The Sun.
London, England, 1866-04-07 00:00:00

PROSPECTUS.

This Company has been formed for the purposes of pur-
chasing the patent rights for the United Kingdom of a
newly-invented process, called Graphotype, and for work-
ing the same ; the object of the process being the produc-
tion of book and other Illustrations in a manner which is
at once less costl3, did more expeditious, than is possible
by the methods at present so extensively employed, and
which insures a more faithful translation of the art•ist's
original work.
Applications for Shares can be made to the Bankers,
Broker, or Solicitor of the Company, and must be accom-
panied by a deposit of per share, on the number of
Shares applied for, and if no allotment is made will be re-
turned in full.

MEMORANDUM OF ASSOCIATION.
L. The name of the Company is "THE GRAPHOTYPING
COMPANY, (Limited),"
2. The Registered Office of the Company is to be in
England.
3. The objects for which the Company is established
are-
1. To purchase the Graphotying and Engraving busi-
ness, together with the goodwill, fixtures,.plant, and orders
of Messrs. Edward Roper and Company, of No. 16, South-
ampton-street, Strand, ii4-ttle county of Middlesex, and to,
work the same.
2. To acquire and purchase certain letters patent granted
by her Majesty to Bonjamin Day, of Hoboken, in the
County of Hudson and State of New Jersey, in the United
States of America, for the invention of " an improved
method of producing relief plates and rollers for printing,
stereotyping, or electroyping," and dated March 15th,
1864.

3. To work the said invention, in all or any of its
branches ; to grant licenses to use the said invention, or
any portion of it ; to re-sell the said letters patent, if
thought desirable, or any portion thereof, and to print,
publish, and do all such other things as are incidental or
conducive to the attainment of the above objects.
4. The liability of the members is limited.
5. The nominal capital of the company is 4100,000,
divided into 10,000 shares of £lO each.
The Graphotyping Company (Limited) beg to direct
attention to the following letter from Mr. W. Holman
Hunt which explains the reason of his name having been
withdrawn from the list of Directors; Mr. Holman Hunt,
however, still continues his interest as a shareholder in the
company. Henry Noel Humphreys, Esq., of 7, West-
bourne-square, has qualified himself, and accepted the seat
at the board vacated by Mr. Holman Hunt:—

Coy.)
" Tor Villa, Camp(denp -hill, W., March 17, 1866.
"My Dear your card of invitation to the exhi-
bition of specimens of the Graphotypingprocess, I see you
are now prepared to start the Company publicly. This
will, I doubt not, be attended with all the good results you
anticipate. I trust that the purport of this note will not be
taken as an indication of any feeling on my part but one of
the greatest anxiety and hope for the success of the enter-
prise. The invention is so very excellent in the simplicity
of the means used, and the perfection of the examples pro-
duced as book illustrations for printing with type, that I
can have no doubt that it will entirely supersede wood en-
graving, and be used for many purposes for which other
kinds of engraving have hitherto been employed. It ought,
therefore, to pay an enormous interest on the capital en-
gaged in the business. With my plans, however, for leav-
ing England for a lengthened period, I cannot escape the
conviction that it would be altogether wrong in me to retain
the place you have done me the honour to give me among the
Directors. After consenting to this two months since, it
is certainly now very unbusiness like to ask to be allowed
to make way for another ; but I feel that, for the interest
of the Company as much as for my own satisfaction, I
should do this. I cannot, as Director, be regarded only
as a representative of the artistic opinion of the value of
the invention. I should not be just to the shareholders in
taking no part in the business of the Board, and could
not attend any meeting for at least two years. I must
trust, therefore, to your kindness to pardon me for all the
trouble I have given you from not having come to this
determination earlier, and ask you now to remove my
name from all future prospectuses and announcements of
the Company.

"I am, &c,

(Signed)
"11. Fitz-Cook, Esq."
A very largo proportion of the capital being already sub-
scribed intending investors should send in their applica-
tions without delay, as the shares Fill be allotted in the
order in which the applications come in. Immediately the
list is full notice thereof will be given, and tho subscrip-
tions that come in too late be at once returned.

" W. HOLMAN HUNT.

N.B.—Tho Exhibition of Specimens of the Graphotyp-
ing Process now on view at the London Tavern will close
on Saturday, the 14th inst. ; admission may in the mean-
while be obtained on presentation of visiting card, or by
cards to be obtained from the Secretary of the Company.

TEETH AND PAINLESS DENTISTRY._
The fear of pain and dread of operation inherent to all
deter very many to whom ARTIFICIAL TEETH are of
vital importance from availine• themselves of the services of
a dentist. In a practicefounded in 1830, and now ex• ending
over greater part of the kingdom, an experience unequalled
has been obtained, enabling us to offer even the most sensi-
tive sufferer a system of dentistry perfect in its absolute
freedom from pain, a apecialite certaining only to our prac-
tice, and for which her Majesty has granted her royal letters
patent. This system embraces the non-interference with all
stumps, however decayed, the supporting instead of extrac-
tion of loose teeth until they become firm and useful in mas-
tication, and the utter absence of all and every operation, so
that the most nervous person can be supplied without fear of
pain or inconvenience. These teeth are cheaper, more dur-
able, natural, and comfortable than any yet produced.
Consultation free. Teeth from ss. bets from 5 to 25 gs.,
warranted.

