The Sun.
London, England, 1866-02-07 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 7, 1866.

great delight. Her Majesty's intimation of
the intended marriage of her daughter would
give great satisfaction, because it would add to
the happiness of her Majesty's domestic circle. The
house, he was sure, would participate in the grief
occasioned to her Majesty by the death of the King
of the Belgians. However, there were other topics
in the Speech from the Throne which would
be read with the deepest regret, and none, he felt
certain, would create a deeper feeling than the
matters that had occurred in Jamaica. An im-
portant inquiry, however, was to be made into the
whole circumstances connected with the calamity at
Morant Court House. It had also been intimated
that papers on the subject would be laid on the
table of the house, and under those cir-
cumstances ho thought it would be judicious
in him not further to allude to it, although he felt
bound to say that in the steps the Government had
taken they had only followed the precedent set
by the Government of Lord Derby in the
case of Sir Henry Storks in the lonian
Islands. The next topic of importance was
the cattle disease, which was making such fearful
ravages through the country, and which, knowing
the nature of the bill which was to be laid before the
house, he felt it would be one that would grasp the
whole of the fearful calamity within its provisions.
It was extremely gratifying that the trade of the
country was in a satisfactory condition. With re-
spect to matters in Ireland the great meeting that
had been held there fully proved that the steps taken
by her Majesty's Government had met with universal
approval. There was some strength in a conspiracy
which survived the loss of leaders, and the question
that would naturally occur was, what was the cause
of this state of things. (Hear, hear.) It might be
a Celtic antagonism to the Saxon, it might be suf-
fering, but it behoved the Government to take the
most energetic steps to arrive at the cause of the
conspiracy. With respect to the measure for the
improvement of the representation of the people in
that hoise he felt great satisfaction at the announce-
ment made by the noble earl at the head of the
Government that by that measure he must stand or
fall. (Hear.) He was sure the house would heartily
join in her Majesty's wish that their wisdom might
prevail in their deliberations, and that they might
all tend to the benefit and happiness of her people.
The noble lord concluded by moving the address,
which was, as usual, a mere echo of the Royal
Speech.

Mr. W. GRAHAM, in seconding the address,
said he highly appreciated the great honour con-
ferred on the great constituency he represented in
being invited to second the address. He rejoiced that
her Majesty had once more appeared amongst her
people, and that feeling he was sure was shared by
every loyal subject. The country had sustained a
great loss in the death of one who was so devoted
a servant to his country, yet it was gratifying to
know that the prosperity of the country is not depen-
dent on the lives of statesmen, howeverbrilliant. The
Speech referred to a measure for Parliamentary re-
form ; and he felt that their new leaders were
men well calculated to carry out such
a proposal in the most satisfactory manner.
With respect to the island of Jamaica, no
person more than himself regretted that such an
outbreak had occurred ; yet au impartial inquiry
was to be made into all the circumstances connected
with the unhappy calamity, and pending
that all judgment ought to be suspended.
He felt that the inquiry would be conducted in
the most impartial manner, and he felt certain
that evidence to character would be taken as evi-
dence of fact. (Hear, hear.) The most im-
partial inquiry he felt certain would be
made, and no official connection or posi-
tion of influence would be allowed to intercept
or stand in the way of a full, complete, and thorough
investigation. (Hear, hear.) The ramifications
of the conspiracy in Ireland would demand
a most searching inquiry, but he trusted
also that a wise and temperate spirit would charac-
terise the steps taken to ascertain the causes that
have led to such a state of things. The state
of trade, it was most gratifying to find,
was satisfactory. He thought great good
would result from the treaty with Austria, and for
that treaty they were indebted to the late Mr.
Cobden and the Emperor of the French. He
earnestly hoped that the prosperity that had hitherto
attended the country would continue; and thanking
the house for the patience which they had extended
to him, he begged to second the Address.

