The Sun.
London, England, 1859-08-01 00:00:00

-
-
IN 14,
•orth
. fr...., 7
• I
-.A•v •
•
;41.4,--7-, • :17-44.
:,41P
• 31-4 -,ove SIV
-
-‘c-: • c„.
446i0
•
4 • MO -••• /4( 4*-2* re •• *unctio of
( •
* .1. -4 iv st, vOwit&;orf~ • :a,,c
- • • --- 11- 44#S-77,M1A1111i • .."tlllll3'.
4*. -dtz.•
NW' e , • • ef3'
vr- , •••
(1-19 1 V 747 I.'ll ROTT • • . .
46,0 ' ,p •
-/

f.

V

ii

of all, the most honest and moral of Gi
The nation has a right to appear w(
liberties ; and therefore all the public f7._
will allow no opportunity to escape that may prINI
vent itself of rendering homage to civil morality.
" Finally, public security will receive their
utmost attention. It often happens that atter great
wars and strong political emotions order is more ( r
less seriously compromised; it will be their duly
therefore, with the aid of the municipal authorities
and of the National Guard, which will have to be
organised in every commune, to provide for the
complete security, under the public guardianship,
of all persons and properties, whatsoever their con-
dition and nature ; bearing in mind that it is
essentially by this criterion, and with reason, that
nations measure and recognise the good criterion,
and with reason, that nations measure and recog-
nise the goodness and strength of Governments.
"In these terms the undersigned again reckons
on all the officials who, as well in the old as in the
new provinces, belong to his department, for the
diligence and co-operation essential to the fulfil-
ment of the task assigned to him.
" Turin, July 25. " U. RATAZZI."

Zei

' -

PRICE 4D. STAMPED, SD.

as irreparable, or to record by treaty the success of
any popular insurrection against her dominion.
" Yet, after the events which have occurred
since the declaration of war, it is not to be expected
that any treaty, procured by the whole force of
Germany, which should restore Austrian supre-
macy in Italy, would have in it the elements of
permanence and security.
" The Prince Regent of Prussia looks with be-
coming anxiety to the maintenance of the balance
of Power in Europe. Let us examine this matter.
The balance of power in Europe means, in effect,
the independence of its several States. The pre-
ponderance of any one Power threatens and de-
stroys this independence.
" But the Emperor Napoleon, by his Milan pro-
clamation, has declared, as Baron Schleinitz has
justly noted, that in this war he seeks neither eon-
quest nor territorial aggrandizement.
" It might, perhaps, be premature to discuss
whether the King of Sardinia should reign over
Lombardy, Modena, and Tuscany, or whether se-
veral independent States in Northern Italy should
be maintained or created.
" Be their divisions and boundaries arranged as
they may, it is the firm persuasion of her Majesty's
Government that an Italy in which the people
should be free citizens of a great country' would
strengthen and confirm the balance of power.
" The independence of States is never so secure
as when the sovereign authority is supported by
the attachment of the people.
" A sovereign maintained wholly by the force of
arms over .a disaffected people is a perpetual object
of attack to her ambitious; neighbours; and a ba-
lance of power founded on such discordant elements
gives only an unstable equilibrium.
"If Italy could be ruled over by sovereigns pos-
sessed of the affections of their people, that coun-
try, with its 25,000,000 of inhabitants, its natural
wealth, and its ancient civilisation, would, in the
opinion of her Majesty's Government, be a valuable
member of the European family.
" I must not omit to state that any settlement of
Italy would, in the eyes of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, be incomplete, which did not effect a perma-
nent reform in the administration of the States of
the Church.

OUR NATIONAL DEFENCES.

(From the Times)

When an independent member of Parliament
comes forward and presses upon the Government
that they should raise a large sum by loan, and
apply it, to the amount of many millions, to build-
ing fortifications all over the coast, it is very difficult

