The Sun.
London, England, 1832-06-11 00:00:00

ae most cogent proof oi iiat t as not I
essentially a Carlist conspiracy is, that the Go. I
vernment has been energetic and even mer-
ciless, in putting it down, whereas on all occa
sions the Carlists, even with arms in their hands,
have been treated with extraordinary tenderness
and indulgence. In our opinon, the movement
.was essentially,a republican one ; but all the dis-
passionate and impartial accounts which we have
seen of its origin coinde in compelling us to
draw the inference that, on the part of the great
mass of the people at least, who took a part in it,
it was wholly unpremeditated. Some of the
French papers, not at all disposed to favour the
republican party, have admitted that the first pro-
vocation was given to the people by the authori-
rities and the troops—the people were unarmed
in the first instance, and when charged by the
dragoons at the bridge of Austerlitz they used
only stones and other such missiles as chance
supplied. But how came they to be afterwards
supplied with arms and ammunition to contest
the victory so long ? They disarmed several
posts of the National Guards—they suc-
cessively attacked and took a number of
guardhouses, where they procured weapons
and ammunition—and they fought to the
last more like men who struggled for a
principle, right or wrong, than the mercenary
hirelings of any faction, who are never very
much disposed to be prodigal of their blood.—
The last band of the insurgents who entrenched
themselves in the Rue St. Martin—and when
summoned to surrender, when all was hopeless,
preferred being stormed—displayed a valour
and devotion which would have done honour to
a better cause—they fought and died like the
soldiers of Leonidas. As to the question, how
is all this to end ? We can only say, that if
the King of France does not use his victory
with clemency and moderation—if he shows
himself less tender of taking human life in cold
blood than he was in the case of Polignac and
his fellow conspirators—if he takes advantage
of the present state of things to put additional
restrictions on public liberty, and to withhold
the political improvements and ameliorations
which he promised to adopt on his accession to
the throne, and which the state of France de-
mands—we shall not arrogate to ourselves any
extraordinary portion of the gift of prophecy by
anticipating that his triumph will be short-lived
and even his reign transitory.—Morn. Herald.
It seems now to be pretty generally under-
stood—and no time should be lost in circulating
the intelligence as widely as possible—that the
illumination in honour of the passing of the
Reform Bill is not to take place until the Scotch
and Irish Bills shall have received the Royal
assent. Thisisbut reasonable ; for though as far as
' England herself is concerned, Reform has been
already accomplished, the great outline of the
measure must be incomplete while two such im-
portant divisions of the kingdom remain to be
included in the change. Let the two Bills,
therefore, which are in reality component or
auxiliary parts of one and the same measure, be
brought to a successful and satisfactory ter-
mination, and then let the rejoicing be simul-
taneous, as the advantages of the great legisla-
tive boon will be secured to all. Our attention
was first drawn to this subject by observing that
paragraphs have appeared in the columns of some
of our contemporaries, naming different days a
having been fixed upon in different parts of the
country, and even in different sections of the
town, for the celebration of the popular triumph.
The effect of such statements is to cause great
anxiety amongst those who are desirous to mark
their exultation at the success of Reform ; and it
may possibly weaken the general demonstration,
when the time shall arrive, to have been subject-
ed to unnecessary suspense and agitation during
the interval. We, therefore, repeat that the
more extensively the determination to wait for
the Scotch and Irish Bills is known the better.
In some instances, which we could name, the
report of intended rejoicings on particular days
obviously had no better motive in view than the
collection of crowds in certain neighbourhoods
for the benefit of those who make a profit by
such assemblages. The way to stop these mis-
representations would be to name a day at
once ; but as the day must have reference to the
passing of the Bills in question—a future, and
consequently an uncertain contingency—that
course cannot be resorted to. Still, however, we
would call upon the friends of Reform to wait with
patience for the announcement, which will cer-
tainly be made in time to secure a simultaneous dis-
play. Some progress has been made already in
the arrangements which look forward to such an
event. The Lowther and Burlington arcades are

If all ti

it W

to be magnificently illuminated—the centre, or
Bedford-avenue, of Covent-garden market is to
be the scene of a public dinner—and, besides
other preparations already announced, the city
authorities have granted the use of Farringdon-
market for a ball, and a distribution of food to
the poor is to add the grace of charity to the
other enjoyments provided for the good
citizens of London. Every town, every vil-
lage, every district, has its own peculiar
plan of celebration on foot ; and there is some-
thing highly attractive to the imagination in the
idea of causing the great national jubilee to break
forth on the same day in every corner, and to
spread its influence through almost every heart
in the United Kingdom. These arrangements,
as well as others which have been equally authen-
ticated, refer to no particular day, but are con-
fessedly dependent, as to time, on an under-
standing, which, as soon as it can be formed,
will be communicated to the public.—Morning
Herald.

The insurrection in Paris is at an end, for the
moment. Tranquillity has been restored—order
reigns in the capital ; but it is the order of death,
on the one hand, and the order of tyranny on
the other, on the part of a Government based
on popular principles, and forfeiting all its
pledges by the adoption of a system which would
have disgraced even Charles X. himself. The
abolition of a corps of artillery of the National
Guards, and of the Polytechnic School, merely
because a part of the former had exhibited a dis-
inclination to act, and a part of the latter ex-
hibited their popular enthusiasm, by breaking
the walls of their school-house, were acts, at
once unnecessary and impolitic—unnecessary,
because the influence of such a sinalll body
could have had but comparatively little
effect on the stability of a popular Go-
vernment, and impolitic, because what was
done by a part ought not to have been charged
upon the whole body ; but also because one
of the institutions was extremely popular,
and being popular it was dangerous to -inter-
meddle with it. And what, on the other hand,
could have been more tyrannical, or more sub-
versive of the rights of the subject, than the
seizure of the public journals, and the sealing-up
of their presses ? The press brought about the
revolution of July in Paris just as the Press of
this country (we claim the honour en chef) has
brought about the successful passage of the Re-