The Sun.
London, England, 1866-03-19 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MARCH 19, 1866.

and cricket. But for these, the excitement of either
recreation would give place to indifference.
However, we must take things as we find them : if
the age demands this sacrifice, and will not be satis-
fied without any hebdomadal struggle for superiority
between rival colleges, or middle fifths and lower
fifths, well and good: we know the interest which
everything connected with Oxford and Cambridge,
Eton, Harrow, or Winchester excites, and shall do
our best at all times to represent the competition
and the competitors justly and fully.
But now come two or three questions which have
nothing in common with the purpose for which men
go to universities and public schools, or the wisdom
or severity of parents and dons. Cui bong ? Does
it teach the self-restraint, as a permanent quality
of the mind, which it entails of necessity on the
body ? Is there less self-indulgence, as a principle,
after the effort is over? Are men positively more
or less valuable members of society because their
exertions occupy a more prominent position than
boating or cricket formerly occupied? Is it desir-
able to provoke the following, which we extract from
a cheap racing paper :
" TRIN. COLL. CAM.—Latest betting at Doncaster-2 to
1 on Vaughan, 10 to 1 agst Thompson, 66 to 1 agst Mathi-
son : no others mentioned."

Is there the same hard stern virtue, which these
exercises represented in the classical ages, attached
to them now ? We do not wish to answer these
questions ourselves, but we shall be glad to have
them answered for us in the affirmative. Part of
the education of a thorough gentleman consists in
a chivalry which the exercises of the tilt-yard
encouraged and sustained : let us hope that the
relics of mediaaval loyalty are:doineas much for us,
though a little tarnished by the smoke of a cutty
pipe, and the too apparent devotion to beer.---Land
and Water.

Opinions of the American Press.

THE " EXTRAORDINARY SPEECH."

The New York Times apologises to its readers for

the passage in the President's late speech in which
he singled out three prominent Republicans by
name, and denounced them as enemies to the Union.
Nothing is more common in the Southern States,
where Mr. Johnson has lived nearly all his life, than
for public speakers to be constantly called on for
explanations, and it is their universal habit to give
prompt and direct replies. Andrew Johnson's
entire political life has been filled by such expe-
riences, and it is not surprising that he should have
met such queries now, just as he had always met
them before, on the stump and on the floor of Con-
gress.

But this, observes our contemporary, " was
merely an episode in the speech. The main object
of that powerful and remarkable address was to
insist upon the supreme necessity of abiding by the
principles of the Constitution—of adhering to the
essential and fundamental principles of our Republi-
can form of Government, in the conduct of public
affairs—instead of discarding them all and making
the arbitrary will of Congress the guide of public
action. This is really the issue now before the
country. Charles Sumner, Thaddeus Stevens,
Wendell Phillips, and others, act upon the theory
that we have conquered the Southern States—that
as subjugated enemies they have no right under the
Constitution, and that we are in no respect restrained
or restricted in our dealings with them by that in-
strument, but may do with them and towards them
whatever we may think essential to the public safety.
This theory is asserted in explicit terms, and is made
openly and avowedly the basis of their public action.
President Johnson denounces it as hostile to the
fundamental principles of our Government, and as
just as certain to overthrow the Government as
were the corresponding principles of Davis, Toombs,
and other leaders of the secession movement. In-
deed they are to all intents and purposes exactly
the same. The President, in opposition to both,
insists that now, as before the rebellion, the Consti-
tution is the supreme law of the land, and that
neither Congress, President, nor any other depart-
ment of the Government, has any more right to
discard, repudiate, or ignore its authority now than
they had before the war began. The war main-
tained its supremacy, instead of overthrowing it.
It preserved the Union, instead of destroying it.
And as it is the sworn duty of the Executive to
" maintain and defend" the supremacy of the Con-
stitution, President Johnson declares it to be his
purpose to do this against all men, of whatever sec-
tion or whatever party, or with whatever motive
they may assail and resist it."