The Sun.
London, England, 1832-08-01 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

_es
The Journal des Debats proceeds in its lid-
nest-course of endeavouring to detach the sym-
pathies of the French people from the unhappy
Germans, now threatened with the destruction
of all their rights as civilized men, by their
leagued and banded governors. The journalist,
indeed, does not say in direct terms to France,
" You must not pity, nor feel for, the menaced
sufferings of your neighbours across the Rhine."
He knows his business better. He labours only
to prove that the compassion of France for Ger-
many ought to be of the least possible use to
either country, administering no immediate suc-
cour to the Germans, nor any ultimate security
to France herself. We have seldom witnessed
mle flagrant sophistry or folly than in the ar-
ticle of the French paper on which we are now
remarking. It assumes, that because the despot
Powers made no attack upon the ant.s•Carlist re-
volution of 1830 at the outset, they cannot be
supposed to harbour such a scheme in 1832. It
goes on to argue against the possibility of the
Allied Courts issuing the decree of Frankfort in
connection with any design against French liberty,
seeing that the spirit of the people of Europe
has every day since 1830 been growing more in-
veterate against the principles of despotic Go-
vernments, and that the decrees of the Diet
have so widened the breach between German
Princes and German subjects, and have, con-
sequently, so enfeebled the means of the former
for all offensive operations as to render quite
preposterous the conjecture of their at this mo•
ment possessing any power " of action against
France." Such is the substance of the article
in the Journal des Debals, and a few words
will, we hope, suffice to show its fallacy.
When the French revolution of 1830 took
place, foreign Powers were not prepared to
crush it. The event was an explosion, which
none of the Holy Alliance had foreseen, and
against which they had taken no military or
political precautions. It was their weakness
therefore, not their will, which caused the non-
aggression of Russia, Prussia, and Austria,
against the popular power which overturned
the elder Bourbons, and succeeded them. The
Belgic question followed, which, from the
part of necessity taken by England, embar-
rassed them still more. The Polish inswrrec-
tion came next to paralyse, for a season,
the offensive means of Russia, so that
little or nothing could be done beyond
a general recruiting and subsequent con-
centration of the forces of the military
monarchies. With regard to these two
points, we believe it might be shown that
they have not been idle during the last two years.
The Polish revolution was put down : an im.
mense (and in relation to the country a dispro-
portionate) army was organized for Holland.
Nearly 300,000 Austrians have been moved
towards the Italian and south Rhenish fron-
tiers of France. Little short of 200,000
Prussians have been distributed upon the north-
east frontier. The Court of St. Petersburgh,
with unwashed, though unencumbered hands,
bears down through Poland upon Germany.
For actual warfare, therefore, it is clear that
the Allied Governments are, in a military sense,
far better provided than at the perid of 1830.
Now for their political position. It is true that
the people of Europe generally have advanced
in a desire for the enjoyment of rights withheld,
and in distrust and dislike of the powers which
withhold them. It is unquestionable that the
arbitrary Monarchs see thus far ; but the
Journal des Debats is unreflecting or insin-
cere enough to take for granted, that they see
a great deal more, of which, indeed, their acts
have proved them to be altogether unconscious.
The Debals talks as if the allied despots felt that
they were undermining their own strength, by
drawing closer the cords which bound the free
agency of their subjects, and that with their
eyes open they issued ordinances and edicts,
the result of which they knew beforehand would
be a source of injury to their power. This is
sheer humbug. The military Courts have
clearly miscalculated their own true policy, by
employing brute force against prevailing opinion.
