The Sun.
London, England, 1832-10-03 00:00:00

RPTRIT OP Tnr, PUTIT.TC, JOURNALS.

By an express wilicii arrived yesterday from
Paris, we learn that Marshal Soult has been no-
minated President of the Council, or, in other
cords, Prime Minister of France ! We need
not enlarge on the importance of such an ap-
pointment at the present crisis of affairs. The
Marshal has had, of course, the selection of his
own colleagues, who must be devoted to his
system ; hut, whoever are the other members of'
his Cabinet, its composition sinks into insigni-
ficance before the grand fact, that the first mili-
tary man in France is now at the head of its
Government. The French will no longer have
to complain that Louis Philippe acts as Presi-
dent of his own Council ; his Majesty will now
be protected from such attacks by the
broad shield or the Marshal's baton of his
War Minister. It is said that the new Pre-
sident of the Council has caused it to be no-
tified to the Foreign Ambassadors at Paris,
that the present system of Government will
remain unchanged. This assurance was as ne-
cessary as it is tranquillizing; for a Minister who
declared Paris in a state of siege, after the tu-
mult which threatened it had been quelled, would
require to enter into such " recognizances to
keep the peace" towards foreign nations. We
well remember, and France can never forget,
that when the French expedition passed the
Belgic frontier in August last year, the Marshal
exclaimed from the tribune, " They have en-
tered, but we cannot tell when they will re-
turn." The words were afterwards explained
away, but the impression which they made can
never be erased. The Marshal is one of those
military men who call Belgium and the Rhine
" our natural boundaries," and who probably
would rather be the first French Viceroy at Brus-
sels than continue War Minister at Paris. He has
evidently no great respect for the results of the
July revolution, as they have brought no acces-
sion of territory. He belongs to that school of
politicians who would rather make a conquest of
provinces than of institutions, and who would
regard nine new Belgic departments with more
favour than all the improvements of the Charter.
In this appointment we find another motive for
desiring a speedy settlement of the Dutch ques-
tion. So long as that question remains un-
settled, the peace of Europe can never be gua-
ranteed for a month. Yet the Conference, after
sitting on Friday, on Monday, and yesterday,
has come to no definite conclusion. The three
absolute Governments, though they concur in
every suggestion for the arrangement of the dif-
ferences between the contending parties, stop
short at any proposition of coercive- means of
execution. Will they talk on, till Marshal
Souk's troops pass the frontiers, and do the bu-
siness alone ? Times.