to believe that the Ministerial resistance is made
in good faith, and that there is no collusion between
the importunate suppliant and the self-denying
recusant. Even as Cmsar, while he put from him
the crown that Anthony Offered, almost seemed to
clutch the bauble as he refused it, so we may fancy
with what regret any Prime Minister must feel
himself compelled to reject a proposition such as
that offered on Friday night by Mr. Horsman to
Lord Palmerston. The eclat of being the first seri-
ously to attempt to put the country in an efficient
state of defence, the strength which the expendi-
ture of many millions of money must necessarily
confer on any Administration, the Parliamentary
influence it would secure, the local interests it would
conciliate, the vast amount of patronage it would
create, must all have passed in tempting review
before the mind of our Premier. Like Merlin at
the hollow oak,' he resisted for the first time the
voice of the charmer; but we trust the experiment
will not be too often repeated, lest " what should
not be should be." in the first place, before we
burden posterity with a debt of some five or six
millions for the purpose of fortifying our dockyards,
let us consider the agency we are to employ. 'When
we have voted our five or six millions, to whom al e
they to be handed over for expenditure ? Clearly,
in a great measure to the authorities of the Horse
Guards, still blushing with the glories of the
Crimea, and to our engineers. We have some ex-
perience of what these departments can do in the
way of management. We know how they besiege,
and we may easily guess how they will defend.
The idea of fortifying our dockyards is no new
one. Large sums have been voted and expended
upon it before now, with a result, as is, we
believe generally admitted, that nothing really
effective has been done, and that they remain now,
as they were before, at the mercy of an invading
army. This is not encouraging, unless we could
have some assurance that we should, contrary to all
expectation, find our money more economically ex-
pended when raised in large masses than it was
when doled out in driblets, and that our authorities
would show themselves equal to the conception and
execution of a number of large works simultaneously
undertaken, while they have shown themselves so
entirely unable to deal with smaller operations car-
ried on one at a time. The whole force of public
opinion in this country has hitherto proved unequal
to the reform of our military system. We regret
that we cannot amend, but we can, at any rate,
steer clear of the absurdity of trusting to machinery
the inefficiency of which we have proved, and
assuming that because it has been faithless over a
few things it will therefore be faithful over many
things. We sincerely believe that it would be
quite possible to expend five millions of the public
money through the agency of our present military
departments, without deriving for the public any
tangible advantage, and for this reason, if for no
other, we object most earnestly to running such a
risk. Other reasons are, however, by no means
wanting. Fortifications are things permanent and
enduring, stiff, inflexible, and unalterable, while
the art of war is changing day by day. with chame-
leon-like celerity, and has gone through , more
changes in the last five years than in the five cen-
turies that elapsed between Cressy and Waterloo.
On what principle are we to fortify ? Are we to
assume that the destructive ingenuity of mankind
is exhausted, and that, having suddenly leaped to
the discovery of conical bullets and rifled cannon, it
will rest there and go no further; If this is to be
the basis on which we are to build, there is little

" Every one knows that Rome and the Legations
have been much worse governed by the Pope's Mi-
nisters than Lombardy by Austrian Archdukes,
and that would be a partial and unsatisfactory ar-
rangement which struck down the rule of the lat-
ter, and left the former in all its deformity.
" Our views upon this subject have not been
withheld from the Government of the Emperor of
the French.
" Such being the opinions of her Majesty's Go-
vernment on the present state of affairs, they are
averse to any interposition which might either
prove fruitless in the first instance, or which might
lead to a partial and insecure settlement.
" Her Majesty used her utmost efforts, consistent
with peace, to maintain the faith of treaties. At
the last moment Austria, by an act of supreme im-
prudence, began the war, and invaded Piedmont.
From that time everything has been changed.
Austria overstepped the frontier laid down in the
treaties of 1815. It could no longer be expected
that those treaties would be regarded as binding by
France and Sardinia. Italy has been roused to war,
and is taking her part in the struggle.
" In these circumstances her Majesty's Govern-
ment are bound to take a larger view of the
whole field of contest. They will be glad; to
consult Prussia on every occasion where either
Power is of opinion that a step towards peace can
be made with good effect.
" It gives them pleasure to find that the Cabinet
of Berlin does not partake of the violent excitement
which has lately arisen in some parts of Germany,
and that in directing the efforts of the German
Confederation she is animated by an enlightened
care for the best interests of European civilisation."

