The Sun.
London, England, 1835-08-26 00:00:00

21 0
16 0

It 6
2 4

5 0
0 3

MA R.KETS.
Beef (pCT lb.
Mutton..., 0 4 0 5
Pork
Vea1........—..
Fresh Butter......
Salt Ditto
Potatoes (per st.) 0 2 0 3

)TCli MARKETS.
'ON CORN MARKET.—Aug :11.
Barley. I Oats. 1 Pease. HCans.
1
:32. 6,t 29, 04 —s MI 3,s Od
62-;:t ,II tS OJ —s Od ......., Od
26s Ott t!6,, 61 1 —s Od —s Od
Wheat tit market , 2,3 whereof were sold.
35 1h,,01d --II l;rey.
'.21. ', - 101. 6-P2ths.

(7,-1., MARKET.—Aug. 20.
Barle,'. I Oats. rcase. Bealli.
226 64 '2 Is 4 I n 9, iki 03- 01
01 27, 0.1 37. 04 07. 04
0 r `23. 44 31. 0,1 33 04

There arc, it seems, 8,944 liverymen entitled to
vote for Members of Parliament of the City of London. Of
the various Companies that of the Needlc-makers is the most
numerous, having a livery amounting to 996; that of the
Basket-makers, the smallest, having only six.
GLAsGoW.—On Friday last a very numerous
meeting was held in the Town Hall, convened by the
prezident and Vice-Presidents of the Glasgow Reform As-
socfatiiin, for the purpose of petitioning the House of Com-
mons to reject the Bill as amended by the House of
Lords, and to present an address to Lord Melbourne
expressive of their confidence in his Administration, and
requesting hint to persevere in his exertions for promoting
the success of the Lill. The meeting was addressed by Mr.
Alexander Johnston, iv;:o was in the chair, and resolutions in
terms of the requisition were unanimously agreed to amidst
great applause.
BURY ST. EDNIUNDS---On Tuesday last a meet-
ing took place at the Guildhstli in this borough, to take
into consideration the mutilation of the Municipal Reform
Bill by the House of Lords. A petition to the House
of Commons was adopted expressive of gratitude for the
introduction of Municipal Reform, and of a desire that the
Commons of England should persevere till the unimpaired
principles of the Bill should become law. Several spirited
speeches were delivered.
THE WIFE AND WOMAN'S REWARDr-There
are few to whom these beautifully written tales will not bring
pleasant feelings, for never did selfishness, the besetting sin of
the present day, receive a more effectual castigation. Indeed,
" Woman's Reward" is a lesson for the many : nor is the
" Wife" inferior to it, in deep interest and sterling morality.
We can recommend these tales, not to the present only, but to
the study of all classes, and must congratulate their author, the
Hon. Mrs. Norton, on having produced a work evincing a very
high order of talent.
On Monday evening, at half-past eight o'clock, the ,
following accident occurred in the Regent's-park, which in
two hours afterwards proved of fatal consequences to D. E.
Riddle, Esq., a young gentleman, twenty-six years of age,
the only son of Riddle, Esq., a gentleman residing in
Purbrook-place, Lambeth Palace, under the following circum-
stances :—lt appears that the unfortunate gentleman PAS
taking an airing round the carriage drive in the Regent's
Park, on a high couraged horse, when the animal became sud-
denly unmanageable, and set off at a furious speed along the
road fronting of Chester and Cambridge-terraces, Regent's-
park; on the infuriated animal arriving fronting the entrance
gates of Park-sqw.re and Crescent, New-road, he dashed his
unhappy rider from the saddle, who fell with tremendous
violence against the gates, striking the back part of his head,
which caused a dreadful fracture ; he was immediately raised
from the ground, bleeding copiously from the wound, and con-
veyed with all possible speed to Mr. Worrell's, a surgeon in
:he neighbourhood, where every thing that surgical skill could
suggest was used, but all endeavours proved unavailing, as
death terminated his sufferings in two hours and twenty mi-
nutes after tae melancholy occurrence. The body lies for a
coroner's inque,st.
DESTRUCTIVE FIRE AT WARBOYS.—On Tues-
day last, about half-past one o'clock, one of the most exten-
sive fires which has been seen in this district for many years
broke out at \Varboys, near St. Ives. It commenced in 3
clover stack, in consequence of its over-heating. For the
distance of nearly a quarter of a mile, the fire spread from
building to building, sweeping everything before it, and de-
fying the utmost efforts of tile assembled multitude to stem
its progress. The progress of the conflagration was stopped
at the Pelican Inn, though all the stabling and barns were
masumed. Seventeen houses fell a prey on this side of the
stree. t. About mid-way the flames crossed the road' and fast i
e„;ne ,on the house of fir. Ekins, doomed fourteen more to
destroct;on on that side. For a considerable distance round,
wet sheen:sr and sacks were thrown over the stacks and
thatched huit..'ings, and men were stationed upon them with
buckets to elailsguish the falling sparks, and thus happily much
property was pN,,erved; five stacks of wheat belonging to
Mr. Gifford, and standing within ten yards of the burning
barn, had little less titan a miraculous escape. There was
not much water to be hail; and such was the rapidity of the
conflagration that the parisil engine was of little service, and
it was several hours before any other arrived. The scene which
thus presented itself was truly d,.stressing, and when several
i of the cottagers who had left tkeir humble houses in the
morning is security and peace, retutZed in a state almost
frantic, and found their little property destroyed and scat-
tered, it became little less than heart rending. The total de-
struction of property is not less than 7,0001. or 8,0001.,
aw t
ful
he
, principal part of which is covered by insurance. 'The
; extent of this calamity is chiefly ascribed to the incautious
manner in which stacks are placed in the immediate vicinity of
; the buildings, which in this part of the country form a closely
built town of thatched roofs Pa Post.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

