The Sun.
London, England, 1835-10-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

By the last accounts from Toplitz it appears that
the only point relating to the meeting of the three So-
vereigns yet ascertained is, that their sojourn at that
place will be extremely short. Those of the German
papers that pretend to any knowledge of the object 1
which brings the three Sovereigns together after the
reviews of Kalisch talk of the affairs, of Spain, and
the definitive settlement of the Belgian question. With
regard to the latter, however, we know that little is
left to the three Powers to settle ; and as to the for-
mer, they must be aware that no partial deliberations
of their own could possibly hasten a crisis. It is, in
fact, too absurd to think that the three absolutist So-
vereigns should be talking at Toplitz about regulating
the affairs of Spain, when England and France would
not be admitted to say a word about the matter.
Then, it may be asked, if it be neither the Spanish nor
the Belgian question that is to engage the attention of
the three. Sovereigns, what can possibly be the object
of their meeting ? We should be somewhat at a loss
entirely to satisfy cariosity on that head ; but judging
from a variety of' facts, indications, and appearances,
we may venture to say the meeting had been brought
about by the Russian Emperor chiefly with the view
of having an opportunity of cultivating the new Aus-
trian Emperor's personal friendship, and thereby se-
curing the continuance of that political alliance which,
during the life of Francis, has given a moral strength
to each empire that has materially facilitated the policy
of both. Although the Sovereigns have been pre-
ceded at Toplitz by their respective MiniSters for
Foreign Affairs, there is no reason to think that any
formal diplomatic councils will be held, and still less
that 'any protocols will be signed. The very shortness
of the intended stay at Toplitz shows, in fact, that
nothing of the kind will take place. The affairs of Europe
will probably undergo discussion, and all parties will
come to some general understanding as to the way in
which the yet unsettled questions ought to be disposed
of, and the part it behoves each to take with the view of
bringing about a settlement without recourse to arms.
The deliberations will probably be closed on its being
agreed that the political- intimacy between the mem-
bers of the late Holy Alliance has undergone no
abatement, so diet the interests of the absolutist cause
shall continue to be duly protected against any pos-
sible effects of the league which is tacitly forming
among the constitutional States of the west of Europe.
The Emperor Ferdinand, though represented as a sin-
cere friend to peace, is said fully to acquiesce in the
propriety of an armed alliance with Russia and Prussia,
as a means of keeping clown the progress of constitu-
tionalism in Germany, and prevent its making an ap-
pearanc3 in any part of his own disjointed dominions.
But he does not consent to the dismemberment of
Turkey, and it is not likely that any allusion will be
made at Toplitz to that vital question. Prince Met-
ternicli attends his Majesty, and will of course have
the direction of any diplomatic conferences that may
be held there, so that on the part of Austria no de-
parture from the odd line of policy is to be apprehended.

It is in the recollection of the public that when the
Quadruple Alliance was set on foot, the Whig Mi-
nisters were greatly applatided by their sycophants in
the Press and the House of Commons for having suc-
ceeded, as they said, in forming such a clo§e and in-
timate union between Erance and England, as would

effectually counteract the designs of the confederated
Powers of the North, commonly called the Holy Al-
liance. In vain did we argue that noreliance could be•
placed on the sincerity of the French Government ;_
that Louis Phillippe, v: bile cajoling our Ministers into a
treaty which was to counteract the political schemes of
the northern Congress, was secretly paying court to the
absolute Sovereigns, more especially to the Autocrat
of Russia. Day after day we pointed out instances
of perfidy to liberal .principles on the part of the
French Government, which betrayed the real character
of the policy of the Tuileries ; which showed to all but
the stupidly blind that the great object of the Citizen
King's intrigues were to propitiate the Autocrat of
Russia, and deceive the Liberal Cabinet of England.
Who will now venture to assert that in both those
objects Louis Phillippe has not-been eminently success-
ful ? Has he not obtained the praises of the official
organs of the Holy Alliance ? Do they not speak of
him as if he had wiped out the stain of the Barricades,
and purified a revolutionary title into a legitimate one ?
Are not his " Fieschi laws," which have reduced
France to a state of slavery that the ordonnanees of
Charles X. failed to accomplish, appealed to as re-

