The Sun.
London, England, 1832-11-15 00:00:00

EGYPT.

The Alfred, Alexandria, August 19.
I have had an exceedingly interesting trip
since we sailed from Alexandria, having run
along the coast of Syria, and visited several of
its ports. The first was Acre, which had sur-
rendered to the Egyptians a month before. It
would be impossible to convey to you an idea
of the state of the town : it was, in fact, a per-
fect heap of ruins ; only 60 or 70 inhabitants
residing in it ; about 1,500 of them had been
killed,—the rest were distributed among the
neighbouring villages. From Acre (thanks to
the Egyptian General, who furnished us with
horses and a guard) we visited Nazareth, which
is about 24 miles distant, on our way to which
we passed over two extensive plains, surrounded
by high hills or mountains, apparently capable
of producing every necessary and luxury of life.
Water is unfortunately scarce and indifferent ;
still the foliage and every thing looks fresh and
green, thanks to very heavy dews. From the
tops of some of the rocky hills, or rather moun-
tains, over which we passed, we had extensive
views of apparently rich valleys and prettily si-
tuated villages, Nazareth among them, which is
situated on the side of a hill, in a valley some-
what the shape of a punch-bowl. We were
hospitably received at a convent of Francis-
cans ; saw all the " lions," and listened to long
and wonderful stories,—too long far to commit
to paper. The inhabitants are well-looking in
general, and children handsome.
I also visited the celebrated Mount Carmel,
on which is situated a large and, when finished,
a handsome convent.

From Acre we went to Sidon, the country
about which is pretty, and lined with many lanes
resembling those met with in England. The
mulberry tree is generally cultivated on the
coast, and the quantity of silk raised very con-
siderable. Lady Hester Stanhope honoured me
with an interview ; the situation of her house is
romantic,—on the summit of a low round-
topped mountain, surrounded by high ones,
leaving a narrow opening to the sea, about
eight miles from Sidon, with, in many places,
only an indifferent mountain-pass to it. She is
extremely charitable and kind to the natives, and
has but one European servant (an Italian) with
her. She has frequently been robbed by her
trusty Arabs, and is, in my opinion, a pitiable
forlorn creature ; her pipe and garden her only
consolation. For the first two or three hours
her conversation was evidently that of a flighty
person, latterly exceedingly entertaining. I will
give you two examples of the conversation which
led me to form the above opinion, and even
these I hardly think fair to commit to paper.
She says she is in possession of the horse which
is intended for our Saviour at the first resurrec-
tion, which she says is near at hand, but not to
be a numerous one ; the horse has a kind of
double back, which forms a saddle ; she pro-
mised to show it me, but did not do so.
Searching for the source of the Niger is of no
use ; the sources of four great rivers have been
revealed to her ; they are in Paradise, and the
situation of Paradise will, at a proper time,
be revealed to the world. She told me many
other things quite as extravagant. From Sidon
we went to Beyrout, Tripoli, Latakia, and
Alexandretta, where many interesting ruins
of Roman temples, &c., are to be seen. I con,
tinned in company with the Turkish fleet for
eight days, in hopes of seeing a fight between
them and the Egyptians. They knew well
where to put their hands on each other ; it is
therefore clear they were not anxious for fight-
ing. We arrived at Alexandretta at a most
fortunate moment—the 31st of July. The
town, which is wretched, is situated in a marsh,
mountains on either side, and at the back of it.
On the beach before the town were groups of
Egyptian soldiers, clothed in red, and prisoners
clothed in blue ; hundreds of camels loading on
the beach from heaps of provisions, landed from
21 transports but a few days before for the Sul-
tan's troops, tents of various colours covering a
considerable extent of ground, two regiments of
lancers and three of Bedouin cavalry, with a num-
ber of prisoners and cannon which had been taken
but a few hours before, descending the moun-
tains by zig-zag roads, on one side ; infantry,
cavalry, and camels ascending on the other side,
formed the most beautiful picture I ever beheld.
In this spot, which was all life and beauty, the
Sultan's troops lost 11,000 men from cholera
and the fever of the country in ten days, and
there was still a vast number of sick and dying
I should have said in the ten preceding days.
Ibrahim Pacha completely dispersed the Sultan's
army in this quarter on the 29th and 30th of
'country.
July. I saw him on the 31st, when he told
as the
With an army of 25,000 men, and 25 pieces of
Sultanmethat
h thead notwar a inao
dSyriaier i
nwas n
neat
in
nn
tehned
cannon, in less than three months he marched
from one end of Syria to the
other, and
dispersed or took near 100,000 of the Sul-
tan s troops, and one hundred pieces of can-
non ; and as he, I dare say with good reason,
observed, the affairs in which his army was
engaged had more the appearance of dramatic
entertainments than battles ;
all say that his pro-
cess has been incomprehensible, and the conduct
of his troops admirable. In this mushroom-yard
was launched the end of July a three-decker,
intended to carry 140 guns ; another is to be
laid down in her place, also two ships of 100
guns each, and one of 84 ; they have now at
sea three ships of 100 guns each, one of 84, and
seven very large frigates. The Sultan's fleet
consists of two three-deckers, one of 130, the
other 120 ; four from 84 to 74 ; seven frigates
from 54 to 44 ; 10 corvettes from 26 to 18
guns. Several small vessels sail from this to-
morrow ; and hope to see a fight between the
two fleets, as the Pacha is very anxious that they
should come to blows,

