The Sun.
London, England, 1832-06-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Sir Robert Peel is as small a man in Oppo-
sition as in Administration. We have read of
the Minute Philosophers, and the Joseph Snr-
fice of cur times belongs to the class of minute
'rhe whole course of his public life
proves him not only to have originated no great
legislative reforms, but displays his total incapa-
city for enlarged views as a Legislator or a Mi-
nister, and exhibits him as the opponent of every
proposed and necessary reform--the drag-chain
on the State-machine of Government. His
great object and Ministerial labour has ever been
to check the course of political and municipal
improvement. The Right Hon. Baronet was
the strenuous upholder of Orangeism in Ireland
—the advocate of Ultra-Protestantism—the de-
fender of Boroughmongers—the buttress of
rotten Corporations—the cold enemy of any
propositions of National Education—in short,
the bigoted friend of " things as they are," and
the opposer of every species of political ame-
lioration. The results of Sir Robert Peel's
political life have been extremely cdyfying, and
not a little ludicrous. In vain attempts to stay
the progress of public opinion, and to confine
the Leszislature to small measures, the Right
Honourable Baronet has been the unwilling—
and to himself perhaps the unknown—author
of more sweeping and extensive Reforms than
were ever accomplished in one generation by the
agency and mistakes of one public man. In a
useless endeavour to maintain the Hierarchy
intact, and to perpetuate the essence of religious
bigotry, he has unwittingly brought about a total
repeal of all political disabilities ; and by refus-
ing to Reform the Church and to modify the
obnoxious mode of maintaining it by tithes, he
will to live to see a total revolution in the Ec-
clesiastical system of his country. By refusing
to acknowledge or to rectify the abuses of our
Municipal institutions, he will be obliged to
contemplate a complete re-organization of Pro-
vincial Government. His senseless and corrupt
advocacy of rotten boroughs has notoriously led
to the present amendment of the represen-
tation, and will astonish him yet more in
other changes at no distant day. We
trust that the melancholy and despicable ex-
ample of his public life will impress our
present and future Administrations with a
due sense of the impossibility of resisting the
public voice, and of a system of Government
built on the fallacy of the institutions of our
ancestors being immutable in all times. Not
only have these consequences resulted from the
public career and little policy of the Right Hon.
Baronet, but he is now the deplorable object of a
public suspicion w hich will ever prevent his acqui-
sition ache cafidence or support of a reformed
House of Commons. Mistrusted by his own
party, and despised and hated by his opponents,
he can never be the Minister of an " on-going"
Cabinet. There can be no reliance on his sin-
cerity, no trust in his political sagacity or powers.
He can neither make up his mind to govern or
to oppose. Popping insidious questions to a
Minister—seizing hold of occasional indiscre-
tions in his antagonists—cunning and false mis-
representations arguments in debate—a spice
of mock-loyalty, and " putting up" Mr. Croker
to say and do what he would be ashamed to per-
form himself, constitute the whole tactics of his
puerile opposition. Even his more formal speeches
against Reform, and all his set orations are pal-
pably prepared with balanced cowardice, though
spoken at the most suitable moment, have
been compounded of mere commonplace to-
Tics, and affected points of alarm, calculated to
kidnap waverers and small-minded politicians.
His crafty and artful oratorical tactics were well
displayed, for example, last night. Mr. Stanley
having abandoned, for this Session, the " Party
Processions Bill," Sir R. Peel snaps at the op-
portunity of giving his opponents " a sly kick."
He avows his assent to the principle of the pro-
posed Bill when it is abandoned by the Irish Se-
cretary ; and when the civil disabilities are re-
moved, he entreats the Irish Protestants to re-
linquish their party processions and obnoxious
meetings ! Thus he indirectly accomplishes a
censure on Mr. Stanley, affects to deprecate
Orange politics when deprived of their venom,
and curries favour with his ci-devant friends the
Protestants ! The Right Honourable Baronet
should be told that he wears but a thin gauze
over his double face, and that these masked ma-
noeuvres will not now take in a Member of any
party. We know nothing more contemptible
than that the Ex-Secretary of the Home Depart-
ment should thus affect an extreme desire for peace
and reconciliation, when the whole course of his
Irish public life, and his opposition to Catholic
Emancipation, promoted civil dissension, and
blew the flame of bigotry and intolerance. The
domino of Joseph Surface wi'l not hide his po-
litical hypocisy or hollowness ; the Right Hon.
Baronet resembles the old courtier, who always
frequented the town masquerades in the same
disguise. We again recommend Sir Robert Peel
to study the elements of oratory suited to a Re•
formed House of Commons, and to acquire by
rote the admirable dissertation of Godwin on
sincerity of character.—Morning Chronicle.
Mr. Cooper, the Secretary to the Record
Commission, has just put forward a proposal for
the erection of a general repository, in which
may be contained all the public records. Of
the expediency, it !night properly be said, of the
necessity, of such an establishment, no doubt
can be entertained. The difficulties which have
hitherto opposed themselves to its being carried
into effect, have been the expense which must
necessarily attend it, and the want of a prop( r
spot on which to erect it. Mr. Cooper has de-
monstrated in the tract before us, that these dif-
ficulties may be obviated in a very easy and sa-
tisfactory manner. The public are not, perhaps,
generally aware, that what is called " The Rolls
Estate'. consists of a large space or ground,—
bounded on the north by Symotid's-inn, on the
south by Sergeant's-inn and Clifford's-inn, on
the east by Fetter-lane, and on the west by
Chancery-lane. The Rolls House, which has
for some years past ceased to be, as it was for-
merly, the residence of the Master of the Rolls,
is the principal building on this ground, and in
it the Rolls Court is held out of term. The
other erections are either public offices con-
nected with the Court of Chancery, or dwelling
houses let on lease, and of no great value. Be-
hind the Rolls House is a plot of ground called
the garden, containing nearly an acre ; and the
freehold of the whole of this estate is vested in
the Master of the Rolls for the time being, who
derives an income ofabout 20001. per annum from
the rents. Upon this spot, with the concurrence
of the Master of the Rolls, it is proposed to
erect a general record-office, and to surround it
by a stone quadrangle, part of which should be
appropriated as courts, for the Master of the
Rolls, the Lord Chief Baron, and the Judges of
the Court in Bankruptcy, out of term, a ball
and chamber for she judges and sergeants (MI"
would willingly exchangetheiri
r present neonve-

