The Sun.
London, England, 1859-09-03 00:00:00

THE CUTLERS' „FEAST.

This annual celebration was held at Sheffield on
Thursday evening, under the presidency of Robert
Juelposn, Esq., who has been re-elected Master
Cutlet. Among the guests present were Lord
Milton, the Hon. H. Fitzwilliam, the Right Hon.
Jamei Wilson, Sir LW. Ramsden, M.P., T. Bagley,
Esq.:MY, Mr. Hadfield, M.P., &c. r. Roebuck
was not present.
After the loyal toasts, the Master Cutler proposed
g, The Army and Navy," enforcing the necessity of
making ourselves secure in our national defences.
The healths of the noblemen residing in the
neighbourhood were drunk, after which—
Mr. Alderman MArrnrws said it had fallen to
his lot to propose " The Health of a worthy and
esteemed guest, the Right Hon. James Wilson."

(Cheers.)
The Right Hon. J. WILSON was received with
loud cheering. He said,—l am sure every gentle-
man will well understand what must be my feel-
ings, almost a stranger in your town, after you
have received me in so kind and indulgent a man-
ner, to have to acknowledge it. I rise as well as I
am able. I assure you the observations of the gen-
tleman who proposed it, and the manner in which
you have received it, have made on me the deepest
impression, I say, without exaggeration, that I ever
experienced in my life—(loud cheers)—the deepest
impression, not only from the kindness of your re-
ception, but from the grave and momentous sub-
jects to which reference has been made. lam sure
those gentlemen I now address will well under-
stand the hesitation which I must have felt in un-
dertaking those responsible duties to which I am
appointed in our Indian empire at such a time and
under such circumstances. I can assure you that
nothing but the deepest sense of duty could have
induced me to relinquish the position which by the
kindness of my countrymen I have enjoyed at home,
and undertake duties the most grave at a period so
extraordinary, attended by so much uncertainty of
success. But when I saw the great efforts that had
been made by our countrymen—effortssuch as were
made by the officers and men of the 84th Regiment
already adverted to—the difficulties under which
Englishmen of every station were placed in India,
when it devolved upon them to make the utmost
efforts to save to this empire the brightest gem in the
British crown—it would have been selfish in me, if
those who were responsible for the government of
India thought I could be of use in that part of the
world, had I declined to place my humble
services at their disposal. (Cheers.) Ido not
wish to dwell on matters personal to my-
self. They are unworthy of this occasion. If a
man enters public life he must make up his mind
to serve his country in any capacity, in the best
way he can. It is not for us to choose, but-for the
public service to direct, and whatever capacity a
man can best serve his country there he can best
honour himself. (Cheers.) From the moment I
made up.my mind to accept that responsible duty
I determined to make myself personally acquainted
with the trading and commercial connexions of
this country with India. Gentlemen, finance is
not mere arithmetic. Finance is a great policy.
It lies at the bottom—at the root of government in
every country. Without sound finance no good
government is possible. Without sound policy no
sound finance is possible. Therefore, the first con-
clusion I arrived at was that I would devote every
day I had in England to personally knowing and
understanding the commercial relationships of
England and India. (Cheers.) I have long held
the opinion, which cannot be strange to this cora-
pany.or to Englishmen at large, that in the com-
mercial and fiscal policy of a nation are involved
the happiness, prosperity, and welfare, not only of
the working classes, but of all classes. I have
ever been unable to distinguish between the in-
terests of the one and of the other. I have been
unable to see how in any capacity labour and
capital could be separated—how in any way the
workman and his employer, or those who are in-
debted to the employer for the profitable occupa-
tion of their capital, can have the slightest diver-
sity of interest. On the prosperity of each one,
rely upon it, depends that of all. On this broad
ground I have for many years advocated those
principles of free trade which fortunately have
at last come to be the acknowledged policy of this
country, not only, I may say, by the universal
assent of all parties, but even of those most
strongly opposed to it a few years ago. Now,
gentlemen, I know no principle that is good in
England which is not good also all over the world.
(Cheers.) There may, indeed, be very striking dis-
tinctions of race and nationality. There may be a
variety. of reasons why the same principle should
be carried into operation in different ways, but a
sound principle here is a sound one everywhere.
