The Sun.
London, England, 1832-08-11 00:00:00

cavalcade in triumph, and accordingly advanced
towards the borough, brandishing their sabres,
and pursuing the terrified inhabitants. We re-
fer to the statement of the Blackburn Gazette,
and to the speeches at the ClitherGe meeting, for
a description of the scene which then ensued. With
the cavalcade there were several magistrates. As
these magistrates belonged to the neighbourhood,
and had been treated with insult, as a part of
Mr. Irving's supporters, in the morning, they
are said to have warranted the call for the mili-
tary, and to have stimulated their real by exag-
gerated representations of the disorderly conduct
of the people. It is universally admitted that
the morning riot had ceased before the military
arrived. It is likewise true, and can be proved,
that the military were more inflamed with passion
than they could have been had they not been
deceived respecting the temper and conduct of
the people. The magistrates present are there-
fore responsible for the mischief and bloodshed
which ensued from their own acts or counsel.
In the House of Commons, last night, Mr. Ir-
ving's explanation does not appear to us to alter,
in the smallest degree, the character of the pro-
ceeding which we have here described ; and we
are glad to see that Mr. Lamb, who represents
the administration of the interior in that House,
takes our view of the subject. The military
pedantry of Sir J. Byng (is there any pedant so
narrow-sighted as a military pedant ?) will
amuse our readers. He seems to think that the
question is not whether freemen ought to be
sabred, but whether they ought to be attacked
by cavalry in narrow streets ? Times.
The monied interest, and a great portion of
the talking or writing politicians of the North
American Union, have been thrown into a violent
ferment, by the rejection of the bill for renewing
the charter of the United States' Bank. This
bill had passed both Houses of Congress, in
which it underwent long and laborious discus-
sions, and was finally negatived by the veto of
the President. President Jackson thus places
his own judgment in collision with that of both
Chambers of the legislature, and stakes the suc-
cess of his next election on his decision of one
of the most important and delicate points of in-
ternal economy. We some months ago gave a
particular account of this great banking establish-
ment of the American Union—second only, in
extent of business and in amount of capital, to
that of the Bank of England. It received its
charter about 16 years ago for a term of 20
years. Consequently, more than three years
and a half of its duration are still to run. Its
capital is 35,000,000 of dollars, or more than
7,000,000 sterling. It has branches in almost
every state of the Union, and its shares are at a
premium. The general government owns stock
in it to the amount of a fifth of its whole capital,
or 7,000.000 of dollars. The other sharehold-
ers amount to 4,144, of whom 466 are foreign-
ers, possessing stock to the amount of
7,915,900 dollars, or more than one-fifth more.
It gave a bonus of 1,500,000 dollars for its ori-
ginal charter. Its concerns have hitherto been
well managed,—its prosperity is admitted, and
the benefits which it has conferred on the Union,
by giving uniformity and stability to its currency
and monied transactions, are not disputed. Its
notes in circulation do not exceed its capital, and
it affords more accommodation to private com-
merce, than the Bank of England with its more
extensive circulation and its greater means. It
must seem difficult, therefore, to persons unac-
quainted with the electioneering objects of the
President, or with the peculiar position of Ame-
rican parties, to conceive why the extraordinary
step of a veto should be resorted to against the
continued existence of this establishment. Nor

will they be satisfactorily informed by the Mes-
sage to the Senate, in which the President states
his reasons for disagreeing with the two Houses.
These reasons are much more numerous than
cogent. In the first place, the President thinks
the renewal of the Charter premature, while
3,!,- years of its term are still to run. To
this objection, it is well answered by one of
the senators, that his Excellency being against
all renewal, the time made no difference. Be-