_._
0 aute,,efficaoy, utility, and success of this systcm, vide

Messrs. LEWIN and SIDIEON MOSELY and SONS,
30, Berners-street, Oxford-street, and 448, Strand,
Opposite Charing-cross Railway Station.
Daily attendance at 13, Whitefriargate, Hull; 10, Norfolk,
street, Sheffield; 4, East-parade, Leeds; 14, St. Nicholas,
street, Scarbro' ; and 33, Coney street, York.
• • -

Established 1830. No connection with any one of the same
name.

Foreign Nail Packet List

MAILS DUE.

Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton.,,.Aprill2

Ditto, via Marseilles April 13.
Brazil and Cape Verde, by British packet ...... May 4.
Ditto, by French packet...
April 22.
Cape of Goad Hope, ASOCUSIOD. and St. Helena April 23
China. Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton April 19.

Ditto, via Marseilles April 13
Falkland Islands.. .
Gibraltar, via Southampton
India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.... April 19

DM°, via liarseilles
India (Bombay), via Southampton April 13

Ditto, via Marseilles
Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton April 13.
Ditto, via Marseilles April 13.
Mauritius, via Southampton April 13
Ditto, via 31arsellle3 April 7.
Newfoundland
rOlingal OOOOOO 00000 .

tion :—" That this meeting agrees that >the bill to
extend the right of voting at elections for members
of Parliament in England and Wales proposed by
her Majesty's Government, and now before the
Muse of Commons, deserves general and hearty
support, as an honest and practical proposal towards
an amendment of the laws relating to the represen-
tation of the people." (Cheers.) He should be
strongly in favour of the bill, which he believed
wa3 a thoroughly honest measure proposed by a
thoroughly honest Government ; and when they
told them that they thought it best to deal with
the subject in their measures, they ought to be-
lieve and have confidence in them, for it was quite
possible that one bill would be too complicated
and cumbrous to pass either House of Parliament.
In Lancashire they were not so green as to refuse
half a loaf because they could not have a whole one,
more especially as they must know that they had
only to eat the first half of the loaf to get the other
eventually. In conclusion, we would only express
an earnest wish that Mr. Gladstone would long con-
tinue to lead the Reformers in the House of Com-
mons with so much honour to himself and so much
benefit to the country. (Cheers.)
Mr. J. R. JEFFREY seconded the resolution, ob-
serving that in 1832 the middle classes owed a great
debt to the working men of the country, who were
ready to use their physical might to obtain for them
the political rights withheld from them by fraud and
violence. Now when all things were calm and quiet,
they were bound to repay the debt, and give the
working classes that share of political rights which
they had so fairly and so hardly earned for them-
selves_ (Hear, hear.)
Mr. GLADSTONE then rose to address the meeting,
and was received with great cheering, again and
again renewed. He said—Mr. Chairman and
Gentlemen, the resolution which has been read from
the chair is a resolution in support of the Reform
Bill introduced by her Majesty's Government, and
under these circumstances I hope it is not unnatural
either that I should be called upon, or that being
called upon I should obey the call, to support that
resolution. (Cheers.) The bill which is now before
the House of Commons has two objects in view.
One of them is the improvement of the composition
of that house, the other is quite apart from or be-
yond the improvement of composition of the house
--,to strengthen the House of Commons itself, and
along with the House of Commons every other in-
stitution of the country, by marshalling a large
share of the energy, the intelligence, and the cha-
I racter of the people of the county in support of

those institutions by a direct share in political
enfranchisement. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen,
with reference to the condition 'of the House of
Commons, one method in which you may im-
prove that constitutioi is, I may venture to say,
by sending back among us my respected friend
who sits in the chair. (Cheers. That is not

