The Sun.
London, England, 1832-09-22 00:00:00

DEPARTURES.

The Marquis and Marchioness of Bristol, from St. James's_
square, for their seat, Ickworth Park, near Bury St. Edmunds,
inftblk ; the Earl and Countess of Jermyn, for ditto; the Earl
and Countess of Sefton, for their seat, Stoke Farm, near
Windsor ; Lord Falkland, front Fenton's Hotel, St. James's_
,treet, for Windsor; Hon. Mr. Osborne, fur Stagenhoe Park,
lierts ; Mr. and Mrs. H. Palmer, from Paine's Bath Hotel,
Arlington-street, for their seat, in Wilts ; J. B. Lambert,
Esq., from ditto, for ilamsgate ; W. Lawrence, Esq., from the
British Hotel, Jermyn-street, for Oxford ; John Harding,
Esq., from ditto, for Cheltenham; Captain and George Har-
court, Esq., from Crawley's Hotel, Albemarle-street, for
Windsor.

By a letter from Trincomalee, dated the 17th
of last April, we regret to learn that two of the officers of
•he Wolf have been dismissed the service by sentence of
eourt-martial, hell on them at the instance of their com-
mander Captain HAszLey, for having attempted to bring
him into contempt and disrepute among the junior officers
of that sh;p. It appears that during the absence of the
Captain at Canton, the officers obtained permission from
the First Lieutenant, BURRIDGE, to go on shore, for the
purpose of seeing Canton, where they called on the Cap-
tain. From what we can collect from the letter, it seems
that they were dissatisfied at the Captain's not showing
them that attention to which they considered they were
entitled. This feeling exhibited itself when they returned
to the ship, in the Captain not being invited to dine with
hem on the following Ssolday as usual. This was the
irat indication of dissatisfaction which the Captain re-
.:rived, but it was followed up t-y the complaining parties
.peaking of their supposed grievances in warm terms in
he midshipmen's mess, which coining to the ears of Capt.
iIAMLEY, he reported it to Sir EDWARD OWEN, who im-
mediately ordered a court of inquiry to be held. The
result of this inquiry formed the grounds of a court-
martial on the officers, except the First Lieutenant, which
terminated in the dismissal from the service of the Second
Lieutenant, PRICE, and Mr. BOOTH, surgeon. The
Purser of the Wolf has exchanged out of her, and has ar-
rived in England by the Crocodile, and the Master will
shortly follow him.—Plymouth Journal.
WILL OF NAPOLEON'S MOTHER.—Ma-
dame LIETIT/A, mother of the Emperor NAPOLEON, is
langerously ill at Rome; she is constantly occupied with
thoughts relative to her will lately made, the following
particulars of which have transpired :—She has left a
legacy of 50,000 piastres or Roman crowns to her (laugh-
'er•in-law, MARIA LOUISA ; 100,000 piastres to each of
.her sons and daughters; a considerable sum for the foun-
dation of a religious institution, according to the discre•
tion of the executors. The Mont de Piete at Rome will
receive at the time of her death all the diamonds and other
valuable effects, which amount to several millions. A le-
gacy of money and jewels, to be selected at their own
,:hoice, equal in value to 1,000 sequins, to each of the
executors. All the rest of her property, moveable or im-
movable, annuities, money, diamonds, jewellery, pictures,
&c., will form a residuary property, and go to the eldest
male branch of the Bonaparte family. If it should happen
that there are two male heirs of the same age, they must
enjoy the property conjointly. In case of extinction in
the male line of the family (the children of the female
branches being excluded), the property, which, exclusive
if legacies, &c., is valued at 15,000,000 piastres, will go
to the capital of Corsica, on condition that that city pays
a legacy of 50,000 piastres to any males lineally descended
trom female branches of the family. The executors men-
tioned are Cardinal PESCI', brother of the testator, the
Cardinal Vicar of ROME, and TORLONIA the banker.—
fler body is to be taken from Rome to Ajaccio, at which
place her sons are to raise a monument to her tnemory,
bearing the inscription—" Ala mere de Napoleon." A
legacy of 30,000 piastres is left to the National Church of
St. Louis des Francais, for the perpetual celebration of a
daily mass, and a grand anniversary solemnity of the deaths
of the Emperor NAPOLEON and Madame LETITIA. On
the day the funeral leaves Rome there will be a distribu-
tion amongst the poor, and each of the twenty-six curates
will receive 100 piastres for their duties on the occasion.
She recommends to her sons and Cardinal FESCII, who
possess an immense fortune in the will, and the rare col-
lection of pictures, to make their wills in favour of the
residuary legatee, that the name of NAPOLEON may shine
in one of the family, and preserve the remembrance of
their former grandeur.