Mr. B. ST-ANHOPE said it was not his
intention to go through the whole of the
topics mentioned in the Royal Speech, but
he should confine his observations simply to that
part of it relative to the cattle plague, and in this
matter he could not but think that the Government
had not acted with that foresight and discretion
that they ought to have done. The orders in
Council were quite insufficient to stop the spread-
ing of the disease, because sufficient power was not
given to those who were doing their utmost to
mitigate it. The magistrates were placed
in collision with their neighbours, and thus a
state of things was brought about the most unsatis-
factory. The Government had allowed unlimited
facilities for cattle leaving public markets and fares,
and if inquiry was made in any particular district
such would be found to be the case. Sick cattle
which could not be sold in Yorkshire were
sent to Lincolnshire, and in this way the
scourge a point that created
widesprehaadd,
arneadchbeed
might say, universal terror.
The Royal Agricultural Society had asked the Go-
vernment to take certain efficient steps to arrest
the progress of the disease, yet these suggestions
had been in a great measure unheeded.

Mr. DENT also urged the impossibility of stopping the
plague unless the Government immediately came forward
with a uniform and compulsory plan.

Lord R. MONTAGU referred to the history of the cattle
plague to show the incompetence of the Home-office in
dealing with it, and criticised severely the pusillanimity
and the fear of responsibility which had been evinced by
the Government at every stage of the calamity. He con-
trasted it with the vigorous measures of foreign Govern-
ments, by which the plague had been stamped out with
very slight loss, and argued that the farmers ought to be
compensated for the losses they had sustained, because it
was owing to the apathy of the Home-office that the rin-
derpest had spread, and also because it was the business of
the nation to help a lame industry over the stile.

Mr. CARNEGIE made a few remarks in defence of the
Government, but urged the adoption of a strictly uniform
system.
Sir M. W. RIDLEY maintained that the farmers bad
reason to complain of the want of promptitude of the
Home-office. He recommended a more stringent inspection
of cattle vessels, the stoppage of all movement of live
cattle, and the institution of dead meat markets in every
town.

Mr. HODGKINSON recommended the immediate esta-
blishment of a general compulsory mutual assurance on a
plan the details of which he explained.
Sir J. TROLLOPE pointed out the inconveniences
which had arisen from intrusting the execution of the
Orders in Council to various local authories, who had done
their best, but had been confounded by the number and
discrepancy of these orders. He blamed the Government
for not summoning Parliament together earlier, if they had
not courage to take the necessary measures on their own
responsibility, and despaired of any adequate plan of com-
pensation or assurance being carried out unless the Go-
vernment took the lead.
Mr. T. G. BARING denied that the Home-office had
shrunk from any responsibility in this matter. In defend-
ing his department he pointed out that it was still doubted
where the disease came from, and referred to .the opinion
of the committee of 1864, composed chiefly of agricultural
members, which was decidedly averse from any further
restrictions on the importation of foreign cattle, as well as
to the opposition which his Contagious Disorders Bill had
met with in the same year from the agricultural interest,
After dwelling with some minuteness on the inconveni
ence and impossibility of laying down a rigid uniform sys-
tem for the whole country in such matters as closing the
markets and stopping the removal of cattle, he went on to
dispute the soundness of the recommendation of the Com-
missioners that the movement of cattle should be stopped,
remending the house in how many ways besides contact
disease could be communicated, and asserted that such an
order would have been utterly impracticable. Into this
question of the removal of cattle Mr. Baring entered at
some length, and concluded by claiming for the Govern-
ment the credit of having taken every step which experi-
ence had shown to be really effective in checking the
disease.

Mr. LOWE defended the recommendations of the Com-
missioners, who, he said, were unanimous on the main point,
and insisted that whatever authority was exercised in a
matter of this short should be central. As a proof of the
wisdom of these recommendations, he pointed to the case of
Berkshire, in which they had been adopted in their in-
tegrity, and which had been absolutely free from disease.

He believed that, if adopted by the Government when they
were made, they would have arrested the disease ; but the
Commissioners had by no means the same confidence in
their efficacy now that the disorder had attained such in-
tensity.

