The Sun.
London, England, 1835-01-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PIJBLIG JOURNALS.

The newspapers, whose already declared opposition
to the Peel Ministry is distinguished even by the
avowal of factious motives, are trying within the last
week to raise the country by a clamour against the
pretensions of Sir Charles Manners Sutton to be
again elected Speaker. Now, most men are fond of
amusement—they all, with few exceptions, are prone
to the enjoyment of jokes : but the gift of uncon
scious joking, otherwise of blundering, in such a
manner as to produce laughter without designing it, is
an attribute not much to be envied. For instance,
when people intend to be " uncommon" wise,
taking infinite pains to instruct, convince, and urge
their neighbours to a certain course of action, and
after all succeed just far enough to persuade one-third
of those who read or hear their arguments that the said
arguments are ironical, and the two remaining thirds
of the community, that they are simply nothing more
than " uncommon" ridiculous and silly, it may be
very safely asserted that there is a considerable quantity
of joke spoiled, and of laudible gravity wasted. Even
such has been the case with the laborious efforts of
Ultra-Radical-Whigs against the re-election of Sir
C. M. Sutton to the chair of the House of Commons.
From among a long catalogue of charges against the
Right Hon. Gentleman, put forth by some of the
weekly journals, all intended to act upon the con-
sciences of Members of Parliament, and to ensure his
rejection, we find it stated, and in a chronological form,
that on such and such days within the last two months
Sir C. M. Sutton committed such and such offences.
For instance, on the 17th of November he attended
" the Tory Privy Council." The fact is, that it was
a necessary etiquette for a certain number of Privy
Counsellors to be present at the swearing in of the Duke
of Wellington and Lord Lyndhurst into office ; and sum-
monses were, by the King's express desire, sent round to all
the Privy Counsellors in town who had not been
Members of the last Cabinet, because otherwise there
might not have been a quorum present besides the old
Ministers who were in attendance to deliver up their
seals, and his Majesty felt that it might be indelicate
towards them to require their continuance in the
Council Chamber for the purpose of swearing in their
successors. Sir C. M. Sutton was one of those who
obeyed the Royal summons as a thing of course.
November 18.—The Speaker had an audience of the
King. What rank Toryism in Sir Charles Manners
Sutton to be honoured with an audience of the Sove-
reign I 19th.—More indictable matter ; Sir C. M.
Sutton actually visited his friend the Duke of Wel-
lington I 21st.—He dined with a Tory party at
the Palace I Why, we are under a profound mis-
take if Lord Grey—if Lord Melbourne—if twenty
other Whigs, have not on occasion " dined " with
" Tory parties" at the Palace. His Majesty has sel-
dom been very nice on that point. He may invite
whomsoever he thinks proper, and no subject, espe-
cially no man in public office, can decorously refuse
when so invited to wait upon the Sovereign. A pretty
ground this, on which any Member of Parliament,
save only some crack-brained and ferocious Radical,
could rest and justify his vote ! So the Speaker again
" visited" the Duke of Wellington. The Speaker
" visited" Sir Robert Peel, after the return of the lat-
ter from Italy. The Speaker " dined " at Sir
Charles Wetherell's. The Speaker " dined " at
Sir Edward Sugden's. The Speaker this day, if not
shamed out of so disgraceful a purpose, is to " dine"
at Sir Henry Halford's, as we think he did some
time ago at the Lord Mayor's, in company with the
Cabinet Ministers I We have gone pretty largely into
this list of high crimes and misdemeanors against the
State, or rather against the stomach of ultra-Radical-
ism, that our readers may see what sort of logic is em-
ployed for the promotion of party ends, and what sort
of a condition that cause must be in which has re-
course to them. The records of factious virulence and
blindness exhibit nothing so ludicrous. It has been
said that the late Speaker is a party man, and there-
fore unfit to be placed in the charge of the House of
Commons. We should like to be told of the name of
any one of the Right Honourable Gentleman's
predecessors, who was not known for his adhe-
rence to one political party or another. But the
Whigs themselves are, by their own acts, precluded
from bringing forward the party politics of Sir C.
M. Sutton as a ground of disqualification for the chair.
They have left it on record that although his party
bias was not less notorious twenty years ago than it now
is, they nevertheless had such reliance on his integrity
and honour, that they themselves, so recently as in the
year 1832, preferred him for Speaker before all other
competitors ; and yet they, the Whigs, who disagreeing
with his opinions, pronounced him to be in their judg-
ment the best qualified individual for the chair, now
treat the proposal that he shall resume the high office
as a crime in the Conservatives, from whom he does
not differ. Sir C. M. Sutton may, perhaps, be ob-
jected to by some gentlemen upon private motives, al-
though, if they be such as cannot be directly avowed,
they are such, of course, as cannot be honourably
acted on. But the truth must be told, and a rational,
and indeed obvious, explanation may be offered of all
this outrageous violence upon a question which hitherto
has been regarded as of subordinate and partial interest.
The first expectation of the dismissed Ministers and
their partisans was, that Sir R. Peel would, on his re-
turn to this country, assure his Majesty that a Conser-
vative Cabinet was out of the question, and that he
would throw up the cards in despair. The next hope
was, that he would never dare to meet the Parliament
either as it then stood, or as it would be after a dis-
solution. The third persuasion in the minds of the
Whigs was, that they would possess so overwhelming
a majority in the new Parliament as to ensure the
signal defeat and immediate resignation of Ministers,
through a vote implying the hostility of the House of
Commons. Now, there is strong reason to be satisfied
that every such hope has failed them—that they know
they cannot reckon on the defeat of Ministers by any
vote upon the Address—and that the only display of
early force they can make will be in opposition to the
Speaker proposed by Ministers. Hence the novel
importance attached within these ten days to the
latter vote. If they can carry an Ultra-Radical Whig
Speaker, they flatter themselves it may produce an im-
pression throughout the country, fitted to strengthen
them in their attack on the Address, in which latter
they despair of prospering without some sueh adventi
tious and preliminary succour. However, there are two
or three things which these factious partisans had bet-
ter lay to heart. 1. They will inevitably fail in their
attempt upon the Speaker. 2. If they were to succeed
therein, the Ministers would not be the more disposed—
or, morally speaking, the more bound, to give in their
resignations. 3. Admitting the defeat of Ministers on
the question of the Chair, it would not facilitate in the
very smallest degree the effort to carry an adverse
amendment against them. We believe, according to
the best-authenticated accounts which have reached
us, that the Opposition muster-rolls will turn out to
be nearly as correct as those of a Russian army—with
something more than 40 per cent. of difference between
the force on paper and the " men in their shoes."—
Times.