Trjrir!
SPIRIT OF "ThE pui3Lic JOURNALS

So greatly at a loss are some of the partisans
of the war of non-intervention to find argu-
ments to support it, that they are driven to the
necessity of describing it, at one time as a
" pacific measure," at another, as only'an ener-
getic assertion of the old principle of " pre-
serving the balance of power in Europe," and
preventing one nation from aggrandizing itself
at the expense of another. It is not the first
time that we have been at war with Holland,
though it certainly is the first time we have
waged a " peaceful war" with that or any other
country. When bayonets and cannon-balls are
the arguments of peace, we should like to know
What are the characteristic weapons of war ?
According to the new application of language
adopted by the Government Papers, the opera-
tions which General Haxo, with his heavy ar-
tillery, may commence against the citadel of
Antwerp, within a day or two, will be as peace-
able as a diplomatic bombardment carried on by
Lord Palmerston with a battering train of pro-
tocols. As an evidence of the lengths to which
the pacific supporters of the present warlike
proceedings go, one Ministerial writer actually
says, " We do not see why we should not en-
deavour to make the most of the peace we have,
and to secure its possession as long as we can,
because at some future period our present
arrangements may be overturned." Who would
suppose that this recommendation to make the
most of the peace we have was used as an argu-
ment to prove the propriety of sending out the
British fleet to co-operate with the French fleet
and army in an attack upon our old allies the
Dutch ? It is clear, then, that although we
have laid an embargo on the vessels of Holland,
and sent out a naval squadron to blockade her
coasts, we are still at peace with that country ;
and by these hostile demonstrations, and the
actual infliction of the sufferings of war upon
the commerce of our ally, and c'
upon our own
commerce, we are only " making the most of
the peace we have." Leaving this absurdity of
preserving peace by rushing into war, equally
unjust and unnecessary, let us take a glance at
the position occupied by those who say that
such a war is only an assertion of the principle
touching the preservation of the balance of power
in Europe. What nation has, of late years, by
pursuing an unremitting career of aggrandise.
ment, most endangered the balance of power in
Europe, or, rather, has most essentially disar-
ranged that balance ? Is it the little but glorious
community of the Seven United Provinces,
which, by the separation of Belgium, has lost
more than one-half of the territory belonging to
it since 1815, and two-thirds of its population?
or is it that gigantic Power that has subdued
Persia and Turkey, the eastern barriers—utterly
crushed Poland, the western rampart, against
her ambition, and is now contriving to obtain
the dominion of Greece, and thereby establish
a maritime supremacy in the Mediterranean ?
The whole civilized world admits that no
Power has become so formidable to the liber-
ties and independence of European nations as
Russia, for none has, ever since the downfall of
Napoleon's power, made such strides towards
universal dominion. How has the English Go-
vernment assisted the principle of adjusting the
balance of power in Europe with regard to
Russia ? By submitting to her insolence on
all occasions—by allowing her to ravage Poland
unmolested—by permitting her to perpetuate
crimes in Europe in the nineteeth century, which
rival the atrocities of the dark ages—by re-
warding her perfidious violation of the treaty
which guaranteed the neutrality of Poland with
millions of British gold. Such were the mea-
sures which our Government took to restore the
balance of power in Europe when Russia de-
stroyed it ; and the same Government cannot
allow Holland and Belgium to settle between
themselves by negotiation or arms the question
of the freedom of the Scheldt, lest the balance
of power should be subverted ! Was any thing
ever more absurd ? In the year 1793, when
Mr. (now Earl) Grey opposed the war against
France, as we now oppose that against Holland,
as unjust, impolitic, and unnecessary, he de-
scribed the conduct of one Government, in re-
ference to the infamous partition of Poland, in
terms not inapplicable to the melancholy fate of
that heroic country during his own administra-
tion. He said, " When Poland was beginning to
recover from the long calamities of anarchy, com-
bined with oppression—after she had established
a hereditary and limited monarchy like our own,
and was peaceably employed in settling her in-
ternal government, his Majesty's Ministers, with