We are assured by letters from Paris that
Lord Durham's mission to St. Petersburgh is
universally believed in the political circles to
have been productive of the most beneficial re-
sults. Till his Lordship's interviews with the
Czar and with his Ministers, the Russian Go-
vernment affected to distrust the sincerity of the
English Cabinet, or to doubt the determina-
tion of the English people, on many questions
of foreign policy of which they professed the
adoption. His Lordship laboured, and la-
boured successfully, to undeceive them on these
points, by showing them the immense changes
which had lately taken place in public opinion
in England ; the great influence which the Eng-
glish Reform Act was destined to exercise over
the destinies of Europe, in their relation to this
country; and the manifest interest which we
had in uniting ourselves with constitutional
States in opposition to absolute Governments,
in the case of any general collision among the
European Powers. Before his Lordship's expla-
nations and assurances on these topics, the Courts
both of St. Petersburgh and Berlin imagined, or
pretended to imagine, that we were not sincere in
our alliance with France to preserve the general
peace,and to act in favour ofliberty,—that we might
easily be detached from the liberal system of
foreign policy which we now professed--that in
our remonstrances on the subject of Poland, our
representations respecting the late ordinances of
the Germanic Diet, and our resolution to settle
the Belgic affairs on the footing of the late treaty, •
we admitted the usual quantity of diplomatic
hypocrisy. Lord Durham gave them new views
on these points. He convinced them that the
English Ministry was acting with perfect good
faith, both in its menaces and in its engage-
ments—its opposition and alliances—that what•
ever might be its own duplicity, it must be kept
in the path of liberal politics by the new force
given to popular control, and that even a Tory
Government, though the present Cabinet were
changed to-morrow, must pursue the same
course, under the same influence. Our letters
add a declaration of his Lordship, " that he has
made a liberal of the Czar ;" and, what would
appear almost incredible, were there not some
ground for believing in this conversion, his Im-
perial Majesty has despatched Pone, di Borgo
both to Berlin and to Vienna, to enforce the new
views on Ancillon and Metternich. The late
ordinances of the Germanic Diet have been the
subject of conversation and discussion with his
Lordship both at St. Petersburgh and Berlin,
and the straightforward declarations of the Bri-
tish Cabinet, transmitted through him, that in
case of any resistance by the smaller States, and
the consequent advance of French troops to
their assistance, against theirgigantic confederates,
the whole moral influence of England, if not her
sword, would be thrown into the scale of the
Constitutional alliance, are said to have pro-
duced a great impression. The Court of Berlin,
struck with this new view of things, is said to
have expressed regret at the publication of the
late ordinances, and a wish for their recall. It
is believed that Austria will express the same
regret and the same wish. Both of them admit
that in acting as they have done they were de,
ceived by the assurances of the Duke of Wel,
lington and Lord Aberdeen respecting the apathy
of the English people, and their aversion to a
French alliance. We mention these facts as WO
have received them from a known correspondent:
we confess that we think our correspondent
takes too sanguine a view of the success of the
mission. We have no faith in the liberality of
the destroyer of the Poles.--Times.
We are far from approving of the system upon
which the government of this country is con-
ducted, and we look forward with confidence to
a time when the public good, and not the good
of particular classes, will be the standard by
which measures will be tried. But, in the mean
time, we ought to distinguish between what Mi-
nisters can do under present circumstances, and
what they may do under more favourable circum-
stances. The people were patient during the
struggle for the Reform Bill ; they are somewhat
too impatient since it has passed. Whey Forget
that the Reform Bill can alone create the cir-
cumstances through which Ministers shall be
enabled to approximate what the public good