sides, as he expects to be elected President for
the next four years, the charter would expire
before its policy could be considered by another
Chief Magistrate. The President subsequently
speaks against it as a monopoly ; and what is
curious, gives as a reason for rejecting the re-
newal of its charter, that the foreign possessors of
its stock might use their power, in case of a war,
against the interests of the Union. We need
scarcely say that such an objection is chimerical
and absurd. The foreigners who would in case
of war have their funds in American stock, would
he rather more likely to be at the mercy of the
Americans, than have the Americans at theirs.
Their stock would, in fact, be a kind of hostage
in the hands of the enemy, and not a means of
influencing that enemy. The real fact probably
is, that President Jackson has been opposed by
the Directors of the Bank in his administration ;
that he dreaded their influence on his ensuing
election ; that he wished to gain the support of
the local bankers, who ate hostile to the general
establishment ; and that he therefore used his
veto as one of the ways and means for occupy-
ing for another term of four years the elective
sovereignty of a great empire.— Times.

It was our intention to have laid before our
readers the whole of the Message of the Presi-
dent of the United States, on returning to the
Senate, with his veto, the Bill which it had

passed for rechartering what may be termed the
National Bank of the Union ; but the document,
though highly important and interesting from the
beginning to the end, is too lengthy for our co-
lumns, and we must, in consequence, confine
ourselves to those parts of it which arc of a
ge-
neral nature, and equally applicable to the non-
renewal of the Charter of the Bank of England,
as to that of the Bank of the United States.
The message sets out by admitting, what will
also be readily admitted in the case of the Bank
of England, that " the Bank of the United
States is in many respects convenient for the Go-
vernment and useful to the people," and then
proceeds to express a regret that in the Bill for
the renewal of its charter, the President can per-

ceive none of those modifications which are ne-

cessary "to render it compatible with justice,
and with sound policy, or with the constitution
of the country." These points it endeavours to
establish and illustrate, and we think both ably
and successfully. With regard to the " justice
of the claim preferred by the Bank and its sup•
porters for a renewal of its charter, the message
very justly observes, that there can be no justice
in giving that to a few which ought to be the
property, as it is the undoubted right, of all.
" The present corporate body," says the President, " de-
nominated the President, Directors and Company of the
Bank of the United States, will have existed, at the time
this Act is intended to take effect, twenty years. It en-
j,ys an exclusive privilege of banking under the authority
of the general Government, a monopoly of its favour and

support, and, as a necessary consequence, almost the rno-

nopo ly of the foreign and domestic exchange. The powers,
privileges, and favours bestowed upon it, in the original