Mr. HENLEY discussed the several Orders in Council
issued by the Government, and showed how they had all
been defeated by the inaction of the central authority. He
professed his inability to understand why the Government
from almost the very outset had not prohibited the exit of
cattle from the London district, as it was from the London
market that the infection had been carried to many quar-
ters. Mr. Henley expressed a strong conviction that if
this had been done, and one or two other places isolated,
the disease would have been stamped out.
Lord ORANBORNE contrasted the measures which had
been taken in England and Belgium, and insisted that, if
the Home Secretary had acted with the same vigour as the
Belgian Government, not one-half of this terrible disaster
would have befallen us. As the Government had practi-
cally abdicated their functions, he argued that they were
bound to compensate those who had suffered by their
apathy.
Mr. LESLIE narrated what had been done in Aberdeen-
shire to arrest the plague, and expressed a general appro-
bation of the acts of the Government.

Sir G. GREY replied in detail to the objections taken to
the action of the Government, and maintained that the
more stringent regulations which had been recommended
in the course of the debate would have produced so much
difficulty and vexation that they would not have been
tolerated by the people. He referred to the case of Aber-
deenshire to show that the Orders, where the magistrates
had taken full advantage of them, were efficacious in stop-
ping the disease, and regretted that similar energy had not
been shown in other parts of the country. On the question
of compensation, Sir G. Grey mentioned that in the last
century the practice had produced such bad results, there
being no local interests to keep
,down the amount, that it
was given up.