Instead of the argument of the Journal des De-
bats being good- for anything, the obvious fact
is, that Prussia, Austria, &c., have persuaded
themselves that the free use of the bayonet would
make them stronger, and the people less capable
of either physical or moral resistance,—would
frighten into submission the aspirants after li-
berty, and would be a efficient aid, instead of a
check, to their schemes against France, including '
Belgium. The error that runs through the
whole dissertation of the Journal des Debats is
in the double assumption-Ist, that the rulers
of the Frankfort Diet see, as the rest of mankind
see, that their ordinances against German free-
dom must react to the detriment of their authors ;
and 2d, that with such a truth strongly impressed
upon them, they are yet idiots enough to eegage
in that losing contest with the people. We
stand upon our original proposition, that
whatever act on the part of Austria and Prus-
sia enables those two States to subjugate
more of German will,. or to wield for their
own purposes more of German power, than
it was designed that they should do by the
ether parties to the " settlement of Europe,"
would be substantially as complete a disturbance
of that settlement, and would confer upon France
and England as absolute a right of interference
with a view to re-adjust the balance, as any
aggression in the shape of military violence,
conquest, and approprivtion of territory. To
the latter object, indeed, there is little doubt that
the autocrats of Frankfort are approaching, if
these fierce edicts be permitted to stand. For
the constitutional German States, their lawful
authorities may protest, or may cffer a passive
resistance to the Diet—but without that support
of France and England, of which the Journal
des Debals and certain English newspapers,
which seem to be moonstricken when the reali-
ties of national interest are concerned, would
fain deprive them, the constitutional Germans
must be ready to undergo the most terrible visi-
tations of remorseless and obdurate barbarity in
their path to final freedom and repose. Never-
theless, to whatever degree the mean and sordid
councils of Louis Philip may be swayed by such
arguments as those of the Journal des Debats,
the gallant and earnest French nation will hold
them at little price.—Times.
On the third reading o( the Forgery Acts'
Amendment Bill, Sir Charles 'Wetherell made
a speech which may be described as strange even
for the Honourable and Learned Gentleman.
Under the colour of lashing the mawkish senti-
mentalists and pedant philanthropists of the pre-
sent day, he alluded to a case which lately cc-
curred at one of the Circuits :—" They had very
lately (he said) had a specimen of what the
philanthropists were capable of doing. By
taking away the punishment of death from catdc-
stealing, and making the punishment of trans-
portation compulsory on the Judges, they had

levelled the most aggravated and the most trifling
_cases, which had brought complaints from some
of the most Inimane Judges that sat on the
Bench."—Mr. Cutler Fergusson observed, " that
the law which had lately caused such confusion
on Circuit was not the Bill that was sent up
from that House, but the Bill, as it was altered
in the House of Peers by his Honourable and
Learned Friend's Friends in the Upper House.
—(Hear, hear.) The Bill as it went up from
the Commons left the punishment of transporta-
tion at the discretion of the Judge." Sir Charles,
no doubt, knew as well as Mr. C. Fergusson, the
history of the changes the Bill underwent in the
House of Lords, but he took this indirect way
.of hitting his friend, Lord Wynford, to whom
the merit of damaging the Bill is due. The
whole of Sir Charles's argument is a begging of
the question. He assumes that severity of
punishment, and protection of property, are
synonimous. The whole of his speech is a
raving against mawkish sentimentalists, as he
calls them, for directing all their care to criminals,
and leaving property unprotected. The abolirion
of the punishment of death is advocated by one
class, on the ground that it is judicial murder
to deprive a fellow-creature of life for an invasion
of property. By another class, society is sup-
posed to be at full liberty to resort to that pu-
nishment, however severe, which is most effec-
tual to the repression of crime. Both of these
agree in thinking that the punishment of death
for crimes against property affords less security
to property than less severe, but more certain
punishment. Sir Charles has no right to assume
on the part of those who advocate the abolition
of the punishment of death, any want of sym-
pathy with the widow and orphan who suffer
from such acts as those committed by Faunt-
leroy. The whole question resolves itself into
this—what is the description of punishment for
forgery by which the crime will be most effectu-
ally repressed ? If, under the law as it at pre-
sent stands, persons suffering will not persecute,
witnesses will not come forward, and jurors will
not convict, they who advocate the continuation
of that law, can only escape the charge of indif-
ference to the protection of property by their
being ignorant of the tendency of what they
advocate. Sir Charles said " he would not
trouble himself to inquire very minutely into the
origin of this lachrymose modern philanthropy.
