The Sun.
London, England, 1859-02-08 00:00:00

THE SUN.
TUESDAY. FEBRUARY 8, 1859.

Although little enough has yet been said by
Ministers in explanation of their views as to the
coming Reform Bill, what has been said is beyond
all doubt in the highest degree satisfactory. The
allusions in the Speech from the Throne of course
might mean precisely Nothing or Anything.
" Your attention," said her MAJESTY, " will be
called to the state of the laws which regulate the
representation of the people in Parliament, and I
cannot doubt but that you will give to this great
subject a degree of calm and impartial considera-
tion proportioned to the magnitude of the interests
involved in the result of your discussions." As to
that—cela va sans dire. The recommendation need
hardly have been articulated. There it is, how-
ever, in. the Royal Speech ; and it was so far
valuable that it implied a distinct assurance of a
measure being actually forthcoming this session—
not next, but this session—under the auspices of
her MAJESTY'S Government. The words contained

simple promise, without the boastful flourish of
the customary and hitherto fruitless fanfaronade.
But with all this, we repeat, it might signify in
reality just nothing or anything.
Happily the country can now read the official
occurrences by the light of the official explanations.
The passage we have here quoted from the QUEEN'S
Speech was last night underlined or emphasised
by the Leader of the House of Commons. Thanks
to the extremely pressing inquiries of Mr. JOHN
BRIGHT and Mr. THOMAS BUNCOMBE we have a
tolerably clear notion of the Ministerial intentions
as to the probable time when their Reform Bill
will be submitted to the consideration of the Legis-

laturc.

It will be remembered that the hon. member for

Finsbury, upon a previous occasion somewhat
similar to the present—namely, at the commence-
ment of the last session of Parliament—addressed
a similar previous interrogatory to the former leader
of the House of Commons. Mr. DUNCOMBE, in
praiseworthy thirst for knowledge upon the sub-
ject of Reform, is no more to be deterred from
putting pertinent queries to any one, when
.the
humour seizes him, than little " Paul Dombey"
was, when reminded by the terrible " Pipchin" of
the fate of the little boy who asked questions.
Scarcely had Lord PALMERSTON been driven from
his three years' lounge upon the Treasury Bench to
the front of the Opposition, when the noble
Viscount was challenged by the member for Fins-
bury to produce the outline of his intended scheme
of Parliamentary reorganization. Vainly—for the
simple and a •
11-sufficient reason, that there was
actually no scheme of the kind in existence. This
was in the -February of 1858. In the February
of 1859 mr.
lle DUNCOMBE has been a trifle
more successful,
asks the Chancellor of
the Exchequer to satisfy his curiosity so
far at least upon this
important question as to
afford him some remote idea
bill
toisth toe
be probable
period at which the intended
intro-
duced to the Legislature ner MAJESTY'S Go-
vernment. In his amiable solicitude to make his
question as intelligible as possible to the
House
the hon. member, until interrupted by the SP F,Axxit
appeared eager to drag the whole vexata peal;
into immediate discussion. Mr. DISRAELI con-
trived, however, easily enough to satisfy his in-
genuous interrogator—and not only to satisfy
him, we rest assured, but the majority of the more