charter, by increasing the value of the stock far above its
par value, operated as a gratuity of many millions to the
stockholders.
" An apology may he found for the failure to guard
against this result in the consideration that the effect of
the original act of incorporation could not be certainly
foreseen at the time of its passage. The Act before me
proposes another gratuity to the holders of the same stock,
and, in many cases, to the same men, of at least seven
millions more. This donation finds no apology in any un-
certainty as to the effect of the Act. On all hands it is
conceded that its passage will increase at least twenty or
thirty per cent. more the market price of its stock, sub.
ject to the payment of the annuity of 200,000 dollars per
year, secured by the Act; thus adding, is a moment, one-
fourth of its par value. It is not our citizens only who
are to receive the bounty of our Government. More
than eight millions, of the stock of this hank are held by
foreigners. By this Act, the American Republic proposes
virtually to make them a present of some millions of dol-
lars. For these gratuities to foreigners, and to some of
our own opulent citizens, the Act secures no equivalent
whatever, They are the certain gains of the present
Stockholders under the operation of this Act, after making
full allowance for the payment of the bonus.
" Every monopoly, and all exclusive privileges, are
granted at the expense of the public, which ought to re-
ceive a fair equivalent. The many millions which this
act proposes to bestow on the stockholders of the existing
bank, must come directly or indirectly out of the earnings
of the American people. It is due to them, therefore, if
their Government sell monopolies and exclusive privileges,
that they should at least exact for them as much as they
are worth in open market. The value of she monopoly in
this case may be correctly ascertained. The twenty-eight
millions of stock would probably be at an advance of 50
per cent., and command in market at least forty-two mil-
lions of dollars, subject to the payment of the present
bonus. The present value of the monopoly, therefore, is
seventeen millions of dollars, and this the Act proposes to
sell for three millions, payable in fifteen annual instalments
of 200,000 dols. each.
" It is not conceivable how the present stockholders
can have any claim to the special favour of the Govern-
ment. The present corporation has enjoyed its monopoly
during the period stipulated in the original contract. It
we must have such a corporation, why should not the Go-
vernment sell out the whole stock, and thus secure to the
people the full market value of the privileges granted ?
Why should not Congress create and sell twenty-eight mil-
lions of stock, incorporating the purchasers with all the
powers and privileges secured in this Act, and putting the
premium upon the sales into the Treasury."
In order to illustrate this point still more
clearly, it is observed that,
" The Act does not permit competition in the purchase
of this monopoly. It seems to be predicated on the erro-
neous idea, that the present stockholders have a prescrip
tive right not only to the favour but the bounty of Go-
vernment. It appears that more than a fourth part of
the stock is held by foreigners, and the residue is held by
a few hundred of our own citizens, chiefly of the richest
class. For their benefit does this Act exclude the whole
American people from competition in the purchase of this
monopoly, and dispose of it for many millions less than it
is worth. This seems the less excusable, because some
of our citizens, not now stockholders, petitioned that the
door of competition might be opened, and offered to take
a charter on terms much more favourable to the Govern-
ment and country.
"But this proposition, although made by men whose
aggregate wealth is believed to be equal to all the private
stock in the existing bank, has been set aside, and the
bounty of our Government is proposed to be again bestowed
on the few who have been fortunate enough to secure the
stuck, and, at this moment, wield the power of the exist-
ing institution. I cannot perceive the justice or policy of
this course. If our Government must sell monopolies,
it would seem to be its duty to take nothing leas than
their full value; and if gratuities must be made once in
fifteen or twenty years, let them not be bestowed on the
subjects of a foreign Government, nor upon a designated
and favoured class of men in our own country. It is but
justice and good policy, as far as the nature of the case
will admit, to confine our favours to our own fellow
citizens, and let each in his turn enjoy an opportunity to
profit by our bounty. In the bearings of the Acts before
me upon these points, I find ample reasons why it should
not become a law."

An argument, which we have no doubt will
be preferred by the Governors and friends of the
Batik of England as unanswerable in favour of
the renewal of its charter, is successfully met in
the following passage from the message :
" It has been urged," says it, "as an argument in
favour of re-chartering the present bank, that the calling
in its loans will produce great embarrassment and distress.
The time allowed to close its concerns is ample ; and if it
has been well managed, its pressure will be light, and
heavy only in case its management has been bad. If,
therefore, it shall produce distress, the fault will be its
own, and it would furnish a reason against renewing a
power which bad been so obviously abused. But, will
there ever be a time when this reason will be less power-
ful ? To acknowledge its force, is to admit that the Bank
ought to be perpetual, and, as a consequence, the present
stockholders, and those inheriting their rights as succes-
sors, be established a privileged order, clothed both with
great political power, and enjoying immense pecuniary ad-
vantages from their connection with the Government."
Passing over the intermediate portion of the
message, the application of which is rather of a
local than of a general nature, we come to the
following passage, with which it concludes—a
passage abounding with plain and self-evident,
but most important, truths, and which it is as
hono►trable to the President of the United States
to have given utterance to, as it would be wise
in our rulers here to make a speedy application
of them. When shall we hear from the lips of
a Prime Minister of England that " the strength
of a Government consists in its leaving indivi-
duals and states as much to themselves as possi-
ble—in making itself felt, not in its power, but
in its beneficence, not in its control, but in its
protection, not in binding the States more closely
to the centre, but in leaving each to move unob-
structed in its proper orbit ?"
" Under such circumstances, the Bank comes forward
and asks a renewal of its charter for a term of fifteen years,
upon conditions which not only operate as a gratuity to
the stockholders of many millions of dollars, but will sanc•
tien any abuses, and legalize any encroachments.
" Suspicions are entertained, and charges are made, of
gross abuse and violation of its charter. A❑ investigation
unwillingly conceded, and so restricted in time, as neces-
sarily to make it incomplete and unsatisfactory, discloses
enough to excite suspicion and alarm.
" In the practices of the principal bank partially un-
veiled, in the absence of important witnesses, and in nu-
merous charges, confidently made, and as yet wholly un-
investigated, there was enough to induce a majority of the
Committee of Investigation, a Committee which was
selected from the most able and honourable niemb,rs of
the House of Representatives, to recommend a suspension
of further action upon the Bill, and a prosecution of the
inquiry. As the Charter had yet four years to run-, and
as a renewal now was not necessary to the successful pro-
secution of its business, it was to have been expected that
the bank itself, conscious of its purity, and proud of its
character, would have withdrawn its application for the
present, and demanded the severest scrutiny into all its
transactions. In their declining to do so, there seems to
be an additional reason why the functionaries of the Go-
vernment should proceed will' less haste and wore caution
in the renewal of their monopoly.
" The bank is professedly established! as an agent of the
executive branches of the Government, and its constitu-
tionality is maintained o❑ that ground. Neither upon the
propriety of present action nor upon the provisions of this
Act was the executive consulted. It has had no oppor-
tunity to say that it neither needs nor wants an agent
clathed with such powers and favoured with such exemp-
tions. There is nothing in its legitimate functions which
makes it necessary or proper. Whatever interest or in-
fluence, whether public or private, has given birth to this
Act, it cannot be found either in the wishes or necessities
of the executive department, by which present action is
deemed premature, and the powers conferred upo❑ its
agent not only unnecessary, but dangerous to the Govern-
ment and country.