On the motion of the O'DONOGIITJE, the debate was
adjourned until Thursday.
The house then adjourned.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—" The deplorable events which have oc-
curred in the Island of Jamaica" are the subject of
the longest, and not the least carefully worded, para-
graph in the Queen's Speech. Her Majesty informs
Parliament that she has instituted an impartial in-
quiry " into the origin, nature, and circumstances
of the recent outbreak, and the measures adopted in
the course of its suppression." She defines, more-
over, the object of Sir Henry Storks' appointment
in the triple capacity of President of the Council,
Governor, and Commander of the Forces. Mr.
Eyre could not be the judge of his own conduct, yet
he could not as Governor be placed in the position
of a defendant. An " impartial inquiry," therefore,
could only be conducted by a new Governor, and
" the due maintenance of authority during that in-
quiry" could only be secured by investing the per-
son selected for this office with supreme military
command. Beyond this, and the fact that a bill for
amending the political constitution of Jamaica is to
be introduced by the Government, we learn nothing
from the Royal Speech as to the Ministerial view of
Jamaica affairs. It contains, however, the expected
announcement that " papers on these occurrences
will be laid before you," and no time has been lost
in redeeming this pledge by presenting to Parliament
the long-delayed series of Jamaica despatches. Of
the two Blue-books already published the first and
least important comprises a correspondence between
Governor Eyre and the Colonial-office, ranging
from January, 1865, up to the period of the Morant
Bay massacre (October 11). It also embodies the
celebrated letter of Dr. Underhill, besides certain
documents of a later date than last October, but not
immediately bearing on the rebellion or its suppres-
sion. The second instalment of " papers relating
to the disturbances in Jamaica" is far more interest-
ing. Here are to be found all the communications
received by Mr. Cardwell from Governor Eyre
on this subject between November 16 and
December 30, together with the replies of the
Colonial Secretary. On the former day the first
official account of the scenes which had been enacted
on October 11 and during the following week
reached England from the colony. It was already
known through telegraphic despatches, by way of
North America, that a negro rising had taken place
at Morant Bay, that a great many whites had been
killed by the negroes, and that Governor Eyre had
sent to Barbadoes and elsewhere for reinforcements.
His own despatch, however, brought the earliest
authentic and connected narrative of the insurrec-
tion itself, as well as the earliest indication that
any undue severity bad been exercised in quelling
it. With the contents of this despatch, upon which
his enemies no less than his friends profess to found
their case, the majority of .our readers must already
be familiar. Extracts from Mr. Cardwell's reply,
dated November 17 (the day after its receipt), were
laid by Governor Eyre before the Jamaica
Legislature, published in the Colonial journals,
and transmitted to this country. We took occa-
sion at the time to point out the unfairness of deal-
ing with that which only purported to be a part, and
was likely to be the most complimentary part, of
such a despatch, as though it adequately represented
the spirit of the whole. Our cautions have been
justified by the sequel, for the 'passages omitted
by Governor Eyre turn out, as we had anticipated,
to contain—together with an acknowledgment of
his own services—abundant evidence that Mr. Card-
well was already awake to the danger of vindictive
retribution. " No doubt," he says, " you will have
much further intelligence to communicate to me
hereafter on the subject of the measures of severity
to which you have felt it necessary to have re-
course. If you had time, in forwarding those en-
closures, to make yourself acquainted with all their
contents, it will have been evident to you that
they contain many passages which will require to
be explained as soon as there shall be sufficient
leisure for the writers to explain fully the proceed-
ings to which they relate." . . . " I entirely
agree with you that measures of severity, when
dictated by necessity and justice, are in reality
measures of mercy, and do not doubt it will appear
that you have arrested the course of punishment as
soon as you were able to do so, and have exerted
yourself to confine it meanwhile to ascertained offen-
ders and to cases of aggravated guilt. I observe
with pleasure the hope you express that if no fur-
ther outbreak occurs you will, in a short time, have
been able to proclaim a general amnesty, except to
actual murderers." Now, to do justice to the lan-
guage of this despatch, we must not only place our-
selves in the responsible position of the writer, but
must also dismiss from our memories all the light
since thrown retrospectively on the transactions in
question. Bearing in mind these two conditions, we
venture to assert that, so far from betraying any in-
difference to the possible excesses of martial law, it
evinces a very clear apprehension of them, and
touches significantly on the very points which subse-
quent intelligence has shown to be the most vulner-
able. It was not open to Mr. Cardwell, as it was to
unofficial critics, to comment on the newspaper re-
ports and private letters which reached us by the
same mail, but an unbiassed reader of the despatch
will at least gather from it that his sense of humanity
was not quickened for the first time by Mr. Chame-
rovzow. The best proof of the effect which Mr.
Cardwell's answer was calculated to produce is the
impression which it actually did produce on the
mind of Governor Eyre. On the 232 d page of these
papers will be found the rejoinder of the latter. Its
tone is apologetic throughout, and, while it fails, in
our opinion, to meet the points suggested by kr.
Cardwell, it leaves no doubt whatever that its
author interpreted as we do the despatch of Novem-
ber 17. That despatch was followed by another,
dated November 23, and conveyed to the West
Indies by the Constance frigate. In this Mr. Card-
well reverts to the same topic, urging again the
duty of " checking at the earliest possible moment
those measures of instant severity which only an
overwhelming sense of public danger justifies,
and of returning to the ordinary course of legal
inquiry." He begs- to have copies of the proceed-
ings before the various Courts-martial, and ap-
pends in a memorandum some revolting quotations
from the letters of Colonel' Hobbs and Captain
Hole. In a separate despatch of the'same date he
draws special attention to Gordon's case, requesting
to be furnished with all the documents and evidence
relating to it, pointing out the material difference
between taking part in or instigating the murderous
outbreak and making inflammatory speeches which
might indirectly lead to it, calling for an explana-
tion of his removal from Kingston to a district
under martial law, and implying grave misgivings
as to the legality of his execution. The next mail
took out several more despatches" from Mr. Card-
well, dated December 1, of which two refer to the
publication of Dr. Underhill's original letter, and
to the opening by the Governor's orders of another
letter from the same gentleman to a correspondent
in Jamaica. Others touch on an unfortunate mis-
understanding which had arisen between the Go-
vernor and General O'Connor, but which only bears
remotely on the main issue. One, however, num-
bered 356 (p. 245), deserves a most attentive
perusal, for it contains an exhaustive statement of
all the questions which can fall under the considera-
tion of the Commission just appointed. By this
time Mr. Cardwell's suspicions had been fully
aroused by the testimony gradually accruing ; and
we doubt whether a more searching set of interro-
gatories could have been framed by the Anti-Slavery
Society itself. The number of blacks slaughtered
by the Maroons in particular was then supposed, on
the authority of a letter from Sir L. M'Clintock, to
be much larger than more recent details confirm,
and Mr. Cardwell specially asks for a report on this
head from Mr. Eyre. It was not till eight days after

