The Sun.
London, England, 1832-08-11 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

As the elections are soon to commence under
the new great charter of English freedom, and as
popular power has acquired an immense purchase
over the future choice of our representatives,
and as politicians of all parties, who aspire to
the exercise of legislative functions, are address-
ing the electors in the display of their pretensions,
or canvassing them for the promise of their votes,
it is of the utmost consequence to keep steadily
before the eyes of the people, the principles on
which they should proceed in their treatment of
candidates, and to point out to candidates what
conduct they should pursue in their intercourse
with the people whom they wish to enrol as
their future constituents. The people then, we
say, would degrade their own character, and
throw odium on their best supporters, if they
indulged in riot, when. they might obtain their
object by the calm exercise of their legal privi-
leges,—if they assaulted the partisans of the
Tory fiction for opinions opposite to their own,
when they could best oppose them by support-
ing the friends of the constitution and of liberty,
—if they decided an election by strength of arm,
when they might decide it by numbers of suf-
frages,—if they, in short, took any violent me-
thod ofrepelling Tory insolence, when they might
succeed best by silent contempt. If the Reform
Bill has done any thing for the people, it has
organized the means by which their reason
and their sentiments may be manifested with-
out violence in the choice of their repre-
sentatives. If it has consulted their best in-
terests, it has not done so at the expense
of their peace or security. Their honesty, their
independence, their patriotism, can all be evinced
by their suffrages, without any resort to tumult
or excess. Their knowledge, their property,
And their rights, are to be represented ; but such
a representation can never be properly attained
by transgressions of the law or breaches of the
peace. The guardians of the rights of the na-
tion should not be inaugurated amid violence
or disorder. If the Reformers and friends of
liberty compose the majority of voters in any
place, they should recollect that the minority
have as good a right to express their opinions as
themselves, and that the law by which the majo.
rity succeeds, was enacted that this right might
be enjoyed. On the other hand, the constituted
authorities in towns or districts where a great
constituency is created, considering the novelty
of the right, the ardour with which a new fran-
chise is generally exercised, and the necessity of
experience to exercise it with calmness and pru-
rience, should be ready to pardon something to
ignorance, and something to excited zeal. The
Magistrates should show temper and firmness,
but should he exceedingly slow to resort to coer-
cion or severity. There may exist a garrison in
the neighbourhood, but they should rot be
tempted to invoke its aid, except in extreme
cases ; there may be a body of yeomanry cavalry
who would be very willing to be called out, but
their services must be declined, and they must
not be allowed to use their sabres, because Tory
eloquence is not found sharp enough to penetrate
with conviction the popular mind. We have
been led to make these observations, particularly
at the present moment, by the lamentable occur
rence at Clitheroe on the 31st ult., in whicl

every principle which we have laid down (though
probably so obvious in their meaning and appli-
cation as to be reckoned too trite) has been vio-
lated. Never, probably, was a greater or more
unprovoked outrage committed by armed men
on unarmed citizens, and nothing but the perpe-
tration of murder, or the infliction of death, was
wanting to render it more revolting than the
Manchester massacre. We have hitherto re-
frained trom expressing our sentiments on the
subject, though it has been discussed in the
country papers,—though explanations have been
repeatedly demanded, and conflicting statements
respecting it made, in Parliament,—though
public meetings have been held to express ab-
horrence at the wrong, and to petition for re-
dress,—and though, when the facts are known,
the national indignation, we are persuaded, will
be excited more than by any event that has oc-
curred since the memorable one of 1819,—be-

cause we were anxious to obtain the best evi-
dence which could be collected, before we
pronounced any judgment. In this day's paper
strong evidence is afforded to show the character
of the transaction, and still stronger is forth-
coming. We have not room to recapitulate all
the facts of the case, which are well stated by
Mr. Thomson at the Clitheroe meeting, but we
think that the following brief outline of them
may be sufficient to bear out the character which
we may have given of this melancholy commence-
ment of Tory electioneering.—The borough of
Clitheroe having been in the hands of Lords
Howe and Brownlow, who each returned his
Member, and thus prevented the necessity of a
contested election for many years, and having
lately been placed in schedule B, with the
power of returning only one Member, has
been canvassed with success by Mr. Fort, a
Reform candidate in its own neighbourhood.
The two noble boroughmongers above alluded
to, disdained to divide a representative between
them, and have, therefore, as yet taken no part
in the contest ; but it was necessary, for the pur-
poses of some persons in the borough, to have
an opposition candidate, and Mr. Irving, with-
out any local connexion, or any popular reputa-
tion, was invited to offer himself on the Tory
interest. To this, of course, we can have no
objection. Mr. Fort had made his public en-
try into the borough, amid the most enthusiastic
shouts and rejoicings of the whole inhabitants,
to whom he is known as a manufacturer and a
landed gentleman in their neighbourhood. It
was thought necessary that Air. Irving should
likewise make his public entry, but it was impos-
sible to find a cortege of the people. He there-
fore, a most unpopular man, with unpopular
principles, was obliged to bring his caval-
cade along with him, and he therefore drove
through the streets accompanied by about 50
horsemen, and three carriages filled with his
friends. This foreign spectacle called forth
from the inhabitants those testimonials of dislike
which are usually lavished on unpopular candi-
dates demanding favour from unwilling voters.
The party were assailed at first with hisses and
groans, and as the indignation of the people in-
creased, greater insults were offered them. We
candidly allow that all accounts concur in repre-
senting the conduct of the rioters, at this stage
of the proceedings, as amounting to a great out-
rage. Mr. Irving was driven from the town,
and, had he not returned, the people would have
been in the wrong, and he would have been
praised for his good sense and forbearance But now
begins the questionable—we had almost said the
atrocious—proceedings of Mr. Irving's friends.
Instead of departing quietly from the neighbour-
hood, they sent for a detachment of Dragoons
to assist the honourable gentleman in his can-
vass—to procure a hearing for his Tory ha-

rangues—or to avenge his recent insults. This
detachment was to bring back the electioneering