The Sun.
London, England, 1866-08-28 00:00:00

)ON, TITESDA V EVENING, AUGUST 26, 18667

force than ever." These sentiments, uttered in my
hearing, were received in the House of Commons
with enthusiastic approbation by the great body of
the Tory party—the supporters of the present Go-
vernment. (Hisses.) Now observe what this really
is. It is that the voters already between £2O and £lO
are so bad that if you go lower it will be something
like ruin ; that there will be more venality, more
ignorance, more drunkenness, more means of inti-
midation—more that is impulsive, more fleeting and
violent. Mr. Lowe, in fact, says that the working
man to be admitted will be like the old freemen, who
have a sort of corrupt monopoly in certain bo-
roughs, and that all this class of persons should be
disfranchised altogether, and he says if the bill
passes it ill cause an increase of corruption and of
intimidation, and of disorder, and then to a House
of Commons, in which the landed proprietors have
always acted, as far as the bulk of them go, as a ge-
neral trades union, to have raised the price of bread
and diminished the size of the loaf as long as we
would let them—to such a House of Commons Mr.
Lowe says that there will be combinations of work-
ing men for their special objects. Therefore this is,
his conclusion--" Shut them out for ever, bolt the
door ; say loudly, boldly, you, the Parliament of
England, to the five or six millions of men who have
now no votes, and whom you pretend to represent,
not one of you who cannot pay a rental of £lO shall
ever speak by his direct representative within the
walls of this house. (Cheers.) Now that is the po-
licy I (Mr. Lowe) recommend." It is not impor-
tant at all because Mr. Lowe recommends it ; it is
important only because it has been accepted and
approved by the great Tory party in Parlia-
ment. Sir, I say I who am charged with designs
against the safety of the institutions of this country,
that that is a dangerous policy—a policy which in
other countries where it has been carried out obsti-
nately has done great things ; through it crowns
and coronets have sometimes been lost, and I am
not sure thatit is a policy which can safely be main-
tained with us. (Loud cheers). I asked one of
the most trusted and intelligent and excellent
Frenchmen that I am acquainted with, one of the
most confidential friends of the dynasty of Louis
Philippe and the Orleans family, what it was
that drove that family from France. I referred
to stories of corruption among Ministers, and
to other rumours which had been circulated in pub-
lic and in private. He said that none of these
things did it. It was the attempt of the King to
govern France by a Parliament that represented an
insignificant minority of the people, and which Par-
liament, he thought, he could perpetually manage
by a judicious distribution of patronage. Now, on
this principle of governing this country by a Parlia-
ment elected by an insignificent minority of the
people Lord Derby comes into office, and, judging
from the speeches and the votes of the last Session
of Parliament, the party intends as long as possible
to govern upon that principle and upon that policy.
Working men in this hall, I wish my voice had
been loud enough for me to have said what I am
about to say to the vast multitude which we looked
upon this morning, but I say, and say to you, and
through the Press to all the working men of this
kingdom, that the accession to office of Lord Derby
is a declaration of war against the working classes.
(Loud cheers, and a cry of " We accept it.') The
course taken in London the other day by the police,
and it had almost been by the military, is an illustra-
tion of the doctrines and the principles of Lord Der-
by's Administration. They reckon nothing of the
Constitution of their country—a Constitution
which has not more regard to the Crown or to the
aristocracy than it has to the people ; a Constitution
which regards the House of Commons fairly repre-
senting the nation as important a part of the Go-
vernmental system of the kingdom as the House of
Lords or the Throne itself. They thus despise the
Constitution. They likewise despise the claims of
five or six millions who are unrepresented. You may
work; you may pay taxes ; you may serve in the
army, and fight. 70,000 or more of your brethren
are now living under the burning sun of India, and
twice as many more are serving in the ranks in dif-
ferent parts of the world, and you, the body of the
