The Sun.
London, England, 1832-02-02 00:00:00

COURT CIRCULAR.

Her Royal Highness the Duchess of KENT entertained
a party at dinner yesterday, at the King's Palace, at Ken-
sington.

The Duchess of Cu 11BERLAND came to town on Tues-
day, from her residence at Kew. Her Royal Highness
honoured Princess LIEVEN with a visit at Ashburnham
House, Dover-street, and in the afternoon returned to Kew.

The Duchess of KENT and the Princess VICTORIA rode
yesterday at Mr. FozaßD'S riding-school.
The Ministers of the Conference on the affiirs of Be-
gium assembled at the Foreign-office at eleven o'clock on
Tuesday night, and were occupied in deliberation till five
o'clock yesterday morning. After the conclusion of the
Conference two messengers were sent off with despatches
—one to Sir CHARLES BAGOT, our Ambassador at the
Hague, and the second to Viscount GRANVILLE, our Am-
bassador at Paris.

The Ambassadors and Ministers of France, Austria,
Russia, and Prussia, assembled at an early hour yes-
terday afternoon, and held a conference with Viscount
PALMERSTON. Baron FALCK, the Ambassador from the
Netherlands, subsequently joined the Ministers of the
Conference.

Lord HOLLAND and Lord Join; RUSSELL returned to
town on Tuesday afternoon, from a ♦isit to the KING at
Brighton.
Mr. STANLEY entertained the Cabinet Ministers at din-
ner last evening, at his residence at Whitehall.

freedom of opinion, which is only the whole-
some exercise of public criticism upon the
actions of public men, and which can be ter-
rible only to those whose consciousness of
wrong gives a sting to the accusation. The last
insane act of the Government of the Ex-King
of France was to strike the Press to the earth
—the immediate cause of the revolution was the
re-action of that great power against the violence
that would have crushed it. It was in a print-
ing-office that the flame of resistance was kindled
which spread through Paris, and consumed, in
three days, the fabric of arbitrary power. Thus
it took a regal revolution to overturn the
Press, and a popular one to restore it. It is
a fact well worthy of observation that the Editor
whose noble resistance to an illegal ordonnance
at the critical moment led to the sudden sub-
version of the throne of Charles X. is the Edi-
tor whose Journal the Prime Minister of the
citizen King honours with particular persecu-
tion ! What occurred at the office of Le Na-
tional on the memorable 27th of July, in the
year of the revolution, is matter of history ;
and Casimir Perier had better take care lest, in
giving occasion for the renewal of such a scene,
he may not also bring about something like a
repetition of its consequences. The declaration
which the Editor alluded to, M. Caret, has pub-
lished, in which he avows his determination to
resist by force any attempt to arrest him for an
alleged offence of publishing a libel on the Go-
venment, before a Court of Justice shall have
decided whether he has been guilty of any offence
or not, puts Casimir Perier in a very awkward
situation ; for if he would make a display of
firmness and decision, he must go on in his ca-
reer of persecution—and the more so because
lie is openly defied—and thereby bring about a
dangerous collision, perhaps a fatal one, between
the Government and the Press; or if he should
retrace his steps, and abandon the practice of
preliminary arrest, his conduct will be im-
puted, and justly, to that combination of ar-
bitrary feeling and moral cowardice which pro.
yokes a resistance that it dares not face. No-
thing tended to diminish the strength of the Wel
lington Administration so much in this country
as its prosecutions against the Press. From the
moment that a Minister endeavours to silence
adverse opinion in the Press by the terrors of
criminal law, from that moment he betrays a con-
sciousness that his conduct and designs cannot
bear to be freely examined and discussed. Holy
Writ says, of a certain class of versons, that
they " loved darkness rather than light, because
their deeds were evil." This maxim of Divine
truth is strictly applicable to the enemies of open
and free discussion upon public questions. No
king or Minister ever wished to extinguish the
light of the Press, through a modest aversion to
the exposure of his honesty, his wisdom, and his
virtues. Throughout the whole of his ministry
Casimir Perier has been the servile sycophant of
the Russian Autocrat, and the tool of his domi-
neering policy. In all his conduct he resembles
more, as we said on a former occasion, a Minis-
ter of the Holy Alliance than a Minister of
France. Yet this is the man who affects a high
degree of determination and energy in crushing
that power which was mainly instrumental in
placing his master on the throne. Fearful as a
bare in all his foreign policy, Casimir Perier at-
tempts to play the part of the roaring lion with
the French Press ; but it is understood the Edi-
tors of most of the Paris Journals hive made
common cause with M. Carel, whose cause is
indeed their own. Let Casimir Perier beware,
lest he render freedom a service which he never
intends.-11torning Herald.

