The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-19 00:00:00

Lombardy.. and to the threat implied in the Austrian occu-
pation of Piacenza—statements and allusionswhich tended
undoubtedly to show that an outbreak in the Lombardo-
Venetian provinces, if not actually stimulated, would not be
discouraged by Piedmont, but would be l oo keduon rather
as a legitimate expression of national feeling,
moral
in
aid of
uponhththere
sympathies and, perhaps, more than tl
Pied-
mont might be advantageous to the country-it was but
natural that, for her own protection,forthem ofaail ordertenan maintenance
in
her own territories, and for the preservation
districts which she was told were so dissatisfied, preparations
should be made upon a large and extensive scale by Austria.
(Hear.) I am bound to say, also,
.that as far as language
could go the declarations of Austria from first to last have
been uniform and constant, that as long as Piedmont con-
fined herself within
borders and did not interfere
with the Austrian tehrterritories,ries, or with those obligations by
tow apprehend
hiclAustr
any
Austria was bound, in that case she had no reason
attack from Austria, and that the Cabinet
of Vienna was willing, and would even regard it as a
friendly act, that France and England should enter into a
guarantee—a guarantee which we proposed-of—of Piedmont
for a considerable period against all risk of Austrian inva-
sion. (Hear.) I join in the observations made by the
noble earl opposite as to the
.injurious character of those
e tr aties and obligations—injurious not only to Italy but to
Austria herself—into which Austria has entered with
many of the Italian States; but, nevertheless, I am
compelled to say that, however unwise, however ill-
advised, however injurious to the well-considered
interests of Austria, those treaties were not more than
what she had a legal right to enter into with any in-
dependent country. (Hear, hear.) I think they were impo-
litic ; I think they increased the danger of disturbance ra-
ther than afforded any protection to either of the parties
concerned; I think they would be wisely abandoned by
Austria, and I believe that if our mediation had been per
mitted to go on they would to a great extent have been ab-
rogated, or some substitute for them found, and in that way
one of the great difficulties of the Italian question success-
fully overcome. (Hear, hear.) Again, with respect to the
occupation of the Roman States, that was a point vrhichby
universal consent might very fairly have been left to the
deliberations of a Congress, or, subsequent to those delibe-
rations, to the assent and understanding of France and
Austria themselves. At all events, the principle being
adopted by the Congress, the practical execution of the
proposal might have been safely entrusted to the three
Powers chiefly concerned—France, Austria, and the Pope.
I must say, however, that the history of the negotiations
relative to the evacuation of the Roman States is somewhat
veiled in mystery. It has been said that a demand was made
by the Holy See for the immediate withdrawal of the French
and Austrian troops. I believe the noble earl opposite is
correct in stating that preparations for removal were ac-
tually begun on the part of Austria. Why no further pro-
gress has been made in such removal I know not, but, at
the same time I think it right to say that I do not believe
the immediate withdrawal of the French and Austrian
troops could have been effected without running the risk of
consequences which might have proved most lamentable
not only to Rome, but to the whole of Italy. But I think
it was most important, the principle of evacuation being
once adopted, that the practical execution should follow
within a given time—a time sufficient for such reforms and
precautions on the part of the Papal Government itself as
would have enabled it to do with safety what the interests
of the world seemed so imperatively to demand. (Hear.)
I shall not detain your lordships by entering into a con-
sideration of the various measures which we have proposed
for the purpose of insuring, first by our own mediation,
and next through the meeting of a Congress, a settlement of
these difficult and perplexing questions. I think the time
has now nearly approached when it mus be finally and
definitively decided whether the Congress is to meet at all,
or whether a peaceabe solution of these questions be pos-
sible. (Hear, hear.) It would be neither for the honour
nor for the interests of England that these discussions as to
tatted preliminaries of the Congress should be further pro-
(Cheers.) The time is nearly come when Eng-
land—which has, in 'd, made one more effort, suggested
one more proposition, which I am not at liberty to lay be-
forfore your lordships--shall say that the period has gone by
trifling, and that, having exhausted all her powers of
persuasiop, and left no stone unturned to effect a settlement
upon principles which have received the unanimous ap-
withdof her Parliament, she must, however reluctantly,
withdaw from interference in affairs in which she can no
longer hope her interference would be useful to the public
interests or consistent with her own dignity, and must again
reserve to hrself, as she has done np to the present mo-
ment, absolute and entire freedom to take such steps as she