SCOTCH ELECTIONS.—A great deal of keen
:Linvassing has been going on in most parts of Scotland
within the last few weeks, and, in a good many cases,
the returns are nearly ascertained. According to the
'test information I can obtain, the calculation is that
about twenty Tory Members, and not more, will be re-
turned, and that these will be counterbalanced by at least
thirty Members of liberal politics. No ultra-radical, no
lluntite or Cobbettite, appears to have the least chance in
_ Scotland. Most of the tenants go with their landlords.
l'he good landlords have almost the unanimous votes of
their tenants, and those of a different description a vast
oroportion ; the former from gratitude, and the latter
rom fear of a change from bad to worse. In some in,
Stances something more than an expressed wish has been
unnecessarily resorted to by landlords, but this prac-
tice does not appear to be common. Several of
the counties will be contested with great spirit.
Among these are four principal counties—Aberdeen,
Perth, Edinburgh, and Roxburgh. The result in Aber-
(hen is very doubtful, though it is thought by many
that the powerful interest of the Duke of GORDON and
the Earl of ABERDEEN, together with the general esteem
in which Captain GORDON is held, will render him
too strong for Sir MICHAEL Bence. From all
accounts Sir GEORGE MURRAY will be thrown out
by the Marquis of BREADADBANE'S son (Lord ORMICLIE.)
Sir GEORGE, however, is rather gaining than losing
ground from his indefatigable exertions in canvassing,
from his suavity of manner, and the
.patience with
which he submits to marks of disapprobation, and hears
and answers the numerous queries put to him by the vil-
lage voters. If he loses his seat it will be owing chiefly
to this class of voters, and to the great exertions of Lord
ORAIELIE ; and Sir GEORGE CLERIC has a better chance
for Edinburghshire, though many of the villages and towns,
ind among the rest Dalkeith, in the immediate neighbour-
hood of the seat of the Duke of BUCCLEUCII, are strongly in
f.vour of Sir J. DALu.vmeLic. Capt. ELLIOTT, Secretary to
the Admiralty, is thought sure of Roxburgh. Lord JOHN
SCOTT, however, is going to work with great spirit and
openness of conduct, and is said to be more liberal than is
,uitable to the views of his brother, the Duke of 13uc-
cutucli. The Lord ADVOCATE and Mr. ABERCRO)IBY
are sure to he returned for the city of Edinburgh, and Mr.
CUTLAR FERGUSON for Kirkendbright.—/tforn, Herald

In hastily concluding our article, yesterday, on

the subject of currency and banking, we perceive
(flint our expression implies that there has not
been any contraction of the currency. We should
have said relatively there was no contraction—
our meaning being that, in proportion to the
means of profitable application, • currency or
money is more abundant than ever. The coin-.
petition among money-dealers was never greater
than at present ; and the rule of aotion among:
them is, not how high a rate of interest shall be:
exackd, but how low a rate sfiall be offered to;
,;btain a good security. Money is not scarce ; if!
it was, the rate of interest would be high-5 or
6 per cent., instead of 21- or 3. We therefore(
repeat again, that it is not a contraction of the(
currency which obstructs consumption, and
thereby renders all production unprofitable, 1)11
it is the destruction of all credit and confidence(
in the operations of production and exchange o
commodities. The superstructure's of credit and
confidence were razed to their foundations by the,
fatal operations of 1816, while currency was in thl
zenith of its profusion, and the foundations them,
selves were rendered so completely friable, by thq

diversion, in 1817-18, of more than 40,000,000/,
of means from the legitimate purpose of pro;
muting the mutual and beneficial exchange of
commodities, to indulge the avaricious propen-.
cities of arbitrary and profligate Governments, as
to have hitherto baffled all attempts at restoral
lion. We showed, on Wednesday last, that ill
1816, near 30,000,0001. excess of export wat
equalized in account by insolvency and defalcal
tion. The effect of this was not confined tq

