The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-24 00:00:00

part, if not in whole. I suppose, like all other 1
editors, he cuts pieces out of one paper and pieces
out of another, and then puts them together and
calls them his own articles. (Roars of laughter.)
At the same time I must say that there is a deal of
credit due to the company in endeavouring by
stealth, for it is nothing else, to excite that class of
people, the lower class, which read his paper, for
nobody else but the lower class read it. (Laughter.
cries of Oh, oh, and " Why, you read it yourself,
don't you?") I say there's a good deal of policy in
getting up all this agitation, for at one time it
was no doubt a losing game, and no doubt now
it is a saving one. I dare say my friend
heard of the rumour that I had purchased
the Norfolk Standard at Yarmouth, and had got a
shop in the same street, to publish it here twice
a-week to draw the people to buy that paper,
because it was thought they would sooner buy it
than a twopenny-halfpenny paper. I feel obliged
to you for hearing my chat-chat, for that's all it
will come to. (Laughter.) I suppose you will have
no objection to this going up as an appendage to
yours (holding out a roll of paper towards Mr.
Tillett). It is an extraordinary expense to go up
with two separate petitions. Yours will cost the
city two thousand pounds, and I should not like to
add two more. Why, at The late Guardians' elec-
tion, one of the proprietors—one of the partners—
of the Norfolk News was seen in the grossest scene
of bribery in the porch of the church ; and now one
of these gentlemen comes under the pretence of
purity and morality, and is burst out like a carna-
tion from its pod—(loud and prolonged laughter)—
and is going to frighten every individual in this
city because as he thinks he has a chance of selling
some extra papers. My dear Mr. Tillett, I wisa
you joy. (Roars of laughter.) I have a note, no I
have it not with me, but it is this—" Dear Sir,—
Unless you pay this account to-morrow morning at
ten o'clock, I have strict orders to proceed against
you immediately. Signed, J. H. Tillett,"—with a
dash under " immediately." (Great laughter.) That
was the day before the election. I say nothing
about these matters, but I suppose that that is what
my friend Tilhtt would call coercion or undue in-
fluence, such as he exerted at Peto and Warner s
election, when he set twelve gentlemen. on my
humble person for a fortnight night and day.
(Roars of laughter.) But I bear these things and
am in good plight after all, and I have no doubt
that after the investigation I shall return from
London in as good spirits as I am, thank Sod, this
morning. (Great laughter.)
As no one proposed an amendment, the motion
was unanimously adopted.
Mr. TILLETT then moved that the petition be
sent to John Bright, Esq., member for Birmingham,
for presentation.
Mr. J. D. SMITH seconded the motion.
Mr. GEDGE thought it should be sent to Mr.
Cobden as soon as he returned.

Mr. WINTER suggested that the petition should
be presented by the sitting members.
The MAYOR and Mr. WILLETT both expressed
an opinion that as the present members would both
be interested in the matter, it would hardly do to
ask them to present the petition.
Mr. Tillett's motion was then agreed to.

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE.

MARYLEB ONE.

