The Sun.
London, England, 1832-04-19 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, Arm'', 18.
GALWAY.
Mr. D. BROWNE presented petitions from two CL
tholic Bodies of Galway, praying that the present static
of the elective franchise in Galway might not be inter-
- fered with by the Reform Bill.
IRIS 3 TITHES.
Mr. D. BROWNE presented a petition from the pa-
rish of Cogn, in Galway, praying for the abolition of
tithes in Ireland. The Hon. Gentleman observed, that
as long as tithes were legal they must be paid ; but he ex-
., ;pressed his conviction that England and Ireland could not
long remain united under one Crown, unless' the Eccle-
siastical revenue were reduced. The Hon. Gentleman
then gave notice that on the 7th of June he would move a
resolution, that the House would, in the next Session of
Parliament, enter upon the consideration of the state of
Church Property in Ireland, with a view (as we under-
stood the Hon. Member) to give ample security to the
present incumbents, and to make such future arrangements
as might seem requisite.
EDUCATION IN IRELAND.
Lard CASTLEREAGH presented a petition from
Bangor, in the county of Down, against the new system
of religious education.
WEST INDIA. PETITIONS.
The Marquess of CHANDOS complained of the Go-
vernment not having made a House last night, and gave
_ notice that he would present the petition from the West
India-Merchants on Wednesday the 9th of May.
BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
A long conversation then ensued touching the great
arrear of petitions in the hands of Hon. Members, and the
best means of facilitating their presentation hereafter,
which concluded by Sir R. PEEL giving notice, tliat'affer
the holydays he would move for the appointment of a Com-
mittee to consider the whole subject, and devise rules for
facilitating the presentation of petitions.
EDUCATION IN IRELAND.
. Lord CASTLEREAGH presented several petitions
from Downshire against the ministerial Flan of education
in Ireland.
Mr. HUNT gave notice that he would, after the recess,
aaove for the total abolition of the Corn Laws, the repeal
of Mr. Sturges Bourne's Act about Parishes, and the Sus-
pension of Military flogging for one year.
Lord ALTHORP gave notice that he would bring
forward the question respecting the Bank Charter on the
Rth of May, and on a subsequent day the proposition of an
advance of money to the sufferers in the West Indies.
ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE.
The NOBLE LORD then moved that the House, at
its rising, should adjourn to the 7th of May.
POLAND. _