this and the accompanying despatches had been
posted that Mr. Cardwell met the tumultuous depu-
tation organised by M. Chamerovzow. In the mean-
time Sir Henry Storks had been summoned by tele-
graph from Malta, and less than two days afterwards
was in London receiving his instructions. To represent
the Government, therefore, as having been driven
by external pressure alone to have pity on the
Jamaica negroes is a palpable absurdity. It needed
no sensational advertisements about " eight miles
of dead bodies " to convince Mr. Cardwell and
Lord Russell that an independent investigation was
necessary. They were now in possession of facts
which, though infinitely short of the fictions so in-
dustriously circulated, were quite enough to make
their course clear. The total number of negroes
shot or executed had been estimated by Sir L.
M'Clintock at not less than 1,500. The continuance
of martial law for more than three weeks after the
Governor considered the insurrection to be crushed,
and the transfer, not of Gordon only, but of other
prisoners from localities where martial law had not
been proclaimed to those in which they might be
tried by a military tribunal—these were circum-
stances which demanded prompt intervention.
Those who think that such intervention ought to
have been less deliberate or less judicial, and those
who think that no inquiry should have been insti-
tuted at all, but executive authority supported at
all hazards, will have ample opportunity of appeal-
ing to the judgment of the nation. With these
papers before us, and some experience of English
public opinion, we venture to predict that neither
will be able to obtain a favourable verdict from
Parliament.

