The Sun.
London, England, 1832-02-09 00:00:00

THE FUNDS.

We have no arrivals with the exception of the estafette
from Paris. The accounts it bring• are of two descrip•
tions. The first is of a warlike nature : Prussia is said
to be sending troops to the Rhine, Russia wants the
ancient regime in Europe, and Austria has some views on
Italy. The other account states that some disturbances
took place in the Jardin des Plantes, but was soon quelled.
This was the cause of the French Funds being heavy. In
regard to the first statement, we should think that E irl
Grey's declaration yesterday that the peace of Europe would
be maintained, is more correct than the speculations in the
French Papers. The second statement, of the disturbances
in Paris, will always be more or less as long as the French
King pursues his present system ; but all this has not had
any effect on our Funds.
Consols, which left off yesterday at 82i opened at the
same price ; fell to 82i, but at present are 82i for the
account.

HALF-PAST ONE.
We have been favoured with the following letter from
Trieste, dated J tn. 27 :—" It is reported here that the
Viceroy of Egypt has taken St. Jean d'Acre, and occu-
pies several places on the sea-coast; also Jerusalem, and
will, no doubt, take possession of Damascus. The
Turkish fleet has not as yet put to sea, and will not sail
before April; and the troops marching from Constan-
tinople towards Syria cannot act before the spring. Thus
Ibrahim has plenty of time to execute his views."
Accounts from Cyprus, in the French Papers of Tues-
day, received this morning, state that Demascus has
submitted to its new Pacha, as well as Canea.

On Monday a diplomatic conference took plate at the
Russian Ambassador's, at Paris, after which Pogo di
Borgo despatched a courier for St. Petersburgh.
Consols, which were in the early part of the morning
at 82A for the account, have receded to 62i-it., owing to
a report that the French Rentes, after 'Change, were done
lower.

In the Foreign Market little or nothing doing.
Consols are again 82 1.
THREE 0' CLOCK

Consols, 82i I.
FOUR O'CLOCK.—CLOSING PRICES.
Consols ... 82;} Danish
Dittofor Account 821- Greek, 1825 22
Brazilian Bonds Mexican, 1825 35
Buenos Ayres... Peruvian...
Chilian Ditto.... Russian
Columbian 3824 11.J2- Spanish l3l

The lies daily propagated by the Charles-
street gang, in the hope of furthering their dishonest pur-
poses, seem likely to extend the limits of the English lan-
guage,—the term " a Tory" has become synonymous with
" a falsehood ;" even urchins in the street, instead of
"that's a lie," now exclaim " that's a Tory ;" or when
they wish to lie particularly emphatic and expressive,
" Oh, what a boroughmouger ! !"

When we gather from the French Papers the
mention which has been made in the Carlist journals of
the first communion of the Duke of BORDEAUX, and the
importance attached thereto as a subject for ultra gratula•
tion, it is impossible not to suspect that the recent addle-
headed break-out in Paris was more than accident.illy
connected with the event thus described in the Caledonian
Mercury received yesterday morning :—" On Thursday
last, being the Feast of the Purification, or Candlemas-d ,v,
the Duke of BORDEAUX, along with two of the sons of the
Duke de GUICHE, were admitted to their first communion
in the Catholic chapel of this city. CHARLES X., the
Duke and Duchess of ANGouLEsiz, and almost the whole
of the Royal Household, were present. The young com-
municants received the sacrament from the hands of Cie-
dinal LaTiL, who, at the conclusion of the service, deli.
vered a short exhortation from the altar in reference to
the nature of the important engagement they had COD-
tracttd. The demeanour of these beautiful and interesiiig
youths on this soleyn occasion was highly edifying."