Mr. C. FERGUSSON took the opportunity of advert-
ing to the present state of Poland, and particularly referred
to the document of the 26th of Feb. set forth by the Em-
peror of all the Russias, and the organic statutes therein
referred to. These, he contended, were founded upon the
simple case that the Emperor now possessed Poland by
the right of conquest. But be would put it to the
House, whether the Emperor did really possess Poland
upon any other conditions excepting those upon which he
received the sovereignty of that country at the Congress
of Vienna. Upon that occasion, he observed, Lord
Castlereagh made a manly—a glorious stand for the
perfect independence and separate sovereignty of the
whole kingdom of Poland ; and if others had not given
way sooner than he (Lord C.), Poland would be still an in-
dependent State. He referred to the noble and truly
manly language which the Noble Lord, as the represen-
tative of Britain, had used upon that occasion, and con-
tended that it was our bounden duty, in consideration of
the pledges we then gave, to prevent the total extinction
of Poland' He remarked that Austria, perhaps touched
by the remorse which embittered the last hours of Maria
Theresa, was at that time willing to surrender her own
share of the country, which resulted to her from that
flagraut and infamous act, the partition of Poland.
France, too, then warmly urged the re-establishment of
Poland in all its territory and in its full independence,
through the Prince Talleyrand, who, in a strain of great
eloquence, urged the claims of that nation to the grati-
tude of Europe, and reminded the Allied Powers that
Christendom had been saved through the heroism of the
Poles, under their illustrious leader, John Sobieski. Even
Russia then declared that nothing could be farther from
her wish than to unite the Duchy of Warsaw with the
Empire of Russia. At last, after a long struggle, it was
decided that Poland should forma an independent kingdom
in all possible respects, under the Emperor of 'Russia, as
a constitutional King ; and he begged to read to them an
extract from a document of Lord Castlereagh's, in which
.he strongly declared that Poland never should,be
and hy the faith of the compacts entered into at the Con-
gress of Vienna, to see justice done to Poland—compacts,
too, which the Emperor of Russia could not break with-
out violating not only his faith with his own subjects, the
Poles, but with al Europe. In short, be could not break
them ualess Russia was in reality everything, and all the
rest of Europe nothing. He might refer to treaties be-
tween Russia and Prussia—between Prusaia and Austria,
to show that Poland was recognised as an independent
kingdom, but he did not think it necessary to trouble the
House with them. Tire treaty of Vienna was of the
greatest importance in considering this question; and
-under its terms France, aye, and the rest of the European
Powers who concurred in it, might be called on to vindi-
cate their national faith, which there stood pledged to
preserve the nationality of Poland. All the civilized
Powers of Europe were interested in seeing that the
strength of Ruseia was not unduly increased, and most
especially was England so interested. Ic the Seat place,
he found attached to that treaty the names of three Pleni-
potentiaries of Great Britain—Cathcart, Clancarty, and
Stewart. What were the terms of that treaty with re-
ars,' to the Duchy of Warsaw ? Why, that it should
be erects :i into an independent State, to be united to, but
not to form ;,art of Russia : but that treaty also stipulated
that even in '.he province of Poland there should be
representative governments, while his Majesty the
Emperor of all the Russia!' " reserved to himself the
power of giving, from time to time, an extension of
territory to the State of Poland." At that time Alexander
appeared to wish to restore to Poland the blessing of
free institutions, for he promulgated a Constitution that
contained all their best principles. That was in Novem-
ber, 1815. On the 30th of April, 1815, Alexander bad
written to the President of the Senate of Poland a letter,
in which he said, that by the concurrence of all the powers
of Europe assembled at Vienna, the destiny of Poland was
about to be fixed : and he pledged himself to obtain for
them the full enjoyment of their national rights. How
bad he kept that or his other promises ? For the misfor-
tune of Poland, he had sent thither a Prince, who, by his
capricious and cruel acts, had been the cause of all the
evils that Poland had since suffered; there was no insult
that-he did not offer to the inhabitants of Warsaw—no
degradation to which be did not force ber nobility to
submit—no breach of the Constitution but what he com-
mit ed, and he continued to pursue that atrocious conduct
till he left nothing for unfortunate Poland but to do what
her citizens afterwards did, not, as he firmly believed,
through the result of a regularly organized conspiracy of a
few, but by the strong indignation of them all at the wrongs
they had suffered, and the impossibility they felt of longer
submitting to a course of conduct so wantonly outrageous.
The Grand Duke Constantine had laid a train which
one accidental spark ignited, and the flames of ' re-
volt enwrapped the whole kingdom of Poland.—(Hear,
bear.) The Emperor of Russia had given to Poland a
Constitution ; which having given, be could not take
away without sufficient cause. The Emperor bound him-
self to maintain and preserve that Constitution, and the
Poles swore allegiance, not to the Emperor alone, but to
the Emperor and the Constitution.—(Hear, bear.) By
that Constitution the liberty of the Person was gua-
ranteed—so was the liberty of the press—die Dirt was to
be frequently convoked—the right of granting supplies was
vested in the people—the nationality of Poland was to be
Preserved, and no Russians were to be placed in office
there—no Russian army was to be quartered in Poland—
northe w
v/1,1 any Russian army to pass through Poland without
whole expense of its passage being borne by Russia.
There was not one article of this treaty but had been
grossly violated. The Polish Constitution
was even more
tender of personal liberty than that of England, for, by
its provisions, if any man were apprehended far any cause
whatever, he must, within three days, be brought
and
dfohreis
the regular authorities—must know his accusation
accuser, and if there were not sufficient ground to detain
him, he must be discharged. The independence of
provisions of the
e
judges was also provided for, but these
Constitution were shamefully trampled on by the Grand
Duke, who had confined within the fortresses, by his
own authority, alone, the most illUstrious Poles, with-
out ever bringing them before the judges; or taking any
legal proceeding" w4atever against them. Without
the form of trial he 'bad condemned the inhabitants
of Warsaw, and had degAded many of the highest of them
to the office of cleaning a:' ay the dirt in the streets. As to
the. liberty of the Press, ) did not exist for a single day.
'‘.. Poland -was_ entitled to ' joy the freedom of debate in her
Dicts,`, bat, they _stem used by order of the Grand Duke.
i