" It is to be regretted that the rich and powerful too
often bend the acts of Government to their selfish purposes.
Distinctions i❑ society will always exist under any just
Government. Equslity of talents, of education, or of
wealth, cannot be produced by human institutions. In
the full enjoyment of the gifts of Heaven, and the fruits of
superior industry, economy, and virtue, every man is
equally entitled to protection by law. But when the laws
undertake to add to these natural and just advantages ar-
tificial distinctions, to grant titles, gratuities, and exclu-
sive privileges, to make the rich richer, and the potent
more powerful, the humble members of society, the far-
mers, mechanics, and labourers, who have neither the time

nor the means of securing like favours to themselves, have
a right to complain of the injustice of their Government:
" There are no necessary evils in Government. Its evils
exist only in its abuses. If it would confine itself to equal
protection, and, as Heaven does its rains, shower its fa-
vours alike on the high and the low, the rich and the poor,
it would be an unqualified blessing. In the Act before
me, there seems to be a wide and unnecessary departure
from these just principles. Nor is our Government to
be maintained, or our union preserved, by invasions of the
rights and powers of the several States. In thus attempt-
ing to make our general Government strong, we make it
weak. Its true strength consists in leaving individuals
and States, as much as possible, to themselves—in making
itself felt, not in its power, but in its beneficence, not in
its control, but in its protection—not in binding the States
more closely to the centre, but leaving each to move un-
obstructed in its proper orbit.
" Experienee should teach wisdom. Most of the diffi.
culties our Government now encounters, and most of the
dangers which impend over our Union, have sprung from
an abandonment of the legitimate objects of Government
by our national legislation, and the adoption of such prin-
ciples as are embodied in this Act. Many of our rich
men have not been content with equal protection and equal
benefits, but have besought us to make them richer by acts
of Congress. By attempting to gratify their desires, we
have, in the results of our legislation, arrayed section
against section, interest against interest, and man against
man, in a fearful commotion, which threatens to shake the
foundation of our Union. It is time to pause in our career,
to review our principles, and, if possible, revive that devoted
patriotism and spirit of compremise which distinguished
the sages of the revolution, and the fathers of our Union.
If we cannot at once, in justice to interests vested under
improvident legislation, make our Government what it
ought to be, we can at least take a stand against all new
grants of monopolies and exclusive privileges, against any
prostitution of our Government to the advancement of
the few at the expense of the many, and in favour of com-
promise and gradual Reform in our code of laws and sys-
tem of political economy."—Morning Advertiser.
The declaration of the Lord Chancellor on
Thursday night was calculated to put the Irish
Members on their mettle. Last night the sub-
ject was taken up by Mr. Leader, who observed—
" That though the law of Ireland might differ from
that of England, yet the spirit of the times and the less
severe policy of late Governments rendered that clause of
the Act obselete and almost forgotten. In 1786, when
necessity was declared to warrant the measure, the Irish
Parliament suspended the Habeas Corpus. In 1798 it
did the same; in 1800 it did the same. He found no
instances of the Habeas Corpus being suspended by pro-
clamation ; and if a necessity existed, it was the duty of
Parliament not to leave the responsibility on any Lord
Lieutenant, but to imitate the conduct which was pur-
sued by all the Parliaments of Ireland when there was a
necessity to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act itself. He
was sorry to see high legal functionaries looking for a
summary mode of suspending the palladium of British
liberty, or giving a new or wide construction to what may
constitute rebellious acts. By this enlarged construction
of what was rebellion, the poor tithe-payers of Ireland, or
the starving manufacturers, could not meet to complain,
without exposing their country to have the Habeas Corpus
suspended by the proclamation of the Lord-Lieutenant and
Council. When this power was not entrusted by the
Constitution to the King himself, lie feared the existence
of power in the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, which did not
exist in the King of England, would be considered a new
cause of jealousy in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.)"
