney-General went straight-for-
ward to the point in the honest enthu-
siasm of what Dr. JOHNSON calls " a good
hater the Ex-Home Secretary doubled and
twisted and wriggled, now this way now that;
vacillating, perplexed and distrustful, as if fearful
of reaching his journey's end too soon, or ra-
ther as if he would have been right glad, had
the opportunity presented itself, of sailing on a
different tack altogether. The blunt integrity
of Sir CHARLES has something redeeming
about it, something that even the stanchest
Reformers can afford to admire ; but the jesuitical
special pleading, the shilly-shallying diatribe of
Sir ROBERT can challenge the respect of none,
whether friends or foes. The " licentiousness
of the Press." Of all stale outcries, this, we
verily believe, is, beyond a question, the stalest
and most hopeless. It is the last resource of
statesmen driven to their commonest common-
places for refuge. Finding themselves ousted
from office, with scarce a possibility of return,
and all through their own bigotry and profound
ignorance of the necessities of the age for which
they professed to legislate, the Tories, in this
their last last agony, lay the ponderous load of
their own blunders on the shoulders of the
Press. It is the Press, say they, that has done
every thing. It is the base, the profligate Press
that has poisoned the public mind, and disabled
it from discriminating between its friends and ene-
mies. But for this Press, we patriots should have
been still in office. It is not our incompetency, '
but the dishonesty of others that has driven us
from power and place. We are the victims
of an unprincipled, jacobinical, atheistical Press.
This language might have answered the purpose
ten years since, but it will not do now. The
Tories have been driven from office, not by the
intrigues of the Press, but by the indignant voice
of a united people, of which it is nothing more
than the mere echo.

German Papers, received this morning, con-
tain no news of interest :
%wax, MAT B.—General Von Nutzmer, Corn-
mander-in-Chief in Russia, has not yet left Berlin, because
he desires to be provided, before he goes to his province,
with the most precise instructions for his conduct towards
the Poles. The Government seems disposed to act in a
very decided manner with respect to those guests.
We are told France is tired of them, because so many
falsehoods are circulated in Germany respecting the
treatment which they meet with, and we often hear the
wish expressed that some other German state might be
blessed for only four weeks with the quartering, clothing,
and subsistence of 5,000 Poles, that a notion might be for-
med of what it costs the Government to support this bur-
den for sia or eight months. But very lately there
have again been serious affrays between the Poles and the
ptasants in a village ; the gendarmes arrested the ring-
leaders, which would not have been done without resist-
ance, but for a detachment of infantry, consisting of
40 men in the vicinity, against whom the Poles have shown
no opposition since the affair at Fischau. It is fully re-
solved here to give the remaining Poles something to do,
and on no account to tolerate their idleness, which is the
cause of many irregularities. This resolution will be car-
ried into effect, even at the risk of hearing the complaint
re-echoed through Germany th it Prussia treats the Poles
like criminals condemned to hard labour.

VIENNA, MAY Il.—Five per Cents. SS ; Four per
Cents. 77i; Bank Shares, I,l4s.—Allgemeine Zeitung,
May 16.

CHOLERA MORBUS, OFFICIAL REPORT.