--- The Municipal Reforen Bill was recommitted last
night. The Report is to be received to-morrow,
Thursday, and the debate is to be taken on the third
[reading the following day, Friday. We were led to
imaeine thet the Lords had done their worst—that,
hostile es they are to Municipal Reform, they would
be ',pity_ satisfied with the mischief they bad done to
the Bill. But we were wrong. The Lords last night
surpassed themselves. They contrived to render the
now abortive measure still more abortive. The most
.
important deterioration of the measure last night was
the amendment moved by Lord Lyndhurst, and car-
ried, on a division, by a majority of 104 to 36, " that
the town-clerks should hold their offices during life ;
anti, as a consequence of this, that the present town-
clerks should hold their offices during their lives,
,o?
which was the same thing, during good behaviour. '
Lord Brougham observed, " that by preserving the
aldermen and the town-clerks their Lordsh,ps
weie telling the people of this country tl,at the
whole affair was a mere affectation of reforte., and that
in effect everything would remain substanie,ally the same,
with the exception of the periodical ':rection of three-
fourths of the town-council. had said that the
Bill was gone again and agaie, ; but now the final close
of the measure appeared him to have arrived." It
is well known that the: towr-clerks are the life and soul
of the corporatioe:e—that they are identified with all
the abuses of system of corruption which has ren-
dered cord rations so obnoxious to the country ; and
the cont'inuance of these gentlemen in office for life
woulei alone render the Bill utterly worthless. The
Tories would have, indeed, nothing to fear were the Bill
so mutilated and disfigured to pass into a law. We
will not so far libel the House of Commons and the
Government as to suppose for one moment that they
will receive such a measure. " If," said Lord
Brougham, " his Noble Friend (Lord Melbourn,
should still think it right to go on with the
Bill, it would only show that his Noblee Friend
possessed greater patience than he eould feel."
But Lord Melbourne cannot go on with it ; for the
support of the people is necessary tQ the existence of
Lord Melbourne's Cabinet; and e,t this no man can
be more aware than his Lordshiee. Now, the people
can never be reconciled to tins measure ; and were
Lord Melbourne, after the 'lofty declarations made by
him, to knock under, as the phrase is, and truckle to
the Peers, the disape?ointment—nay, we fear, the dis-
gust of the peoPk: would be the certain consequence.
But the moment ehat Lord Melbourne ceases to en-
joy the esteem of the people, the moment they cease
to have coefidence in him, that moment he is at the
mercy or, the Tories, who will find no longer any
obstaelte to their entrance on office. In this way,
Lord Melbourne would, by his acceptance of office,
have been the cause of infinite injury to the cause
of the people, because the Tories would be With-
out any check on their designs against the liberties
of the country. Despair would take possession of
men's mninds ; and a return to a better state of things
could only be hoped from the indignation caused
by the long-continued excesses of Tory misrule.
The present Liberal Ministry, therefore, know too
well their position to deprive themselves of the mo-
ral support of the people, to be preserved only by
pursuing their present dignified course. Character to
them is every thing ; for character can alone identify
them with the nation. With the prostration of the
hopes of the people, they must themselves be pro-
strated. Their reign would be of :slime continuance,
if it depended on either Court fe.vour or Tory mode-
ration. No, the present Minis fry cannot forget that
they were ignominiously dismissed last November ; that
the Tories were retained feven against majorities of
the House of Commone ; and that nothing but the
impossibility of conducting the Government without
supplies put an enel to Tory rule. The truckling to
the House of Lords at this time would be deemed
throughout the country a betrayal of the cause of the
people ; and for this sin there would be no forgive-
ness. We have, therefore, no fear of Ministers. The
most eulgar prudence prescribes the same course
whit h the most lofty policy would enjoin. On
the head of the factious Lords be the conse-
quences. The time is come when something must be
done to rescue the people of this country from a state