people from whom these men are drawn, are not
considered worthy to do so simple an act as to give
a vote in your great town for your present or for
any future representatives. (Loud cheers.) You
are to have no vote, no share in the Government ;
the country you live in is not to be your country ;
you are to be like the Coolies or Chinese imported
into the West Indies or California—you are to work,
but you are not to take rest in the country, or to
consider the country as your country ; and in
addition to all this refusal of the commonest
rights of the Constitntion, you are insulted by the
cheers of a great party given to the language
which I have read to yoti to-night. You are to be
told that you are so ignorant, and so venal, and so
drunken, and so impulsive, and so unreflecting, and
so disorderly, that it is not even safe to skim, as it
were, the very cream of you, through the number of
116,000—(cheers)—or it may be 204,000, to vote
for members of the House of Commons. This is the
Tory theory ; this is the faith of Lord Derby, and I
am not saying one word that is in exaggeration of the
truth, for I have heard them over and over again
vociferously cheer sentiments such as I have de-
scribed. Now, this Government that has been over-
turned was certainly a very different Government.
Lord Russell has no fear of freedoin. The Govern-
ment that was led by Lord Russell in one House
and by Mr. Gladstone—(cheers)—in the other was
founded and acted upon the principle of trust and
confidence in the people. Some said there was no
such difference between the Derby Government and
the Russell Government. Lord Derby asked Lord
Clarendon to take office in his Government.
(Laughter.) There is something shocking in the
very audacity and effrontery of that offer. Lord
Clarendon was an eminent Minister of a Govern-
ment which brought in a bill which the Tory party
declared subversive of the Constitution, and then
Lord Derby asked Lord Clarendon to keep the
Foreign-office in the new Government. The Go-
vernment of Lord Derby in the House of Commons,
sitting all in a row, reminds me of a number of
amusing and ingenious gentlemen who I dare say
some of you have seen and listened to—Christy's
Minstrels. (Laughter and cheers.) The Christy's
Minstrels, if I am not misinformed, when they are
clean washed arc white men, but they come beforethe
audience as black as the blackest negro, and by this
transformation it is expected their jokes and their
songs will be more amusing to the audience. The
Derby Minstrels—(loud laughter)—pretend to be
Liberal and white, but the fact is, if you come
near them and examine them closely, you will
find them to be just as black and curly as the
Tories have ever been. I do not know, and I will
not pretend to say, which of them. it is that plays
the banjo. (Laughter.) But I have no doubt
that in their manoeuvres to keep iu office during
the coming session we shall know something more
about them than we do at present. In point of
fact, when they pretend to be Liberals they are
not allow them to be Liberal, and the party
usurpers and impostors. (Hear.) Their pvey
oLily
exists upon the principle, and upon winch they
have acted in all their past history, of resisting and
rejecting every proposition of
a Liberal clraracter
submitted to Parliament. (Hear.) Now, -what is
this Derby principle ? It is the shutting out of
much more than three-fourths, five-sixth .s, and
even more than five-sixths, of the people fr. am the
exercise of constitutional rights. If any of you
take ship and go to Canada,
he will find the Derby
principle utterly repudiated ; but in Canad a there
is no uprooting of institutions and no tliainction
of property, and there is no absence o f order, of
loyalty. If you go to Australia, you will And there
that this Derby principle is unknown ; yet there
reigns order as it is in this country, contentment
with the institutions of the colonies, and re gard for
law and for property. If you go to those g reat and
glorious colonies of this country—the United
States of America-- (cheers) there 1 jou will
find the people exhibiting all the virtues
which belong to the greatest nat ions on
the face of the earth ; there your will find a
people passing through a tremendou war, a tre-
mendous revolution, with a conduct mad a success,
with a generosity and a magnanimii ,y which have
roused and attracted the admiration £Xf the world.
(Loud cheers.) As you come to Eurovg you will find