ing and commodious one), officers for the Ex-
miners, Clerks of the Petty Bag, Cursitors.

Clerks of the Crown, &c. The other parts of
•he quadrangle might be let or sold to barrister
or solicitors as chambers. It is calculated th 3,

144 sets of chambers might thus be produced
which would yield an annual rental of 15,0001..
and that this rental, at 20 years' purchase, woultt
be equal to a sum of 300,0001., which, togethe,
with other means the estate is capable of yielding
would be sufficient to defray all the charges in-
cident to the proposal. It would not, perhaps,
be difficult in these times to find builders and
capitalists who would take the whole enterprise
upon themselves ; but a readier and more satis-
factory mode of carrying, it into effect is suggest-
ed by borrowing the sum required, upon the se-
curity of the estate and the buildings, from that
amount of stock in the Court of Chancery called
the Suitors' Fund, the produce of accumulations
on money which belongs to nobody, and which
has already been on various occasions made avail-
able for public purposes connected, as this of the re-
cords is immediately, with that court. Of the prac-
ticability of the scheme the details contained in
the pamphlet furnish indisputable proof. We
have on former occasions adverted to the great
inconvenience and injustice of having invaluable
records of the kingdom deposited in various and
inaccessible places, in the keeping of officers who
exact heavy fees for permitting them to be in-
spected, while they are for the most part with-
out indexes, and therefore absolutely useless to
many persons by whom they would otherwise be
frequently and beneficially consulted. When it
is added, that many of the records are in dan-
gerous as well as inconvenient depositaries, that
some of them are in damp vaults, others in un-
suitable buildings, and some of the most valua-
ble in the next chamber to a magazine of gun-
powder, nothing further need be said to con-
vince every one who is interested—as who is
not ?—in their preservation, that they ought in-
stantly to be rescued from the perils to which
they are exposed, and so placed as to be availa-
ble by the public, whose property they are. A
hundred years ago the necessity of compiling
indexes to these documents was suggested to the
House of Lords, as a measure which would be
" of singular advantage to particular persons, an
honour to the nation, and bring to light many
valuable remains of antiquity which had, for want
of an easy and proper access to them, long been
concealed from public notice." A modern in-