demands. In Tait's Edinburgh MagaziiTe for
October, there is an able article under the title
of " The Ministry and the People," to which
we have this objection, that, admitting all that
the writer charges against Ministers to be true,
it does not follow that Ministers are to blame.—
Nemo tenetur ad impossibile.
" The Ministry, we are told, ought to know that the
time for party warfare has gone past ; that a greater con-
test bag now begun ; and that they have been saved by
placing themselves at the head of one of the great con-
tending interests. The people, as a body, are now banded
together to obtain good government. They fight not now
in the character of partisans of the aristocracy—this
ignorant herd for the Whigs, that other equally ignorant
for the Tories ; l•ut they fight for themselves. The war
is declared between the people on the one hand, and thos.e
who maintain old abuses on the other. The result of the
contest is certain. The people will triumph ; hut they
have a hard battle yet to go through. If the Ministers
will frankly put themselves at the head of this national
movement, they are safe; let them hesitate or falter but
an instant, and their donna is sealed."
The Ministers themselves put an end to party
warfare by the Reform Bill, which, with the aid
of of the nation, they succeeded in making the
law of the land. It will not be charged against
them, that, circumstanced as they were, they
could have carried a larger measure of Reform.
By this law the people are made the arbiters of
their own destinies. But the people must show,
by the returns they make, that they have the
power to compel those who administer the affairs
of the country to consult only the public good.
The whole machinery of Government is still
under the direction of the Aristocracy. From
the remotest settlement in the Southern Ocean
to the Offices in Downing-street, the Aristo-
cracy and their creatures are in possession of all
that is most desirable. It is in the power of the
nation to put an end to this state of things, but
no Minister can do so without the aid of the
nation. The struggle must be in Parliament it-
self. If men with strong heads and strong hearts
are sent in sufficient numbers to Parliament, the
war against corruption may be carried on with
effect. But it must be manifest that Parliament
contains such men. In the meantime it will be
borne in mind that Ministers are not chosen by
the people, but by the Crown, and that they do
not hold their places by the tenure of popular
favour, but by the favour of the Crown. They
must be governed by majorities, no doubt. But
were they to attempt, without the apparent ne-
cessity of obedience to Parliament, to do many
things now which must he done hereafter, it is
highly probable they would instantly be obliged
to quit their places. No doubt the people
might compel their successors to adopt efficient
measures ; but it is quite certain that the power
of the Crown thrown into the conservative scale
would not _have its effect, even under the Reform
Ac, of rendering the composition of the next
Parliament worse than it would be under a Whig
Ministry ? The question between us and these
opponents of Ministers is merely one of time.
It is, whether Ministers should anticipate or fol.
low the votes of a reformed Parliament ? Again,
we are told that " the Reform Bill has been
sought only as a means, as a step to further re-
forms ; reforms as well in the frame of our Go-
vernment, that which is usually termed the Con-
stitution, as in the various laws which emanate
from the Legislature for our general guidance.
The first grand object now so constantly insisted
on—viz., the Ballot—what does that aim at ?
The placing the control of the Legislature
completely in the hands of the people ; which
signifies (using a converse expression) taking
the Government out of the hands of those who
now hold it, viz., the Aristocracy." Granted.
And therefore it is that we contend the people
ought to make it a sine qua non with those
whom they return to Parliament to insist on the
Ballot, as well as the reform of all abuses and
impediments in the way of the general good.
Ministers are accused of extravagance. " The 1
Tories never yet, we are told, have made pro-
fessions as to the purity of their motives—never
have pretended that the expenses of the Go-
vernment could be less than at present. Thus
their craving cupidity was not attended with low
subterfuge and manifest breach of principle. They
boldly declared that such a sum was needed ;
and they took it. They made no secret of their
favouritism ; they paid their friends highly, and
unblushingly avowed and defended their extra-
vagance. Not so with the Whigs. They make
constant professions of a desire to retrench.
The moment they in appearance save a sixpence,
that moment they claim, and loudly, too, praise
for their economy. Lord Althorp, at the com-
mencement of his career, as a public servant,
was profuse in his enumeration of good princi-
ples. Nohody was to he paid who did not ren-
der service ; and nobody was to be paid too
highly for such service as he might render. These
were cheering sounds to the starving multitudes,
who believe much of their misery results from
over-taxation. But how has this promise been
kept ? After the same fashion with those re-
specting the taxes on knowledge. Between six
and seven thousand men are added to the army
—six thousand more than were demanded by
the imperious Duke of Wellington. Not content
with this increased army, they filled up the
Yeomanry which Lord Goderich had reduced
to four corps ; then came the estimates on a scale
of extravagance equal to any that the most pro-
fuse of the extravagant Tories ever attempted.
Not satisfied with the breach of that part of their
promise which declared that none shall be paid
too highly, they have actually filled up every
sinecure that has become vacant. We have be-
fore us a curious correspondence lately published
at Poole, connected with the filling up of a
military sinecure. General Hart, Governor of
Londonderry, died sonic weeks since, and thus
left vacant a sinecure of 1,2001. per annum.
The Ministry filled up the vacancy by appointing
Sir John Byng. They could not in this case
plead inadvertence ; they could not say they
were taken by surprise. Lord Althorp had
notice, before the place was given to Sir
John Byng, that questions respecting the con-
duct that would be pursued by Ministers as
to this sinecure would be publicly put to
him in the House. He begged for delay, and
said that in a few days he would be ready to give
all the information required. The delay was
granted. Days passed over, and ilo information
came. Remonstrance followed ; still no an.
swer ;—when at length Mr. Dawson, a Tory
opponent of the Ministers, brought the matter
before the House by attacking the Ministers for
giving away this sinecure, and thus falsifying
their promises. The delay that Lord Althorp
demanded, served only to enable the Ministers
to give away the place. They had recourse to
this subterfuge in order to carry their wishes
into effect. Had the thing been mentioned before
the post had been disposed of, they could not
have avoided abolishing it ; so they employed an
unworthy artifice to gain time. This is only
one instance out of many ; and is mentioned,
because from its attendant circumstances it is
pregnant with instruction." And in a note, an
extract is given from a letter of Mr. Hume,
forming part of a correspondence lately pub-