in the Republic of Switzerland, in the kingdom of
Holland and Belgium, in Norway, in Sweden, in
France, and now you are about to witness in Ger-
many also a wide-spread exercise of the franchise
hitherto in our time unknown in this country ; and
neither Emperor, nor King, nor noble believes that
his authority or his interest, or his greatness, or the
happiness of any one of his countrymen will be jeo-
pardised by the free admission of the people to their
constitutional privileges. (Cheers.) In Germany a
vote is to be given to every man of 25 years of age
and upwards, so that if we were to propose a mea-
snre that would give a vote to every man of 25 years
of age and upwards in this country we should not be
in advance of the great country 'of Northern Ger-
many which is now being established. What is it
that we are come to in this country that what is
being rapidly conceded in all parts of the world is
being persistently and obstinately refused here inEng-
land, the home of freedom, the mother of Parlia-
ments, the England of which one of her poets has
said—

" Tho' o'er our heads the f;ozen Pleiades shine,
'Tis liberty that crowns Britannia's Isle,
And makes her barren rocks and her bleak mountains
smile ?"
In this England five millions of grown men, repre-
senting more than 20 millions of population, arc to
be persistently denied that which makes the differ-
ence between despotism and freedom all the world
over. (Cheers.) I venture to say that this cannot
last very long. How does it stand at this moment
that the noble and illustrious lady who sits on the
throne of England—(cheers and cries of "God save
the Queen")—she whose gentle hand wields the
sceptre over the wide empire of which we are the
heart and the centre, she was not afraid of the
franchise which the late Government introduced
during the late Session ? Seven times I think by
her own lips or by her pen she has recommended to
Parliament the admission of a large number of
working men to the Parliamentary franchise. If
this proposal were so destructive, would not the
Queen be the first to discover it ? and if the bill of
last Session were so mischievous, would 30,000,000
of people of the United Kingdom not have been able
to produce a single meeting in condemnation of it ?
Look at the middle classes of your towns, they are
a vast majority in favour of it. Look at the meet-
ing of to-day, the whole of the middle classes of
Birmingham have sympathised with the proceedings
of this day; and I do not doubt but that by-and-by
in the populous districts of Lancashire and York-
shire we shall have assemblages equalling those which
have been held in London and in Birmingham. If
we go to the House of Commons, we find it elected,
as I have said, by the landlords' compulsion in the
counties, and by corruption, intimidation, and
tumult in the boroughs. Do not suppose that lam
charging the House of Commons with what it does
not itself admit and acknowledge. Have you read
the reports of the commission for Yarmouth ?
you not read that a late member for that borough
is said to have spent no less than £70,000 to main-
tain his seat ? Did you not read that one gentle-
man, the inferior partner of a brewery, " unbe-
known," as Mrs. Gamp would say, spent £4,000
for the election of his senior partner, that another
person, knowing nothing of the borough,went down
and spent £6,000 to contest it in a few days ? But
do these things only happen in Yarmouth, or any
other borough that is brought before the public. It
is only the sample of a very considerable sack, and
for every borough which is thus exposed there are
probably 10 or 20 other boroughs which are to a
very large extent in the same condemnation. But,
notwithstanding this, the Parliament of England at
this moment is about equally divided, and about half
of the house was in favour of the late bill. Well, if
this be so, what is there wanting in this poising
and balancing of the scale ? It only wants that the
working men of. England should boldly throw their
influence into the side which is for their interest, and
that side will prevail. Now, you have before you to-
night my friend Mr. Beales, and you have the Na-
tional Reform League, whose head-quarters are in
London. Mr. Beaks knows—you know—that I have
preferred that the franchise should be established on
what 1 consider to be the ancient principle of the
country. I am not afraid of the principles of the Re-
form League. I have no fear of manhood suffrage,
and no man is more a friend of the ballot than I am.
It is a great cause which is offered to your notice
to-night, and it is a grand and noble flag under which
you are asked to enlist yourselves. Now, what I
would recommend you to do is this—and I imagine
myself to be at this moment speaking in the hearing
of every intelligent and sober and thoughtful work-
ing-man in the three kingdoms—let us try to move
on together ; let us not split hairs on this question ;
let us do as your forefathers did 31 years ago—let
us have associations everywhere ; let every work-
shop and every factory be a Reform association ; let
there be in every one of them a correspondent or a
secretary, who shall enrol members and shall in
every way he can assist this great and noble cause.
I would recommend that the passages I have read
from that celebrated and unhappy speech should be
printed on cards, and that a card should be hung in
every workshop and in every room of every factory
and in every club-house—and, in fact, every place
where working men are accustomed to assemble.
Let us raise the spirit of the people against these
slanderers of a great'and noble nation. (Loud cheers.)
There will come soon another election. (Renewed
cheering.) The working men may not be able to
vote, but they can form themselves into a powerful
body, and they can throw their influence in every
borough on the side of candidates who pledge them-
selves to the question of Reform ; and if they do
this, depend upon it they will change many seats
and give a certain majority for Reform in the next
Parliament. It may be necessary and desirable to
meet Parliament again with petitions from all parts
of the country, signed by numberless names. There
is no effort which the Constitution and which mo-
rality permits us to use that we should leave unused
and unmade for the purpose of furthering this great
cause ; and let us be sure of this, that we demand
that the question of Reform shall only be dealt with
by a Government honestly in favour of Reform. The
address which hasbeen presented to me has referred to
the time of 1832. I remember that time well. My
young heart then was stirring by the trumpet blast
that sounded from your midst. There was no part of
this kingdom where your voice was not heard—and
let it sound again ! (Cheers.) Stretch out your
hand to your countrymen in every portion of the
three kingdoms, and ask them to join in a great and
righteous effort on behalf of that freedom which has
.° long been the boast of Englishmen, but which
the majority of Englishmen have never yet pos-
sessed. (Cheers.) I shall esteem it an honour which
my words cannot describe, and which even in thought
I cannot measure, if the population which I am per-
mitted to represent should do its duty in the great
Struggle which is before us. (Cheers and cries of "It
wilt") Remember the great object for which we
strive, care not for calumnies and for lies, our object
is this—to restore the British Constitution and with
all its freedom to the British people. The hon.
gentleman, after speaking an hour, resumed his
seat amid the loudest demonstrations of applause,
the cheering and waving of hats and handkerchiefs
lasting several minutes.

