The Sun.
London, England, 1835-05-07 00:00:00

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LONDON,
THURSDAY EVENING, MAY 7, 1835.

The Tories, as we had anticipated, affect to con-
sider the result of the late election in Devonshire as a
triumph. Over what has the faction triumphed ? Over
the independence of the electors. The Tory Aristo-
cracy, banded in an unholy league with the clergy of
the established sect, have set at defiance the principles
of rectitude as well as the dictates of humanity, and
by so doing, have succeeded in trampling under foot
the rights of their fellow citizens. And this is a
triumph ! Be it so. Let the minions of tyranny
exult in the success which has crowned their shameless
proceedings. Let the profligate abettors of corruption
rejoice while they may, over the moral degradation
which they have produced on this occasion, and which
they would willingly extend over the whole land. This,
we trust, is among the last of such triumphs. It has
now become the imperative duty of every man, who,
possessing independence himself, is qualified to appre-
ciate it in others, to step forward and endeavour
to rescue the agricultural portion of the com-
munity from the degrading thraldom in which
they are now held by the tyrants of the soil.
The number of promises which Lord JOHN R us-
SELL had received from the electors of South Devon,
before the polling commenced, amounted to upwards
4,500, leaving him a majority of nearly 500 over his
opponent, supposing every elector had voted. How,
then, are we to account for the astounding fact that
nearly 1,500 promises were broken ? There is no
mystery about it—no concealment is pretended—these
promises were broken, because threats of vengeance
was denounced against those who should dare to fulfil
them. Some of the electors, over whom the au-
thority of the Tory squires and the parsons did not
extend, were bought of Gold was not spared—
nothing, in fact, was spared by which the grand object
could be secured. Now, while this state of things
continue—while the elector is thus placed at the
mercy of a provincial tyrant, whether in the shape
of a landlord or a clergyman—or is exposed to temp-
tations which it is too much to expect that
he can resist, it is a mere mockery to talk
of freedom of election. He only can be called free,
who is able to vote according to the unbiassed dic-
tates of his judgment and conscience. Is there a
tenant at will on the estate of a single Tory land-
lord in England, who can do this ?—Not one. They
are, one and all, in as complete a state of vassalage

as ever there forefathers were under the most grinding
bondage of the feudal system. And this evil, be it
remembered is in its nature progressive. If not checked
at once it will overspread the kingdom with its noxious
influence, until the English yeoman, once so celebrated
for independence, is reduced to the miserable state of a
Russian serf.

Mr. WORTLEY'S speech at the nomination of a
Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire is just
such as was to have been expected from him. He
makes a vast parade of independence, but scrupulously
abstains from saying anything that may compromise
his interests with the high Tory party. He is en-
lightened within the limits of a safe discretion—liberal,
with a reservation in favour of\ priestly intolerance.
Finding it necessary to say something about Church
Reform, he touches the question with all that shrink-
ing sensitiveness with which a cat touches water. One
distant glance at it is quite enough : the subject, he
feels, is too sore a one for him to approach closely with
any chance of his satisfying either himself or his
hearers; so contenting himself with the meagre and in-
definite remark that " throughout his life he had ever
expressed his wishes—his sincere wishes—to extend
to all religious persuasions the civil rights to which
they were entitled"—he drops all further mention of
Church Reform, and plunges into a more congenial
theme, the Irish Church Appropriation question.
Here of course he is at home. Here he need be
under no fear of misapprehension, and accordingly he
speaks his mind with a freedom which convinces us
that nothing in the way of sound liberal principle, as
regards Church matters, can ever be expected to have
his support.

AnnOng other captious objections to the Whigs, Mr.
WORTLEY vehemently objects to their late Parliamen-
tary majority. This from a Tory is not a little incon-
sistent ; for was not the present Parliament expressly
summoned by his own party ? Was it not an evil of their
own seeking—a mischief of their own brewing ?
If they be condemned by a Jury called together by

. _
themselves, with what justice can they complain that
it was a packed one ? One would think that they
would be the very last to throw out any such insinua-
tion. Their obvious policy would be, not to lament

that the majority against them was so large, but to
rejoice with each other that it was so small. But there
is no arguing with men in the wrong—no satisfying
disappointed ambition. Had the Tories been defeated
by one--•.instead of thirty-five—they would have been
just as discontented as they now are.

