The Sun.
London, England, 1866-09-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—The Census of 1861 revealed the remark-
able fact that in the whole south-west of Ireland
there were but two Jews. One of these ancient
people abode in Munster, and the other in Con-
naught, so that they sufficed between them for a
population of nearly three millions. That little piece
of statistical intelligence may be valued, perhaps, for
its curiosity, but it is really of greater worth. We
fear it is instructive. Jews can find no occupation
in a land of poverty, without manufactures, with-
out trade, without any of those commercial demands
which provide them with employment. And the
truth of this deduction is seen by a comparison of
the north-eastern provinces of Ireland with the
south-western. In the metropolitan districts of
Leinster 200 Jews were found, and a Jewish colony
had settled about Belfast. These are the rising dis-
tricts of Ireland—the counties in which remunera-
tive industry is taking root and prosperity gradually
developing itself. The inhabitants themselves con-
fess as much, and the fact explains the three impor-
tant addresses received by the new Lord-Lieutenant
on Monday last. The known excellence of the Dub-
lin School of Surgery accounts for the professional
deputation which headed the list. The Royal College
of Surgeons in Ireland represents almost a special
Irish faculty, and its compliments to the new Viceroy
were naturally paid. But after this deputation came
two others of singular importance—one from the
Dublin Chamber of Commerce, and the other from
the Corporation of Belfast—the two centres of Irish
progress. The spirit of these two addresses is identi-
cal, though the language and arguments differ.
The Ulster people have nothing to fear, and there-
fore nothing to deprecate. There is no disaffec-
tion or conspiracy in their part of the country.
On the contrary, they justly boast of their loyalty,
and express a hope that the value of this
spirit, and of " habits of contented and honour-
able industry,", will now be recognised by their
fellow-countrymen. Fenianism has no place by
the side of diligence and thrift. Prosperity goes
hand in hand with loyalty and work, and all the
Belfast people ask for is a quicker mail service
between their town and London. They could not
have preferred a more satisfactory request. It is the
best possible evidence of improvement when com-
munications are found insufficient, and postal ser-
vice too slow for the enterprise of trade. The repre-
sentatives of the commercial and manufacturing
interests of Leinster entertain, of course, a similar
appreciation of the benefits of industry, but they
cannot make the same report of tranquillity and
progress. They do,' indeed, " discern evidence of
increasing enterprise in all quarters of the land,"
but the signs of improvement had been clouded
by political follies. A " senseless and wicked
combination" had alarmed the country for its se-
curity, and the apprehensions of disturbance had
scared away capital and injured trade. Naturally,
therefore, they desire to see the evil removed.
They ask simply for a strong Government. They
want no favour for any religious or political party;
on the contrary, they expressly ask for " impartial
.justice" without respect to persons or creeds, and
only desire to see the law maintained against the
enemies of order. On this one condition they
predict a good time for Ireland. " Aided," they
say, " by returning peace and security, and pro-
tected by firm and impartial government, the trade
and commerce of our country will be gradually
and largely developed." With this development
will disappear the chief difficulties of Ireland. The
great evil of Ireland is poverty. That the country
suffers also from religious and political dissensions
is true, but such dissensions prevail in other coun-
tries without material injury to the economical inte-
rests of the people. The mischief is that in Ireland
they break out into the lawless outrages which
frighten away capital, paralyse trade, and keep the
population poor. Then this poverty reacts upon the
people, and disposes them in their misery to break
out again. Wealth can only come by industry, and
industry can only be maintained by capital. When
a well-known Irish writer remarked of his country,
in 1782, that the only things then wanting to her
prosperity " were capital and enterprise," he did not
reflect how very great and fatal the deficiency really
was. It is simply because " capital and enterprise"
have not been forthcoming that Ireland has remained
what it is. Ulster alone has possessed these sources
of prosperity, and Ulster is well off and contented,
without a single complaint to make, except against
the Post-office. Leinster, the metropolitan pro-
vince, is making progress ; but the Fenian agita-
tion created an alarm, by which the pleasing pro-
spect was for a time obscured. It is well for Irish-
men to look the truth in the face, and the great
truth before them just now is this—that the only