of timings ten times worse than that which preceded the
passing -of the Reform Bill, were it to continue. Peo-
ple then could hope for peace and tranquillity ; but
now they must lay their account with constant turmoil
and agitation, without being one whit nearer to the end
of it than when the Reform Bill passed. They cannot
have the benefit of a Representative Government with
an unreformed House of Lords. With respect to the
other alterations made last night in the Bill, they are
of secondary importance. The Duke of Wellington
has secured the abuses of the Cinque Ports. The Earl
of Devon has somewhat improved the qualification
clause. On the other hand, the right at present en-
joyed by Dissenters in Corporations to present to
livings, has been taken from them. But why need we
dwell on a measure which has been rendered utterly
worthless, and which, therefore, mist be rejected by
the House of Commons ? The course next to be
adopted is sufficiently obvious, if it be wished to bring
the Peers to reason.—Morning Chronicle.
The wise decision of the House of Lords on Mon-
day evening. and the consequences, important as they
must be, which it will produce, though far different
from what the ultra-Radicals and Repealcrs antici-
pate, have been the exclusive subjects of conversa-
tion for these last six-and-thirty hours. That the
Lords have come to an honest and a wise decision
is the unbiassed feeling of every man who is capable
of connecting the spirit of the compound Irish
Church Bill with that of the Government which
framed it, and of the Popish faction, under whose
baneful influence and passions, and in subserviency to
whose projects it was to be enforced against the Pro-
testant clergy of Ireland, and to the total extinction of
their church. We shall not go over again the grounds
of argument contained in the well-considered speech of
Lord Haddington, and in the vigorous and powerful ad-
drees of the Bishop of London. He who has not been
convinced by those two able speakers, that the necessary
effect of voting the appropriation clauses of the Church
Bill must have been a rapid reduction through time
most foul and atrocious practices of the Protestant
population, in those parts of Ireland where Protestan-
tism was already weak and intimidated, until the whole
island, save only a few of the northern counties, would
be exclusively in the hands of Papists, and every trace
of our creed and of those who believe in it alike swept
away from the earth—he, we say, who is insensible to
the conviction which ought by this time to have been
wrought upon the mind of the community by such ap-
peals as have been already made to it, is one eitih
whom we shall not waste time by any att.em;„ to rea-
son. Nor is it of much importance to 'ote public to
worse, ma-
dwell upon the inconsistencies, if ne,',/li„,
infested by some of those officio,' peesonsb.who, now in
office, under O'Connell for r
I.aeir chief, have done their
best to palm upon the co ;„,,try those very provisions re-
garding the Church, which only last year they con-
demned and repro fated as atrocious. Of these, Lord
Lansdowne sr..pears among the most prominent, he and
Lord Broitlam having in the summer of 1834 de-
clared a',ainst the diversion of Church property to atietA
Cl e."
but, peerposes immediately connected with the
inreh
uneier any conceivable circumstances. His Lordshie,'s
speech on Monday last is a precious comment on the
stability of his principles, and a most satisfaelory illus-
tration of the sort of reliance which may be placed men like the Noble Marquis. But on
grand exhibi-
tion of party tactics on the night in question, the
unlucky one made by Viscount :Melbourne was
himself. This Noble Lord, who seems to have degenerated into
a paw of that hungry animal which counts 37 knots
in its tail,—this Noble Viscount, when he found that
there was a majority e,f nearly 100 Lords against grafting a scheme fey the demolition of the ehurchinof
Ireland upon the Bill for commutation of tithe, dee
Blaring in a pet that be would give up the latter
Bill altogether ! Now only conceive the perverse-
ness, the factious perverseness, are sorry to call
it, of such a course. Lord Melbourne submits
to the House of Lords two propositions, in
t heir nature distinct, but both in the eyes of the Noble
Lord and his friends, of the highest importance to the
well-being of the church, and to the tranquillity of
Imhtnds, One of these is the commutation of tithe