the external transactions of the country, but it
tended to lower the money price of all commo-
dities for internal as well as for external conl
sumption, and materially to reduce the rate of
remuneration for labour. The immediate con-
sequences of the defalcation, however, were
greatly counteracted by the high price of grain in
the ensuing year, and increase of value given

to the large stock on hand, consequent on the
exceedingly unfavourable harvest of 1816.
These circumstances, in conjunction with the

great money transactions of 1817-18, which we
have before detailed, served to conceal the effects
that were to follow ; but in 1819, when the ini7
portation of grain became greatly diminished,
and a less amount of bills on account of loans
were put into circulation, a large portion of the
exports of that year, like those of 1816, were
left to be equalised by insolvency and de-
falcation ; and here it is, that the fallacy of
ail the Parliamentary inquiries relating to
commerce, currency, and banking rest.—
All the Committees of Parliament that have
ever been instituted for inquiry into these sub-
jects, as well as all whom they have called be-
fore them, have persisted in assuming that an
excess of export is a national advantage, because
it must bring gold into the country. Fatal de-
lusion ! Even if it were so, it would be fraught,
for reasons which we have previously shown,
with ruinous tendencies to the exporters ; but
the excesses have not been equalised in such
way', but by continued defalcations, year by year,
forcing down the money price of the exports to
the level of whatever amount the imports would
produce. Hence it has been that year after
year prices have declined, and the rate of wages
progressively reduced, whereby engagements
have been precluded from being fulfilled, and
credit and confidence, Year by year, more and
name weakened, and the currency, as a conse-
quence, more and more contracted or narrowed
in its functions ; and here again we must repeat,
that the contraction followed as an effect of the
disproportion of the value of the imports as coni.
parql with the exports, and that it was not the
rause of the disproportion.—Morning Herald.
We have learnt with regret, not unmixed with '
astonishment and indignation, that his Dutch
Majesty has refused to treat on the reasona-
Me modifications of the treaty of November 15,
which we mentioned yesterday, and which were
lately transmitted to the Hague by the President
of the Conference on the part of Belgium. His
Majesty's answer is at once insulting and eva-
sive—insulting to the Conference, and evasive
of the question at issue—declining to make
new proposition of his own, and taking no no-
tice of the propositions made on the other side.
Tids extraordinary answer was yesterday deli-
vered to the Conference, specially convened to
deliberate upon its nature and contents. Of
course, it cannot lie imagined that any final de-
cision was adopted on so momentous a subject
in the absence of the chief English Ministers.
The Conference is to meet again to-day, but
every reasonable man must now see that all hope
of bringing his Dutch Majesty to his senses by
protocols and peaceful representations must
be abandoned. He is evidently determined
to come to no arrangement without being
compelled by superior force. He is evidently
resolved to employ every subterfuge—to prac-
tice every stratagem, to gain time; His
mind seems made up to take advantage of the
chapter of accidents, and rather to hazard the
chances of a war, to recover the whole of his
former dominions, than to agree to terms of
accommodation, by which he may enjoy a part
of them in security and peace. The Conference;
svh;sli has been so grossly insulted, cannot surely
perm 4 this perfidious game to be pursued any
farther. It is evidently the interest of Austria
and Prussia that Belgic affairs should be set-
tled ; and it is no less the interest than the duty
of l'rance and England to become the instru-
ments of such a salutary work. His Dutch Ma-
jesty can place his only reliance on the infamous
Government of Ittisia ; which, desirous of em-
broiling Western Europe, that it may perpetrate
unmolested all its intended barbarities in Poland,
has no doubt encouraged his Dutch Majesty in
his present dangerous course. The. Conference
can no longer trifle with the peace. of Europe
and the rights of Belgium. If they have appoint-
ed themselves umpires, they must enforce their
.award. After inducing the new King of 13elgium
descend from the lofty position which he occu-
pied cin a treaty ratified by all their .Courts, and
become the public law of Europe--after leading
him to believe that the reserved points of dif-
ference between him and his neighbour might be
arranged by mutual concessions—after thus ex-
tracting from him some reasonable propoLls of
modifications in the treaty—after making him
thus break through the assurance which he had
given his Chambers, that he would never nego-
eiate with an enemy in his territory, they have
exposed his Belgic Majesty to the dangerous
chances of unpopularity, without securing any
of the advantages of peace. He is now, per-
haps, without a Cabinet—exposed to the attacks
of the press, to the remonstrances of the Legis-
lature, and even to the suspicions of the more
charitable and loyal portion of his subjects. His
allies are bound to replace him in the situation
which he would have occupied had he not trusted
to their assurances of that. definitive arrangement,
which, if obtained, would have constituted his