He had, however, looked into the writings of
Addison and the writings of Locke, and there
he found no traces of it." He might have
looked a good deal farther back without finding
any traces of it. We are told that in those
times, when, God knows, the punishments af-
forded no indication of lachrymose philanthropy,
but were as severe as Sir Charles himself could
possibly desire, the country swarmed with
thieves and robbers. Henry VIII. hung up
three score and twelve thousand rogues, great
and small, in his reign ; and Sir Thomas More
informs us that twenty were frequently hung on
one gallows. Yet the Historians tell that these
" most cruel sanguinary laws failed to terrify."
So far from men being terrified by the frequency
of the punishment of death, all manner of coarse
and obscene jokes were uttered both by the men
on the cart, and by the by-standers, when execu•
tions were of constant occurrence, and persons
flocked to them as to a pleasant entertainment,
where they were sure of abundance of ribaldry.
In Newgate, the heads of the men who were be-
headed, used to be pickled in order to preserve
them, before being stuck up, and amusement in
Newgate with the turnkeys and prisoners used to
be to play at foot-ball with these pickled
heads. So much for the by-gone times
when there was certainly no great stock of
lachrymose philanthropy. Sir Charles is out
of his proper age. He ought to have belonged
to the times when pickled heads were used for
foot-balls (if we may believe one of the most
respectable of the founders of the Quakers, for
as they were constantly in prison, they are our
chief evidence for their interior administration
in former days.) There may be a cant of hu-
manity as there is a cant of every thing which
happens to be in vogue. The existence of a
cant of humanity, however, proves also that the
age is humane, for men in general do not as-
sume what they do not suppose calculated to
raise them in general estimation. Sir Charles
says he can find no trace of lachrymose philan-
tropy in Locke and Addison. We dare to say
Sir Charles himself remembers both the birth
and maturity of humanity among us. In the
Letters of Mirabeau, just published (and we
have received the most positive assurance of
their authenticity from a quarter in which we
place credit), he says, in 1784, only a year or
two before the breaking out of the French Re-
volution, " I have much to say upon the subject
of the recovery of debts in this country—on im-
prisonment in general—but more particularly on
the Penal Code of Britain. Draco and Co.
must have presided when such sanguinary laws
were established. Blood—nothing but blood,
or pounds of flesh, are required by this humane
people for every offence. Should Hardy (a
servant of M.'s, charged with some petty thefts)
he found guilty, he will suffer death—the pu-
nishment awarded to the man who has butchered
his own mother. Such laws ought to be re-
vised ; they are a disgrace to a civilized nation.
I have before me a list of crimes—about forty in
number—all punishable with death. The laws
of the most despotic countries of Europe are
merciful when compared with those which are in
force here. * * * My excellent friend Ro-
milly tells me, that he has been carefully study-
ing the Criminal Codes of every nation in
Europe. Ours (he observes) is the very worst ;
and when the plan I have in view is sufficiently
mattired, I intend not to rest upon my pillo;
until these laws, worthy of Anthropophagi, are
for ever abolished.'" The certainty of punish-
ment (adequate it ought to be) is of far more
consequence than a sev,:;rity which is only no-
minal. But even to this day comparatively
little has been done in the way of ensuring
certainty of punishment. A note written by
Sir Samuel Romillv, communicated in these
Letters of Mirabeau, points out clearly what
is yet, in a great measure, a desideratum .