We call the attention of our readers to our
report of the proceedings at the Court-martial at
Bristol on the 31st of January. Major Beck-
with, of the 14th Dragoons, gives the following
curious evidence :
" I must relate in what manner I saw the Civil and
Military Authorities co-operating, in order to show to the
Court the difficulties under which I saw Captain W. acting.
On reaching Bristol on Monday morning, 31st October,
I immediately went to the Council-house, where I found
the Mayor and several Magistrates, who appeared to me
bewildertd and stupified with terror. On hearing the
state of affairs in the city of Bristol from those gentlemen,
1 urged that one or more Magistrates should accompany
me on horseback, for the purpose of restoring order.
They all refused to do so.
" The President wished the Major to confine himself as
cksely as possible to that which would exculpate Captain
Warrington, and not inculpate other parties, who would
have no opportunity' of replying.
" The Gallant Major then proceeded with his evi-
dence :—They all refused to accompany me, saying it
would make them unpopular, and cause all their property
to be destroyed ; they also added, that none of them could
ride on horseback—(Laughter)—and the one I requested
to accompany me, said be had not been on horseback for
eighteen years.—(Laughter.) Seeing, therefore, that any
assistance from the Magistrates would be out of the ques-
tion, I demanded to receive from them a written authority
to take what measures I deemed expedient. From what I
have related, and from what I saw in another quarter to
which I cannot refer, the impression on my mind was,
that Captain Warrington and the 3d Dragoon Guard.
were in a great measure paralysed by the imbecility and
misconduct of those who ought to have directed them. 1
Lave further to state, that during the time I had a per-
snal opportunity of t.bserving Captain Warrington he ap-
peared to me alert, zealous, and desirous of doing hie duty."
There is one part of the above evidence that
indicates something worse than mere cowardice.
" It would make them unpopular, and cause all
their property -to be destroyed." What Is
our respect for corporate rights to be carried so
far, as to allow Magistrates to refuse to do their
duty from selfish and base motives? There must
be an inquiry. To refuse it would be a stain on
the honour of the nation. We are sorry to say,
however, that the case of refusing to act through
fear of becoming unpopular, and thereby having
property destroyed, is but too common in times
of agitation with the Unpaid. The squires and
parsons are most heroic in peaceful times, when
their services are not required ; but when the in-
cendiary is abroad, they are, like the Bristol
Aldermen, too apt to be paralysed. One good
man, like ColOnel Shaw, at Manchester, is worth
a whole army of Corporation Magistrates and
Justices of Peace.—Morning Chronicle,
We call the attention of our readers to the
report, in another column, of a case at the
Queen-square Police-office yesterday. The case
is exceedingly simple Mr. Edward Ford-
ham, a respectable gentleman of Cambridgeshire,
on a visit to Mr. Tatham, the sword cutler, 37,