stance of the usefulness of such indexes is af-
forded in the partial publication of the early
proceedings in Chancery. It appears from the
office accounts kept at the Tower, that from 1827
when the publication of the calendars to those
proceedings was commenced, to the month of
Aug. 1831, the number of searches was more than
threefold the number made during the whole
time that Mr. Astle was Keeper of the Records
of the Tower—a space of nearly 30 years ! By
what appears a very moderate computation of
the fees which would be receivable if the records
were made accessible in the manner here pro-
posed, a sum would be produced quite enough
to answer the expenses of the establishment ;
and the salaries at the Chapter-house and the
Tower, 2,2001. per annum, would be saved to
the Treasury. This plan, which we think de-
serves the fullest encouragement, is addressed to
Lord Dover, who is, perhaps of all public men,
the best fitted to insure the success of a measure
which requires judgment and taste in its execu-
tion, and the ohject of which is to effect an
important public advantage. The Record Com-
missioners, who are generally persons of high and,
acknowledged talents and great worth, have thus
within their reach the means of achieving the
most important purposes of their institution.—
They must be convinced, upon looking back to
the labours of more than 30 years, and to the
sums which have been spent in the prosecution
of those labours, that they are still indebted to
the public, and we cannot doubt that they would
willingly acquit themselves of the burden. Of
late a much more active spirit has been dis-

played in their exertions, and if they will, as we
trust they will, renounce the expensive and com-
paratively useless publications in which they
have engaged,—abandon such of them as do not
deserve to be prosecuted, and reduce the others
to a more rational and moderate scale of
expenditure,—they will be enabled to effect the
design now proposed to them, and insure the
respect and thanks of the whole community.—
Times.

No information, direct or positive, was drawn
from Ministers, by Mr. Cuilar Fergusson; re-
specting the steps taken by his Majesty on be-
half of Poland ; nor does it appear that the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman felt it expedient to press-
for any such. Yet a great deal has been gained
by the discussion of Thursday evening. The
manifestation of feeling was deep and universal,
on the part of Members having any pretence to
character, as friends of rational liberty ; and the
language employed to illustrate their sense of the
atrocities committed by Nicholas and his agents,
in defiance of all laws divine and human—first
for the oppression, next for the punishment, and
lastly for the extermination of the glorious people
of Poland—was of a nature to make a tyrant
wince from the lash of freemen, and gnaw his
bloody sceptre in despair. Sir Robert Peel
and Sir Robert Inglis, it is true, expressed no
sympathy with those noble sentiments which did
so much honour to the great bulk of the House
of Commons, But it was not expected of them.
They belong not to the England of 1832. The
Member for Oxford clings, ex officio, to the
ancient heathenism of divine right, and Sir
Robert Peel to the superstitions of the Holy
Alliance. They, however, were the only ex-
ceptions. Even he of the " breeches-pocket,"
Mr. Alexander Baring, called the rebellion-of
the Poles a " righteous rebellion," although he
would not admit that the cause of Poland ap-.
pealed so much to the national interests of this
empire as to the feelings of Englishmen. We
certainly are not rrad encugh to desire war for
its own sake, but would go a great way to avoid
it ; and, even as a matter of calculation, it is
clear that there are no inconveniences or disad-
vantages—no pecuniary losses entailed upon us
by the irregular or unjust proceedings of foreign
nations amongst each other, and not many risks
of future danger arrising out of territorial changes
upon the continent of Europe—a release from
which would not be very dearly purchased
tlirough an immediate appeal to the sword
by the British Government, and the corn-
Mencement of what must inevitably follow—a
general and illimitable state of war in every
quarter of the old world, if not of the new. A
qlestion, however, is opened by this reference to
the relations between Russia and Poland, which
seks worthy of attention. When the claims of
die former Government were first announced to
the allied Ministers of Vienna, Lord Castle-
reagh, it is well known, met them by a decided
negative, and the subsequent restraints imposed
I"' treaty upon Russia, were mainly the effect of
retrentLotioumnst.
...ytaterstr)..ndits

