The Sun.
London, England, 1832-08-04 00:00:00

its crooked and tortuous course with the
straighter and plainer track his better judgment
has manifestly been striving to pursue. He sees
clearly, and by the commencement of all his le-
gislative endeavours he proves that he sees
clearly, that rebellion is not to be put down by
conciliation, nor robbery by negotiation ; but he
is also painfully conscious, and by the close of
F all his labours he betrays that he is painfully con-
scious, that for him it is necessary to conciNte
E' the rebel, and to negotiate with the robber's horde.
He will come to no compromise with the man
f against whom he has let loose the terrors of the
law ! he will regulate the importation of arms
• into provinces where there is such evil in their
I secret accumulation ; he will not swerve from
one enactment of the Irish Reform Bill ; he
• will not confiscate one doit of the property of
the Irish Church. But the Forty have borne
Mr. Stanley and his friends through the toil
and trouble of many a stormy night. The
Forty must still be retained in their bribed and
bought allegiance. And so there is a coin-
' promise with the Liberator, and an abandon-
ment of the Importation of Arms Bill. And
Mr. Stanley has liberally conceded much on the
question of Irish Reform ; and Mr. Stanley, for
aught we know, is ready to concede more on
the question of Church spoliation. To do him
justice, he spares not hard words and fierce
threats ; and he administers the rod from time
to time with all the ferocity of newly-mounted
boyhood. But it is to no purpose ; he must
turn at last whithersoever his quadruped would
I turn. Daniel O'Connell is Mr. Stanley's " ob-
stinate mule." But look at that ancient and
respectable Gentleman, the " Captain of the
Troop," the cavalier with the bald front and the
figure bent, not bowed, by years ; who talks so
unhappily of " his kindred," and who swears so
sadly "by his head." Upon what an ugly ani-
mal is he mounted ! So long as he leaves the
rein quietly on the creature's neck it advances at a
contented trot, switching its tail and curling its long
ears in a delicious consciousness of undisputed au-
thority. There never was so amiable and temperate
a nag. But if he attempts to turn him to the
right, or casts but a sidelong glance to the left,
if he uses the lash to hasten or the rein to check,
down goes the head and up goes the tail, and,
after a picturesque series of evolutions behind
and evolutions before, the old man is laid sprawl-
ing in the dirtiest puddle by the roadside, whence
he arises, laughed at by his friends, and pitied
by his enemies, to proceed on his involuntary
travel, and pay greater deference to his wayward
brute. Is not the Times newspaper Lord Grey's
" obstinate mule ?" It is better to be servant to
the caprice of a gentleman than to the humours
of a gentleman's gentleman ; and we would ra-
ther
be governed by the indiscretion and incapa-
city of a Whig Cabinet, than see, as we now
see, the traitor, the hypocrite, the demagogue,
and the libeller, for ever viceroys over them.—
Morning Post.
The most important result of Mr. H. L. Bul-
wer's motion, on Thursday night, was, not the
explanation which it drew from the Noble Se-
cretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to the effect
that our Government could not, consistently
with punctilio, interfere between the German
States and their Diet, but the declaration of
Colonel Evans that the interference so dis-
claimed had actually taken place. In conformity
with some subtle provision of the code diplo-
matique, the Noble Viscount, while he tacitly
admitted the correctness of this unofficial com-
munication, refrained from putting the country
in possession of the precise nature of the pro-
ceeding alluded to ; so that whether it was that
he shook his ambrosial curls, or launched a
thunderbolt, is, to the present moment, a pro-
found mystery. In whatever manner, however,
he expressed the feelings of a British Minister
towards the authors of the Frankfort decree,
whether with the soothing suavity of a Castle-
reagh, or the wrathful grandeur of a Chatham,
it is, we firmly believe, of equally little conse-
quence to those in whose behalf lie interested
himself. The German States will gain no ad-
vantage from the motion. What ! will the mem-
bets of the Holy Alliance, which, in this famous
measure, has consummated its long-exposed de-
signs against the dawning freedom of central
Europe—will they, at the smile or the
frown of an English Minister, level the dyke
which they have reared up, as they solemnly
proclaim, to shield them from the approaching
spring-tide of revolution ? Will they, when their
existence is thus at stake, and their power to
protect it most unequivocal, lay it down re-
resignedly at our bidding, after having bearded
us some years ago in the same cause, when we
had as much reason, and they far less, to be con-
fidentin their strength, than at present.? Are we,
in sober truth, now prepared to act more vigor-
ously than we were when Canning felt himself
compelled to look on in patience while the army
of Angouleme trampled out the light of liberty
in that land for which we had but a short time
previously made such exertions and sacrifices ?
After all the silent dreams of German patriots,
and the loud ravings which we have heard at
home on the project of converting the minor
States of the Confederation into an independent
kingdom, are we ready, even with France at our
side, to set on foot an expedition to that intent
and purpose—to lay on the taxes—to march an
army of 50,000 or 100,000 men into the centre
of the continent (another being left at home to
collect tithes and rent in Ireland), to unfurl the
standard of " opinions" and civil war, and at the
same time contemplate the possibility of being de-
feated in the end, and compelled to witness a new
scene in the old game of partition ? The treaty of
Vienna is pointed to with extraordinary solemnity,
and we are adjured to vindicate our guarantee of
German freedom. It is the habit now-a-days to
construe treaties, not according to their ueequi-
vocal letter, nor according to their obvious spirit,
but in a spirit contrary to their letter. Without
proceeding the length of this latter refinement of
interpretation, we ask any man to look at the treaty
of Vienna, taking into his consideration the state
of all Europe, which was its subject matter, recol-
lecting the British statesman under whose aus-
pices it was drawn up, and then, if he can come
to the conclusion that England seriously pledged
herself to become the protectress of the Con-
federation, to obtain and maintain the liberty of
its members ? The Emperors of Austria and
Russia, with the King of Prussia, a, made pro-
mises of Constitutions, ex 7nero motu, in order
to excite resistance to Bonaparte. What had
we—what had Lord Castlereagh, our represen-
tative—to say to them ? Was he so zealous for
freedom's cause, when made the boon-companion
of Kings and Emperors—when he agreed to
force Norway into a union with a country she
hated—when he chained Genoa to Sardinia,
Austria,
Catholic
e Bonelegiohamlf
toofProtestant
Saxony to
Prussia,Venice to a
and
Holland ? The notion is an absolute delusion.
Lord Castlereagh himself, declared the true and
sole object of the treaty, which was " to effect
the re-establishment and re-organization of those