The Sun.
London, England, 1835-08-06 00:00:00

' most men to perceive no error, or oven vice, in any wrong-
doing, not of a very flagrant nature at least, in which they
themselves partake. Lord John Russell, it may fairly be
presumed, partakes of this general blindness—else, though
we do not think very highly of his Lordship's talents; we
cannot persuade ourselves that would allow a practice to
be rising up and going on, even in his own 'name (to say no-
thing of those of nearly anis family),. which is subversive
of the main principle of the Bill of which he is proud, and
may be justly proud, of being the author. The remedy for
this is, that Lord John Russell, or some one for him, should
bring in a Bill putting an extinguisher at once upon the
manufacture of these faggot votes ; and this can only
be done by an express enactment, declaring that no two
or more persons shall in any case be allowed to vote for
the same property under any shape or device what-
ever ; and that no property shall confer the privilege
of voting which is not the sole bona fide estate of the per-
son who claims to be placed upon the register. Whether
it be the old story of the Isleworth millers, or the more
modern rent charges in Russell-street—whether the forty-
acre men of Huntingdon (who, by the bye, have acquired
the unlucky designation of " The Forty Thieves")—whe-
ther it be Lord Lichfield's family faggots in Staffordshire,
or the seven persons who all claim to vote for the late Sir
Samuel Romilly's ehambers in Lincoln's Inn, the system
is one of plain undeniable abuse, and one which should be
nipped in the bud before it bursts into fuller leaf and vigour
than that which it already exhibits. We have said that
the practice applies to the Whigs. At least theirs are the

instances which have been brought to light, and it is to be
presumed that could they repel the charge by fixing it upon
their political opponents, they would be ready enough to do
it. With this, however, we have no concern. The prac-
tice is wrong wherever it exists, and any where and every
where ought to be suppressed.—Morning Herald.
A prouder or more-glorious position than that occupied
by Lord Melbourne at the present moment, has rarely
fallen to the lot -of any individual in modern times. As ad-
verse circumstances crowd around him, the noble energy of
his character more strikingly developcs itself. Other indi-
viduals have distinguished themselves in victory, but the
fame of our Premier is founded on his heroic and devoted
adherence to principle midst disasters and dangers—midst
the calumnies of his compeers and the denunciations and
scurrility-of an abandoned and profligate press. One even-
ing journal goes so far as to say " that an hour ought not
to be lost in removing his Lordship from Downing-street to
a securer abode." And for what ? " The treason" of his
deterMination to abide by- a Bill which has received the
sanction of the House of Commons, and which a whole na-
tion is determined to carry into law ! ! No doubt the send-
ing ,of Lord Melbourne to the Tower for this grave
offence against Tory corruptionists would be a very appro-
priate episode to the drama got up in the Lords—and as it
would accelerate the denouement, we merely say, try the
experiment. We perceive with regret that another sec-

tion of the press, heedless of the great measure at present
represented by his Lordship, impugns the sincerity of his
motives. Is it a time, when such great interests are at
stake, to scrutinize with microscopic, and perhaps partial
vision, the previous conduct. of a man who stands in the van
of reform, and bears, yes, gallantly bears, the brunt of a
contest for the people's rights ? In the debate of Tuesday,
in reference to the examination of witnesses, his Lord-
ship said,—" I protest most distinctly against your pre-
sent proceeding, both upon reason and upon princi-
ple. Ido not hold myself bound to it as a pre-
cedent ; I deem it, my Lords, to be most erroneous,
most prejudicial, and most pernicious ; and I will not
be bound by it in any respect. But at the same time,
my Lords, I feel I am bound to bow to a majority of this
House. I wish it to be understood that I consider
myself as bowing to a majority, and to that only, and not
to anything that I have heard in support of this proceeding.
But I protest against it on reason and on principle. I,
however, consider myself as being coerced by a superior--
mark me—as being coerced by a superior power; there-
fore, my Lords, you may act as you think proper." Will
the people of England leave the Minister in such a di-
lemma—" coerced" by an anti-national, but " superior
power ?" Does not every sentiment of honour, every
feeling of justice, every principle of freedom, appeal,
trumpet-tongued, to the nation to come to the rescue of

the Minister and the Bill, of which he is the representa-
tive, from the trammels that factionists have flung upon
them ? Is the power of an incapable hereditary Se-
nate to maintain injustice, fraud, and spoliation to be
tamely admitted " superior" to that of an intelligent
people to recover their property and rights ? The happi-
ness of millions rests on the decision.—Morning Advertiser.
The Lords are not unlikely to reap the fruits of their
cunning and hypocrisy, and dastardly opposition to the
wishes of the people, sooner than they could have well ex-
pected. Their fraudulent delay in entering upon the con-
sideration of the Corporation Reform Bill, with the evident
intention'of " burking" it, has, like most frauds, turned out
to be an injury, not a benefit to their intentions. The
gallows which they have been secretly erecting for the de-
struction of the charter of the people's rights, is not unlikely
to put an end to their own mischievous designs—the grave
which they are digging for others, to prove their own rest-
ing place. In a word, never did any body of men in any
country thrust themselves so needlessly into the hands of
those who were bent upon their destruction. At the
eleventh hour, when all hope of a successful resistance was
at an end—when victory almost sits upon the helms
of their opponents,—they rush forward to a contest
with them, as if the numbers were still on their