The necessity of the people, knowing what was passing in
their legislature was so great, that he (Mr. Fergusson)
believed, that if the debates of the Houses of Parliament
took place for one year with closed doors, there would be
more danger to the Constitution than could ever happen to
it from any other circumstance.—(Hear.) But that
was not all ; for the Grand Duke imprisoned the Members
of the Diet who ventured to speak their opinions, and in
that way the Diets were destroyed. It was thus that the
Constitution of Poland bad been grossly infringed, and by
that infringement the insurrection had been occasioned,
and, in his mind, fully justifi d.—(Hear, hear.) When
the insurrection was put down by force of arms, the Con-
stitution still remained. The Government was not justi-
fied by the law of nations in taking away the Constitu-
tion. The actors in the insurrection had exposed them;
selves to punishment, but the nation and the constitution
were in the same position as before. Such had been the
conduct of this country with regard to the rebellion
in Ireland in 1798, and such also had been her
conduct with respect to the Scotch on a former
occasion. The rights of the Irish nation were not
forfeited by that rebellion—(Hear, hear)—nor were the
rights of Scotland affected by what was done at the time
of the Pretender.—( Hear, hear.) Yet his had been more
than a common insurrection; he had been proclaimed
King in the capital of Scotland ; he had opposed and de-
feated the King's troops ; -he had marched into the heart
of this kingdom, and the King had shaken on his throne ;
yet, when that insurrection was put down, though the
chief actors in it were punished, Scotland herself was not
held to have forfeited her national rights.—(Hear, hear.)
About May, 1815, in the letter already referred to,
Alexander told the Poles that their language should be
used in all public Acts, and that commerce should not be
shackled nor oppressed. Neither of these promises had
been observed. What, then, was to be done ? There was
not one Power that was a party to the Treaty of Vienna,
but was bound, including France and England, to put forth
its efforts to the utmost to protect the Poles. He knew
that the feeling to do so existed in the breasts of the French
people. Then why had it not been done? He did not ask
them, nor dui he ask this Government to go to war with
Russia; but there was much that might be done, with re.
gard to the performance of the stipulations in a treaty, by a
vigorous remonstrance. He trusted that England and
France would use this remonstrance, and that they would
long be united in strict brotherhood, by which union he
was confident they would be well able to preserve and
maintain against the great Northern Power the liberties of
Europe.—(Hear, hear.) He did not ask them to go to
war, but he must take that opportunity of observing, that
if there was one circumstance more formidable than ano-
ther in the present aspect of affairs, it was the species of
terror (he must use the word) which seemed to pervade
the Powers of Europe with respect to the strength of
Russia, and the fact, that while they appeared to dread a
war with Russia, that Power on all occasions declared its
readiness to go to war ; and that readiness it would
always manifest unless it was one day taught that that
course of dealing with the civilized Powers must no longer
continue without interruption. What had the King of the
French expressed in his Speech ? That the nationality of
Poland should not perish. If this Manifesto of Russia
was allowed to be enforced, be (Mr. C. Fergusson)
insisted that it had perished. The Pules, of whom
it might be said, as of one of the most distinguished
of Napoleon's officers, that they were " the bravest
of the brave," had no longer any existence as a
nation. There was no feeling in the human breast that
was not awakened in favour of that unfortunate and
gallant people. They had the sympathy of all men ex-
pressed in their favour ; they deserved the use of power for
their preservation. The Polish generals had been told,
that if they would delay making an attack on the Russian
armies they should be protected. The Polish generals