SPIRIT Or THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We insert in another part of our Paper the
spirited manifesto which has been issued by
he ex-Emperor Don Pedro on his embarkation
it Belleisle for Terceira, with the intention of
heading from the Azores an expedition to Por-
tugal, to dethrone his usurping brother, and re-
establish the sovereign rights of his daughter. In
this well-weighed document the Ex-Emperor
draws a just and striking picture of the perfidious
character and treacherous usurpation of Don
kliguel, details the objects which he himself has
in view in joining the expedition, and announces
the policy which, as the natural guardian of the
young Queen, he intends to pursue, should his
irms be blessed with success and his daughter's
authority be restored. With the black narrative
contained in the first part of this manifesto all
the world was previously acquainted. The ac-
cumulation of perfidies, perjuries, and crimes
r3wded into the short history of the cor.
temptible usurper, whom we have formerly
called the Dey of Lisbon, would have served
sufficiently to decorate the annals of more
celebrated, though not more criminal tyrants ;
and few modern despots, with such limited
sway, ever occasioned such extensive misery.
The Emperor, seated on the other side of the Ate
lantic, and unable,by the fundamental laws of the
two monarchies to which by his father's death he
succeeded, to retain the crowns of both on his
head, resolved, on the arrival of the news of
King John's decease, to resign that of Portugal
in favour of his daughter, retaining that of Bra-
zil—destined, in his opinion, to become a more
mighty inheritance—for himself and his eldest
son. In order to render her faithful Majesty's
reign a greater blessing to her subjects, he em-
ployed the short interval during which he re-
mained King of Portugal to frame a charter,
which was transmitted to Europe along with his
daughter's title-deeds to the crown, and which
was intended never to be separated from those
rights which it conferred. Every Court in
Europe, whether constitutional or absolutist, ac-
knowledged his Imperial Majesty as King of
Portugal, and therefore all were precluded from
denying, even on the principles of the Holy
Alliance, the legitimacy of those institutions
which emanated from his throne, and which
prescribed the duties as well as established the
rights of his successor. Even Don Miguel
took the oath of allegiance, first to his brother
and then to his niece, along with the other
subjects of Portugal. But the constitutional act
which was intended to secure an uncontested
and a happy reign to the young Queen, excited
the enemies of existing abuses against her au-
thority, and led to the short-lived rebellion of
Chaves. It then became evident that the claims
of a female, a minor, and a stranger—however
supported by the laws of succession in Portugal,
and countenanced by the general recognition of'
Europe—would run serious dangers in collision
with those of a Prince of mature age, whose
cause had already been adopted by a considerable
portion of the privileged orders. Hence the
idea of uniting the rights of the former and the
pretensions of the latter by an ill-omened mar-
riage—hence the appointment of Don Miguel
to the Regency of the kingdom till his betrothed
niece should attain the years of majority—and
hence that series of engagements, promises, and
oaths to rule according to the charter, which
lulled suspicion asleep till he arrived in Portu-
gal,
and was able to destroy the charter and usurp
the throne by almost incredible acts of baseness,
falsehood, and perjury. It is but doing justice
to the sagacity of Don Pedro to say, that he
never implicitly trusted his brother, aed that
he was only prevailed upon to permit his re-
turn to Portugal in the capacity of his Lieu-
! tenant by the assurances of some of his Eu-
ropean allies and the menaces of others. In this
state of things he may expect their countenance,
or at least their forbearance, in attempting to reco-
ver those rights which he lost by confiding in their
counsels or submitting to their importunities.—
But it will be by his own good conduct alone,
or by the hatred entertained of his brother, that
he can expect success. The manifesto, after
detailing the reasons by which the expedition is
justified, announces the intended proceedings of
the Ex-Emperor both on reaching Terceira and
on arriving in Portugal. He has formally abdi-
cated, therefore he has no longer any pretensions
to the throne ; but, as the guardian of his
daughter, he appointed a Regency two years ago,
and in the same capacity he intends to resume
his own commission, and to appoint himself
Regent. His daughter's minority, and the ab-
sence of constitutional bodies to act upon emer-
gencies, may render necessary conduct which
necessity only can justify. 01 this kind is the
change of the Terceira Regency. If, on the
arrival of the expedition at Lisbon, the Ex-Im-
perial Regent can depose his Royal Lieutenant,
he will be able in reality to reign for some tune
in the name of his daughter. In that case he
engages to convoke the Cortes of the kingdom,
and to issue a general amnesty for the treasons
committed under the usurper. It will be ob-
served that the Ex-Emperor makes no mention.
of the revival of the extinct charter, and pro-
bably, in his present circumstances, and with the
eyes of the absolute as well as the free Govern-
ments of Europe directed to his proceedings, he
is right to exercise a little caution in Ins declara-
tions; but we are persuaded that no cause can
ultimately gain by the compromise of principle,—
that his best friends will feel no interest in his
success as a mere question of legitimacy,—and
that Spain, together with other legitimate Go-
vernments which are hostile to his movement,
will feel as much alarmed at the convocation of
the Cortes to make a Constitution, as at the re-
establishment of the Constitution which has lately
been destroyed.—Times.
It is to be apprehended, that if Lord Grey
should not think proper to explain more dis-
tinctly than he has yet, done, his intentions, as
a Minister, with regard to Ireland,—we mean,
more particularly, in relation to the Church,—
his Lordship will have to charge himself with
something at least approaching to an indiscre-
tion. The plain meaning of his words on Tues-
day evening was, that he would enforce the law
for the collection of tithe in Ireland. Was it
not so ? If his Lordship answers in the affirma-
tive, he prepares for himself an enterprise the
most abortive in its execution, and in its final re-
sults the most fearful, that ever blind man under-
took when he walked over the edge of a precipice.
It is impossible to make the Irish Catholics pay
tithe, at the existing rate, to any (even a Catholic)
clergy, or any tithe to Protestant clergy. And
we rejoice that it is impossible, because it is un-
jus
of going to law v
t.Letnot LordGreyt,lirieth 6,0
threaten
0wild)e00 ex-
perimento
men, by seizing their goods and chattles ; or of
going to war with them in a foul cause, by at-
ttsehtteanitpretspimnegra,sroi
noasnsfoLrt haoerrrderaerEc ogumfe erl
od.
taiLtgi
t,n
hire
imprison(u)tc,l
1 ae
implore Lord Grey, and if he will not listen to

us, we implore the more enlightened of his
colleagues not to commit the peace and
existence of the realm upon a question souttetly,
hopeless. Does he flatter himself that in the
present temper of Englishmen, this nation will
consent to make war upon Ireland for the sake
,of her 1,600 or 1,800 churchmen, and her 22
Bishops? It is no entertainment for such an
hour as this, to fight against principles with
F When the Church of Ireland hments-
ex-
claims, " Will you rob me of my property ?"
she is answered, " Why have ytu abused your,
trust ?" Why have you diverted from eft-es
ecclesiastical to uses personal—from tilt poor to
the pluralist—those ample revemms which origi-
nally were designed for distribution between the
" Bishop, the fabric of the Church, the poor,
and the clergy ?" Two of these claimants,
deed, have been provided for,—the Bishop and
the Rector have swallowed up all. nut the
fabric of the Church" is kept tom dilapida-
tion by interminable taxes upon the very poor
themselves, from whom their rightful portion of'
the Church revenues has been wrested! This
can never stand. We have long ag,o declared,
and are daily more persuaded, that composition
will no longer do,—that v_:ominutation will not
tlo,—that any effort, by mere violence, to coerce
the Irish nation into a payment of tithe) mast
bring at once the State itself into a desperate and
fatal collision with the people,. There is no
discredit in capitulating betimes with necessity ; I
but there is little honour in provoking an enemy
by whom the battle has, morally speakin.s--, been
already won. The Members of the Tithe
Committee must feel much eut.barrassed by the
conversation in the House of Lords on Tuesday.
If Government or Lord Grey should, from the
outset, have pre-arranged the policy to be
adopted, and if that policy be the absolute main-
tenance of tithe, cui Bono the ceremony of a
Committee ?—Times,
We refer our readers to a report of a meet-
ing held Yesterday, at Exeter Hall, on the sub-
ject of the Commission lately appointed by Go-
vernment for the purpose of promoting educa-
tion in Ireland. The speakers at the meeting
are, many of them, personages of prodigious ac-
tivity, for one day we hear of them in Armagh,
the next in Dublin, and soon afterwards their
voices ring in the various receptacles for the
propagation of fanaticism in this metropolis. The
speech of Mr. Shaw, the Recorder for Dublin,
amounted to a threat of rebellion. These people
rant it rarely. It might be supposed from the
language of the speakers that it was intended to
place the Bible under an interdict. What are
the facts of the case ? Is any impediment
thrown in the way of diffusion in the Scrip-
tures ? Has not the Archbishop of Dublin,
in his admirable Answer to the Memorial of
the Dean and Chapter of St. Patrick, shown that
it was not—