Charing-cross, went with Mr. Tatham, Jun. to
the shop of Mrs. Esther Tompkins, fruiterer,
11, Charing-cross, purchased two shillings'
worth of oranges, gave them to his friend to
take over the way, asked change for a sovereign,
and received eighteen shillings. Thus far all
was well. But a controversy now arose—Mr.
Fordham insisted that he had given the sovereign
before receiving the change, and Mrs. Tompkins
maintained the contrary. Mrs. Tompkins gave
Mr. Fordham in charge to a police constable, and
after a hearing by Mr. Marriott, he thought
proper to hold him and Mr. Tatham, jun.
(who was not charged in the first instance, but
attended as a witness) to bail for a fraud. There
are are few men who have not at times been
involved in disputes with shopkeepers, in the
way in which Mr. Fordham has been in-
volved. Without any intention to deceive,
nothing is more common than the shopkeeper
forgetting that he has received the money, and
the customer imagining that he has paid when he
has not paid. We ourselves have seen frequent in-
stances of mistakes in this way. Sometimes 'the
shopkeeper, on looking into his till, discovers his
mistake ; and sometimes the purchaser, on
counting over his money, discovers that he has
not paid anything away. In ninety-nine cases
in a hundred, the parties on both sides are bona
fide. Without other circumstances indicative of
a fraudulent intention, if there were no doubt
that the party receiving the change had not pre-
viously paid the money for which it was received,
that circumstance alone would not amount to
even a presumption, much less a proof of fraud.
e should be led to infer from the account,
that this is one of the cases in which all parties
are bona fide. We cannot say that we are sur-
prised at the proceedings at Queen-square Police
Office, because (with one or two exceptions
hardly worth naming) it would be difficult to
discover, after a diligent search throughout the '
country, men so deficient in sagacity and powers
of discrimination as the police Magistrates of
the metropolis. Burke says that, in his time,
the Magistrates of the metropolis were generally
low knaves, with whom no respectable man
would associate. The race of knaves is extinct ;
but if their successors are well-intentioned, they
are any thing but wise. We hardly ever look
at a case in this office of Queen-square in which
common sense is rot set at defiance. It is not
long since a poor Turk, who had a quarrel with
a female of easy virtue, in Tothill-street, who had
robbed him, was committed by this very Mr.
Marriott, we believe, because, being a poor
stranger, he was unable to find security to pro-
secu;e for the robbery. In this case, not only
is there no presumption of fraud, but there is a
presumption the other way. If Mr. Fordham
had been inclined to defraud a fruiterer, it is
very unlikely that he would take with him a
friend to witness the transaction, and still more
unlikely that lie and his friend should select a
shop opposite to the residence of the latter, to
disgrace him in his own neighbourhood. God
forbid that equal justice should not be done be-
tween rich and poor ; but when Mr. Marriott
observed—" That if poor men had been brought
before him on such a charge, supported by the
same testimony, he should have committed them
for trial ; and although the prisoners were rich
men, it made no difference with him, and he
felt it his duty to commit them to take their trial
at the next Westminster Sessions"—he is alto-
gether wide of the mark. A poor man may be
very honest, and a rich man may be a great
knave ; but every animal has its peculiar habits.
A rich English knave will do you out of a thou-
sand pounds, or even a hundred ; but he is sel-
dom found picking pockets. Lord Eldon is
fond of money ; but if we %, ere to hear that he
had a quarrel with a fruiterer about the change of
a sovereign, we would presume, as a matter of
course, that his Lordship was innocent of all
cheating, even if it were proved that he had re-
ceived the change without paying the sovereign.
If Lord Grey and the Duke of Wellington were
to be charged with pocket-picking, and two per-
sons were to swear to their having seen their
hands where they ought not to have been,
we should, even in this case, where the act
is conclusive as to the intention, refuse
to credit the evidence. But if a man
out at elbows, and displaying all the other
evidences of extreme poverty, were to be charged,
on the evidence of two witnesses, with picking
a pocket, we do not say that this evidence might
not be rebutted, but yet we should think that the
charge did not outrage probability. In some
countries, even Noblemen do not scruple to steal
handkerchiefs and snuff-boxes. An English
Nobleman will rob the public of ten thousand
pounds without scruple ; but, except he is so
reduced that he cannot defraud in the more ho-
nourable way of running into a tradesman's
books without intending to pay him, he will not
condescend to cheat in such a small way as the
change of a sovereign. Respectable men—that
is, in the English code of morality, rich men,—
when they take a fancy to other men's property,
are as high in their aims as Lords. We have
no doubt that Messrs. Tathams and Mr. Foul-
ham are all really honourable men ; but if they
were otherwise, we are almost certain that they
would disdain the paltry fraud with which this
Magistrate has thought proper to charge them.'
The imputations which this Magistrate throws
out, right and left, against Mr. Mayne and the
Police Inspector, are not the least curious part of
the business. There must be a purification of
the Police-offices. Really no man can consider
himself safe at present. It was but the other
day that a gentleman of good connections was
committed on. the charge of having stolen a
watch from a woman of. the town three years be-
fore. He had accompanied her, she said, from
the theatre to her lodgings, and she had not seen
him till the night before in the theatre, though it
was in evidence that the gentleman was in the
habit of going regularly to the theatres. Yet
in this case the sapient Magistrate refused bail.—
Morning chronicle.
The public will learn with regret the retire-
ment of Mr. Tennyson from the Ordnance
Board, and that his resignation is occasioned by
ill health. Mr. Tennyson is not a Reformer of
" to-day." His personal exertions on the East
Retford question, and his decided and manly de-
clarations in favour of Parliamentary Reform,
before the fall of the Wellington Administration,
greatly advanced public opinion, and contributed
to the ground-work of the great Ministerial mea-
sures for the amendment of the representation.
As there are no political motives connected with
his resignation of office, he will continue his sup-
port to the Government, which we distinctly
state, that the reasons of his retirement may not
be
Henry indirectlyp arne
Indeed,
n n c ted
withweb
the
have
v e dismissalreas ooto of Sir
be-
lieve that Mr. Kennedy has been some time ap-
pointed to the Ordnance Board; and Mr. Tenny-
son voted for Ministers in the division
.on the
Russian debt. There is no public man.- more
sincerely and distinctly pledged to Parliatnentary
:Reform, and no one more certain consistent' • to

