The Sun.
London, England, 1859-07-14 00:00:00

THE NATIONAL GALLERY.

The following is an official account of the
pictures purchased since the 31st of March,.lßsß:
—A portrait of 'Jeanne d'Archel, by Antonj Moro,
was, with the sanction of the Trustees, and of the
Treasury purchased from Mr. C. J.Nieuwenhuys in
June, 1858. At a meeting of the Trustees, on the
19th of July, 1858, Sir C. E. Eastlake submittehdear
list of various pictures on the Continent, eit
already known to him, or which it appeared
ed to the
de-
sirable to inspect. He proposed -to
available funds might be employed in the purchase
of eligible. The
Continent oa the general understanpdrienege
of pictures which he might
Trusteesconsider
dipinggplyicLurAes
at the same
thaturchtaisi the
letter,
meeting,proposal waansda approved be
subsequently'
thely
by
Treasury
wdaetreedpu2r9ethha July,purchased on
eri tresß
Moretto ; a small picture of St. Francis, by Fillip-
half-length portrait of a Brescian nobleman, by
Continent T be fealciceo";
pino Lippi ; a picture of St. Dominick, ascribed to
Marco Zoppo; the upper portion of an altarpiece
representing ,
a Pieta ; the " Dead Christ,"
with
other figures, by Marco Palmezzano ; a bast por-
trait of a lady by Battista Zelotti ; " The Madonna
adoring the Sleeping Child," by Marco Basaiti ;
"The Madonna and Child,' by Cima da Congeliano ;
" A Pieta," y Carlo Crivelli. Sir Charles East-
lake's a—alone, but single pictures of excellence '
and
obtained only at a considerable outlay.
rtxorittoyo, observes°aoenti o
bne,:
Although the actual expenditure during the past year has
ns,ufffloreiecnerttrnaineanpsicftourretasi•
inangdadinvaontgre that
opthpoerre.
been comparatively small, large offers have been made, as
syheotui in ybaie
tunities Which may sometimes unexpectedly arise, it is not
desirable, whatever may be the balance now or for some
years to
,come, to diminish the annual grant. In reviewing
the acquisitions made of late years, it will appear that the
deficiency which had previously existed of specimens of
early Italian masters—a deficiency pointed out by the com-
mittee of the House of Common in 1853—has been in a
great degree supplied. The addition of specimens, whether
of the Italian or Northern Schools, of the great masters,
and of the maturer periods of art, will be at once more dif-
ficult and more costly ; and this is another reason for not
reducing the means at the disposal of the Trustees."
A picture of a blind man led by a girl, painted by
J. L. Dyckman ,s bequeathed by Miss J. Clarke,
was placed in the gallery in March last, and n .
other, given by the 'late M.l r. .. ICenv,cailen_
Boxall,d
.IGeraldine " (a half-length figure),
byt the South
Kensington Museum. As soon as
A.R.A., is to be placed or hung up
pe
at South Kensington are completed
a portion of
titaisintended
new galleries
to place in the larger of those galleries
as a tempo-
the pictures now in Trafalgar-square,
proy,osed to
rary arrangement, till the
ya
alterations
Gallery , on the
be made in the present National
ea_demy,
can be ca .rried out.
By this means it is
removal of the Rohl Academy,
that sufficient space will
be gained to hang thepictures in Trafal gar-square
circumstances, to
at range them
possible, under the .
3 tematically with regard to s.chools. 14
without undue crowding; although it u my not be
ed with glass in. the 1858,
• year
1 number of 64 •
p'sweresroenis visited Trafalgar-By:tat e, last year,
,11;Ic1151110'cl31 Four pictures 16r1 pictures
eattuorteas 'iteercet varnished duringirrafail ;atrh-square.
and 238,377 the pictures in Marlborough - house, now
removed to Kensington. The highest price given
for a picture last year was £641 for a Marco Ba-
saiti (Florence), and £537 for a Maroo 1
(Rome). The lowest wasj £2OO for an `Antooro, bought in London.' ?all me`AntonM

- - ,
THE TREA7re OF PEACE BETWEEN
FRANCE AND AUSTRIA.