did delay, and the delay was their ruin ; yet no effort had
been made to protect them. He hoped that the French
would not di-grace themselves by now abandoning the de-
claration which their King had made, and their Chamber
had echoed, that " the nationality of Poland should not
perish." lie should say nothing of the conduct of Casi-
mir Perier, except that that statesman had pursued his
course through a variety of difficulties, and that he ap-
peared to have in view the true interests of France. Now
that Minister had, on the 7th of March, 1832, made a
speech in the Chamber, in which he declared that Poland
had not lost the rights she had acquired by treaties; yet,
upon the 26th of the preceding Febtuary, the Manifesto, to
which he was now directing the attention of the House,
ha I been issued. At the time that M. Casimir Perier
had delivered that speech, he had no thought that any such
Manifesto had been issued ; but it was then in existence,
and by it the rights that had been secured by treaties to
Poland were destroyed. By that Manifesto, laws were to
be made in the Council of Sate, and taxes were to
be there imposed ; but in the first place,' these laws
-ilesieFttaYabfli
had, in fact, no existence at all, but was to be subject to
the most absolute despoti4m. The Polish Diets, instead
of being the free legislative assemblies of that country,
were to be no more than so many county meetings of the
chief men of the district—not to examine and redress evils,
and to make the laws that were to govern their country,
but merely to report to the Russian authorities the state
of Poland. By this manifesto, too, Poland was no longer
to have a national army. Before the Poles would have
consented to such a condition, they would have shed the
last drop of their blood. But they were now powerless,
and this condition was imposed upon them. It was the
grossest treachery to treat them in this manner. The
Russians had only obtained their submission upon the as-
surance most solemnly given, that Poland was but invited
back to the mild and paternal Government of a merciful
Sovereign. And this was his mildness, and this his mercy
—the Emperor Nicholas authorized the Governor-General
of Wilaa to proceed in the most summary manner against
the, remnants of the arm) of Poland, whom he called ban-
ditti, to punish them as he thought fit, and not to embar-
rass himself with the forms of law, but to act on his own
authority. Surely neither this country nor France could
ever disgrace themselves by approving, or even by passing
over in silence such cruelty acd treachery ! He trusted
they would solemnly protest against such iniquitous pro-
ceedings. We bad had interventions with Belgium and
Greece ; yet of these Belgium had never been an inde-
pendent power. Ile did not blame the Government for
what it had done with regard to Belgium. On the con-
trary, he approved of it; but if we were to have these in-
terventions, why were we not to have them with respect
to Poland ? Unless some check was imposed to the
graspiog ambition of Russia, she would go on adding to
her empire, for which purpose she never neglected any
opportunity, nor lacked any pretext, and would soon make
the nations of Europe f. el, that in neglecting to cheek her,
they had neglected the means of securing their own safety.
He had himself seen, on his return from India, some Rus-
sian Officers of high rank, who were exceedingly anxious
to find the route be had pursued in coming from India,
and told him that they should some day get to Persia
and India, and that they could administer the Government
of India quite as well as we did. In conclusion the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman would say, that he thought he
had made out a -case which not only would justify, but
actually called for some decided step on the part of his
Majesty's Government; be thought too that he had made
out such a case as would interest the feelings not only of
every Member of that House, but of every Englishman.
He should then move for copses of, or extracts from, any
communication received by the Government respecting the
present condition of Poland.