" Cruelty in punishment, for slight offences,
often induces offenders to pass on from trivial
to the most atrocious crimes. Thss are
these miserable fellow-mortals rendered despe-
rate, while the laws, which ought to soften the
ferocity of obdurate minds, tend to corrupt and
harden them. What education is to an indivi-
dual, the laws are to society ; whenever they are
sanguinary, delinquents will be hard-hearted,
desperate, and even barbarous. The real good
of the State consequently requires that, not only
adequate punishment should he impartially in-
flicted, but that the injured should obtain a
reparation for their wrongs. Instead of such
reparation, it is greatly to be lamented that many
are induced to desist from prosecutions, and
even to conceal injuries, because nothing but
expense and trouble is to be their lot ; as all the
fruits of the conviction, when the criminal has
any property, go to the State. That the State

shall be the only immediate gainer by the fines
.and forfeitures of criminals, while the offended
party suffers, is certainly not reconcileable to the
principles of either justice, equity, or sound
policy." To this day it is only by a kind of
connivance that Magistrates effect a sort of repa-
ration to an injured party. The Magistrate
allows the party complained against to talk
with the prosecutor, i. e. to buy him off,
for the infliction of a fine or imprison-
ment would afford him no reparation for the
wrong suffered by him. Our readers may re-
member the case of the boy brutally used by the
1 master of a ship, lately mentioned in the
House of Commons by Mr. Maurice O'Con-
nell. For such a case there is no re-
medy within the reach of the sufferer. Sir
Edward Sugden doubted whether the Bank of
England could conduct the public business if
this Bill were carried ! The Bill was read a
third time and passed. It was generally admitted
that the law was inoperative, and could not be
executed. But still forgery is a crime of which
the consequences are often extensively mis-
chievous ; and an adequate punishment ought to
be substituted without loss of time. We have
at present no secondary punishments. It may
truly be said, that there is at present a complete
impunity for crime. The number of persons
who pass through our prisons is enormous ; and
no person can pass through a prison without
sinking in character. Some great effort ought to
be made to check the pollution which is creeping
over the land.—Morning Chronicle.
The passing of the Forgery Bill is a great tri-
umph of humanity, but it is a triumph ofjustice as
well as humanity. It is one of those occur-
rences which will be dwelt upon by the future
historian as characterising the improved intelli-
gence of the present age. Thank God we have
at length got rid of that stupid blunder in legis-
lation, which looked upon death by choaking as
a panacea for the cure of every crime, and stuck
to its stupid text in spite of compromises and ac-
quittals, and refusals to prosecute, and, in short,
every symptom of an ineffective, inoperative, and
most disgraceful state of the law. In assuming
that we have got rid of this blunder, we, of
course, assume that the House of Lords will
not identify themselves with the good old rope
which Sir Charles Wetherell is so indignant at see-
ing discarded, but that they will concur with the
Commons in getting rid of it, for the purpose of
ensuring a more certain punishment and a more
unpitied fate to a very flagrant class of delin-
quents : for this is the spirit in which the Com-
mons have legislated; this is the spirit in which
the merchants and bankers of London, and the
rest of the practical men, whom the Wetherells
and Sugdens denounce as mere visionaries and
theorists, forgetting that their own theory of the
efficacy of the hanging law is contrary to all
fact, all reason, and all experience ; this, we
say, is the spirit in which the merchants
and bankers of London, and the rest of the
practical men, have petitioned the Legislature in
favour of the change that has already obtained the
sanction of one House of Parliament. We
shall probably hear in the Lords, as we heard
last night in the Commons, a few philosophical
treatises from those philosophical personages, the
mere lawyers ; for, as the Commons have their
Wetherells and Sugdens, so have the Lords their
Wynfords and Abbots. We shall probably hear
from those authorities what danger property will
be exposed to by abolishing the punishment of
death. But the Lordswill, we doubt not, rescue
themselves by their vote from the odium of such
heartless, miserable, drivelling folly. They will
say, as the Commons have said, that the cer-
tainty of punishment is what is wanting; and
that they will ensure that certainty by putting an
end to the dreadful doom from which the heart
of the nation turns away in loathing and dis-
gust. When Sir Charles Wetherell and the rest
of them, charge the advocates of this Bill with
sacrificing the interests of society to a spurious
humanity, they adopt a mode of attack which
could be easily retorted. If they are justified
in thus attributing motives to their adversaries,
their adversaries may attribute motives to
them. Their adversaries may accuse them of
real ferocity—a ferocity sanctioned and en-
gendered by the existing law, it is true ;
but so much the worse for the existing law,
and the better for that which is to supersede
it. But we do not impute such a feeling to
the friends of capital punishment, though
tempted to do so by their want of candour.
