The Sun.
London, England, 1835-05-12 00:00:00

)t*„./ria,tr,/_

YORKSHIRE (WEST RIDING)

ELECTION.

(From the Second Edition of the Morning Advertiser.)

FIRST DAY OF POLLING.
WAKEFIELD, Monday, Eight o'Clock, May 11.
The Conservative game is up here. There is not now
the remotest chance of success for Mr. Wortley throughout
the, clay---the arrivals of intelligence from the distant polling
?aces announced from all those of any importance inereas-
Zot majorities for Lord Morpeth. At twelve o'clock his
. had three hundred votes more than his opponent
Illßradford alone, and at two o'clock, a majority of 105 in
Wakeiseld, where it had been alleged by the Conservatives,
alneethe commencement of the contest, that they would be
ep~inentlY successful. At Halifax, it is said, that some of
""e adherents of Mr. Wortley have been pelted and ob-
structed in their passage from the out-townshipsi to the
VeII booths ; it is further stated, that a detachment of
Scotch Greys have been sent to clear the roads, but
Gave not learned whether any collision has taken place. In
Wakefield,_ the proceedings have been, throughout the day,
71,11 ducted with marked good order. I subjoin the account
mlre the. poll, up to eight o'clock this evening, and I can as-
' )°ll, upon the most accurate information, that the ma-
3°d:i3T in favour of Lord Morpeth expected to be at least
bled on to-morrow. Tory re-actionists may now, if
they
please, talk of the defeat at Devon. The result of
:,9313eal to the intelligence of the people of York, is the
4„„ladex to the feeling and opinions of the nation.
thihe foNwing is the state of the poll, up to this hour
are Prening, according to Lord Morpeth's retzirn. Those
lullreturns, except marked otherwise
No. of _ _

2 502
krtul Registered Voters. Morpeth. Wortley.
t
861.)
h__
~.eord...
.y . ....
1,315
ct_ ,
(about equal) 162 ••• ...... '• •••••
la ,ter 1,143
ax
945
H 494ersfield ............... .
1. 1,835 748
965
it, .
fcZileY(Bo majority Aoo
Ls °rPeth expected) --.
429
-'4413r0 7u t
ter he.° ,p o guar- 915
771
L, 1 re 3 o'clock)
667
rulft., .. • ............ ... 2,136
-67hrridge (about}. 608
ktire '
(small majority t 814
•••••••••••••
ipkinst Morpeth) 1
587 ............358
irtiOld .................. 1,437
•
8 t°ll (equal) 740
328
naith •
614
6,34
skefield • 0,039

6,573 4376
14ajory for Lord Morpeth 2,197
11110 '
I S 'THE STATEMENT OF MR. WORTLEY'S
COMMITTEE.
Wit , Registeret.:l Voters. Wortley. Morpeth.
Fate
.. •
Dols., .......... ... 2,016
573
Bz7sh.-
tuer .......................
... 397
1,4 h
........... 11,319221
162
630
Lidersfield .............
982
n'ufax 1 gi22
905
iit.triford .............. ... 1,691
Lltilisley •• ••
451
•• • ........... 889
RT.- . 771
. lame. ................. 2,250
attittle
.. Y ..... ......... 499
1,,,
es 892
Nina,. borough
::kteieb.": .............. 738
qeht ... .°rldge 619
............. ..

18,061 4,407
Majority for Lord Morpeth, 2,145.

DINNER TO SIR ROBERT PEEL.