I believe the principles by which the prosperity of
the people of England has been advanced are the
principles on which the welfare of any people in
any part of the world may be promoted. It has
been with that view that I have sought to under-
stand the commercial relations of the people of India
with this country. And lam proud to say one of
the first opportunities offered to me has been in a
visit to this town. You have a member who adds
this to his numerous good qualities, that he never
forgets the interests of Sheffield. Hardly was it
known in the house that I had accepted an appoint-
ment to go out to India when your hon. member
applied to me to pay a visit to the manufacturers
of Sheffield. (Cheers.) I am deeply indebted to
the Master Cutler for the invitation to be present
on this occasion, because on no occasion could I
have had a better opportunity to visit your town.
I have already heard to-night, in the toasts pro-
posed, the happy relations that subsist between
you and great numbem.of the aristocracy in this
neighbourhood, and in every one of those names I
have been happy to recognise houses which have,
for the honour and industry of England, done all
in their power to promote the free trade policy.
They have known what a grace it lends to the pri-
vileges of their order to encourage the substantial
interests of labour and industry. And some of
them have been the foremost in promoting those
measures which have given so great a development
to our commerce and industry. Perhaps you will
permit me to refer, in a few words, to the peculiar
circumstances of our Indian empire at present.
(Hear, hear.) One of your hon. members, whom I
regret not to see present, has distinguished him-
self, both in writing and speeches, by describ-
ing, in very vivid language, what constitutes
an English colony. He has painted in bright
colours the English colonist carrying with him the
habits, the notions, the institutions, and the reli-
gion of his country. That is not the case with our
Indian empire. We have had a committee sitting
on the subject of the colonization of India during
the last two sessions. They have just presented
their report, and they call attention to the distinc-
tion existing between India and our colonies.
There seems to be no chance of settling in the East
colonies in the ordinary sense of the term. We
find a religion there altogether different from' our
own, laws unknown to us in England, and almost
antagonistic to our own ; a dense population, ad-
mitting of little further increase, and working at a
low rate of wages inconsistent with the settlement
there of European labourers and artisans. But we
have an empire of not less than 200,000,000 people.
On England rests the responsibility of the well-
being of that empire, and it is for us to say if we
will shrink from it. I will not now inquire as to
the wisdom of this acquisition. We have it, and
with it we have received a responsibility from
which we cannot shrink. It may be, in the hands
of Providence we are to be the instruments of
spreading a higher civilisation there. It may be
that we are to be the means of diffusing a better
religion than the races of Ind'a have before pos-
sessed. But, whatever the result, we are the rulers
of an empire of 200,000,000, and we cannot shrink
from,, the duty of doing the best in our power for
lem (Cheers.) That being the case, let us never
iforget that the duty we owe to them is irrespective
of the interests of the British emp ire I believe the
two interests, well understood, are identical, and
that to develope
Indian interests will best promote
our own. Be that as it may, we have undertaken a
great duty, and that detyw must perform. It has
Ifeen well observed by r John Lawrence, that
-wherever during the Si
late
Of the British Government was
the power
imaychy at once prevailed. Village s withdrawn,
, village. Old feuds,i,
for many fought
agaumangry discussions,
had slept
passioris, which years,
again broke out. That proves what would ber
onethe
case if the ruling hand were withdrawn for
niom ent, or if we slackened the discipline which has
been successfully exerted. Seeing we have that
duty to perform, it becomes us to take the most
enligh teiied view of it. Great discussi ins have
arisen ju this country as to the extent to which the
"Govern; rent should interfere with the religions of
I believe almost all right-minded men are
agreed 1 hat while it is our duty to give unlimited
opportuvAities for the spread of the Christian tell.
yE t it would be neither wise nor prudent for
-the Gov nnment as such to interfere with the
yell
.:pions of the people. (Cheers.) I believe that if
pyou hays a great duty to perform in a country like
andia, it vould be best discharged by example, by
:showing tt, at we have a religion higher and better
'than theirs =----(cheers)—by impressing them with
:proofs of the 3 justice of our laws, by liberality in
nour conduct: towards them, by that Intercourse
which may " be ascribed to low motives, but perhaps
7is one of the most effective, consisting in a free ex-
change orour mutual commodities in the operations
;of commerce. Well, then, gentlemen, what we have
to look to is to pdevelope he resources 'of India. No

doubt we shall encounter enormous difficulties in
the first instance. There is the difficulty of caste.