HERALD.—The debate upon the Address in the
House of Lords was of more than usual length and
interest, although the larger portion of the time
it consumed was given to a question which hardly
comes within the domain of party politics. The
great feature of the discussion was the " uni-
versal expression of dissatisfaction, as Lord Derby
described it, with the conduct of the Govern-
ment in the matter of the cattle plague." " Uni-
versal" indeed, for it came from both sides of the
house, and the proceedings of the Government
found no other vindicators than the Minister
immediately responsible for them, and his colleague
the Lord Privy Seal. From themoment the seconder
of the Address resumed his seat till Lord Derby
rose, with the exception of the short speech in which
the Marquis of Abercorn exposed the mischievous
weakness or negligence of the Irish Government,
and the latter portion of Earl Grey's speech, which
sounded for all the world, valuable as it undoubtedly
was, as an essay from some quarterly review, the
cattle plague and the conduct of the Government
with respect to it was the sole subject of debate.
The Duke of Rutland first brought the subject be-
fore the house. He pointed out that the Orders in
Council had been of the most ridiculous and con-
tradictory description, that if the money they had
cost had been expended in active measures for the
prevention of the disease and the compensation of
the sufferers, the malady might have been stamped
out, and that the Government had done next to
nothing, or even worse than nothing. For, as Lord
Winchilsea afterwards put it, they had done what
the act gave them no power to do, and not done
what it authorised them to do. The importation of
cattle into Ireland and into the west of Scotland had
been prohibited, and the result was that the disease
had been kept out. The Duke of Richmond, who
spoke with the authority necessarily attaching to
one of the commissioners, pointed out that the whole
object of the Government had been to throw the
responsibility off their own shoulders and put it on
to those of the local authorities, the result being
that whilst the magistrates acting in quarter and
petty sessions would close markets the mayors of
towns would open them. Lord Feversham, who
followed, gave further expression to the dissatisfac-
tion of the country, and Lord Winchilsea enforced
the arguments of the preceding speakers in a speech
which was amusing and effective. The complaint
was caught up from the Liberal benches by Lord
Effingham, and Lord Granville felt it neces-
sary to offer a defence of the Government and of
himself. That defence amounted merely to this,
that the Government had tried to keep up with
public opinion ; that it had, indeed, been in ad-
vance of it before the publication of the commis-
sioners' report, although it might have lagged behind
after, and that it really had no power to do more.
But, as Lord Carnarvon answered, it could have
called Parliament together, and obtained from it
the necessary powers, if indeed further powers were
required. By what authority did the Government
close the ports of Ireland and shut up the west of
Scotland, if it had not equal authority to adopt
stringent measures to keep the plague out of Eng-
land ? And Lord Grey, in remarks moderate in
tone but extremely forcible, reminded the Ministers
that it was their duty to lead public opinion and not
to have waited for it, that they held their high posi-
tion because they were supposed to be able to take
the initiative, that the direction should come from
above and not from below. And he repeated the
question of Lord Carnarvon, why had they not called
Parliament together? Had Parliament been called
together in the beginning of November the disease,
he observed, might now have been stamped out ;
whereas at the present moment the difficulties of
staying its ravages are ten times greater than they
were two months ago. Then the Duke of Argyll
took up the cudgels for the Government, the gist
of his defence being that the Government was per-
fectly impotent, and that in what they had done
they had done even more harm than good—a point
about which there did not appear to be the slightest
doubt on either side of the house. The duke talked
a great deal, too, about the danger of interfering
with the provisioning of our large cities ; any strin-
gent regulations to prevent the importation and the
movement of cattle might, he said, have disturbed
the great organisation by which London, Liver-
pool, and other large towns are fed, and there would
have been great danger that the inhabitants
would have seriously resented the condemnation
to scanty supplies of meat. Our large towns will
soon have something much more serious to resent.
If the cattle plague continues the ravages which
are directly chargeable upon the incapacity of the
Government they will soon have no supplies of meat
at all. The Government dare not face a little un-
popularity and a little discontent, and the result is
that it is already cursed by thousands of agricul-
turists as the author of their ruin, and is preparing
for itself the curses of the town population, whom
its' criminal cowardice and folly will deprive of ani-
mal food. The more exciting -political question--
for the cattle plague will not become exciting to the
generality until its effects are visible in such an in-
crease of the price of meat that it will only be ob-
tainable by the Upper Ten Thousand—were not,
however, lost sight of, though they were somewhat
obscured by the attention given to this great na-
tional calamity. The speeches of both the mover
and seconder of the Address were mainly devoted to
them, and Lord Morley, whose speech gives the
promise that he will one city occupy a high position
amongst the debaters of the house, rendered a ge-
nerous testimony to the merits of Governor Eyre,
and warmly denounced the large class of men • who
have unfairly prejudged the whole question, and
upon most flimsy and insufficient evidence have con-
demned Governor Eyre and the whole white popu-
lation of Jamaica. The Marquis of Abercorn,
whilst acknowledging the vigour with which the
Government had acted after they once resolved upon
the prosecution of the Fenians, condemned the dis-
graceful apathy shown before, an apathy which, as
he pointed out, had, there is too much reason to
believe, its foundation in the desire of the Govern-
ment to secure as many votes as possible at the late
elections. Lord Grey expressed the regret with
which he read the paragraph of the Speech relating
to reform, in which he found a confirmation of the
rumour that the Government bill would be confined
to the reduction of the franchise. He urged the
Premier not to repudiate so utterly the policy, and
act so diametrically contrary to the principles of
the Reform Ministry of Earl Grey, which believed
that if reform were to be dealt with at all, it should
be dealt with in such a way as to settle the ques-
tion ; and he entreated him either to deal with
the whole question or to postpone all con-
sideration of reform until he should find him-
self able to deal with that whole question.
Lord Derby passed lightly over the different
paragraphs of the Speech. He paid a tribute to the
honesty and diligence of President Johnson's at-
tempt to reunite the United States by measures of
conciliation, he approved the tone and the argu-
ments of Lord Russell's despatches on the Alabama
question, he wished that the country might get what
the Speech promised it from the Austrian Treaty,
and he censured with a just severity the conduct of
the Government towards Governor Eyre. The
Government, he observed, in superseding Governor
Eyre, had prejudged the whole question, which would
turn upon this other question, what was the state of
Jamaica ? That condition might prove to have been
such that the suppression of the insurrection at once
by severe measures was mercy in the end. The loss
of Lord Palmerston was but too painfully visible in
the unjust and ungenerous conduct of the Govern-
ment towards Governor Eyre, whom, by supersed-
ing, it has condemned, and as a further injustice to
whom it has sent out a roving commission to gather
evidence which may be used against him on a trial
for murder, if his acts should prove, however justi-
fiable in themselves, to want a perfect legal vindi-
cation. The promise of the Speech that a Reform
Bill should be introduced at some future time gave
the noble lord the opportunity for a most effective
exposure of the disingenuous conduct of Lord Rus-
sell with respect to the Conservative Reform Bill.
With regard to the bill announced by the Govern-
ment, the noble lord promised that it should be
dealt with, on its merits ; that it should not be got