lished at Poole, in which, referring to this tran-
saction, Mr. Hume says—" I make, under their
peculiar situation, great allowance for their con-
tinuing the large army and naval establishments
for this year ; and in consideration of what they
were doing in the Reform of Parliament, I did
not oppose as I ought, and would otherwise
have done, the enormous estimates of the year ;
but after the Reform Bill was passed, and restraint
no longer necessary, I did in the House of
Commons charge Lord Althorp and the Ministry
with a dereliction of principle, and a direct vio-
lation of their pledges of economy, particularly
in their filling up several of the sinecure Mili-
tary Governorships which had just fallen vacant."
Now, we contend that these Military Sinecure-
ships ought to be abolished. A new leaf must
be turned over in all that relates to economy in
this country. All our Functionaries, Civil, Mi-
litary, and Ecclesiastical, are in the higher grades
greatly overpaid. We trust that the good sense
of the country will be especially directed to this.
It is the penalty we pay for an Aristocracy
holstered up by primogeniture, that all the
upper officers of the State are paid, not in pro-
portion to the value of the services done, but
the expectations of the parties appointed, formed
according to the Aristocratic scale. We contend
that the people ought, in sending men to Par-
liament, to look less to the weight of their purse,
and their command of flowery language, than
their honesty of purpose, and determination to
enforce retrenchment. But it must be seen whe-
ther the people are prepared to do their duty—
whether they have sense enough to return men
like Mr. Hume to Parliament, or whether they
will send to Parliament men who may
make an ad captandurn speech once in
a Session, sneer at Mr. Hume's saving
knowledge in the matter of the Greek Loan,
and deem labour for the public service beneath
them. In the meantime, let it not be forgotten
that this is yet a Govenment of influence—that
Ministers had to make their choice between car-
rying the Reform Bill by influence, or abandon-
ing the country to the chances of a Revolution.
Nothing has yet been done by Ministers in the
way of retrenchment, compared to what ought to
he done. The judicial Reforms required remain
to be done. But who can tell the difficulties
Ministers must have encountered in fighting a
greedy Aristocracy ? How many promises they
must have given ? We will not blame them for
not doing more for the people, till we know that
they could have succeeded with doing less for
those whose power and influence they were
obliged to buy over. The Reform Bill may not
answer the expectations we have formed of it;
but if it produces what we expect from it, Mi-
nisters must be economical in spite of them-
selves. And we contend that it is folly to ex-
pect of any Ministers that they should be econo-
mical, till the people show that the Government
can be carried on without corruption.—Morning
Chronicle.

