The Sun.
London, England, 1832-03-27 00:00:00

IMPORTANT CAUTION.

THE RECUMBENT CHAIR is the in-
genious invention of R. DAM'S, 17, Margaret.
Street, Cavendish-square. The recommendations of it, in
many Scientific Works, induced many unprincipled Up-
holsterers to sell an imitation of it, which, we find, does not
afford the same extent of comfort to invalids, or as an or-
dinary Resting Chair as the original. We, therefore, ad-
vise the obtaining of it of Robert Daws."—Dr. Reece's
Medical Annual, 1831.
ROBERT DAWS respectfully states that no other prin-
ciple does, or can, admit of half its variation or number of
steady positions comfort, simplicity, strength, or elegance,
and be will present one to any respectable person chewing
the contrary.
The same Chair may be had portable, also with wheels,
by which a person can move themselves in a room, garden,
or lawn.—May be had on hire.

GRAY'S PERSPIRATION PROMOTER AND IN-
STANTANEOUS BED WARMER.
THE above Invention having elicited the
approbation of some of the most scientific charac-
ters in Europe, S. Gray feels himself warranted in as-
serting that in any case of Cholera, Rheumatism, Violent
Colds, &c., where profuse perspiration is beneficial, the
above apparatus is invaluable. Placed in bed, by the side
ofthe patient, by beating the confined air within the bed,
e produces the same effects as Hot Air Vapour Baths,
As a bed waimer, or a safety lamp, it cannot be sur-
Pa"".---Por a description, see Mechanics' Magazine, No.
441, Jan, 22.
GRAY'S Price 1/. ss. to 21. 2s.
ought alas to b 2 in
New Invented LAVEMENT SYRINGE
without
possession of every family, constructed
Valvet or Stop-cocks, it is so simple that a child
would findsut the method of using it ; it is the best mode
of producg a healthy and regular action of the bowels, as
• the free use of
the destroys the tone of the Stomach,
and enfeebles the systern.--See London Journal of Arts and
Sciences, for February.
Samuel Gray's Surgical Instrument and Cutlery Manu-
factory, 17, Princes-street, Leicester-suare, Two door.
1 from Gerard-street. q

The Earl of HARR-OWRY rose from the head of the
Opposition Bench and said, that a longer time ought to
be allowed to elapse before their Lordships were called
upon to consider so important a measure ; for, although
their Lordships did enter upon this question during
the last Session, the Bill now before their Lordships
was not the same. The present Bill resembled the last
one in a much greater degree than he had flattered himself
that it would have done, but although the resemblance
was far greater than he could have wished, yet still
that resemblance was far from being exact. There were
points not unimportant to principles or practice in which
the Bill now brought up varied from the Bill under consi-
deration last year. One of his leading objections to the
last Bill had been the disfranchisement of corporate voters.
That point was abandoned in the present Bill, and a
different scale was now adopted, a scale of taxation and
population, instead of that of population alone. Whether
the scale were properly applied or not, he could
not say, but still the principle was essentially
different. The present Reform Bill bad relation to
the importance of places to be enfranchised, and this was
no inconsiderable difference. Another great point with
him was that schedules B and D had been reconstructed.
Schedule B had been reduced considerately in point
of numbers, and a certain portion of boroughs
would now have two Members allowed where only one
was allowed before. The same observation applied to
schedule D. An essential objection was therefore re-
moved from the present Bill, for he had opposed the former
measure principally upon the ground that it left so many
Boroughs with only one Member. Another observation,
of no small importance, related to the pet petuating of the
franchise of all those persons whose rights to vote were
derived from corporation privileges—( Hear, hear)—in-
stead of confining them to the present generation.
This difference was very important. Another improve-
ment in the Bill was, that the ratio of representatives be-
tween the three kingdoms was somewhat better pre-
served, as the twenty-one English Members were not
to be reduced, It was intended, too, he understood,
to make alterations in the construction of the franchise
of large places to which Members were to be given.
From the alterations which the Bill made with reference
to the returning officers, he hoped that it was the

