The Sun.
London, England, 1866-02-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—The agriculturists of the kingdom have
once more, in language neither uncertain nor unsea-
sonable, expressed their views on the absorbing
question of the cattle plague. That destructive pes-
tilence is pursuing its ravages with unabated fury.
It is only in appearance that the last return presents
any improvement, for though the number of cases
reported shows a material diminution, that is solely
because a considerable proportion of the returns for
the week were not forthcoming in time for publica-
tion. The disease therefore remains, to say the
least, unchecked, while the season is approaching at
which any effectual action in arrest of the contagion
would be far more difficult than at present. In a
few weeks' time the pastures will be opened, and
cattle will be scattered. If we mean to try the sys-
tem of isolation, and to give the experiment of
" stamping out" a fair chance of success, this is our
last opportunity. Forty-four counties of Great
Britain were represented at the meeting which pre-
ceded yesterday's deputation to Sir G. Grey, and
the arguments of the speakers, as well as the reso-
lutions adopted, show the strength and decision of
the opinions entertained. It is felt and believed, we
may fairly say, by the agricultural classes of the
whole kingdom that nothing short of an absolute
suspension of the traffic in live cattle will now give
us the least chance of extirpating the plague. Ac-
cording to their view, the prohibition must be un-
qualified in its rigour, without one single exception
in favour of place or beast. Native cattle and foreign
cattle, fat cattle and lean cattle, in uninfected no
less than infected districts, in Scotland as well as
England, must be continued within the boundaries
of the nearest highways. Not even on railways must
any live cattle be moved from one place to another.
For a limited time the movement of live cattle on any
road in any part of Great Britain is to be absolutely.
forbidden. That is the resolution adopted and pro-
fessed by the representatives of the agricultural body,
and its force will be appreciated from the discus-
sions and suggestions through which it was ultimately
reached. At first, and as originally worded, the
resolution communicated to Sir George Grey com-
prised an exception in favour of uninfected counties
no unnatural reservation, seeing that a large part
of Scotland remains still free from the murrain—
but the opinion of the meeting was so strongly pro-
nounced against all exemptions whatever that the
exception was struck out. Then two gentlemen,
representing the interests intermediate between
those of the breeders and the consumers, suggested
that the removal of healthy fat cattle from the farm
to the market for immediate slaughter might, under
restrictions, be still permitted ; but that exception
was condemned also, and the resolution in favour of
an absolute suspension of traffic, without qualifica-
tion or exception, was adopted, with only two dis-
sentients. It is unnecessary to add that the imme-
diate action of Government, as superseding that of
local authorities, in the execution of the requisite
measures formed a portion of the demands recorded.
Indeed, this intervention was not so much advo-
cated as presumed, for, as Lord Lichfield remarked;
such a resolution as that adopted could never be
rendered effective by any power except that of Go-
vernment. It was resolved, too, that three other
measures, supplementary in their character, ought
also to be put in force by Parliamentary authority.
These were to the effect that all plague-stricken
and compromised animals should be at once de-
stroyed ; that all infected premises and places
should b purified ; and that a " partial remunera-
tion" should be provided for the owners of the
animals destroyed. The nature of the provision to
be thus made was not specified, but it was to be as-
sured " by Act of Parliament" in some form or
other. Thus, while an edict of prohibition insures
us against any movement of cattle, and so far against
any further propagation of the plague, summary
slaughter followed by careful measures of disin-
fection is to serve for " stamping out" the murrain
wherever it may still linger or accidentally appear.
These, of course, are the views of a class, but the
interests of that class are obviously identical in the
present instance with those of the public. One of
the principal speakers, indeed, plainly urged that
" the men who produced the meat and the men who
ate it" were the people to be considered, even if
salesmen, butchers, and jobbers should be prejudiced
for the moment. It was not disguised that there
would be inconvenience, or that the embarrassments
might assume here and there a very troublesome
aspect, but a choice of evils is all that the prospect
offers. At present, it must be owned, the general
body of consumers has felt little of the plague, ex-
cept in the prices charged, quite unreasonably, at
the butchers' shops. The adoption of the measures
now recommended by the agricultural societies
would, it cannot be doubted, produce at least par-
tial pressure, and possibly panic, but the panic and
pressure must come at last, and would come, except
for timely precautions, with tenfold severity. The
question is simply whether we shall confront cer-
tain inevitable troubles now, or let them fall upon
us with infinitely greater weight by and by. No-
thing less at stake than the whole stock of cattle in
Great Britain—the finest stock in the whole world.
