The Sun.
London, England, 1832-10-02 00:00:00

could be more false or absurd. The treaty of
the 24 articles has been ratified by two of the

great Powers of Europe, without any reserve
whatever, and by all of them with a reserve
which does not affect the main question of Bel-
gic independence. In whatever way Holland
and Belgium may settle their present differences,
it is not understood that their former incorpora-
tion is contemplated. Belgium is recognised as
an independent state. King Leopold is acknow-
ledged as an independent King : he has Ambas-
sadors already at four of the Courts which com-
pose the Conference—his flag is recognised by
all nations at sea—he can make treaties of peace
or war—and nothing but a new conquest can
deprive his Government of its independent sove-
reign character. Let us, therefore, again press
upon the King of Holland the necessity and the
advantages of making peace on reasonable terms
with a Sovereign whom he cannot longer regard
as an usurper, and whose states he cannot hope
to incorporate with his own, except by a war
which may dethrone both.—Times.
The Falmouth Packet, received yesterday,
contains the astounding intelligence that the re-
volt in the Mauritius did not terminate with

•
the re-shipping Mr. Jeremie. The Planters
have actually, it seems, thrown off their allegi-
ance to Britain, and declared themselves inde-

pendent. This seems indeed a strange step.—
One can hardly suppose that the inhabitants
conceive themselves able to resist the powerful
Government of this country ; and even admit-
ting their ability to hold out, they could easily
he cut off from a market for their produce.—
Were Great Britain to abandon them to them-
selves, then, indeed, they might be easily able to
do without us ; for if it be true that the Colonies
of Great Britain raise a great deal more sugar
than can be consumed in this country, the price
of. the continental markets determines the price
here, and the Planters of Mauritius would have
the continental markets open to them. We do
not see why they sl:ould be particularly anxious
to be connected with us, any more than Cuba
should be anxious to be connected with us.
The Government of this country must have been
felt as a great restraint on their importations of
slaves from Madagascar, to which importations
they, no doubt, ascribe their prosperity. The
affair has an ugly appearance. We are anxious
For further accounts, to clear up this business.—
Morning Chronicle.
The Conservatives take strange methods oc-
casionally of recommending themselves to the
people of this country. In the Standard of
last night there is a long and elaborate article of
two columns, headed—" The Netherlands—
Political Reflections," impeaching the conduct
of the Conference in not having lent themselves
to the seconding the designs of the King of the
Netherlands for regaining Belgium. But would
it be believed that one of the principal objections
is, that King Louis Philippe has purchased the
alliance of England as a bulwark against Mo-
narchical Europe, by following in the wake of
this country ; and another main objection, that
England wishes to avail herself of Belgium to
pour her manufactures into the heart of Ger-
many ? It would appear that the Conservatives
consider it a great crime to remove any of the
impediments in the way of the commerce of the
country. The following extracts will serve to
show what we allude to :
4, We have, therefore, seen how the celebrated Ministry
of Louis Philippe, whose system has attained the name of
piste-milieu, always following in the wake of England,
and esteeming itself happy in having her as a bulwark
against Monarchical Europe, has sacrificed every thing to
that alliance. To remain on the Throne was the first
:cant of the King elected by the Bewolution ; and in spito
of the resentment of the other Monarchs, he was proud to
lean upon the arm which Great Britain held out to him.
What, then, is the meaning of that long and monotonous
farce which they ale playing in London, and those mes-
sages and those stipulations in which no one believes? Let
us return into the path of truth, the time is come—and
let us form our opinion of the authors by the inspection of
their works. Twenty-four Articles consti'uing a pre-
tended treaty of peace, hive emanated from the Conference
in London. By those articles it would appears that Bel-
gic independence has been settled, but under a British
Prefect; that canals and rail-roads may be constructed in
that Belgium where already ruined industry will make
room for the immense importations of British merchan-
dise, and that those roads and those canals may be carried
on through the territory of Holland ; and, to wind up all,
the free navigation in the waters of Holland is stipulated,
so as to leave Belgium no other hope for the future than,
if once converted into an immense warehouse, to convey
by its new roads and canals into Germany the produce of
the manufactories of England with which Antwerp will
he incessantly encumbered.
" Such is the genuine meaning of the Treaty, in spite
of the deceitful appearance of its form, and the too glaring
perfidy of its diplomatic redaction. It is not known
whether—for not Leing bound to adhere to the principle
of non-intervention, by which Austria was excluded from
Italy, Russia from Poland, and Prussia from Switzerland—
those Northern Powers, wishing to remain masters at
1 borne, have tacitly promised England and France not to
\defend the King of the Netherlands. A great diplomatic
mystery exists, whatever it may be, and is hidden under
the Conventions with which publicity makes us acquainted.
It is necessary, it is indispensable, to explain the conduct
of the three great Northern Powers, and the odious manner
in which their egotistical politics have abandoned the most
just, the most wise, and the most venerable of their allies."
We leave Louis Philippe to settle with the
French as he can the charges brought against
him of subserviency to England ; but it is strange
that it should be brought forward as an accusa-
tion against English Ministers, by Englishmen,
that they have endeavoured to make the settle-
j went of the Belgian question available to the
extension of English enterprise.— Morning
Chronicle.