A vote of thanks to the strangers who had kindly
assisted at the morning's demonstration was acknow-
ledged by Mr. AARON JONES, and the usual vote to
the Mayor for his courtesy in presiding brought the
proceedings to a termination.

PIGEON FLYlNG.—Yesterday the renewed match
to fly pigeons from Brighton to Loudon was decided, the
winning pigeon accomplishing the distance in 61 minutes,
and five other birds reached their homes under ono hour
and a quarter.

[ADVERTISEMCENT.j—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pills.—
Premature Decline.—The unwary and thoughtless may
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wherever situated, irritating sores and debilitating dis-
charges, may be safely and certainly cured by employing
Holloway's ointment and pills in accordance with the in-
structions wrapped round each pot and box. No timidity
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which exert the threefold qualities of purifying, regulating,
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necessary. Holloway's medicaments will stem the source
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misery.

ASSOC/ATIOII.

NOTTINGHAM, SATURDAY,
GEOGRAPHY AND ETHNOLOGY.

This section resumed under the presidency of Sir
C. NICIIOLSON.—Some notes by Colonel Goldsmid,
on Eastern Persia and Western Beloochistan, were
read to the section. These notes were made by the
writer while engaged in arranging for a coast line
of telegraph, his journey having been made when
the late Colonel P. Stewart was about to lay the
telegraphic table in the Persian Gulf. The author
thought all would admit that the land line had
greater advantages than the submarine cable, even
though the latter pursued its marvellous course
hundreds of miles away in the depths of the unex-
plored ocean.—Captain MAURY said the Indian
telegraph would bring important parts of the world
into closer communication. Many special advan-
tages would accrue to this country from encou-
raging telegraphic lines to our Indian possesSions,
because when such lines were established they
would be stepping-stones to telegraphic communi-
cation with that nucleus of great rising powers in
the southern hemisphere—viz., the colonies of Aus-
tralia. Every step which they made on a line
towards India was also a step towards bringing
Australia within the reach of the magnetic telegraph.
He was always glad to encourage any enterprises of
that sort, because their influences were so multitu-
dinous and beneficial, and operated in a way which
they were not at all times prepared fairly to anti-
cipate.— Mr. CRAWFURD said that at one time
they received a message from Bombay in eight
hours. Telegrams were now received from New-
foundland in eight minutes. The barbarous coun-
tries through which the Indian telegraph passed were
much more difficult to be traversed by messages than
the 2,000 miles of ocean depths. Great reforms
were necessary. The Indian Government had not
been doing its duty in forcing telegrams to be for-
warded through countries in which translations were
necessary, causing thereby a detention of several
hours. When telegrams were received nobody could
understand them, and he had seen several examples
which were too ridiculous to be mentioned. A tele-
gram from India ought not to take more than eight
hours, if the wires were properly arranged.
Mr. J. REDDIE read a long paper on the various
theories of man's past and present condition. He
said there were three leading doctrines or theories
current in the present day which claimed attention,
as professing to account for the facts of man's past
and present condition. The oldest and first in im-
portance was what they had all been taught as chil-
dren, that God created man a little lower than the
angels, and gave him dominion over the inferior
creatures. The second in importance, although the
latest theory put forward, and antagonistic to both
the others, was the Darwinian theory, which derived
man from the ape. The third was the polygenous
theory, which, without descending quite so low for
an ancestor, nevertheless propounded that the
primitive men were savages, but lower than any
known. race of savages, inasmuch as, according
to this theory, men originally could not even
speak. There might be many minor distinctions
and subtheories, but that classification would suffice
for a tolerably complete review of the leading theories
opposed to tfie scriptural ones, which differed essen-
tially from the others in this respect—that it not
only held the special creation of man, but also that
man was not created a low-caste speechless savage,
but created a man in perfection. All the theories
recognised the fact that there had been some kind of
development or change in the human family. The
chief differences between them related to the origin
and character of the primitive man. In one essential
particular Darwinianism differed from them all, viz.
that it began with a human infant which had not