Mr. WORTLEY'S next objection to the Whigs is,

that " they have for years arrogated to themselves the
monopoly of all Reform." To be sure they have. But
whose fault is it that they have done so ? The Tories
refusing to stir a single step in the matter, what re-
mained but for their adversaries to take it up ? The
former had for a long time the power in their own

hands ; they had but to issue the command, and
Reform would have been granted. But no ; they kept
temporizing and temporizing ; putting off the evil day
to the latest possible moment ; and now, forsooth,
complain, notwithstanding their own reluctance, that
the privilege of conceding liberal measures has been
unfairly wrested from them I Was ever such effron-
tery ? Why, even so recently as last February, they
had the opportunity of securing " a monopoly of
Reform." They had a Parliament of their own assem-
bling ; a people, who, though necessarily distrustful,
were yet willing to accept from them, and be grateful
for, enlightened measures ; but again they threw away
the chance ; and, consequently, have again, and we

trust for ever, been dismissed from the sunny clime of
the Treasury Bench, to wither in the Siberia ol

Opposition.
Towards the close of his speech, Mr. WORTLEY
expresses his bitter regret that he had ever voted against
the Reform Bill. He acknowledges that he acted
wrongly on this occasion, and having so acted, on the
most important question ever yet discussed by a Bri-
tish Parliament—which beyond any other in the records
of history, required that it should be approached in an
impartial, deliberate, and sagacious spirit, leaving no
room for after-penitence and regret—what guarantee have
we, that he will not, on the next momentous question
that may come before the House of Commons, make
precisely the same mistake that he made on

the Reform Bill ? Even on his own showing, he is not
fit to be trusted with a voice in the Legislation ; for
the same imperfect judgment which caused him to
commit one gross blunder, will scarcely fail to help
him to the perpetration of a second. Away with him,
then, men of Yorkshire I He is no fitting Representa-
tive for you. Remember, he is of the WHARNCLIFFE
school of politicians ; and these are not times when
such " Waverers " can be safely intrusted with power.
Lord IVIoRPETH's speech was every way worthy of
him. He spake out with boldness and candour, as
one who had nothing to explain away, or to conceal.
We understand he is sure of his election, despite the
manceuvrings of the parsons, who are striving in all
quarters to turn him out.

We have received the whole of the Paris Papers of
Tuesday, which announce the opening of the new
Court for the trial of the prisoners of April. This
was a scene unusually animated and interesting ; not
so much from the rank of the persons assembled, as
from the fact that a process was about to be com-
menced unequalled in the history of France. The
following brief sketch of the opening the Court is from
the Paris correspondent of a Morning Contemporary :
" At a. quarter past twelve the witnesses against the pri-
soners arrived, and were followed by those in their favour, in-
cluding M. Arago. At half-past twelve the Lyons prisoners
made their appearance, surrounded by a strong escort of the Mu-
nicipal Guards. Some wore cockades in their hats, some had
long beards, and one was dressed dla Robespierre. The Paris
Republicans came in later; almost all of them wearing cas-
queues, with a red ribbon and tri-coloured cockades. The ca-
valry non-commissioned officers concerned in the Luneville
conspiracy were the last brought in. They entered, and took
their seats good-humouredly, and without any noise or cla-
mour, a municipal guard being seated by nearly every one of
them, and some dozens of the same corps guarding the right,
left, and rear of the bar. The Peers, who were to take
their seats at twelve o'clock, only entered at half-past one
o'clock. Among the persons in the galleries, I observed some
of the Ministers, the Duke de Broglie, M. Thiers, M. Guizot,
and M. de Rigny.
The proceedings were commenced by the calling over of
the Peers, when a very large proportion (82) proved absent.
When the names of General Lascours and Marshal Lobau
were called out they declared that they had been summoned
to give evidence in favour of MM. Marrast and Guinard,
but that as they had nothing to say for those prisoners
they would retain their seats as Judges. The President,
Baron Pasquier, then interrogated all the accused in
turns relative to their names, ages, professions, and places
of residence. The Lyons and some other provincial prisoners
replied satisfactorily and readily ; but, on the same questions
being put to the Paris, Luneville, and Epinal prisoners, M.
Cavaignac, a noted Republican, and all the rest, refused to
reply until the Counsel of their selection were admitted into
Court. One of the prisoners rose, and applied for the admis-
sion into the Hall of their wives and other female relatives.
On the President declaring that the Court had no reason to
revoke its decision with regard to the exclusion of females,
several of the prisoners stated that they would urge the appli-
cation every day. After this incident a discussion arose again
between the prisoners and the President, relative to the admis-
sion of the Counsel not belonging to the Bar, chosen by the
former, the prisoner, Cavaignac, urging the point with much
vehemence. At half-past three, after hearing the Attorney-
General, who opposed the measure, the Court withdrew to
their old Hall, to deliberate on the subject."

The above may be taken as the sum and substance
of all the accounts furnished by the Parisian Press.
The only material point omitted, is the bearing of the
prisoners, who entered the Hall with the air of men
about to enjoy a triumph. Many of the Lyonese
prisoners, when questioned as to their domicile, an-
swered—" Eighteen months in prison ;" to the no
trifling annoyance of their Judge's.
The trials, then, have commenced ; although, on