the only nor the widest improvement which I
anticipate in its constitution ; but I entirely decline
to stake the fortunes of the bill upon any supposed
necessity of bringing, in the first instance, an in-
dictment against the Parliament as it now stands.
That, gentlemen, is one of the errors committed by
the opponents of the bill. They seem to think that
enfranchisement of the people is an evil in itself so
great that it ought never to be encountered except
for the sake of curing some greater evil ; and with
that view they not unnaturally say that, in order to
prove that we are to run in the face of all the terri-
fic danger which must arise from admitting a further
portion of the English nation to share in the go-
vernment of the country, and in order to make good
your case, the proof of it is that the present House
of Commons is bad and insufficient. Gentlemen,
you can make no such proof. The present House of
Commons, though I think its constitution may be
improved, has for the last 35 years, and before the
Reform Act, too, done a great and a good work for
the country ; but that is no reason why we should
not seek the enlargement of the constituencies of the
country. How, gentlemen, could any private per-
son treat a question affecting his own interests ?
Suppose a merchant has a flourishing business with
all its arrangements complete, -and suppose an open-
ing is made evident to him that by some increased
outlay and venture he may, in perfect consonance
with the rules of prudence, make a more increased
profit on his industry and capital ; does that mer-
chant require to be shown that his business already
is a bad one ? No, certainly not ; but he says I will
make it as good as I can. Does a landowner with an
estate of £lOOO a year, who finds that by increased
capital and draining the ground he can make that
estate worth £2,000 a year, does he require to have
it shown to him that his estate is worthless, and his
£l,OOO a year not worth having, before he desires
that improvement ? No, certainly not. (Cheers.) In
the same way, we believe the Parliament of England
to be good ; but we wish to make it better, not alone
by any change withinits own walls, but by strength-
ening it from without in considerable additions of
that native and essential vigour which all wisely-
framed institutions cannot fail to draw from addi-
tional infusion of popular strength. This is the prin-
ciple, this is the basis on which we wish to approach
the question. My friend who last addressed you re-
ferred to the objection, which, as far as I know, is
the only plausible objection made against the prin-
ciple of the present bill—that is, that it is an in-
complete measure. Why, the persons who refuse to
be content with anything less than the whole bill
are the very same persons who heartily detest the
very part which we have presented them. (Cheers.)
This is the secret of the outcry which you now hear.
We have promised to make known the views which
we entertain on the subj ect—a subject which must
excite great interests in general, and especially in
Liverpool—viz., that of the redistribution of seats ;
but knowing those with whom we have to deal, we
have said before we produce this portion of our
plans--before we put into the hands of opponents
fresh means of obstruction by using one portion of
the plan to make obstacles against the other—be-
fore we do this we say, Give us a pledge of your
general intentions by uttering your voices in favour
of the second reading of the bill. (Cheers.) It is
true, as has been said by Mr. Jeffrey, in our judg-
ment this is the great question—the first question,
the cardinal question—who are to form the consti-
tuencies. When we are well agreed upon that sub-
ject—who are to form the constituencies—the other
difficulties involved in the case will be found to be
of a slight and manageable character. It is not
with you, who are friends to the bill, that we shall
quarrel when we come to discuss the subject of the
redistribution of seats. Eat the redistrib4tion of

had received constant adhesion from every quarter,
and we thought it idle to go back to first elements,
and waste time in discussing the theoretical rights
of man, and the expediency of applying or recog-
nising those rights upon this or that principle.
(Cheers.) But, gentlemen, if we are called upon to
assign reasons for this measure there is no difficulty
in assigning theta. The first reason—and what we
thought was a sufficient reason : what I still believe
is a sufficient reason—for an assembly composed as
Parliament is of Englishmen, was the reason that it
had been repeatedly, solemnly, constantly, delibe-
rately promised. (Cheers.) But if that be not
enough, it is not difficult to point to the many con-
siderations that show the necessity of the introduc-
tion of such a proposal at the present time. Now,
gentlemen, if I speak of this bill as a
bill of which the merits turn speciallton the question
connected with the enfranchisement of the working
classes, Ido so with reluctance—l do so with
pain—l do so under protest ; because, like those who
have preceded me, I decline to recognise those dis-
tinctions which are so ungenerously and offensively
asserted to exist in this happy country between class
and class. (Cheers.) Nor was a more important
or a more questionable truth ever uttered in public
assembly. I believe that in this country you will
never have one class combining against other classes
of the community except when excluded from the
franchise. But still, if we must meet our opponents
on their own ground, I would ask whether the pre-

sent adjustment of the electoral franchise is alto-
gether fair as respects the working classes of this
country. (Cries of " No, no.") Now I raise this
issue fairly, and I raise it fearlessly, to a tribunal
not composed of the working classes, but composed
in the name of the middle classes of this country.
Now, gentlemen, I take not the number of the
working classe9, for if I took the numbers I should
be overwhelmed with accusations that that meant
democracy, and anarchy, and mob rule, and I know
not what. I therefore will not say anything on the
subject of numbers, but I will take simply for a
moment this fact—l will take the income of the
working class. I want to know whether the work-
ing class of this country is at the present time repre-
sentedin income.
re in the(Cries constituency
of ,
,No,n 07,)
in.fair proportion to its
It is a little diffi-
cult to get at anything like a precise estimate upon
this subject yet still, dealing with the last figures
before us, it is not difficult to come near enough t:
the truth, and arrive at an answer to the question
which I have put. Now, we know pretty well what
is the sum assessed to the income tax ; and the sum
assessed to the income tax, although it includes a
portion of the earnings of the working class, yet,
for the present, I will assume it to belong wholly
to those who are not of the working class. That,
gentlemen, is somewhat above three hundred mil-