They are ingenious politicians who have made
the discovery that the King of Holland only
wishes to be compelled to abandon the terms
which he has dictated as the price of peace with
Belgium, and that to oblige him in this particu-
lar the French troops, and the combined fleets
of France and England, are put, or are about to
be put, in motion. But though the idea is
very ingenious, it is also very absurd. The cha-
racter of the King of Holland is not quite so
tricky kis that of Louis Philip, He is not a
King who, having sacrificed the interests of his
people by all sores of cowardly and base conces-
sions to foreign menaces, or foreign influence,
endeavo=urs to recover his popula:ity by dramatic
exhibitions cf patriotic spirit and political clap-
traps. He has, from the first, taken a decided
and manly tone, and nothing has caused him to
alter it, He does not swagger one day, and droop
and supplicate the next. He does not alternately
bully and fawn upon his enemies. His determina-
tion has been so consistently inflexible as to receive,
and peibaps deserve, the name of obstinacy ;
but, whatever it may be called, it is som,ething
far more respectable than the shuffling, evasive,
and equi,rocating conduct oC the London Con-
ference, or the martial vapouring, unckling re-
tractions of the King of the French, or the wa-
vering indecision of the Sovereign of the Bel-
gians.
The King of Holland may be the most
obstinate Sovereign in Europe, but he is cer-
tainly the most honest ; and, though we are op-
posed to his policy, we cannot but wish his
opponents would take a lesson from his firmness,
and show as much moral :courage in support of
the right as he has in defence of the wrong. We

believe that if the demands of the King or Hol-
land be complied with, particularly that relative
to the free navigation of the Scheldt, the inde-
pendence of Belgium will be a miserable farce—
its commerce will be annihilated, and con-
sequently its prosperity ruined. In that
case, it would be better that it had never
separated from Holland. If, indeed, such
concessions should be made, they will be
pretty nearly equivalent to a counter-revolution.
They will either drive the Belgic State to a
restoration eventually, or to a new revolution to
secure the advantages of the first one, unless
events should previously arise in France which
would have the effect of changing the destinies
of more than one kingdom. As to the part
which the Governments of France and England
are acting now in relation to this question, it is

so utterly unworthy of two of the greatest na-
tions of Europe, that it is painful and humiliat-
ing to contemplate it. There can be no doubt
that the three great despotic Powers refuse their
sanction to the employment of coercive means
against Holland. Both our Government and
that of France know it, and dread to oppose
those Powers ; yet they make a show of warlike
measures, which can have no other effect than
to alarm simple-minded people, and cause a
mischievous stagnation of the regular course of
trade and commerce ; while the King of Hol-
land, conscious of the open support of his peo-
ple, and of the secret sympathy, if not open as-
sistance, of three of the Powers of the Confe-
rence, laughs at the pompous parade of military
md naval preparations, which he knows to be
but empty spectacle, and nothing else.—Morn.
Herald.

