The Sun.
London, England, 1859-03-28 00:00:00

THE REFORM DEBATE.

(From the Times.)
Even if this great Reform Debate should have no imme-
diate practical sequel, it will afford to future writers rare
opportunities of studying the individual characters of our
contemporary statesmen. On ordinary occasions politicians
talk and vote and almost think in companies, regiments, and
brigades, and you might as well predicate the exact reli-
gious opinions of one of the Queen's Guards from his style
of holdmg his firelock, as describe the inner predilections
of a Lord of the Treasury from a vote he gives on
a division. But now, when party lies dislocated, if not
quite dissevered, when the limbs no longer obey any com-
mon ruling impulse, we can luxuriate in plausible specula-
tions as to the native, natural tendencies, of individual
minds. We can draw parallels after the manner of
Plutarch. We can compare Lord John Russell and
Lord Palmerston as the great biographer compared Numa
and Lycurgus. As Plutarch contrasts the cruel severity of
Lycurgus in authorising the destruction of the Helots with
the benignity of Numa in softening slavery by the inven-
tion of the Saturnalia, so we can note the atrox animus of
Lord John, who would destroy altogether those clumsy
bondsmen, who bear so feebly their burden of reform, and
contrast it with the benignity and pity of Lord Palmer-
ston, who exhorts them to labour and live, and who has,
like Numa, invented an expedient by which they shall for
a little space even sit in the seats of their masters.
There is a very natural tone in the speech of the Reform
leader of 1831. He looks upon the British Constitution as
the inventor looked upon the Strasburg clock ; he considers
it as entirely a giece of Whig machinery which no one else
can understand, and with wlish none but a Whig ought
to meddle. There is in the matter and manner of his speech
a mingled feeling of indignation and apprehension, a double
sense of outraged property and alarmed affection. He sees
in the intervention of the Tories upon this broad plateau
of Reform nothing but an insolent invasion of his own pe-
culiar province ; he sees in the measure they have pro-
pounded nothing but " a disastrous change in the law and
constitution of this country." It is " Russell to the rescue !"
He goes back to Woburn, and, rummaging among the old
banners of the house—putting aside the No-Popery banner
of his great ancestor—tossing into one corner the £lO suf-
frage banner of 1832, postponing for a future occasion the
Finality banner of a more recent convenience, he clutches
the old-fashioned, general, indefinite, and uncommitting
flag of "Parliamentary Reform," and, holding it aloft, he
grandly says, in a peroration that draws down a storm of
admiring cheers, "I defended it when young, and I will
not desert it now that lam old." With this phrase of
chivalric sound Lord John poised against the Trea-
sury benches that resolution which was to be to them
a thunderbolt—to burn them up body and household.
He had quite made up his mind to the inconvenience
and unpleasantness of the scene of slaughter he was
about to inaugurate. Let moderate and timorous
men like Mr. Roebuck talk of consequences to the tran-
quillity of England or to the peace of Europe, Lord John
scorned to pause on such a question. Let a dissolution
come; and let Ministers hold up their bill on every hustings
in England ; or let them resign, and then let the world see
how ray were the dupes who would allow themselves to be
fettered upon this question, and who would vote less with a
view to the Reform Bill before them than with a wish to
keep our foreign relations unchanged and our correspon-
dence with foreign Courts unjarreeby a sudden rupture in
the medium of communication. Lord John responded for
all. B e would cover us with his broad buckler ;he would
be at once our deem and our tutamen • in his broad shadow
let England sleep without a fear. His only condition was
—" Stand not between me and my victims." He spake
and launched his thunderbolt. It does not seem to have
been of the true Cyclopean manufacture, but rather to have
been a fabrication of the more recent schools of Congreve, or
Shrapnel, or Norton; for, although it has frightened the
opposite party a good deal, it has not yet quite blasted them ;
and although it has created a great noise and smoke it has
not yet exploded. The Ministers were like the Russians at
the first advance upon Sebastopol—if the invaders could
have acted at once the catastrophe would probably have
been complete. But while the Parliamentary combustible
was fizzing and smoking there was time to recover from the
first shock; sandbags and windbags, but principally the
latter, were thrown up a l'improviste ; neutral friends, some
of whom had even assisted at the fabrication of the projec-
tile, came in to tender aid. Mr. Walpole first suggested
that it was by no means so deadly as it looked at first sight,
and Sir Stafford Northcote seemed at last to think that it
was sent over with a rather kindly intention. It might be
used as a bluelight, a lantern, or s. torch to light them
through the dense fog certain to arise when they got into
committee. The opinion still remained, and still does
remain, that there is a nasty bounce in the tail of the
thing, which sooner or later will divide its contents
unequally between the house and the lobby ; but many re-
medies have been suggested to neutralise the effects of this
inevitable explosion, and several wet blankets have already
been rather efficaciously brought to bear upon this unquiet,
but provokingly procrastinating, combustible.
But, while making manifest the stern severity of our Ly-
curgus, we must not forget to shadow forth, in proper
artistic and Plutarchian contrast, the benignity of our
Numa. It may be said, perhaps it may be truly said, that
Lord Palmerston had not the same strong innate feeling
about Reform which Lord John Russell has ; or that, if he
had, it pointed rather to the opposite pole of the political
compass. But still Lord Palmerston stated the case very
much as Lord John had done. He also thought that Minis-
ters ,I
had sinned against the Constitution—that poor Consti-
tution
which, like truth, appears sharply defined in a dif-
ferent shape to each individual vision ; that their borough
franchise was too high, and their forty-shilling freeholder
disfranchisement was unconstitutional ; that they were un-
profitable servants, and deserving of all condemnation. But
mark the difference of the sentence ! Although the convic-
tion was upon the same indictment, Lord John says, "Die,
that I may take your place and do mine own duty, which
you have usurped." Lord Palmerston says, "Live, and
live in purple and fine linen. I condemn you to £5,000 a
year each and the patronage of the State. Live, that you
may do the drudgery which I should probably be obliged to
do if I were to kill you. Live and labour. Behold the
nosebag, and behold the bit—open your mouths both and be
content."