All we accuse them of is an infatuated attach-
ment, a blind and devoted reverence, for the
system in which they have been educated, not-
withstanding the clear evidence produced, over
and over again, in proof of its total inefficacy.
We presume they want no proof' of its revolting
nature. The debate of last night will be read
with great satisfaction by the public at large.
If ever the advocates of a measure had a tri-
umph in argument, the Ministers and their
supporters had a triumph last night. We do
not regret that the measure has been so much
contested, because the contest has led to a
victory which could not have been otherwise so
complete. No one can now affirm that the
Legislature do not clearly see their way. We
have not entered into particulars, because they
will appear to more advantage in our report of
the debate; but our readers will perceive on
what side assertion was most vehement, and
proof most deficient. To the debate, there-
fore, we refer with confidence and satisfaction,
convinced that honest men will see they have
lost no security in losing a sanguinary law, the
terror of which had merged in its uncertainty,
while they have gained a mere mild, but at the
same time a more certain, efficacious, and operative
mode of punishment in its place.—Morn. Her.

The financial statement of the Chancellor of
the Exchequer on Friday night was distin-
guised from all preceding expositions of the same
kind (excepting, of course, his own of last
year) by this, that it shed no ray of light upon
the subject, communicated no particle of infor-
mation which Was not already familiar to all the
world, stated no grounds, or none at least but
such as were unintelligible or absurd, for his
belief that the national finances will bo in a
better state next year than they are at present.
From tables prepared for him by the clerks of
, the Treasury, and already published to the
world, he read certain columns of figures as any
schoolboy might have read them, terminating in
the result that at present the necessary expendi-
ture greatly exceeds the income of the country.
So far the Noble Lord was within the scope of
his capacity, and every body understood him, be-
cause every body knew beforehand what he had
got to sty. But when he tried his hand at that
which Treasury clerks could not supply, the ex-
planation of the causes of the present depres-
sion, and the grounds of hope for the future, he
floundered as deplorably as could have been
theex-
most ignorant of Northampton-
shire The revenue has declined he-
pcaeuetsee(glGrfarm rzoirs.
eaetßritain has had an Administration
avowedly, and upon principle, fond of change—

an Administration under thegovernment of which
many, we might say all, the great interests of the
country have felt themselves liable to be assailed
or undermined, and have, as a matter of ordinary
prudence, been compelled to diminish their acti-
vity and draw home their resources. Lord Al-
thorp expects that the revenue will recover ; and
so no doubt it will, for there is a vigour and elas-
ticity in the resources of this country which even
a Government composed of such Statesmen as
himself cannot utterly subdue. But unless the
present Administration be succeeded by a better,
or adopt, in defiance of consistency, Conserva-
tive principles, no man who reflects upon the
subject can believe that we have yet reached any
thing like the lowest point of depression. The
dangers which hang over the West India inte-
rest, the new and additional dangers which
have their source exclusively in the principles
proclaimed by Ministers, would seem alone to
be more than sufficient to account for a greater
defalcation of Revenue than has yet taken place.
How many shipowners of that numerous and
' important class who depend chiefly upon West
India freight, how many manufacturers who are
employed solely in providing goods for the West
India market, may have been induced, by the
precarious aspect which Ministers have commu-
nicated to West India affairs, we do not say to
suspend, but to contract, their operations, to do
as little as possible with a view to future and
distant remuneration, until they see that the
cloud has blown over, to adopt the narrow and
cautious system of working from hand to mouth?
When- the influence of this paralysing conside-
ration with respect to the West India interest
only is traced through its infinite ramifications,
and its effect computed, what can be thought
of the Statesman who finds the chief cause of
the decay of the national resources in a trivial
and ordinary fluctuation in the course of ex-
change ? But other and even greater interests
have been placed by Ministers, by their known
character, their past professions, and their actual
conduct, in a situation of conscious jeopardy.
The landed interest is threatened with some
change or other essentially affecting its prospe-
rity, and the more depressing that it is undefined.