(From the .Daily News.)
If a man is to receive the praises of this world
and remission in the next in consideration of all the
offences he hasnot committed ; if great criminals are
to be pardoned on account of all the harm they have
left undone, why, then, the author of the Peace of
Villafranca deserves all the credit due to peace-
makers. Test the Emperor of the French by the
designs imputed to him last Easter, by the secret
conspiracy with Russia for the dismemberment of
Europe, by the projected invasion of England, by
the descent upon Eg-ypt, the partition of Turkey, the
capture of Malta, Gibraltar, and Corfu, and a few
other trifling enterprises East and West, and we
cheerfully admit that Louis Napoleon has deserved
well of mankind for the clever feat of swerving
from the stone walls between the Mincio and the
Adige. He has with impartial perfidy disappointed
his calumniators and deceived his friends. We are
all so glad that the play is over, that we applaud
the manager for cheating us of half the playbill,
aad don't stop to inquire whether we have paid
our money for what was omitted or for what is
" underlined." Peace. to use Lord Brougham's
words, is a " blessed boon," and for England it is
almost one of the necessaries of life. We are too
dull to appreciate the glory of war, waged for its
own sake by a man to whom an army is either an
instrument of ambition or an arbiter of fate. We
see noble principles prostituted, and substantial in-
terests disturbed—for what ? To prove that an
Emperor can be a general without ever flaying
been a soldier, and that the art of war is more
easily learned than the arts of honesty and justi,..e.
England is not without i enroach in Italy ; but we
are thankful that it th dark business of Villa-
franca her hands at least e clean. We can have
no other possiblei nterest Italy than an honest
desire for the welfare at i• people, for its inde-
pendence and freedom ir.: . foreign yoke ; for its
healthy and spontaneol , development ; for its
speedy acquisition and re maintenance of all
those liberties of thou I ed conscience, and
action, which we cherish a, - daily bread of great
and growing. nations. : :eve no interest in
making bargains with .--spotism on earth for
the preservation of priestly misrule in Rome as a
flying buttress to the Vv.:lllv of the sword in
Catholic Empires. We clf to see an Italy for
the Italians, and all foreign. -:Lence and interven-
tion in that Peninsula. 'na:_' removed. We desire
to see the people of L t choosing their own rulers
and forms of government, and living under the
liberal protection of equal laws. We cannotrecognise
arbita ary settlements, in which the breakers of trea-
ties e't -gip their own decisions against public law
. p-iople's rights, and traffic away the lives and
lleerties of populatiens with smiling ease and cor-
diality. This is the work of Monarchs who do not
understand their age, and whose contempt for
humanity is a religious principle. When the French
Emperor proposes to the Austrian to inaugurate a
better state of things in Italy under joint proteC-
tion, and the patronage of the Pope, England may
well be content to wonder how the Austrian-
French ideas of political amelioration are to pre-
vail, and to hold her peace. When a " universal
amnesty" emanates from Louis Napoleon, we are
anxious to know whether the exiles of Lambessa
aad Cayenne are comprised in the act of mercy, or
only the volunteers who, under Garibaldi, forced a
passage for the French legions in Lombardy—the
Tuscans, the Modenese, the Parmesans, and the
citizens of the Romagna who preferred death in
battle beside the soldiers of France in a " war of
independence" to an infamous neutrality under the
sway of Austrian satellites ? The Emperor of the
French is a master of irony ; but we ara imperfect
admirers of this sort of rhetoric in action, and we
are more and more persuaded that, it our neu-
trality was simply prudence during the war, it is a
duty of honour to maintain it now.
Louis Napoleon returns to Paris a conqueror and
a peace-maker, leaving discontents to fructify in
Italy, and jealousies to ripen in Germany. His
army has tasted blood, snuffed the spoil, and learnt
the secret of quick promotion, Fifty thousand
dead men have had too much )i. glory, and as
many more, no doubt, enough of k and to spare ;
but the survivors in the hospitals would gladly
have stood another chance or two of winning the
cross of honour, or an epaulette. These men will
not be rocked to sleep by a Te Deum, and will pant
for another forty days' dash at some enemy or
• other. Thirty thousand French soldiers have lost
the opportunity of firing a shot in earnest this sum-
mer, and have fought with nothing but dust,
diarrhoea, and extortionate innkeepers. How will
these defrauded followers of Prince Napoleon
Jerome be pacified ? Then there are the national
forces in the P.,Nmagna, just organising for self-de-
fence and for t:r.tional independence. What will
become of General Ulloa, and his soldiers,
when his Holiness (of Perugia) as as-
sumed the " Honorary" Presidency of the
Confederation, of which Austria. oy another
name, will be so considerable a member ?
How will General Garibaldi and his gallant re-
cruits from all parts of Italy accept the terms of a
peace which makes Austrian domination securer,
because more compact, in Italy, in making it the
ally and accomplice of French Imperialism and
Papal infallibility ? These are pressing difficulties
not to be set aside or juggled away, and they pre-
sage too clearly a new ,era of turbulence and dis-
order, of sanguinary reprisals, of oppressive inter-
ventions, under the honorary Presidency of the
Pope, assisted by a twin tutelage of "eldest sons."