Lord ALTHORP said that his Noble Friend, the Se-
cretary for Foreign Affairs, was unavoidably kept away
by very important business ; it therefore devolved upon him
to say the few words that might be expected to come from
some Member of his Majesty's Government upon an occa-
sion such as that. They had as yet rec ived no official in-
formation of the occurrences which had recently taken
place in Poland ; and for that as well as for other reasons
it was not to be expected that he should at that moment
enter into the views entertained on that subject by his
Majesty's Government, and he therefore hoped that the
House would excuse his entering into any details what.
ever, at the same time that it was impossible fur him
even to touch upon such a subject without expressing
the profound sympathy which the sufferings of the un-
happy Poles must excite in the brea.t of every man of
common humanity—in that sympathy he trusted the
House would do his colleagues and himself the justice to
believe that they fully Firticipati.d. Beyond that, it was
impossible for him at the present moment to go, unless he
were merely allowed to observe, that the Government of
this country had at no time held out any encouragement
tending to incite the Polish nation to the late contest,
which ended so fatally far their interests. He regretted
that it was not in his power to say more upon the sub-
ject ; but he hoped that the brevity of his remarks would
not be construed into any indifference to the condition of
Pol Ind.

Sir GEORGE WARRENDER thought, that if ever
there was a else to interest the feelings of EngliArnen, the
ease of Poland was that. England was a party to the
treaties that guiranteed the independence of Poland, and
be sincerely hoped that Government would not abandon
those treaties.

Mr. LABOUCHERE said, that civilized Europe would
not look on an inditiocnt spectator of the dimities that
lied been perretrated, and he hoped it would e shown to

Europe that the British House of Commons did sympa-
thise with the sufferings of that gallant nation.
Dr. LUSHINGTON was of opinion that the British
Government ought to put forward, on an occasion like
that, a solemn remonstrance against the abominable acts
of cruelty which bad been committed against the unfor-
tunate Poles. This he thought they were not only en-
titled but bound to do, by the several treaties entered into
having reference to the independence of that country. He
felt much gratified in listening to the speech of his Hon.
and Learned Friend, and would trke the liberty of sug-
gesting to him that he ought to make an addition to his
motion, to the effect that an humble Address be presented
to his Majesty, praying that he would take measures to
induce the cooperation of the other Powers of Europe,
with a view to their uniting in one common protest against
the conduct of Russia.
Lord SANDON (who was very imperfectly heard) was
Understood to express a strong desire that a marked ex-
pression of sentiment should emanate from that House—
that it should, in an address to the throne, convey those
feelings of indignation at the gross infraction of treaties of
which the Russians bad been guilty. The deportation of
the Poles was an act of unexampled atrocity, as the disre-
gard of the treaty of Vienna was one of unexampled insolence.
Mr. COURTENAY—If he could not so eloquently ex-
press those feelings which filled his breast, of painful
sympathy with the condition of the Poles, as Hon. Members
who had gone before him, it was not because he did not
feel as strongly ; it was his opinion, however, that the
British Government ought to offer no protest unless we
were prepared to follow up such a step with an appeal to
arms. There could be no doubt that the late ukase of

the Emperor Nicholas was a contravention of the treaty of
Vienna. He wished that his Majesty's Ministers would
state the course which they meant to follow in this matter.
The line of conduct which they had chosen in the affairs of
Belgium, might, perhaps, prevent them from insisting
upon the strict terms of the Treaty of Vienna, after a lapse
of fifteen years.
Mr. WRANGHAM (as we understood) said that they
fought the battle of Europe under the walls of Warsaw,
under circumstances which no less entitled them to its
gratitude than their defence of Christendom under the
walls of Vienna. All those Powers which were parties
to the treaty of Vienna would compromise their own
honour, if, in submission to the bullying of the Russian
Emperor, they allowed that treaty to he violated. If
England stood forward to make a spirited resistance to the
encroachments of the barbarian, she would have, no doubt,