On the funded interest an open attempt at spo-
liation has already been made. The whole pro-
perty of the Church of Ireland, and that of the
Church of England also by necessary conse-
quence, is already, in the imagination of many
of the more ardent supporters of Ministerial
principles and policy, under the hammer of
the national auctioneer. Every thing is me-
naced with dislocation, while in fears alike of the
timid possessors, and the hopes of many of the
unprincipled agitators, to dislocate is to destroy.
This is the situation of the country ; at least
one man in five of the possessors of every de-
scription of pruperty is lying by, awaiting in
terror the storm which he foresees the disorgan-
ising principles and pledges of the Government
must speedily conjure up; and Lord Althorp,
good simple man, believes that the chief cause
of the decline of the revenue is that the foreign
exchanges have been for some time aginst us !
It is really a pity that Lord Althorp will venture
to talk of things to which he has obviously paid
no attention ; for, limited as his capacity is, the
slightest attention to the subject of currency and
exchange would have rescued him from the
errors into which he has fallen, and at least
have taught him the wisdom and propriety of
holding his tongue. It would be difficult to
comprehend in the same compass a greater num-
ber of gross blunders than are embraced in the
few words of the Noble Lord upon this subject :
" The circumstance, however, which had a still
greater effect than both these causes together
was the state in which the currency of the coun-
try was (luring a considerable period. It had
undergone a gradual contraction. The exchanges
were against them ; and the natural and neces-
sary consequence was a stagnation of trade. Mat-
ters, however, were now changed. The ex-
changes were in their favour, and he trusted the
effects would ere long be apparent in a more
flourishing state of commerce and an increase of
customs." If the currency did undergo a gra-
dual contraction, we can tell Lord Althorp that
this could only have arisen from the diminished
number of transactions in our internal trade (an
identical proposition with the decay of prosperity,
and no explanation of it at all), by which, natu-
rally and necessarily, that amount of currency
which was before only sufficient for the wants of
the country would become redundant, and thus
give rise to an unfavourable course of exchange.
This is a strange confusion of cause and-effect.—
But this is not all. The course of exchange will, it
is known, fluctuate, within narrow limits and in
short periods, above and below par in the case
of every commercial country, but can never as-
sume a permanent direction one way or the
other unless from a progressive change in the
value of the currency, or from the progressive
decay or prosperity of the internal commerce of
the country, requiring a diminished or increased
amount of currency. In the value of our cur-
rency we know there has been no alteration for
several years. In its amount there has, Lord
Althorp says, been a gradual diminution since
he came into office, effected by means of an
unfavourable exchange. This is no doubt a
proof of decay in internal commerce, a conse-
quence of decay, but certainly not the cause of
decay. His Lordship says things are improv-
ing, because the exchanges are fbr the moment
a little better. It is probably no more than a
momentary fluctuation. We wish he could have
said that the exchanges arc better because things
are improving. A non sequitur is no doubt
less dishonourable than a falsehood ; but it would
would have been as well to avoid both. As it
is, Lord Althorp has proved nothing but his
own ignorance. The Ministers arc content to
leave the country .for a year to come with re-
sources inadequate to its peace expenditure,
instead of having, as every competent and vigo-
rous Ministry must desire to have, a fund in
excess to meet accidental and unforeseen emer-
gencies. This, we suppose, is intended as a
compliment to the diplomatic skill and influence
of Lord Palmerston. The power of striking an
early and effective blow in case of war is what
has hitherto been thought desirable with a view
as
ord May o tEli ea ra
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congenial
cleNuroiseoirtrirlet.vupisiicritleir,oreeei
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to avert the necessity for actual hostilities by in-
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spiring
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siut
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fact
ishighest
state of financial preparation for defence or at-
tack could never have produced.—Morning Post.

INTENDED MEETING at the DEVIL'S BIT.

THE POLICE, THE PRIESTS, AND THE PEOPLE.