The clamour which the Ministerial Press,
aving first received the hint from Lord John

Russell, is attempting to excite against that pre-
ponderant portion of the landed aristocracy that
supports conservative principles, upon the pre-
tence that the Noblemen and Gentlemen who

compose it are in the habit of exercising a dicta-
torial and tyrannical authority over their tenantry
as to the manner in which they shall vote at
the approaching election, is, of all the clamours
ever attempted, even in this age of empty noise
and silly excitement, the most perverse and
irrational, the most destitute of any solid foun-

dation in fact, the most unwarranted and gra-
tuitous, even upon the supposition that every
specific allegation hitherto advanced in order to
promote it were strictly and literally true. We
have no hesitation in expressing the opinion that
the very allegations of those who are labouring
to excite this clamour against the landlords of
the conservative party afford, when properly con-
sidered, evidence the most conclusive, not mere-

ly that they have refrained from any undue
exertion of their influence over their ten-

antry, but that they have not even employed
it to the extent to which it is on all hands admit-
ted it may be legitimately used, and that their
opponents, the landed aristocracy of the Whig
and Liberal factions, have made a far more un-
sparing use than they have done of the power
and authority which they derive from their pos-
sessions. It is not a principle which we ar©
now discussing. We are only attempting to
establish a fact from the evidence within our
reach. And our reasoning may probably be
regarded with less suspicion if we preface it by
the frank avowal that its result is in our judg-
ment less honourable to our political friends than
to our political adversaries. If the Tories have
been supine or remiss in the exertion of their
influence in times like the present, we hold it to
be a weakness and a folly which they cannot too
soon discard ; and if, as we fear is but too evi-

dent, the Whigs have been more vigilan
and zealous to avail themselves of every
pow& they possess to promote the suc-
cess of their political principle.;., and pro-
jects, they have, we are bound to confess, in
this solitary instance, surpassed their political
rivals in the manifestation of wisdom, sincerity,
and vigour. It is some extenuation, but far
from a complete defence, of such Tories as have
been timid or negligent upon this occasion, that
they cannot employ their influence unless at the
risk of being held up to popular odium, while
their rivals may make the fullest use of theirs,
without the least danger of this inconvenience.
Men ought not to permit their dread of clamour
and vituperation to deter them from the discharge
of an important duty. Now for our proof. We
may assume, we suppose, as a matter not ad-
mitting any doubt, that if the great Tory land-
owners of England were generally employing,
as they ought, their influence among their
tenantry to promote the success of Conserva-
tive candidates at the next election, by the
fair and legitimate means only of persuasion
and advice, there would infallibly occur among
a body so numerous, and comprehending of
course every diversity of character, particular
instances in which the strict line of pro-
priety would be more or less overstepped ;
that now and then an individual would be be-
trayed into an excess of zeal in the cause which
all had so much at heart ; that warmth of tempe-
rament, constitutional impatience of opposition,
the pride of conscious power, would occasionally
swell the language of advice into that of admoni-
tion, sharpen the tones of persuasion into those
of command, change the mild accents of entreaty
into those of fierce and angry menace. We
may take for granted also that such an instance
of self forgetfulness on the part ofa Tory Noble-
man or Gentleman would not escape instant
exposure and severe animadversion in the present
day, when a vigilant and active Press is em-
ployed in the threefold task of supporting
Government, discrediting rank, and inflaming
the passions of the ignorant and vulgar. Now
if it be the fact, as we aver, that not a single
instance of the kind is advanced by :the Minis-
terial or Radical Press in support of their broad
and general assertion that the Conservative land-
lords arc exercising a tyrannical authority over
the suffrag 's of their tenants, does it not follow
that, so far from doing too much in support of
their principles, these too delicate and timid
landlords are as a body doing far too little? This
we think would be conclusive. Our case, how-
ever, rests upon yet stronger grounds. The
:Ministerial Press, in default of any better in-
stance to give q. colour to their general accusa-
tion of Tory tyranny, have produced the con-
duct of I.ord Brownlow with respect to the can-
vass now going on in the northern division of
the county of Lincoin, whose fault it seems is—
what does the reader think ? That the Noble
Lord insists upon his tenants voting for the
Tory c2ndidate ? No such thing. That he
forbids them to vote for the Whig, Mr. Pelham,
or the Radical, Sir William Ingilby ? No such
thing. That he is urgent in his efforts to persuade
them to vote for his friend the Tory, and refuse
their votes to his opponents the Whig and Radi-
cal? Not even this. The fault of Lord Brownlow,
whose conduct is selected by the Whig and
Radical Press as the instance of Tory interfer-
ence with the freedom of election more heinous
(Lan any other that can be food, is simply that