intention of Government to incorporate the great towns.
Another alteration was, that of the places in which the
PR. suffrages were to be taken. Those of their Lordships
who did him the honour to recollect the sentiments he had
expressed in that House on the second reading of the
former Bill, would not expect that they should continue
the same on the present occasion. He then stated to
their Lordships, not without great difficulty and after
much anxious consideration, that he had thought
himself bound to vote against the second reading. He
still retained every opinion, and did notsretract a syllable of
word he had formerly stated ; but their Lordships would not
be surprised if after his entertaining great doubt as to what he
ought to do, their Lordships, he repeated, could not be
surprised if, after all that has passed, his mind should
regret the opinions to which it bad been brought after
so much doubt. He had then stated that it was im-
possible to adopt such amendments as would make
the former Bill unobjectionable, because obnoxious princi-
ples stared them in the face at every turn. Obnoxious
principles were still in this Bill, but many of the former
ones were abandoned. First, there was the principle
of population ; secondly, the universal destruction, after
the death of the present possessors, of Corporation fran-
chises. When such alterations had been made, he was no
longer prepared to struggle against the Bill, and he hoped
that younger persons than himself would find the difficul-
ties of ameliorating the Bill not to be insuperable. It
was the duty of their Lordships to attempt to
pass the Bill, and if that attempt were to fail,
why then the House would only be where it had
been before. He begged their Lordships to consider that
the Bill was not passed, because it went through a
second reading, or hid gone into a Committee. If after
all the amendments that had been made to the Bill
their Lordships still thought it objectionable, it was their
duty to exert all their power to throw it out on a futurestage.
He was extremely glad that the Bill had undergone the
consideration it had met with, as it had had the effect of
making the changes to which lie hail already adverted,
though it was to be much lamented, that those al-
terations were not to the extent to which they ought
to have gone, but as far as they went, they rendered the Bill
less objectionable. The effect also upon the general
feeling of the country had been to lessen that spirit that
had been manifested with respect to the fate of the Bill.
There certainly was, he must admit, great anxiety in the
country, whether right or wrong he did not say—he
thought wrong—to have a considerable change in
the representation of the people in the Commons
(louse of Parliament ; but he did not believe,
he did not see any symptoms of a desire among the people
tor a greater change in the representation than that which
was contemplated by the present Bill. The cry of the Bill,
rud nothing but the Bill, was now but imperfectly beard
to what it had formerly been, and he believed there was
• a large proportion even of tho,e, who with himself ob-

the Noble E irl, it would be expected that he should
make a few observations to their Lordships, but if any
Noble Peer wished to address the House he was an ious
that he should do so previous to himself—if there
were none such, he would make a few remarks to their
Lordships for the purpose of illustrating the principles on
which he had proceeded.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE rose for the purpose of stating,
that he intended to alter the line of conduct with respect
to this Bill from that which be had pursued with refer-
ence to the last. He should not now enter into the rea-
sons for that change in his opinions, as he should
do so fully at a more fitting opportunity. His opi-
nion, however, with respect to this measure was
exactly the same as he had stated it to be with reference
to the last, that if it passed into a law, it would
be fraught with a most imminent danger, but he hoped
and believed that if their Lordships should give their
mature consideration to the Bill, they would be enabled
to bring forth a more satisfactory settlement of this
great and difficult question than had been anticipated.
If, however, it depended upon himself, he would unhesi-
tatingly say, that the present Bill should never pass into a
law, without very material alterations in Committee. The
principles of the Bill, as it appeared to him, were those,
and those only, on which any alteration in the represen-
tation of the country could he founded, but the details of
that Bill carried those principles too far.—(Hear, hear.)
He was prepared to go into Committee honestly and
fairly. He did not intend, when in Committee, so to
mutilate the Bill as to make it an absurd one, but he
had an earnest desire so to modify it, as to make it in his
opinion fit to pass into a law. He would repeat that so
far as his vote went, he would not give his consent to the
Bill in its present shape, neither would he be a party to
resisting a due consideration of all its provisions.—(Eiear.)
The Bishop of LONDON said that when the last Re-
form Bill, the object of which was similar to the present,
was under discussion in that House, he was prevented by
particular circumstances which he need not mention,
from taking any part in the earlier consideration
of it, and therefore he abstained from giving any vote.
If he had voted on that occasion, it would certainly have
been for the second reading, and for going into Commit-
tee, in order that all due consideration might be given it.
He had some objections to certain parts of it, which he
would have stated in that Committee. (Hear.)
The present Bill, however, he understood to be free from
many of those objections, and be should vote for the
second reading. Having been subjected to much nuisre •
presentation on the former occasion, he would Dow
state, that although he should vote for the second
reading, and for its going into Committee; be
shoul I wish to suggest some few alterations, but not to
alter it to such a d gree either in detail or in principle,
as to render it probable that it would meet the same fate
as the former Bill.—(Hear, hear.)
The Earl of CARNARVON stated, that having been
one who admitted the necessity of some Reform, and who
from having opposed the former Bill bad been so mis-
represented as to be designated an enemy to all
Reform, he begged to say a few words on what he believed,
would be the most strait forward course for him to
adopt.—(Hear, hear.) He begged first to state that
the present Bill, in his opinion, was not such a one as the
Government ought to have introduced, or that House ought
to pass. With all due deference to the House of Commons,
he could see nothing in the Bill but a labyrinth into which
if their Lordships threw themselves, they would add their
own perplexity to that into which they were thrown by
the Government. lie should oppose the Bill, unless it
should be so altered in the Committee as to suit, what he
firmly believed, were the real wants of the country.
(Hear, hear, hear.) It had been said that in many
parts of the Bill there were sonic improvements on
the former one. But lie did not know whether they
were so or not.—(Hear, hear.) He should not have
said any thing on this occasion, bad it not been for
two or three Noble Lords having said that the
Bill was so altered, that they would not object to its going
into Committee.

