The Sun.
London, England, 1835-05-23 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS-

It is not since the Reform Act came into existence that
we have become advocates for Church reform. We con-
tended for a reform of the abuses of the Church Establish-
ment before that act was in existence, or even dreamt of ;
but our principle of Church Reform was then, as it is now,
friendly, not hostile to the Church—a preservative, not a
destructive principle. We then, as we do now, deprecated
the existence of pluralities and sinecures, and the holding
of livings in commendant. We argued in favour of a more
equal distribution of ecclesiastical revenues, that the re-
proach might be removed from the face of the congrega-
tion of idle pastors, starving their flocks that hungered in
vain for the bread of life, while they themselves were pam-
pered with the corrupting wealth of the world, and the
bard-working clergyman but too often felt the pinching
of sordid want. At that time, and up to this very moment,
Church Reform was and is opposed by a certain por-
tion of the Clergy ; but they are those who entered
the Church and are enamoured of it, not on account of
the purity of its doctrines—the reasonableness of its
its faith—the toleration of its sentiments—the beauty of
its liturgy, or any one or all of those Christian graces
and charities with which it is eminently adorned, but
because of its pluralities, its sinecures, and the corrupt
patronage which is the source of most of the defects
that impair its usefulness, and of the blemishes that dis-
figure its beauty. The great object of an Established Church
is to be a national depository of pure and undefiled doc-
trine—a living fountain of divine instruction to the people,
but more especially to the poor, who cannot afford to pay
for scriptural education—a school for training a succession
of learned and pious champions of Christianity, and an ar-
moury for their weapons—a bulwark for the integrity of
the Christian faith against the assaults of fanaticism on the
one side, and of infidelity on the other. Those who object
to Church Establishments on principle, as being injurious
to the interests of religion, forget, or wish others to forget,
that the oldest national establishment of -religion was the
Church raised among God's chosen people, when they
walked in his ways, and when their rulers were prophets
acting under the immediate inspiration of Heaven. Higher
testimony than this, we presume, could not be borne to the
usefulness, or rather the necessity of a Church Establish-
ment ; and it was not until the Israelites neglected the pure
worship of the temple that the ark of the covenant fell into
the hands of the Philistines. We have no desire to disturb
the admirers of the voluntary system in the enjoyment of
their theory, or its practical application, so far as it is not
exercised in a way which shows that they are just as intole-
rant of the opinions of others as zealous for their own. We
would legitimately resist the voluntary principle by reform-
ing the Church—confident, as we are, that nothing could
tend more to the increase of the spiritual influence of the
Establishment, and the consequent decrease of the influ-
ence of those who are its bitter and persevering enemies.
In our paper of the 14th inst. appeared a communication
from a Correspondent, who took a just and sensible view of
Church reform, and who, in proposing that that reform
should be extensive and searching, was certainly animated
with the best feelings towards the Church. Speaking of
the advantages which would result from a pure and honest
choice of Ministers, in opposition to that corrupt patronage
which has operated so injuriously to the interests of true
religion, he said " The promotion of popular preachers—
men of talent, active and laborious in their vocation—
esteemed and beloved in their parishes, would be one great
means towards strengthening the sinews of the Church, and
rendering it an object of love and attachment to the great
body of the people. The days are sealed, I trust, for
that base system of patronage which has long hung
poke. a blight over this precious plant, withering it
e very core, stunting its growth, and cur-
tailing 4. of the rich fruits which it might otherwise
produce. - s'fen of superior powers and extensive useful-
ness should 1)6
aught out and promoted, without regard to
family connection,
-kr any of those secret arts of policy by
which preferment has • ~en hitherto obtained." With those
sentiments our own perfeL
concur. It cannot be denied
that the Church patron
age 1"
-Ted in the hands of Minis-
ters of the Crown, has been tic
..,+„f re
in general most
shamefully abused. If it had not bee;._ so the circumstance
of a clergyman of known talent and piety—
irpui ar pret! i • hed
and one beloved by the parishioners, haviii
by Sir Robert Peel to the living of St. Bride''sn, (Prs)*°lntlis
short administration, would not have been accounted
and meritorious an exercise of the patronage of the CroTie:
The vacancy which led to that preferment was occasioned
by the Whig Premier appointing his own tutor, according
to the most approved fashion of patronage, to the Bisho[ ric
of Bristol ; and we believe the removal of the one caused
as little regret in the parish as the coming of the other
occasioned gladness. If the Chief Minister of the
Crown, who exercises the highest patronage in the
Church, does not exercise it with purity and discrimi-
nation, the Establishment must suffer in its highest in-
terests, and the character of the Church is stained with the
defilement of Ministerial corruption. We believe that Sir
Robert Peel's Bill of Church Reform would have been a
large and substantial one, had not a faction, impatient of
exclusion from place, and supported by another faction
anxious for the destruction, not the reform, of the Church,
driven him from office. His plan of reform, as sketched
out in its great outlines, embraced the abolition of sine-
cures, the doing away with pluralities and the consequent
evil of non-residence, the equalisation of the revenues of
bishoprics (which would also do away with the evils result-
ing from the present practice of translation), and last, lint
not least, the providing a decent and adequate pro Vision
for every working clergyman, that the rule might be re-
duced to practice which says that " he who ministers at
the altar should live by the altar." But this safe and salu-
tary plan of Church reform was pushed aside for Lord John
Russell's plan of Church spoliation. A plan which, as Mr.