l'esterda,

4,4 a dinner was given at Merchant Tailors'-hall by
'pa 1,-"age of the merchants, bankers, and traders of Lon-
ave tbuiutiour of this distinguished statesman. There were
terrain 'ea, extending the whole length of the hall, for the en-
/NS °e m• The cross-table at the top was for the guests. It
of ecunied by the following individuals, the personal friends
„_ir 'Robert Peel, and at the same time, from their station
aecilet lets, individuals interested in the commercial and ma-
kett.uring prosperity of the country :—The Chairman, J.
the ir 'roan' Esq., supported on the right by 'Sir Robert Peel,
Lyned Mayor, Earl de Grey, Viscount Sandon, Lord
"urst, Lord Wharncliffe, Lord Abinger, E. Drummond,
p., late Secretary to Sir Robert Peel, Thomas Venable',
late secretary to Sir Robert Peel, Rev. W. Wilson,
htin
St the leftr the occasion, John Masterman, jun., Esq. ; and
, by the Duke of Wellington, Francis Cmden, harl
Lnberdeen, Viscount Canterbury, Lord Egerton,
fe`'T Ashburton, Right Hon. Sir John Beckett, Bart., M.P.,
pht Hon, Sir Henry Hardinge, K.C.8., John Horsley
4,lmer, Esq., late Governor of the Bank, W. Ormsby Gore,
• P., Right Hon. Frederick Shaw, M.P., Right Hon.
ti•• Dawson, and tire Right Hon. W. Yates Peel, M P.
witth the first toast was " Church and King." It was received
most enthusiastic applause.
I..ue Queen " was next drunk.
'll
.ter that the " Princess Victoria, and the rest of the Royal
1,0
Then came the " Navy and the Army."
pokall or which toasts appropriate glees were sung.
ei, CHAIRMAN (John Masterman, Esq.) then rose to pr0e0.1.4
e0.1.4 toast, which he was convinced would meet with the
11410.1 approbation of the whole company.—( Cheers.) He
dittigveatpleasure i proposing to them the health of their
eheenguishped
rin guest,n Sir Robert Peel.—(Most enthusiastic
tad R. PEEL said—Gentlemen, with a deep feeling of pride
-4Psatisfaction by which I must necessarily be animated, there
i nfrmix, as you may all believe, one painful feeling that
hts from the consciousness that any language of mine
tees. be totally inadequate to express the magnitude and in:
ttieeita ea.
my sensations upon the present occasion.—(Loud
and Gentleman, I well know that these are the trite
llpo„Ordinary excuses made by the ordinary festive speaker
ea," °eeasions like the present, but if you will only be good
etegreh to place yourselves in my situation, ift youat_ willre-
:ear_actoilnlect that I was alone in this company, that I
reoln.d. seated while all the rest of you were standing, that I
voored silent while all the rest of you were enthusiastically
g your genial approbation, that I was conscious that
N h
Your kindly attention and consideration and deep feelig
4:oo;epsut
eyb
el
cuneentrated upon myself,—if you will recollect that I
1 Rill Public man, that I am a man of the people, that I derive,
am not say my chief, my only strength from public applause
atieint:cgonfidence, that I am moreover a man who looks
h4ti ° reward for public services excepting only public appro-
hon°ll--(loud cheers), who aspires to no dignity except in all
d u purity the good opinion of his fellow-subjects, the
and igu°d opinion I mean, as distinguished from the paltry
'Yea b popularity which may be gained at the moment,
stleou tithe weakest and most contemptible, in pandering or
attetg to faction, or even in more meekly and gently
dioPtmg at once to flatter and inflame the people's preju-
teaF-feheers)—l say, then, that if you will take all these
iderations and circumstances into your attention, you may