It is the future, rather than the present, which is so
alarming. This murrain will destroy all our herds
if it is not stayed, and nothing hitherto has sufficed
to stay it. The only measures which still promise
any success are the measures now advocated by the
deputation of agriculturists. 'These, when partially
tried, have actually been successful, but partial
trials are of no avail ; it is only by promptitude,
uniformity, and comprehensiveness of action that
the desired results can be obtained. The practical
effect of these measures would be simply the substi-
tution of meat markets for cattle markets. The ox
could no longer on any conditions be taken to the
butcher, and the butcher, we may be certain, when
thus situated, would soon find his way to the ox. In-
deed, we do not see why either butchers or salesmen
should be permanently prejudiced by what, after all,
is only a modification of their particular traffic. In-
termediate agents must still be required to bring the
commodity from the producer to the consumer ; iu
fact, the difficulty or novelty of the case would
provide employment, we should think, for an in-
creased number of hands. The demand for meat
will not be less ; the supply will not be less ; if
anything, it will probably be greater than before.
The only difference will be this—that cattle, in
future, must be killed before removal, instead of
after removal. It will still be the interest of
everybody to promote the traffic, only it must be in
dead meat instead of living animals. The railways
will carry the same weight as before, and with much
greater facility and convenience. One of the
speakers said that already quarters of meat instead
of panting oxen were to be seen on the Great
Western Railway, "swinging in the cool air," on
their way to London. It was remarkable, indeed,
that no fear was expressed for the metropolitan
supply ; only in provincial towns was it anticipated
that inconvenience might be felt. But the action of
local authorities in various parts of the kingdom,
though tardy, perhaps, or vacillating, has now be-
come so general that some progress towards the
necessary changes must needs have been accom-
plished. A great trade like the cattle trade is not
to be reorganised in a week, but the prospect has
now been for months before us, increasing in dis-
tinctness and certainty day by day, and our traders
must have been false to their national character if
they have not made some preparations for the inevi-
table time. Our choice, it is now plain, has been
but a choice of time from the very first. The only
method of staying the plague was by isolation.
That isolation would have been easy at first, and
easier even a month ago than now ; but it will be
easier now than a month hence, and nothing but
the experiment stands between us and the total ruin
of the national stock. Better late than never is as
much as we can say ; but it is something to be able
to say that.
TILE " ANGLO-AMERICAN TIMES" ON THE RELA-
TIONS BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND THE UNITED
STATES.—Queen Victoria's Speech at the opening of
her new Parliament is not likely to be received with
unalloyed satisfaction in the United States. Since
the decease of Lord Palmerston the people of
America have been disposed to expect a more im-
partial policy from his successor in office ; but the
statement of intention-by Earl Russell's Adminis-
tration, as contained in the Speech fromthe Throne,
is not calculated to satisfy their expectations in
this respect. Her Majesty the Queen of England
is made by her advisers to say—" My relations with
"foreign Powers are friendly and satisfactory ;" a
statement which will assuredly be questioned, if not
contradicted, in the United States, whilst, at the
same time, it is certain to be impugned in the British
Parliament itself when the correspondence between
Earls Russell and Clarendon and Messrs. Se-
ward and Adams shall be brought under discus-
sion. The Royal Speech somewhat modifies
the above declaration, for a few lines fur-
ther on we read :—" A correspondence has
" taken place between my Government and that of
"the United States with respect to injuries
" inflicted on American commerce by cruisers
" under the Confederate flag. Copies of this cor-
" respondence will be laid before you." The offi-
cial publication of the diplomatic papers submitted
to Congress, and the discussion of their merits by
the Press of Great Britain and the United States,
have already enlightened the people of the two
countries upon the questions in dispute between the
Cabinets of St. James and Washington; and it is
scarcely probable that the documents hereafter to
be laid before the English Parliament will throw ,

any additional light on the subject, or convince the
citizens of America that no injustice has been com-
mitted against them in the destruction of their com-
merce by British-built and British-manned priva-
teers. While the United States were absorbed in that
long and fearful struggle, which has resulted in the
triumph of Democratic institutions and the consoli-
dation of the Union on firmer bases than ever, the
two great Western Powers of Europe accompanied
words of friendly sympathy with acts which, to say
the least, did not belong to the same category.