David Ricardo has justly observed, in his address to the
electors of Stroud, goes to establish a precedent, " which
hereafter may be applied by other persons to the destruc-
tion both of the Established Church of England, and of all
other species of property."—Morning Herald.

The real nature of the contest in the Senate House at
Oxford, the result of which is announced with such exulta-
tion in the Albion last night, appears to be but imperfectly
understood. It was not a contest between \Vhigs and
Tories, as the illhion would wish us to believe. The Whigs,
we have reason to know, cared little about the matter. The
proposed change, as far as it went, met with their approba-
tion, but was very far from coming up to their views of
what the exigency of the case demanded. It did not ori-
ginate with them ; it was not prepared by them, any more
than it was proposed by them. They are wholly innocent
of bringing forward a measure which the Ultra-Tories
openly announce as subversive of the .most sacred institu-
tions of the couutry. The real culprits (liorrendum dietu)
are no less persons than the Duke of`Wellington and Sir
R. Peel ; and it is on their heads, especially on that of the
former, that the burden of this dreadful enormity must rest.
The supporters and friends of his Grate spared no efforts
to accomplish their wicked purpose, and his Grace's vene-
rable name was unsparingly used to olitain partisans ; but
whether they made an awkward ,use of arguments
which of course were necessarily new in their mouths,
or whether their adversaries were deaf to all ar-
guments having even a tinge of liberality, we know
not, but the powers of persuasion which his Grace
has before so successfully tried, were all exerted in vain, and
were unable to ward off a most signal and decisive defeat.
The Declaration on which the anathema of the University
has been so solemnly pronounced, is as follows :
" I declare that I do, as far as my knowledge extends, assent
to the doctrines of the United Church of England and Ireland,
as set forth in her Thirty-nine Articles, that I will conform to
her Liturgy and discipline, and that I am ready and willing to
be instructed in her articles of religion, as required by the
statutes of this University."
This is certainly a more rational form than the present
mode of subscribing the articles. Bishop PHILLPOTTS has
given us his gloss on the subscription ; but the Bishop's
sense of moral obligation has fallen somewhat into disrepute,
since the specimen afforded us by his conduct on the Catho-
lic Question. It would, we humbly think, have been wise
in a learned body, professing to be the exclusive guardians
of our religious faith, to do away with the possibility of
doubt on such a subject as this. The proposed de-
claration opens no door to the Dissenters. It leaves
the University as exclusive as before. We expected,
therefore, to see it hailed with general acclamation. In-
stead of this, no sooner was it promulgated than the
cry arose that the Church was in danger. Christ-church
was in flames. Letters were issued in all directions to
Fellows who had retired on College livings, urging them to
stand by the institutions to which they owe their bread.