rit of Russian policy, must it not be inferred,.
that nothing but the dread of actual war on the
.tart of England and her Allies, would have in-
luced the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh to with-
Iraw its pretensions to an arbitrary seizure of the
Polish territory, and a complete subjugation
and absorption of the whole kingdom, without
regard to even the name of integrity or indepen-
dence? It follows, then, that in 1814 Russia
was persuaded of the necessity of submitting
to the dictates of the Allied Powers, with Great
Britain at their head. She saw that they were
in earnest, and she would not brave their hosti
lity. We confess that the policy of Russia now
cannot he concluded as a matter of certainty,
from what it was at the above-mentioned epoch.
But from other grounds we may infer, that if, in
1814, when England and France were enemies,
and Shen, had Russia seceded from the alliance,
she might have made easy terms with France, ill
respect both of the Polish Sovereignty, and of
the distribution of power in Germany and on
the Rhine, she will not now, when Great Bri-
tain and France are bound in strict alliance by
the interests and attrac ions of a common policy,
and when the German Powers would desire in
their inmost hearts no consummation more per-
fect than the establishment of a lasting control
over Russia—she will not, we repeat, be apt
to set at defiance the sustained and cot-
dial efforts of France and Great Bri-
tain,—unopposed by Austria.—if not entirely
to rescue Poland from her trammels, to se-
cure at least such barriers against the plentitude
of Russian despotism over the Poles, as may
' prepare them for the full assertion of their na-
tional liberty at some not distant day. If Lord
Durham be instructed to 'insist on the restoration
of even such forms of free agency as were at first
proclaimed by Alexander to the Poles, when he
associated the crown of Poland with that of
Russia ; and, by consequence, on the immediate
abrogation of the foul ukase of last February, a
copy 0' which, through Lord Pahnerston's well
judged acquiescence in the motion of Mr. Cutler
Fergusson, is about to be laid before the House
of Commons, some rays of light will again begin
to glimmer upon that fate-ridden country. It
is unquestionable, that if England makes the
demand, the French Government will help her
to enforce it. Some intimation may indeed be
afforded as to the true spirit and bearing of the
British Cabinet with regard to Poland, from the
language of Lord Heytesbury's despatch, com-
municating to Lord Palmerston the promulga-
tion of the ukase, which is also to be laid before
Parliament ; it being natural to presume that the
Ambassador's commentary will not exhibit any
material opposition to the known sentiments
of the Government by which he is employed.
Conciliation is, of course, the business of a
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and Lord Pal-
merston was not unmindful of his official cha-
racter when he smoothed down the Emperor
Nicholas with an assurance that it was " not for
his interest" to oppress the Polish nation ! Not
for his " interest"—undoubtedly—we all know
that. It is not the fist time, by a hundred
thousand, that homilies have been preached to
demonstrate how much it is men's interest to ab-
stain from crime, and how short-lived and super-
ficial is any benefit which they can draw from the
prrpetration of it. But Lord Palmerston, who is
a clever man, would not have talked so like a
foolish one in that apostrophe to Russia, had he
not felt a plain repugnance to say any thing dis-
tinct or direct to the British House of Com-
mons. His Lordship (lid not deny any one