best
apology tor appearing to have deserted his
pledges.— Times.
In Ireland, some few years back, it was
deemed almost as unpardonable an offence in
any candidate' to,Soliathe voids of the tenantry
of another landlord, as for the creditor of a
'Squire to solicit payment of a debt ; and chal-
lenges have even been given for no other ground
of offence than supposing a freeholder meant a
free man, and not the slave of his landlord. We
had imagined that these absolute notions were
unknown in England. We find, however, that
an English Tory landlord can be as insulting a
tyrant as an Irish landlord. We have an instance
of it in the report of the Reform Festival at
Grimsby, on the 14th September, in Drakard's
Stamford News of the 21st September. Sir
William Ingilby, after characterising the con-
duct of several, landlords of Lincolnshire with
reference to the expected election, observed—
' Gentlemen, I believe that another Noble Lord, con •
nected largely with this division of the county, has gone
a step beyond those three Noblemen (i. e. Willoughby,
Scarborough, and Yarborough), whom I have already in-
troduced to your notice. He not only takes a part—an
active part here—but I believe he has even given his or-
ders in writing that we shall not canvass his tenantry.
This shows the opinions of Earl Brownlow—(Shame,
shame),—when gentlemen are told upon a canvass that
they are not to venture even to ask the freeholders for
their votes.--(Shame, shame.) To what a pitch of de-
gradation must freeholders be reduced when they are told
that they must not be canvassed for their votes.—(Tre-
mendous cheering.) It is, indeed, something more than
monstrous that a man dare write so gross a libel upon the
liberties of the people—(Continued cheers) !—I have
not seen the communication, but it is a matter of public
notoriety; it has got wind throughout the county; and
whilst I have been so actively moving about, it isnot likely
that I should long remain ignorant of it."
The Honourable C. A. Pelham put an end
to all doubt with respect to the conduct of Lord
Brownlow.
" I wish (he said) to make a few observations nn what
has just fallen from the Hon. Baronet, in connection with
something which it has hten reported he stated at Louth
respecting the conduct of Lord Brownlow. He stated, as
I understand, that if I had asked leave to canvas his Lord-
ship's tenants, I deserved the answer which I received.
Now lam free to admit that I did ask his Lordship's
leave (by addressing him the usual circular) to canvass
his tenants, conceiving that his Lordship would not inter-
fere. I felt certain he would refuse his saction, but
rather than his tenants should suffer, I deemed it prudent
to write to his Lordship. I have since called upon his
Lordship's tenants to know whether 1,1 ey were at liberty
to promise me, for I told them I dare not solicit them
,vithout his Lordship's sanction, and from the informa-
tion I received, I believe hardly one of his tenants will
vote at all.
" Sir W. Ingilby—After what has been stated, I shall
take the liberty of putting one question to my Hon. Col-
league. I will ask him whether he was refused by the
Noble Lord (Brownlow) to canvass his tenantry?
'• Mr. Pelham—l have no hesitation in answering the
questirm. Lord Brownlow's answer to my letter was
this, as near as I can recollect—that his tenants were to
give plumpers to Sir Rob, rt Sheffield ; therefore be could
not allow any other candidate to solicit their votes, and
that consequently he could not sanction my wish to can-
vass them."

This is -really carrying matters with a high
hand. " Could not allow any other candidate
to solicit the votes of his tenants !! !" Poor
contemptible creature. To think that some
twelve stone of animated matter can be so puffed
up ! Why, you poor pitiful Aristocrat, you are
far more dependent on these tenants than they
ire on you. Of what value would your acres be
to you without the industry bestowed on them by
these tnen ? Were social order disturbed for a
moment, you might find yourself, with all your
acres, like many of the French Nobility, without
the means of commanding a morsel of bread.—
It is impossible to drive it into the heads of