It is not to be disputed that some late occur-
rences have given rise to unpleasant indications
of the general temper of society in more quarters
than one. The House of Commons is felt by
some people not to have been very satisfactorily
managed. The separation of Sir Henry-Par-
nell at such a moment from the Ministry has not
been without its disagreeable though vague re-
sults, while the efforts and sacrifices of the Anti-
Reformers contribute every where to affix more
than its natural force to each sinister impression
on the public mind, anti to throw into extensive,
though, we believe, but short-lived currency,
reports in themselves of little weight and value.
The standing annoyance, however, is the delay
in the creation- of Peers. No man meets his
neighbour without asking, or being expected to
answer the question, "what isGovernment about?
Why are not the Peers Gazetted ?" In this
single interrogatory, in the honest alarm which
it expresses, and in the confidence and ex-
ultation inspired into a certain party by the in-
complete solution, or no solution, which it
has ever yet received, are involved, with few
and insignificant exceptions, all the political ma-
ladies of the existing crisis, in so far as relates
to our domestic state,—perhaps we might go
farther. It is but frank to tell his Majesty's
Ministers that the country, vthich has well and
zealously supported them, begins to be faint
with disappointment. When the most mischie-
vous tales are in constant circulation, it will not
do for the Government, whose life they aim at,
and which suffers severely from them,—it will
not do for a Government so situated, tb look
tamely on, and do nothing. If it be said, and
with a pertinacity of assurance which every day
serves but to confirm it, that the Sovereign hesi-
tates about that application of the prerogative
which alone can enable the Grey Cabinet to carry
Parliamentary Ref'orrn into a law,—if that be
said, and repeated, and whispered in drawing-
rooms, and bellowed through the streets,
—that the King refuses his confidence to
his Ministers, or withdraws it after it had been
vouchsafed to them, and that such a calumny
meets no refutation, direct or indirect,—what
follows? Why, it ceases to be considered a
calumny. It acquires the importance and
ascendancy of truth, and the people, believing
that the Ministers arein reality held cheap by their
gracious Master, begin to think in sober earnest
that it is time for subjects to imitate their King's
example : so that, in fact, this wretched slander,
which we know to be one, works destruction to
its objects, from their own phlegm, vacillation,
or negligence. As friends—and active, and we
may say most useful, friends—of Ministers, we
call upon them to strike at once the death-blow
of their enemies, and publish without delay a
liberal creation of Peers. Nothing less will sa-
tisfy the people of England—nothing less will
carry the Bill even to the second reading in the
Lords—nothing less will save the country
from convulsion,—a convulsion caused by
utter despair of finding in either of the
recognised parties of public men, a single
effective, and at the same time constitutional
and freedom-loving statesman, on whom the na-
tion can place any solid reliance. If King Wil-
liam had withheld from his Minister the requi-
site authority to add to the minority in the
House of Lords, it would have been the solemn
duty of that Minister at once to resign. Lord
Grey's continuance in office, therefore, would
be to his friends an ample demonstration that
he had obtained what he demanded of his Royal
Master; even if, what we affirm distinctly is not
true, there were no other evidence of that most
important fact. The Sovereign has announced
—long ago announced—his sanction of this
essential exercise of the prerogative ; and the
people of England have a right to ask, why
does not the King's Minister give them (the
nation) the full advantage of his Majesty's
condescension thus graciously bestowed ? The
enemy deny that the King has consented, and
appearances will, we confess, be in their favour,
until the Ministers shall undeceive the country
by some decisive act. To us the delay is alto-
gether inexplicable, unless on the supposition
that some wrong-judging or wrong-feeling—some
timid, or cringing, or perverse mind, void of all
true energy, should have set his vis inertice
against the moving power of the Cabinet, and
should rather have served to harass than to sus-
tain the Premier. Once more we join the friends
of Lord Grey's Cabinet—that is, still the greater
portion of the people of England—in calling
upon his Lordship to disprove, by some bold
act, the inauspicious rumours, or it will be taken
pro confesso that they are not unfounded.—
Times.