Mr. Hume having asked the Solicitor-Gene-
ral for Ireland " whether there really existed any
law which placed the operation of the Habeas
Corpus Act in Ireland on a footing so difFerent
from that upon which that great protection of
the liberty of the people rested in England ; and
also, whether such meetings as had been de-
scribed by the Hon. Member for Kilkenny were
considered by the Government to be rebellious?"
Mr. Crampton said, " that the Act was the
same in England and in Ireland ; but by the
Act of the 21st and 22d Geo. 111., the Lord
Lieutenant and the Privy-Council were em-
powered to suspend the Act, in the event of an
invasion or a rebellion." The following is Mr.
Crampton's definition of rebellion :

It it was meant to say, that there was now an in-
tention to make use of meetings, (or constitutional pur-
poses, as a pretext for enforcing that law, he would reply,
that it was impossible that the Noble and Learned Lord
alluded to could have meant any such thing.--(lletr,
' hear.) In the event of a rebellion in Ireland, the Lord
Lieutenant had the power of suspending the Habeas Corpus
Act; and it was of course to be borne in mind, that a
rebellion might be confined to a single county, or to a
small number of persons.—(Hear, hear.) To constitute
rebellion, it was not necessary that the whole country, or
a whole province, or even a whole county, should be ac-
tually i❑ arms against the Government,—(Hear, hear.)
It was rebellion, when any number of the Kirig's sub-
jects united to compel, by force, any change in the laws
of the country, to set the lawful authorities at defiance, to
control the Legislature, or to supersede the Executive."
It would have been as well that nothing had
been said about the Habeas Corpus Act. It is
quite clear that the power alluded to by the Lord
Chancellor will frighten no one ; but it is not so
clear that it will not be turned against the Go-
vernment.— 11 "[oozing Chronicle.
The abuse poured out upon the devoted heads
of Alderman Waithman and Mr. Robinson, by
the journals of the Doctrinaires, for manfully
endeavouring to resist the ruinous theories of
the " most learned Thebans," who call them-
selves political economists, affords convincing
evidence of what sort of tolerance of " free
opinion" it is which prevails among the advo-
cates of " free trade: Their liberality, like
their free•trade system, has that character of
" one-side reciprocity" about it, which it requires
more impudence than argument to force upon a
" thinking nation," as a proof of the advanced
intellect of the age. The men who framed those
navigation laws, which the Huskissonian clique
broke down with the same ignorant zeal for de-
struction which barbarians take in destroying the
noblest works of antiquity, were men whose poli-
tical knowledge and statesman-like talents laid
the foundation of the commercial prosperity, the
naval dominion, and unexampled grandeur and
opulence of the British empire. They were men
who, in devising those laws, had the assistance
and approbation of that great chief who, though
succeeding to the Sovereign of a coward reign,
made the mightiest monarchies of Europe re-
spect the name anti tremble at the power of
the Commonwealth of England. Even the
late Lord Ellenborough observed incidentally,
in a case of political libel, on the bench,
that " although Cromwell had obtained his
dignity with great crime, he conducted his
Government with consummate ability ; and it
was under the auspices of Cromwell that the ce-
lebrated Navigation Act was framed." This was
the foundation of England's maritime supremacy,
and all its consequent advantages. It created the
naval power which saved us from the victorious
legions of Napoleon, when he was undisputed
conqueror of all the continent of Europe. It drew
forth even from the political economist, Adam
Smith, the eulogium that it was "founded in the
most deliberate wisdom." Yet this was the Act
which, at " one fell swoop," the Doctrinaires
of the Huskissonian and Macculloch school ut-
terly destroyed ; and by its abolition sacrificed
the interests of the ship-owners of England to
those of foreign nations, as well as broke down
the elements of our naval superiority. A similar
fate have the same heartless theorists inflicted on
our manufactures—the silk trade, in particular,
they have the pre-eminent merit of having all
but extirpated from our shores. Their theories
would only deserve the ridicule which the
Doctors of Laputa earned by their immortal
absurdities, if it were not that they had been
adopted by some empirics in power, who used the
influence which they possessed in Parliament with
obsequious and corrupt majorities to carry them
into practical effect, thereby producing conse-