It is hardly necessary to remind our readers that we
have taken many opportunities, for years past, of ad-
vocating such a reform in the constitution and disci-
pline of the Church of England as would affect the
extinction of pluralities and sinecures, suppress the
abuse of non-residence, and, by the better distribu-
tion of ecclesiastical revenues, provide a decent and
adequate maintenance for all the working clergy.
Whether the present Ministers intend to propose a
plan of reform so large or so liberal as this we do
not know, of our own knowledge ; but having no reason
to doubt the correctness of the outline of the alleged
Ministerial plan, which has been given in quarters bet-
ter acquainted with the intentions of Ministers than
we can pretend to be, it gives us great satisfaction,
as we are sure it does the whole Christian public,
to find that the Parliament, now about to assemble,
will be soon called upon to assist the King's Ministers
in carrying into law a full and efficient measure to
purify the Church from its abuses to renovate
its spiritual character—to augment its moral power, and
to extend, through its instrumentality, the means of
•C hris t ian instruction among the people. No person
can say that a plan of Church Reform is not large and
liberal which includes the abolition of pluralism and
`l'non-residence---the fairer adjustment of the labour and

relative income of Bishoprics—the beneficial appro-
priation of the revenues of Deans and Chapters, still
applying as much as is necessary for the maintenance
of cathedral service, and the preservation of cathedrals
—the extirpation of the abuse of holding livings in
cornmendam—the augmentation of small livings from
the redundancy of great ones ; and, as the great result
of the whole, having in all parts of the Kingdom an
able and efficient working Clergy, furnishing in the
densest manufacturing, as well as in the most retired
rural districts, the supplies of Christian knowledge and
Scriptural instruction on a scale commensurate with
the demands of the population. The late Government
destroyed ten Bishoprics in Ireland without moving
one step in the road of Church Reform, and to every
one of those Bishoprics as many Romish Priests os-
tentatiously advance their claims ; nor is it to be sup-
posed they will remain satisfied with the titles without
the temporalities. It is easier to destroy than reform,
and the present Ministers will have no small difficul-
ties to overcome in bringing the principles of their
measure into practical application. The necessity of
respecting existing interests all just men will
eadmit,
for if that sort of law, which is founded upon the
tyrannical maxim, that " might constitutes right," be
applied to Church revenues, it will soon be applied,
as in the French Revolution, to all other species of
property, and confiscation of funds and land will
crown the work of legislative spoliation. But the
Ministers, in reducing to practice the proposed plan
of Church Reform, will have a great moral force to
assist them. We trust that all persons whose interests
are involved, will see the propriety of giving what-
ever facilities they can to carry into effect a measure
which may amply repay any sacrifices they may be
disposed to make, by the greater stability which it will
give to the establishment, and, along with that, to the
whole of the institutions on the preservation of which
depends not only the political power and strength of
the country, but the protection of the rights of pro-
perty and of public order, along with the security and
welfare of all classes of the people.—Morn. Herald.

The union between Church and State has been theo-
retically sanctioned and practically enforced by the
most enlightened and illustrious Legislators and States-
men of ancient and of modern times ; by lay still more
than by ecclesiastical authorities ; from Lycurgus and
Socrates to Cicero and St. Paul; from those who, in
the seventeenth century, rendered the Protestant reli-