i an object recognised as altogether indispensable to tl:e
present existence of the church, since without it the
clergy are irretrievably destitute : the other proposition
is for the diversion of church property, when a surplus
shall be found to exist beyond the necessities of the
clergy, to such purposes as are enumerated in the Bill.
This latter object, inasmuch as it deals with only a
prospective and contingent fund, is manifestly not
of an immediate or pressing description. It is in
its very principle disjoined from that portion
of the measure which enacts a commutation of
tithe—because the tithe commuted is an immedi-
ate provision for the Churell—whereas the in-
come to be diverted is a th:tig
to its future loss and
detriment. The separate character of these two enact-
ments we have laf t -
ely
.. year not
merely ackno• shown to have been last
.etedged, but insisted cn-i, by Lords Al-
thorp, ir"..,'m Russell, and Mr, Littleton, as a distinct
reasr.,a for not mixing up the spoliation with the coin-
:Liutation measure. Then what takes place between
the House of Lords and Lord Melbourne ? A large
majority of their Lordships announce to him that they
concur in the plan for commuting tithe—the most ur-
' gent and emergent of all political objects—because it
involves the subsistence of the established clergy ; and
that to the same end they will co-operate with him in
furthering and improving his measure to the utmost, To
the diversion of church property they refuse their as-
sent. " In that case," quoth Lord Melbourne, " I will
not accept the commutation of tithes. I don't care a
straw for the maintenance of the Protestant clergy, ct
for the preservation of the Church of England. What I
want is to secure my party abject, leaving the national
one to take care of itself. The clergy may starve, they
may go to ruin, so that I can, through the destruction
of both, bribe O'Connell and the Papists to keep me
and my Wl2.ig brethren in possession of the Govern-
ment, a;iti to keep the Conservatives. out." There is,
we -zepeat, no other rational meaning to be assigned to
this gross and wicked manoeuvre. If the Ministers in
the House of Commons throw out the Commutation
Bill because they cannot have a Spoliation Bill too,
they betray to the people of England the cloven foot
of faction with an impudence of which there has been
no previous example in this country ; hut let them
look well to it—let them Stop the supplies if they dare
—let them, if they dare, make such a direct attack on
public credit—let them, if they can screw their cou-
rage to the sticking-place, disgust and revolt the entire
monied interest of England—let them confront, if they
have nerves for it, the whole mass of property in
Great Britain, with the brand upon their foreheads
of having revenged themselves, by breaking up the
State itself, for their failure in one piratical enter-
prise against the remaining income of an already
impoverished and plundered' church ; and in another,
against the ancient rights
of every lay corporation in
England. We can discern in all these furious demon-
strations on the part of Lord Melbourne and his col-
leagues the consciousness of alost battle, and of a despe-
rate and forsaken cause.lf his Lordship had a cre-
ditable case to show his countrymen, could he not have
arrayed in support of it more than 40, or than twice
40 Peers, the whole of . his muster upon the Irish
Church Bill ; while upon the English Corporation
Bill, lie had just the same number of . Lords behind
him, that O'Connell has of joints in his tail, the talis-
manic total of 37. It is in vain, therefore, for Lord
Melbourne to flatter himself that he has the property
of the country with him. Lord Grey had a force among
the Peers short by little more than 30 of the whole
Conservative peerage. Lord Melbourne even, at the
close of last session, had a majority against him of no
more than 37. And now the Conservative majority
comes up to 138, and the Ministerial ranks drop down
to 40 and to 37. Where is Lord Grey ? Does he
. approve, we should like to know the fact, this din of
revolutionary measures ? In truth, we think Lord
Melbourne much to be compassionated. If he cannot
enlist a larger force of the English Aristocracy, the
more seemly part for the Noble Viscount would be,
to tell the King he cannot carry on the Government ;
unless indeed he considers the time ripe for attempting
to rule and make laws for the British empire by a small
majority in the House of Commons alone, with King
and Peers against him. His Lordship may begin that
game, but it is one which he will never live to finish.
There may be Cromwells in the 19th century, as there
were in the 171 h, but Lord Viscount Melbourne is not
one.-- Times.