(From the Times.)
The Peace followed upon the heels of the armis-
tice quicker than even we could have anticipated.
The great conjuror of the age fought three battles
and had an hour's conversation with vanquished
Austria; and lo ! at the end of this short conference
Lombardy is at °nee ceded to France, and Italy
becomes a Confederation under the honorary Pre-
sidency of the Pope. The changes are so swift that
the eye is dazzled. We cannot seize the form im-
mediately presented to the brain before the image
is gone, and another takes its place. A few days
ago we were talking of a Congress to prevent the
war. A week ago the world was speculating about
the chances of Austria successfully resisting France.
The battles had their turn. Then that tremendous
Quadrilateral occupied all thoughts. But yester-
day down went all speculations and conjectures
and interest in cara?s and cannon, and two new
European kingdoms stood in full existence, created
in asouple of hours, stamped on the public mind
by the vibration of a telegraph wire. " The Em-
peror of Austria cedes the kingdom of Lombardy
to the Emperor of Fr..nce." Austria, then, has
been thoroughly beaten out of her old characteristic
69stinacy. Peschiera and' Verona, Mantua and
Lagnano, the line of the Adige, and the lagunes of
• euiee—all are abandoned, all are given up.
Francis Joseph candidly and without reticence con-
iesses himself, as Mr. -Cobden would say, erum_
i„; up." He at once and with his 300,000 men
gee:•.: right out of Italy, and Italy relieved from his
weight swells up into• an independent Confedera-
tke, How can we show our face to the world with
suet news as this upon our broad sheet ? What
has the Times now to say in defence of its ungener-
ous suspicions ? How shall we make our apology
to the much calumniated Emperor of the French ?
How shall we meet the triumph and the scorn of
the friends of liberty whom we were weak enough
. to warn ? Rumble recantation is all that is left to
us. Let us, then, join the Radicals of England, the
Carbonari of Italy, the exiles of Poland, and the
great political apostle of Hungary, in singing the
glories of Napoleon 111. ! Let us—although the
last of his converts, and scarcely meet to be called
a convert—let us swallow in shame all our ungene-
rous misgivings, and rejoice that now, and in very
deed, Italy is free from the Alps to the Adriatic !
But, soft ! In this rush of telegrams,—in this
jostling of quick messages that come from all parts
of the world and mingle the voices of all European
capitals, there are some sounds that jar upon the
general joy. What can be the meaning of this new
announcement,—what can be the nature of this
bitter drop, which
causes the foam of enthusiasm to
subside. which curdles our warm,
mantling sympa-
thies
? Italy must be free, for
fr Emperor has
unbelieving, said it, and who but the ungenerous,
untrusting Times hesitates to believe the Emperor ?
Yet, this enthronement of the Pope, and this resto-
ration of the Grand Dukes, and this detention of
Venetia and the Mincio by Austria,
is an
naltered
version of the first message from Emperor to
the Einpress. Yes, Italy is free. But it is free,
not in a demooratical, or constitutional, or popular
sense, but in a Napoleonic sense. Freedom is a
word of many meanings, and it often takes its colour
from they reflex of the interests of the man who
uses it. Freedom in. Sparta did not mean that the
helots were not to be put to death if they grew
too _numerous or too troublesome. Freedom in
It4ly does not mean that the inhabitants are to
have any v, )ice in their own government. Italy is
free, but it ie free under Imperial conditions. Lom-
bardy, conqu :red by France and abandoned by Aus-
tria, has been tossed over to the King of Sardinia.
Nobody can a ly that Lombardy is not free. She
might have lu td notions of the renovations of the
old DuChy as s i Federal State; and Milan may have
objections, to be made an appanage of Turin, but
she had better r from this time forward keep these
follies to her :self. She is free' aid she must be
satisfied. Sc , also is Venice free. She is free
under Austril s. What more can she want ? Surely
she has not t.! tie folly to, dream of the days of Dan-
dolo Austr is will perhaps give her one of
aAus-
tria's own A schdulres ; and an army, whose bands
shall enlive ,n the Piaiza an Marco ; and well-
dressed offfi iera, who et 'II 04 to the pfcturesque

