The Sun.
London, England, 1866-07-16 00:00:00

SHOREHA3I.

The election for the borough of Shoreham and
Rape of Bramber took place on Saturday morning
at Shoreham. The usual formal declarations having
been made by the high constable of the district, who
acted as returning officer, the Rev. John Goring
nominated the Right Hon. Stephen Cave to repre-
sent the constituency. The nomination was se-
conded by Mr. Henty. Mr. William Hall, secre-
tary of the West Kent Registration Society, next
spoke at some length in support of Liberal prin-
ciples in opposition to the nomination of Mr. Cave,
but as no one else was nominated, Mr. Cave wasde-
dared by the high constable to be duly elected.
Mr. CAVE, who was received with cheers mingled
with some hisses, in addressing the electors, said—l
hesitated long before I accepted the appointment,
and had I a family depending upon me it would
have been impossible for me to have done it. I
have been appointed Vice-President of the Board of
Trade, not because I made a poor speech, which per-
haps Lord Derby never read, but simply because my
former habits of life and experience fitted me to work
in the department which presides over the trade, agri-
culture, and commerce of this great country. I think
the trade, agriculture, and commerce of the country
should be left the greatest possible freedom of action
not that sort of freedom which some like—protection
for themselves and free trade for everybody else—
but that free trade which takes away the burden
from every class of industry, and thus reduces the
price to the consumer without ruining the producer.
We all know that that artificial cheapness which
ruins the producer recoils with increased dearness
upon those who made the laws producing the effect.
It has been often thrown in my teeth that I voted
against the French Treaty. As it happens, I never
did so, but I no doubt voted against a part of the
scheme that gave up a large portion of our revenue,
which, in my opinion, might have been better given
up by reducing the taxation upon some of the neces-
saries of life. (Hear.) But at the same time I
confess I don't like treaties of commerce. They
violate the principles of free trade. Instead of leav-
ing free action to everything they tie up certain
branches of industry, and sometimes they uninten-
tionally have a very prejudicial effect upon such in-
dustry. If we take oysters, with which you are
somewhat interested, we all know that trade in them
is affected by the French Treaty. As regards some
oyster-beds which have been discovered in the Chan-
nel since the treaty was made, we have to wait the
pleasure of France, and thus the trade of this town
has been greatly injured. In this instance we see
that the treaty has failed to carry out the intention
of its framers. Other treaties of commerce have been
made with Austria and with the Zollverein. In some
respects they have been very good, but they bind us
to put duty upon coal, which Mr. Gladstone now
tells us is quickly being exhausted, and that an ample
supply is essential to the prosperity of the country.
If this be true, these treaties tie o. al. hands in respect
to one of the most important points, of our respect
.L have been often
attacked for having opposed the Government Re-
form Bill, but I think when I was down here last
year I announced that I intended to do it. (Hear
and laughter.) I thought the bill was bad, and