It is not very often that much gratitude is felt for a
boon that has not been asked for or wanted. On the
contrary, it not unfrequently exhibits rather the igno-
rance then the benevolence of the giver. Such is Mr.
Spring Rice's proposal of giving to the Proprietors of
Newspapers a copyright for a limited time in their pro-
ductions. Such a concession has never been asked for
or desired by the persons whom it professes to be for
the benefit of ; who, on the contrary, have long found
the principle of " give and take" quite as convenient
to themselves, and acceptable to their readers, as any
restriction of this kind would be. We believe we may
allude to this subject with a sincerity which cannot be
questioned. No manor, we are persuaded, is more
poached upon than our own. We contribute more to
the columns of our contemporaries, both in town and
country, and borrow from them less, probably, than
almost any other Journal in the kingdom. Yet we
see no benefit that could arise to ourselves, while much
inconvenience would be felt by the public, were the
prohibition we speak of to be put in practice. We
all copy articles of intelligence from each other,
upon the principle of wishing to furnish our readers
with any species of information which falls within
our reach. Provincial Journals are supplied, as to
their general news, almost wholly from the columns
of the' London Press ; while , they, on the other
hand, are the source from which local facts are
taken by the latter. The Evening Papers have found
it to their interest of late years to copy leading ar-
ticles from those of the Morning ; so that one paper
may be said to convey an image of the whole public
mind as regards public affairs. Yet no Morning
Journal ever complains of this, or was known to sell
a paper the less on that account. It is true that the
source from which these borrowed stores arc taken is
not always acknowledged ; and we have even seen our-
selves large unacknowledged contributors to papers
which, in the adjoining column, think it no ingrati-
tude to make us the objects of the most virulent abuse.
In this, however, we have but " neighbour's fare,"
and the whole is a matter of taste which it is
sible to control. At any rate the Newsna .--
• -Air press
wants no law or copyright to prot'a
it. ITh e very
term implies republication,
"P:.),t a series of editions,
which the contents of
newspaper can rarely or ever
undergo. Tri 0 w ver valuable and well executed, the
Pr°'.ictiom of the Newspaper Press must be in their
nature ephemeral ; and though there are repeated in-
stances, no doubt, of the republication in a detached
form of essays and letters which had made their first
appearance in newspapers, if we except the splendid
instance of Junius 's Letters, we cannot call to mind
one other in which the question of copyright could be
worth a thought. Upon the whole, this proposed
boon would, we are convinced, prove an annoyance,
and no benefit ; and is one of the m2_ny instances in
which, in common with others, t:.:e might justly enough
exclaim, " Save us
M our friends I"—Morning
Herald.
The ItnT:isonment for Debt Bill was postponed
last night, not to next day, or next week, but to next
session. The Bill was in fact lost. It was known
from the beginning that though brought in by the
Attorney-General, and sanctioned by the Government,
it never was much of a favourite with either. Thf
Attorney-General seemed tr., regaril it as a pledge, to-
wards the redemption of which he was bound to do
something, if it was only for the purpose of showing
people that he had not lost his memory. The Go-
vernment seemed to consider it as a sort of minor re-
form, which they could not oppose upon principle, but
which, as it promised no accession of political power
to their party, they felt themselves at liberty to ne-
glect. Between both, we are aware how drawlingly
rt " dragged its slow length along " upon the road to
oblivion, and how constantly it seemed to incline to-
wards the precipice down which it has fallen at last.
At the same time we cannot but think that if more
zeal had been embarked in the cause, the result would
have been different. NeVer was any principle ino-,.e
fully established, in the judgment of rational men,
that which asserts the mischief and cruelty, and fay,
of imprisonment for debt, As to the petitir
ins pre-