Earl GREY said the speech of the Noble Earl who
has just aat down had not disappointed the expectations
he had formed of him. The Noble Lord had pursued
a straight forward course; he only lamented that that
straight forward course did not appear to him to
be in conformity with the public interests or with
the character and interests of that House. Hs had
certainly heard what had been stated this evening
with much regret, but it appeared that it was not the

intention of any of the Noble Lords who had spoien
already to oppose the Bill going into Committee.
My Lords (continued the Noble Speaker), it was
our anxious wish to remove without altering the
principles of the Bill, all the former reasons that were
urged against the measure. The Noble Earl has stated
that one of the principal objections to the measure is
abandoned—that of taking the disfranchising rule upon
the extent of population. I do not wish, my Lords, to
advert to former debates, but we stated then that we took
the population as the best criterion we could find, upon which
the principle of representation should be made. However,
on considering this objection, we endeavoured to find a mode
by which the objection might be obviated, and we think
we have found one which will be more satisfactory to
those who made the objection ; at the same time a mode
equally efficient in carrying into effect the great principles
and objects of this measure. I state this as one of the
alterations which I am happy to say has met the approba-
tion of the Noble Lord. There will be others found
to have been made equally to be approved of and
which will be stated at the proper time : And 1
repeat, that it was with a view, as far as possible,
to remove the objections made to the measure, that the
alterations that were introduced would have been made;

and it is to me a source of great satisfactioit,
to find that this endeavour has so for succeeded. I hail,
therefore, my Lords, with pleasure a more general accord-
ance in a measure which I believe to be generally
considered to be absolutely necessary, and with respect
to which the public opinion has in no degree diminished.
—(Cheers.) And God forbid that any conduct of this
House should produce an expression of that public opi-
nion, which might he dangerous to the best interests of the
country. It is, therefore, with pleasure I hear the decla-
ration of the Noble Lord opposite, the declaration of the
Noble Baron at the table, and the declaration of the
Right Rev. Prelate, of an intention to support the se
cond reading of this Bill, with a view of going into the
consideration of it in Committee. It was with the
greatest satisfaction I heard from the Right , Rev.
Prelate, that, though he might think alterations
necessary, he did not mean that those alterations
should go to disturb the general nature and principles of
the Bill, so as to mutilate it, and make it less efficient.
Going into Committee with that same spirit will entitle
all the suggestions which can proceed from him to proper
consideration. I say the same thing with respect to the
Noble Baron, and also as regards what the Noble Lord
said. I am afraid hower from some parts of their speeches,
that there mg be some greater differences between
their opinions and my own than I should wish
or expect, but still, going into Committee with the
feeling that has been avowed, I apprehend it will be
impossible to stop without producing something that will
be of great advantage to the country.—(Hear.) It was said
that I had stated 1 would not acquiesce in any alteration in
the Bill last Session. My Lords, in the reply it fell
to toy lot to make, I said I had not made any such state-
ment. I stated that I was pledged to maintain the great
principles of the Bill; and I said that though many altera-
tions might be proposed, which I might not be able to consent
to, in the committee they shouldibe fairly discussed—those