CIRCULAR OF THE NEW SARDINIAN
MINISTER,

The following circular has been addressed by the
new Minister of the Interior, Signor Rattazzi, to
the Governors and the Intendants-General of
Provinces :

" The nature of the events in the midst of which
has been accomplished the annexation of Lombardy
to the Subalpine kingdom has given occasion to the
eminent men who form the Council of the Crown to
resign office; but that change does not induce any
serious variation in the politi?al direction which the
Government of the State has, with so much wisdom
and firmness, up to this time maintained.
" The sentiments which bind the King and the
country to the glorious Emperor and the Great
Nation the destinies of which he rules ; the neces-
sity of assuring, and of loyally executing, in the
interests of our common country, the conditions of
the peace ; the opportuneness of giving to the
annexed provinces the earliest possible participa-
tion in the franchises of which the old ones are in
possession—far from detaching us from it, ought to
persuade us more and more of the fitness of remain-
ing-faithful to the direction which, for more than
two lustres, has assured to us, by the union of order
with liberty, all the benefits of our political regi-
men.

danger in predicting that before the last shilling
shall have filtered through the reluctant fingers of
our schemers some new invention will render the
work useless, and oblige us once more to recom-
mence it, once more to be disappointed. All ex-
perience shows us that they who invest their money
on the faith that science has reached its limits in-
vest in a dangerous security, and commit them-
selves to the support of a falling cause.
We have mnch confidence in what may be done
by improving our defences by sea, and some in
efforts that may be made under the pressure of
immediate emergency and danger, but none in the
preparations of Government instituted a long while
beforehand, and much more likely to result in some
colossal job than in any real plan of defence. It
was not the fortifications of Sebostpol, nor the vast
sums which the Imperial Government believed to
have been expended in making it impregnable, re-
sisted for 11 months the combined armies and
navies of France and England. Sebastopol built
her own defences while our engineers'were making
their approaches, and had made herself almost im-
pregnable just about the time that we were ready
to begin to besiege her. Take as a specimen of
what is proposed the project for fortifying Wool-
wich. It is much as if a man should leave his
plate-chest wide open and lock up his crockery in
an iron safe. The best protection to Woolwich will
be its proximity to London- In the metropolis
there will literally be metal more attractive so long
as mankind shall continue to prefer gold and silver
to brass and iron. Should the Zouaves and Turcos
ever come, they are likely to fall into no such error,
as it does not seem probable that the forces of the
nation will abandon London in order to fall back
suburbs. If
storeswhich a
is,reconsidered in danger after all,only onegoefr its
it. v
our at
Woolwich, let us by all means remove them to
some inland depot, such as Weedon, for instance ;
but do not let us countenance the ridiculous as-
mpelyyto. abandon
at any rate,
thesa m
nip tei to rno pt laits .vi't
ore tahree fury an ne dd
t ar
a aci ta
cityo f awn
hiime
yo.ur coasts and
pislaacakbinlegdiounivaidneri,tsceolnfteins tlntshta,tw., we hiatlne,
preservererh a ptah e
tahres ebneaslt o fdoeufernaniet I
ol efr
our arsenals will be found in the increase o
our flotilla of gunboats. These vessels, unma-
nageable and almost useless in the midst of
a stormy sea, may be of the most essential
service by taking up positions in shallows, where
great ships cannot go, and in landlocked situations
where the smoothness of the water allows their aim
to be steady and effective. We agree with Mr.
Cobden that it is quite absurd to exclude gunboats
and corvettes from the estimate of our naval force.
We believe that for purely defensive purposes they
will be found far more useful and efficient than the
mighty leviathans of the deep. We must have
both, but, while the larger vessels must be looked
to for securing our command of the sea, it will be
upon our smaller craft that we must principally
rely for impeding or preventing an invasion. After
all, however, the time has come when we should
drop these eternal discussions. We have voted the
money necessary for our immediate exigencies. Let
us hear what a commission will report, and then
act with all possible promptitude. Despotisms have
this advantage over constitutional countries—that
their actions generally precede the discussion of
them. Let it not be said with truth that, while
France acts without discussion, England is content
to discuss without action.

" And therefore the new Council will continue
to promote to the utmost the development of the
great principles which the magnanimous granter
of the Statute (Constitution) established as the basis
of our public law for the advancement of his people
and as the safeguard of the destinies of Italy, which
will find, in the reforms accomplished, and in the
liberties practised after our example, the way to
attain, without convulsion (scosse), that independ-
ence which is demanded by the wish of Europe, in
harmony with the requirements of justice and civi-
lization. _ _ _

" The work which the new Ministry is called to
conduct to a termination in a brief space is arduous
in proportion to the importance of the results which
the whole country is to derive from it. It has need,
therefore, of the frank and intelligent co-operation
of all the officials employed in the public adminis-
tration in the various parts of the country. The
undersigned addresses himself to those who belong
to his department, confidently inviting them to
identify themselves with the idea of the Govern-
ment, and to make it their study to facilitate to it
the fulfilment of the duties imposed upon it by the
confidence of the Crown. _