stilted against the Bill—that is, in favour of imprison-
ment for debt—they should only be regarded as the
exaggerated fears of interested parties, anti dealt with
accordingly. Such petitions are always to be expected
when any -change of system is about to take place ;
and they poured in much more numerously, and with
much more confident expectations of the destruction
of credit, when Lord Redesdale first proposed the mi-
tigation of the law of debtor and creditor, and carried
it in the teeth of their remonstrances. But plain as
the principle is, and urgent as the reasons are which
call for its adoption at the present In-- -
long interval of suffering*
lature will

—.cut, another
—.sc-elapse before the Legis-
.emure to say that misfortune might iiiit to
confounded with crime., Via industry cut off from
the means nf eltertion, merely because, it had been
previously employed without success.—Morn. Herald.
The division in the House of Lords on Monday
night realised our proudest anticipations. We said
that on that night the Protestant Peers of England
were about. to struggle with the .Papaen aed theif
Lordships were conscious of the character of the
contest. They may rest assured that the eyes of all
Europe were upon them. The speech of the Lord
Bishop of London in particular was worthy of his
high theme, worthy of the august assembly to which it
was addressed, worthy of the reverend and lettered
Bench of which he is one of the most pious and dis-
tine-„nizahed ornaments. It was earnest, it was eloquent,
it was argumentative and convincing in the highest de-
gree. In fact, it exhausted the subject, and the thrill-
ing peroration not only struck to the hearts, and was
echoed by the voices, of all present, but we feel confi-
dent has stirred the spirit, and been responded to by
the sympathy, of every Protestant in the United Kim,-
dom. Nothing can exceed the factious conduct of the
Premier, if Premier he still be, on this great question.
Two measures which have no necessary connection
with each other, but which are avowedly incorporated
with each other for party purposes of a very discredi-,
table character, are submitted to the consideration of
the House of Commons. By a very small majority,
confessedly on all hands obtained by the mere suffrages
of the Popish Members, the Siamese Act passes the
Lower House, and is sent to the Peers. The Peers,
to prove the sincerity of their wishes to advance all
measures for the benefit of the State, and of Ireland
especially, allow the Bill to be read a second time,
pass unanimously in Committee every clause which
relates to the relief of the practical evils complained of,
and strike out the clauses referring only to an abstract
principle of the assertion of which nearly half the
House of Commons had previously disapproved. The
Prime Minister hereupon turns round, and coolly de-
clares that he will not take upon himself the responsi-
bility of carrying on the measure any further. Could
anything be more barefaced, more unjust, more wicked ?
Insolent, audacious man I Or, rather, should we pity
him ? The loud clamour of his braggadocio failed
of its purpose. In the midst of it we still heard the
dank of his fetter. The slave of O'Connell I Those
who remember Lord Melbourne in his calmer and
happier hours, must, indeed, be thunderstruck. Now
mark—mark the dilemma of this unhappy Minister.
The Catholic Peers of England, inspired by the remem-
brance of their heroic ancestors, decline voting on this
occasion, in deference to their oath. What a brand
for O'Connell. Now, the Bill has passed the Com-
mons only by the votes of the perjured Papists. So,
Lord Melbourne announces that his consideration for
these false slaves outweighs his respect for the Peers
of England I We leave him in this melancholy Po-
sition.—Morning Post.
When posterity shall look back to the unparalleled
fatuity which, in 1835, arrayed the Peers against the
people—when hereditary legislation shall have passed
away, and its memory survive only in the general
execration—when the historian shall trace the pro-
gress, reverses, and ultimate consummation of the
momentous measures now pending on the issue of the
struggle ;—midst the commingling of hosts, and the
assaults of factions, will be distinguished one in-
dividual, if not in the foreground of the picture;
aloof,—in prominent relief,—guiding, by superior in-
telligence, the evolutions of a mighty people—unin-
vested with office, but identified with free principles,
the master spirit of the age,
.and Genius of
the MOVEMENT will be recognized—Henry Lord
Brougham. The chastisement, severe and merited,
which the despotic, disorderly, and disgraceful con-
duct of the Peers has so frequently provoked from his
Lordship, has naturally excited against him their dead-.
liest hostility ; and as revenge is often remarkable as
the strongest passion of idiotcy, and as malice gene-
rally increases with the impotence of gratification, we
are not surprised at the fatuous malevolence which so
frequently attempts to assail him in the House—nei-
ther do we wonder at the malignant reviling of hire-
lings paid by ignorance and corruption to vituperate
and slander the champion of knowledge and just legis-
lation : such devices arc congenial to the cause they
are intended to support ; but we admit our astonish-
ment at that reckless depravity of ingratitude and dis-
appointed ambition which instigates an origan of libe-
ralism, flimsy and fictitious as that organ s liberalism
is, to add its mite of venom to the poisoned
chalice of detraction. Who can review the pro-
ceedings of the Upper House since Lord Broug-
ham's presence shed a lustre on its . sittings,
without being astonished at his individual exer-
tion in defence and promotion of the rights of the
people ? He has put forward the most free and en-
lightened principles—torn ofF the veil of fallacies—re-
pelled falsehoods—restrained faction, and rebuked de-
linquency and disorder—ever at his post, heedless of
fatigue and physical suffering, his. unequalled intellect
bore him aloft—triumphant o'er every assailant—and,
in securing an illustrious immortality for himself, made
the people of England everlastingly his debtors. It is
.not in the columns of a Newspaper we could enumerate
his services—these are best recmded in the numerous
Reforms which he has projected, assisted, and accom-
plished. And now at the close of a most laborious
Session, is the temporary retirement of such a man to
be embittered by calumny ? Are his enemies and
those of the nation to be allowed with impunity to
distil their foul etnyound into his cup ? Does not
every feeling of gratitude and honour forbid it ? Let
faithful England De
and Wherever a villain, urged by private pique or party
Imirpose, assails the character of Lord Brougham—let
public abhorrence stamp upon his front—Hic niger
est,—hunc to Romane caveto.—Morning Advertiser.