these poor silly animals, that in society all men
are dependent on each other—that the employer
is as dependent on the employed, the landlord
on the tenant, as the employed and the tenant
are on the employer and landlord. Why will
these men outrage in this wanton manner the
feelings of the people ? Does Lord Brown.
low imagine that he is independent of the
good opinion of his fellow-subjects ?—that
he can afford to be pointed at by the finger
of scorn as a man who by his conduct is
unworthy to enjoy the benefits of the free
Constitution which he is so little able to appre-
ciate ? The meanest scavenger that sweeps the
streets, and eats the coarse bread of industry, is
a more respectable person than such a Lord.
Pshal,v, it is enough to make the very name of
Lord stink in one's nostrils. The conduct of
rural Bashaws of this description has, however,
wrought wonders in making converts of the
country gentlemen of liberal principles to the
necessity of the ballot. Almost all the speakers
at this meeting were in favour of it. Captain
Pelham, indeed, expressed himself against it,
though he observed--

" If we find that the efforts of Lnrd Grey will not be
Wended by those results which we have all anticipated,
ind which we still hope to witness—if we find that we
,lannot shame or deter some people from using that undue
And improper influence which all of us deplore—why then
we must employ some expedient whereby the people shall
be protected, and whereby that undue and improper influ-
,nee shall lie fully and effectually counteracted.—(Loud
cheers. j''

Sir Wm. Ingilby, who followed him, however,
speaks strongly on the subject

" The longer I live," said he, " and the more experi-
ence I have of the nature and frailty of the human mind,
I cannot shut my eyes to the fact, that if you intend the
people to be free, they cannot he so without the Ballot.—
(('ontinued cheers.) The experience of the last two or
three months has convinced me of the necessity—of the
tbsdute necessity, of some such a measure. My Hon.
Colleague stares that he abhors the Ballot, and yet he al-
the necessi y of sonic provision whereby the voter
may be protected in the disposal of his franchise. What
other measure he would propose I cannot imagine; but
I will ask you, when a man tenders roe all he can give
rue—his good will and his best wishes—and with the
sum, breath iofor M 4 the that he is tied down by a tyran-
ideal landlord—l ask you, with the greatest possible con-
fidence, how that man can vote according to the dictates
of his conscience, unless be is protect d by the Ballot ?
(Loud cheering ) Gentlemen, I now see no cause for
hesitating any longer in the course to be pursued, what-
ever I may have done before—the light has shone through
me so radically on the subject—(Loud laughter)—of
liberty, that I would have the peasant whose freehold is

;tilted at 405., as free and independent as my Lord
Brownlow, with his 40,000/. a yen.. --(Continued cheers.)
Gentlemen, I am happy to observe that these principles are
spreading rapidly amongst you, and be assured the time is
fast approaching when the people of England shall no longer
labour under the dictation of a proud and imperious aristo-
cracy, or of a domineering and meddling Priesthood.—
( Tremendous cheers.)"
This is the language that goes to the hearts of
the tenantry. The landlords may rest assured
chat the Ballot alone is capable of protecting
them from the consequences of their own folly.
Nothing is so dangerous as to make experiments
on the extent of human patience. So long as
the landlords are left under the delusion that they
can command their tenantry, they will be tempted
to abuse their power, and this in turn will lead
to a fearful retaliation. If it be wished to pre-
serve the peace of the country—if it be wished
that in England every man's hand should not
be raised against his neighbour, the ballot must
be resorted to. We agree with Captain Pel-
ham, that other means than the ballot can be
resorted to. We could easily point out means
of unquestionable efficacy. But we are the
lovers of peace, and do not wish to encourage
what would destroy it, The Ballot is the easiest

death
of Aristocratic tyranny. Mr. Tennyson,
in like manner, advocated the Ballot :