" The intention of Government to frame (much less tr.
enforce) a system of education that should be complete,
and should be the beat adapted to instruct children in all
that is desirable for them to learn ; but to provide as a
national measure, some degree of national instruction
leaving, as it were, blank pages to be tilled up by vs in
other ways.
It is the office of a church, as such, to instruct in it,
own religious principles persons elan ages; and children,
not least. The duty of catechising, as well as preaching.
t. ful y recognised in our own Church. And We posse.•
endowments, held, I apprehend, under the equitaSle con-
di ion of our labouring for these objects.
Whether the endowments are sufficiently ample, and
whether the present state of the public finances will admit
of an appropriation of any part of the national revenue in
aid of them, are questions 1 do not undertake to decide.--
But it will surely be admitted, that it is the duty of the
pastors of our Church, not only to devote their personal
labour to the religious instruction both of children and
adults, but also, as far as their benefices will allow, to con-
tribute, and to call on their lay brethren to conttibute,
towards the expenses of books, catechisms, &c. for these
purposes.

" I have always myself acted on this principle. My
qiwn living in Suffolk was hut poor ; hut, besides super-
intending, by myself and my curates, the national school
there established, I procured a school-home N be built for
it, chiefly at the cost of clergymen, by whom, also, a very
large proportion of its annual expences has been defrayed.
Besides which, an adult school was established and carried
on, and lately an infant school instituted at my own sole
goat."

The appropriation of money by Government,
for the purpose of communicating to the Irish
poor such rudiments of education as they could
be brought to receive, was not intended to super-
sede the exertions of the clergy in instructing
both young and old in religion. But here, we
suspect, is to be found the secret of all the zeal
for the Bible. The clergy of the Church of
England are as quick in the scenting additional
trouble as a wolf is in scenting carrion. Any-
thing rather than work ! It is not proposed to
prevent either Protestants or Catholics from
establishing schools for themselves, and commu-
nicating whatever religious instruction they may
approve of to their children, but merely that in
the case of such separate schools they shall ab-
stain from applying for aid out of the national
fund. When separate schools cannot be main-
tained, it is better, surely, that the children should
receive some instruction than none ; and this in-
struction they can only receive by the adoption of
selections of such passages from the Scriptures as
may be equally acceptable to both Protestants
arid Catholics. The arguments of the Arch-
bishop on this subject are unanswerable :

" The reading of the Bible (even if it were read all
through, instead of merely such passages as the master may
think fit to select), without any explanation to the chil-
dren, and examination of them in the matter of it, would
alone be a very defective Scriptural education. But that
defect may be supplied. And again, even if they received
no religious instruction whatever during school hours on
four or five days in the week, yet, if the Protestant clergy-
man or other well qualified instructors would devote from
half an hour to an hour on each of those days, and from
two to four hours on each of the other two or three days
in each week to the religious instruction of the children_
training them not merely to read the Scriptures, but ' to
mark, learn, and inwardly digest them,' and supplying
them with Bibles, and also with useful manual■ to read at-
home, in which they might he from time to time examined
—if all this were done, no one can doubt that their pupils
would be enabled to turn out better divines than the ge-
nerality even of the higher orders actually are.
" But certainly this would cost their instructors more
trouble than would be required in a differently constituted
school.

" And, if some selections from Scripture, sanctioned as
unobjectionable by Protestants, should be adopted as a
school-book, this I should regard as an advantage, pro-
vided it did not lead us to neglect all other religious in-
struction. Mrs. Trimmer's Abridgments, and many other
b Poke of that kind (which have long been in tree in
schools), would be hurtful if they were allowed to pro-
duce that effect; if they were made to furnish a plea for
neglecting to impart the whole Bible to all that can be
brought to receive it. And, again, I should regard it as
an evil, that any should suppose a child to have received a
religious education, merely on the ground of his having
read the :fords of the whole Bible itself, without any
care having been used to make him take in the sense of it.
I know, from lung experience in education, how little will
generally be understood by children if thus left to them-
selves, even of words which they ca❑ fluently repeat by
rote."
" The more trouble" to which the Archbishop
alludes so insignificantly, solves the riddle of
the opposition of the clergy. They have always
set the law at defiance in regard to schools ; vio-
lating even the oaths binding them to establish
schools. They will neither give money nor
trouble to instruct their flocks; but they will

abet fanatical orators, of the statnp of those who
yesttrday figured at Exeter Hall. However,
the design must easily be seen through.—Morn-
ing Chronicle.

