The Sun.
London, England, 1859-07-02 00:00:00

to the Presidency of the Board of Trade, to the
dignity of a Privy Councillor, he has nobly declined
each and all of these radiant temptations. An in-
cident like this is really refreshing in the midst of
the general scramble for place observable in almost
every other direction. Here at any rate is one
brilliant instance of a man who really prefers poli-
tical consistency to social advancement. He has
but to stretch forth his hand to grasp the triple
baubles of power placed within his reach, but like
ROBERT BURNS he prefers beyond all things—
" The glorious privilege of being independent."
Honour to RICHARD COBDEN for his decision ! Again
we say it is worthy of him—it is worthy of his high
position—it is worthy of his more than European
reputation.
The refusal of Mr. COBDEN to accept office is the
first embarrassment of the Coalition Government.
It is mitigated in some measure, it is true, by.the
triumph won down at the University of Oxford,
almost simultaneously by the Right Hon. Gentle-
man the Chancellor of her MAJESTY'S Exchequer.
A clear majority only nine short of 200, out of
1,909 voters, considerably more than compensates
Mr. GLADSTONE for the week's annoyance of the
contest between himself and the heir to the
Dukedom of Buckingham. That contest, more-
over, has helped at once to simplify his rather
dubious position between the Liberals and
the Conservatives. Hesitating long between the
two, lured at the same time to each by every
imaginable blandishment to the influence of which
a statesman could be subjected, short only of a Par-
liamentary Dictatorship—Mr. GLADSTONE now
finds the path he is to follow pretty clearly marked
out before him. The Conservatives, irritated by
his prolonged vacillation, have broken with him
at length in a moment of petulance. Scandalised
by the somewhat bewildering inconsistency with
which his vote in favour of Lord DERBY was fol-
lowed up instantaneously by his adhesion to the
cause of Lord PALMERSTON, the sympathisers
with the former, not unnaturally, we cannot but
think, under the circumstances, indicated their dis-
pleasure, or rather their profound indignation, by
bringing forward the Marquis of CHANDOS as a
rival candidate for the University of Oxford. At
the commencement of the contest there was appa-
rently some danger of the right hon. gentleman's
rejection by his old constituency. That danger
has now, however, been signally dissipated. The
Coalition Ministry has at least been spared the
additional embarrassment of having to look else-
where than to the first of the Peelites, and one of
the most gifted intellects of our time, for their
financial Administrator. There is simply now to
be taken at once into account by the Government
the one great embarrassment resulting to them by
the refusal of the member for Rochdale to assume
his proffered place in the Administration. Now
that Mr. COBDEN has thus decided, what course,
let us ask, will be taken by Mr. GIBSON ? Will he
continue to occupy upon the treasury bench, in
reference to the Manchester School, the forlorn and
ludicrous position defined as that of the late Mr.
WALTER by the irresistible vis comica of the great
Irish Liberator. Will he, too, continue there—
" Like the last rose of summer left blooming alone,
All its lovely companions being faded and gone?"
Or will the glaring anomaly of his position lead to
the withdrawal once more, among his associates of
the back benches, of the right hon. member for
Ashton-under-Lyne ? Certainly there are reasons
which do not render this withdrawal by any means
incumbent upon Mr. MILNER GIBSON. For ex-
ample, his very enrolment so long since among the
ranks of her Majesty's Privy Councillors, when
Lord JOHN induced him thirteen years ago (in the
July of 1846), to become Vice-President of the
Board of Trade, indicates clearly enough, his readi-
ness to work in harness, without companionship,
even under aWhig Premier. Let it be remembered,
moreover, in illustration of the member for Ash-
ton's aptitude other wise "to turn and turn and
yet go on and turn again," that when he started
in public life and took his seat for the first time in
the House of Commons twenty-two years ago,
namely in 1837, as M.P., for Ipswich, he did so—
as a Conservative ! Mr. GIBSON'S course need not
therefore be expected to tally with the clearer,
simpler, and far more consistent course pursued
throughout the whole of the public career of Mr.
COBDEN, as member for Stockport, as member for
the West Riding of Yorkshire, or as member for
Rochdale—in fact during the whole of the eighteen
years which have elapsed since the date of his
first entrance (July, 1841) into the Commons
House of Parliament. There remains, however,
for the Premier now to decide, as speedily as may
be, the question—Who shall be nominated to the post
in the Administration still left vacant by the self-
abnegation of the Great Frce Trade Leader of the
political school of Manchester. And here we can-
not but recall to mind one name strangely enough
passed over altogether in the formation of
this singular Coalition Government. Who could
more appropriately be inducted to the post of the
Presidency of the Board of Trade, or to
that of the Poor Law Board (supposing
the latter to be vacated by Mr. GIBSON'S
acceptance of the former), than the eminent
precursor in the House of Commons of the great
apostle of Free Frade principles, the Right Hon.
CHARLES PELHAM VILLIERS—(in age, two years
Mr. COBDEN'S senior—six or eight in Parliamentary
experience)—who, we ask, could more fittingly be
inducted to the vacant seat than the Right Hon.
CHARLES PELHAM VILLIERS, for now very nearly
one quarter of. a century the distinguished Liberal
representative of Wolverhampton ?

If Mr. GLADSTONE perpetuate the iniquities of
Schedule D beyond 1860, much more, if he increase
them—and any augmentation of the duty is an in-
crease of the iniquity—he will overthrow the Go-
vernment of which he forms a part. One thing,
indeed, may save him—that justice to those who
toil and spin can be done only by removing the un-
just exemptions of those who neither toil nor spin.
We are told that there is a very heavy deficiency
in our annual income to be made good—from four
or five to, as some have said, seven millions; and
that Mr. GLADSTONE, the author of the act by
which the income tax should cease in 1866, is to be
the Chancellor of the Exchequer who shall restore
it to life
again. when a Cabinet Minister openly
tells his
Halifax constituents that the deficiency is
nearer
five than four millions, we are, of course
bound to believe him ;,
and we have little doubt the
worst will prove true. We have already adverted
to the object of thus magnifying the deficiency to
the uttermost : it is, no doubt,rene doneed
pre-
pare the public for the w
income-tax injustice. A • iin
perpetration r eto
of
gain the pretext is to be
that it will be needed but for
a short time, and
that, however unjust it maybe, it
will not be worth
while to alter it for a year or two. This trick can
no longer be tolerated. If Mr. GLADSTONE cannot
make a just income-tax--one which the country as
well as his own ingenious brain can think
just—he must let it undergo the sentence
under which it now lies. He can no longer solici • •
t
a reprieve for a convicted rogue ; and all his
sophistry has failed to convince the country that
Schedule D, and perhaps others in their measure,
can be personified by any other name.
Mr. GLADSTONE may not like even a small loan