It is more than probable that the Mayor and
Corporation of Bristol would gladly have availed
themselves of Mr. Perceval's expedient for de-
bating with closed doors, had it been lawful so to
suppress the proceedings of military Courts-
martial of this country. Whoever takes the
trouble to read the evidence delivered by Major
Beckwith, of the 14th Dragoons, will find an
edifying explanation of the fact which was stated
by two former witnesses—viz., that his Worship
the Mayor had given orders that nobody should
tell " where to find him !" Indeed the gallant
Major of the 14th appears to have discovered
the worshipful Chief Magistrate and his col-
leagues in no very savoury plight. Major Beck-
with, on repairing to the Council-house found the
Mayor and special Magistrates " stupified" (we
forget whether he used any second phrase), " stu-
pified with terror." On being urged by Majorßeck-
with to accompany him, and aford the necessary
sanction to an armed force, " they all refused
to do so, saying that it would make them un-
popular" ! (precious public officers) ~ and
would cause their " property to be destroyed"!
(magnanimous doodles). Moreover, and above
all things, their Worships. had never learned
" to ride," save only one.of them, and " he had
not been for eighteen years on horseback" !
Such are the persons to screen whose selfish
timidity brave and estimable officers must be
pjuot upon d
gea
of their
he trial. W
Court
0 fKe i
okgto,is now
Benchnot whatma h y
sayt e
to their minor brethren, the Bristol Magistrates,
when, if ever, this case of imbecility and mis-
behaviour shall be brought before them. With a
city still in ashes, and .proof on oath that the
Mayor ran away to hide hiinself, when his duty
was to appear at the head of the military, and by
his influence and presence to assist them in stop-
ping the devastation, is it credible that we shall
now be put off with the
thatjudicialhe can
dictum,
that Ithat corruption or dishonesty must be proved
against a Magistrate, otherwise
criminal motives corrup-
no manner and by no means be punished ?
malice,
The law oftenedn°
tion, fraud,
an
against the King's ,subjects, who happen not to
be- • Magistrates-, and finds the demonstration of
•
the criminal Motive in
.the mischievous act Itself.
Here' was t'filnetionary,—nay, a whOle batch of
fifty''tgl i intendsther