PRICE 4d.
STAMPED 5d

lused all legitimate means in my power to express
tthat opinion ; but it was the Government's bill, and
Juot Reform itself, that I voted against. (Oh, oh,
and hear.) The Government bill was introduced
when there was not time to discuss it fairly; and it
,is most inconvenient when a Government says it is
gcng to stand or fall by some particular thing.h.
Sect, a declaration places things on a false issue,
and nu,kes men vote for the Government. (Alaugh.)
It rerninch:d Inc of the story of the man who, when
flogged, crieLl out because the strokes came low.
When he struck higher he was still displeased, and
the man who cry out
no declared that he would ..,..,
no matter how he was flogged, and that it was evi-
dent he did not like it at all. So the Government
objected to all exhibitions of discontent with the
bill, no matter what their character. What neces-
sity was there for such extreme hurry ? As Mr.
Hall has said, there was no agitation, though it is
true two or three Cabinet Ministers went about the
country stumping it. (Cheers and laughter.) Not-
withstanding this, however, spontaneous agitation
could not be got, and I don't wonder at it. What
is it we want, and what is the object of legislation?
Is it not good government ? What would you expect
if a Reform Bill had passed ? Would you hope to
get money for your votes ? (Cries of " Oh, oh.")
I am quite sure you would not ; because
from the first day I came here, I was never
asked fora single shilling, and never paid a single
shilling. (Cheers.) Then you want good go-
vernment ; and what is that ? (A voice : " Liberal
Government.") No, not that exactly. Good
government is entire freedom of action, entire secu-
rity of property—(hear)—and undoubted security
of life. (Hear.) A country where these three
things are secured is thoroughly well governed, and
a change may be for the worse. (" No, no," and
" hear, hear.") I will now read to you a descrip-
tion of England from the mouth of a working man's
champion. " England," he says, " has long been
famed for the personal freedom of her people.
They are free to think, free to speak, free to write.
England is famed for the freedom of her industry
and the greatness of her commerce." Who do you
think said that ? Why, Mr. Bright. He spoke it
only last year of that down-trodden country of
which he speaks sometimes, and which we scarcely
recognise as England. (Hear.) Now, you who
have not votes know very well you can get them if
you like. (A voice—" We can't get the franchise.")
That shows you don't know what the franchise
means. I was about to say that a workman wrote
to me the other day, and said, " We don't agitate
for votes because the legislation is in our favour.
The taxes are taken from our shoulder; and you
don't interfere with us in any way whatever. But
you just try the experiment of making laws against
us, and youwill see whether we won't soon have the
franchise." Who are your agitators? Are they
those who subscribe to educate the people, and in
times of distress visit the hospitals ? if the leaders
of trades unions did that sort of thing, I should be-
lieve they were in earnest. Why did Mr. Hall
make his speech to-day ? Because he makes an
uncommonly good speech, to be sure—(laughter)
—not that I would say he was not a bene-
volent and disinterested man ; but I say that as
a man with a good voice and a fine ear for
music likes to sing a good song, so Mr. Hall
likes to make a good speech. (Laughter.) Now
Mr. Bright is one of our greatest agitators, but I
hear that his mill is the worst managed and his
workpeople the worst looked after of any in the
north of England. (Hear.) The fact of the mat-
ter is people like to hear of their grievances, real or
imaginary, and Mr. Bright is just the man for such
people. (Laughter.) We must not talk of the
working classes being excluded from the franchise
1 whon wn know that many eminent and leading
statesmen have sprung from the ranks. auen men;
if they do rise and show themselves worthy of re-
spect, are listened to—no matter what their opinions
—with as much attention as the son of a duke.
(Hear.) 'When Parliament meets again I shall be
prepared to consider a bill for the extension of the
franchise, but I will not consent to a transfer of
power from one class to another. (Oh, oh, and
cheers, and a voice " Let's have a majority."). No
doubt that's what you want, and such men as you
complain that we don't trust you. I trust the work-
ing classes as much as any other class ; but I'll trust
no class at all. What man among you trusts his
neighbour with entire power over him ? You don't
pay money without taking a receipt ; nor do you
demand a receipt because you declare the man from
whom you take it is a thief. You seek the protec-
tion of a receipt as a matter of business. So in po-
litical matters certain checks are necessary to pro-
tect class against class. I would give no class such
power as would enable it to abuse the use of power.
(Hear, hear.) Men very often act in a very op-
pressive manner, although they believe themselves
perfectly right in doing so. It is that such oppres-
sion may not exist that I would give extraordinary
power to no class. (Hear.) We have heard it often
said that the Conservative party is a war party.
After the speeches made by Lord Derby and Lord
Stanley, however, I think I need not say much upon
that point ; but I would remind you that our great
commerce must be protected, or we shall be attacked
upon all sides. But we need not interfere in respect
to the wrongs and aspirations of any other State
with which we have no special concern. We know
what war means. It means double taxation, tears
and mourning in half the households of the coun-
try; and, as Vice-President of the Board of Trade,
I may say that it means a check to trade and in-
dustry.
War is undoubtedly the greatest calamity
which can be inflicted upon a nation. Of course,
when a man hits you, you must hit him again ; and
in only such a case as that is a statesman justified
in plunging the country into war. In conclusion,
I would say that the new duties which I am now
entering upon need not interfere with the careful
consideration of what locally concerns my consti-
tuency, and I shall do my best in the future, as I
have in the past, to promote your interests. I thank
you for the honour you have done me in again elect-
ing me. (Cheers.)
A vote of thanks to the high constable for presid-
ing concluded the proceedings.