The registering of votes under the Reform
Act is becoming, as we feared it would, a source
of great expense and hardship to individuals,
and of fierce party warfare, by which the Regis-
tering Barristers are likely to be the only gainers.
In some parishes in the metropolis votes have
been objected to in the gross, apparently from
mere caprice in parish officers, or to protect
themselves from some legal quibble ; while in
counties, as Berkshire and Northamptonshire,
where warm contests have already begun, votes
have been objected to, we are assured, without
the slightest colour of pretence, merely to make
work for, or exhibit the zeal of, law agents. In
the mean time a voter thus situated must either
be prepared to repair to the county town or re-
gistering district, and there go through the
whole form and expense of exhibiting and prov-
ing the title to his estate, or else undergo the
mortification and injustice of being deprived of
his elective franchise. This state of things is
certainly in favour of those who have withheld
their shillings ; for, in many instances, if not in
all, a man had better be without a vote than
have to fight his way to its exercise, through all
the expense, inconvenience, and brow-beating of
a legal trial. If this test were rigidly and uni-
versally adhered to, the result might be that
there would be no freehold voters to be found in
the kingdom ; for it is pretty well understood
that there is no freehold property the title to
which an ingenious lawyer could not, in some
way or other, invalidate.—Morning Herald.
We have come to a state of things in which
human life is accounted of so little value, that
scarce a day passes in which one or more human
beings are not killed or dreadfully maimed by
the reckless competition of the drivers of various
vehicles in our streets ; but especially distin-
guished for a thorough indifference to the lives
and limbs of others are the drivers of hired
cabriolets, who really seem to exert themselves to
establish a reputation as " whips" of the first
order, by " running a muck" against every living
creature which it is possible for them to knock
down or crush ; as if it were an understood
thing that the greatest cabriolet-driver of the day
is he who can reckon up at night the greatest
number of victims who have been slain or mangled
by the murderous energy of his charioteership.
To interfere with this destructive vehemence
of driving in the necessarily-crowded streets of
London, is what the political economists de-
nounce as an interference with the " freedom of
trade"—it being, in their opinion, no consequence
what destruction of life takes place, if it be
only sacrificed to any of the modes of sordid
and overstrained speculation which indicate
the declining prosperity and increasing cove-
tousness of the people of this Christian
country. The introduction of cabriolets is a
comparatively recent speculation, and if con-
ducted in a proper manner might have been a
great
public convenience, instead of a public nui-
sance as it is rapidly becoming. But if the
proprietors of cabriolets let out their vehicles to
those who drive them at so high a sum as it is
impossible for them to realise and make a sub-
sistence without driving with a fury that has no
fear of the law before its eyes, the drivers are
not the party most to blame, though many of
them are certainly most reckless ruffians ; but,
whoever are in fault, the lives and liberties of his
Majesty
subjects must be protected ; and, in
general, those fellows who run over people in
the street, or do other mischief from sheer con-
tempt for the consequences, are treated with too
much indulgence and lenity v; hen brought before.
our Police Magistrates. So it is in the case of
the steam-vessels running against one another on
the Thames; which in every case of creating
danger and mischief, and of being worked in
terrorem populi, should be indicted at common
law, instead of being subjected to the despised
penalty of a paltry fine. In cases where death
ensues from such furious speed of steam-vessels,
cabs, or other public conveyances, verdicts of
manslaughter and substantial punishment would
not be without their effect in abating the nui-
sance.--Morning Herald.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HO USE.

Yesterday William Reynolds, the person who en-
deavoured to get into the service of Mr. Wilson, of
Devonshire-square, by means of a fictitious charac-
ter, was brought up for final examination. The
justice-room was much crowded during the investi-
gation, the case having excited greater interest as
the particulars of " the hiring system" were de-
veloped.
The prisoner was as bold-faced as usual. He had
the assistance of the gentleman who attended on
the former examinations, but who declined giving
his name.

The LORD MAYOR and Ald. WILSON presided.
The prosecutor—The prisoner represented him-
self to me as having been the servant of Captain
Foy, of the Bombay Artillery, and stated to me that
the character produced, with Captain Foy's signa•
lure to it, was written by that gentleman. I am now
prepared to prove that there is no truth whatever in
the assertion that it is Captain Foy's handwriting.
The prisoner's attorney—Did the prisoner say
that it was the handwriting of Captain Foy ?
The prosecutor (who was upon his oath)—Yes,
he certainly did; and I can distinctly prove that it
is not.