I ask any man, knowing the habits of the people of
this country, to consider how impossible it would
be for society to advance here if every class were
fixed in its own position, and incapable of rising
above it or altering that position. I need only refer
to the subject to recal to your minds many remark-
able examples of men -rising by honourable exer-
tions in their social position, and affecting benefi-
cially a whole manufacturing district. In India
men are tied up by caste, and whatever their exer-
tions or talents they cannot rise beyond it.
You may conceive how enormous is this im-
pediment. We know these difficulties. It is
our duty to meet them, and we must do
our best. And it is the character of the English
people, knowing the difficulties lying in their path,
not to attempt to shirk them, but manfully to meet
them. (Cheers.) Difficult as the task of contending
with caste may be, it is not insurmountable. I hope
railways, steam navigation, and free commercial in-
tercourse ,between man and man, and, above all,
ustice administered in the European courts to the
lowest and the highest, will in course of time make
a great change. Already the railways in India have
done much. Already by a sort of compulsion vari-
ous castes will travel in the same carriage, though
formerly they would never meet. The impossibility
of keeping up the distinction is putting an end to
the distinction, and in course of time we may hope
that it will overcome that difficulty, which I take
to be our greatest impediment at this moment.
However that may be, we have abundance of work
before us. We have to follow out a principle which
has succeeded in the West, to give it a fair field and
that enconragemcnt which consists in the mainte-
nance of law and order, and rely for our success on
the prosperity it will confer on the natives. Above
all, we have to rely on the intercommunication be-
tween our Eastern empire and this country. We
have had experience of free-trade policy in this
country.. We know very well that for many years
great differences of opinion prevailedas to our finan-
cial and commercial policy. We know that amid
great difficulties the late Sir Robert Peel undertook
the subject, and at last put our finances in a flourish-
ing condition. But that was only done by means of
improved fiscal and commercial legislation. I be-
lieve the same thing may be done in India. Quit-
ting that subject, allow me for one moment to con-
gratulate you on the altered state of affairs in
Europe. We have passed through a time of consi-
derable anxiety, but we are truly told to-night that
Europe is at peace. I hope nothing will proceed from
this country to endanger that peace. I agree with
every word that has fallen from the Master Cutler,
and I believe that it is the opinion of the country
that peace in Europe and the alliance with France
are essential to the true interests of England.
(Cheers.) I believe it is the wish of every person
in this country whose opinion is worth having that
the peace of Europe and the alliance with France
should be maintained. (Cheers.) And I agree with
the Master Cutler that this will be best done if
England persists in the dignified position she has
always maintained, and bears in mind the old
phrase that perfect preparation for war is the best
security for peace. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, we
have been threatened this week with another war,
and I for one shall not at all regret if that war be
declared. Count de Morny has threatened us with
a war in which I am sure England will readily
engage—a free rivalry in commerce. (Cheers.) In
that strife, upon equal terms, England is ever ready
to engage. And it is a state of war which we should
never desire to exchange for peace. There is no-
thing the English trader more desires than a friendly
rivalry with all the NA orld. And if I may tender a
word of advice to Count de Morny and our French
rivals, 1 should say that if they would enter on this
war with England they should first disembarrass
themselves of a great number of prohibitions. If
they enter upon that war hampered as they are
now, they will find themselves like jockeys very un-
equally weighted in a race. My hon. friend the
member for Manchester mentioned to me to-day a
circumstance that will illustrate this. One of the
greatest discoveries of the age iu cotton spinning
was made in France, but not one French manufac-
turer availed himself of it. But the inventor came to
Manchester, and the manufacturers there paid him
£lOO,OOO for it. When the cotton manufacturers of
France were applied to they said they were protected
by the laws; that they had plenty of business and made
as much profit as satisfied them, and it would not pay
them to make experiments. I tell Count de Morny
and the French Government that if they will enter
into this warfare with England, they must learn to
bay the best improvements, though it may be at
the highest price. (Cheers.) If the French choose
to enter upon that war I am sure neither you nor
any other manufacturers will object. l'Sliether
they accept free trade or not we will accept their
condition of a war of rivalry in commerce and
manufactures. '(Cheers.) In the great mission I
have undertaken it will be my duty to study your
interests by promoting the development of the in-
dustry an d resources of India, which I must acknow-
ledge at the present time are not satisfactory. ,In
the general prosperity of the people, the extension
of their commerce, I hope to find that improved
state'of finance which is needed in India. Fortu-
nately, the Indian empire is now placed in such a
position that we need fear neither foreign aggres-
sion nor internal insurrection. We have overcome
those two difficulties and may well be content for
the future without the further enlargement of that
empire. Let us improve its resources, consolidate
its interests, and, above all, let us unite by all the
ties of friendly feeling the common subjects of our
beloved Queen. (Cheers.) By such measures and
such policy, we may expect to see hereafter and at
no distant day a flourishing Indian empire under
the British Crown. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. T. DUNN proposed " The health of the mem-
bers of the West Riding of the county of York."
