The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-08 00:00:00

party who sit below the gangway are of opinion that
dissolutions of Parliament are always to be deprecated.
(Cheers and laughter.) That distrust of the people I thought
was confined to the educated classes. (Cheers.) I know the
noble lord the member for London never hears of a dissolution
of Parliament but he rises to condemn it; and that is per-
fectly in harmonywith the political views of the party—the
educated party—to which we are indebted for the Septennial
Act. (Cheers.) But I was not prepared to hear that all the
re-combined sections of that party are of opinion that fre-
quent dissolutions of Parliament are unwise and reckless.
(Cheers.) But lam very glad the noble lord, in the manly
and promising speech he has made (hear, hear) has limited
his objections to the dissolution and its policy, and has not
condescended to intrude upon the house that trash of which
we have heard so much with regard to the conduct of the
elections, the corruptions of the constituencies, and the com-
pacts with foreign powers and hierarchies. (Cheers.) Per-
haps the noble lord thought the subject had been exhausted
by .a master. (Laughter.) Perhaps he thought if he had,
without sufficient examination, indulged in such statements,
he might have been liable to the replies that followed them.
(Hear, hear.) Now Parliament has met lam glad to find
that this question is, at least, discussed in the spirit of
gentlemen—(hear, hear)—with high party views and on
broad constitutional principles. There was a statement that
came from a great authority, and which I know exercised
considerable influence on the public mind, far it was made
at a very apropos moment, when it was supposed it would
have great influence on the borough elections. I was at that
time very much engaged, and probably read the public prints
with more haste than I ought to have done, but I read that
statement because I took an interest both in the locality
where it was made and the individual who Made it. In reed-
it)... it I did mistake the speech which appears to have been
made by a distinguished member of this house for that of the
young gentleman he was introducing to his constituents.
(Great laughter and cheers.) When I read that charge upon
the Ministry which I was told was to be the basis of a vote of
want of confidence in Parliament, and which was made with-
out the slightest foundation and with a bitterness which
seemed to me to be perfectly gratuitous—(hear)—l naturally
said young men will be young men. Youth will be, as we
all know, somewhat reckless in assertion, and when we are
juvenile and curly—(laughter)—one takes a pride in sarcasm
and invective—(laughter)—one feels some interest in a
young relative of a distinguished member of this house, and
though the statements were not very agreeable to her Ma-
jesty's Ministers, I felt that lie was a chip of the old block.
(Great laughter and cheers.) I felt—and I hope my col-
leagues shared in the sentiment—that when that young
gentleman entered this house, he might, when gazing upon
the venerable form, and listening to the accents ofbenignant
wisdom that fell, and aleiays fall, from the lips of the right
hon. gentleman the member for Carlisle— (laughter)—he
might learn how reckless assertion in time might mature
into accuracy of statement, and howbitterness and invective,
however organic, can be controlled by the vicissitudes of a
wise experience. (Laughter and cheers.) Yet the state-
ments made in that speech of the right hon. gentleman have
been circulated in every form, and for a time have been
credited in every quarter in this country. The public
have really believed that a corrupt Administration has
been obtaining returns from the hustings by the vilest
means, and for the most infamous purposes. (Hear, hear.)
They have believed that the allowance to innkeepers for
the billeting of soldiers—(laughter)—was absolutely in-
creased at the arbitrary will of a War Minister, in order to
bribe the publicans to vote for Government candidates
—(laughter)—though every gentleman in this house must
be perfectly aware that their predecessors had passed the
act by which that increase of allowance was constitutionally
made, and that the increase had been for some time in opera-
tion. (Hear.) The public did believe that barracks were
builtand contracts given, when contracts were never entered
into and when barracks were never built. (Hear, hear, and
a laugh.) The public really did believe that my Lord Derby
had subscribed—had boasted, to use the language of the
right hon. gentleman, of having subscribed £20,000 to a
fund to manage the elections. (A laugh.) Lord Derby has
treated that assertion with silent contempt. (Cheers.) All
the other assertions made at the time have been answered in
detail, and therefore I suppose he thought the time would
come when he could leave it to me to say for him, what I do
say now, that that statement was an impudent fabrication.