The Tories have become insane as well as rabid—
they are actually dreamin„cf, in consequence of the de-
feat of the Irish Church I3ill in the House of Lords,
and the butchery of the Municipal Corporation Bill
in the same quarter, of the resignation of his Ma-
jesty's Ministers, and of their own return to power I
Was there ever such an aberration of mind ?—such a
total eclipse of reason ?—such an utter forgetfulness
of the past, and total insensibility to the present state
of parties and their relative power ? The Ministers
resign t Why should they ? Are not the people with
them ? Is not the House of Commons with them ?
And would they not be traitors not only to the great
measures which they have introduced, but to the
cause of the people, if they were to dream for one
moment of giving way to those whom they Constitu-
i
• tionally displaced p et them be turned out, in God's
name, if the Tories and the Court party think they
can gain any thing by the manoeuvre ; but for the
comfort of the Standard, the Albion, and all the
other organs of the abettors of abuses, we tell them
that Miofstek* will retain ?gee, while
•
Mc!! have a majority in the House of conimon. zii
their favour, and that they will not retain it one
moment longer than • that majority shall exist. Is
this enough ? or do our Contemporaries require a little
more information ? Would they like to know if there
is to be a dissolution of the present Parliament ?
No.—Morning Advertiser.
The country is now fully awake to the danger of its
present position, and the calamities by which it is
threatened, by an obstinate majority in the House -of
Lords, determined upon the maintenance of the most
acknOwledged abuses, and most hostile to every inno-
vation that is calculated to uproot them. It is rising
like one man in every quarter---in every city, town
and borough—and rising in a guise, and with a de-
termination, which tells the Lords, as plainly as words
can tell them, that it is high time for them '‘ to set
their house in order," and to prepaie for their utter