having received from Mr. Pelham, the Whig
candidate, the very modest and proper and rea-
sonable request that he would give him leave to
canvass his tenants, or, in other words, that he
would assist Mr. Pelham in producing among
his (Earl Brownlow's) own tenantry, the false
impression that he, their landlord, was favour-
able to the Whig candidate, or, at the least,
wholly indifferent to the success of the Tory can.
didate, he refused to be any party to so monstrous
and unnatural a delusion. " What ! refuse leave
to canvass his tenants ? Oh, the tyrannical
Tory !" These are the exclamations of our
Whig Contemporaries. But when the very ob-
vious consideration is not forgotten, that Earl
Brownlow's leave for this purpose was wholly
unnecessary, and that this needless permission
would have implied favour and approbation, these
exclamations will appear somewhat inapplicable to
the case. " What," we should rather say, " ask
a Nobleman to patronise the canvass among his
tenantry of a candidate whom he is bound in
consistency and conscience to oppose to the ut-
most of his power ! Oh, the impudent and un-
principled Whig !" We impute no want of zeal
or consistency to Earl Brownlow; on the con-
trary, we believe there are few men who possess
these valuable qualities in a higher degree. But
certainly, when we find that a Tory Nobleman
of such a character is exposed to applications
like that of Mr. Pelham, the inference to be
drawn from the fact is anything rather than
favourable to the prevalence of any excess of
party zeal among the Tories ; and when the re-
fusal to accede to a request of this nature is the
greatest political crime of which any individual
of the party can be accused, it would surely seem
that political hostility is not carried, at least by
that party, to any mischievous extent, or pursued
by any very unfair or objectionable means.
To show that the Whigs do not let their in-
fluence rust for want of use, as there seems good
reason to believe too many of the Tories do, we
need merely mention the case of the Duke of
Bedford, who, having been accused of employ-
ing dictation and threats to compel his tenants
to vote for the Whig candidates in Cambridge-
shire, repels the charge very properly by order-
ing his steward to write to the Newspapers
simply to deny that he has employed dictation
or threats. This, in the estimation of the Whigs
and of the Whig Press, is a sufficient vindica-
tion of the Noble Duke, as it is in our estima-
tion also. The tenants of the Duke of Bedford
had been no doubt officially apprized of the
wishes and feelings of their landlord, as it was
fit they should. But even this in the case of a
Tory landlord would be intolerable oppression,
and call for the immediate adoption of the ballot.
—Morning Post.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

G UILDHALL.

The inquiry into the authorship of the placard
abusing the liverymen who voted for the Lord Mayor
at the last election, was resumed yesterday before
Mr. Alderman KELLY,
Mr. Woolen attended for Jacobs, the bill-sticker.
The only progress made in the matter was, that
the printers were discovered to be Messrs. Dean
and Munday, of Threadneedle-street (who had also
printed the an,phorized bills for Sir Peter Laurie's
committee).
Jacobs, it appeared, had been employed by this
firm to post another bill, addressed to the liverymen
residing in Aldersgate ward (which bill was not ac-
knowledged by Sir Peter Laurie'scommittee), and,
from the same defects appearing in the capital let-
ters R and Y in both the placards, there seemed no
reason to doubt that both were printed at the same
office.

The charge against Jacobs was, therefore, aban-
doned, and he was discharged, with a caution to
ascertain by whom he was employed hereafter; but
Mr. Turner, of Cheapside, who had been sus-
pected of being the printer, threatened, for the pur-
pose of vindicating his own character, to pursue
Messrs. Dean and Munday, for omitting their im-
print, and Sir Peter Laurie's committee also ex-
pressed their determination to sift the matter.