One of the most learned and distinguished dignitaries of the
University appealed to the passions and prejudices of his
order, in a pamphlet entitled," Questions by a Bachelor of
Divinity," which we could hardly have believed the pro-
duction of one who passed once as the friend of civil and
religious liberty. The only work we have seen on the Li-
beral side is a small tract called " Reasons for preferring a
simple Declaration to the present mode of exacting Signa-
ture to the Twenty-nine Articles at Martriculation." The
author is evidently a Tory ; but he appears not quite com-
fortable in his creed, and he writes so sensibly and impar-
tially, that we wish he were well out of it. We are not
aware that a single Whig has drawn his pen in the contro-
versy. A very important lesson may be learnt from this con-
test. One of the great arguments for reconciling this coun-
try to the Peel-Wellington Administration was, that the
Church and the Peers would yield to it what they never
would yield to the Whigs. The smallest concession, it
was said, would be made reluctantly to the latter,
from fear lest an unfair advantage should be taken of it ;
whereas, in the case of a Tory Administration, they would
repose with confidence on its intentions, and when assured
from such a quarter that a measure was required, they
would assent to it cheerfully. But what do we now see

The Duke of Wellington and the more liberal Tories,
anxious that the University of Oxford should stand well
with the country, propose a change which leaves the power
of the High Church party precisely where it was, and
merely tends to satisfy the ,conscientious scruples of many
most respectable churchmen-.—and yet that change, small as
it is, the University refuses to make ! So far from the
Duke of Wellington being able to effect what could not be
effected by others, the innovation appears to be doubly re-
sented, because it is proposed by a friend, It is expected
of the Duke, that he should be the last man to sanction
any innovation whatever ; and that it is quite enough to
have to defend themselves against the claims of opponents
without having also to combat friends. The rancorous
hatred borne to Sir R. Peel and the Duke of Wellington
for conceding the claims of the Catholics, though they
endeavoured to pacify the Church party by- alleging
that their opinions remained unchanged, and that they
yielded only to an over-ruling necessity, ought to have
prepared us for this exhibition. In fact, the advance to-
wards liberality made in 1829, broke up the Tory party. In
vain the more liberal party of the body now endeavour to
draw over the Ultras to some concessions to meet the spirit
of the age. The moment the slightest movement is at-
tempted, the heterogeneous nature of the union becomes
manifest. The parties agree only in opposing the Re-
formers. Whenever it becomes necessary to act, the High
Church party, who wish things to remain stationary, fall
out with the moderate Tories, who are disposed to concede
something to public opinion, in order to prevent a larger
measure of Reform from being ultimately carried. The
attempt to coax the High Church party into liberal mea-
sures, is about one of the most hopeless tasks that can well
be conceived. Ultra-Toryism and Liberalism are as oppo-
site as light and darkness. Reforms can only be effected
by men imbued with the principle of Reform. When
influential classes of the country have determined
on ameliorations, their will must be the law. In
this country public opinion has pronounced itself
strongly in favour of Reform in all our Institutions,
and though the Duke of Wellington has been ungraciously
repulsed by Oxford, yet ere long the bigots of that Uniyer
sity will find themselves under the necessity of yielding to
the demands of the nation. In fact, the Duke of Welling-
ton has not gone the right way to work. His Grace, no
doubt, conceived that he might coax the Doctors of Oxford
into some slight advance, that he might open the way to
further changes. But they suspected his drift, and refused
to move a single step. But when the fiat of the nation is
pronounced through its representatives, the authorities of
the University must yield obedience. In expressing our-
selves thus respecting the hopelessness of dallying with the
High Churchmen of Oxford, we do not wish to be misunder-
stood. We know that there are many eminent men in both
Universities, especially in Cambridge, who zealously advocate
the most extensive Church Reform, and it would be the
height of injustice to class them among the obstinate
enemies of improvement, who, owing to the long reign of
the Tories, crowd every department of the Church and
State.—Morning Chronicle.
We have determined to wait till the resolutions on edu-
cation moved by Lord Brougham shall appear in print be-
fore we notice them at any length ; but we may perhaps be
allowed to throw out one suggestion. It is well known
that at the time when the greatest number of endowed
schools was founded, that is, just before and just after the
Reformation, education implied that degree of classical, or,
as it is called, " grammar-school" knowledge, which should
enable the student to perform the functions of the learned
professions of priest or lawyer. If, therefore, a man, or a
body of men, established a school for gratuitous instruc-
tion, the school was of course a grammar-school, and no-
thing but a grammar-school ; for a farmer or a tradesman,
or any person in humble circumstances; would never have
required or dreamt of any education for his child, unless
that child was to be dedicated to the Church or the bar.
Far different is the case now. With few exceptions the
learned professions are supplied from the middle classes,
who have the means of educating their children from their
own funds ; while the poorer section of these classes re-
quire for their offspring an education suited to those va-
rious trades and mechanical occupations for which they are
destined, instead of that classical education which in their
case would be a mere incumbrance. But unluckily there
are no respectable schools for gratuitous instruction in
writing, arithmetic, and the other essential branches of know-
ledge, required by this large and important class. The gram-
mar-school is open to them, but it gives them a stone for
0,-;1 ; it is therefore in very rare instances resorted to.