gion and the civil liberties of England inseparable, to
those who, in the nineteenth, would have destroyed,
under the specious pretext of ameliorating, both ;
from Warburton and Burke to the Bishop of Exeter
and Sir Robert Peel. The history of a neighbouring
country furnishes us with the solitary record of an at-
tempt to erect a political superstructure without a
foundation, a Civil Government without a received re-
ligion ; and the direct results of this unnatural effort

have denounced, in tones that will reverberate among
generations yet unborn, the insanity which dictated it.
Burke, the most philosophical of statesmen, and
the most brilliant of orators, has given us by anti-
cipation, a description of Sir Robert Peel in a de-
finition of his standard of a statesman—" A disposi-
tion to preserve, and an ability to improve." Such
are, indeed, the characteristics which ought to dis-
tinguish a Minister to whom is intrusted the most
important, the most awfully responsible, duty that
ever devolved upon the first servant of a Protestant
Monarch, and the leading statesman of a Christian
country—the duty of preparing a plan of Church
Reform ; of Reform in that venerable structure
with which is blended, intimately as the body with
the soul, everything that is valuable in our civil
institutions ; everything which as freemen we
prize, as Englishmen we love, as Christians we
revere. That any measure of amelioration in the
extrinsic details of ' our National Establishment
which may emanate from the present Prime Mi-
nister, or be clothed with the sanction of his autho-
rity, will be at once temperate and substantial,
comprehensive and conservative, few will be dis-
posed to doubt who, have observed with attention
that statesman's political career, or who are old
enough to recollect the scope and tendency of a great
measure of ecclesiastical reform which, nearly thirty
years ago, was introduced into the House of Com-
mons by that great and good man—Spencer Percival.
Both of those distinguished statesmen were Reformers
(in the sense which that dishonoured word bore before
its recent prostitution), were Conservatives and Pro-
testants. If Mr. Percival were the profounder theolo-
gian, Sir Robert Peel is the more acute and practical
politician. He is impressed with the same feelings of
pious reverence, he is guided by the same maxims of
public policy, which actuated Mr. Percival ; and it is
not, therefore, unreasonable to anticipate that there
will be found in the measure to be brought forward by
the present Prime Minister, all the analogy to that of
his predecessor which the change in times and circum-
stances, in the tone of the public mind and in the cha-
racter of public men, will permit. Mr. Percival's mea-
sure was thrown out by the Whigs, who at that period
had not discovered either the necessity or the advantages
of Reform, whether that term be employed in its
genuine or in its polluted acceptation. Mr. Percival's
Bill embraced, nevertheless, most of those points which,
at the present day, all reflecting and dispassionate men,
as well as many who are neither the one nor the other,
agree in considering susceptible of improvement ; such,
for instance, as pluralities, non-residence, a more equi-
table appropriation of the episcopal revenues, a more
adequate remuneration of the parochial clergy. We
think we may confidently predict the success of a mea-
sure having these truly Conservative objects in view in
the Parliament about to assemble ; and it is impossible
to entertain any doubt whatever that the Church, and
that the country, that the honest, the loyal, and the
pious will find in the proposed measure cause, not of
contentment only, but of gratitude and triumph. Sir
Robert Peel will, to use the language of the immortal
Burke, " Make the reparation as nearly as possible in
the style of the building.”—Morning Post.
The favourite Clerical Paper has already taken the
alarm at the rumours of Church Reform. The John
Bull observes—