"Exercise (he said) your franchise freely—listen to no
man's threats, to no man's entreaties—listen only to the
dictates of your own consciences. Thus, and thus alone,
can you discharge the trust reposed in you ; thus alone can
you fulfil your duty to the country.—(Loud cheers.) If
every elector will do this, we shall speedily see whether
or not every abuse will be removed by the energy of a Re-
formed Parliament. You will prove your independence.
But with all deference to those Gentlemen who have ex-
pressed a contrary opinion—and I was one of those who
formerly deprecated the vote by Ballot—my mind has at
length opened to the conviction that the only protection
for the honest but poor or dependent voter is the Ballot.
—(lmmense cheering.) When I see the manner in
which a system of intimidation operates throughout this
county and elsewhere, I have come definitively to this
conclusion—that nothing but the Ballot can efficiently
protect us.—(Continued cheers.) My Hon. Friend (Mr.
Pelham) has expressed his objection to it. He is a younr
man, and with his talents and enlightened mind, confident
as I am that be will ever act conscientiously, I do believe
that he at last, and at no great distance of time, will be-
come a convert to the Ballet."—(Cheers.)
In a county like Lincoln, the abuses of the
Church Establishment are keenly felt, and in-
deed tithes are as unpopular there as in Ireland.
The removal of the church abuses has not been
touched on a moment too soon by the Clergy of
Dublin ; for the people of England are unani-
mous as to the necessity of Church Reform.
The clergy, throughout the late political con-
test, have given a proof that they are the enemies
of the people ; and it cannot be of much service
to an Ecclesiastical Establishment, that an inde-
lible impression should have been made on the
people that the Established Clergy are always
(with a few exceptions) to be found in the ranks
of their enemies. The battle has been fought
and won—the people have conquered ; and if
the clergy felt that their interests were incompa-
tible with good government, it might be par-
donable in the way of policy to fight the battle
of Anti-Reform to the last. But it cannot be
good policy, now that the battle is won, to act
in such a manner as to preserve constantly fresh
in the recollections of the people the part played
by the clergy in the reform battles. The follow-
ing is a curious instance of an insolence on the
part of a Churchman, which reminds us almost
of the days of Gregory the Seventh, when Priests
trod on the necks of Princes :
" Gentlemen," said Sir Wm. Ingilhy, " I think it
not amiss to state, that very recently I met a very won-
derful kid mighty jemmy-jumps of a Parson—(Loud
laughter)—with a furious fire-shovel hat—(Shouts of
laughter)—who accosted we without any hesitation thus:
Sir, I don't admire nor like your language—(Laughter).---
you speak irreverently of the Clergy—(Laughter)—and I
think you a mischievous man'—(Continued laughter.)—
The poor ape did not imagine that I was at the moment
the most useful man in the county—(Laughter and
cheers)—for I do not know when you have had amongst
you any vublic character going about from one end of the
county to the other, working more good than I believe I
an: now effecting. I have no agents, and I must trumpet
for myself.—(Loud cheers.) I say deliberately to you,
that this mighty hale coxcomb in the fire-shovel hat, la-
boured under a prodigious mistake in propagating, as he
has done, and is now doing, amongst the freeholders of
Lincolnshire, that lam a heretic and an infidel. But I
have a parson in my eye who well knows my religious
sentiments, and tie conduct which I manifested towards
the Clergy ever since I have known how to distinguish a
Clergyman from a Layman. I know lie will take the op-
portunity of rising to say, that 1 entertain a proper re-
spect for a Pat son when that Parson respects himself. lie
will corroborate what I have always advanced upon this
ticklish and delicate subject—(Loud laughter)—especially
delicate in a quarter where you have a mighty Bishop and
others swallowing thousands of that money which should
provide for the niore humble Clergy who do all the work—
(Loud cheers.)"

The Rev'. Mr. Powell, a clergyman, who, as
Mr. Tennyson observed,

" }l,d been manly and intrepid enough to appear in a
company of reformers," bore testimony to the piety of
Sir William Ingilby. " I have known him (he said) for
the period of 25 years, and during all that time I have
ever found him the true advocate and friend of the Church
of England.—(Loud cheers.) He has ever been distin-
guished as the patron of exemplary piety ; he has always
proved himself an honest and upright man; Le has always
regularly attended the worship of the Church ; he has
never betrayed its real interests, but to the utmost of his
power has uniformly employed his best energies towards
extending its blessings amongst all classes of his fellow
men.—(Loud cheers.)"
Mr. Tennyson too observed,

" That so far from my Hon. Friend ,he Worthy
Baronet being an enemy to the Church, he is, on the con-
trary, with me, most anxious, and it is an object nearest
his heat t, to strengthen • and support it. He wishes to
make it subservient to the spiritual wants of the people,
to provide an active and pious minister in every parish, to
eff et an equitable distribution of the goods with which
the Church is endowed, instead of being accumulated
and appropriated in the most lavish manner for the henefit
of a comparatively small number of individuals, whilst
the working parish priest is too often nearly reduced to the
condition of a pauper.—(Tremendouseheers.) It is the ob-
ject of ray Hon. Friend to remove this scandal—an object
in which I most cordially concur."
. _ . .