;t not evident that, looking to the intention of the
founders ok met-schools, they wished to supply a
want then existing, a. c., to tult..,,h to the. noor the means
of the only education which was then in - it
not presumable—nay, is it not certain, that if the same pe,-
sons were now to found schools, they would, acting in the
same spirit of serving the comparatively poor according to
their wants, accommodate them with the means of instruc-
tion best suited to their purposes ? If they enjoined the
teaching of Greek and Latin, when Greek and Latin were
the only desiderata, would they now substitute some other
branch of instruction in cases where Greek and Latin would
he utterly useless ? One thing is certain—that immense
funds, more than sufficient for the education of all the poor,
are unemployed for the purposes of education, because the
poor repudiate a sort of instruction which is to them a me! e
mockery. Would it then be any violent stretch of the
power of Parliament to pass sonic act which should enforce
the spirit, though it may alter the letter, of the charters cs*
these numerous and wealthy institutions. Let an act be
passed empowering the masters of these schools to teach
the rudiments of common and mechanical education, and
the schools which are now empty, or filled only with
wealthy boarders, to the advantage of nobody but the en-
dowed master, will at once be crowded with the sons of
small farmers, and small tradesmen, and poor mechanics,
for whose benefit they were founded ; and useful instruction
will be universally diffused, without putting the country to
the expense of a single additional shilling for an object so
transcendently important.—Times.
A conversation took place last night in the House of
Lords, which will excite rather more than ordinary inte-
rest. Its subject was the Repeal procession in Ireland
which welcomed Lord Mulgrave on his arrival, and was
honoured accordingly by the grateful patronage of his Ex-
cellency ; and the resignation, by the Marquis of Welles-
ley, of his office of Lord Chamberlain of the King's House-
, hold. It appears from the statement of the Marquis Wel-
lesley that these subjects are distinct, for, corroborating in
this instance the assertions of the Lords Melbourne and
Brougham, the Noble Marquis says, that he had resigned
before he knew anything whatever about that Repeal
procession, by which the Earl of Mulgrave —as the
Earl of Mulgrave, felt highly honoured, but by which,
•at the same time, the representative of the Sovereign
of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland
was, it cannot be denied, grievously insulted. The Re-
peal parade requires no further illustration after the
forcible remarks which were made upon the subject by the
Earl of Wicklow and other Members of the House of
Lords. It amounted simply to an assumption by Mr.
O'Connell, for, though absent, the pageantry was entirely
his, of the sovereignty of Ireland, acquiesced in without
resistance, or rebuke, or murmur, by the faithful and loyal
Lieutenant of the legitimate Sovereign. The cause of the
Marquis Wellesley's resignation of his high office in his
Majesty's Court remains involved in nearly as much
obscurity as ever, although the Noble Marquis has been
present in the -House of Lords, and has spoken upon
the subject. His Lordship declared that he had not
separated himself from the present Ministers of the Crown
on account of the above-mentioned overt act of resistance
to the authority of the British Crown and laws, committed
with their connivance. But he cautiously abstained from
from either affirming or denying the proposition, that he had
been driven to this step by his alarm and disgust at the es-
tablishment, which the overt act in question rendered
scarcely more evident than it was before, of an authority
in Ireland paramount to that of the Sovereign and Legis-
lature of the United Kingdom. Upon this proposition fur-
ther discussion is to take place, if it should happen to be
convenient to the Noble Marquis to be in his place in the
House of Lords on Tuesday next. Until that day we
willingly forbear from any further comment upon the sub-
ject, except it be to express our belief that the Marquis
Wellesley is not the man to relinquish an honourable and
advantageous office from mere caprice, and that he might
and would have attributed his proceeding, frankly, and with-
out reserve, to its true cause, had that cause been declining
health, the infirmity of years, or any other circumstance
appertaining personally to himself. His Lordship seems to
be restrained from affording any explanation of his resigna-
tion of office by an honourable and elevated sense of duty,
which forbidr him to compromise the Administration under
which he had accepted office. But this delicacy, it is mani-
fest, would not have restrained him from affording a satis-
factory explanation of the occurrence in question had it
been possible, without violating truth, to offer any that is
calculated to exalt the reputation, and improve the position
of the existing Ministry.—Morning Post.

The Cheltenham petition against drunkenness is a
blow, by a side wind, aimed against the beer-shops. Men are
quite as likely to get drunk, one would suppose, at a public-house,
where gin and all other spirits are sold, as at a shop where
beer only can be bought.

DISTRESS IN KERRY.—A public meeting has
taken place at Dingle, for the purpose of ministering to the
wants of the pauper population of that district, and preventing
the visitation of so dreadful calamity as famine among them.
LIVERPOOL COTTON MARKET, MAY 20.
We have no alternation in our Cotton-market. Prices keep
steady. The sales to-day are about 4,000 bales (600 on spe-
culation, and 500 for export), and consist of 360 Bahias, 15d.
to 15-d. ;25 Egyptian, 21d. ;30 Surat, aid.; 60 Bengal,
Bd. ; a few Pernams, 18d. ; remainder in American from
lOid. to 121 d.