The strange language held ntl Tuesday night
in the House of Lords on the sublect of Irish
tithes., htts already created, as was to oe expected,
A strong sensation among the Irish Members.—
Mr. O'Connell, presenting a petition from
Waterfcr•e:, praying that tithes may be placed in
tilt :lands of Government, to be distributed more
impartially for the support of religion, took occas
sion to advert to the deelaration of Earl Grey.
" He heard (lie said) with surprise, that it was
intended to uphold it even by the employment
of all the roc or the Government. He was
I stare that if force was thus employed; it would
fail; for Protestant and Catholc.t were united
against it, and he thought there was insanity in
the attempt," 11 will be borne in mind by our
reader-, that Earl Grey expressly declared that
fie was determined to overcome the resistance to
the payment of tithes ; and if the power already
possessed by the Government were found insuf-
ficient, " he had no hesitation in saying that he
would propose to their Lordships to give further
powers, if that were rendered necessary, to sup •
press the resistance." All this is a riddle to us,
because we cannot comprehend how a general
resistance can be overcome by any addi•
tion to The power possessed by the Government.
Lordship talks of law and power, as if law
and power derived their efficacy from the moon.
Law, to be efficient, must express the will of the
people, and a law to suppress the resistance of a
whole people is a mere brut= fulmen. Mr.
Weyland observed, " that the force to be
employed was the legal means placed in the
hands of Government to support a demand sanc-
tioned by the law." But Mr. O'Connell showed
that the Hon. Gentleman was not aware of the
peculiar difficulty of the case, as the law was not
resisted. " There was no violence (he said) in
the resistance of the people. The law was al-
lowed to take its course, but when the cattle
were distrained there were no bidders." Adopt
Lord Ellenborough's suggestion, and take the
person—who can imprison a nation ? It is idle
in Mr. Shaw to talk of upholding the law by
force if it were resisted by force, for there is no
resistance by force in the case. The people are
determined to remain passive, and the remaining
passive will baffle all the power of all the Go-
vernments in the world. But when people talk
of law, they ought to be certain that they ha'e
justice on their side. For what were tithes given ?
Mr. \Veyland had observed that " the tithes
could under no circumstances belong to those-
who now refused to pay them ; and when they
declared that they were detertnined not to pay
their tithes, they were guilty of something like
robbery, for they had recourse to acts of violence
to keep that money in their pockets which they
knew did not belong to them, but to others."
But who are the others ?
:;" The Hon. Member (Mr. O'Connell answered) who
.aid the people kept in their pockets what was not their
own, seemed to forget that tithes were given for certain
purposes--one-third for the poor, who now got nothing—
one-third for the repairing of churches, which repairing
was now done at the expense of the Catholic.--and one-
third for the clergyman.
Mr. Lefroy having denied that the tenure of
tithes was threefold,

" Mr. Sheil, in answer to the Hon. and Learned Mem-
ber f r the University of Dublin, referred to the authority
of Blackstone, by whom it was stated, thst, at the first
establishment of Parochial Clergy, the tithes of the parish
were distributed in a fourfold division ; one for the use of
the Bishop, another for maintaining the fabric of the
Church, a third fur the poor, and the fourth to provide for
the incumbent.' He added, that he had read, with a great
deal of pain, a report of the remarks which had been made
in another place last night on the subject of tithes in Ire-
land. Nevertheless, he was far from believing that any
objectionable measure on the subject could proceed from
his Majesty's Government, when he recollected that, on
the 6th of May, 1824, a resolution was moved in that
House that the system of tithes required revision ; which
motion had the support of Mr. Spring Rice, Lord William
Russell, and that venerable, immortal, and everlasting
name—Henry Brougham."
Whatever may be the faults of the Church of
Rome, it has never shown the same effrontery
with regard to the diversion of ecclesiastical

property—from the purposes for which it was
given as the Protestant Church of England a►►d
Ireland. A Protestant clergyman will listen for
hours to a charge of idolatry against the Church
of Rome : but at the first allusion to the original
destination of tithes he loses all patience. Now,
nothing is more frequent in the sermons of
Catholic clergymen than the exhortations to their
brethren to distribute religiously their revenues,
according to the original intention. In the
course of sermons preached at St. Peter's, at
Rome, in Lent, 1577, by the Bishop of Asti,
the Rev. Orator exclaims :
" Ye Prelates, I will tell you one thing; I will tell
to you that have Church revenues, that of your estates
the third is for yourselves; the third is for the poor; the
third is in order that the Church may not be a den.
Whenever you do not give your third to the Church; vos
facitis earn speluncam ; and against you the Church calls
out this day. I add also my threatening. ; and I b.ll you,
that if you hold the churches in such small account, God
will permit that which he has always permitted. A
time will come, in which not only the third which you
are bound to spend in upholding the edifices, but all your
incomes, will he taken from you ; and these temples,
which you have not wished to repair, you will see them
destroyed by the hands of the wicked.
"• A den of thieves,"' says Christ. " And do you
know to whom he says this? To you who are robbers
of ecclesiastical property ; you who make the Church a
den of thieves ; to you who appropriate to your own uses I
the thirds of the poor and of the Church, under the pre-
text of maintaining your own dignity ; you who rob these
two-thirds—who convert sacred into profane things."