(Cheers.)
Sir J. RAMSDEN, M.P., in returning thanks,
apologised for the scantiness of the results of the
Legislature during the past year, which he attri-
buted to political combinations. In referring to the
late war in Italy, he said, I think, gentlemen, there
is but one ground likely to arise which could justify
the interference of our Government in settling the
affairs of Italy, and that is the giving the guarantee
of the great Powers of Europe that the will of the
populations of Italy will be consulted, and that
alone, in whatever settlement may be proposed.
'To promote that would, indeed, be a grateful task
to any Ministry of England, and would be a ground
to justify the Government of England in entering
the congress, which, under present circumstances,
they do most wisely to keep aloof from. (Cheers.)
He next alluded to the alarms which had prevailed
on the subject of our defences, and said, we have
lately been told that the alarms spread abroad in
this country are ridiculous ; and that, as my right
hon. friend has so well said, foreign nations regard
us with friendship, and desire no rivalry with us
but in the arts of commerce and peace. I rejoice to
hear it. I accept that assurance with full confidence.
But still I say that should not make the slightest
difference in our preparations. (Cheers.) We are
putting our small army in order, and increasing our
mighty fleet, not in order that we may attack
foreign nations, but merely that no foreign Power
may, be in a position to dictate to us. In her ex-
tensive possessions, in that vast, commerce which
covers every sea, England has given too many
pledges to fortune to allow her to leave for an in-
stant any doubt as to what Power has command of
the ocean. (Hear.) That, I say, is a point upon
which there must be no doubt. (Cheers.) We do
not grudge France or any other Power her supe-
riority in armies ; let other countries keep up their
great land forces—their hundreds of thousands of
men—that is an arm as to which we shall enter into
no rivalry with them. But no Power, except Eng-
land, has to defend an empire extending over every
quarter of the globe, and no Power except England
rests for defence almost solely upon the condition
of her naval armaments. Therefore, I say, there
can be no comparison between the naval power of
England and that of any other country. Consti-
tuting it as cheaply and efficiently as we can, we
must have a navy which can so command the Chan-
nel that there shall never for an instant be the sligh-
test doubt as to what Power holds the keys of the
sea. That, I repeat, is a matter which can give no
jealousy to any foreign Power. It must be clear to
every Power in Europe that this country, at least,
can have no sinister intentions against any of its
neighbours. All we desire is to be left alone to work
out our own freedom and our own greatness by
those arts which are congenial to us. We desire no
greatness in war ; what we desire is to be left alone
to follow the more congenial pursuits of commerce
and of peace. (Cheers.) Once more, gentlemen, I
beg, on behalf of my hon. colleague, Mr. Crossley,
and myself, to return our most grateful thanks for
the honour you have done us. (Cheers.)
W. FISHER, Esq., proposed " The -healths of the
members for the borough." (Cheer k.)
_ G. HADFIELD, Esq., M.P., said—Oa behalf of my
hon. colleague and mysel, I beo. 'to return you my
most heartfelt thanks for the honour you have con-
ferred upon us in proposing our healths. I assure
you, gentlemen, the great subject upon which my
right hon, friend has addressed you, has during the
Past year or two weighed
_, upon my mind to a de-
gree which I cannot describe. I feel the importance
of the message which he is about
into
deliver in India.
importance with ot
hat possessionw io.sf.ntloiawt
Perhaps never since we
ge been sent to that great
eginrepaitr:ol=aisma message
committed to him. I have every reason to believe,
and there are signs of it in this borough, that ere
long demand for the products of India will arise
a
in this country beyond all present calculation. Al-
ready our exports and imports to and from India
amount to an enormous sum, so much exceeding