The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-08 00:00:00

Government, he could hardly remember a single attempt at

legislation on their part in which signal failure was not the
result. (Hear, hear.) Their India Bill was certainly one of
the greatest failures he had ever witnessed, and it could not

be doubted that the cause of failure in that else was the at-

tempt to catch various classes and individuals by means of
the popularity-seeking course which was pursued. (Hear,
hear.) A similar failure attended their church rate scheme.

The noble lord who spoke last appeared to consider it an in-
justice to say that the Conservative party were not fitted to
deal with the question of reform. Well, all he could say was
that the expetiment which they had made had met with such
opposition, not only from those who were generally opposed
to them, but from almost every one belonging to their own
party who was not in office, that it might be said to have
been almost universally condemned. (Hear, hear.) There
was one reform measure supported by the Conservative
party which was perfectly unobjectionable in itself, namely,
the bill for the abolition of the property qualification ; and
the only drawback was the sort of distrust which was created
by observing the course which the Government pursued on
the reform question immediately after their accession to
power. As regarded the Jewish question, he must say that
nothing could be more unsatisfactory than the final settle-
ment of it—(hear, hear)—the Government first objecting to
the principle of the bill on the highest moral and religious
grounds, and then, not coming forward with an honest mea-
sure settling the question, but pursuing a course which,
though it led to the attainment of the object in view, left the
stain of bigotry on the legislation of the country. (Hear.)
Such a bungling piece of legislation was it that during the
• present week there had been an unseemly conversation in the
other house in reference to a question which was supposed to