" It is no longer doubtful that an extensive measure of
Church Reform is now under discussion. We have very strong
opinions upon the subject, and upon the characters and qualifi-
cations of some individuals who must necessarily be engaged in
the deliberations upon the vital question. We shall abstain
from any further observations to-day ; but we do trust that NO
CONSIDERATION will induce the Government to weaken the
faith and confidence which the members of the Established
Church have in the declaration of the Sovereign." _ _ _

According to that declaration, as quoted by the
Tories, the reform of the Church is to be left to the
heads of the Church, that haVe shown so lively a
consciousness of its defects and abuses. The best
physician will not prescribe for his own case ; the
most skilled surgeon will not operate aeon his own
flesh ; but the ecclesiastical body thinks itself compe-
tent to cut away the redundancies of its wealth, and
to abridge its ease and luxury. Sancho Panza's
forced attempt at self-flagellation, which ended in a
tender caress, would be the type of Church Reform
by the Bishops. The John Bull observes—
" Liberality, in the fullest measure consistent with the safety
of the Establishment, may be meeted to the Dissenters, and
some alterations in the extent of,dioceses, so as to equalize in
some measure the revenue of the Bishops, may be made ; but
we confess we hear with fear and trembling of the proposi-
tions now debating. We will not go further now—we earnestly
hope that the Government will not lend too ready an ear to insi-
tiious advisers, but assure itself that the enlightened, respect-
able, and loyal portion of the People of England, however dc.
sirous they may be for the abolition of abuses, are as firmly
attached to their Church, its rights and privileges, as ever they
were." . .

Is this a puff' for the Ministerial project; or is it
indicative of a readiness to resist any measure to any
degree corrective of Ecclesiastical abuses ? It may be a
necessary stratagem that the Church should appear
hostile to the reported Ministerial project, as the people
will be likely to argue that the opposition of the
Church must be in proportion to the efficiency of the
measure proposed, and that any reform with which the
Church could be satisfied must be insufficient. But
the next paragraph would induce us to think that the
John Bull was not attempting a ruse, but opening
ground for a schism.
" It will be necessary for us to recur to this subject shortly;
in the meantime we have only to say, that we believe the ru,
mour of -a division of the Cabinet upon this particular subject
to be groundless, and at all events premature."
The rumour of a division of the Cabinet is at all
events premature. This language is sufficiently sig-
nificant ; and here we see what a rope of sand this
Government must be ; the moment there is any rumour

of its moving in pursuance of its professions, the signs
of schism break out. Yet one of the false pretences
for the dismissal of the late Ministry was the want of
perfect agreement upon the question of the Irish
Church, so much more difficult and likely to give rise
to contention, than that of the English.—Morning
Chronicle.

ABERDREN ELECTION.

NOMINATION OF CANDIDATES FOR THE CITY

OF ABERDEEN.

On Wednesday last, the nomination of the candidates for
the representation of the city of Aberdeen took place on the
hustings erected at the Cross. Mr. Bannerman and Sir A.
Farquhar, accompanied by their respective friends, came to the
ground a few minutes before the time appointed for proceeding
with the election. At twelve o'clock, the Sheriff took his
place upon the hustings ; and, after reading the Writ and Act
against bribery, requested any gentleman who intended to pro-
pose a candidate to come forward.
Provost BLURIE then stood forward, amidst much cheer-
ing, arid said—Gentlemen, the principles, the character, the
Parliamentary conduct of Mr. Bannerman, our late Repre-
sentative, are here so generally known, that I allude to them
only for the purpose of remarking that, in the event of his
being again returned to Parliament, they offer, in my opinion,
the surest pledge that no man will more zealously and perse-
veringly exert himself to reform, amend, and correct real
abuses and defects—(Cheers)—or more strenuously arid anxi-
ously oppose every measure which he considers may tend
either to endanger the Constitution, or to injure or destroy the
♦enerated institutions of the country.—( Cheers.) Holding
these opinions, gentlemen, I feel that, besides performing a
grateful act of courtesy towards an early and intimate friend, I
am at the same time discharging a public duty to my fellow-
citizens in recommending Mr. Bannerman to your favourable
consideration, and in proposing him as a fit and proper person
to represent the city of Aberdeen in the ensuing Parliament—
which I have now the honour to do.—( Cheers.)
The nomination was seconded by Principal Jam
Mr. G. HADDEN nominated Sir A. FARQUHAR, and Mr. A.
FORDYCE seconded the motion.