deeming merits which quagly the. usurper of his cou-
sin's throne, as the Absolutists used to consider him,
to be admitted into the company of legitimate Sove-
reigns ? The conduct of Louis Phillippe to the brave
and unfortunate Poles was sufficient to stamp his cha-
racter for what it was worth in our estimation. Yet it
was subsequent to the memorable exclamation, on the
taking of Warsaw, of his then Foreign Minister, So-
bastiani, and while he was actually persecuting the
Polish fugitives, that the 'Radical Lord Durham
courted his favour, and that Lord Brougham fulsomely
praised him as the " constitutional Sovereign of France."
But the many glaring inconsistencies of the mock
Liberals of the present day who can recount ?
Events have fully justified the following observations
of our Toplitz Correspondent in reference to the fool-
ish policy which our pseudo-Liberal Statesmen have
pursued on the absurd notion that the deceitful and in-
triguing Government of France could ever he brought
to co-operate with this country. " One of the French
Journals lately asked," says our Correspondent, " ' Are
we to be represented at Toplitz ?' and another replied
to it, 'Yes, the censorship is our representation ;' and
I believe that answer to be true. It is the incense of
the King of the Barricades at the altar of legitimacy
and despotism. It is the price which he offers for the
succession of his children. That France, politically
speaking, is false, ever has been false, and ever will be
false, is a truth which England must long since have
got by heart. Vinegar and oil will sooner combine
than the two nations. She will borrow our aid, when
threatened by the rest of Europe, as the recognition of
the King of England was the cause of the acknow-
ledgment of Louis Phillippe by the other Powers ; but if
her interest can be advanced by leaving us at the turn
of the road, she will do so without notice, and pass, as

we have seen her do this year, from the constitutional sys-
tem, which she swore to advance, to the embraces, or
rather to the feet of absolutism." While more than
one Whig Paper has been playing the game of Russia
for some years past, we have seized every proper op-
portunity to keep the public mind awake to the dan-
gerous encroachments of that ambitious Power, which
was the more necessary, on account of the many ad-
vantages which the subtle and circumventing politi-
cians of St. Petersburgh have been enabled to take of
the imbecility of our Government. On this subject
the correspondent whom we have before quoted says—
" Let, therefore, France play her fickle part, England
should have one ruling principle, and that is to keep
Russia out of Constantinople. The sooner we begin
the better. It is the cause of Europe and of civili-
zation ; and not a hand will now be raised to inter-
fere with us, while yet a little, and we shall find that
all these meetings, and all these Congresses have no
other origin than the anxiety which Russia feels to
secure the aid of Austria and Prussia, to bind them
more closely to her side, until she feels strong enough
to spring upon her prey, and consummate that robbery
which she has been so long meditating. Above all,
let us act for ourselves and by ourselves. War with
us is not weakness. Secure the neutrality of other
nations, if we can, but in any case hew down that
Colossus now at our mercy, which threatens one day
to overwhelm our maritime and commercial supre-
macy." We recommend these observations to the at •
tention of Lord Palmerston and his colleagues, who,
by not insisting that the treaty of Hunkier Skelessi
should be cancelled, surrendered to Russia advantages
which England ought never to have conceded, unless
extorted from her by the sword of conquest. And
would Russia at that time have dared to encounter
the perils of a war with this country ? She has done
better—she has won the spoils without the risk of war.
—Morning Herald.
It is one of the first duties of the Government to
exercise a strict economy in the expenditure of the
public money, and to refuse their acquiescence in all
demands upon the national purse, for which there is
not a strictly legal claim, or one founded upon the