costumes that give life to the scene in that magni-
ficent square. Is Venice discontented ? Then she
does not know what freedom is, as Napoleon knows
and as our ultra-liberal friends in England know.
But let her not speak foolish discontents too loudly.
It is only a slice of Lombardy which has been
handed over to Sardinia—" Lombardy to the line
of the Mincio." Betwixt the " line" of the Mincio
and Venetia there are two large rivers which run
down to the Po, and the land watered by those
rivers is thick with first-class fortresses. It is the
old Austrian iron gate by which she entered Italy
at her will ; it is the lair of Austrian despotism, to
which she retired when there was danger in the
plains. Hence she could speed her tens of thou-
sands to crush any nascent exposition of discon-
tent. Ye free Sardinian Lombards, who enjoy
your freedom under the shadow of the western
walls of these great fortresses, and ye liberated
Venetians who, as you cultivate your Continental
possessions, can look up to cannon that frown upon
those eastern bastions, be not too loud in your free
talk. This country also is free. It lies between
the Alps and the Adriatic, and it must be free.
With Venice it shares the honour of being free
under Austria. But it is free as a pure Austrian
possession—an outpost of the Tyrol, advancing like
a wedge right into the body of Northern Italy ; it
is crammed with trooßs and arms as it has ever
been, and from it armies could be thrown out by
railways and might reach Milan or Venice in a few
hours. Austria still has, and by this Treaty, is to
continue to have, this terrible Quadrangle.
In those cities, therefore, it were better to
talk softly of the newly-acquired free-
dom, and to • congratulate each other in
whispers upon the glorious consummation of
their patron Emperor's promise of driving the
Austrians from Italy and making her free from the
Alps to the Adriatic. Tuscany, and Modena are
also free. They are free by their own acts, for
they expelled their two Sovereigns, and then sent
off to the Emperor Napoleon half their youth as
volunteers. The free citizens of Tuscany and
Modena fought against their expelled Sovereigns
at Solferino, and helped Louis Napoleon to drive
them away. This was a mistake on both sides.
The true freedom for which the Tuscans and
Modenese were fighting consists in taking back their
old rulers, and, if their Grand Dukes had known
their true interests. they, -would have been in the
camp of the French, and not in that of the Aus-
trian Emperor. Hippias is going back to Athens
again—the freedom of Athens requires his restora-
tion.
Archbishop Whately insists that half the quar-
rels of the world arise from an inattention to its
logic—people will not mind their definitions. This
is the cause of the difference that separated us some
time ago from the English Radicals and Italian
sympathisers. If they had only defined what they
meant by Italian liberty, and defined it in the sense
in which it now appears, we should never have
doubted the intentions of Louis Napoleon to give
it them. Without being extreme in our sympa-
thies for Italy, we must confess that if we had sent
Lord Stratford or Lord Clarendon to a Congress to
do what England could for Italy, and if Lord Strat-
ford or Lord Clarendon had come back, waving his
hat, and shouting, " Italy is free !" and if it turned
out that he had left Austria at Peschiera, at
Mantua, and at Venice, and had forced back the
Grand Dukes upon Tuscany and Modena, and
that this was what he called Italian freedom,
we should have been very much tempted to
cry out lustily for the impeachment of Lord
Stratford or Lord Clarendon as a traitor. If
we had had any notion that this was what
M. Kossuth and the gentlemen of Birmingham
and other idolators of the Emperor Napoleon
desired, we think we could have got it for them
without strewing Italy with corpses and crowding
the hospitals with miserable mangled soldiers.
There is nothing in all this which might not
have been wrung from Austria by force of diplo-
macy. It ought not to hurt her pride, and it
greatly increases her strength. She is relieved of
the trouble of governing one turbulent and expen-
sive province, and she retains the power of devas-
tating it whenever she may please. She is now
placed in Italy like a swordfish beside a whale.
Austria is all weapon,—ltaly is all prey. Austria
has only surrendered whit she might at any me•
ment take back, but what she is probably now too
wise to desire. Sardinia has got what she must
hold on. sufferance, and what, if attacked, she could
not defend. When the satraps of Austria are re-
established at Florence and at Modena, and when
she stands armed to the teeth, dominant and irre-
sistiblo in the Italian Confederation, Austria will
be greater in Italy than she ever yet has been. If
England had dared to propose this to her before
the fight began, she could not have refused it; and
now it seems that 100,000 lives would have been
saved, and Italy would have been just as much
" free ,from the Alps to the Adriatic." Such are
the consequences of people not being in accord as
to tlie sense of the words they use. But we must
in justice to ourselves explain that the error has
not been ours alone. The man of all men who
should have understood the Emperor Napoleon,
the man who of all men understands the cause of
Italy, the man who of all men Italy hailed as her
Statesman as she hailed master as her Cham-
pion—Count Cavour—was, like ourselves, deceived,
—the Free Italy that he imagined was very unlike
that which the two Emperors have devised, and in
disgust he has retired from the high position he has
so long filled, unable to meet the reproaches of
those whose hopes he had excited and whose indig-
nation he has so much cause to dread.