Whatever may have been the motive or intention
underlying those acts, the results to American in-
terests were of a direful description ; but the
damage caused to the United States by the Punic
Policy of great Britain was incomparably more
hurtful than that of his Imperial Majesty Napoleon
the Third. The latter, taken at its worst, was
merely an insult of an indirect nature ; an insult,
moreover, not offered to the Republic itself ; whilst
that of the former was an injury of gigantic pro-
portions, organised under the eye of Sovereign and
Parliament, persisted in throughout weary years,
notwithstanding innumerable protests from Eng-
lishmen and Americans alike, and resulting in direct,
immediate, and continued benefit to England's
commerce. The armed intervention in the affairs
of Mexico was the act of one man ; and American
citizens have known how to distinguish between the
policy of a single individual and the friendship of a
nation which, until the establishment of the Second
Empire, had invariably been the staunch ally of the
Republic; and they knew, moreover, that outside the
immediate circle of the Emperor and his adhe-
rents, the French people were all but unanimously
adverse to the Mexican expedition, and evidently
desirous that their troops should be withdrawn and
the relations of the two countries re-established on
the old time footing. With Great Britain the case
is widely different. According to the declaration
of Earl Russell at Blairgowrie in 1863, " the
" majority of the English people were for the
" North"—that is to say, in favour of the pre-
servation of the Union ; but the citizens of
the United States have never been able to
appreciate the justice of this assertion, seeing,
as they did, their commerce swept from the
ocean, their ships blazing in every sea, their carry-
ing-trade transferred to English bottoms, and
reparation persistently refused by England's
Government. The comparison between France
and Great Britain does not end here, for the Em-
peror Napoleon is showing himself desirous to
conciliate America by an early withdrawal of his
troops from Mexico ; whilst the first Minister of
England's Queen admits the " injuries inflicted on
" American commerce by [English) cruisers under
" the Confederate flag," and yet declines to give any
satisfaction for the cruel wrong thus committed.
The demands of the United States in reference
to what are called " the Alabama claims," are not
of an offensive nature. The American people and
Government do not wish to constitute themselves
the judges in their own cause ; all they have de-
manded is, that these " Alabama " and similar
" claims" should be referred for adjudication to
neutral and friendly Powers; and surely there can be
no humiliation to this country in acceding to so
mild and just a request. But they know that
the settlement of the claims in question is of in-
comparably greater significance to Great Britain
than to themselves. The vitality of young nations
is more robust than that of older ones, and a few
years of peace will suffice to build up anew
America's commerce, and to cover the seas and
oceans of the world with her well-known flag. The
injury to her trade is reparable at an early date,
but the remembrance of that injury will not be for-
gotten, or forgiven, while England refuses to
admit the justice of America's complaints, and per-
sistently declines to refer all claims of the two
countries upon each other to a disinterested tri-
bunal. It is, perhaps, to the advantage of the
United States and the world at large, that the
questions now in dispute between America and
England should not be settled ; for, so long as
these "Alabama claims " remain open, Great
Britain pledges her entire commerce, her prestige
amongst the nations, and the security of her out-
lying possessions, to keep the peace with all mankind.
The American people, were they so disposed to act,
would not fail to draw profit from England's well-
taught lessons. It is within the bounds of possi-
bility that when the latter Power is engaged in war
with any nation, scores of " Alabamas" and
" Shenandoahs," fitted out in American ports, will
prey upon her commerce—the Government of the
United States all the while protesting in favour of
its neutrality, and lamenting, England-like, the
deplorable waste of life and treasure by the two
belligerents. The American Neutrality Laws
might, in such case, be amended conformably to
the English model ; and, when Great Britain pre-
sents her claims against the Republic, the law offi-
cers of the Union may use the nisi prizes arguments
of the law officers of the Crown, and sorrowfully
decline to admit the justice of England's complaints
—as England now does those of the United States.
In the interests of Great Britain, in the interests
of humanity and civilisation at large, we regret the
action of Great Britain on this vital question. We
believe that our two countries have mutual interests,
and should therefore pursue a friendly and open
policy towards each other. But the present action
of the British Government gives up the ace of
trumps, which is certain to win the trick eventually
in this game of Diplomacy, and may finally decide
the question of the world's carrying trade.