It is doubtless pleasant to have an alternative. Even a
dagger and a bowl is better than no choice whatever. There
is an opening for a little dash of scenic heroism when the
choice is between death and hopeless slavery. How say you,
Lord Derby? Will you turn out with your herd and range the
plains in the wild liberty of Opposition, or will you be stalled
and stabled, and mashed, and curricombed, and clothed, and
gently galloped in Lord Palmerston's stables and train-
ing-grounds ? How say you, Mr. Disraeli ? Will you fall
under Lord John's sling, or will you suffer yourself to be
caught and tamed by Lord Palmerston's silken lasso ? " I
condemn you," said Lord Palmerston, quoting a precedent,
"to keep your places." The same thing is done at this
day in China. Our old friend Commissioner Lin, whose
life was forfeited for making a treaty with the barbarians,
was, instead of being put to death, sent to govern a dis-
tnrbed province, and he travelled to his government wear-
ing slight golden fetters as a memorial to him of his state
of condemnation. These things have happened, and may
happen again. But hitherto they have only happened in
despotic countries, and have only been submitted to by serfs
acting under so dire a necessity and so material a compul-
sion that obedience could not be held to imply consent, and
the execution of a servile task could not carry with it dis-
honour. It may be that Lord Derby is about to set us a
new precedent, but he must be the guardian of his own
honour.

(From the Morning Herald).
Between Lord John Russell and a large proportion of his
supporters a great difference of opinion exists. The former
desires to postpone legislation on parliamentary reform, the
latter demand the immediate settlement of the question.
The member for London not only seeks to render the pass-
ing of the Government measure impossible, but actually bids
for the support of Reformers of every grade and degree.
And this he does without offering a single pledge or laying
down principles which might form tho basis of a settlement.
In the difficult position which he occupies explanations
might create embarrassment. His object is not to elicit
truth, but to gain votes. Hence his resolution commends
itself to Mr. Bright and his friends who will be satisfied
with nothing short of revolution. Their principal aim is to
defeat the measure, and this ambiguously-worded amend-
ment offers the most convenient weapon. Yet the majority
of those who have spoken in its favour have openly declared
that they neither wish to arrest the progress of the bill
nor to assail the present Government. Many do not
hesitate to assert not only that the continuance in
office of Lord Derby's Administration is the sole

pledge of the preservation of peace, buifU;ther, that Lord
John Russell's elevation to power would be a national
calamity. That which was intended as a vote of censure
upon the present occupants of office has proved, beyond
doubt, that they possess the confidence of the House of
Commons, and that their political opponents are objects of
general distrust and suspicion.