human parents. But long before they arrived at
that development under this theory they were forced
to ask, in their endeavour to realise what it professed
to explain, " How was the first young mammal
nourished in its struggle for existence if its imme-
diate progenitor was not a mammal ?" No answer
had ever been given to that inquiry, and even Dar-
win had not made any attempt to explain it in his
elaborate volume. In addition to that they were forced
to ask the transmutationist to favour them with some
hint of educational secret by which the monkeys
trained elevated their progeny into man when we our-
selves were scarcely able, with all our enlightenment
and educational efforts, to prevent our masses fall-
ing back to a state rather akin to that of monkeys
and brutes. To that again no answer had been given.
All that Darwin had proved in his work " On the
origin of species," was that numerous varieties of
plants and animals were developed within the limits
of each particular species. All beyond the probable
(but not-proven) origin of species was a mere specu-
lation, with not a ghost of proof in support of it.
In addition to the antiquity of civilisation, as proved
by all history, tradition, and archaeological remains,
there were other proofs in favour of the religious
theory of man's past and present condition to be de-
rived from the common knowledge among civilised
races which spoke of a common origin and of some
previous intercommunion among them all. He
ventured to allege that no theory either about man
or language which we could devise, even with all
our after knowledge of the facts now existing with
regard to both, would so well account for all the
facts of the case as our old religious and time-hon-
oured theory of man's origin and the confusion of
language at Babel. Prof. HUXLEY, who was invited
to address the section, said it bad been thought pro-
per that a department should be instituted in section
D—the department of anthropology, and if he had
any comprehension of scientific arrangement, Mr.
Reddie's was an anthropological paper, and could
only be competently discussed by those persons who
were familiar with all the sciences which were re-
quisite for the study of anthropology. (Hear, hear.)
Under those circumstances, glad as he should have
been to accede to the invitation of the President, be
should, by beginning to discuss the paper, admit the
competency and propriety of its being read in this
section, and he was very sorry to say that in his
official capacity as president of another section he
could not do so. In his section and its departments
they had a very wholesome practice which was called
" referring a paper" in order to see whether there
was anything in it that was new, true, or worth dis-
cussing if there was, the paper was read. Although
he thought the paper was one for section D, he did
not pledge himself that it would pass the particular
ordeal to which he had referred.—Mr. D. W. NA su
said, as secretary to the Ethnological Society, and
one of the secretaries of this section, he altogether
protested against the notion that by the ethnological
part of this section was to be understood only a
series of questions relating to the habits, character,
and possessions of the living tribes of savage na-
tions upon this earth. Ethnology could not be con-
fined to a sort of geographical ethnology, and such
a paper as Mr. Reddie's had been most properly
read in this section.—Sir J. LUBBOCK said he ven-
tured to claim for Darwin's theory that his was the
only one which in any way accounted for the origin
of man, whether rightly or wrongly. The other
theories were only confessions of ignorance, and did
not convey any such definite ideas as were put for-
ward by Mr. Darwin —Mr. CRAWFURD said he
could not recognise the arbitrary distinction which
Professor Huxley had made. He could not believe
the Darwinian theory, and was surprised that men of
eminent talent should lend themselves to such a
belief. As for accounting for the origin of species,
the thing was utterly beyond their reach, and there
were not facts on which it was possible to found a
conclusion. The discussion was briefly continued
by Mr. C. BLAKE and Mr. FELLOWES, the latter of
whom thought that investigations on the subject
should still be pursued.
A paper by Mr. F. WHYMPER on the progress of
the Russo-American telegraph expedition, via
Behring's Straits, was read. This great enterprise,
he said, was the work of the Western Union Com-
pany of America. In order to make it a success, a
large amount of exploration had been found neces-
sary, and this, being almost entirely in new or little
known countries, would of course add considerably
to our knowledge of them. The first officials of the
company reached San Francisco late in 1864, and
some of them at once proceeded to British Columbia
to commence the preliminary explorations. he
line had previously been carried through Oregon
and Washington territory to New Westminster,