(From the .Morning Post.)

Now that the war that we all shrank from is
over, and the peace that we all longed for is con-
cluded, it cannot be amiss to ask the British public
what it thinks of the position of England at this
moment with respect to the Italian question ?
What is the spectacle which we present to our con-
tinental neighbours? Where are the dignity, and
the strength of utterance, and the purity of, pur-
pose, and constraining influence, which we have
been wont to exhibit whenever great European in-
terests have been in the balance ? England is lite-
rally nowhere. We, the leaders in the van of pro-
gress ; we, without whom no great European ques-
tion ought to be entertained, no great continental
war undertaken, no great peace concluded ; we,
who are entitled to be not only heard but heeded ;
we, who have bragged and boasted—not without
reason—of our proud preeminence ; where are we
now ? What have we to do with the readjustment
of the map of Europe ? We, who have advocated
freedom all over the world, who have so boldly de-
nounced tyranny everywhere, and especially the
tyranny of one nation over another, who have
talked large things about the rights of Italy, the
sacredness of her cause, and the cruelty of her op-
pressions—what have we done to help her ? We,
who took such childish fright at the thought of
another Napoleon in Italy ; who talked, wherever
a knot of Englishmen could be got together, of per-
fidious designs and masked cunning, and of fearful
dangers to Europe; who drew imaginary pictures
of universal war, reproduced in anticipation the
confusions and conflicts of the early part of the cen-
tury, and spoke of the Continent as on the eve of
blazing from one end to the other—we, gallant
creatures who did and uttered all these foolish
things, what have we done to prevent them ? We,
who predicted all these terrors, what is to become
of us now that all are falsified? Who can console
the Saturday Review ? who resuscitate the faith of
its admirers in journalism ? How Europe must stare
at us ! The servants of David, with their beards
shorn and their garments cut somewhat shorter than
a Highlandman's kilt, presented a letter figure
than we do, and had not half so much reason to be
ashamed.

The Government of Lord Derby must be held
primarily responsible for our present humiliation.
True, the Press is answerable for much ; the un-
thinking public, who likes to be led by a newspaper,
while strongly asserting nevertheless an entiresupe
riority to any influence exercised by it, is answer-
able for much ; but those who represented England
on the Continent, who were charged with [the re-
sponsibility of upholding her place among the
Great Powers, whose duty it was to read the signs
of the times, to discern and to embrace the oppor-
tunities before them—these are the men on whom
rests the lasting odium of our present position.
These are the men who denounced the war that
they might have prevented, and who, we presume,
are prepared now inconsistently to rejoice in a
peace which they contributed mainly to destroy.
A reference to the published correspondence in re-
lation to France and Italy will show that there was
a period • when, if England had shown any real
sympathy with Italian grievances, any proper tru.t
in the Emperor of the French. and any firmness in
her representations to, the Court of Vie nna, the
whole affair would have been prevented, and the
Italian question have been solved without the loss
of a single life or the firing of a single shot. Had
our Government acted up to the spirit of the French
alliance, instead of strengthening the obstinacy of
Austria and encouraging her hope that she had
something more to expect from us than empty
complimentarywnu havel
would
been ae
sCongressp e
no
inn
stuh
lea aff
free,ai affairs
andof haveltal y
settledwhich
that which the
e
lastsympathy, there would certainly
resortd has been so rapidly and
brilliantly determin
elcnthsabeslwords of France and
Sardinia. But an in eh
Ita-
lian wrongs, and a distrust of indifferencee to
e acts and his
good faith of
Napoleon, who, judged by
his publicht
behaviour towards this country, has every claim to
confidence and cordiality •, these Were
he leading
considerations that held back from asserting her
, rightful influence.
I Deserted by. England, France took up Italy sing.