functionaries,—first absconding, that he might
not be accessible, and next alleging as an excuse
for the grossest violation of his duty, that the
discharge of it would "render him unpopular."
How fortunate for the country has it been, that
the municipal authorities of Manchester have so
well redeemed the reputation of the civil power,
degraded as it was by those of Bristol ! It is,
indeed, unquestionable, that had but two or
three individuals gifted with common manhood
and sagacity been in office at the commencement
of the riots there, not a single house could have
been destroyed, or life sacrificed either by the
sword or gallows. A corporation Reform is, we
trust, at hand.—Times.
The skill and industry with which the foreign
affairs of the British Government have been
managed- since the Reform Ministers came into
office are worthy of the highest praise, and their
organs of the Press are laudably zealous in their
efforts to exhibit to the world the admirable
talent, assiduity, and success which have cha-
racterised the whole diplomatic proceedings of
his Majesty's present Administration. It would
indeed argue great want of discrimination and
generosity on the part of the British people if
they required to be informed of the conspicuous
merits of a Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
like Lord Palmerston, yet we commend our Mi-
nisterial contemporaries for the great care they
take that the eminent qualities of this functionary
shall not be overlooked. When was there
ever such a Foreign Secretary ? Why only
the other night he sat at his office from eleven
o'clock till three, some say till four o'clock
—but these last we fear are flatterers—waiting
the arrival of the ratification by three of the
principal Powers of Europe of an important
treaty. Let it, however, be only three o'clock,
and how, we beg to ask, can the nation ever re-
pay this extraordinary anxiety and diligence in
its concerns ? To be sure the ratifications did
not come, but what of that ? If they had come
would he not have been there to receive the n ?
And was it any fault of his that they did not
arrive ? He expected them, no doubt, or he
would not have waited so long, and his disap-
pointment enhances his claims upon the gratitude
of the nation, for how vexatious it must have
been to sit so long in a cheerless office for no-
thing, when he might have been so much
better employed sleeping or waltzing. Posi-
tively the Noble Lord must have a pension,
or the British nation will lay under the re-
proach of being the most thankless people
that ever existed. But we should do scanty
justice to the public services of this distin-
guished Statesman if we confined our praise
to the painful and dreary vigil to which he sub-
mitted upon this occasion. Had he not with
singular generosity and pre-eminent prudence
made a present of the sum of five millions sterl-
ing of the public money of Great Britain to one
of the Powers, and to that one whose decision
would most have influenced the rest, in order to
induce that Power to concur in the Treaty ?
Had he not, unlike the race of procrastinating
and tardy politicians, taken time by the forelock,
adopted in its most liberal sense the maxim, his
dat qui cite dat, and, to avert the possibility of
disappointment, positively paid the interest of
the above sum, the gage and earnest of the ca-
pital, beforehand ? Political combinations, how-
ever skilfully formed, are, as long experience
attests, liable to disappointment, and it hap-
pened unfortunately that Lord Palmerston
was disappointed. But those übviginigiveri
ieatomnnudecsriailt:m.poaeeyfrtrihhstfloiannvovkes;
mitonlynhigiisi
aotnnowys hopofrommj
drawbackuoodnt geeye
money, and
his
oabys
do
them
btjt hri
oeesttseireal
sitting up till four o'clock in the morning,
anxiously
to u
ieexpected stly awaitin
g, although,fruitsof h
alaso!
uint
ty .
And
proved in
vain,
what were those objects ? Were they not ob-
jects of such deep importance to the vital inte-
rests of the country that every well :judging
Englishman who reflects upon them for a mo-
ment must feel his sympathy with the Noble
Lord's disappointment thereby enlivened, and his
estimate of the Noble Lord's stupendous efforts
in the same degree enhanced ? Was not one of
them to weaken the national power and mortify
the national pride of the Dutch—of a nation
which, in former times, by its wicked and per-
verse attachment to the vain chimeras of national
independence and the balance of power, has se-
duced the British Government into frequent wars,
and never once has had the virtue to administer
the edifying and profitable lesson of deser-
tion during their eventful and fluctuating pro-
gress? Was it not another of those objects
to exalt and strengthen the new kingdom of
Belgium, which has all the merit of having
sprung from the pure and holy bosom of insur-
rection, the existence of which undoes part at
least of what Great Britain accomplished by a
glorious but anti-revolutionary war of a quarter
of a century's duration, the growth and pro-
sperity of which are required to enforce the va-
luable doctrine, that human happiness can be
best promoted by revolution ? Was it not ano-
ther and still greater object to arrest the revo-
lutionary movement in France at the exact point
at which it could continue serviceable to the
glorious cause of Reform in Great Britain ?
What was five millions of money, what ;yds
Lord Palmerston's sleepless night, in comparison
with objects of such stupendous value ? And
is it to be believed that there is a man
in England who can withhold from the
Noble Lord the tribute_ of his gratitude and
admiration for the zeal, the energy, the perse-
verance, with which they have been pursued ?
Should any one be so fastidious as to say
that a Foreign Secretary of the King of England
would have better consulted the dignity of his
Royal Master by going quietly to bed than by
sitting up all night waiting the arrival at Down-
ing-street of a Russian messenger, our only reply
is, look at the grandeur of the objects at stake.
fe.cEolitiogmlainsdt
,spaenadk of the
ld any
whether they could well afford to make a present
distressSh ouchheu peoplerl of
to the Northern Autocrat of so large a sum of
money, again we triumphantly appeal to the vast
importance of the national interests which Lord
Palmerston had in view. If he has failed how
could he help it ? Did he not give the money ?
Did he not sit up all night ? Then let them at
once give up their futile objections, and unite
with us in extolling, as they deserve, the tran-
scendent and unprecedented merit, a merit wholly
independent of success, of the Noble Secretary
and his fellow-labourers in the great cause of
their country's welfare and glory.—Morn. Post.

