The Sun.
London, England, 1866-03-09 00:00:00

IRE LAND.

(From the Times Correspondent)
DUBLIN, March 8.
You can hardly have an idea of the soothing effect
produced in this country by an article written in the
spirit of your last on the land question. This is the
real root of popular discontent. The tenants, as a
rule, make the improvements, in many cases in-
creasing the value of the land tenfold. The rent, in
the course of years, is multiplied in the same pro-
portion. This increase, made pursuant to periodical
valuations by the landlord, in which the tenant has
no voice, the tenant class, and I may say the whole
mass of the population, regard as an enormous tax
on improvement, which too often amounts to a pro-
hibition, preventing investment and encouraging the
exhaustion of the land. Still, if the farmer is to live
on his holding, bad land must be reclaimed, cleared,
drained, fenced, and houses of some sort must be
built, and the work of improvement proceeds in re-
liance upon verbal agreements, or upon the land-
lord's sense of justice, that, at least, the tenant will
not be disturbed so long as he pays the rent, which
the agent, from time to time, imposes at discretion,
the agent generally being an attorney paid by a per-
centage on the rental, and looking out sharply for
costs against defaulters. But when the landlord or
his agent has got " other intentions about the farm,"
and the occupier receives notice to quit, the law
which has come into operation is not the law of
equity, but a code of statutes framed, as the people
believe, by the landlords themselves, with the steady
purpose of securing their own interest, and recog-
nising no right in the occupier to the property
which he has created by his industry. The people
complain that, whereas in every other department
of human industry the property which a man
creates by his labour or outlay can be identified,
valued, and sold for what it is worth, under thepro-
tection of law, the property which the tenant-farmer
creates by his industry and outlay on the land is
not recognised as his property at all, but becomes
ipso facto legally the property of the landlord,
unless the tenant has a lease. It may be asked why
the tenant has not a lease, and why he holds land
without one. To this he answers that be holds the
land because without it his family cannot live, and he
would give all he is worth to get a lease at a reason-
able rent, but the landlord refuses to give one, pre-
ferring to have the discretionary power of re-valua-
tion, and of issuing in terrorem notices to quit. It
is on these accounts that the people, whether right
or wrong, regard the law of landlord and tenant

in Ireland as essentially unjust and oppressive ; and,
as the Legislature has so often refused to remedy
the alleged wrong, which militates against national
prosperity mad peace, popular opinion condemns the
Legislature itself as favouring injustice and oppres-
sion for the sake of the aristocracy, which inherits
the confiscated lands of the most confiscated country
in the world.

tAiiivuo ClnaiirluatilJ/7

from the intelligence from Strabane, in the county
of Tyrone, which has arrived just as the last sentence
was written. The first arrest of a member of the
Bar in connexion with Fenianism was made there
yesterday evening. His house was surrounded by
a large body of constabulary, all the approaches
being carefully guarded. It was supposed by the
people who crowded the street that Stephens was
the object of the search, as one constable was seen

n the roof to prevent exit in that direction. They
remainsd in and about the house for nearly three
hours. At length they arrested Mr. Underwood,
who was sent by rail to the county gaol at Omagh,
with a strong escort, under the command of the
county inspector, Mr. Barry. The prisoner was
many years ago an active member of the Irish Tenant
League, and at a public dinner in the town of Omagh
he was called to order by another member fur the
violence of his language against the Government,
but he was warmly defended by Mr. Gavan Duffy,
Mr
him exceedingly popular
Underwood's enthusiastic
w o
Young wasi r
eian present.ism made
with the tenant-farmers of the north-west, and he
offered himself several times as a candidate for Tyrone
and Donegal. After the Tenant League was broken
up he became a member of the Brotherhood of St.
Patrick, which distinguished itself by the demon-
strations in honour of the remains of INl'Manus, and
which seems to have merged into the Fenian Bro-
therhood. I have sometimes wondered that he
escaped so long, for in the evidence at one of the
Fenian trials in Dublin (not published) there was
an entry of money sent to a person at Strabane
bearing his initials T. N. U., and it now appears
that documents about pike-drilling were found in
his possession. As Mr. Underwood is the only bar-
rister arrested, he is also the only Protestant of any
note among the prisoners. Ile belongs to a small
but a highly respectable and loyal body of Dissen-
ters—the Unitarians. He is descended from a
" United Irishman," and was always regarded as a
little eccentric.

Twenty-five of the 27 prisoners arrested in Slat-
tery's publichouse, No. 7, Cork-hill, on Tuesday
evening, were yesterday removed, under the provi-
sions of the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act, from
Chancery-lane Police-station to Richmond Bride-
well. The other two prisoners (John Quinn, of the
60th Rifles, and William Murphy, alias M'Cabe)
were brought up before the sitting magistrate at the
head-office charged with being deserters. Murphy
was committed for trial, and Quinn was remanded,
pending inquiry.

A letter from Cork, referring to the assizes,
states :

" If all the prisoners at present in our gaol were to be
tried the assizes would not terminate for some months, for
each gaol is chokefull of prisoners, and in addition there
are a great many who were admitted to bail at the last

commission and since to come up for trial at the assizes
It is the intention, however, of the Crown not to proceed
against those who stand charged with having in their pos-
session unlicensed arms in proclaimed districts, or against
those accused of administering the Fenian oath. This class
of persons will not be tried, as I have been informed on
reliable authority, but will be detained in custody under
the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act. The only prisoners
that will bo tried at the assizes are those who aro not accused

_.,.
of political offences, together with tho graver Fenian
offenders."

At the last meeting of the National Association
the following letter from Mr. Bright was read:--

" London, March 3.
"My dear Sir,—l have received the copy of tho resolu-
tion of thanks voted to !tie by the Committee of the Na-

tional Association of Ireland. - I value it very much, and
ask that you will convey to the committee my gratitude for
the approval they have expressed of my recent speech on
the affairs and condition of Ireland. I think there is a

better prospect for your unfortunate country, and I shall
. .. . _..

gladly do all in my power to assist her own representatives

and the Government in such legislation as may be required
_ _ _

for her good. From the prosea Administration lam sure
you will receive sympathy, and I cannot but hope that at

an early period there will be a resolute attempt to conquer
the malady which, from time to time, brings so much suf-
fering to Ireland and so much discredit to England. I be-
lieve it is in the power of Parliament to remove all just

causes of discontent with you, and I shall heartily co-ope-
rate in every effort tending to that result.—Boliove me

always sincerely yours,
"Peter Paul M'Swiney, Esq."

"JOHN BRIGHT.

The total numbsr of perEonfi arreoted under the