Already the baneful effects of the declaration
of Earl Grey begin to be perceived. Lord
Ehrington said, it would be impossible for him
to support any coercive measures, if any such
were contemplated by his Majesty's Govern-
ment, which he hoped was not the case, unless
they were preceded by measures of a conciliatory
nature. The high language of Lord Plunkett
might have been tolerated fifteen years ago, bu t
it is now quite unseasonable.—Morn. Chronicle.
We trust no time will be lost in appointing
the Commission to institute a systematic inquiry
into the condition of the poor. What is re-

quired is to know the nature and extent of the
evil, and as far as possible the causes, and then
we shall be prepared to grapple with it. At
present we really know very little of the matter.
A witness from a particular district is examined
before a Committee of the House of Commons,
and it is rashly inferred that the circumstances
related by him are universally prevalent. Thus,
for instance, Lord Torrington, a year or two ago,
presented a petition from a particular parish in
the Weals of Kent, in which the poor-rates
were 245. a pound, and wished it to be inferred
that this was caused by agricultural distress.
We took the trouble to trace this parish through
a number of reports for about twenty years back,
and showed that the rates had always been at
nearly the same height. These are anomalies,
and it will be the business of a Commission to
distinguish between what is general and what is
local and accidental, and to account for the ano-
malies. In the evidence taken before the Com-

mittee of the Lords, in 1830 and 1831, on the
State of the Poor Laws, there is some valuable
information as to what can be done in improving
the condition of the poor by a proper execution
of the Poor Laws. Berkshire is one of the
counties in which the condition of the poor has
generally been described as the most deplor-
able, and in the accounts of several fires in that
county, the labourers were said to have looked
on with apathy, exhibiting in their ragged clothes
and bare feet all the signs of wretchedness. If,
however, the evidence of the Rev. Thomas
Whalley, at Cookham, in Berkshire, who has
resided upwards of thirty-three years in that
county, is looked into, it will be seen that the
condition of the labourers in that parish is far
from wretched. He is asked, "Do not you
consider that the labouring classes are well off in
your parish ?" He answers—
" I think they are better off than I have ever seen
them since I have known them. In the year 1793, and
for several years before that period. the rate of wages was
Bs. per week, and wheat sold at 161. per load ; now wheat
sells at from 171. 10s. to 18/., and wages are 10s., while
all sorts of linen and calico are not a third of the price
they were at in the above year of 1793.
" Do you attribute that to the good management of the
parish do.
" Have you prepared any statement upon that subject ?
—I have.
" Have the goodness to read the same?—The system of
management introduced by Select Vestry of the parish of
Cookbam has been attended with vary beneficial effects
both to the rate-payer and to the poor. To the former it
has saved in eight years up to Lady-day last, compared
with the preceding eight years, noless asum than 15,0081.
12s. 6.1. To the litter it has been equally beneficial, by in-
troducing habits of frugality, industry, and providence, which
have been strongly marked by their beneficial effects. Only
one bastard child has been registered in either of the two last
years. The system is simple, and may be accommodated to
the circumstances of most agricultural parishes. Its
leading features are the employment of the able-bodied
poor, who apply for relief, at low wages, and at hard
work by the piece, showing them that the parish is the
hardest task-master and the lowest pay-master they can
apply to; never giving any thing in aid of lsbour, rent, or
rates ; dividing the paupers in the workhouse into two
classes; the old, infirm, and impotent form the first; the
idle, improvident, and vicious, constitute the second. To
the former is allowed an ample supply of butcher's meat,
and other suitable food; to the second class nothing but
bread and cheese. None are allowed to absent themselves
from the workhouse, or to receive visitors within its
wads, without an express and written order from an
overseer. Every possible encouragement is given to
honest industry, providence, and frugality, by the establish-
ment of a Savings' Bank, a Friendly Society, a
Lying-in-Charity, and all other means that can be
devised. Young persons going to service are allowed
an outfit of clothes ; and a member of the Friendly
Society is always received by the Select Vestry with
marker! attention. I cannot help adding!, that during
the late troubles there has been no fire, no riot, no
threatening letter in the pariah. In the midst of a dis-
trict that has been particularly disturbed, Cookhant and
White Waltham (where a similar system has been adopted)
have entirely escaped, although in Cookham there are
several thrashing machines ; and the only paper mill has
been newly tatted up with machinery. The poor of Cook-
ham have subscribed during the last summer for the pur-
chase of coals, which were delivered to them in November
at 121 s. They have purchased linen, calico, and other
clothing, during the year, at prime cost to the amount of
1601. The Friendly Society which ensures to a subscrib-
ing member, during sickness, eight shillings a week, and
Si. for the funeral in case of death, consists of about one
hundred members. To a Penny Club within the year, in
the village of Cookharn and its immediate neighbourhood,
has been subscribed 481 ; and the contributions to the
Savings' Bank have been uniform and regular, and
amounted, at Lady-day last, to the sum of 3,5441. 7s. Id.

In speaking of the money the poor have expended in
clothing, I should say that they have bought their clothing
of me ; therefore it is only that part of the parish over
which I have any superintendence.
• • • a a • a •

" You say that the Select Vestry has lowered the rates
from 3,0001. a year to 1,1001. ?—The poor-rates in the
year 1812 were nearly 4,0001.
" You have also added, that you think there were a
greater number of poor out of employ before the Select
Vestry than now ; how do you conceive that the Select
Vestry have provided employment for them ?—They have
provided employment by setting them to bard work at low
wages by the grate, by the piece. The consequence was,
that they found work for themselves. We gave them a piece
of ground to trench—hard gravelly ground; and many of
the farmers thought we should trench the whole parish;
but I believe we never trenched quite half an acre.
" As soon as they were sent to work, they went away
and got work ?—Yes ; there was one man, who was a
postillion, and he was about sixty years old, with a very
short jacket, and a plaited shirt ; he had married a bar-
maid of about 18, and had one child, and he came to the
parish for relief, expecting to have a weekly allowance.
We asked him how he came to be out of employment ; he
said he had had a few words with his master. We re-
commended him to have a few more, and try whether he
could not make up the difference, for that we bad nothing
for him except some trenching, which we were afraid he
would dislike. He went away ; we never heard anything
of him from that day to this.
" You attribute the great number of persons who were
out of employment at that time to their being permitted
to remain idle ?—Yes ; they were sent to the gravel-pits,
in the adjoining parish of Wooburn, when the riots were
very extensive and ruinous, where the paper-mills were
destroyed, which is divided from Cookham only by the
Thames ; they have now 65 people out of employment on
the reads. Our rates are ls. 6d. in the pound ; at Woo-
burn they are 10s. or 12s. in the pound ; and so all the
way to Berkhampstead ; all the way down to the Hoo."