POPULAR REVOLUTION.—The popular
party is near its defeat when the moderate chiefs are forced
to subdue the spirit of the more ardent. Frightened at
some blameable menses committed by their partisans,
they deprive themselves of all vigour in order to suppress
diem ; they disarm those by whose strength they have
conquered; they distrust their friends, and confide in their.
enemies.—Dr. Lardner's Cabinet Cycloptadia, Vol.
Sismondi's History of the Italian Republics.

Mr. MARRIOTT asked her if she could swear posi-
tively that Mr. Fordham did not give her the
sovereign, and whether she had any doubt on her
mind ?—The prosecutrix said that she could swear
positively that he did not give her the sovereign.
The prosecutrix Underwent a long examination,
but her testimony was not shaken; and Mr.
MARRIOTT said that she had given her testimony
with great propriety.
A man named Benjamin was examined—He said
that he was in the shop at the time when the
pfkoners came in for the oranges ; he did not see
Mr. Fordham give a sovereign; if he had paid a
sovereign, he must have seen it.
Police constable Mumford, of the A division, No.
16, stated, that he was called by the prosecutrix to
take Mr. Fordham into custody ; when she told
him the charge he requested him to walk with him
to the station-house, and the charge was taken b)
Serjeant Redmond.
Mr. Tatham, sen., the father of Mr. Edward Ta-
tham, here stepped forward, and said that Mr. Ford-
ham was a highly respectable gentleman, and that
when he was informed of the charge made against
him, he went to Colonel Rowan, the Commissioner
of Police, at a club-house in Pall-mall, and in-
formed him of the circumstance, requesting his ad-
vice hew to act, and to know whether his friend
could not be bailed; Colonel Rowan, after listening
to bum patiently, said that it was a nice point of
law, but he would give him a letter to his colleague,
Mr. Mayne, who was a barrister, and better able to
give his opinion on the case than he was; the letter
was written, and he took it to Mr. Mayne, who,
after hearing the detail of the nature of the case,
wrote a letter to the inspector of the A division on
duty, desiring him to liberate Mr. Fordham on his
own recognizance to appear at Queen-square Police-
office in the morning. Mr. Fordham was accord-
ingly liberated, and he had now come voluntarily
forward to meet any charge that might be preferred
against him.
Mr. MARRIOTT expressed his astonishment that
such ea order should be given, and that a man un-
der so serious a charge should be set at liberty,
without proper bail was taken for his appearance.
lie hoped that it would go forth to the public.
Mr. Goodyear, the inspector of the A division,
said, that knowing the respectability of the parry,
he had taken upon himself to let him go on his own
recognizances to appear the next morning.
Mr. MARRIOTT condemned the conduct of the
inspector, and said that he had acted highly im-
proper in letting the prisoner go without taking bail ;
and that if Mr. Tatham had not come forward, he
should have felt it his duty to have issued a warrant
for his apprehension.
A respectable gentleman, whose name we could
riot learn, here stepped forward, and said that he
was well acquainted with both the prisoners. From
their well-known respectable characters and their
connexions, he considered it en impossibility they
could have been guilty of such an offence as that
laid to their charge.