lion pounds a year ; and probably the income whit
belongs to those not of the working class may be
between £300,000,000 and £350,000,000. Now,
what is the income of the working class? That
is still more difficult to reach by accurate estima-
tion ; but it has been the subject of very careful and
interesting inquiry, and I believe it would be a
moderate estimate, speaking of the three king-
doms, if we placed the income—the aggregate in-
come of the working men of this country—at nearer
£250,000,000 than £200,000,000. Now, if that be
so, it follows that the income of the working classis
something like five-twelfths,--not very far short of
one-half,—something like five-twelfths or three-
sevenths of the whole income of the country. I
take it at three-sevenths, which I don't believe in
any sense to be an outrageous estimate ; that is to
say, that out of every £7 of income £3 is received
by the working men ; and the doctrine of those
who are most restricted in their views is this, that
we ought to look to the representation of property.
Now, as in this country we don't tax as a general
rule property that we may raise the means of carry-
ing on the Government, I say that the propor-
tionate income we ought to raise, if even on the
principle laid down by our opponents we are to
seek for a fair adjustment on the subject, I find
that three-sevenths, or something like it, of the
whole income of the country is income belonging to
the working class. Now, what is the proportion
of their representation? We have produced figures,
according to which it appears that 128,000 of the
working class now enjoy the borough franchise, be-
sides what may be called the handful, in comparison,
of the working class who enjoy the county franchise
by virtue of the forty-shilling freehold. Much has
been said on the subject of figures ; it has been said
that we adopt too large an idea of the definition of
working men, and that a much smaller number
would be more correct ; but we have taken a large
and liberal definition, and adopt that large and li-
beral definition ; and in stating our case as much as
we can in favour of our opponents, we find that
possibly between counties and boroughs there may
be 150,000, or something more, working men en-
joying the franchise in England and Wales. .
,T1.30e
whole number of voters in the constituencies 1
:
round numbers, 1,050,000 ; so that while thehole
of the working people
pay three-sevenths of the
constitu-
income, they are only one-seventh cf the w
r e e I to
ency. (Cheers.) Again, gentlemen,
look to the taxation paid
by the working tom-
munity of this country, the case would come out
very nearly in the same
form. It is indeed a matter
of discussion, admits of
which accurate settle-
'
ment, what
proportion of our indirect taxes in par-
ticular is paid by the different classes of the com-
munity ;
but undoubtedly, in my opinion—and I
means of
have bad somejudging—not less than one-
third, probably a great deal more than one-third of
the £68,000,000, at which our revenue now stands,
is contributed by the working population. I ask,
1
then, with what justice we can ask the working
population to pay rent in proportion to taxes, and
put them off in return with the miserable fraction
of one-seventh of the representation ? (Cheers.)
Well, gentlemen, I think these are reasons—as our
opponents are so fond of reasons—to justify the
moderate s*m that we have laid before Farlia-

to begin with, at the clergy of the Established Church.
One can feel no delicacy in speaking of it now. The
clergy were a lethargic chalk with many honourable
exceptions, but still in the main a body of men whose
eyes were not sufficiently elevated above human
things towards the eternal and imperishable objects
which it was their duty to follow. How are they
now ? No man will for one moment withhold from
the clergy of the National Church at this moment, ml
man would think of withholding from them, that they
area body of men honestly and earnestly devoted to
their high calling. (Cheers.) The very same thing
which I say of their activity and devotion I believe
may be said with equal truth of the activity and de
votion of the ministers of every other Church a,ml
persuasion in the country. It has not been in the
Church only, but it has also been in the school. Look
at the vast extension of education, and look r.t what
has been done by the State. I have not put the figures
together, but I believe I should not overstaff the s
um
were I to say that fromlo, probably 15, and possibly
not far from £20,000,000 have been spent by the
State during the last 35 years in modes and through
channels wholly new for the promotion and extension
of education, and likewise that the spending of that
money has been the means of eliciting from private
sourcesthe expenditure of a much larger sum. What
has all that been but the creation of a vast machinery
for the moral as well as the intellectual improvement
and elevation of the mass of the community ?—but
not the school and the Church only; look likewise
at the Press. Now, what has the State done in
this matter? It is most important for us to keep
in view that department of the subject, because

what is clone by the State is done deliberately
by public authority, and expresses the general
judgment of the nation. Why, the State, gentle-
men, has surrendered within the last 20 or 25 years
more than two millions, perhaps about 2i millions
of revenue, in the paper duty, upon the newspaper
stamp, upon the advertisement duty, for the sake of
giving access to knowledge to the masses of the
community—easier access to knowledge, but, above
all, easier access to that knowledge which is political,
and therefore in every department of human nature
—with regard to what is spiritual, with regard to
what is moral, with regard to what is intellectual,

and with regard to what is political. We have now
for a whole generation of men been engaged with
one consent in endeavouring to increase the capacity
of the mass of the community for the discharge of
public duty. Can there be anything more absurd
—after having participated in these operations. after
having pushed them to the utmost of our power,
after having used every means to procure and to
promote this kind of improvement—having raised
in that way, as they have raised, the working
classes and the masses of the country —then to turn
round upon the very work we have ourselves per--
formed, to refuse to it its natural consummation,
and to say, " We admit your increased fitness, we
admit your increased intelligence, we have done all
we can to help it on ; but we will still deny to you
that public and legal recognition to which by fit-
onfestsheyorruaanreehiesnet,iatlnedd,
ain
sthhaereshianpemofakthineg
thepossessionwas
that govern your country ?" (Loud cheers.) Why,
gentlemen, it is hardly to be supposed that objec-
tions, reasonable though they may sound when they
have been brought out into the light of day, can en-
dure the test of discussion. I am glad, on many
grounds, to meet you here to-night ; but I am glad
especially because it is in these great assemblages of
our fellow-countrymen that the opinions and'senti-
ments are formed which become ultimately the
guides of the public mind and of the public policy.
I would that those who say there is no sentiment in
the country favourable to the passing of the mea-
sure of the Government, could be present among
us to-night, and could judge for themselves. Gen-
tlemen, it is not violence, it is not the love of

