The Sun.
London, England, 1866-02-07 00:00:00

fragmentary. One noble lord takes up one, another die-
cusses another, and it is impossible to do justice to any in
the sort of preliminary discussion which takes place on the
Address in answer to the Speech from the Throne. In
point of fact, one of the main objects answered by the two
documents—the Speech and Address—is the opportu-
nity they afford to Parliament and the people of hearing
what has been done during the recess. They serve, also,
to give intimation of the particular measures which it is
the intention of the Government to introduce, and, on the
other hand, the Government have an opportunity of hear-
ing from various sides of the house what portions of their
past conduct are likely to meet with animadversion, and,
perhaps, censure and, of course, with regard to other por-
tions, what are likely to be approved by the country or
Parliament. There is one other object answered by the
Speech and the Address in answer to it, and that is, it af-
fords an opportunity for the younger members of your
lordships' house to make a trial of their strength, to make
their first Parliamentary effort, and holding out the pro-
mise of future success or failure. I have now, my lords,
been a member of your lordships' house for more than 22
years, and I must say, without the slightest flattery to
the two noble lords who moved and seconded the Ad-
dress, that I never heard an Address moved and seconded
with greater ability and greater promise than by the
noble marquis and the noble earl. (Hear, hear.) I may
be permitted more especially to congratulate the noble
earl on the singularly clear, lucid, straightforward man-
ner in which he dealt with the subject (hear), upon the
good taste by which all his observations were charac-
terised, and more especially the becoming modesty with
which they were delivered (hear hear), leading us to
hope that we may often have the opportunity of hearing
him express his sentiments as ono of the most promising
young members of your lordships' house. (Hear, hear.) At
an earlier period of the evening, and if your lordships had
been less occupied, I might, perhaps, have commented at
some length on a Speech of more than usual length, and
dealing with more than the usual number of subjects; buten
many of them we are promised papers, and any attempt to
discuss them in the absence of those papers would be neces-
sarily very imperfect. There are topics again on which there
will be no difference of opinion. There will be no difference
of opinion as to the sincere congratulations we offer to her
Majesty on the approaching marriage of the Princess Helena,
or on any matter which nearly concerns and interests her
Majesty. lam quite sure your lordships will all be prepared
to join her Majesty in the hope that this union may be
prosperous and happy. There will be no difference of opi-
nion as to the grief we feel for the death of her Majesty's
illustrious relative the late King of the Belgians—that wise
and sagacious monarch, who by his firmness and ability
united rival parties in the State, and led them by a feeling
of common patriotism to the determination to preserve
their independence, and whose wisdom extended the in-
fluence of that country far beyond its territorial limits, and
produced no inconsiderable effect on the whole general
policy of Europe. (Hear.) The loss of such a man was a
general calamity, and I only hope that his successor will be
animated by his example, and prove that he partakes of his
firmness and intelligence. (Hear.) It also appears that
" her Majesty's relations with foreign Powers are friendly
and satisfactory." We are bound to believe that because
we are informed of it both by her Majesty and the Govern-
ment of France. With regard to the meeting of the fleets
of England and France, I think it very possible that it
may haie produced a friendly feeling among the officers of
the two countries, and that these complimentary visits are
not without use ; but I am at a loss to understand how
the complimentary visit of our fleets from Portsmouth to
Cherbourg, and the visit of the French fleet from Cher-
bourg to Portsmouth, could " prove to the world their
friendly concert in the promotion of peace." (Laughter.)
All must rejoice that after four years of bloody warfare the
sanguinary struggle is put an end to in the now United
States, and I concur in that paragraph in the Address which
commends the wise and prudent manner in which the ravages
of war are sought to be repaired. That paragraph must more
particularly apply to the conduct individually pursued by
the President, who appears to be honestly seeking after the
best mode of restoring the union of his country by a con-
ciliatory and forbearing policy, and it is to the interest of
the United States and of the world that in the wise and
benevolent exercise of his authority he may not find himself
swamped and overborne by violent passions not yet sub-
sided, and by the tyranny of a majority which appears to
exercise a baneful influence in the Congress. (Cheers.) The
abolition of slavery must undoubtedly be a subject of con-
gratulation, but I fear the abolition may be attended with
very severe sufferings in consequence of the idleness and
privations of the emancipated negroes, who have little
knowledge as yet of the duties imposed upon them as free
men, who take exaggerated views of the rights acquired by
freedom, and who are likely to prove a source of consider-
able danger both to the States to which they belong and to
the Government of the United States. I hope these feelings
will subside, and that better knowledge will lead to more
favourable results. At present, though the great object of
the extinction of slavery is attained, yet it is attained
through the medium of severe suffering and at the risk of
no inconsiderable danger. (Hear.) I shall not offer any
comment on the correspondence, not yet officially before
the house, between the English Government and the United
States with respect to injuries inflicted on American com-
merce by cruisers under the Confederate flag; but I must
say that as far as I have seen-the correspondence has
been conducted in a courteous, liberal, and honourable
spirit, and I concur in the arguments by which the noble
earl opposite supported the cause of this country, and the
course pursued by the Government. (Hoar.) I will not say
a word on the subject of Brazil, the war between Spain
and Chili, or the transactions in Japan. I shall rejoice to
find that the, treaties entered into will be productive of the
very great commercial advantages which the noble earl
seems to anticipate. It is singular, however, that those
persons who are now so ready to invite commercial treaties
with France and also with Austria are the very men who for
years and years were denouncing the whole system of com-
mercial treaties, and proclaiming tb at we had only to con-
sult what was best for our interest without considering
what other countries could give us in return. (Cheers.)
That system is abandoned, but rather late, and only when
we had nothing to offer to other countries in return. Cer
tainly there must be a very moderate appreciation of the
benefits of free trade, if this country is to receive Austrian
goods at a very low or nominal duty, while our goods are
to
_pay in Austria 25 per cent., and, after a period, 20 per
cent. However, the step is in the right direction, and