It is an old trick of the Clergy to confound
Tithes with Religion, and hostility to Tithes
with hostility to Religion. All Reformers, with
a Parson, are Infidels. They are running about
the country, almost frantic, in behalf of the Tory
Candidates, and exercising all the influence they
possess over old women (for their influence is
now nearly confined to this class), to obtain
votes for the Tories. Sir William Ingilby is not
likely to be in good odour with them, if he re-
commends that the drones should not have all
the good livings, and the working Clergy should
not be left to starve. A gentleman at this meet-
ing, Mr. Skipworth, excited the laughter of the
auditory, by observing, quaintly, The work-
ing Clergy are the most stupid set of men on
the face of the earth. I would say to them,—
' Make a strike, and don't preach ; you have the
power of effecting Reform, only exercise it; I
don't see why you should work like horses on
asses' pay.' We fear the iron has entered too
deeply into the souls of the working Clergy to
allow them to make anything approaching to a
strike. We know of no men so completely at
the mercy of their superiors. When the time
comes that they can express an opinion with
safety, it will be found, we have no doubt, that
there arc many men in the bosom of the Church
who wish to see it purified. Indeed the Rev. Mr.
Powell, at this meeting, did not hesitate to say,
" Gentlemen—_l indulge in the sanguine hope that
there are hundreds in this country who are equally anxious
with myself that some change should take place in the ec-
clesiastical :government of this country.--(Loud cheers,
and shouts of there are thousands.') I do not wish to
rob another wan to enrich myself, but I am anxious to ob-
tain an equal shale with others of those emoluments
which are amply provided for those who are z,al, us and
earnest in their endeavours to promote and extend the
cause of real religion.—(Loud cheers.) I know, Gentle-
:nen, that the efforts of the Hun. Baronet, in connection
with others, will be made to secure a proper equalization
of the gifts and rewards belonging to the Church ; I am
sure, that under such auspices, the best interests of the
Church will be based on a firm fours livion, and the people
rendered content and happy.—(Loud cheers.)"
So much for the Reform Festival at Grimsby.
—The candidates for the representation of the
two greatest agricultural counties of England,
Devon and Lincoln, have found that the com-
munication of the 501. rent franchise has ren-
dered the Ballot inevitable. On that point,
whatever opinions landlords may have, the
tenants can have but one.—Morning Chronicle.

At an election dinner which was eaten the
other day at Torquay, in the county of Devon,
Lord John Russell had the modesty and discre-
tion to threaten the landed proprietors of that
county with a change of his opinion upon the
subject of the ballot in the event of their