innovation, it is riot a pedantic adherence to what
is necessary to vindicate our own consistency,
that brings us forward as a Government in
connection with this important measure. It is a
deep conviction that we are endeavouring to assist .
in the payment of a debt which not only honour,
but justice and policy, recognise as due to the people
of this country. (Cheers.) Have those who find
fault with our proceedings considered the real
amount of the change which has passed in the mind
and temper of the community within the last thirty
years? Do they really look back to what was the
condition of the peasantry 36 years ago under the
othpeerpaettioitnioonf
wthheiepnoowras-lawsigs ?
ned,Deorthypeurpeloorktebdatcok
btoe
signed, by 3,000,000 of men, and which was signed,
at any rate, by an enormous and almost inconceiv-
able number, praying for radical and fundamental
changes, and evidently indicating a general unset-
tledness, if not discontent of mind, rankling in the
breasts of the mass of the community 25 years ago ?
That was the case. Who could get up such a pe-
tition now ? (Cheers.) But if there is content,
if there is intelligence, if there is fitness, is it not
then our business to take advantage of the exist-
encestate
of those qualities, andi.a tloor,aololyo
country
forms.? WI
whyll:
sore
fthe andmas mass
them all by giv-
ing them a positive interest in our proceedings on
behalf of the institutions of the
of the public mind, the the com-
munity, at that tinillelintdheo
not go back to those manifestationsof violence; I
will not go back to those unhappy
munity, thdicated itself
and deplorable
collisions between the authorities and assemblages of
the people which now raise a blush on the cheeks of
Englishmen ; but I will speak of other things, and
of one that is familiar. At that time there was a
fund of popularity a •
ttaching to parodies of very w ell-
known and very sacred
and solemn documents of our
religion ; their well-understood forms of expression
were twisted in order to meet popular favour into
a sense adapted to express the wants and sufferings
of the people. I happened, not long ago, in a hum-
ble street in London to hear a couple of men
singing a parody of that kind ; it was a parody
of the Church Service in the Prayer Book,
and the expressions were altered so as to refer
to the great supposed misery and misgovernment
of the people. This was written within the last few
months, and I had the curiosity to wait near these
persons for a considerable time in order to see what
took place. They were successful in gathering around
them a group which appeared to vary from between
six and twelve boys and girls ; and those boys and
girls, lam bound to say, thereby testifying to the
L improved condition of the working classes, did pre-
duce various pennies and half-pennies, with which
they purchased copies of these wonderful produc-
t tions. But my curiosity was to see what testimonies
of popular interest they would receive from the adult
working men, It was about six o'clock in the even.