of the charges brought against the Russian
Government of treachery, cruelty, and atro-
city, towards Poland ; or attempt the hope-
less task of mollifying the hard epithets
which were showered from all quarters upon the
" beneficent " Nicholas. No ; but he indulged
in a strain of child's play, at which Nicholas
himself and the Princess Lieven are the two per-
sons in the world who would be sure to laugh
the most heartily. What does it signify what
the real interest of Russia would prescribe, un-
less we prevail on her first to see that interest
with Lord Pahnerston's vision, and to prefer a
great, moral, real, though not immediate good—
to an object more present, vulgar, and fallacious?
The Russian Court thinks it, falsely of course,
for tne " interest " of the Emperor, to put down
free speech—free action—free thought, if pos-
sible, in every region of the globe. He deems it
for his " interest " to maintain despotic govern-
ment in Russia, and therefore for his " interest"
to crush every germ of liberty attoag the Poles,
who are comer vinous with his Muscovite bar-
barians, and might, peradventure, inoculate them
with a taste for free institutions. Therefore it is
that Lord Palmerston's sermon about the ob-
vious " interest" of Russia will have been
looked upon by every Russian, from the Czar
downwards (for they are all alike), as no better
than so much arrant fudge. The Emperor
Nicholas, for his own purpose,—his blind,
and mean, wretched purpose, if you will (but
it is his purpose),—judges as any other dealer
in the small ware of head and carcasses would
do. He values nothing but the power of sacri-
ficing his fellow mortals to his own caprices. In
the affection of the weak for the strong—a feel-
ing which Lord Palmerston recommends him- to
cherish—his Imperial Majesty believes not.
Fear with him is better than affection. Accord-
ingly, to preserve the Russians from any perilous
contact with the Poles, Nicholas thought it
right that the Poles should be slaves. He
made, therefore, Constantine (a brute even
among Russians) a sort of licensed autocrat
atioveriicpocio)yte unhappy Poland. This demon did his
work to admiration. He laboured day and
night to trample down the heart of the country,
to stifle every sob and gasp of liberty, and
to make the people wretched : the last point he
res implacable.h
tienhdee accomplished—their
itoathnnuelisitrsai i
theiralttli
IlConstantine
s misery Cabinet
outstrippedri niwaste of
icomplete
l avengeance
tini
i the
e ;
fullybwbe uasstt
moswpheolriis instructions. He drove the oppressed
and indignant nation to be rebels, and thus gave
the pretence and opportunity for extinguishing
it
sh,e namethey
haveof a
stoodglorious
nn p people,ar(inn a
i unpardonably whoseliighoeirl i yi
i guilt
ttlhi let
scale of existence than their ignoble masters.
This, then, is the field which Lord Durham has
to act upon. France is with England, nay, out-
steps her in the race ; Poland is with both, in a
union indissoluble but by their misconduct. It
might have been more statesman-like for Lord
Grey to cooperate heartily with his ally, whilst
the 'Polish army lived, and France was not his
, only effective ally. But,
great allowances
oilght to be made. The Noble Lord and his
colleagues were Tory-tied and borough-gagged.
T hey could use neither tongue nor hand, until
Reform should be disposed .of.
n'inenasssui'ar,e
awnads
wveileiwi
te dm
iNgN
lilt jaundiced ::
for it will eventually
rheeyesgrela)%t-
destroy her power. Well, Lord Grey is free—
the people of England speak out through their
representatives, and call aloud for the restoration
of Poland. Nor is the thing of such appalling
difficult". . lLo?lc_et. the Ituasi*n frontier upon