ence among their tenantry being employed in
opposition to his interest. It can excite no sur-
prise that Lord John has determined to mould
his sentiments upon the question of the ballot to
the model Which may seem.' ter hiin best suited
to his own purposes, since it is notorious that
upon the greater question of Reform he did the
same thing. What is really surprising in the
case is, that he should be so frank and explicit
in his avowal of the motives and feelings which
govern his political opinions. All men have
not, however, the very simple and easy mode
of resolving political problems which is so
natural or habittial to his Lordship, and, as
we believe *there are some honest advocates
for collecting the suffrages of the people
in the dark, we willingly take the present
opportunity of pointing out one
.or two of
the errors under which this latter class appear to
us to labour. In the first place, we think that
the effect of the proposed change upon the result
of any popular election is prodigiously overrated.
Admitting, for instance, the complaint of Lord
John Russell, which is probably no more than
one of the ordinary subterfuges of disappoint-
ment and defeat, to be well. founded, and that
some of the Tory landlords Hof Devon have really
exerted to his prejudice a degree of authority
over the votes of their tenants, of which the bal-
lot would have deprived them, can any body
doubt, who has had the opportunity of knowing
the general conduct and character of Whig land-
lords that the latter have exercised in his favour
whatever authority or influence they possess in
a manner at least equally arbitrary and domineer-
ing. In estimating the effect of this kind of
harsh interference, which we by no means de-
fend, upon the final result, Lord John should
reckon what he has gained by it as well as what
he has lost ; and, if he made this computation
fairly, he would no longer probably see the very
selfish reason for changing his opinion upon the
question of the ballot which he has so distinctly
avowed. If he have lost upon balance by the
undue dictation of landlords, this merely proves
the fact that a greater portion of the land in De-
vonshire is held by men who differ from Lord
John's politics than. by men who agree with
them—a fact which cannot be alleged as the
ground of an opinion, and still less as the
ground of a change of opinion upon an impor-
tant political question, unless by some very weak,
profligate, and impudent person. But the in-
terest of Whigs, Tories, or any other political
party, is, it will be said, less worthy of conside-
ration than the interests and feelings of those
classes of voters whom the ballot will at once
relieve from a state of thraldom subversive of
their constitutional rights and pernicious to their
social character. The advantage of good go-
vernment to the whole community will also, it
may be contended, arise in the highest attainable
degree from that system of voting which affords
the best security to individual independence. In
these arguments there is, it must be confessed, a
considerable share of plausibility ; but their
force is considerably diminished when we at-
tempt to realise in our imagination the probable
working of the system of ballot. That system
can really bestow greater political independence
than they now enjoy only upon the very small
number of persons who will so far restrain them-
selves as either to maintain an uniform silence
upon the political topics which engross and ex-
cite their immediate neighbourhood, or to con-
verse upon those topics in one spirit while they
intend to vote in another. With respect to all
others, constituting, we believe, an immense ma-
jority of those who can now be compelled
to vote in a manner contrary to their
wishes, the ballot will have no effect, for their
votes will be just as well known under that sys-
tem as any other. The language of the market-
table will be, in ninety-nine instances out of a
hundred, a correct index to the contents of the
ballot-box ; and there can be no landlord who
desires to coerce his tenantry but must know
how to read it. If, on the other hand, the habit
of reserve and hypocrisy which is necessary to'
the efficacy of the ballot, should prevail more
extensively than we expect, is it not obvious
that in the same degree the interchange of opi-
nion and feeling must be frozen and impeded ;
that in electioneering affairs there will be less
than heretofore of enthusiasm and excitement ;
that many who are now impelled by feelings
which, but for the intercourse of society, would
have remained dormant, to give an independent
vote, will begin to think fifteen, or ten, or even
five miles rather a long ride for the purpose of
giving a vote which will then neither extort ap-
plause or confer obligation. As opponents
to the innovating temper of the times, our
chief objection to the ballot is not political,
but moral. We think it the best for na-
tional morality, vigour, and happiness that
every thing connected with our eleet:ons should
be open and above board. If, however, we
could bring ourselves to consider the question
merely in relation to the interests of party, we
should not hesitate to express the belief that the
Tory party would be great gainers by the
ballot, and our surprise that the Whigs and
Radicals should still continue urgent for the
adoption of that system. How have the ten-
pound householders, on their side, acted with
qßuaililifyhain(alisnoorfoiunsstaa:,levco,scialetegsle
fcoterdtit'oe
respect to the business of registration ? The
thousands suts aenl
them-
selves to vote under it. Are these parties so
senseless as to learn nothing from a fact which
indicates so plainly what would be the effect of
the ballot ? Those who in support of the Bill
were ready to fire houses, and slay Kings,
Queens, and Bishops, so long as they could
push
,each other on, were found totally worth-
less the moment a little individual, isolated, un-
excited exertion was required. What would
the whole class of such men be worth at an elec-
tion under a system of ballot ? Positively no-
thing. Not a man of them would give a vote
for which lie was to receive neither thanks nor
applause at the expense of half a day's time, or
the risk of soiling the hoofs of his nag. Among
the Tories we may say, without presumption,
that there are few persons of a character so
light, and to persons of a character not so light it
seems evident that under the system of ballot
the election would be almost entirely abandoned.
Do the Whigs and Radicals imagine that they
can afford to lose the numerous adherents of
whose effective aid at every election the system
of ballot would probably deprive them ?
horning Post.

There is no longer any doubt of Tory IR-
VING'S retirement from the borough of Clitheroe. The
only doubt now is, who the party will attempt to set up
in his place. We have heard one gentleman named, near
whaney, and we purpose giving the history of another
flex, week. The political drama is taking its regular
course,—the tragedy is followed by a farce. We intend
to favour it with our attendance.—A certain authority
says that lavlso has not retired, which is one of the bet
possible proofs of his having done so. When did it tell the
truth ?.....Blackburn Gazette.