quences far more melancholy than ludicrous,
driving our manufacturers into bankruptcy, our
industrious artisans into starvation, and adding
to the misery, pauperism, lunacy, and suicide,
which strew their horrors so thickly over this
once glorious and happy land. When the dis-
interested public come to read the evidence taken
before the Committee, and on which evidence
that Committee, who are worthy of the Doctri-
naire class, have not ventured to make a report,
we believe there will be no difference of opinion
among them as to the immense mischief which
the pseudo free-traders have inflicted on the
manufactures of England. But to prop up the
ricketty reputation .of Mr. Poulett Thomson,
and such " learned pundits," seems to be of far
more consequence with our Government than
attending to the complaints of our breaking
manufacturers and starving artisans. It was well
observed by Alderman Waithman that, when
one of the Doctrinaires talked of all the infor-
mation which he had received from the French
people, and said that they were most candid and
concealed nothing from him, those keen French-
men, who understand their own interests very
well, " were laughing at him in their sleeves."
If they were not, why is it that France follows
the very opposite course to that of adopting our
example. She profits by our folly, and laughs
at it. So does America, who has made her ta-
riff more strict since we relaxed our own. Such
is the " reciprocity" for which moonshine philo-
sophers and charlatan statesmen broke down
the legislative protection of the English manu-
factures, while they left untouched the taxation
under which British industry groans.—Morn.
in a Herald.

There are some very striking anomalies in the
recent language and conduct of his Majesty's
Ministers with respect to Ireland, one or two
of which we now propose to point out for the
amusement of our readers. On Thursday
night Earl Grey made a speech in the House of
Lords, the burden of which was his conviction
that the existing laws are sufficient to enable his
Majesty's Government to deal with the liberals
of Ireland, and the extreme reluctance with
which he should at any time be compelled to
adopt any other opinion. It is with the greatest
surprise that we find language to this effect pro-
ceeding from the Noble Lord, for we cannot re-
concile it with a fact which could scarcely yet
have escaped his Lordship's recollection—the
fact, namely, that his Colleague, the Irish Se-
cretary, had only two days before announced in
the House of Commons his intention to intro-
duce a Bill, and hurry it through Parliament,
during the present Session, to alter the law
upon a point no less material than the adminis-
tration of justice, and with a view no less im-
portant than that of rendering it more easy to
procure convictions in cases of Government pro-
secutions. It is true that Mr. Stanley withdrew
his proposition the day after he announced it,
but not until he had had time to discover that it