have been finally settled. The desire of the Government to
meet the wishes of everybody was evinced in the concluding
words of the Speech which had just been delivered from the
throne. Notwithstanding the experience which they had de-
rived from the recent debates in the last House of Commons,
and from the speeches recently delivered on the hustings,
Government had again come forward, saying in effect, " We
have no opinion en the question of reform. We shall be de-
lighted with one thing or the other. It is not for us to guide;
it is for you to act as you please." (Hear, hear.) No doubt
very able arguments might be used either infavour of settling
the reform question at once, or in favour of putthig off the
settlement for a short or for a long period ; but that
was exactly the sort of question which the 'Government
ought to decide for themselves, and they could have no ex-
cuse for not deciding, unless it were that they did not pos-
sess the confidence of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) Again,
he was afraid they had pursued a course which was inju-
rious to the public service by the manner in which they
had acted in a department which was under the special eon-
trol of the noble earl at the head of the Government ; he
referred to the renewal of the contract for the transatlantic
service. The noble earl might treat that as a good subject
for a joke, but there were few things more important than
the careful watching by the Executive Government of the
votes of public money, and the administration of the public
funds in the most economical manner. (Hear, hear.) What
were the facts of the case with regard to the transatlantic
packet service ? Mr. Cunard had several times applied to
the late Government for an extension of his contract, but
he was told that the Post-office commission had recom-
mended that all contracts should be given after tender, and
none for a longer period than five years ; that he had still
four years unexpired, and different circumstances might in
that period arise, other ports were putting forward claims,
and a thousand alterations might occur. The Canadian
Government had voted a subvention of £50,000 to one com-
pany, and it was desirable in any renewal of his contract
to make some arrangement with respect to Canada. About
a month after the new Government came in Mr. Cunard's
contract was renewed with a considerable extension, and no
notice was taken of the Canadian subvention • after that
Government granted £BO,OOO for the Irish transatlantic
packet service—(hear, hear)—adding enormously to the
charge on that head. The grant might be right or wrong,
but it had a bad appearance coupled with a vacancy in the
seat for the port at which the station was placed. Again,
with regard to the African service, the station was removed.
from Plymouth to Liverpool, against the desire of the Post-
master-General, and at a considerable increased charge.
He would not detain their lordships by referring to the
case of the telegraph companies ; there was too great faci•
lity in granting accommodation to classes and individuals,
as the Government was not a strong Government.
The noble lord had complained that a religious party cry
was being raised ; no one could be more anxious than he
was to make every concession to the just claims of all reli-
gious denominations, whether to Roman Catholics, Protes-
tant, Dissenters, or their Jewish fellow-subjects, but he
thought it much to be regretted that, when such profes
sions of lib9rality were made, they should not be made at
such a time as to be entirely free from the suspicion that
.they were intended to have a political influence, and not
have a party raising a cry on the hustings for increased pay
to chaplains, who had compelled the late Government to re-
scind a small vote for the same purpose. He should wish
the matter to be entirely free from the suspicion that it was
not decided on its absolute-and abstract merits. With regard
to a still more important question, he observed the same de-
sire to accommodate : he meant the question of finance.
The budget presented was nothing but an attempt to post-
pone the evil hour ; and would leave the finances in an un-
satisfactory state. It was very well for a Chancellor of the
Exchequer, addressing his constituents, to talk of the na-
tional debt as a fleabite, and almost to lament the country
would not have an opportunity of paying twenty millions a
year for War ; but before they arrived at such a deplorable
state of things, they ought to look to what was the actual
position of the finances. He believed that after allowing
for the two millions of terminable annuities which fell in
last year, there was something like seven millions to be
made good. He next came to the consideration of foreign
affairs. Ile zwousvd
Malmesbury) he had not the slightest intention of making
upon mm. tie was convinced no man
was more anxious to maintain the interest and honour of
the country—(hear, hear)—but still when the noble earl
was likely to be so much attacked he thought it would not
be just in him not to point out some matters on which cen-
sure could be thrown, and to give him an opportunity of
making a statement in his defence. He was ready to
admit that in forming any judgment on foreign affairs they
were likely to get into error from imperfect information.
They had no documentary evidence except some few
despatches on the Cagliari and refugee questions, some papers
with regard to the Charles et Georges, a short letter to the
shipowners,and averylong and closelyargued letter extend-
ing over three pages of closely printed foolscap, pointing out
the disadvantages of correct spelling and good handwriting.
(Laughter.) With regard to the Cagliari he was ready to
admit that the noble earl had shown considerable skill in
bringing it to an issue, and in profiting by the inspiration
of the late Government and the more cordial feeling felt
towards a new Conservative Government. There was an-
other subject on which they had received some information
from the United States—he meant the right of search. He
must say that the noble earl had represented himself as
making concessions of what were never contended for as
principles by any Britislgstatesman, and a more extraordi-
nary production than the despatch to Mr. Dallas was never
published. It appeared from the Royal Speech that with
the exception of the belligerent powers all the other foreign
relations of this country were in a satisfactory state. With
regard to the former, however, he thought as soon as the
war was ended there was no reason why the two countries
should not be on the most friendly relations and good under-
standing, subject, of course, to that watchfulness which was
the business of the Foreign-office. The present Govern-
ment had peculiar facilities for attaining such a result.
They had
-no concern with the war. He was not aware,
however, that any progress had been made towards making
use of the co-operation of Russia in the present disturbed
state of Europe ; and, with regard to information as to her
policy, he would be very much surprised to learn that the
noble earl was in a position to state anything satisfactory.
He next came to a point of still greater importance, that
which occupied the mind of every man in that house:War
was now raging in themost beautiful provinces of the most
beautiful country in the world; hundreds of thousands of
men were pitted against their fellow Christians to kill and
be killed, spreading desolation amongst millions. He be-
lieved—and it was a sentiment in which most of their lord-
ships would concur—that this great and disastrous war was
an unnecessary one—(hear, hear)—and it was impossible at
present to foresee whether any good would result from it.
This was a moment of excitement; France, satiated with
military glory, was anxious to renew her victories ;
Sardinia, always famous for military courage, now
inspired by the freedom she had enjoyed, and supported
by the sympathy and feelings of her fellow Italians, was full
of excitement to be led to victory by her heroic king ' • as to
Austria, she also was in a state of excitement ; she had full
confidence in her magnificent army, she was forefiedsby her
confidence in hersel even when smarting under her mili-
tary losses ; since he came into the house he had been in-
formed she was now fortified by recent military success.
This was hardly a time for calm reflection, but if either of
the belligerent powers should ask themselves whether they
have in any way contributed to bring about this state of
who the
shall
jaulldfirsrate
things he hoped this other reflection would also occur, that
promotei o f E uarno Europe andu
honourable,
e,verdictamoderate
w,will
stand infinitely best.
them more closely was whether the conduct of England had
in any way contributed 'to this Of if
war . course,the
question was whether the Governmentt had done everything
that the best intentions and greatest zeal could suggest,
no doubt the answer would be
in
the affirmative ; but there
was another question which could only be answered when
the papers were produced, and that w was whether they had
shown that skill, firmness, and ability
in dealing with this
important crisis which might have given evidence
satisfactory result. In justice to the noble earl teof a
he
must admit he had been always most explicit inhPl°
is'si
'
declara-
tions, but the explanations of the Government were so con-
tradictory, that they were puzzled to know whether the
Government had taken any particular step or with what
view. He had touched upon the various topics on which
he considered the Government was open to blame. It
might, therefore, be expected that he intended moving an
amendment .to the address. He bad no such intention,
and hid reason he would briefly state—lt had been usual on
a diasolution of Parliament to dissolve on the question on
which Government had been beaten. The Government
however had not taken that course, but appealed to the
country whether they possessed its confidence. The
answer to that appeal had now been given, and he
believed means would be taken in the other house to
ascertain the verdict. The speech on the dissolution had
censured the tone adopted by the late house, and he be-
lieved the Government had no right to make such a com-
plaint. He could not conceive a House of Commons
acting more fairly to a government in a minority. A large
portion of the Liberal party had supported them in the hope
of getting democratic measures, and on the last vote several
Liberals had gone with them. As to foreign affairs, it was
creditable to the House of Commons that on three different
occasions they left with the leaders the sole privilege of
speaking. The prudence with which their leaders spoke
was not only much to be admired, but it exercised the
greatest effect on the minds, of Austria, Sardinia, and
France. He did not deny the constitutional right of the
Government to dissolve, but the inexpediency of depriving
themselves of the supporti of parliament was shown by the
fact that the last step which made war inevitable was taken
only four days after the dissolution. The Government were
justified in dissolvinc,6 if they expected to get a majority, but
if they did they must have been greatly deceived ; they
would not be justified in doing so to strengthen their party
for future opposition. The opinion of the country had been
taken, and it would soon be decided by the vote of the other
house. If the decision should be adverse to the Govern-
ment he trusted the result would not be unsatisfactory to
the country, but if it should be in favour of the present
advisers of her Majesty, he for himself and for those around
him, begged to say that, whilst they would continue to
watch closely the proceedings of the Government, they
would
give them support when support could consistently
be given, and would abstain from anything like factious
opposition. (Hear, hear.) For these reasons he did not