(Loud and repeated cheers.) But what are all these con •
tracts with innkeepers to the compact with the Pope ?
(Laughter.) Why, next to nothing. It is not an agree •
able duty to have to listen to statements made until Parlia-
ment meets by Privy Councillors, by men who have filled
the highest offices of State, and, for aught -I know, who
may be about to fill high offices of State, but upon which
the moment Parliament meets every one is silent. (Hear,
hear.) Neither the mover nor the seconder of this great
indictment of want of confidence condescends oven to men-
tion them. (Hear,) And yet the charge is a weighty one.
Is it true that Lord Derby has entered into any compact
or understanding with any hierarchy in this country, or
with any agent of any foreign Prince, to influence the elec-
tion of our own country ? These are statements which
ought not to be made by persons of eminence without some
examination. (Cheers.) I state, in a manner the most
unequivocal and unequivocating, that there has been no
compact of that kind—(hear, hear)—and that the support
that was given in many instances to the members on this
side of' the house at the late general election by our fellow-
subjects professing the Roman Catholic faith was given,
not only without compact and without conditions, but was
given without even communication with her Majesty's Go-
vernment. (Cheers.) And I take it for granted that those
who supported us under these circumstances, as the other
subjects of her Majesty, had formed their own fair opinion,
right or wrong, on public men and on public policy. But it
seems that the civil and religious liberty granted to the
Roman Catholics; especially with the aid of the noble lord,
means civil and religious liberty to vote for Whigs and to
support Whig candidates. (Laughter and cheers.) The mo-
ment a British or Irish subject professing the Roman Catho-
lic religion votes fora. Tory, it is quite clear that gentlemen
opposite meditate again the revival even of those penal laws,
for the repeal of which they assume so much credit to them-
selves. (Laughter-and cheers.) Now, I have touched upon
the two grounds upon which this vote of want of confidence
recommends itself to the house—this vote of want of con-
fidence in the unusual form of an amendment to the Ad-
dress in answer to the gracious Speech from the Throne.
First of all, it is said that in many instances our
measures failed in Parliament; but that was the very
ground upon which a new Parliament has been called upon
to assemble. (Hear, hear.) Secondly, it is said that we
advised her Majesty to dissolve Parliament, which, in the
opinion of the noble lord, was an unwise and reckless
measure ; but that, in fact, is the very question at issue.
And now what are the other Founds ? What has occurred
since the dissolution to justify this amendment of
the noble lord ? The conduct, it is said, of our foreign
affairs. It appears that the negotiations which were in
progress when the late Parliament was dissolved have proved
unsuccessful, and that war between some of the Powers of
Europe has ensued. As far as I could collect the meaning
of the noble lord—though I must say he showed considerable
diplomatic ability himself in the shadowy manner in which
he framed that part of his indictment—there is, no doubt,
some foundation for his statement ad invidiarn that we had
been unsuccessful in the management of our foreign rela-
tions, that our negotiations, which had been undertaken to
avert war, had not preserved peace. The noble lord and
his friends have a right to the opinion or the suspicion that
our conduct of our foreign relations since the commence-
ment of this year have not been carried on and conducted
with ability; but, surely, the grounds upon which an
opinion on that subject should be formed are the ample
documents which I am about immediately to lay upon the
table of the house. (Cheers.) Surely the noble lord,
although he is a party man—and I do not honour' the noble
lord the less because he is a party man, for I look upon
party as the best security for our Parliamentary govern-
ment and for our public liberty—(hear, hear)— surely the
noble lord as a party man will not lay it down as a prin-
ciple that he and his friends, even if he had a majority,
should decide upon negoliations without reading and study-
ing the documents which can alone inform him. (Cheers.)
Would the noble lord, as a party man, say that success is
the only test of ability in negotiation, and that the Govern-
ment that has failed in the conduct of a negotiation to avert
war is not worthy to conduct the affairs of this country ?
(Hear, hear.) Is that the principle which the noble lord
Thewould in swisetrutphoan? is. t
heelibriesktehne
outonl yinenEeurleeftp,eahnadepbroebenabvlyeriyt
recently preceded by another war. It is only four years
since a war took place, not betgreaieep, two of our allies, but
between
er t
there
ui this
ou nt country and
negotiations a
military Power—Russia.
