The Sun.
London, England, 1832-05-31 00:00:00

Patronage is bestowed and continued on their
enemies in the Church, the Diplomatic Service
cl
the Municipal Departments, and other influ t-
rial quarters. The Royal ear is poisoned ) \
the Anti-Reformers ; and these back door a :(1
secret Tory plots cannot and will not bet e
rated. They must ere long produce a reacti n
of a palpable character, and the certain effects ml
our Monarchical and Aristocratic Institutic ns
cannot but be observed by every reflecting p r-
i
son. If Royalty continues to array itself agai st
the public feeling, its doom will be sealed. llte
state of the mind of Europe, to say nothing lof
this country, is significant, and not to be mis-
understood. A representation elected truly by
the people, and subject to their opinion—as it
will, and ought to be—must soon have the
command of the purse-strings, and by that power
alone will control and punish the daring and evil
counsellors who beset and mislead the Royal
mind. These reflections have been caused by
the Gazette of Tuesday, which notifies the ap-
pointment of Mr. Sergeant Taddy and Mr. Ser-
geant Merewether as Attorney and Solicitor-
General to the Queen, in the place of Mr.
Pepys and Mr. Williams, who resigned on
the contemplated change of the Ministry. The
honourable and independent retirement. of these
gentlemen originated in motives which cannot
be mistaken, and which all patriotic men will
fully appreciate. Lawyers are not celebrated for
self-denying ordinances ; but this exception to
thegeneral rule reflected credit on the two Learned
Members of the legal profession, who, at a most cri-
tical juncture of public affairs, made common cause
with Lord Grey and their brother-reformers.
The two Sergeant substitutes were gazetted after
the re-instatement of the Reform Administration,
and, we believe, before even their appointments
were notified to them. It may be conveniently
stated that these honorary legal places (unsub-
stantial as they are, though the Scotchman said
—" There was no place without its emoluments")
are not political offices, and that the late incum-
bents need not have resigned. But her Majes-
ty, by these posthumous nominations, makes her
selection political ; and the public so understand
them, especially while the place of Lord Howe
remains vacant. We repeat, that such a sever-
ance of the politics of the King and Queen is
highly detrimental to their best interest. Either
his Majesty has no power at home, or is un-
willing to exercise his domestic prerogatives.
What must be the inevitable consequense ? The
people will seek the repeal of the Royal Marriage
Act, and will be seduced to think that British
blood would he a preferable alliance for our So-
vereigns than political unions with foreign fami-
lies, deficient in all sympathies for the nation.
We sincerely call the Royal consideration to this
view of the policy which has lately unhappily
prevailed in the Royal Palace; and we are the best
friends of the dynasty who boldly, but perhaps
unsavorily call the attention of the Royal Family
to the causes and effects of unpopularity. The
two learned Sergeants, with propriety to the
members of the profession, cannot, we are sure,
as honourable men, retain appointments thus un-
righteously conferred. They will best show their
attachment to her Majesty's Royal person and in-
terest, by resigning the places, and thus relieving
the Government and the Queen from much pub-
lic odium and obloquy.—Morning Chronicle.
Previous to entering on the Reform Bill, the
Earl of Munster attempted an explanation of
his political conduct, which is not undeserving
of attention. After complaining of the mis-
representations of which he had been the victim,
the Noble Earl trusted that he should be able,
by a short explanation, to convince their Lord.
ships of the injustice of these misrepresent&
tions:—

" He must premise (he said) that his opinions hail
always been what are called liberal, and al who knew
him knew that he had long looked forward to a moderate
Reform, as a just and necessary measure; and it was
known to many, that in October, 1830, he had advocated
a moderate Reform, which, if then attended to, would
hive relieved the country from the difficulties in which it
now stood; but he confessed that the extent of this mea-
sure had alarmed him. In that House, however, and
holding these opinions, he felt it impossible but that he
must support the measure, and for one simple reason, and 1
that was, that if he did not support it, he might produce 1
a false impression as to the opinions of one to whom he
owed all, and in doing se, that he might assist in pro-
ducing those results which they had all lately seen with
so much pain."
So much for his opinions on Reform. He
added, with respect to the charge of intriguing,
" It had been said that he had unhandsomely
and ungenerously intrigued, to sap the Govern-
ment of the Noble Lord opposite. It was ab-
solutely impossible that he should have done so;
because, for six months before, circumstances

had put it out of his power to say cne word upon
the subject." We profess not to understand ex-
actly what the Noble Earl means by circum-
stances rendering it impossible fur him to in-
trigue. Where there is a will there is a way, and
if the Noble Earl had been disposed to aid in
the overthrow of Earl Grey's Ministry, we think
he could, in spite of adverse circumstances, have

contrived, in some way or other, to do so. But
we leave the Noble Earl to his own conscience

on that head. With respect to his conduct and
opinions regarding Reform, we think he would
have acted with more prudence at all events if
he had kept his own counsel. The Duke of
Wellington is a dangerous model to take
in his character of politician. His Grace can
protect a measure which will be the (le-

struction of the Monarchy one day, adopt it
himself the next, and on the third day fall back on
his old declaration. But the Duke, as Sir Richard
Vyvyan says, has a military reputation which
will survive the loss of political character. But
we are not aware that the Earl of Munster can
draw for loss of character on any such reputa-
tion. Now we have it here from his own
mouth, that he, disapproving of the Reform
Bill, supported it because one to whom he owed
all might have been supposed hostile to it, if he
had voted according to his opinions. We are
not sufficiently versed in casuistry to attempt to
lay down the limits within which gratitude sanc-
tions the voting contrary to consc►ence. We,
for our part, confess we should be rather sus-
picious of persons in whom gratitude is so fer-
vent. If the Noble Earl had not affirmed the

contrary, we should not have deemed it at all
improbable, that his gratitude might have led
him to appear to support publicly a Bill, of
which he disapproved, while he endeavoured,

underhand, to further a very different result.
‘Ve observe that his Lordship was left to the
undisturbed enjoyment of his explanation.—
Morning Chronicle.
We made some comments the other day, as
our readers are aware, upon an article in the

Morning Chronicle, relative to the foreign policy
of England, and to the official conduct at that

individual Co whom the management of that po-
licy has by Lord Grey's Administration been
more especially intrusted. Our readers are alsu
aware that we have criticised from time to time

the public conduct of the Foreign Secretary with
that independence of opinion which ought to
characterize a free Press in treating of questions