reasonable observers both within and without
the walls of Parliament. The prmised statement
of the First Lord of the Admiralty is to have, as
it should have, precedence. The difficult problem
of Indian finance is then, as it should be, to be
favourably taken into the consideration of the
House of Commons, at the instance of the Secretary
of State for the Asiatic portion of her MAJESTY'S
dominions. "The House is as good a judge as I
am," said Mr. DISRAELI, " of the time which these
measures will require for their fair discussion"—
these two precedent measures relating to the maritime
service of England and to the finance of Hindostan.
"When they are settled," added the leader of the
house, "it is my intention to give notice of a day when
" I shall have the honour of bringing forward a
measure for amending the representation of the
people. The hon. gentleman will * -understand
that it is not in my power to fix the day ; but,
taking a general view as to what will be the course
of the session, not only is it our intention that it
shall be brought in before Easter, but we contem-
plate the second reading being taken before Easter.
As Easter is rather late this year, if the second
reading meets that reception which we fondly anti-
cipate, the house will have the opportunity even of
making progress in committee on the bill before
that time." Explicit as the answer was in itself,
it was not sufficiently so for the hon. member for
Birmingham. As Lord JOHN anticipated upon the
first night of the session, Mr. BRIGHT was not to be
so easily restrained. Persisting that " what
the public require is time to consider the
bill before it comes to a second reading," Mr.
BRIGHT went on to say " I would recommend—
(Cries of Order.') Well, if I may not recommend
to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, I will ask him
whether he will name a day, or state when he will
name a day, when the bill will be introduced, be-
cause I presume that not more than one night will
be taken in the introduction of the bill." Where-
upon—(and a more satisfactory occurrence could
hardly be in reason desired under existing circum-
stances)—Mr. DISRAELI _replied, "It is not in my
power to name precisely the day when the bill will
be introduced, but I shall give fair notice, and shall
take care that there is ample opportunity for con-
sideration between the introduction and the second
reading." A frank engagement, which the Commons
at once welcomed—and no wonder—with "cheers."
For the conclusion now arrived at may be thus
briefly and distinctly recapitulated, that the Reform
Bill will be introduced by Government before
Easter ; that it will not only be introduced before
Easter, but that the second reading of it will be
taken before the commencement of that vacation,
and (most important assurance of all) that fair
notice will be given, so that Ministers will take
care that there is ample opportunity for considera-
tion between the introduction and the second read-
ing ! More than this, certainly, could not be ex-
pected from the Government.

The Emperor of the FRENCH, in his speech to the
Chambers, yesterday, wishes to prove that his inten-
tions are eminently pacific—to repair, so far as practi-
cable, the serious mischief he has already occasioned !
But it is far easier to enkindle than extinguish a
flame. The few hasty words recklessly uttered on
New Year's-day excited a commotion which
nothing could appease. The marriage of Prince
NAPOLEON with poor little Princess CLOTILDE
added to the excitement, and nothing merely ver-
bal could appease it, so long as the preparations
for war were continued, and the menacing aspect

was maintained.

The EmrEr.oß is very complimentary to England.
His most anxious desire is to maintain the
alliance and ho has found a happy reciprocity
from men of all parties who have been
entrusted with the Government of Great
Britain. He has forgotten "the irritating remem-
brances of the past, the attacks of calumny, and
even the national prejudices of his country." What
are " the irritating remembrances of the past ?"
What are those painful impressions which require so
much trouble to suppress ? The EMPEROR speaks of
" prejudices." We had hoped that they had long
since been dispelled, and that the joint efforts of
the English and French soldiers—the blood shed at
Alma, Balakiava, Inkerman, and before Sebastopol,
had produced thorough cordiality. We regret to find
that we have been mistaken, and that there are
still " irritating remembrances of the past, attacks
of calumny, and national prejudices."

He also maintains the most satisfactory
relations with Russia and Prussia ; and it is
almost needless to say with Piedmont. But the
Austriair sore is still open—the wound is still
rankling. The state of Italy is the drawback to
the general felicity, and the EMPEROR is
determined that her " abnormal" condition
should no longer continue. This, however,
is not sufficient to occasion a belief in war, which
will not arise so long as he is permitted to carry
out his own views aid decisions. We fear that
the speech will not achieve its object, but that so
long as the troops and navy of France are main-
tained on a war footing, so long will apprehensions
be reasonably entertained with respect to her ulti-
mate intentions.