Were
prevent war
ewraresp?on(sHibeialirt.)
Was not the stake infinitely
greater toen
n
proportionately increased when it was our own
enimmediatye
action that was at stake, and our o
im-
portantwn question of peace or war that was at issue (Hear,
the
hear.) Well, I want to know who were thenthe Ministers.
We were not responsible for those negotiations. (Hear.)
The Government at that time was not a Government it :a
minority. That was not a Government formed of men of
inferior abilities and of deficient experience. (Hear, hear.)
On the contrary, it was presided over by a wise and cele-
brated European statesman, Lord Aberdeen, who had him-
self assisted in the construction of those famous treaties of
1815, of which we hear so much now-a-days. He had for
arY a distinguished statesman who had
in the service of the Crown, and
hfilisledFothreeighnigSheecertet
offices
had been ambassador at great Courts. Who is to be your
Foreign Secretary I don't know, but a very distinguished
man indeed is my Lord Clarendon. You had, then, Lord
Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon, men of admirable ability
and experimice, to conduct your negotiations. But had
you nobody else? (Laughter.) Why,there was the noble lord
the member for Tiverton, who, like Coriulanus, showed his
wounds yesterday, and is an avowed candidate for power.
He is of opinion—as some others are toe—that he has some
knowledge of foreign affairs, and he takes every opportu-
nity of intimating that he is the only man who can wage war
or preserve peace. Lord Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon had
the assistance of the member for Tiverton. I will say
nothing of the noble lord the member for London, because
his experience as Foreign Secretary is but limited. (Laugh-
ter.) Well, what did the member for Tiverton, and Lord
Aberdeen, and Lord Clarendon do in the way of negotiation
is
so
really
not yet forgetten in England.
prevent the war? Why, the shame of those negotiations
State paper of Vienna is not yet
You had greatentirely blotted out of the
consciousness of the people of • (Loud cheers.)
you had a majority
me
exertionnoParliament;
and ;
(Cheers.) The
advantages,
this country.
i and you signally failed ,
stake to urge you
yteot
and experienced statesu you had a still greater
responsibility, and
(Cheers.) You had somethingy weret oy ou
increase had
yourwiswise
utterly discomfited.
our poor means to preserve peace more than we had with
numerous and fairly ambitious, frut i You had an Opposition
negotiations that Opposition did not n the midst of your,
of want of confidence nor bring forward votes
Propose cunning
embarrass the public service. (Loud cheers.) resolutions to
We aided
you in your difficulties, and supported
truly. (Cheers, and a cry of No.") Is tyhoeu heartily and
murmur "No ?" I defy any man to be re any one can
during that war in which we brought for 'rig an instance
forward a single
tion to embarrass you; and whenby your generalmisgovern-
ment and misconduct of the war there arose a pic out-
cry which called for your fall, it was a memberu
on
own side of the house who struck the blow, and itwayse4
the votes of several sections of the Liberal party that you
-
were ejected from office. (Cheers.) So much, then, for the
third ground on which this vote of want of confidence is
rested. I think I have shown the house that that ground
cannot be urged with plausibility even to the public of
Carlisle, which believes in compacts with the Pope, and
which Credits the most monstrous assertions, if they are only
circulated on high authority. There is still one more ground
on which the noble lord rested the vindication of the line
which he no is ' taking, and that is the failure of our late
measure for the amendment of the representation of the
people, and the ground consequent on that failure—of our
insufficiency to deal with the question of Parliamentary Re-
form. It is unnecessary that I should attempt for a moment
to vindicate the measure which we brought forward in the
last Parliament,, but I will state one fact, not upon my own
on authority, but the authority of men of the highest scien-
tific character, not connected with politics nor with parties,
whose only object in their researches is to establish and
promulgate truth—and that is that our measure,woßld

least have increased the constituent body by not less than
500,000, being absolutely a larger addition -than was made
by the Reform Bill of 1832. There were great objections
to details, but still upon matters no doubt of importance,
urged against that measure. was said, for instance, that
it would disfranchise county freeholders living in towns,
that it would enable votes to be given by papers, and
other objections were made to it. Admitting, for the sake
of argument, that these propositions perfectly deserved the
condemnation they received, have no propositions to amend
the representation of the people been coupled and connected
.with propositions which were equally unsuccessful and
equally condemned ? (Cheers.) Why don't we hear pf
them ? Why are we always told of our unhappy proposal
to disfranchise freeholders and to give votes by papers ? The
noble lord the member for the city has been in office almost
all his life—he has had a monopoly of this question of re-
form—he has been -handling it and fumbling it as long as
I can remember. He has brought forward bills twice un-
successfully. He proposed at one time—lie, the great
patron of the working classes—to disfranchise all the free-
men in England. (Hear, hear.) Why should not that
proposition be urged as a reason for no longer entrusting
him.with the preparation of a Reform Bill? (Cheers.)