An officer in the Bombay Artillery said that he
knew Captain Foy, and had been five years in the
service in that corps with him. Witness was well
acquainted with Captain Foy's writing, and it was
not at all like that in the paper exhibited.
Mr. Edward Dodwell, of the Auditor's-office in
the East India-house, deposed that the certificate of
character certainly was not the handwriting of
Captain Foy. Witness had seen Captain Foy write
his name, nothing more, in June, 1829. (A book,
in which witness stated Captain Foy had written
his name upon that occasion, was produced, and
there was so great a difference between the style of
writing in that book and in the certificate as to cause
a laugh amongst those who compared them.)
The prisoner's attorney—This evidence ought to
have been given on the first day, and it is not fair
to bring it forward after having locked up the man
for three weeks. The whole case is now built upon
this amended evidence. My client (and I think
that his solemn denial should go fer something, al-
though he is at that bar) declares that he never said
that the paper was in the handwriting of Captain
Foy.

The prosecutor—l say that I have proved this not
to be the handwriting of Captain Foy, and I press
for a conviction.

The prisoner's solicitor—The conduct towards
the prisoner has been very harsh. Surely the case
has not been adjourned from time to time in order
to give Mr. Wilson an opportunity of recollecting
what to say. Why was not this evidence produced
before ?

The prosecutor—For a very good reason—because
I was not supplied with the necessary materials
until the circumstances appeared before the public.
I have followed up the case, as I said I would, and
I think I have proved it.
The prisoner's attorney—lt is an attempt to op-
press an unfortuna•e man.

The prosecutor—l am astonished to hear any
gentleman make such an observation. Prove to me
that he is a good character, and I will pay all the
expenses incurred, and give him 101.
Alderman WILSON—So far from attempting to
oppress, Mr. Wilson has done himself great honour
in proceeding so resolutely and actively in prosecut-
ing a case of such great public importance—a case
which many alter gentlemen would let slip through
their fingers.
TI e prosecutor—l would much rather than 101.
that I had not to attend here to-day. The matter
produces nothing but inconvenience, and as for the
idea of my wishing to oppress the man, I shall, if
you please, call five or six gentlemen, who are here
ready to prove that he robbed them.

_ .
'I he prisoner's attorney objected instantly to the
production of evidence against the prisoner's cha-
racter.

Alderman WILSON—I always give due weight to
character in such cases, and if any thing good can
be stated of the prisoner, it will be advisable to pro-
duce it, and I shall be very glad to hear it.
The prisoner's attorney said, that there was a
clergyman who would give the man an unexcep-
tionable character, but unfortunately he would not
be in town till Christmas, and the prisoner was so
poor that he was not able to bear the expense of the
gentleman's journey at the present moment.
The prosecutor—l have some of the prisoner's
former masters in the room ; shall I call them to
give him a character ?
This offer was rejected, and
The LORD MAYOR asked the prisoner whether he
wished to say anything.
The prisoner then declared, in answer to ques-
dons put by his own solicitor, that he never said
that the writing in the paper was Captain Foy's;
that Mr. Wilson never showed him the paper, nor,
to the best of his recollection, said a word to him
on the subject of it.

The prosecutor then called upon Sapwell, the
officer who took Reynolds into custody, to state
what occurred in his presence.
Sap well swore that the prosecutor showed the
paper in question to the prisoner, and asked him
whether it was Captain Foy's wilting, to which the
prisoner replied, " It is."
The prisoner said that it ought to be taken into
consideration that he said so when Mr. Wilso►► de-
clared he had no wish to prosecute, and he insi-
nuated that his object in making such an acknow-
ledgment was to get out of the trouble of a prose-
cution.

The LORD MAYOR and Alderman WiLsoN then
convicted the prisoner in the full penalty, and asked
him whether he was able to pay it. Prisoner—No,
and if I was I would not pay it, for I don't consi-
der i! legal.

The LORD MAYOR—Then you must go to hard
labour for three months.

The prisoner was then committed, but was told
he might appeal.
The conviction gave very great satisfaction to
those who witnessed the examination.

The act under which the conviction took place
was the 32d of George 111., c. SG. s. 2, which says,
" that if any person shall offer himself (or herself)
as a servant, asserting or pretending that he bath
served in any service in which such servant shall not
ac!u illy have served, or with a false, forged, or coun-
terfeit certificate of his character, or shall in anywise
add, alter, efface, or erase any word, date, matter,
or thing contained in or referred to i❑ any certificate
given to him by his lost or former actual master or
mistress, he shall, upon conviction, be adjudged to
pay a penalty, not excettLng 20/. and not less than
101.: in default of which he shall be imprisoned to
hard labour for not more than three months, nor less
than one."