though we do not get on so far as we wish, I suppose wo

must be thankful for small mercies. I agree with the
noble earl who seconded the Address, that any expression
of opinion would now be premature and improper with re-
, gard to the deplorable events which have taken place in
the colony of Jamaica, although, unfortunately, a portion
of the Press of this country has taken on itself to prejudge
the question, in the absence of any sufficient information.
(Hear, hear.) I am not pretending to say whether Mr.
Eyre was justified in the measures of severity which he felt
called on to carry into effect. Mr. Eyre's previous charac-
ter does not lead one to suppose that he would lose his
head from sudden infirmity, and if there is one point
more prominent in his character than another it is, that in
all cases where there was a mixture of races, he stood
forward as the advocate and protector. of the inferior
race. (Cheers.) It is unlikely that a man of this descrip-
tion and character, who has had experience of colonial
life, should have been so entirely misled as, without foun-
dation, to believe that a dangerous rebellion was orga-
nised over the whole of the colony, which broke out in
one district, and which, by the admission of the Colo-
nial Secretary, was put a stop to by the vigour with
which the authorities acted in Jamaica. The whole ques-
tion will turn on what was really the state of the colony.
Was there in reality fair ground for the belief that a rebel-
lion was about to break out, when rigorous measures would
be measures of real mercy, though attended with loss of
life ? (Hear, hear.) But I pronounce no opinion on this
subject. The Government ought to have the reports of Mr.
Eyre
He
fromtimmeestt have toldotimewi ththreesmpecwthat hto the
estteof
the
island. apprehended,
and what was the opinion of the whole white population.
We know, indeed, that the whole white population—they
might have been under a delusion—but we know that they
o n must
thinky that
it
has
Eyrewere
saved a inni mtohue 101 l theny f
(Hear,is h measureseahear.)
. TMh
They
may have been all wrong. I do not saytheyw etroefonnuot,
and
I want to receive the fullest information; but with respect
to the course pursued by the Governthmtahetne
competentt;of Ja-
di
Governor sa
expressth a t is
been a a
n mutter
opinion,either
joun: wt
aohnri
dc hglalmn
eaermeotafeusalyly to
Ja-
maica. (Cheers.) The position of the Government has
been one of serious responsibility and great danger; and
at the ;moment when he believed that he had rendered
great services to the country, the course pursued of depos-
ing and degrading him makes it too painfully evident that
the Government have lost their best leg. (Hear, hear.)
Such a course would never have been pursued by Lord Pal-
merston. We have his own recorded sentiments as to the
duty of the Government towards their subordinates, and if
Lord Palmerston committed any error at all it was that of
going into the opposite extreme, and, rightly or wrongly,
feeling it his duty to defend the conduct of those who acted

under him. I saw the other day in a newspaper which was
sent to me a quotation from a speech delivered by Lord Pal-
merston when the question was under discussion whether
or not Sir John Bowring had precipitated us into an un-
just war with China; and I recommend the noble lord's
words to the serious consideration of the Government.
"It is not enough," said Lord Palmerston,_ "to
support the representative of the Crown when we are satis-
fied that he is right. Even if we believe be took an unwise
eodu'Eng-
course we will not desert him so long as we are satisfied
that he acted honestly, and with a conscientious desire to
do his duty to the country. The moment your policy takes
a different direction you cease to deserve the confidence of
and
thtoougeallh tohne
doubtlesshonourable
you men.
wi11,
theym ay willet not e o pbl
be high-minded
to g
bs serve you,
they were,
lish gentlemen, such as it is necessary to have at the head
of affairs in the great colonies and dependencies of this
country." (Cheers.) I am far from denying that the state-
ments
f t h Governmentimperfect
did
r ewhichrender
it thei v rdeoty received,o
Gover-
nor Eyre for an explanation on those points in respect to
which he appeared to have exceeded the 1
_ . .. aw. But I do

think that to send for a Governor from another colony—l
am sorry to say I am afraid contrary to the original inten-
tion of the Government, whatever the reasons may be which