In one bill he introduced a proposition hostile to the
principles on which representative Government is esta-
blished, and alien to the spirit of the constitution—repre-
sentation by minorities. If there ever was a proposition re-
ceived with universal condemnation that was it. Why
should not that disqualify the noble lord from meddling
with this question again? The noble lord, who cannot for
a moment tolerate government by a minority, within my
memory sat on these benches, and led this house in an
avows vj minority, resting entirely on the counsel and sup-
port which he received from Sir R. Peel. The noble lord,
whois so constant in his denunciations of government by a
minority, himself proposed to change the English constitu-
tion, and give representation to minorities. (Cheers.) I sup-
pose he is the only person who.can be entrusted with the
preparation of a Reform Bill, because the other noble lord,
the member for Tiverton, does not like the subject.
(Laughter.). It is 'one to which he does not conceal his dis-

inclination. We, who, at least, have prepared and intro-
duced a measure which would more than have doubled the
constituency of the kingdom, are never to be allowed to give
our opinions on a measure of this kind, while the noble lord
who scarcely conceals his opinion that all Parliamentary
Reform is a bad thing, and who tells you that if you are to
have it you shall have as little as possible, is the popular
candidate for the command of what we were told yesterday
are now " the united sections of the Liberal party."
(Laughter.) I congratulate the hon. member for Birming
ham on the lamb-like manner in which he abdicated those
portentous opinions which a while ago flighted the island
from its propriety. (Cheers.) I have now gone through
the five grounds on which the noble lord and his friends rest

heir care for a verdict of want of confidence in the Minis-

try. I have shown that the arguments founded oz the failure
of many of our measures in the last Parliament is one which
should rather be urged in favour of a verdict of confidence
from this Parliament, because, as it was in consequence of
the late Parliament not sanctioning and supporting our
measures that a new Parliament was called, we have a right
to count upon the constitutional confidence of the Horse of
Commons in that respect. I have shown to the house that
the charge founded upon the " unwise and reckless mea-
sure of dissolution" rests on no substantial foundation.
and I have shown incidentally that the charges which, dur-
ing the recess, have been industriously bruited about as
grounds for requiring a public investigation, and for pass-
ing a vote of want of confidence, are fabrications, without a
tittle of evidence, and are entirely undeserving the credit of
any sensible man. I have, I hope, shown the house that
to pass a vote of 'want of confidence in us because our nego-
tiations have failed to preserve peace would be so flagrantly
and manifestly unjust, when you have no documents on
which you can found an opinion, and when those documents
will immediately be in your hands, that gentlemen opposite
cannot rest their vote upon that ground. I think I have
shown the house also that if our unfortunate treatment of
the question of Parliamentary Reform disqualifies us for the
confidence of the house, the noble lord our predecessor in
that enterprise is not more entitled to confidence upon that
subject, and that the other noble lord, his rival or his col-
league—l know not which—is not entitled to the confidence
of the house upon that question in the slightest degree ;
while the hon. member for Birmingham by his prudent re-
tirement from public is now entirely out of the question.