he cooperation of France, who was pledged to the sup-
port of Polish independence.
Mr. HUME could not allow the present discussiou to
piss without expressing his gratitude to his Hon Friend for
the statement which he had made. For his part, he
thought that, as the treaty of Vienna was the first in
which the Government of England recognised the infamous
partition of Holland, this country was especially bound to
remonstrate against the violation of that treaty.—(Hear.)
There was throughout this whole kingdom a deep anxiety
to know what measures the Government had taken, either
acting by itself er in conjunction with France, to prevent
the infliction of the last and most grievous wrongs which
Poland had suffered.—(Hear.) He (Mr. Hume) had
received more applications from all parts of the country,
urging him to inquire what were the measures which the
Government bad taken respecting Poland, than had been
made to him upon any other subject. It was now full time
that the country should be told what course had been taken
to maintain the honour and to fulfil the duty of England as
a European Power. Let it not be said that those who in-
sisted on the duty of England to interfere were desirous of
forcing this country into hostilities.—(Hear, hear.) There
)donFerobmetweelelnthraetmhoennsotrualdtinegolalenedt
hostility.
e—(Hear
the Noble Lord, he (Mr. Hume)
was led to believe that the conduct of the Government in
nd was not so
trusted theysodeserving woo
blameo saatsy the
siifthad
supposedbreseepnecttePla
to be. l o
country on the subject.
Sir C. FORBES was only surprised that the Poles had
allowed the Archduke Constantine to escape without in-
flicting upon him the punishment which the crimes of his
tyrannical Government deserved. If they had hung him
upon n
the more than they had a right the highest of Warsaw,
to do.—(Hear,rsaw,theywou hear.)
He done
He could not believe that this country did not interfere.
But he lamented that the interference had not been more
timely and more effectual.—(Hear, hear.)
An Host. :MEMBER (name unknown) said, that he fully
agreed with every sentiment which bad been so ably ex-
pressed on this subject by the Hon. and Learned Member
for Kirkcudbright. He spoke of the indignation which
the recent treatment of the Poles by Russia had excited in
all parts of Germany, and expressed a hope that the people
of that country would assist the other civilized states of
Europe in atoning for the criaae of partitioning Poland,
dritussia,we should have the sincere o.sd cordial cooperi.
tion of the people of Germany. He agreed that we ought
not to make any remonstrance against the proceedings of
Russia which we were not prepared to follow up by vi-
gorous measures. He called upon the House to consider
whether France would not gladly join us in any remon-
strance which we might make against the unjust oppres-
sion which Russia was now exercising over Poland. He
was convinced that if ministers would only take a strong
and decided part in vindication not only of the rights of
Poland, but he might, also add of the liberties of Europe,
they would be supported by the unanimous approbation
of every man who deserved the name in Great Britain and
Ireland.
Mr. SHEIL said, that the Hon. and Learned Civilian
had expressed a conviction that there existed but one feel-
ing through Great Britain with respect to the wrongs of
Poland, and had added, that he believed that it extended
to the sister isl Ind. He could assure him that it did. It
were strange if Ireland should not sympathize with na-
tional misfortune. He (Mr. Sheil) considered that this
discussion had been attended with usefult result. The
eloquence of the gentleman who had brought it forward
was not only the medium by which his own unaffected
feelings were expressed, but he had given utterance to the
emotions of the entire country.—(Cheers.) He had not
opened a new source of national sensibility, but had un-
locked a fountain which had remained too lung sealed.
The Hon. Gentleman bad the merit of calling up the re-
presentative of his Majesty's Government, who had proved
that the principles and feelings of Lord Althorp were
not merged in the official formalities and precautions
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The eye and
the intonitions of the Noble Lord supplied any want of
distinct declaration that Poland should not be allowed
to perish. An Hon. Gentleman had said, that it
was little consolation to the exiles from Poland to re-
ceive this late and valueless sympathy. True it was
that the pains of exile were almost irremediable; but
yet it must be to those gallant and illustrious men a
source of mournful satisfaction to know, that while Eng-
land blushed at her having permitted Poland to fall, her
blushes were mingled with her tears. This subject bad
been so amply treated, the case so clearly established, that
he should avoid reiterating what had been already so per-
sp•cuously expressed. It had been proved that the treaty
of Vienna had been violated, that the wrongs of Poland
had been unendurable, and that her resistance to oppres-
sion was not matter of cboics, but of absolute and unavoid-
able necessity. Gallant, chivalrous, high-minded peeple--
nation of heroes, you are fallen; but your disasters are
encompassed with a glory so surpassing, that the most
splendid and successful achievements of ancient or modern
times, fade and grow dim before it. And shall nothing
be done to save a remnant of that illustrious race, and
will England, France, Europe, stand by and permit this
outrage on all law, on all justice, on all honour, on all
humanity ? No, the cause of Poland is that of the world,
against whose interests, against whose civilization, against
whose liberties, the great Autocrat of the North will aim
a deadly blow, if this flagitious proceeding be allowed to
pass with impunity, and converted into a precedent for
unlimited aggression. Let it not be imagined that Franca
and England, if they stand together, will plead for Poland
without avail. But if we shall be slow to appeal to arms
for Poland, there is a duty which no prudential regards
ought to induce us to delay. France has given the ex.
ample. She has given to the illustrious exiles from that
illustrious and unhappy country a noble national welcome.
The coffers of the State have been thrown open. Let
England imitate her generosity, or rather let England
took to her own conduct in other instances as a model;
and as to the refugees of Spain and Portugal, she gave a
preanpt and honourable succour, let her with a hand of
hospitable liberality lift those men from destitution, who
may seek a shelter on her shores, and prose that while
England shall last, liberty shall never want a home. (Hear.)
Mr. HUNT contended that if the British Government
had not held back at the proper moment, France would
have assisted the Poles at the time when its assistance
would have been most availing. He likewise argued that
the Poles had been misled by the public
Prints—which
were always misleading the people here—(A laugh)—into
a notion that Ministers intended to supdort them in their
resistance. He acquitte I the Ministers, however, of having
done any thing to encourage such a notion.
After a few words from Colonel Evans not heard in
the gallery, the question that this House do on its rising
adjourn to the 7th of May was put and carried.
ANATOMY BILL.
On the motion of Mr, WAv.evaroN, the srgAKEtt left