8/.olMl.l.oman.
ing, when they were going home from their work,
and passing by to and fro. I saw one person of an
age to receive
as a working man stop near this
w
group; and baying listened listened for about half a minute
he went on with evident indications of contempt.
(Laughter and cheers). And that is the sort of
thing which-has been produced in the minds of the
mass of the, community. It is not one symptom
only ; the importance of these symptoms would be
much misunderstood if they were taken as anything
but indications of the wide-spreading universal
change; but it is that change and that improved and
constantly-increasing capacity which we say consti-
tutes not only a fitness, but, in a moral sense, con-
stitutes a right to expect at the hands of the Legis-
lature a fair and a reasonable extension of the fran-
chise. The real difference between us and those
who oppose the bill is this, that, as I have said, they
regard every demand for the concession of increased
political privileges to their fellow-countrymen as an
evil—an evil they would sanction in order, perhaps,
to evade greater evils, such as the burning of their
houses over their heads ; but they are not prepared
to recognise it as anything but an evil ; hence it
is we have these extraordinary demands to know
how many exactly there will be in this town andn
that. It reminds me very much, gentlemen, of
what
I
took place about the time of the repeal of the corn
laws, when our admission of corn from abroad was
regarded as a tremendous evil, and it was ascertained
with a jealous, feverish, and scrutinising curiosity
how many quarters of corn would come from
America, how many from Russia, and how many
from Odessa and the Baltic. (Laughter.) We
were told that there would be an inundation of
foreign corn, and this maul mischief of an undueo
le
augmentation of the quantity of food for the
was regarded with perfectly sincere, real, and true,
but we all now see most ridiculous and contemp-
tible, apprehensions. Very ridiculous were the errors
into which men were betrayed by this temperament.
you may recollect one of the most distinguished
of the opponents of the repeal of the corn laws dis-
covered that there was a place in Russia called Tam-
boff, and that it was credibly reported, as he had
every reason to believe, that the imports from that
place alone, after the bill passed, would amount to
about 36 millions of quarters of corn per annum.
(Cheers and laughter.) Gentlemen, just as reason-
able apprehensions are entertained now. For my
own part I stated in the House of Commons, as a
kind of challenge, what I hoped would be repelled
with eagerness and indignation. I said to some
gentlemen who were discussing this subject, you
seem to treat the working men who are about to
"be,
admitted to the Constitution as an invading
Pain--that
To my great astonishment—to ray
imputation, which I had hoped great
would be indignantlyfectly true
repelled, was warmly accepted "a
(Cheers.)
description of the views taken by
them.
Is this really so or not ? N
in this free country, in (o' lae.) Is it true that
Christian country, a
country that assumes to be 'not far, from the head of
Christian civilisation, after 1850 years illumined
with its wisdom, teaching, and example, is it really
true—have we come to this, that the best we can
gland is that there shall be only a
hope in Old En
privileged
class within a small precinct which we call
the Constitution, and outside of it the toiling masses
of our countrymen are to be told, when they approach
too near its sacred doors, that they are an invading
army. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I must say that life
would be scarcely worth having, and that certainly
the institutions for which we are so thankful would
be the cause of shame and disgrace if such be their
character and if such be their resolutions. (Cheers.)
What do we mean when we make a boast, as
Englishmen, of our local government, of our self-
government, and of our parochial government ?
Is our municipal government a good or an evil ?
If it be good, why is it good? Because it is the instance
of public education, and this is its fruit. If to give a vote
for the management of a parish or a borough is an instance
of public education—l ask you, is it not a much more
powerful instrument of public education to have a voice in
the election of the men who are to make the laws under
which we are to live? (Cheers.) What is the case with
respect to those who are called the upper classes ? Did
they at once jump into perfect fitness for the exercise of
political power ? Did they at a moment's notice adapt
themselves to the working of a constitutional system?
Most certainly not. Our constitutional system in its pre-
sent form, although not in its original elements, may be
considered to date from a period of about 200 years ago—
from the Revolution of 1688 ; but for several generations
after that revolution how was Parliamentary government
in this country carried on ? Why, undoubtedly by gross
corruption, and only by gross corruption in a great degree.
That corruption, indeed, was not so much among consti-
tuencies as of Parliament itself. (Cheers.) If it has taken
time to apply a remedy to these evils, is not that a proof
of the educating power of political privileges—the political
franchise. And if such has been the result of the enjoyment
of that power by certain classes of the community, why are
we not to believe that the very same human nature will
receive an analogous benefit from an analogous discipline ?
It is, in point of fact, not only to seek fitness in the people
before admitting them to political power, but we give it,
recognising the use of the franchise for propagating, in-
creasing, and perfecting that fitness. I must say, there is
one of the institutions of our country which has assumed a
form thoroughly national, although it is one amongst the
most recent of our institutions, whteh I think illustrates the
manner in which the national strength is augmented by
an extension of political privileges from time to time, and
within the rules of prudence and of safety. I refer to the
Volunteer movement. You will judge whether I am wrong
in my opinion. Although it may sound at the first moment
very like a paradox, if I connect the Volunteer movement
with the Reform Act of 1832, it has been essentially a
middle-class movement. At any rate the great bulk of that
force are members of the middle class—of that very class
who were enfranchised by the Reform Act of 1832. (Hear,
hear.) Ido not doubt for a moment that under the pres-
sure of any immediate danger Englishmen otfhall classes
would have rallied round the throne f
of the country, and freely given their lives on
itse dbeefhenllcef
but I do not believe that 40 years ago it would have been
possible to have called forth anything like what we have
seen in the Volunteer movement. (Cheers.) I believe that
it is the indirect but perfectly true and legitimate result of
the manner in which the middle classes have been imme-
diately and intimately associated in the government of the
country. They have felt more than ever that they have a
property in its institutions, and have shown a readiness to
give both time and money for the purpose of adding to its
apart from any apprehension of danger,
strength,fo r , thank areaO God, , no such apprehension threatens it from
any quarter. There is another illustration which I cannot
it .
refrain from mentioning, althoughlnns possible that I may
expose myself and others to some misunderstanding—l
mean an illustration from the civil war ai
n Ago when Parliamentarim America.
It, is
now five or six years a
under discussion, that it was the fashion to refer to thewas
in-
stitutions of America as a perfect failure, and long
oration
were delivered in the House of Commons, setting forth all
the causes of that failure, and holding up those institutions
as a bugbear to terrify us from proposing any addition to
the franchise, and as an invinciblee argument maintain-
ing
l.
for •
constituencies.
the narrow limits of the several
Gen-
tlemen, what has taken place since then? lam not going
to deliver a generallecture upon the civil war in America ;
above all, lam not going to draw any invidious distinc-
• tion, or any distinction at all, between one section and
another section of that community,for my part my earnest
and devout aspiration is, and I
believe that to be the
thaspi-
ration and desire of England at large, forhtehtehwerelftarehe white
that
e
nationin every part and portion of it, Ng
or black, whether it be North or South—(loud cheers)—
neither, gentlemen, am I going to hold up American insti-
tutions as institutions to be preferred to our own; but what
.
I am going to do is this : I think it is our business, as men
.
of sense, to draw lessons from the experience of mantilla,
and from the facts that come under our view, whether they
be in despotic countries or constitutional countries, or in
countries republican or democratical. The point I ask you
to look at is this, not the comparative merits of American
institutions, but the one single and important point, of the
effect that has been produced in America by a largely. ex-
tended population franchise, by a widely-spread participa-
tion on the part of the people in the choice of their gover-
nors. The wonderful, the unexampled, the almost in-
credible effect that has been produced by that system, of
giving force of expression to the national will, and enabling
the Government to develop the energies and give effect to
that will, such as probably have never been developed in
an equal time and amongst :an equal number of mon
since the race of mankind sprang into existence. (Cheers.)
Less than. 30,000,000 —I don't speak of the negro popula-
tion, which can hardly be said to have constituted a dis-
tinct party in the war, thankful as we may be for its ulti-
mate effect on their destiny—(cheers)--less than 30,000,000,
20,000,000 in the majority qnd 6,000,000 in the minority,
coming to the bloody issue of war on a matter held vital by
both, common justice requires us to admit developed an
amount of heroism, apower of self-sacrifice, an energy, a
perseverance, and a forgetfulness of every personal interest,
an amount of force arrayed in support of their chosen
rulers such as I know not where to seek for in the annals
of the history of the globe. (Cheers.) Well, gentlemen,
what I would say to you is, let us learn lessons where we
can learn them—from our brethren, the children of our
loins, in America. (Cheers.) The position of England,
giuhedeuetlzietmen, is a peculiar position in the world. England has
Irons bygone ages more, perhaps, of what VA