(Cheers and a laugh.) Raving made these observations in
reply to the noble lord the member for North Lancashire,
I hope that the house will not think it intrusive if, before I
sit down, I venture to say something upon the character of
the gracious Speech, and upon the intentions of the Govern-
ment. There are two main topics in that Speech which
greatlyinterest—thoughperhaps at this moment not equally
—the public mind. The first is with regard to the policy
which we shall pursue in our foreign relations, and the next
is with respect to the question of Parliamentary Reform:
Now, the gracious Speech, and the address which has been
moved with so much ability by my hon. friend behind me,
clearly and unequivocally state our policy with respect to
the first subject. We have endeavoured in every possible
manner to preserve peace. I shall be happy and 1-eady
when the time arrives, and when the papers are in the
hands of hon. members, thoroughly to vindicate the conduct
of the Government on that head. (Cheers.) I challenge
inquiry, and all I ask is, that the house shall not decide
upon a question so momentous in the absence of all docu-
ments, and when it is impossible that any one can speak
with any general satisfaction ; and if I make one or two
observations upon the point it is only because the subject
has been introduced and enforced by the noble lord, and be-
cause I wish to correct one or two most erroneous impres
sions which appear to exist. I retain, then, the opinion
which I expressed in the late Parliament, that the vote at
which the house arrived on the resolution of the noble lord
the member for London had a serious influence at that mo-
ment on our negotiations. (Cheers.) I shall be able to
prove it, but I only allude to it now in vindication of myself
because the noble lord the member for North Lancashire
has introduced some observations upon it. I said at that
time, and I repeat now, that that vote destroyed all autAority
on the part of the Government of this country as a Govern-
ment; but it did not destroy all our influence with the Em-
peror of the French at that time, because, although as the
mere Government of England we had no authority, we yet
did represent a principle which greatly regulated the con-
duct and influenced the feelings of the Emperor of the
French. The Emperor of the French was governed at that
moment, and had been, and generally is, by public opinion.
The opinion of France was against war • the, opinion of
England, which he esteems only next to that of France, was
against war; the opinion of enlightened Europe, I may say,
was against war. Therefore, though our authority as a Mi-
nistry had ceased, yet, representing that principle of public
opinion which the Emperor recognised, our representations
were still listened to with respect, and upon that ground,
notwithstanding the vote which the house came to, we still
could influence, as we did influence, the conduct of the Em-
peror of the French. (Hear, hear.) BUt as regards Austria,
from whom neither the noble lord nor ourselves anticipated
at that moment the immediate mischief, she was not at all
influenced by public opinion. With Austria we entirely
ceased to have any authority, being a Government con-
demned, and she laboured under the conviction—no doubt a
most unjust conviction, though, so far as negotiations were
concerned, it operated as a positive fact—that our imme-
diate successors would be a Ministry favourable to war,
and to war directed against herself. Therefore it was that
Austria, not caring any longer for the influence of the
English Ministry, whom she looked upon as a dead body,
and caring nothing for public opinion, took the rash and
unfortunate step which every one must now deplore.
(Hear, hear.) In this sense, then, I contend that I was
perfectly justified in the statement which I made, and it
will be seen at the proper time, in the course of future dis-
cussions, 'that it was a perfectly authentic statement.
(Hear.) The house will allow me also to notice one more
point, which is personal to myself. It has been charged
against me that on the eve of a dissolution of Parliament I
made a statement respecting the then state of our negotia-
tions and prospects, and that I expressed an opinion which,
was still favourable to peace notwithstanding that the war
then was more than imminent. Now, I beg to state to the
house—and I dare say the circumstance may easily be re-
called to many gentlemen who were members of the late
Parliament—that it so happened that a few moments only
before I rose to make that statement a telegram arrived
from Lord Cowley, which was immediately forwarded to
me here, informing us that the Emperor of the French had
entirely adopted the principle of disarmament before the
Congress, which was one which Austria had insisted on as
the foundation of a satisfactory settlement. And not only
that, but that Count Walewski had that moment tele-
graphed to Sardinia, urging her, in a manner which he felt
she could not resist, to accept the same principle. Was I
not justified, then, under the circumstances, in assuring the
house that there was still a prospect of peace before us ?