substitute which has been so much as proposed for
the British Government is a Communistic Republic
founded on murder and pillage, and administered
by men who, even in the abundance of the New

World, cannot refrain from cutting each others'
throats. That is the alternative to be completed ;
nor should it be forgotten that the faults of the

British Government, whatever they may have been,
are now things of the past. No Government could
be imagined more sincerely anxious to do good to
Ireland than the Governments, whether Conserva-
tive or Liberal, of the present day ; nor could any
people be more ready to help another people than
Englishmen to help Irishmen. We have a super-
abundance of the capital and enterprise which Ire-
land needs. These things are quite at Ireland's
service, but Irishmen always make the mistake of
applying to Parliament instead of dealing with the
people. No mistake could be greater, for public
economists are niggardly, while the people are
lavish. It is not by a local subsidy that Ireland
can be enriched. Parliamentary grants are grudg-
ingly made and hotly disputed; but private capital
will flow in abundant volume through channels once
opened. Look at the example of Scotland. Apart
from questions of trade and industry, look at the
resources found in scenery, sport, and untutored
nature. A Highland " forest," a moor, a wild
unnavigable stream, prove to be the most lucrative
property. . The demand for these things expresses
the reaction from intense devotion to business.
If there are parts of Ireland where no energy
can make crops grow or herds flourish, which
are tenanted only by the wild creatures of
nature, and characterised only by natural won-
ders, those are the very parts to which Eng-
lishmen would go. We work so hard, and our crav-
ing for periodical diversion becomes so strong, that
no price is too high to pay for the alternative re-
quired. We go to the Scottish isles, the Orkneys,
or the coast of Norway for the most absolute change
procurable. The time will probably come in our
own island when a wood full of game will he about
the most valuable species of landed property.
Other countries cangrow corn for us. Thatquestion
was settled by Free . Trade, and when Free Trade
brought inexhaustible supplies into our ports and
at the same time doubled the profits of commercial
enterprise, the spirit of the age took a new turn.
Where there was formerly one man with money in
his pocket there are now fifty, and those fifty are
exactly the people prepared to spend it. They work
successfully for 11 months iu the year, and for the
other month they claim the recreations which were
once the monopoly of a small privileged class. They
want travel, field sports, some absolute contrast to
intense civilisation and brainwork at high pressure.
Now, what a field is Ireland for wants like these !
Why is such a chance thrown away ? Why should
a moor in Scotland fetch a fabulous rent, while
moors in Ireland are left without a tenant? If
Ulster and Leinster have commercial advantages,
the advantages of natural scenery and attractions
belong to Munster and Connaught. Turn both to
account, • and the face of Ireland would soon be
changed. Nor is anything wanted to accelerate
this change, except the public tranquillity and con-
tentment which all kinds of enterprise require.
POST.—The refusal of the President of the
United States to recognise the validity of a procla-
mation issued by the Emperor Maximilian, declar-
ing certain Mexican ports to be in a state of block-
ade, furnishes a striking illustration of the applica-
tion of one of the most important canons of inter-
national law as laid down in modern times. The
Emperor of Mexico, having hitherto failed to
establish his authority throughout the entire ex-
tent of hislnewly-acquired dominions, has thought
proper to declare in a state of blockade 'certain
ports in the possession of the Republican
party. Now, the right of blockade is one which
only pertains to a belligerent Power, and such
declaration on his part is tantamount to an admis-
sion by him of a belligerent status in those to whom
he is opposed. The exercise of the right of blockade
is one which operates almost as harshly against
neutrals as against the particular Power whose
ports are closed, and as, according to the fundamen-
tal principles of international law, commerce is per-
fectly free, and every State is entitled to trade with
every other, no State can be deprived of that right
without the previous establishment of a state of war,
and the consequent investiture of at least two dis-
tinct Powers with a belligerent character. No
Power, for example, can declare a blockade of its
own ports, though, if it pleases, it is at liberty to
close them. The difference between a closure and
a blockade is very material as regards foreign
Powers, since the former proceeding involves no
penalties on ships which attempt to enter the closed
ports, whereas the latter entails under similar cir-
cumstances liability to capture and forfeiture.