(From the Tipperary Free Press.) _

Sunday, the 22d inst., having been fixed for the
Anti-Tithe meeting at the Devil's Bit, the people
began to assemble at an early hour. Every road
leading to the mountain was thronged with vast
multitudes, moving on quietly to the place of meet-
ing. The police and military took possession of that
particular spat which is called the Rock. About
12 o'clock, the hill for three or four miles round
was literally covered with the vast multitudes con-
gregated to witness the day's proceedings; at least
50,000 people must have been assembled. A com-
munication arrived from the gentlemen at Temple-
more intimating that for certain reasons, known
only to themselves, the meeting was adjourned:
this was signed by the very persons who got up the
requisition for calling the meeting. An occurrence
took place upon the summit of the mountain which
will exhibit the feelings and dispositions of the
police in a most conspicuous form.—A chief con-
stable, named, Malone, stationed at Newport, was
placed with about 30 men on a remote part of the
hill; the people, moving in great bodies from one
position to another, came close to his station,
and he, thinking this an intrusion upon a spot
which he held sacred, began, without even re-
monstrating, to charge them at the point of the
bayonet. Fortunately murder was prevented by the
intetference of a Catholic Priest from Nenagh, who
prevailed upon the people to return beyond the ju-
risdiction of this sanguinary peeler. The rest of
the police and military showed the utmost propriety
and forbearance. Towards two o'clock the assem-
bled multitudes began to separate; their disappoint-
ment was visible at the meeting having been ad-
journed. The small town of Toomevara is situated
between Nenagh and the Devil's Bit ; here most
of the people who came from Lower Ormond
stopped to take refreshment. Malone, with a large
body of police, remained also there, and the public
will perceive from the following simple statement of
facts, whether this man was bent upon shed-
ding human blood :—Five Clergymen on their
way home from the place of meeting, and
passing through Toomqvara, remarked the
public houses thronged ; they spoke to the
people, recommending them to go home imme-
diately, least perchance they might get drunk, and
give their enemies a pretext for assaulting them.
This advice was willingly complied with—they
left off drinking, and followed the clergymen through
the streets. After having quietly passed the police,
and at a distance perhaps of 50 or 60 yards, one of
the gentlemen began to address a few words to the
people, thanking them for their peaceable conduct
during the day. During this short address the de-
tachment of the 92d Highlanders, stationed in Ne-
nagh, passed. The police were immediately after
them, and though the same passage was open, they
were not satisfied to proceed, but immediately, and
without provocation, as can be attested by thou-
sands, commenced charging the people at the point
of the bayonet I ! I So extraordinary a proof of the
people's forbearance is not, perhaps, on record, as
that manifested on this occasion; for though one
man was mortally wounded, and many mangled in a
most horrible manner—though the five clergymen
who were present had nearly fallen victims to the
rage of those blood-thirsty men, yet the people of-
fered no resistance ! they were detearnined to be
tranquil however great the provocation. I myself
witnessed one or two most daring attempts made on
the life of the Rev. Mr. Power, of Nenagh, by a
fellow named Roberts, a sergeant of police at
Toomevara; he pursued him across the street with
fixed bayonet, and would have thrust it through his
body had he not been arrested by a young man who
followed close after him. The Rev. Mr. Dunn was
also pursued by three other ruffians, and only saved
his life by throwing himself into the Rev. Mr.
Masher's garden. The particulars of this atrocious
outrage have been transmitted to the Lord Lieute-
nant. VINDEX.

At Sutton Coldfield last Wednesday a wo-
man pretended to have the cholera, to excite compassion.
A medical man, WhO suspected that she was an imposter,
proposed that a red hot poker shonld be laid over her back;
the effect was electrical; she declared that she was sud-
denly well ! By way of completing the cure, the Magis-
trate sent her to Warwick gaol for two months. A
woman named SARAH RICHARDS has attempted a similar
imposture in Worcester.—Shrewsbury Chronicle.