clearest and most evident necessity. Nothing would be
easier, for men who were desirous only of saving them-
selves trouble, and preserving or procuring the support
of influential classes of their countrymen, as political i
partisans, than to favour demands, which would no
doubt be soon poured in upon them, for grants of public
money, to which every body of men interested in a
particular application of it would doubtless con-
sider themselves as presenting a very fair and
legitimate claim. It is the readiness with which
public money has been squandered away, in one
shape or other, that has constituted one of the chief
evils of the old anti-reforming system of Government;
and a Ministry which desires to stand well with the
country in these times, must be prepared to act upon
more frugal principles, and to show that whether asked
for by clergy or laity, Churchmen or Dissenter, no
money goes out of the public purse with their consent,
unless it can be shown to be absolutely fitting and ne-
cessary to make the outlay, and therefore expedient for
them to sanction an application to Parliament on the
subject. It would be neglecting
their duties, and for-
feitma their characters as prudent and constitutional
Ministers, if they were to take any other course. It
was considerations of this kind, doubtless, that made his
Majesty's Ministers hesitate to accord with the request
of the heads of the Church of Scotland, for a grant of pub-
lic money in furtherance of the objects of the religious Es-
tablishment in that part of the United Kingdom. Govern-
ment very wisely and properly said, Let us see whether
a grant be necessary—let us inquire into the means
of religious instruction already existing in Scotland—
that we may be able to go before Parliament in a pro-
per and business-like manner to ask for what may
prove to be necessary. But it is also evident, that if
inquiry be expedient as a preliminary to an application
for a parliamentary grant, such inquiry, to be fairly
conducted, ought to be prosecuted by persons not ex-
clusively connected with those who seek for the grant,
but representing in some measure the feelings and
sentiments of the community at large. It appears, how-
ever, to have given great offence to the heads of the
Church of Scotland, that the Government Commis-
sion, appointed in consequence of their request for pe-
cuniary assistance, is not entirely composed according
to their own liking. We inserted the other day the
" remonstrance" of the General Assembly on this
subject. It is curious that the Dissenters of Scotland,
now a very numerous and respectable body,
complain of •the same Commission, because of
the great preponderance given to the members
of the Scotch Establishment in its composition.
They declare that there are in Scotland " eight
hundred congregations of Dissenters, and not more
than 1,100 Established Churches or Chapels of
Ease ;" and, therefore, they contend that the Commis-
sion ought to be, in fairness, selected after a similar
scale. It is perfectly clear that no Commission which
could be imagined could satisfy all parties ; and it must
he also evident to every impartial person, that the Go •
vernment can have no other object than that of arriving
at the truth. Perhaps, the fact of this Commission
being attacked on opposite grounds by both parties,
will operate in its favour with those who see it through
a fair and unprejudiced medium. Certainly the mem-
bers of the Scotch Church are not the parties who
ought to complain of its actual composition.—Morn-
in