would have protracted the Session V for another
month, and occasioned a call of the House of
Commons, to the great personal inconvenience
of many individuals, and to the injury of the
public in every county of the kingdom.
But it is not on this account the less
certain that the organ of the Government in the
House of Commons, who expressed his wish
and the wish of the Administration, which pro
hoc vice he must be presumed to represent, for
an important alteration of the law on Tuesday,
is very decidedly at variance with the organ of
the same Government in the House of Lords,
who, on Thursday, glorified himself and it on
the ground that they were averse upon principle
to any alteration whatever, and that in their de-
liberate judgment no alteration was required.
There is perhaps a still greater incongruity
be-
tween the professions of the Premier, 'when he
repudiated, as he did very emphatically, all idea
of resorting to the aid of new powers, and the
alacrity and satisfaction with which the Lord
Chancellor immediately afterwards announced a
discovery which he thinks he has made, tllat the
Government of Ireland has the legal right of
suspending the Habeas Corpus Act whenever it
thinks fit, and that the present circumstances of
Ireland are very like the circumstances which the
Legislature had especially in view in conferring
this extraordinary and most dangerous power.
To reconcile Earl Grey and Lord Brougham,
the casuist who undertakes the task must be pre-
pared to show some essential difference between
the enactment of a new law, giving additional
powers to Government, and the extraction of
some recondite or obsolete meaning out of an
old one for the same purpose. We think, in
opposition to Earl Grey, that the Executive
Government of Ireland will require great and
extraordinary powers before it can restore the
dominion of the law to that country ; and we
feel, in still more decided opposition to Lord
Brougham, that if the Habeas Corpus Act is to
be suspended, and the personal liberty of every
man placed at the absolute disposal of Govern-
ment, it would be more desirable that this should
be done by the authority of the Legislature, act-
ing with an express view to the existing emer-
yctalsfet
Castle.
authority ofG r
eayperaone
vme t ion
freonme y ,
Dublin
b
in-
deed abstain from any new application to the
Legislature to strengthen the hands of the Irish
Government, if Parliament have already been
so prodigal in grants of power as the Lord
Chancellor supposes ; but in this case the Noble
Earl is unfortunately despoiled of the praise, to
which he would seem far from indifferent, of
moderation and liberality. We cannot conclude
without expressing our wish, considering the
state of Ireland, that the opinions hazarded by
the Lord Chancellor had proceeded from some
legal authority entitled to respect.—Morn. Post.

ALL SMOKE.—A tradesman of Manchester
was tempted, a few days ago, to purchase same tobacco of
a fellow who was dressed in the garb of a sailor. The
purchaser had soon cause to repent of his bargain, as upon
examining it he discovered, to his mortification, that out
of twenty pounds weight fifteen was grass, which was
solidly packed in the centre of the parcel.
PROLIFIC GOOSE.—Mr. H. BARRATT, of
Wintringbani, has a goose which has laid the extraordi-
nary number of 57 eggs this season. The usual number
is about 20—one every other (14y ; but this bird laid one
every day, often two, and once three in the same day; and
many of the eggs had two yolks in them.—Hull Packet.
It it stated, and on what is supposed to be
good authority, that in Paris there are three hundred and
fifteen professional musical composers, and one thousand
five hundred and twenty-five teachers of music, vocal and
instrumental. Most of them have but little to do, and
many are come and coming to this country in the hope
of finding employment, though their chance of success
cannot be very great, for the same economy is pre..
vailing here that is so loudly coinplained of in the
French eapital. Perhaps, however, being foreigners,
they may meet with more encouragement among
us than our own native professors enjoy, however superior
the latter may be; for, though some of these strangers pos-
sess much talent, the majority of those who have steamed
over are persons of but mediocre abilities. The money
made by PAGININI-every shilling of which is so much
lost to our own performers—has haunted every foreign
musician's sleep with dreams of the surplus wealth of
the English : they think that if the Italian can raise
30,0001. by one string, they can surely command as much
by meaus of four !