What become of the postilion of sixty who
went away rather than trench, and of whom they
never heard anything ?—We will answer for it
he forms one of the immense multitude of
beggars in the metropolis and its environs.
Where amidst a multitude of ill-managed pa-
rishes, there are one or two like Cookham,
the result of an experiment in such a parish
would not be altogether conclusive as to what
would take place if all parishes were managed in
the same way. It is pretty clear that hard la-
bour and low diet will have few attractions for
idle poor ; but then the removing them will, in
many cases, only encumber some other parish.
It is impossible to stir abroad without being
almost worried to death with poor, and, ge-
nerally speaking, the men are English, who,
of course, have a parish somewhere. Take
Blackheath, for instance. In whatever direction
it is crossed, numerous applicants:for relief present
themselves. In the metropolis, the moment two
persons enter into conversation in the street, a
beggar is sure to appear. Driving the poor
away, though a good thing for a particular pa-
rish, is not always a good thing for the neigh-
bourhood. But, while we make these observa-
tions, we readily allow the value of the services
rendered by those who, like Mr. Whateley, suc-
ceed in keeping up the division between wages
and relief. Let the workman be fairly rewarded,
and let those who cannot find work at fair wages
be withdrawn, and employed in trenching or
some other way for the parish. This must ne-
cessarily foster in the people habits of indepen-
dence, and make them acquainted with the cir-
cumstances which determine their condition.
There is much curious matter in the evidence of
Mr. Beecher, of Nottinghamshire, but we have
not space at present to allude to it.—lllorning
Chronicle.

An opinion, we know, prevails, and that
among what are considered well-informed circles,
that the fate of the present Reform Bill will be
the same as that of the last—viz., that, after
having been battled inch by inch in the Com-
mons, and at length carried through that House,
it will be strangled immediately on its appear-
ance in the House of Lords. Others imagine
that, for the sake of appearances, its opponents
in the Upper House will allow it to go into
Committee there, but that it will be so maimed

and disfigured that its most striking and valuable
features will have disappeared, so that even its
friends must necessarily disclaim it ; in short,
that, in either case, its defeat is certain. These
rumours, of course, imply that no new Peers are
to be made, or, at any rate, not in sufficient
numbers to be of any avail. Though we give
these rumours as they reach us, we do not at-
tach to them any thing like a confidence on
our own part. The result certainly may be
such as is here anticipated. It is much more
likely, however, we should think, that it will not.
What has once happened certainly may happen
again. But if a man's house had once narrowly
escaped conflagration, he must be infatuated, in-
deed, if he wilfully and knowingly exposes it again
to a similar danger. The country has for once
escaped the danger to which the rejection of
the Reform Bill has exposed it. We trust that
means will be found—that patriotism, self-de-
nial, and good sense will be found—sufficient to
avert a repetition of it. This, we think, will be
most effectually promoted by a mutual disposi-
tion to yield on minor points. To the friends
and supporters of the Bill we would more es-
pecially recommend this ; for let hut the one
great object of Reform, the dissolution of the
rotten boroughs, be attained, and such a re-
formed Parliament as this wholesome alteration
alone will produce must, of necessity, very soon
bring about all that can be reasonably wanted to
perfect the measure. The question is not now,
as when the Duke of Wellington, last October
twelvemonth, made his too-celebrated denuncia-
tion, whether any Reform shall take place. It is
now, at the worst, only a question of degree, and
at whose hands the country are to receive it. It
is quite clear that were the party who are now
opposing the Reform Bill to accede themselves
to office to-morrow, that they could not carry
on the Government for a fortnight without pro-
ducing a Reform Bill of their own—aye, and that
a Bill differing but little in essentials from
that which is the object of their present con-
demnation. After what the country has seen
happen on the Catholic question, they need not
be prepared with any extraordinary wonder at
seeing the same game of tergiversation played
over again upon this. If such, then, be the
state of the question, surely those in whose
hands its present fate rests will pause before they
do that which, while, on the one hand, it can
only postpone the measure, may, on the other,
expose the country to a fearful scene of calamity,
in addition to that which she is already suffering.
A speedy settlement of it is at this moment " the

one thing needful." Every other interest, mo-
mentous and numerous as they are, stands still
while this vital one lingers uncompleted. Such
a state of things cannot and ought not to con-
tinue : the country has a right to say it shall not.
—Morning Herald.
The progress hitherto made in the Reform
Bill has been slower, perhaps, than the public
would have desired ; but it has, nevertheless,
been of a more secure and gratifying character
than during the discussion of it in the last session
of Parliament. Out of the three great principles
of which it is composed two may be said to have
been irrevocably passed. The ten-pound fran-
chise has been carried—the rotten boroughs have
been fairly knocked on the head, and though
when the contents of schedule A and schedule