• able to believe, that although the excuse I have offered
great 11,.•
..my deficiency in power adequately to respond to your
pb linclness may be trite, though it may be in the ordinary
this e°l°gY of speakers in complimentary assemblages, yet upon
thatleuliar occasion it is perfectly consistent with truth, and
to (I° feel myself unable to satisfy myself in pouring forth
vortll3ll my heartfelt thanks for the honour which you have
lautlaafed to confer upon me.—( Loud and long cheerang.)
posedet me not be suspected of idle egotism, nor be it not sup-
folnp: °n the other hand, that I have been elated into a forget-
tino;"%of myself. I have not been so misled by the sugges-
of °A Personal vanity as to attribute to myself, or any deserts
ila,ieTie! the origi expressedeeting, or the feelings which 3a.ya
Jain
'ulB eyening I agree with our worthy chair-
larul thinking that the deputation which I received from so
tt:'rel:o of the mercant bankers, and tradeys,.of this
aigiel'lT quite sufficient formes It asserted the principle y_
te, animated : it bore with it, in the approbation of
wbo-ascdiytizens, my reward.—( Loud cheers.) I wanted no
fiber demonstration of public feeling—( Hear, hear)—and
of Could regard this meeting as merely a demonstration
lie
i compliment, I should feel little satisfied.—
lie eers• ) No, Sir, I regard it as a demonstration of 'Th-
at public
feeling from London.—(Loud cheers.) I do think
Cheers. ) principle may be promoted by this meeeting.
basl do think, Sir, that the impulse which
(ch been given in this centre
us of the commercial world
The eers)—the mt thrill to every extremity of
British empire.—( Cheers. ) I repeat, Sir, that the throes
life., tmghty heart must, as they act, send the wholesome
of wooed of sound doctrine and good principle to every atom
Gheell..? corporate body of the United Kingdom.—( Continued
tied 'rig.)
havenGetlemen, I understand that by assembling here
t Y you shown an attachment to the ancient institu-
ua of the country, and a firm resolution to maintain those
Principles, which are interwoven with the safety of those in-
(cr"s, and the security of prosperity in this empire.—
be„,"ra-) I understood that it was, in some degree, incum-
uPon you to come forth in this manner, because you do
40 happen to have any publicly recognized organ through '
Om Your sentiments could be expressed.—(Loud cheers.)
When consider that this great meeting, abounding as it does
tip,ealth--abounding in intelligence—abounding in respecta-
fot_ltY—there is not one single Member out of the 18 allotted
tai the metropolitan districts to represent your opinions, cer-
,lY am much grieved, and I confess something astonished.
Cheers and laughter.) I might speak too even of your num-
. 2•The hall has been taxed to the utmost extent of its
kri:obrnemroodfation, and if there were room for ten times a greater
gentlemen within these walls we should have had
em present.—(Great cheering.) And yet you and your
ids had not the good fortune to secure a single representa-
-11 eto s out of the whole 18, by whom inns could bees poken, through whom your just and legitimate
~"leruenee could be exercised.—(Loud cheers.) In order,
Nefere, that there should be no misconstruction of your
ance, you feel it necessary to speak through other organs
forTI those which the new representative system has provided
eli,,tY°P—(Cheers)—and in the fullness of this conviction it is
1117" come forward to lend my humble countenance to
la rneeting.—(Great cheering.) And, gentlemen, it is