apparent indifference and unconcern, have seen
her become the victim of the most unprovoked
and unprincipled invasion—her territory over-
run—her free Constitution subverted—her na-
tional independence annihilated—and the gene-
ral principles of the security of nations
wounded through her side." Is not the security
of nations, and the general principles on which
it depends, wounded by that blow which ac.
Pomp; ished the extinction of that kingdom of
Poland which, in 1815, we had co-operated in
erecting as a barrier against the spirit of Russian
aggrandisement ? Is it not, then, a mockery to
talk of Holland disturbing that balance of
power which Russia has already destroyed ? It
is curious enough that, in reference to that in-
glorious war which the Ministry of Charles 11.
waged in confederacy with France against the
Dutch, the historian says, " It gave the peo-
ple of England a gloomy prospect to see a
union formed which, if successful, must totally
subvert the balance of power ;' "—yet now
we- are told, that by attacking Holland, in con-
junction with France, for the benefit of the son-
in-law of Louis Philip, we preserve that ba-
lance ! But the people of this country have
more reason to sympathise eith the Dutch at
the present day than their ancestors in the reign
of Charles 11. had ; for, since that time, they
laid upon us an obligation of no ordinary nature
by protecting from destruction the civil and
religious liberties of England.—Morn. Herald.
Many of those who vote resolutions disap-
proving of the proceedings adopted towards the
King of Holland, are not aware of the nature of
the policy which they are sanctioning. The
Conservatives are now saying to each other, we
have at last hit the right nail on ttte head. John
Bull is always to be caught by what appeals to
his avarice. There will be in every town of the
kingdom a number of individuals whose interests
are affected by the embargo. These individuals
will be irritated against Ministers. We may
trust to them for originating petitions condemn-
ing hostilities against Holland, and there will
always be found a sufficient number of busy-
bodies to subscribe these petitions, merely to be
doing something, and glad to be thought of im-
portance. We may, at a critical conjuncture
like the present, when Ministers have an election
on their hands, assail them with such a storm of
petitions as shall drive them from their places,

N, A
and then the game-is-outyown. We assure our
readers that this is a literal transcript of what
fell from a Conservative of no mean estimation
in his party. This is an exact counterpart of
the conduct of the Conservatives in the case of
the Russian-Dutch Loan. The Conservatives
attacked Ministers on account of the payment
of the money to Russia ; and a certain number
of liberal-minded Ultra-Liberals fell into the
snare. They never asked themselves how it
happened why men, like Goulburn and Croker,
were all of a sudden such enemies of waste and
profusion. The first thing that opened their
eyes, was the answer to the question--Would
you (the Tories), if in power, have refused to
pay the money to Russia ? The negative an-
swer was decisive of the views of the Opposition.
There can be no doubt that the Ministry of
Earl Grey paid the money to Russia then, as
they subject the nation now to the inconveniences
of an embargo, that they may preserve the peace
of Europe. Let the subscribers to resolutions
beware how they encourage the King of Hol-
land in his obstinacy. They will be guilty not
only of the blood that may be shed now, but of
all the consequences that may follow from a re-
sistance which may gradually embroil all Europe.
We repeat it, that Ministers are peace-makers,
and that all who promote petitions in favour of
the King of Holland are partisans of war and
bloodshed.—Morning Chronicle.
A correspondent yesterday asked how the
Dissenters could consistently vote for Lord
Henley, he having voted against the repeal of
the Test and Corporation Acts ? If we may
rely on a correspondent, whose letter we shall
here introduce, the Dissenters would contribute
to return to Parliament a man who not only
voted against them, but always voted against
every liberal measure; who is, in fact, a
thorough-going Tory and corruptionist, merely
because he has pledged himself to the immediate
abolition of colonial slavery, while Mr. Hume,
not being able to see his way out of the difficul-
ties connected with this question, has used
rather equivocal language. We ourselves con•
ceive all substitutes for immediate abolition illu-
sory, and that slavery is susceptible of no ame-
lioration. The following is the letter to which
we allude :