:he Euxine, and then at the resistless move-
ments of a British and French armament by ?zea
and land. Will Russia dare such a conflict ?

'e doubt it.— Times.

Sir Robert Peel is fast dwindling into a mere

ecturer on decorum. He is the—schoolmaster

of the Howe of Commons, in which capacity
he held forth, at the close of the late debate on
Mr. Cutlar Fergusson's motion, to give his
hearers a lecture upon elocution, which it is im-
possible to read without feeling surprise at the
weakness that would suggest it. The principle
inculcated by the Right Hon. Baronet, not in
term,, but in substance and spirit, was this
that it became the House of Commons, as the
representatives of the people of England, to
suppress the honest language of indignation at
acts of the most flagitious dve, and to express
themselves in the jargon of unfelt respect to-
wards a sovereign who had violated every dic-
tate of truth, honour and humanity. Now
against this principle we beg leave to enter our
decided protest. We maintain, not only that
plain speaking was justifiable in the House of
Commons, after the conduct of the Russian
Autocrat to the Poles, but that false delicacy
would have been contemptible, and that even si-
lence itself would have a criminal and heartless corn-
promi-e of some of the best feelings of human
nature. The House of Commons, instead of
lowering its character by such language as fell
from the lips of its Members on the oc-
caeion to which we allude, has raised its
character, and will raise it more the more it is
known, not only in the estimation of this
country but of ail Europe. In short, the only
drawback it admits of is that which must be
felt on the reflection that it was not employed
sooner, when pcssihly it might have been at-
tended with more effect. For our own parts we
will confess that, so far from su')scribing to the
paltry remonstrarces of Sir Robert Peel, we re-
joice to think with what emotions the ravager,
for we will not call him the conqueror, of Poland,
must read in that debate the picture of his own de-
formity. We wish him joy of the dose of worm-
wood which is travelling fast towards his domi-
nions, and preparing for him a night's rest,
which we would not take for his throne. But
Sir Robert seems to doubt the atrocities, with
which all Europe rings. He wishes for further

proof, as if the wrongs of Poland were not as
notorious as they are heart-rending and inde-
fensible.• Really it is difficult to convince some
men, but we know not how Sir Robert Peel is
to be convinced, unless he would continue to

wait for the decision of posterity. As to the
tendency of such language as provoked the Right
Hon. Baronet's animadversion to affect the cha-
racter of this country injuriously abroad, the
question is, ought it to do so ? Can it sink us
in the estimation of any honest man ? We
tate not to say that there are in the dominions t,f
11! Autocrat himself, thousands who, if they
could see and read the language, would approve
of it. But the Right Hon. Baronet need not be
afraid ; the Autocrat will take no great pains to

circulate the offensive matter in his own country.
At all events, the lecture of Sir Robert Peel