BO TV-STREET.
Ye-terday, the driver of the cabriolet No. 10, was
charged by a French Viscount, whose name did not
transpire, with attempting to extort more than his
legal fare, and also with endeavouring to obliterate
his number-plate.

The complainant stated, that on the night of the
25th of September he hired the defendant's ca-
briolet at the Strand Theatre, with directions to
drive him to his residence in Chapel-street, Soho.
On arriving there the driv,T demanded 3s. 6d. as
his fare, at which witness expressed his astonish-
ment, and told the driver that he must be mis-
taken, as the fare could not be more than
Is. 61 HP then offered the driver 25., which
he refused, and said, you can take my number if
you think 3s. 61 too much, adding that he
would give him into custody if he did not pay
him his demand. \Vitr:ess then went to the side of
the vehicle to take the number, and saw a figure of
one only. Perceiving, however, that there was
room for another figure, and siispecting that the
driver wanted to play him a trick, he put his finger
on the plate, and found that it was partly covered
with some dark substance. He then called a police-
constable, but before he could come up, the driver
had rubbed the plate with the skirt of his coat, and

then the number, 10, became apparent. The wit-
ne43 added, that although he was fully aware of the
imposition attempted to be practised upon him, he
was disposed to let the driver off with paying him
his legal fare, but the police-constable told him that
he must take out a summons against the driver, as
it was a new description of offence, and one which
ought to be punished, or the public would be liable
to the grossest extortion.

The— defendant denied that he drove the com-
plainant on the night in question, arid said that he
intrusted the cabriolet to a young man named White,
whilst he went to a house in the Haymarket to take
his tea.

The complainant said he certainly could not swear
that the defendant was the person who had attempt-
ed to impose upon him.
Mr. Roe, the proprietor of the cabriolet, said that
White, being the driver at the time, was the actual
offender.

Sir F. ROE—The defendant was your servant,
and I shall therefore hold him responsible.
Mr. Roe—But the penalty will fall upon me, as
this young man will not be able to pay it. This is
one of the grievances to which the proprietors of
hackney-carriages are liable under the new Act.
Sir F. ROE admitted the hardship of punishing
the proprietors of hackney-carriages for the mis-
e ,nduct of their drivers ; but, however hard that
might be, he would not suffer the public to be im-
posed on with impunity; for if the practice of ob-
literating the number-plates of hackney-carriages
was to be tolerated there would be no end
to the imposition of the drivers, because there
would be no means of bringing them to ju3!ice.
He knew that it was too much the practice of dri-
vers to impose on foreigners and females, wader the
belief that they might do so with impunity. In this
instance the driver had committed two offences ; for
in the first instance he attempted to extort consi-
derably mere than his fare; and, secondly, endea-
voured to escape detection by defacing the number.
He was bound, for the protection of the public, to
visit such conduct with the heaviest punishment,
and he should therefore fine the defendant 51. which
Mr. Roe, as his master, would be obliged to pay.
Mr. Roe, after commenting on the hardship of
being obliged to pay so heavy a fine, for an act
from which he had derived not the slightest advan-
tage, wrote a check fur the amount of the fine,
and ss. 6d. costs, and then claimed his right of pro-
ceeding against the defendant for the recovery of the
penalty.

He was sworn accordingly, and, having given
the necessary evidence,
Sir F. ROE inflicted a penalty of 5/. on the driver,
and in default of payment sentenced him to three
months' imprisonment in the House of Correction,
there to be kept to hard labour.
Mr. Roe, however, subsequently interceded with
the Magistrate for the liberation of the defendant, on
the ground of his previous good character, and Sir
F. EOE consented to his discharge.