" Sir,—Your correspondent, ' A Churchman,' in-
quires how it is that the Dissenters support Lord Henley,
who voted against the Repeal of the Test Acts, in prefe-
rence to Mr. Hume, who voted on the other side ? The
inquiry makes it apparent that your clerical correspondent
knows very little of his Dissenting fellow-subjects. The
fact is simply this—in most political matters they agree
with the North Briton, but they are generally schooled
in the doctrines of the New Testament ; and it does not
require any extraordinary degree of intellect to deduce
from its sacred pages, that it is better to submit to a

slight temporary - inconvenience or annoyance, than to
forego the opportunity of immediately putting an end to a
system, at the consideration of which civilized humanity
sickens. If the Churchman' had had a little more social
intercourse with Dissenters, it would not have been a
difficult matter to have discovered, that, for the next Par-
liament, neither Lord Henley nor Mr. Hume are the men
suited to their views; but of the two evils they choose
the less. The Nobleman is pledged to vote for the imme-
diate removal of Colonial Slavery. This, and this only,
is the ground of their preference. As regards the com-
pensation clause, I believe they generally differ from him.
This, however, is a question of money. Mr. Hume
(to whom, indeed, for his exertions in the cause of civil
and religious liberty, they owe much, and they are not
backward to acknowledge it) adopts the logic of the
planters and their advocates; and, instead of 'doing what -
sover his hand findeth to do, with all his might,' and with-
out delay, imitates the language of Agrippa, At a more
convenient season, I will send for thee ;' When the
proper time arrives ;" When the slaves are fit for it ;'
' After we have educated them ;' or, ' Where is the money
for the reckoning ?' If, Sir, Mr. Hume and his Noble
colleagues had used a similar degree of caution in the cause
of religious freedom, there would not have been, in the
year 1 832, an honest Dissenter eligible for a seat, in Par-

'lament, or to preserve the decaying muniments of decayed
paltry corporations. Your Churchman ' is unmindful
that we think ; and does he inquire what do we think ?
Let him inquire among the Dissenters of his own parish;
and, by the man of intellect and the man of piety, he will
be told, that British Colonial Slavery should be anni-
hilated without price or compensation, and without de-
lay ; but if this cannot be done, they thick that the de.
tails of the system are so disgusting and diabolical, that it
should, without delay, be abolished at any price. There
are two questions—one of money, the other of morals; and
Mr. Hume, in his canvass, has no doubt long since found
that enlightened Dissenters have reversed the order in
which I have placed them, and have selected for their con•

• •-••••• •• ••••44.
sideration— ••
first morals, then money. Let••
me s
not be
understood to convey the idea that they wish, in the
slightest degree, to disparage Mr. Hume's past public
services. They have reason to be grateful for them ; bur
having, by Divine Providence, obtained civil and religious
liberty for themselves, they are anxious to secure at least
personal liberty for others of their fellow subjects.
" I hope I am, Sir,
" A TEMPERATE DISSENTER.
" Enfield, Nov. 14, 1832."

If we may apply to Lord Henley the maxim
noscitur a soczis, we should rank him as the

lowest of the low—as a man not merely unde-
serving the suffrages of respectable Dissenters,
but undeserving the support of all but those
even of the Tories who are indifferent as to the
means by which they may attain their ends.
The following document will explain to what
we allude :