wt,'

•
Wit-
VraBer river The organisation of tho first eg2t-ar',
tion was not completed until the end of July, 186 d.
Five vessels, including a screw steamer, were em-
ployed to take up the exploring parties, and to leave
them at their several destinations with stores for
their subsistence, &c. All returned to San Franc
before Dec. 1. The preparations for 1866 were on 3
more extended scale. Seven vessels, one of which via'g.
a magnificent clipper ship, would be employed in
transporting, principally to the coast of Asia, 10°i;
supplies, and telegraph material. More than 3.°`',
men would go to Kamschatka and Siberia,
the line was already constructed for about 700 node'
north of New Westminster. By the end of this year
about 1,500 miles of wire would be stretched north-
wards, and other sections of the line commences'
During the first half of June three vessels had
left San Francisco. Colonel Bulkeley (an e,°-
gineer of immense experience, a colonel in 0°
United States regular army, in the corps of en'
gineers, and who was during the late war prin-
cipally engaged in military telegraphing) was ac‘
companied by Count Anasoff, a Russian commis'
sioner, appointed by the Imperial Governiness
to see that every facility was afforded to the exPedl;
tion. The United States Steamer, Saginaw, vio'D
convey a part of the expedition, and a Russian wan
of war was ordered to report to Colonel Bulkell'
at Petropaulofski, for the same purpose. On the,
deck of the clipper ship Nightingale, the largest
vessel of the expedition, two small stern-wheel
steamers would be carried, which were intended for
the navigation of shallow rivers on the coasts °f
Siberia and Russian America. Early this year, inl3l-1
tish C olumbia,Maj or Pope explored the country Wind
Lake Tatla to the head waters of Stekin river, as
then descended that river to the sea, travel-I°g
more than 500 miles in snow shoes, and the re,'
mainder of the distance (from the head of the na/1..
gation) in a boat. He was accompanied by only one
white man and two Indians for the greater part O
the journey. He described the country north °f
Tatla Lake as lightly wooded, though there is Ole"
prairie and land which is very unlike the greater
part of British Columbia. Every facility had bee°
given to the expedition by the British and Russian
colonial Governments and all materiel for the cow'
pany's use was everywhere admitted duty free.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