During the late American civil war the Government
of the United States proclaimed a blockade of the
ports of the Southern States, and by so doing re-
cognised the belligerent status of the Confederacy.
And it is worthy of remark that as such blockade
was proclaimed previous to the recognition by Great
Britain of the belligerent character of the revolted

States, the charge of precipitation so persistently
advanced by the Government of the United States
against that of her Britannic Majesty was entirely
groundless. In declaring Matamoras and other.
ports to be in a state of blockade the Emperor of
Mexico consequently only followed the example set
him him by the American Government, and thus rar
his conduct is free from censure. If
proper to recognise the belligerent status of 11
insurgent subjects, he is at liberty to do so, an,
his best justification for the course he has adopted
would consist in the fact that he had employea
what he conceived to be the most effieaci°llS„
means of reducing his adversaries to subjeete',:
The objection, however, which has been ta",..,
he thinks
by the Government of the United States to, the
proclamation of blockade by the Mexica.,
Emperor rests on a ground which is admitted
international law to be substantial if clearly esta"
blished. The President declares by his proclarnation
that the Emperor, or, as he terms him, Prince iNlaxll;
milian, has not a sufficient naval force to main
a strict blockade, and that in consequence neutral
which
States are not bound to observe re,strictions
the belligerent imposing them is not in a position 11
enforce. This, of course, is entirely a question
tot
fact, but, assuming that fact to be as stated by Wci
Johnson, there can be no question that he is entitled
to disallow the right claimed by Maximilian to inter-
rupt the trade of the United States, amongst other*
with the ports declared to be blockaded. The ille-
gality of what are termed paper blockades was
vde-
termined a great many years since, and it is 11%
accepted law that no Power is entitled to acquire
the right of stopping and capturing neutral vessel;
bound to a hostile port by simply declaring tha
such port is in a state of blockade. No one ever
attempted to carry the theory of paper blockade to
such an extent as the First Napoleon, when, on
memorable occasion, by a decree he declared
British ports to be blockaded, though at the
without a single vessel in British waters. All
the reason why such blockades should not 1.3 e
recognised must be sufficiently obvious. The riel"
of blockade is one which, in its exercise, pressl
very heavily upon neutrals, and they have a rig,
to demand that such exercise shall not be eaPrl"
cions or nugatory. A neutral Power is bound W
respect a blockade, and such of its vessels as
attempt to enter the closed ports do so at thew
peril, since, if captured, they may be condemned a°
lawful prize of war. If, however, by simply Pr°:
claiming a blockade, a belligerent could interdio
commerce with a port, it would be enabled, of
though not a maritime Power, to employ indirel
a means of warfare to which, from the necessity
°
things, it would be disentitled to have recourse.
The trade of neutral States would be impairedißbY.
the mere assumption of a power which the be's
gerent would not in fact enjoy, and no meals
would exist of ascertaining whether in fact vessels
might enter the blockaded ports with safety or no;
It is therefore established by international
that a blockade, to be recognised, must be ew.,,,ec;
tive, and not only effective, but continuous.
blockading squadron, for example, quits the v..dl
cinity of the blockaded port for twenty-four hod
(unless driven off by stress of weather), the bloca,uo
is considered raised, and, if resumed, fresh notlc
must be given to neutral States if the belligerent
sires to enforce his rights against vessels atternP'°",
to enter such port. The belligerent cannot exerels°
his rights capriciously or at intervals ; he must re"
main constantly at his post if he intends to ioter.*
fere with the trade of neutral vessels.