"To this end they will take pains to calm those
minds which are too readily discouraged, to raise
depressed hopes, to strengthen faith in right and ilt
liberty, to remove all occasions of discord, to give
force to the conditions of order, to link together, in
short, all the interests, all the aspirations, all the
legitimate influences f the nation around the con-
stitutianal throne of the King.
" The King's Government desires to be always
that of the whole country, and never that of a party.
And if it be inseparable from free institutions that
the nation should be divided into parties, it is like-
wise an essential condition of those institutions that
the authoriries, whence directly emanates the gua-
rantee of the rights and interests of the citizens,
should remain alien to all spirit of party.
" The moral authority of the public officers will
increase in proportion as they show themselves im-
pressed with their duties in this respect.
" Neither must it be forgotten by the represen-
tatives of the Central Power in the various pro-
vinces, that, according to the spirit of one institu-
tions, they are at the same time, and in many re-
spects, the representatives of those same provinces
towards that Power itself, and that they are there
constituted to protect, second, and strengthen, in
the terms of the law, the local action, as well public
as private, and not to deny it, suffocate it, or ap-
propriate it to the exclusive profit to the governing
action. The concentrating organization that con-
stitutes the strength of the great modern States is
certainly not to be dispensed with; but it cannot
be exaggerated without danger of diminishing its
efficacy, since such exaggeration would be detri-
mental to the energy which naturally developes it-
self in the communal and provincial circles and in
that of private associations, whereby the political
and economical power of nations is so greatly in-
creased.
And as it is the intention of the Government
to propose reforms which may enlarge the com-
munal and provincial liberties, and more amply
realize the co-operation of the nation with all the
carepowerssoefcotthi
d e
thisSt intention,ate, thep
preparingublicoffici officials will illeotpaklee
as far as on them depends, for this extension of the
public guarantees.
".In the provinces where the representative in-
stitution is not yet in vigour they will endeavour
to anticipate the moment in which this shall be be-
stowed on them, endeavourinc, to ascertain the
wishes of the populations confided to their care, and
surrounding themselves to that end with those men
who by their enlightenment, morality, and other
dualities are looked upon as the natural representa-
tives of the district. In this same intention they
will be careful to remove from office those persons
who do not enjoy public consideration.
" The Government of the most loyal
in of
the Kinegs
ought not only to be, but also to aPpear, eY

[ADVERTISEMENT.]—The following are not the ?east re-
markable among the numerous extraordinarycures without
medicine effected by Du Barry's delicious health-restoring
Revalenta Arabica Food, of indigestion (dyspepsia), flatu-
lency, constipation, nervous, bilious, and liver complaints,
cough, asthma, consumption, and debility. Cure No,
47,121—Miss Elizabeth Jacobs, of Nazing Vicarage, Wal-
tham-cross, Herts : a cure of extreme nervousness, indi-
gestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies. Cure
48,314—Miss Elizabeth Yeoman, Gateacre, near Liverpool:
a cure of ten years dyspepsia and all the horrors of nervous
nervous irritability. Cure 34,210—Dr.
and debility. Cure 36,212--Captain
irritability. Cure 18,218--Dr. Andrew The, of constipa-
tsihonor,landyds,pp
of dropsy
Allan of epileptic fits. Cure 46,814—Mr. Samuel Laxton
Leicester, of two years' diarrhoea. Cure 54,8122
Miss Virginia Zeguers, cured of consumption, after
her medical adviser had abandoned all hopes of recovery.
In tins, at is. 6d. ; 11b., 3s. ; 21b., ss. 9d. ; 51b., 128 ; 121 b.,
265. The i .
olb. and 121 b. tins carriage free, on receipt of post-
office order. Du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street, London*
Fortnum, Mason, and Co., 182, Piccadilly; Abbis, 60,
Gracec.hurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 63, and 150, Oxford-
street ; 330 and 451, Strand ; 49 and 60, Bishopsgate-
street ; 85, Tottenham-court-road. Also at Dublin,
Bewley and Draper ; at Edinburgh, Raimes and Co.
at Liverpool, Nixon and Thew ;_at Manchester, Sharp and
Scott; at York, Raimes, Blanchard, and Co, at South-
ampton) Randall and Son.