Mr. MARRIOTT asked the prisoners if they wished
tosayMr.ln'oit•dhhinagrainsaitdhetirhadtefietn‘cvea; perfectly true that
he
went into the shop with his friend, and purchased
two shillings' worth of orange!. Finding that he
had only one shilling in silver in his pocket, and a
few sovereigns, he asked Mrs. Tompkins for change
for a sovereign, which he gave her. She gave him
the change, he was ready to admit ; but that he paid
her the sovereign previously he could swear to.
With regard to his offeringintggied nihoat
rhoveeetrtagoke
ai
do
onthew with
sovereignhethrs ot
evthneaerte sove-
reigns bu-
siness;
tlu
e
e.station-house, it was perfectly correct. He did se
because he did not wish to be troubled with the
snt e
s"s; t and
ta
when
hadwould
s hneo willinglynothing
refused
without lie admitted that he had not paid her, he in-
dignantly refused ; because he considered that such
an admission, when he was confident in his own
mind that he had paid her, would be a slur on him.
Mr. MARRIOTT commented on the case at some
length ; he said, that if poor men had been brought
before him upon such a charge, supported by the
same testimony, lie should have committed them for
trial; and, although the prisoners were rich men, it
made no difference with him, and he felt it his duty
to commit them to take their trial at the next Wes-
tminster Sessions.

The parties were then bound over to prosecute.
The prisoners were quite astonished at the deci-
sion, and an application was immediately made, by
their Wends, that they might be admitted to bail.
Mr. MARRIOTT, after consulting with the Bench,
consented to take bail for their appearance at the
Sessions.
A gentleman inquired what bail would be required.
Mr. MARRIOTT said that he should require the
prisoners to enter into their own recognizances in
the sum of 100/., and to find two sureties each in
the sum of 50/.

Bail was immediately put in and the prisoners
were discharged.

Mr. Forditam is an elderly gentleman, of the
highest respectability and character. He is an ex-
tensive landholder, and, with his family, has come
to London on a visit to Mr. Tatham, and to receive
his dividends from the public funds.

Mr. BERKELEY PORTMAN has, we are told,
presented a fine exatnple to his neighbours. In order to
enable the farmers on his numerous estates in the counties
of Dorset and Somerset to pay proper wages to their la-
bourers, he has given them back 25 per cent. of their last
year's payment of rent. He has also, we are informed,
discharged most of his gamekeepers, and allowed his
tenants to kill the game on their respective farms. If the
Tory landowners would follow this example, instead of
straining their tenants to raise the means of attempting
further opposition to the Reform candidate, they would
gain more real power in the end. We have heard that
Mr. PORTMAN will follow up his excellent conduct to his
tenants, by assisting in the formation of schools of industry
in the various parishes in which he is a landowner. Self-
supporting schools will do more for the agricultural pea•
sentry, and in the end for the farmers and the landlords,
than schools of any other description. The peasantry, greatly
dismayed as they have been by the abuse of the. poor-laws,
require some restorative measure of this description.

CHELTENHAM

Per Bushel. s. d. to s. d.
Wheat -0 8 0

A 11K ET.—Jan. 31.
Pet lb. d. to d
6 7
5 7
5 • '7
6 7
0 0

Barley 4 0 5 6
Oats 4 0 4 3
Beans
Pease 5 0 7.0
Hay 3l. 10s.

Beef
Mutton
Veal

PI. soft% ........... ... . . . . . . .
to SI. 15s. Od. per ton.

LEWES MARKET.—Jan.3I.
White Wheat (per quarter).......... £3 6 0 to £3 8 0
Red ditto 2 18 0 3 0 0
1 17 0 1 19 0
100 1 1 0
1 17 0 1.18 .0
12.10 0 per thousand.

Oil Cake, New.

DUMFRIES MA,
s.d. s.d. s.d. s. d.
Wheat, Imp. Bush... 7 0 to 7 6 Butter, 16oz 0 0 to 0 0
Barley ......... ........... 3 63
23 98 Eggs,Beef dpeorzelbn..... ......
00 04 00 s
0
0
Flour, 141 b.
Oatmeal
Potatoes, cwt.........., 1 0 1 4 ou:dem Lost 0 7 0 9

.KElS.—Jan 25

NORWICH, Jan. 28.
Wheat (per qr.) 555. 625. 666. Beans (per qr.) 42s.Barley 245. 365. 386. Pease, Grey,.......345.385.
Oats "Vs 26s 28s Flour, fine (per sack) 475. 496.