ahehereafter think fit. (Cheers.) My noble friend has
mustyd pointed out the lamentable consequences which
be the anse
, if war does break out, to Italy herself, whatever
Omuta or whoever in the first instance is
successful. I thhik my noble friend underrates the magni-
tude of the danger if je supposes that the war will be con-
moat to Rear It will be a war, in the first place, of the
BangnalarY description, because a war of principle and
of passion. If will not be a war between two great nations
contending for some definite object, but a war exciting the
most violent passions, and once begun in Italy it willex-
tend far beyond the limits of that country. Other passions
will be roused, other interests will be touched, other nations
I
be called upon to interfere, and the war originating in
Italy will certainly at no distant period extend far and
wide, ter7ini,
g the whole of Europe in one general confia-
gratiml- ear, hear.) It would not be difficult to trace
the a
but Its y which such extension will necessarily ensue ;
only say that even for England it would be im-
possible to look with total indifference to any alteration of
the ecenPation of the Adriatic or its shores. Our interests
in the
Mediterranean are such as require the most careful
vvisual:lce on our part. (Hear, hear.) It is obvious, more-
itself
over, that a very little overstepping of the limits of Italy
strop Would produce a state of things which, under the
whole gest and highest treaty obliontions, would bring the
of Germany into the field in defence of the
Germanic Confederation. (Hear, hear.) Germany brought
the field, what is to become of Belgium, of
E
Switzerland, of the general state of the political relations of
~nrePT e? War once begun in Italy can never be confined
a
,'"n italY, and once spread beyond the limits of Italy it is
may'
to foresee who will be drawn into it, how far it
zaay extend, or what may be its result. (Hear.) England is
edeeeeeeply interested in the maintenance of peace. She is pre-
k•-‘7,,i,t43 make almost any sacrifices for that object ; but, in
theuTi-reste,__ ltd. , she cannot assume a position which
if war r;71181er in a helpless and defenceless condition, and
trali out, whatever be the consequence, our nen-
tY, as long as it may last, must to a certain extent be
an
on armed neutrality--(hear)—enabling us to take our part
orehtat side, whatever it may be, which the honour, the in-
dser ete. anethe dignity of the country may indicate as best
iet_ving our support. (Cheers.) Such is the course which
nePe. the Government will be supported in taking by the
nneninious opinion of Parliament and the country ; for
yule we
silecll aln certain, is the only sound and rational policy
can pursue. God grant
necesaity of
entering we may be spared the
greaterupon so dangerous a path ! God
grant that in the councils of Europe there may yet prevail
Frant tbi
moderation,te greater wisdom, greater temper 1 God
pass by without bursting forth
131nnicil:e.eaall°1:11nttosanad terrificmanneray w Wei h' weashlasaveidnohwefatoreo,
that it nu, e_ anticipate ! But I am sure,
the naiiimmn• cuances of peace depend in great measure upon
ably assent of Parliament to the principles so
noble earl op Y expressed by my noble friend and the
it be within rte, they will be materially strengthened if
tdiovedeteloareowledge of Euro
not be that England will
events 'Ake
___ remain a helpless Poer feeble
_spectator of
that a ectiunus'flear compromise her dignity alids houour, but
Upon the head7,Povninbility, with all its result , will be, laid
eess
ty
seei_pro,ovrach;tiPenou-er, whatever it may be, which,
withion.t due
E' • '''' 1
nrolee 111 the and without the most urgent n. e-
'" own ous purposes to mvoive
cheers.) ealainities of along and bloody war. (Loud
The following bills and were read a third time
through their several stages,t
nance Act Conti rd time and passed :—Pauper Mam e-
mental Bill • p nuance Bill; Local Government Supple-
,' Sureni,entalublic Offices Extension Bill ; Naval Medi-
Bill ; lida Fund Society Annuities Act Continuance
13i118 (Zl3,277,eteeoAd).:Bri Appropriation Bill ; Exchequer
'Upon the ' _Rembsion of Penalties Bill.
,; e.eGHTER BILL.
ships resolved motornotteor the LORD CHANCELLOR, their lord-
bill from which the insist
tiPe
ilitoßin
,nions had,ei amendments in this
dissented.
The Marquis of ',LEI -HOUSE.
at the head of the Gov•XRICARDE asked the noble earl
lay before Parliament
eminent whether it was intended to
erection upon the eite
..the plans and estimates for the
Metropolitan Board
0,...,,,erke1ey-house of premises for the
, ae;tekatio.n
pressed a fear lest the Aeti
these
esesame time he ex - render impossible premises should
James's Park from 4nrafatorrnation of an entrance to St.
The Earl of DERnßianYssagiadr-thaqauat there would be no objec-
tion to. produce the
marquis that as the Boarclef;rred to, and assured the noble the existing footway into the Works were required to widen
would facilitate rather thaw e park the intended alterations provement which he pede the making of the im-
anhad ruenitT
THE CLOCK oe,eerti,'
. the
Lord CAMPBELL again -- NEW PALACE.
the clock in the clock towered attention to the state of
Since he had last spoken zio
advance
subject, now three weeks
Rouses of Parliament.
ago, the clock had made
mi
utesvanace of only five minutes.
It had then indicated 10
at five minutes to that hoaxer' (A llugh.)