. The news from Constantinople, which will be
found elsewhere, point to the objects of Lord Dur-
ham's mission—to the highly honourable reception
which he has met with from the Turkish Cabinet—
and the evident attempts of the Russian Cabinet not
only. to blind him, by an excess of attention, to its
real designs, but to prevent him from seeing and
knowing more of them than she cannot conceal.
He has been treated by the " Porte and the diplomatic
body," says one of the articles to which we refer,
" with remarkable attention"—" the Sultan has
given him two of his principal officers to act in the
capacity of extraordinary Mehmanders"—" has sent
his Lordship presents with the unaccustomed
favour of a Hatti-Scheriff"—and further ordered
that wherever his Lordship may choose to .go his
slightest wishes shall be immediately gratified. Fur
ther, it is stated that " Count Strogonoff, who is now
in Greece on a matrimonial expedition, is to return
to Constantinople immediately, for the purpose of
accompanying the Noble Earl to the Black Sea."
All these marks of attention—all these extraordinary
regards—have no doubt been dictated by the cunning
policy of the Russian Cabinet, and are rather to be
regarded as symptoms of its fear of the effects which
the mission of Lord Durham may produce, than as
omens of the sincere regard entertained by it, or by the
Ottoman Court, for the English Ambassador. The
accustomed hospitality of the latter—we mean the
Ottoman Court—would readily account for the ex-
traordinary attention paid to Lord Durham, were
it not that the Sultan is a cipher in the matter,
and that he cannot do anything which is not agreeable
to the Court of Russia. All-, in fact, that has been
done in the shape of attention to Lord Durham is the
result
,of Russian fear, and of Russian endeavour to
blind, as we have already said, the Noble Earl who
has been dispatched for a great and important purpose,
to the real character of Russian policy, and thereby to
diminish his efforts in the cause—the great national
cause—whiCh he has been commissioned to advocate
and to enforce—the abolition of the treaty entered into
_between Russia and Turkey, whereby the latter, at the
request of the former, is bound to close the Dardanelles.
'We trust that the Noble Lord is too highly impressed
with the importance of his mission, to allow himself, as
it is alleged that he did on a former and similar occa-
sion, to become the tool of Russian blandishments
—that he will keep its main object entrusted to his
care perpetually before him—and that when he returns
he will have the satisfaction of being able to inform
the British public, that the secret and dishonourable
treaty to which we refer, has lived its life out, and is at
an end, so far as Britain is concerned. The public
expects this much of him, and nothing less. Let him
succeed or fail in his endeavours—but let him make no
improper concession. The people of England will
back his best efforts, as well as find a justification for
his failure, in case that they do fail ;. but they will not
pardon any disgraceful compromise of British interests,
or base adhesion to Russian policy.—Morn. Advertiser.

ADULTERATED FLOUR —Lime constitutes a large
portion of the chemical components of pure wheat. To
detect lime put into flour, by the hand of man, it is not
sufficient that chemical analysis of the suspected flour
should demonstrate lime, for a considerable quantity of lime
is sure to be found in it ; the proof of the adulteration
would be better obtained by placing a portion of the flour
in water, and examining the sediment ; for, if the lime be
placed there by the hand of man, it will precipitate with-
out any chemical agent ; but if chemically placed there
by the hand of nature, it will not precipitate without a re-
agent.

INCENDIARY FIRES.—A barn filled with corn, the
property of Mr. Hollis, was destroyed by fire at Lodsworth,
near Petworth, on Monday night. On the same night, a
wheat-rick at River, near Petworth, was also destroyed.
Both cases are supposed to be the act of incendiaries.
Another fire, the work of an incendiary, also broke out on
Church Farm, Newick, which is in the occupation of Mr.
Ellis, the overseer, about midnight, on Monday. A wheat-
stack, which was expected to produce six or seven loads of
thrashed wheat, was consumed, and great fears were enter-
tained for the adjoining property, but the progress of the
flames was finally checked.—Hampshire Telegraph.

OUTRAGEOUS ATTACK ON A LADY.—On Sa-
turday as the Countess of Berkeley was passing near Cran-
ford-bridge she was accosted by a sandman named Richard
Hopwood, living at Egham, who in the most insolent tone
demanded payment for some sand he alleged he had left at
the Countess's residence, Cranford Park, near Hounslow.
The Countess not complying with the fellow's demand he
commenced a violent attack on her Ladyship, to whom he
applied the most opprobrious epithets, threatening he would
do for her, and followed her into the village of Cranford,
where, to escape his violence, she was forced to seek refuge
in the house of one of her tenants, who keeps the Berkeley
Arms in that village, on which the fellow decamped. In-
formation of the outrage having been given to Cook, the
indefatigable High Constable of Heston, he, with the
greatest promptness, apprehended the fellow, whom he yes-
terday conveyed before Lord Montfort, a local Magistrate,
at his residence Southall Park, when the Countess attended,
and detailed the outrageous manner in which she had been
treated by the ruffian. Her Ladyship stated that the sand
for which he demanded payment had been left at her resi-
dence contrary to her orders. The prisoner said nothing
in his defence, and was committed to the House of Correc-
tion in default of bail.