will be. lost upon the House of Commons, acted
upon, as it will be henceforth, by the public
voice. The tone of this debate, as compared
with the debates on the same subject before the
Reform Bill had passed, is an indic7ation of what
the House will be hereafter. Sir Robert may,
therefore, spare his pains. The schoolmaster
without is too strong for the schoolmaster within,
as there can be little doubt henceforward to which
of the two the House will most readily lend its
attention.—Morning Herald.
It is not, we believe, generally known, that by
the 27th section of the Reform Bill, all persons
who are desirous of becoming qualified to vote
at the approaching election, must pay up, in
order to be so qualified, all poor-rates and as-
kissed taxes, which may be made and due pre-
vious and up to the sth of April last, on or
before the 20th of July following. It is im-
portant that the public should be aware of this
fact, because many might otherwise come to the
poll unprepared with the necessary qualification
—that of having paid their rates and taxes ;
and we accordingly copy the clause of the Act
in which the stipulation is contained :
"Right of rorng in Boroughs to be enjoyed by Oc-
cupiers of Houses, §-c. of the Annual Value of 101.—
In every city or borough which shall return a Member or
Members to serve in any future Parliament, every male
person of full age, and not subject to any legal incapacity,
who shall occupy, within such city or borough, or within
any place sharing in the election for such city or borough,
as owner or tenant, any house, warehouse, counting-house,
shop, or other building, being, either separately or jointly
with any land within such city or borough, or place
occupied therewith by him as owner, or occupied there-
with by him as ten int under the same landlord, of
the clear yearly value of 101 , shall, it' duly registered
according to the provisions after contained, be entitled to
vote in the election of a Member or Members to serve in
any future Parliament fur such city or baroueh. Proviso,
that no such person shall be so registered • in any year
unless he shall have occupied such premiies fin. twelve
calendar months next previous to the la-t day -01• July in
such year, nor unless he, where such premiseS are situate
in at,y rrislt or township in which there shall be a rare
for the relief of the poor, shall have been rateil in respect
to such pretnis.s to all rates for relief of the poor therein
tnaele during the time of such his occupation, so required
as aforesaid, nor unless he shall have paid, on or before
July the 20th in such year, all the poor-rates and assessed
taxes which shall have become payable from hint in re-
spect of such premises, previously to the 6th of April pre-
ceding ; and no such person shall be so registered in any
year, unless he shall have 'resided for six calendar months
next previous to the last day of July in such year within
the said city or borough, or within the place sharing in
the election for the city or borough, in respect of which
city or h rough or place he sh ill be entitled to vote, or
within seven statute miles of any part thereof."—Morning
Advertiser.
The House of Commons has fully and fairly.
declared itself in favour of the restoration of
Poland, and against the barbarity, crudity, and,
miscreantic infraction of treaties by the "
peror of all the hussies," as Mr. Baring has
styled ,4 the monster of the North." Lord
Durham is all but on his way to St. Petersburgh
to reason with the subjugator of Poland on the
affairs of that unhappy country, as well as on
some other matters which touch not the feelings
of the people of England to the same extent ;
but what will be the result? Will the Emperor
of Russia let go the spoil which he now holds
on mere remonstrance ? After having annihi-
lated Poland as a country, and the Poles as a
people—after having incorporated its soldiers
with Russian regiments—degraded its nobles to
the vassalage of Russian serfs—condemned
many of them to a life of exile and misery in
Siberia, and compelled others to seek refuge in
foreign chi ues—will he, we ask, after having 'e-
duced Poland to ruins, peopled Russia with Pules
and Poland with Russian barbarians—listen to the
voice of' reason and justice—retrace his steps, and
renew the constitution which he had sworn to
observe, and which he has so faithlessly
broken ? We fear not. He will say that he
has subdued the Poles, and that having subdued
them, he has a right to treat them as a con-
quered people ; but although he has, for the
moment, subdued them, does any additional
right accrue to him of continuing his enormi-
ties ? Does he stand -excused in the eyes of