most august and venerable in those ages than any other
European country ; and at the same time that her traditions
of the past are so rich and fruitful that all our minds and all
or characters have, both within our knowledge and be-
yond our knowledge, been largely moulded by them, she
has likewise been exposed in the highest possible degree to
every moderate influence which the 19th century has
brought into activity. As y
geongraphiiecaalelhy
thesh o
shestandseeweihthe
Europe on one side of her and America
stands between those feudal institutions on which European
tr,
society was formed, and which have given her hierarchy
is not
of class, and on the other side, those principles ofequality
which form the basis of society in America, she
a servile imitation of either the one or the other to forge
her own glorious history, but, on the contrary, it is for her
to cherish everything she has invented and to improve it,
but to improve it for the sake of preserving it. (Cheers.)
But it is her duty while she looks on the past to learn like-
-wise from the present Recent events which have taken
Iplace on the other side of the Atlantic have demonstrated
to us how, by enlarging the franchise, augmented power
can be marshalled on behalf of the Government, and in-
creased energy given to the action of a nation. I say that,
without forgetfulness of the rules of prudence and circum-
spection, always acting within the limits of modesty and
moderation, but with firmness and determination, we ought
to observe, we ought to copy, and wo ought to appropriate
the lessons which may be gathered from the experience of
other portions of the human family. (Cheers.) It is some-
times said that the measure we propose is a democratic
measure. The word " democracy" has very different
senses. If by democracy be meant liberty—if by demo-
cracy be meant the extension to each man in his own sphere
of every privilege and of every franchise that he can exor-
cise with advantage to himself and with safety to the
State, then I must confess I don't see much to alarm us in
the word democracy. (Cheers.) But if by democracy be
meant the enthroning of ignorance against knowledge, the
setting up of vice in opposition to virtue, the disregard of
rank, the forgetfulness of what ourfathers have done for us,
indifference or coldness with regard to the inheritance we
enjoy—then, gentlemen, I, for one, believe that all I have
the honour to address are in that sense the enemies of demo-
cracy, that in such a sense this is not a democratic Govern-
ment. On the contrary there is a love for that arrangement
and constitution of society which we have inherited from
former times, and I do not believe that of the entire com-
munity there is one man in a hundred who would disturb
it if he could. If there is anything that could make this
country, so aristocratic in its feelings, become a country de-
mocratic in its feelings —that day, I think, would be an un-
happy day, and I know nothing that could bring that day
to arrive unless it were a forgetfulness by the British aris-
tocracy that their order has in all times beyond any aris-
tocracy of the world been trustful and confiding in its tem-
per towards the people—mild and forbearing in its use of
s honour and ilirty. .)
privilege, and ready to give leaders to. the nation in every
cause connected with itl
am sorry, gentlemen, whenever, even forbe sand
I moment, and
in a particular instance, there is a disposition to de-
ep:lve:from the noble and glorious traditions of the British
aristocracy. lam sorry that at the moment lam now
speaking immediate danger to the measure that the Govern-
ment have introduced should proceed from a name hon-
oured in the lists of the aristocracy. A notice of motion has
been given by Lord Grosvenor for the purpose of defeating
the bill—and as the announcement has been publicly made
without contradiction, we are, I suppose, truly told—that
that notice is to be seconded by Lord Stanley. I know no
two individuals more entitled to respect and honour in the
position they occupy, but I am bound to say that I think
a more deplorable arrangement was never made—(great
cheering) - a more gross blunder never was committed
than when in the councils of political party, with that kind
of cleverness which so often outwits itself, it was deter-
mined that the two representatives of two of our noblest
and most ancient houses should come forward combinedly
for the purpose of defeating an act of grace, but what is
likewise, besides being an act of grace, an act of justice
to the great community of the country. (Loud cheers.)
However, gentlemen, much lamenting that unhappy
instance, I am
persuaded that that is not to be
taken as an indication that there will be a fundamental
change in that wise moderation which has hitherto for the
most part distinguished the conduct of the most favourite
members of society, those on whom the bounties of Provi-
dence have been poured in the largest abundance. I do not
think that that movement, formidable though it may be,
is likely to succeed. (Cheers.) We have framed a measure,
I think, in the strictest spirit of moderation. We do not
desire—we should be the first to resist sudden and violent
sweeping changes ; but the progressive enlargement of the
popular franchise, with due regard to the state and circum-
stances of the country, we consider not to be liable to the
application of any of the epithets employed. (Cheers.)
Having produced this measure, framed in a spirit of mode-
ration, we hope to support it with decision. (Continued
cheering.) It is not in our power to secure the passing of
the measure—that rests more with you and more with
those whom you represent, and of whom you are a sample,
than it does with us ; still we have a great responsibility,
and are conscious of it, and we do not intend to flinch
from it. (Here the whole audience rose in a body and
cheered for several minutes.) We stake ourselves, we
stake our existence as a Government—whether it be worth
much or little is not for us to say, but, such as_ it is, we
stake it, and we also stake our political character, on the
adoption of the bill in its main provisions. (Renewed
cheering.) You have a right to expect from us that we
should tell you what we mean, and that the trumpet which
it is our business to blow shall give forth no uncertain sound.
Its sound has not been, and I trust will not be, uncertain.
We have passed the Rubicon, we have broken the bridge and
burned the boats behind us. (Cheers.) We have advisedly
cut off the means of retreat, and having done this, we hope
that, as far as time has yet permitted, we have done our
duty to the Crown and the nation. The result, gentlemen,
is in other hands than oars. I beseech you, I beseech all
reflecting Englishmen, in whose hands by the well-under-
stood constitution of our country the ultimate settlement
of this great issue is lodged, to consider what the future is
to be. I cannot doubt from the extraordinary working and
movement of society that there is on the part of the masses
of the community a forward and onward movement, which
forward and onward movement will be perfectly safe and
harmless, and not only safe and harmless, but infinitely pro-
fitable if we only deal with it wisely and in time. (Cheers.)
But read the signs of the times—the voice thatEbnce spoke
as never man spoke rebuked those in authority who could
not read the signs of the times. Does any man really sup-
pose that the political limit signified by the number 10 is to
be for ever and ever, from generation to generation, the
limit within which all are to enjoy, but beyond which every
man is to be deprived, the enjoyment of the franchise? Cer-
tainly not. (Cheers.) The defeat of the bill, what would it
procure ? An interval, but not an interval of repose —an
interval of fever, an interval of expectation, an interval for
the working of those influences which might possibly arise
even to the formidable dimensions of political danger. Let
the great English nation be wise, and be wise in time. Let
it not, through any unwise dallying, through any unwise
neglect of an opportunity as favourable, I believe, as ever
offered to the Legislature, and, through the influence of
weak, or cowardly, or selfish apprehensions, refuse the
granting of a boon which I am firmly persuaded, if granted
now, will be received as a boon in a spirit of gratitude—
(eheers)—and tend to increase the attachment of the people
to the institutions of the country and its rulers. (Cheers.)
Let them not convert what is for their own advantage into
an odcasion of danger and of evil ; but let them, in regard
to the duty of the day and the prospects of the future,
rally round us and strengthen us for the task which we
have in hand. If they so rally round us, whatever'diffi-
culties lie in our way will soon be surmounted, and the
next time we meet in these now crowded halls it will be to
congratulate one another on the passing of this measure
into law, and on the evident fruits which it may have
begun to produce in the augmented contentment, attach-
ment, and loyalty of the people. The right hon. gentleman
then resumed his seat amidst enthusiastic cheering.
A. vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Gladstone and
briefly
similar acknowledged
beeny t
Ya h
ses rdi ght t l 1
II o n .
Eg evrna r
tt l e mf
oarn
p,
raensdi d a-
ing, the proceedings terminated
e shoortlyr.before ten o'clock.