A meeting of the electors of the borough of
Marylebone was held last night, at the Literary In-
stitute, Edward-street, Portman-square, for the
purpose of hearing Lord Ferraby give an explana-
tion of his political principles.
Mr, P. GRAHAM, of Oxford-street, having been
called to the chairs said that last evening they heard
a very satisfactory exposition of the political views
of Major Lyons ; to-night they were assembled to
li3ten to a statement from Lord Fermoy. That
noble lord being an Irish peer, could not represent
an Irish constituency ; but, entertaining as he did a
desire to take an active part in the legislation of
his country, he had come forward to solicit the suf-
frages of the borough of Marylebone.
Lord FERMOY then addressed the meeting. He
said the reason why he appeared before them was
that which the hon. chairman had just stated—
that he, being an Irish peer, was not competent to
represent an Irish constituency. He was a man of
business, and had represented one of the largest
constituencies in his native land, the agricultural
county of Cork, for nearly 20 years. He belonged
to the advanced Liberal party, whose ranks he was
glad to say were every day receiving fresh recruits.
The occasion of his appearing before them was the
promotion of Sir Benjamin Hall to the peerage. It
was an event of which Sir Benjamin kid a right to
be proud, and of which the people of Marylebone
had no reason to be ashamed. (Cheers.) But it be-
hoved them to be very cautious as to the man whom
they would put in his place. (Hear, hear.) While
seeking their suffrages he would not assume a single
principle which he could not honestly advocate,
nor would he, even to attain the honour of repre-
senting Marylebone, pretend to espouse any politi-
cal principle which he did not sincerely feel to be
right. He had always endeavoured, while in Par-
liament, to carry out the principles entertained by
the advanced Liberal party, and had. always been
the follower of his late respected friend Joseph
Hume. (Cheers.) He entered Parliament in 1837,
and represented the same constituency to 1855.
During that period he had given many votes to
whioh he would refer with the utmost confidence.
In February, 1838, he supported a motion by Mr.
Grote for the introduction of the ballot. It was said
that the ballot was un-English. The ballot was a re-
medy for a great disease. The remedy was un-En-
glish, but the disease was still more un-English. It
was cruel to give a man the privilege of a vote unless
they protected him in the exercise of it. (Cheers.)
He had always been an advocate of household suf-
frage, but he would not stop there. There was a
most valuable class of men who occupied only por-
tions of houses ; men most trustworthy in their avo-
cations, but who were not in a position to acquire an
entire house to themselves. To those persons he
would give a vote. With regard to the redistribu-
tion of the representatives, that was a subject which
' all parties agreed required immediate attention.
The present state of things was most unsatisfactory.
Population ought to be an important ingredient in
the redistribution of seats. He would not leave pro-
perty altogether out of consideration, but popula-
tion, he thought, was as good a test as to the sub-
,tantial qualifications of a representative as could
he had. The borough of Marylebone ought to have
-,ix representatives, less than that number ought
not to he given to so important a constituency.
t_is brought him to the question as to the suppres-
sion of the small boroughs. He was sorry to see in
the present Government one Cabinet Minister at

least who had declared himself in favour of the
preservation of small boroughs. But it was his firm
conviction that no measure would be of any avail
short of a total abolition of those small constituen-
cies. (Cheers.) They were a blot and a disgrace
to the British constitution. Let the small boroughs
be merged. in the counties ; for he did not ap-
prove of grouping them together. Although he
in 1838 represented a large agricultural constitu-
ency in Ireland, and was himself the owner of ex-
tensive estates in that country, yet when in that
year Mr. Villiers brought forward a motion for the
repeal of the corn laws, he (Lord Fermoy), not-
.vithstanding his connection with the agricultural
Interest, voted in support of that motion. (Cheers.)
He did do so because he felt that no man had a

right to cut a slice off the loaf of the poor. (Cheers.)
He was the advocate of freedom of conscience, and
of the total abolition of church rates. It was a
most cruel oppression to compel one man to pay for
the church of another. He believed that the doc-
trines of the established church, in the tenets of
which he had been brought up, would be greatly
advanced if all were at once to come forward and
assent to the entire abolition of church rates.
He believed that in that case the voluntary prin-
ciple would come out most triumphantly in the
support of the churches of this country. (Cheers.)
But whether that would be so or not-he held that
no man who did not believe in the tenets taught in
any particular church ought to be called upon to
support that church. (Cheers.) In regard to social,
legal, and administrative reforms—three very large
words—he would then only say that he had always
advocated every description of reform. One remark,
however, he could not refrain from making. There
was not probably in England a more able and in•
telligent legal reformer than Sir Richard Bethell,
the present Attorney-General. It was, in his opi-
nion, a great loss to the country, and a great in-
justice to the man himself, that instead of being
subject
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Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Gladstone) was
reported to have said that the finances of the coun-
try were in a most unsatisfactory condition, and
that it would be necessary to impose additional
taxation. Instead of increasing the taxes, they
ought to strive to effect retrenchment. He be-
lieved that much in that way might be effected.
The diplomatic department would admit of very
considerable reduction. Applying the principle of
never giving money unless they got value for it,
he knew of nothing from which the nation got so
little as from the labours of diplomatists. (Hear.)
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To those gentlemen was intrusted thea
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with bad spelling, but our diplomatists had not