B come to be discussed there may be a little
sparring between one insignificant borough and
another almost as frail, the people of England
can have no interest in that matter, and no one
will care which survives the contest but those
who happen to be their owners. These two
principles having been then carried—that is,
the demolition of the rotten boroughs, and the
extension of the elective franchise to ten-pound
householders, the only great remaining point re-
specting which the public need entertain the
slightest anxiety, is the extension of the franchise
to such unrepresented places as Birmingham,
'Manchester, &c. We do not, however, see in
in the list of motions in the order-book of the
House of Commons, an amendment to the effect
that these new cities and boroughs shall not have
granted to them a privilege which from no reason,
but prescription and ancient usage, is allowed to
nieces of two and four thousand inhabitants.
'There is, indeed, a notice of a motion on the
part of the Marquis of Chandos, the object of
which is to prevent the metropolis from having
always allotted to it any more than its present
very limited and insufficient number of repre-
sentatives ; but can the Noble Marquis really
bring himself to believe that he can be
successful in his attempt, or that any
one can be induced to listen seriously to his
proposition whose mind is not made up against
all Reform ? If tenants at will, of 501. a year
rental are to have votes—if places of 2,000 and
4,000 inhabitants are to be allowed to retain their
franchise—if Birmingham, and Manchester, and
Leeds, are to have representatives, on what
ground can he propose to the Commons of Eng-
land that the metropolis shall not also come in
for a share of the new rights ? We know not,
indeed, on what foundation he grounds his pro-
position, but we have no doubt that it will meet
with a signal defeat, and that all the great prin-
ciples of the Bill being thus carried, it will again
salute their Lordships in the Upper House,
eademfacie, eodemque caore with which a few
months back it endeavoured to gain their favour.
What must be done, however, ought to be done
quickly. The Opposition will, no doubt, con-

tinue its pitiful and annoying assaults in long set
speeches, of more sound than sense.; but if the
Ministers, and their friends, will only refrain
from imitating their example—if they will be-
ware of being entrapped into lengthy explana-
tions by those who only desire explanations in
order to gain time, and weary out the pati-
ence of the people—if they will only appeal to
the sense of the House, instead of endeavouring
to justify themselves—a very few more weeks
indeed need elapse before, so far as the Com-
mons are concerned, the Reform Bill may be
considered as the virtual basis of a Constitution
so long and so unjustly withheld from the people
of England, and from the establishinent of which
so much future benefit is so justly anticipated.—
Morning Advertiser.

Don Pedro's Manifesto, in which he avows
his views and intentions in fitting out a com-
bined expedition in English and French ports,
is at length before us, and a pretty tissue of spe-
ciuus reasoning and distorted facts it is. It is,
however, too long and too studied to have an im-
mediate answer, notwithstanding it does not con-
taim a single new argument, the whole having been
previously put forth in the Expose des Droits
de sa Majest T. F., which was so triumphantly
answered two years ago. This manifesto was
preceded by an article in the Edinburgh Re-
view (to which we alluded on Monday), doubt-
less with the intent of producing a kind of coup
d'etat, preparatory to a call for the second in-
stalment of the loan negociated for the purpose
of defraying the expences of the liberal job,
commonly called the expedition. Don Pedro's

manifesto very much resembles that or King
James, which he also published in France, and
like it ought to be answered, paragraph by para-
graph, in order to shew the weakness of the rea-
sons therein alleged. This will doubtless be forth-
with done ; but in looking at this most impudent
production we cannot help expressing our asto-
nishment that the people of Portugal are not even
once taken into consideration in a question pecu-
liarly their own, and almost wholly relating to
them. As regards them, it indeed involves a
point of the utmost importance, one which in-
volves nothing less than their national indepen-
dence. With them it is whether they have the
right of applying the laws of their country to
any grave emergencies which may arise among
them ; for if Don Pedro is to put on and off
their Crown whenever he pleases, and against
their will and consent bestow it upon another,
Portugal is no longer independent. On the llth
July, 1828, the Cortes, or Parliament, of Por-
tugal, in an award as solemn, legitimate, and as
strictly constitutional, as any Act passed for the
settlement of the Crown of these Realms, for-
mally declared and enacted " That previous to
the 10th of March, 1826 (the day of King
John demise), laws the most clear and
peremptory had excluded Don Pedro and his
descendants from the Crown of Portugal, and
for that same reason called thereto the second
line, in the person of Don Miguel." By
accepting the Crown of Brazil Don Pedro
lost all right and title to reign in Portugal, for
there no foreir°mer is admitted ; and also volun-
tarily resigned and openly renounced all here-
ditary expectations on this side of the Atlantic.
Without this he could not have ascended the
Throne of the Brazilians, and by now showing
himself so complete a hypocrite, he has justified
them in all they hate done towards him. But
how is it the manifesto writer says nothing of
Brazil ? He now addresses the Portuguese,
nay, all Europe, for the first time. Why then
does he not tell them what dire incident made
him first an inmate at the Clarendon, and next a
hanger on at the Palais Royal ? In common
candour he ought to have told this tale ; but
instead of doing it he issues a manifesto, as if
his father had died yesterday ; descants a good
deal on what foreign nations have done to-
wards Portugal, but never says a word of
what the Portuguese have done for them-
selves in order to promote their own in-
dependence, preserve their national institu•
tions, and repel the foreign aggression which
he himself now aims against them. We
shall have fature opportunities of returning to
this subject ; but in the meanwhile we cannot
refrain from smiling at the idea entertained by
some persons that Don Pedro would govern
Portugal liberally, if he could only get there.
And do people who think thus imagine that it
was good government in Brazil which brought
him over to Europe ? The matter is two fresh
in every one's recollection for any doubt to pre-
vail upon this subject. Don Pedro would be as
great a tyrant and as consummate a hypocrite,
even in Terceira, if he lands there, as he was in
Brazil ; and with the exception of the flatterers
now near his person, all the other Portuguese
emigrants think this of him, and are as anxious
that he should not succeed as the most strenuous
of Don Miguel's partisans.—Morning Post.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

G UILDHALL.