LAW INTELLIGENCE—(This Day

SHERIFFS' COURT.

THE LAW OF LANDLORD AND TENANT-JONES V

ISAACS.

This was an action to recover rent for certain
premises which were destroyd by fire. Mr. Bu-
chanan appeared for the defendant.

Plaintiff deposed that he claimed three-quarters'
rent for the tenancy of premises from Michaelmas,
1864, to Midsummer, 1865.
Cross-examined—I never had any notice from
the defendant that he meant to quit. A fire broke
out in the premises in October, 1864, and they were
but defendant continued occupation.
Notwithstandingdestroyeh atbhseenficreeol still heldn i
e defendantfrom hi as
s.
my tenant in
t ave beenrmeb.uilt, and I have not
The premises
h
locked defendant out of them.
rde them ise
s defendant,na til
the who
n
swanaagrlohilS'tdrtihreiciloehtah:::onagßeactinientifftuhtdc_hrwehreaiietondhca eam b e r
special he
e
cnuptihedentleieallpe
gave a month's notice to the plaintifflnunNdoevr
ihin
neverinO. c t :reel .e,
plaintiff
r.lreamwwas au
burnt
yearlynt
down.
te n a n
.t . I have to
dlBt6o4.aceept a month's
pay my full rent under the terms of my lease,
accept a month's notice. Defendant—
I gave plaintiff notice tmeh
rebuilt plaintiff locked
His Honour asked ploainrffd
When the premises were
quite sure plaintiff agreed to
out, notwithstanding that
stances of the, fire he 1
imf me
undero v e over
the possession.cirnum -
claim. would take anything off his

Plaintiff agreed to take off one quarter, and his
Honour said that was very fair. It was clear that
although the fire occurred plaintiff was entitled to
a verdict, and he would have it.

Vgdict for the plaintiff.