The Sun.
London, England, 1835-03-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF T.HE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

A very childish note of exultation over the Govern-
ment appears to have been raised by the Opposition
papers of yesterday, because of the adverse division of
the day preceding in the House of Commons on the
'motion of Mr. Hodges for an inquiry into the conduct
of Colonel . Tremenheere, of the Marines. This
officer, it will be recollected, had, soon after the late
election for Chatham, issued a garrison order prohibit
ing the indiscriminate admission of slop-sellers into
the barracks. The Hon. Mover of the inquiry into
Colonel Trcmenheere's conduct grounded his motion
on the two facts—first, of that officer having in pri-
vate conversation, and before the election, expressed a
strong opinion 'as to the manner in which Govern-
ment ought to visit on the town of Chatham the defeat
of the Ministerial candidate ; second, of his having.
after the election, limited the privilege of selling slop
in the barracks to three persons, selected in accordance
ith that feeling of political preference. The gallant
officer, as was stated by Sir E. Knatchbull, wished ino.ss
anxiously for a full investigation of his conduct ; ant
the Right Hon. Baronet, on hearing the sentiments
other Gentlemen upon the subject, acceded withou
difficulty to the proposed inquiry. \ Indeed, from tht
petition of Colonel Tremenheere to the House,
would appear that a studied and erroneous colourins
had been affixed to the Gallant Officer's conduct. He
states that the purport of his private conversation,
previous to the election, was merely that Chatham by
opposition to the Government "might prejudice its
interests, and deprive itself of the peculiar benefits
which have often resulted to ports circumstanced as
Chatham, from the protection and patronage of the
State." There was no threat in this language, nor
any remark of a different nature from what might na-
turally have been uttered by an indifferent person.
So with regard to the subsequent conduct of Colonel
Tremenheere, the petition' states positively that the
three parties excepted from the general prohibition to
enter the barracks, were chosen after a careful inquiry
into their characters; that two of them were not voters
for Chatham, and one was an active supporter of Mr.
Byng Moreover, a fully sufficient reason for pre-
venting the indiscriminate access of Jew slop-sellers
to the barracks at that period was to be found in the
fact of there being then in the barracks men who had
recently disembarked, and others daily expected from fo-
reign stations, when, asat all other such times, they were
peculiarly exposed to fraud and extortion on the part
of slop-sellers, and in want of whatever protection
could be afforded them by the vigilance of the autho-
rities in command of the barracks. There were here,
as most people might be ready to allow, quite motives
enough to make Colonel Tremenheere desirous of a
searching inquiry into his conduct. Why Sir Robert
Peel differed from Sir E. Knatchbull as to the
expediency of, a full investigation, embracing the
whole case whereon the motion of Mr. Hodges
rested, can be no otherwise explained than by sup-
posing that the Right Hon. Baronet felt the hardship
of such a precedent as might be established, by making
private conversation the subject of Parliamentary in-
quisition, and therefore resolved upon the most manly
part of resisting so much of the original proposition
as touched the extraofficial and merely individual sen-
timents of the gallant officer. And.let us ask, had
even the words insisted on (misrepresented as the petition
describes them to have been) been proved in the most
incontrovertible manner, what purpose would it, have
served ? Would it have convicted Colonel Tremen-
heere of violating the freedom of election ? Would
it have afforded even the slightest pretext or colourable
ground for charging him with such malpractice ? We
are satisfied that Sir Robert Peel looked no further
than to the unconstitutional precedent which was
threatened by an outrage upon individual freedom of
speech ; and had he considered the question as of one
party, or involving the influence and ascendancy of
the Government, it is clear that he would have secured
a stronger attendance of its supporters than was ex-
hibited'on the division. The briskness of the Oppo-
sition journals on such a victory is a decided symptom
of conscious rottenness.—Times.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer endeavoured to
draw from Lord John Russel, last night, the nature
of the resolution he intended to propose on Monday.
The Right Hon. Baronet, having pretty well ex-
hausted his liberal stores, is now abOut to enter oh
his great work, the defence of the greatest blot in our
institutions, the existence of a Sinecure Protestant
Church for a Catholic population. If we wish that
the desire of a Repeal of the Union should be extin-
guished in the breasts of the people of Ireland, we
must put an end to all odious distinctions between Ca-
tholics and Protestants. The question whether there
ought to be any Established Church in Ireland, is one
respecting which opinion may be divided ; but if There
must be an Established Church, the principle on
which alone Establishments have hitherto been justi-
fied, ought to be acted on in that country. It was
laid down by Warburton, that the State ought always
to be in alliance. with that religion which is professed
by the majority ; and when a religion ceases to be
professed by the majority, it ought on that account to
be abandoned by the State for a new alliance. The
existence of a Church in a country to which the great
majority of the people are alien, proves in itself, either
that the minority are toasters, and the majority slaves,
or that another nation uses the minority as instruments
for coercing the majority. Englishmen of the present
day affect to deprecate the idea of treating Ireland as a
conquered country. But on what principle, we would
ask, can a Protestant Church be imposed on a Ca-
tholic population, but conquest ? No people would
voluntarily 'submit to such an insult as an establish-
ment of an alien religion among them. Let English-
men ask themselves, as Lord Howick well observed,
with what feelings they would view a Catholic Esta-
blishment imposed on themselves by a Parliament sit-
ting in Dublin, of which four-fifths of the Members
were Catholics ? Protestants very naturally think
their own religion the best ; but they must sup-
pose that the Catholics equally believe in the
superiority of their religion. If an Englishman
conceives it would, be an insulting mark of his degrada-
tion to see a dominant Catholic Church imposed
on him, he cannot conceive that an Irishman would
view a Protestant Church imposed on him with any
other feeling. The Irish Catholic, therefore, is justi-
fied in viewing the Protestant Church with detesta-
tion, as an evidence of his bondage, because voluntary
submission to an insult would suppose him to be
without the spirit of a man. The question of the ap-
propriation of Irish Tithes is, therefore, very properly
connected with the permanent settlement of Tithes.
All are agreed that Tithes are the property of the pub-
lic, and ought to be dedicated to objects of national
benefit. But the establishment of a Church, which is
detested by six-sevenths of the population, and which is
consequently the cause of constant agitation, and vio-
lence, and bloodshed, cannot be a national benefit, and
the sooner its days are numbered the better will it be
for all parties. Too long hay England wasted its
resources in perpetuating dissentions in Ireland. The
speech of Sir Henry Hardinge, admitting unecinivo-
cally the utter inability of Government to enforce the
law, is a sufficient proof that we have already reached
a point in abuse which cannot be passed with impunity.
The system of governing by means of ascendancy—
that is, by means of a section of a nation, maintained
by British money and British bayonets, to tyrannize
over the majority of their countrymen, must now be
abandoned 'for ever. Orange Societies, as the emana-
tions of the accursed system of ascendancy, ought to
be scouted by every liberal Englishman. - Before we
complain of the Catholics, let us do justice to them.
Let us destroy all motive for the people of Ireland
wishing to separate from us, and then we may depend
on it that the words " Repeal of the Union will
cease to be heard.—Morning Chronicle.
The Registration of Voters' Bill was read a second
time last night in the House of Commons. We cannot
say that we see much reason to congratulate the public
on such a result. This Bill was brought in by Lord
John Russell and Sir John Campbell foe the more
effectual registration of voters in England and \Vales
's to serve in Parliament. Without at all
attribute to the above Hon. Members al!
of the Bill, we have no hesitation in de-
considering the ample discussion and en-
the part of the Reform Act relating to
on of voters has undergone, and the full
of discovering its defects, which three

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