Yesterday Robert Brown, in the garb of a sailor,
was placed at the bar under the following circum-
stances:—lt appeared that the prisoner called upon
Mr. Pritchard, solicitor, of Bridge-street, Black-
friars, and introduced himself as a sailor who had
just arrived from a long voyage. The object of his
visit, he said, was to pay a debt of gratitude to
Mr. Pritchard, sen., who had befriended him in
distress, and provided him with the means of going
abroad, by which he (the prisoner) had realized a
good sum of money. In conclusion, he hoped that
Mr. Pritchard, sen., would not be offended at the
money being returned, as he was now in a situation
to do so. Mr. Pritchard replied that his father was
dead ; upon which the prisoner feigned the deepest
sorrow. After some manoeuvring, the prisoner said
that he had spices of all kinds on board his vessel,
and be would make Mr. Pritchard a present of a
quantity. Then putting his hand in his pocket, he
exclaimed, " Dear me, I have left my money on
board," and audaciously asked Mr. Pritchard to
advance him a sovereign until he brought the spices.
This was acceded to, and the prisoner afterwards
obtained 15s. from Mr.Pritchard's mother under si-
milar circumstances. The prisoner was met on
Monday, two months having elapsed since he im-
posed upon Mr. Pritchard, and given into custody.
It being expected that several other charges of a
like nature will be brought against the prisoner, he
was remanded.
HATTON-GARDEN.

Yesterday a man named Mitchell, who resides at
No. 4, Greville-street, Clarendon-square, Somers-
town, requested the advice of the Magistrates. The
applicant, who appeared in great distress of mind,
stated, that on Friday morning himself and wife
went out to transact some business in the neigh.
bourhood, leaving their two children, a boy and a
girl, the latter six and the former three years of age,
at pl.►y in the front parlour. On his return, in
about twenty minutes, he found the outer door as he
' had left it, unlocked, but the parlour door, which he
had locked, he discovered burst open, and his
children gone. He had made inquiries at all the
station houses in London, and had also visited the
hospitals, but could learn nothing of his children,
and he feared that they had been made away with.
Mr. ROGERS said, that he should have every as-
sistance in his power, and gave directions that hand-
bills should be immediately circulated, with a proper
description of the children. The officers were also
ordered to endeavour to trace them.

ADVENTURES OF A YOUNGER SON.—The
volumes bearing this title will, we understand, shortly be
laid before the world. Some particulars respecting the
peculiar character of the work transpired, it is believed
without the writer's knowledge, a few months ago in a
weekly journal, and the consequence has been, that very
general and very marked anxiety has been manifested to
see the volumes. It may now be stated, that the narrs•
tive is understood to embrace details of the actual life of a
gentleman whose recent career has occupied much of the
public attention. He was one of the most intimate of the
late Lord Braox's friends, and it is said that his work
will demonstrate that he is of a kindred genius. The
scenes in the novel are, we hear, altogether of an extraor-
dinary nature.

GUNPOWDER.—A correspondent, who has
had ample experience to ensure a thorough knowledge
of the properties of gunpowder, suggests that great good
might result to the inhabitants, as regards the warding
off or staying the plague with which the city is threatened,
by a liberal expenditure of that article. He proposes
that from two to ten pounds of gunpowder should be
packed into tin cases, and exploded on the streets and in
the vicinity, and also that artillery should be fired from
the Castle, at Burntsfield Links, and Leith Fort. The
agitation and consequent rarification of the air would
purify the atmosphere considerably, while the smoke of
the powder would also operate in the way of disinfection.
Were this plan adopted, the gentleman would have no
objection to superintend the street explosions, and take
care that no damage ensued.—Besides alluding to the
effects of gunpowder at the battle near Warsaw, he re-
marks that at 'Woolwich, wohtenela.ergaarirniseoen
theywas firstbeg began
nstato-
blished there, the ranks were thinned by hundreds through
sickness, the ague, &c. ; h
exercise the great guns and otherwise expend gunpowder,
Woolwich has become as healthy a station for troops as
any fortress in the kingdom,—,Scoimsn,

HULL N 1 A ItK ET—Feb. 7.
There is a fair supply of Wheat from the farmers to this day's
market, the condition of which is generally very indifferent;
the demand is principally confined to the millers, who give the
prices of last week for best parcels ; other qualities are very dif-
ficult to quit. There is so little demand for old foreign that prices
m.ty be almost considered nominal. Oats are not shown so freely
as of late, and the best parcels fully command late prices. Not
much Barley offering to-day, and prices without alteration • the
few arrivals of foreign are going under lock as the prices will not
allow payment of tne present duty ; the market is nearly cleared
of the previous arrivals. The samples of Beans showing are so
very soft and tender that buyers cannot be found, even at a re-
duction of Is. to 2s. per quarter. Linseed dull sale hut lower.--
Rapeseed fully supports late prices, and in some instances a
trifling advance is obtained.
Wheat, Old --s. 565. 58s. New —s. 56s 53§.
------ Foreign —s. 50s. 545. ln bond... —s. —s. --s.
Oats, Poland —s. 20s. 225. Old —s. —s. 'Ng.
Small or Feed.... —s. 16s. 20s --6. —6. ....6..
Foreign
Barley, Norf. & Sut ... —s. Ms. 38s. Line. & Wold —s. 34s 3&s.
Foreign
Beans 'l2s. 345. 365. Foreign —5.36;. 38s.
Pease, White —s. 38s. 41's. Grey
Tarns —s —s. —s. Foreign —s. 30s. 365.
Rapeseed, in tsond none.

CHELTENHAM
Per Bushel a. d. to a. d.
Wheat .. ~ 6 0 8 0 Beef
Barley
Oats 4 0 4 :3 Veal
Beans
Pease 5 0 7 0 Lout)
Hay 3l. 101 to 3/. 15s. Od. per ton.

ItKEI.-I,eb. 7.
Per lb.

d. to
6 7
5 7
5 7
6 7
0 0

LEWES MA ft KET.—Feb. 7.
White Wheat (per quarter)---X3 3 0 to £3 6 0
Red ditto —.. 2 18 0 3 5 0
Barley--------- 1 13 0 1 15 0
Oats, New .... 1 1 0 1 3 0
Pease .. 1 16 0 1 17 0
Oil Cake, New--...—,--- 12 0 0 per thousand.