side, as well as the cunning and fraud, exclaiming,
" We will not surrender—we will not yield to your just de-
mands—we will delay, while we can, every concession that
we can withhold from you—we will expend our last shil-
ling rather than abdicate the power which we have
usurped—nay, from our own den we defy you." And
what is the answer of the people? Are they inclined

,o be thus treated ? Are they contented to put up with
he affront ? By no means. They are rising, like . one

man, to resent it ; and ere another- eight days shall have
passed over their heads, their Lordships will be convinced,

if conviction can by possibility reach those who, con-
trary to the most unquestionable demonstrations of
public feeling, conceive' themselves to -be in the right,
that they never hazarded conduct so much calculated
to produce a revolution, or so likely to bring their
own existence, as an hereditary and independent branch of
the Legislature, into jeopardy. Verily the snarer has
been caught in his own gin—the fowler in his net. West-
minster has given signal of battle—Finsbury has followed
with, manly resolution and firmness—Lambeth will meet
on Monday next in great numbers, to express their in-
dignation at the Lords—the ;rower Hamlets are about
to follow the same example ; and a requisition is in

course of signature in the Vintry Ward, requesting the
Lord Mayor to call an early meeting of its inhabitants
to consider the propriety of petitioning the House of
Lords to pass the Municipal Corporation Bill in all its

entirety and with the least possible delay ;—while, if we
look to the country, we find the same spirit—the same

indignation—the same virtuous determination to have that
which is right, and nothing less In Leeds there has been

a meeting, of the most gratifying description—in Ports-
mouth, another—in Manchester, the utmost indignation has
been expressed at the conduct of the " hereditary wisdom"
of the country. In Hull there has been a meeting and a
congenial petition—and Scotland is arming with all her
might and main to aid her Southern brethren in reclaiming
those rights and privileges of which they are now, after a
long period of abstinence, in perfect enjoyment. When
the country is thus rousing and rising, at a moment's warn-
ing, what are the Lords to think of their conduct ? When it
has risen and buckled on its armour, where are they ? Where
their hereditary wisdom ? Where their standing in the coun-
try ? Where their place of retreat ?—Morning Advertiser.
In the various debates on the Municipal Corporations
Bill allusions have been made to the great purity of the
Corporation of London, and the great advantage that would

result from placing all our corporate establishments on a
similar basis. Poor Lord Brougham, in his speech at
Fishmongers' Hall, sung the same strain. Now the noble-
and unhappy Lord was at that instant addressing as close,
as jobbing, as despicable and narrow-minded a Corporation
as is to be found in this country. Does not every one know
that the Court of Assistants of this Company is self-
elected, and that the only qualification necessary is that

the candidate should be -a
15nitarian or other Dissenter,

and a Radical? Let any Liveryman attempt an investiga=
tion into the revenue or expenditure of the Company, and
he will soon find the most sturdy opponent of inquiry is a
Radical and Dissenter,. provided always that that Radical
be clothed in a little brief authority, and is a participant in
the jobbery he is anxious to protect. The Corporation of
London is in the same hopeful state. The Common Coun-

cil represents the smallest possible portion of the res-
pectable inhabitants of the City, and if the wards were
to be re-boundaried, as is anticipated, the respectable elec-

. _
tors will be overwhelmed, and the merest rabble become
the dominant constituency. At present the shameful waste
of the City revenue is notorious to every one connected
with the Corporation, but it is not their interest to divulge
the Secrets of the ri:ison-house. Already is 25,0001. per
annum spent in managing a revenue of 170,000/., of which
sum 7,0001. per annum is pocketed or eaten by these im-
maculate models of Corporation Reform. This is a fact
which can be ascertained at once. Let any Member ask
Mr: Williams, a Common Councilman, and Member for
Coventry, in his place in the House of Commons, and he
will not deny it. The system of licensing public-houses in
the City is in fact vested in the Common Council. These
gentlemen are under the thumbs of the publicans, and,
worse managed and more disorderly houses are not to be
found, but no complaints can be made against them, and
yet this is the system which is to be introduced throughout
England. The Report of the Commissioners on London -
is anxiously waited for. A more complete farrago of non
sense was never exhibited.—Morning Pot.
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