(Hear, hear.) Was I net further fortified in that assurance
when, the next day, a telegram arrived from Sardinia,
accepting that proposition, which it was supposed to be im-
possible that she could agree to 3 (Cheers.) Having failed
in those negotiations—and, as I hope I may say, with no
discredit or dishonour to our counsels—what is the course
that we have pursued ? We have adopted the principle of
strict and impartial neutrality—(cheers)--we have endea-
voured to act in the spirit of that principle, and it would be
impossible to offer a shadow of proof in favour of the oppo-
site statement, that in the course which we have adopted
and the counsels we have given we have ever had either
an Austrian or a French bias. (Cheers.) And I believe
that the sincere feeling of both those Powers, irritated as
they must be by the position in which they find them-
selves, is to do us complete justice upon that subject.
But .of course, though the policy of strict and impar-
tial neutrality is demanded by the interests of this
country, and is, I am sure, sanctioned by the public voice,
we have felt it our duty to place the Sovereign, by her com-
mand at sea and by the completion of her armaments, in
such a position that her authority will be felt and fully re-
cognised.
fleetswi3wcmw friendlyoeooahug n iarrwicchbr
Powers,
;a neentb, dftandrea.rteorclithaemar
restoration
ahrmCsspt
teetihahtroo,
than
imoenerwbeaagseraantehnsitbxowictll)
experience
watching
iholfmegmei
nmtnhaeehke yavanaevi
e securities
events,
osi g
rtnftanasttni
eioetnfdahroteo
tfnretmet
hhbcrho
oalelaeoaaeuy:ntsstrwytsitaiiii
intentionseiynnnhgtt
iughanlaate, fghtd continued
ooaacftepsni
he
tnentndheed, increasedortedfufarovtryonbsantaeyl.comingeuur
fostering
harnhe
d oatigeesfl
hooarntee,
Nesvoii
rni s
cicshai ooululserntfghaoer
eniitg
niats
pawopal
isne.yni
.ne
pffer md;
aenruodtt iassmueptso:
p( Co
shee e
that
s. ) T
country
isanmy
the means by which it should be carried out, I will again repeat
that it is only by an examination of the ample evidence to
be laid before you that you can form an adequate and fair
opinion. And, notwithstanding the party character of this
motion, I do not feel that a vote of want of confidence can
ever be arrived at against any Ministry in this country when
the documents in explanation of their policy, and which
are promised in her Majesty's gracious Speech, have not
been laid before the house. (Hear, hear.) Now, Sir,
will treat with little reserve of the other principal topic
referred to in the gracious Speech, Parliamentary Reform,
although it may not be so interesting on account of the
course which we have intimated we intend to pursue with
regard to it. I say at once that it is the opinion of her
Majesty's Government that it is impossible during this
session. satisfactorily to deal with that subject. (Hear,
hear.) Of course, the language of the gracious Speech is
different from that which, according to the practice of this
house, can be used by a servant of the Crown; but I now
take no refuge in ambiguous phrases, telling the house
that if certain business of great urgency can be disposed
of we think that there is a chance of dealing with the
great question of reform this session. We are of opinion
That there is no such chance, and if that be considered
by any gentleman as fair ground for censuring the Govern-
ment we are ready to meet that issue. (Hear.) If it
really be the opinion of grave and responsible statesmen in
this house that in the present condition of this country,
in the month of June,
with measures of finance of the
gravest character with measures connected with the de-
fence and armament
to be brought forwar
take that view
and give a decisionuswt t a rash and reckless
engagement to deal withlve can ente!in o
Parliamentary re-
form, I shall be immenselyof Parliamentary the question .
of the country of. the greatest urgency
• e with them
rthesephoonusisbeilitotyadoofpdtedaulirtelahn
ssfetteer
nhoe. astonished suit
(Cheers.)
ice
oure
htdl
oel ;
jebobrdesi uun. t)t
duty
i issue
s to
dictatedßouuurr
teo
recommend
by
n yo
mn althougheen ntds
tem-
perate Counsels and goodsck:s
any way wish to shrink,g the
with this question. (Hear, hear.)
asyado
viripesrleiecirssetnhte session,nob lelowrde
thedo not in
Now, even although it Ina of the Crown, from the