Mr. BANNERMAN then stood forward amidst enthusiastic
cheering and said—Gentlemen, after two years' experience of
my Parliamentary conduct, I venture again to appear before
you on these hustings. The Lord Provost of Aberdeen has
done me the honour to nominate me as a fit and proper person
again to represent you in Parliament.—(Loud cheers.) Gen-
tlemen, I imagine the Provost of this large city has a pretty
shrewd guess of the feeling of its electors ; but, be that as it
may, lam confident that even my opponents will admit that
Provost Blaikie is the last man who would introduce to your
notice an individual who would aid in overturning any of the
institutions of the country—(Cheers)—institutions which it
has been said were menaced on all sides—and institutions which
it has falsely asserted the late House of Commons had doomed
to destruction. I ought to know something of the late Par-
liament—for I attended it during two sessions, morning, noon,
and night, and as I happened to know personally most of its
Members, I can assure you that I never sat in an assembly,
the Members of which, with some few exceptions, were more
anxious to preserve the institutions of their country than they
were—but to preserve them in the way in which old and beau-
tiful trees are preserved—by lopping off the old and useless
branches and clearing away from their trunks those excresen-
ces and funguses which indicate corruption and which would
be sure to end in decay.--( Cheers.) lam opposed on this
occasion by a gallant officer, who comes forward, as
he says, on Conservative principles—(Loud laughter)—a
" Conservative in the best sense of the word, but one
who will not eschew the pruning-knife."—( Great laughter. )
If such be indeed the case, all I have to say is, ponder
well, ye preservers of the institutions of our country,
before you go to the poll upon Friday morning—ponder
well, I say, upon this pruning-knife. ( Cheers and laughter.)
There is a district in the neighbourhood of Aberdeen where
Toryism used to be in disrepute—several of the electors in
that district inform me that some of the Committee of the
whole House told them that I have turned a tremendous Tory,
and that I was quite indifferent with regard to the result of this
election. I was also informed by the same persons that a paper,
which is published here upon Friday, had last week been
largely circulated through that district—l mean Woodside.
This paper—but it is necessary for me here to quote very cor-
rectly—(Laughter)—gives me a very high Conservative cha-
racter. It says—" He is to support the Church Establish-
ments in these kingdoms—endeavour to leave the Dissenters
without a grievance to complain of; and he is to support any
any good measure, by whatever Minister it may be introduced.
Now, in most of these opinions every Conservative would al-
most entirely concur,' as they are so just and reasonable ; but
they are unpopular, which, in our estimation, is a high com-
mendation of them." This might all have been very unsatis-
factory to the voters in Woodside ; but mark you, electors,
what follows—" He seems to have no confidence in Ministers
—the public ought to have no confidence in him." This is
what I call hitting the nail upon the head ; and I have to thank
the person who has so dexterously used the hammer. I have,
indeed, NO confidence in the present Ministry.—(Repeated
cheering.) As I said before, I will factiously oppose rib Ad-
ministration. I will support any and all measures, by whom-
soever they may be brought forward, which I think will prove
conducive to the welfare of the country ; but I again repeat
(said Mr. Bannerman, with much energy)—l again repeat
that I place no confidence in the present Ministry.—( Loud
and long-continued cheering.) This is strong language. ; but
it is plain, and it is such as, I trust, will be understood. Al-
low me to remind you that the poll opens on Friday morning
at nine o'clock. Be at your posts ; and, as lam opposed by
a man of war on this occasion, I leave it to you to return me
to Parliament with a first-rate majority.—(Loud and long-
continued cheering.)
Sir ARTHUR FARQUHAR then addressed the Electors amidst
considerable confusion, and, after a vote of thanks to the She-
riff, proposed by Sir Alexander Bannerman, the meeting
quietly dispersed.