rid of in an underhand manner and by an abstract
resolution, as his own had been ; but that if a good
bill it should receive the support of the Opposition/
and if a bad one it should be frankly but determi-
nedly opposed. Lord Russell, whose rising nearly
emptied the house, made but a short and ineffective
reply. He vindicated the suspension of Governor
Eyre as a measure of justice to that most ill-treated
public servant, and he promised that the Reform
Bill, as to the character of which he gave no indi-
cations, would be ready at the end of the month-
Altogether the Government cut but a very sail
figure in one of the most important debates which
have taken place for some years in the House "
Lords.

Hydraulic Lift at the Great Western Hotel.

Yesterday Dr. Lankester, the coroner for Central
Middlesex, resumed the inquiry at the Bank of Bng'
land Tavern, Paddington, relative to the death et
Henry Girling, a porter employed at the Great
Western Railway Hotel, who died in St. 3larY.s
Hospital from an injury received by the hydraulic
lift used at the hotel. The circumstances have al-
ready been stated in our impression of Thursday last,
and as will be remembered the further inquiry was
adjourned for the production of further evidence,
and for the view of the lift by the jury, in which
some alterations it was found had been made, as
stated for further protection and prevention of ac'
cident. Jane Kenyon, chambermaid at the hotel,
said she was on the second floor at the time of th°
accident. She heard the deceased scream. She
went to the lift and tried to stop it, but could not'
John Whitcombe stopped the lift, and she saw de-
ceased standing in it. As he passed the second
floor he was holding out his arm. She saw no enc
go to the lift till deceased called out. Ann Beal,
second housemaid on the third floor, said onthc
Bth ult., shortly before 8 o'clock in the morning;
she was on the fourth floor, and saw the deceasec
putting the luggage into the lift. She saw him Pun
the chain to start in, and his hand got caught b.ei
fore he could get it out. He cried out " SWF' 1
stop it ! for God's sake, stop it." Witness
afraid to stop it. She was sure the deceased started
it himself. She could not see below, but she herd
no one there. She saw the lift standing still/ 1411
start when deceased touched the chain. If any
below had started it, the deceased would have ricl
to the chain and stopped it. The witness Was on
the fifth floor, and saw deceased put his
std
downward. and rattle the chain, when the lift Btji8tji
__srw—
downward. There was some luggage in the Wit.--
portmanteau, a gentleman's rug, and other guilt
but it was rather dark, so that she did not to
much notice. She did not speak to the deceased
e
pr
while he was putting in the luggage. she 110'1
saw the lift started without the chain being firs. s
shaken. Some questions were asked and opiluen
given relative to the lift, when it was stated that 031
no account should they be raised without the neces,
sary signal, nor should they be lowered without the
chain being first shaken. The weight of puu rel
quired to raise the lift was 301 b., and to lower le
251 b. The deceased several times stated that s°l3lo
one below did start the lift without the signal'
having been stated that there had been two or tlree.
previous accidents with the lift in question, the Jiln;
felt that some steps should be taken for the better
protection of those engaged with it. The Coronei;
having summed up, the jury returned a verdict tka
" Deceased died from the mortal effects of p:?/.711,%,
coming on after injury to the hand, such injury
caused by an hydraulic lift at the Great tij es
ern Railway Hotel, and that the said injury arose
from accidental causes." The jury also expressed as
opinion that bells or whistles should beJised
signals for putting the lift in motion, and that/ 0
one side of the lift was encased with iron Pt:
the other should be similarly encased, ,
so as t° Phe
vent the men putting their hands out to touch wns
chain. Mr. Weston said the latter suggestion
to
already being carried out, and that with resPectio
the other as to bells or whistles the company vi%
adopt one of the schemes proposed. Mr. LancirePii:
the engineer, said that, owing to the number of be
;
in the hotel, whistles would be better. The Jurf;
having coincided with the engineer, Mr. 1Y ett,
agreed to see to the matter. The proceedings then
terminated.