-41,-

CHELMSFORD—Au G. 24.
With a large supply the market for wheat was s-lofta,
although new sorts were from 3s to bs per quarter 1004 d
Old wheat and Spring corn of all descriptions remDA`
without alteration. 42,
Wheat, old white....46s 57s Peas, Partridge 405 00
new .418 568 White ~..325 ..-I
old red 418 52s Baling 0 40
new. 40s 51s
8ar1ey..... 258 33s Dun.... ..... -.38! ~,' e
ditto, new -"P 450
Chevalier —8 —8 Beans, Tick, 01d......40a 410
Grinding 25s 30s new.. -389 464
Malt... sBs COs Harrow ricks. 42i 440
Chevalier 608 621 nevv....403 00
Oats 218 26s Mazagan . ..... 38.0

There was only R a
small show ofANTHAM—Ara wheat at this Infir
to-day, which realised about the same prices as last We'eft
Old white wheat, 53s to 565.; old red, 50s to 525;
white, 52s to 56s ; new red, 47s to 52s per 36 stone. Por
ley f9r malting, 36s to 42s per qr. ; grinding, 30s to aasliii
30 stone. Oats, old, 30s to 32s ; new, 25s to 30$ Fora,
stone. Beans, old, 48s to 51s; new, 44s to 46s per 38 W.'
Peas, 36s to 40s per 36 stone.

COLCHESTER—Aua. 25. (.011
To-day new wheat was in tolerable supply, but scal;;,o
any old, and met a moderate demand at a decline of avy
3s on previous rates 445
Wheat, white 4Ss 58s Beans, nazagan......32 - 485
red 42s 50s Middle and 5ma11,_445 410
Barley ... .... 34s 43s Peas, white 380 ,gi
Oats ..... ... -0 - s grey ..,36$

NOT T INGHAM—Aua. 25. tee.
There was a small supply of wheat at our corn ra''to.
to-day, and the demand was dull, at barely former
The supply of barley was limited, and the demand steL'o
Oats scarce, and rates pretty well supported. 13e3"-
heavy trade at late prices. ne‘
Old white wheat, 56s to 60s ; old red, 52s to 55s ;ciao,
white, 55s to 60s ; new red, 50s to 54s per 36 stone. ',II,
old, 34s to 355; new, 25s to 34s per 24 stone. Beans/ 50
ols to 53s ; new, 48s to 51s per 38s stone. Fine flour,
to 44s per sack.

. 24.
The attendanceA Bat marketRDEEN—AuG to-day was small, and little
business doing. Prices remain unaltered.
46s Od to 48s Od? 621 b 11, -
White wheat busi,ol.
Red wheat 45527 s Odo too
24875.
60d dc
howl
Potato oats- !- 40Ib ? .
Common oats 24s Od to 24s 6d)
Bere 30s Od to 31s Od ( 53th 13 bowl.

Barley 32s Od to 32s 6d j
Oatmealsat.
19s 6d to 20s OctOd boll of
Flour, line ,401)
38s Od to 39s Od fl sack of

KIRKCALDY—Auo. 25.
Good supply of wheat, small of oats, and two o°l°
of new barley. Prices unchanged.
Wheat. Barley. Oats.
First .4s 6d ; —s Od 211 s Crd
iecond 45s 61 —s Od 3ts Od
Tuird 47s 01 —s Od j—s Od