6 o'clock, now it stood
aatisfacto This rate of pro-
gress was not very
The Earl of Rnery
e(1,71-d
hope, before the new
Parliament assembled, that the ri(stileytie of the clock would
have been overcome, and that
dearest wish of the noble and lea wl.lat aPleeared to be the
fully gratified. (A laugh.) retest lord's heart would be
PRIZE PROPERT'y IN INDIA.
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH
to ask whether
her Majesty's Government had yet ado Zei
placing the army in India in Rees„srou
er measures for
°nation to the Indian
The question of prize property in inn Priz9roPerty ?
stood in a peculiar position. If the d ou with this war
army was to consist merely of that portion of the
property which came strictly under the defon Ofattared
it would be inconsiderable, and totally inadequat oroty,
PurPose. Another and a very large portioneht-colaseiefte° diotsf
PraPertY forfeited by reason of rebellion. The claim of the
consti-
arFaY to %ix was- not so clear as its claim to the booty.
totedelodes wonld arise in ascertaining what Strictly
forfeiture • . the Crown were to part with all the
property that h'tbeei' e
the power of forfeited, it would deprive itself of
•
inakingyro•vision for cases indicated by public
policy. It
instead of graneiu -''' hare therefore, more desirable that,
forfeitures whicb,baag generallY to the army a right over the
out of the war, a large sum, bear-
ing some proportion zist
bloc, and that the army .heir services, should be granted en
Y 811"ulal share in that according to rules
laid down for its distribution.
upon the Government the ~,..A.b°,,l'e all, he earnestly pressed
decision on. this subject efWyl ie' of coining to an early
could be more inconsis-
tent with the principle that should
nide them in such a
case than that they thould defer and
deserved so well of their country tuiateildue to those who had
its value and most of its grace; (lithe reward lost half
100 years
course of 18 months the Indian artny rere bear.) In the
at last
empire which it took their Florious predsceratonquered an
to acquire. It was to their exertions alone trhat we owed
this splendid result ; and he did think the time
come when the Crown should award to that arrayirlo
substantial proof of its gratitude than they had hulttmere
ceived. He had, therefore, to ask whether anytenie.°Z?;
yet been done towards granting the prize property tai"e;Z
the late war to the Indian army?.
Earlof DERB Y—l quite agree with m
The
friend, not only in the merited eulogium which he has passed
upon
the gallantry and services of the army in India, but
also in the opinion he has expressed, that rewards of' this
kind lose a great deal of their value if they are not speedily
bestowed. I therefore extremely re-
gretl as cheerfully.
give him ' not me'
in
~. power to give so satisfactory
aswethLaiitis
an answer as that it would be
I could wish, . The circumstances of the va-
rious captures to lay down
are so exceedingly different,
any Positive
1.1
difficult, if not impossible, .
very
p ble to them all. But, with
have laid down cer-
taintb regard to the cap-
ture• sce
rule
apDlieclha i the Indian Government .
of
; ' which were acquiesced from that
lace.
regulations ce...ted, in the first P
d in by the late Court
of Directors. They p
which properly belonged
which had been previously
ex
to the troops the recovery
that
stores or Government property
they further excepted from 0
seized by the rebele, and
which might be regarded tl4 prize any Private Fr°PerteT r

which the claims of individual owners could be fairly re-
cognised. As to the rest, the commanding officers were
directed to appoint committees to examine what e amount
of prize collected had been, and to mak a return
of the total amount under different heads th Lt might be
properly appropriated to the army, or which either belonged
to the State or to private individuals. The principle laid
down by the Governor-General was, as I have said, ac-
quiescedin by the late Court of Directors, who as long ago
as July, 1858, sent out their approval of it, accompanied by
a request that a return might be forwarded to this country
with the least possible delay, stating the sums which might
be legitimately distributed among the troops, in order that
no time might be lost in obtaining the authorisation of the
Crown to the distribution. To that despatch of July last I
regret to say that up to the present moment no answer
whatever has been received at the India-house. As to the
questions raised with regard to the captures at other places
—such as Kandeish, Kotah, and, above all, Lucknow—they
are still under consideration by the Indian Government.
and no decision has yet been arrived at upon the principle
on which the distribution should proceed. But I can assure
my noble friend that no time shall be lost in urging on the
Government of India the necessity of hastening their ope-
rations, and of forwarding us the earliest information, so as
to enable us to satisfy the just expectations of the army in
this matter.
Their lordships adjourned at half-past seven o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.)
The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.
The Lords' amendments to the Great Northern Railway
Bill were considered and agreed to, and the bill was ordered
for third reading.
The following bills were considered and ordered for
third reading :—Charing-cross Railway ; Oxford, Wor-
cester, and Wolverhampton Railway ; Reading and Hat-
field Road ; Salford Borough (No. 2) ; Tenbury Rail-
way ; Witney Railway (No. 2) ; Worcester and Hereford
Railway.
The following bills were read a second time :—Maidstone
Water and National Fire and Life Insurance Company of
Scotland.