MAGISTERIAL SYCOPHANCY.—The Ma-
gistrates, we must say, have been guilty of a piece of vile
sycophancy, in offering a reward of fifty pounds for the
discovery of the persons who " abused and maltreated "
the " Lord Lieutenant of the County," the Duke of Buc-
CLEUCII! What was the crime which provoked this piece
of official folly? A few boys, or beardless apprentice
lads, hiss and hoot the unpopular Duke, and throw two
or three pebbles at him, but without doing him the slight..
est personal injury. We execrate this mobbish violence as
much as any one; but it has happened again and again to
better men, and wiser than the Duke, and the duty of re-
pressing it, or punishing the guilty parties, has been uni-
versally left to the police. When the Duke of WELLING-
TON was much more roughly treated in London ten days
ago, did the Magistrates offer a reward for the discovery
of the miscre ints who attacked him ? The Duke, we
presume, had gone straight from the mob to the chief
Magistrate, and ca asplained that " the Lord Lieutenant of
the county" had been insulted on the streets ! The Ma-
gistrate, of course, held up his hands in utter astonishment,
wondering that any one, young or old, could have the
audacity to offer violence to the "Lord Lieutenant of the
county !" and declaring that extraordinary means should
be used to insure the punishment of such unparalleled
wickedness ! Forth, then, issues this foolish proclama-
tion, the object of which clearly is,—first. to soothe the
Duke's vanity ; secondly, to apprise the public, that though
" your even citizen" must rely on the police for protection,
the " Lord Lieutenant's" person is sacred ; thirdly, to let
the world know that the Reform Bill has rendered this the
most turbulent and di,orderly city in the kingdom ! The
whole affair exhibits the Magistrates in a very paltry light.
The proclamation teas issued, because the Duke was a
Duke, though the law knows him as nothing more than
a private man.—Scotsman.
APPREHENSION OF A GANG OF BUR-
CLARS.—For some time past the inhabitants of the seve-
ral villages in Kent and Essex have continued in great
terror, owing to the existence of a regular organized gang
of robbers and burglars in the neighbourhood. Scarcely a
night has elapsed these three months past without some
persons having been plundered by these midnight marau-
ders, and nrywithstanding handsome rewards have been
offered for the apprehension and conviction of the offenders,
and the vigilance of the police, no clue could be obtained
of the robbers' retreat, until Sunday morning, the 22d
inst., when, as police constable DYKE was on duty in the
Broadway, Deptford, he stopped a suspicious-looking
fellow with a bundle in his possession, and conveyed him
to the Station-house. The bundle, upon being opened,
was found to contain a sirloin of beef ; and as the pri-
soner could not give a satisfactory account for its posses-
sion, he was locked up. As soon as inspector THOMAS
caught a glance of his features, he recognized his prisoner
as an old offender, who had been eight times tried at Maid-
stone upon charges of felony. The prisoner's name is
JOUR NEEDIIA.M, but lie is much better known by the
cognomen of Deaf Jemmy. Inquiries having been insti •
toted, it was discovered that early that morning a gang of
villains had broken open the pantry of Mr. Miens, of
Elthain, and entirely stripped it of its contents, which
consisted of a sirloin of beef, a leg and a shoulder of lamb,
two hams, several fowls and ducks, a salmon, and several
pounds of fresh butter, and that six or seven men were
seen that same morning regaling themselves in the fields.
The sirloin of beef found in time poasession of the prisoner
was identified as that stolen from Mr. MI z.r.'s pantry, and
he was brought before Mr. SHIPMAN on Monday last, and
remanded for a week. Inspector THOMAS, and police-
constable DYKE, then went in pursuit of the prisoner's
accomplices, and succeeded in capturing another of the
gang, named JAMES MACCLESFIELD, on suspicion ()flying
concerned in the robbery, which he stoutly denied at first,
but afterwards promised to reveal every thing if admitted
an evidence for the Crown ; another of the gang, named
MILLER, was then captured on a simil,r charge. Several
marine store dealers' premises were examined by the In-
spector, with a search warrant, but nothing cull he
trace, save a white cotton stocking belonging to the ser-
vant of Miss WYNDHAM. This be found at the shop of
THOMAS EASTERFIELD, a marine store dealer, in Friar-
street, Blackfriars-road. EASTERPIELD was cons: quently
apprehended as a receiver of the stolen property. Oa
Monday morning the whole of the prisoners were brought
up for final examination. MILLER was discharged. The
other prisoners were fully committed to Maidstone gaol.