This will probably account for the conflicting statements
made by various members of the new coalition. Lord John
Russell desires to censure the Government. Lord Palmer.
ston assures the house that the success of the amendment
cannot be construed in this manner. The feeling of the
Legislature in favour of an immediate settlement of the
question has been so strongly expressed that even the pro-
moters of the opposition are appalled at the results which
their unconstitutional proceeding might, if successful, pro-
duce. Lord Palmerston is aware that a considerable majo-
rity of the Lower House would, were the direct issue raised,
vote for the second reading of the bill. The noble lord
naturally feels alarmed at having pledged himself to an
amendment, which is nothing more nor less than a clever
device framed with a view of making certain members of
Parliament vote in direct opposition to their natural incli-
nations. Many of those who have promised to support
Lord John Russell's amendment do not attempt to conceal
their regret at having given that pledge. The member for
London is literally dragging them through the mire, be-
cause, in an evil hour, they permitted themselves to be
allured into a false position. In this dilemma Lord Pal-
merston steps in with a word of advice. He treats the
amendment as a very trivial matter, and laughs at the
idea that the Government or anybody else should view it
in a serious light. Anxious above all ihings to put him-
self right with the representatives of the people, the mem-
ber for Tiverton bows to the decision of Parliament. So
far does his zeal sorry him that he pronounces an eulogium
upon Ministers for their patriotic conduct, and, without
doing himself much good, places Lord John Russell in a
most ridiculous and humiliating position. We do not,
therefore, wonder at the murmurs that have since been
heard in the ranks of the disconsolate Whigs. Their com-
plaint that while one leader is urging them on to the en-
counter, another advises them to throw away their weapons
and quit the field, is substantially correct.
Our task is not to reconcile these differences, but merely
to show that they exist. At this moment, when a great
subject is under discussion, they stand out in bold relief,
proving in the most conclusive manner that combined
action amongst the various sections of the Opposition is
impossible. The leisure and repose of the Opposition
benches afford a good opportunity for reflection and im-
provement, yet discipline has not been restored. Bitter
hostility reigns amongst these warring bands. The lank
and file have different watchwords, and the leaders are ani-
mated by very opposite feelings ; and until a change is ac-
complished the influence of both must be of an uncertain
character. The desire of obtaining office obtains strong
possession of their minds, though they cannot agree even
upon the plan by which that object is to be secured. As
for guiding principles, they have none. Lord John Russell
seeks to avail himself of their infirmity in this respect. He
asks their support for a resolution that means nothing. It
is framed in such an ambiguous manner that it commands
the sympathy of the democrats, whose cry is " war to the
knife ' to the small boroughs, and who demand manhood
suffrage, and vote by ballot, and those constitutional re-
formers who believe that the small boroughs form a valu-
able element of our constitution, and declare that a £2O
county franchise is low enough. Thus, by the aid of those
who think the Government bill goes too far, and of tl:• •
who believe that it does not go far enough, the member for
London strives to obtain the assent of a majority of the
House of Commons to the most disgraceful parliamentary
dodge of late years. His hopes, which we are informed
were at one time high enough, have gradually. declined, and
we believe that Lord John Russell is anxious to escape
from the dilemma in which, by bie anxiety to obtain office,

he has been placed. It is not the first time that his lack of
discretion has led to inconvenience, from the consequences
of which he has been the greatest sufferer. At any rate,
the noble lord is once more in difficulty, and escape how or
when he may, it can only be with a damaged reputation.