who supported them should have every opportunity of stele
trig their reasons in favour of the objections, and I als•
should state openly and fully the grounds on which
I opposed them. So I say now, my Lords.
To the principle of the measure, and to it- efficiency I an
p !edged. —(hear, hear.) Any suhardin ite alteration,
must be matter of after consideration. There may he
some to which I would strongly object—there may b
others perhaps brought forward with a bona fide
desire of giving effect to the great principles of the
measure, with respect to which I undertake to oppose tr.
reasonable objection, but, on the contrary, shall be ready tip
lend all the attention and consideration to which proposals
coming from such quarters, shall he entitled. More that,
this, I do not know it is necessary for me to state on the
present occasion. 1 should think this great measure has
now the prospect of being settled in a manner that will
be satisfactory to the country.—(Loud cheers.) Sure I am
its speedy settlement is of the gre 'test import ince, not only
to the character and credit of this House, hut to the perma•
nent interests of this country, which would have suffered
and are suffering by the protracted considerations which this
question has undergone.—(Hear.) My Lords, whether
I am to he blamed or not for having introduced this mea-
sure at all, is another question. Upon that we have heard,
and I have said, much on another occasion. All I can sty
now is to repeat what I then stated, that having
always been of opinion that a Reform in Parlia-
ment was necessary, I felt that the necessity of pro-
posing a measure on the subject was pressed on me in a
manner which I found it impossible for me to resist, and
after the best consideration, I proposed an arrangement
of the question on principles which I thought would put
it ultimately at rest. My Lords, these are the reasons why
I undertook the introdnction of this measure. These are the
views with which! support it, and happy shall I be if this
House can at last be brought to that temper of mind to
consider it dispassionately, with a view to permanent be-
nefit only, and separate it from all those considerations of
party:interest which have unhappily been too much intro-
duced into it. My lords, I shall say no more. When the
Bill comes before you again upon the second reading, I
shall have an opportunity of stating shortly, but more fully
than I do at present, my views and feelings on the subject,
though considering all that has been said of late upon this
measure I shall do that much more shortly than otherwise
it would have been my duty to have done.
The Duke of WELLINGTON—I consider it impos-
sible to avoid the present discussion, and as my Noble Friend
has thought proper to state the grounds on which he in-
tends to give his support to the second reading, and as
other Noble Lords have addressed the House on the
same subject, I hope your Lordships will permit me
who took part on a former occasion in the discussios upon
the measure, to state in a few words my intentions and opi-
nions upon the subject. It is not for the purpose of
showing any warmsh or any anxiety about the matter,
but with the view only of setting myself right in your
Lordships judgment, rather than of casting imputa-
tions or reproach upon any one. ( Hear.) The Noble
Earl opposite has stated the grounds upon which he felt
himself justified in taking the course which be pursued last
session. The Noble Earl stated that there were certain
great changes in the measure now proposed for your Lord-
ships' consideration. But although changes have been
made, yet the Noble Earl says truly that the measure
is a measure as efficient, and intended to be as efficient as
that of last Session. My Lords that is the point which your
Lordships have to consider. It is not, my Lords, whether
a minor alteration is to be made in one part or another of
this Bill—(Hear)—or lia%been made in many parts of this
Bill which some of your Lordships objected to last Session.
The question for your Lordships to consider is this, whether
the Bill when passed, and other Bills which will
necessarily fellow, will afford to this country that
form of practicable Government under which it can
be govorned with a due attention to its best interests.
—(Hear, hear, hear.) That is the question, my
Lords, which you will have to consider when we
come to the second reading of the Bill ; for I
beg your Lordships to recollect that the principle of this
Bill is not Reform—(Hear)—the principle of the Bill is
disfranchisement—enfranchisement, and the granting
of votes to a large body of persons upon a new qualifica-
tion. This, my Lords, will effer t a total alteration of
the whole representation of England, coupled with other
alterations in Scotland, amounting to a complete revo-
lution in that country and in Ireland, to the over-
throw of all those measures which were adopted a long
time ago.—(Hear.) Now such is the principle of the
Bill your Lordships are about to take into consideration.—
With the Noble Earl (Carnarvon) who has spoken
before me, I entertain the same opinion that I always did
entertain, relative to the absolute necessity of Reform ;
but the question is altered most considerably. The ques-
tion is no longer what it was before, and no man de-
sires more sincerely than I do—having no party
views or feelings, nor interests, connected either with
borough, or county Parliamentary interest involved in the
question—no one desires more sincerely than Ido its
speedy adjustment. i have the same interest in this
country which every individual in it possesses—that is to
set up such a system of representation as will give the
country the prospect of a practicable system of govern-
ment.—(Hear, hear, hear.) My Lords, all I can
say is, that I differ upon the principle of this
measure ; I shall manifest that principle by the course I
shall follow on the second reading of the Bill, and
if the Bill should go into Committee, I will lend
my best assistance to render the Bill as consistent
with the interests of the country as it can be made,
keeping always in view that the grand point is to have
such a system of representation as will be consistent with
a practicable Government of the country.—(Hear.)
The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the question
that the Bill be read a second time on Thursday se'nnight.
Agreed to.
The great majority of Peers, of whom an immense
number were present, then left the House.
On the motion of Lord KEN YON the Labourers Wages
Bill passed through a Committee.
Adjourned at Half-past Six o'Clock.
A great number of Peeresses were present during the
discussion, who left the House at the conclusion of the
I Duke of Wellington's speech..