The LORD CHANCELLOR has manifestly consi.
dered carefully and judiciously the entire law of

debtor and creditor, and the measure which he so

ably introduced last night constitutes a vast im-
provement in the existing code. It will be seen
that the suggestions which appeared in The Sun
some months since have been verified. Should the
bill receive the legislative sanction there will no
longer be imprisonment for debt, at the mere will
and pleasure of a vindictive and exasperated cre-
ditor. If any insolvent should be deemed worthy
of punishment he will not escape with impunity,
but the penalty will be inflicted after, not before,
trial, and it will be adjudged by an able and
impartial judge, not by the angry man who
had lost his money, and was desirous of
obtaining his " pound of flesh." Even though
it should prevent the restitution of all, or a portion
of his pecuniary claim, such men were not only
acting foolishly, so far as they were themselves con-
cerned, but injurionely to their brother creditors,
and oppressive to the debtor. The power which
has been so grossly abused must be taken out of

their hands, and gentlemen substituted who cannot
by any possibility be actuated by improper motives.
There will, of course, be some cases in which it
will be essential to ensure the attendance of an
absconding debtor, and therefore it will still be per-
mitted to arrest a party about to leave the country,
under a judge's order, or where the debt had been
fraudulently incvrred, or there had been a vexatious
defence, or where the debt was due for damages in

any action for tort. These are just provisions
the first to ensure an appearance that might not
otherwise be obtained, and the other two because
punishment would inevitably follow in every in-
stance, and full allowance would be made for all
that the petitioner had suffered in the first
instance.

The Lord Chancellor paid a just and honourable
tribute to the mode in which the business of " the
Court for the Relief of Insolvent Debtors" had been
transacted.• lie truly declared that " as long as
imprisonment for debt had existed, and that Court
had been entrusted with the duty of discharging
debtors, it was Quite impossible that the law could

have been better admir xif ,tered than it had been by
the Commissioners." rrais was a fair, honest, and
well-merited testiraoill'a. There was the learned,
pains-taking, and corastierdious Chief Commissioner,
who closely investigated es, my particle of the case,
and invariably delivered a. righteous judgment--
Mr. Commissioner PHILLIPS, now unhappily re-
move& from amongst us, whose eloquence, and
extraordinary powers of . cross-examination,
rendered him the terror of ervery delinquent, while
he was lenient and gentle to all who had even fair
claims for indulgence ; and Mr. Commissioner
MURPHY, whose reputation requires no support,
who has been perhaps the best judge that ever sat
in the Court over which he so worthily presides.
Yes, the business has been admirably performed,
and the Court which has obtained so high a repu-
tation cannot possibly be dispensed with.
The law of bankruptcy and insolvency should be
assimilated. The insolvent who was ' discharged
from prison, who had expiated his pecuniary
offences, whatever they might have been, and sur-
rendered all his property to a trustee for his cre-
ditors, should be allowed to realise the benefits of
his future exertions, and to retain for himself and
family the fruits of his future industry. He would
then have a stimulant to urge hrin on in. the
proper course; but, unfortunately, under the
existing system, he is held back, and every
energetic proceeding is checked. It is not for
himself or his children that he is labouring, and
therefore he does not attempt to save, and becomes
a demoralised and ruined man, too frequently ap-
pealing again and again to the court from which
he received his first discharge or protection.
It was suggested that it would be unfair to de-
prive the creditors of the chance of an insolvent's
inheriting a property by which they might be paid
in full, but the question lies in a nutshell. If there be
either a vested or contingent interestit must be trans-
ferred to the assignee g andwhen ever it comes into pos-
• session will be rendered available for the liquidation
' of their demands, but if it depends on the will of a
' relative, the state of the law will only prevent him
from leaving the money to the insolvent debtor, or
induce him to create a secret trust in his favour, a
miter, we believe,'of more frequent occurrence than
would be generally credited. The effect of the
existing law is that the insolvent suffers severely,
while the creditor seldom, if ever, gains in any
respect.

The Insolvent Court, however, cannot be abo-
lished. Of the suitors for protection, it is
shown that nearly nine out of ten are traders, who
are too poor to resort to Basinghall-street, whose
debts would be fully satisfied by the sums required
to carry a person through bankruptcy. The In-
solvent Court must be retained for the purpose of
adjudicating on cases where the assets are less than
a certain amount, say £3OO, or where the bona fide
debts do not in the aggregate exceed £l,OOO. With
these trivial exceptions we give -our cordial adhesion
to the admirable measure introduced by Lord
CHELMSFORD—the best ever brought forward on
the subject.