Europe on that ground, for having forfeited no:
only his faith to the treaty of Vienna, but the
pledge which he, not long, ago, gave in person to
all the European powers, that when he bad ptr.
down the insurrection, he would take advantage
of his victory to proclaim a general amnesty, and
to re-establish Poland according to the stipula-
rions made in its favour by the Congress of
Vienna, and the constitution granted to if.
by the Emperor Alexander? Such a pledge
mast be fresh in the recollection of our
readers. It was mentioned—nay, we may say
it was proclaimed—in the French Chamber of
DeputaeS, in loud and emphatic terms—it was
handed from the Ambassadors of the different
Powers, resident at St. Petersburgh, to the differ-
ent Governments under which they acted, and
even repeated to these Governments by the im-
mediate functionaries of the Emperor—there is,
in fact, no shadow of doubt to be entertained of
the pledge, be it taken either on the private
word of the Emperor or on the more public
and recorded document of the treaty of Vienna ;
but both have been broken, and, as we have al-
ready observed, will any remonstrance, short of
actual force,—nay, will force itself—compel him
to observe them ? The lukewarm friends of
Poland say that it is of no use to remonstrate
—that it is of no use to go to war—that Po-
land has been subdued, and that all the efforts
of France and England combined would not
suffice to re-establish her on her former founda-
tions. The cravens ! How dare they to speak
thus of the gallant people of Poland, and the
well-tried courage and firmness, as well as com-
manding power, by land and by sea, of France
and England ? It is true that a great and
glorious opportunity has been lost—that the
Poles ought to have been assisted when in the
full vigour of armament and resistance, and not
after they had ben subdued, their best blood
shed, and Poland and Poles but a name in
Europe ; but while we lament that such should
have been the case, we see no reason in it why
the grew cause should be despaired of. No.
Let but England and France show themselves in
the front of the haul?, and all will yet be well.
There is no single Power—there is no combi-
naiion of Powers—capable of resisting them.
The Poles are not extinct. They are ready to
make battle again, and to fight it to the death.
Let them but have the countenance of Europe,
and, a farthing to a million, but their present
Viceroy and his barbarian horde will be compelled
to quit Warsaw as his predecessor did—under
the cloud of night, under the guardian Ship of a
Polish brigade. Let the English Government
be firm and imperative in its demands. It is
backed by the HotiSe of Commons, unreformed
as it is—it is backed -by the people of all' 'Eng-
land ; and what, let us ask the Emperor of all
the Russias,: will be said of his conduct
by an Assembly
.composed of the true re-
presentatives of the people ?—Morning Ad-
vertiser.

A Morning Paper of yesterday contains some
farther remarks upon the renewal of the Bank
Charter, the opening observations of which we
hail Kith considerable satisfaction, because all we
ask for in this question is calm and dispassionate
inquiry, and this our contemporary in his pre-
sent observations also claims for it. We have
distinctly given our reasons for the opinion we
have formed as to the necessity of continuing
_ _

the pecuniary dominion of the Bank of England,
if we may so express ourselves, over the com-
mercial and monetary system of the British
empire. Those reasons may be right or wrong,
but sure we are that they are sufficiently cogent
o lead to searching investigation. Whether
they have been well put by us we leave to
others to pronounce ; but they are based upon
the evidence of facts that ought to be scrupu-
lously attended to in the present inquiry. Let
it for one moment be considered how sweep-

ing must be the change if a renewal of the
Bank Charter do not take place upon the great
principle upon which it is at present founded.
The commercial relations of this empire are

not in a situation to have experiments tried
upon them ; and that a change to any ex-
tent in the present system of the Bank of
Englan,d would be a most important one no
person who has seriously reflected upon the sub-
ject can for a moment doubt. Every branch of
wholesale trade would be affected by it ; and, in
the ultimate working of the change, every retail
buyer and seller would have his little pittance, at
one time or another, operated upon, for inces-
sant and oppressive alternations must be the early
consequence, at all events, of an abandonment of

the present system. With regard to the latter
remarks of otir contemporary we cannot say that
we have authority to contradict them, because
that would be assuming a position that we are
not entitled to take up ; but we will unequivo-
cally assert, and stake our reputation upon it,
that there is not one word of truth in the re-
ported collusion between the Bank of England
and the country bankers. Neither directly nor
indirectly has any attempt at a conjunction of
interests taken place on the part of the Bank, and
we state this under the strongest impression of
the accuracy of the assertion. We have advo-
cated the cause of the Bank of England because
we sincerely believe it to be the cause of the
British public; but we say again and again, in-
quire, investigate, sift the subject to the bottom,
leave not even a minor branch of it unexplored,
and it, after deliberate judgment be practised upon
it, a balande of evil be found, then abandon the
old system, but do not abandon it until that fact
be calmly and dispassionately ascertained, and
upon that issue we are content to leave this great
question.—Morning
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