the Chair, and the House resolved itself into a Committee
on this Bill.

On the clause being read authorizing the sale of bodies.
Sir It. INGLIS said, that he objected both to the gift
and to the sale of bodies for dissection. He should there

fire propose that there be added to this clause a proviso,
prohibiting all governors of hospitals or infirmaries, and
all governors of gaols, having the legal custody of persons
deceased, from allowing such bodies to be dissected.
Mr. ROBINSON re-stated his former objections to the
clause. _ _ _ . .

Mr. WASON contended that the Bill was anything but
popular. He had gone through the petitions presented
on the subject, and he found only two in favour of the
Bill, while seventeen or eighteen were against some of its
leading provisions.
Mr. HUNT said, if the amendment were agreed to, he
would propose the clause which he mentioned on a former
occasion, that the bodies of all pensioners and placemen
should be given for dissection.
Mr. BRISCOE did not think the welfare of the public
would be promoted by this clause, which gave over the
whole population of England to the surgeon.
The Committee divided. The numbers were—
For the amendment
Against it
Majority —44

. .
On the question that the clause stand part of the Bill,
he Committee divided, when the numbers were—
For the clause
Against it
Majority for the clause

Mr. HUNT moved an amendment to the next clause
(the third), the object of which was to require that the
inspectors should personally examine the bodies previous to
dissection ; upon which the Committee divided, when the
numbers were—
For the Amendment 1
Against it
Majority against the amendment —4B
Mr. HUNT next moved the insertion of a clause, the
object of which was, to inflict a penalty of 1001. upon all
persons engaged in either selling or purchasing dead bodies.
The division upon this question was as follows :
Ayes m ll
Noes 49
—3B

Majority

The Committee then divided again upon another amend-
ment proposed by Mr. HUNT, the nature of which was not
ascertained.

Mr. HUNT proposed another amendment, which had
for its object to render it imperative on judges to order the
bodies of persons convicted of murder to be dissected.
The Committee divided, and the numbers were—
For the amendment 1
Against it
Majority —4B
The rest of the clauses were agreed to, and the Bil
passed through Committee.
The LORD ADVOCATE obtained leave to bring in a
Bill to settle the limits and boundaries of cities and bo-
roughs in Scotland.

The Bill was accordingly brought in, read a first time,
and ordered to be read a second time on the 16th of May.
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and
the House adjourned at Half-past One o'clock.