because this is a public occasion, awl because we arc
to promote a public object, that I am disposed to detain
you by some further observations, by some allusions to
the state of public affairs—(Cheers)—and I am sure, con-
sidering the nature of our assemblage, you will pardon
me for so doing, notwithstanding the approaching meet-
ing of Parliament.—( Continued cheers.) And, gentlemen,
what I shall say will be spoken by me as one of yourselves—
(Cheers)—not as one anxious for conquest as a party man—
not as a candidate for office—( Loud and continued cheers) ;
I shall speak to you as a British subject, feeling a tenfold
greater interest in the good government of the country gene-
rally than any emolument he could possibly derive from office
--(Great cheering)—a man who has a tenfold greater desire
for the maintenance of the opinions he professes and conscien-
tiously believes and fancies he clearly understands, than for
any advantages which 'adverse individuals may dream he
could have by the acquisition of office.—(Enthusiastic cheer-
ing.) I believe, indeed, that there is no greater mistake.
than that people situated as I happen to be are so very
anxious for office.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Some
fancy that the wholesome rest of every politician is broken
by his feverish longing for office.—( Hear, hear, and laugh-
ter.) If I were to speak from my own experience, I
should tell a different tale.—( Hear.) There is to me nothing
in office abstractedly to compensate for its labours and
inconveniences, its annoyances, and its deep anxieties.—
(Cheers.) Away, then, Sir, with the presumptuous assertion
that men who are fit for office would not at anytime rather de-
cline it than consent to any sacrifice of opinion, to any com-
promise of character.--(Long continued eheering.) There
has been a great deal said about court intrigue and court fa-
vouritism. It is quite as ridiculous as this morbid anxiety of
honest and independent men for office.—( Cheers.) The fact
is, that to an individual like myself, office imposes nothing but
the heaviest sacrifices which a man can make—sacrifices for
which it offers no compensation.—( Cheers.) That office holds
out great advantages to the ambitious mind I will not deny ;
but are there not without office, equal if not greater means of
distinction in public life ?—( Cheers.) For myself, in taking
office, I was urged by nothing but a sense of public duty, and
from the desire not to shrink from that which it is incumbent
on every British subject to do to serve his King when
called upon to the utmost of his ability and power.—
(Loud cheers.) Whilst I declare the inconveniences of the
public service, I at the same time hope and know that His
Majesty has not a more devoted servant than I.—(Cheers.)
I am ready to give, and I have given, His Majesty as sincere
and as independent support and as liberal services as any other
man in any other capacity can have possibly given him.—
( Loud cheers.) The chief advantage, perhaps, arising to me
from office is, that I have had the good fortune of being con-
nected in power, I should say in civil life, with that great mi-
litary man whose fame exceeds that of any other conqueror—
( Cheeo)—a man from whom I never have been separated by
any difference on political subjects, and with whom my con-
nexion never has been embittered by the slightest touch of
paltry jealousy—(Loud cheers)—and if I hoped that, con-
nected as I have been with him in civil appointments, I should
have the happiness to have my name transmitted with his to
after ages, it would be the chief pride, the dearest gratification
of my heart.—( Enthusiastic cheers.) But I feel that I have
been straying from the subject immediately before us—the
present state of public affairs. Allow me to speak to you, not
a. 5 a vasty man, but as one of yourselves, and to submit to you
plain op: Mons in plain language.—( Cheers.) I prefer this,
and I am ssire so will you, to that elaborate concatenation of
phrases which is sometimes called eloquence, in which you
have the smallest possible quantity of common sense enveloped
in the greatest multitude of equivocal words.—( Cheers and
laughter.) In one word, I say to you there is at present danger
to the institutions of this co'intry--( Great cheering)—danger
to the form of government wider which we have lived aud
prospered.—( Continued cheering.) But it is in your power,
and that of those who think with you sand fill your situations in
t:Se country, to avert the danger.—(Cent': Hued cheering.) It
is in your power by exertion and by the exercise of those
functions which the Constitution has left to you, to mitigate,
if not altogether to remove, the evil.—( Loud cheers.) My
opinion is, that the danger can be only met by your gSsining
an effectual influence in the popular branch of the Legislature.
_ _(Hear, hear.) We shall only aggravate the evil if we
asissmpt to deceive ourselves. Let us not indulge in any use-
les s lamentations. Let us waste no time in regretting that
which is beyond our remedy.—(Cheers.) This is quite idle.
But it we cease to take a desponding view of public affairs,
all will be yet well. Though you may not be able to exercise
that infissence to which you are legitimately entitled, yet hesi-
tate not to strain every nerve in using all the privileges which
remain to you.—(Cheers.) Act like Englishmen, and if you
will only do eo, I am confident, from your national spirit, and
indomitable resolution, that the country will be rescued from
the dangers by which it is at present so closely exweloped.—
( Cheers.) I warn you that you must not place a firm reliance
upon the prerogative of the Crown—on the influence or. stutho-
rity of the House a Lords. The prerogative of the one, tie
authority of the other, are constitutionally potent in control-
ling the powers of the Lewes House, but you must not now-a-
days depend upon them as bulwarks which are impassible, and
which can be committed without apprehension to the storm
and struggle of events. The government of the country, and
the mode in which it is conducte!. allow me to tell you, must
mainly depend upon the constitution of the House of Com-
mons ; I again say the Royal Prerogative, the authority of
tne noose "or 'sums, sssst useful, nay, necessary, in
our mixed and balanced Constitution. nu- so. sas.t.
strain those powers. Yo udo not want to see ii government
conducted concurrently with a series of disputes besween toe
e
several branches of the Legislature.--( Cheers. ) You N7ou
rather see them moving in that harmonious manner which in-
sures the utility of each, and the efficiency of all.—( Loud
cheers.) I ask you, then, So take means to assert in the
House of Comthons those principles which we believe
to be just, and to exercise that authority to which you are
fairly entitled.—(Cheers.) On taking office I avowed my
determination to abide by the Reform Bill. I trust I have
redeemed that pledge.—( Loud cheers.) On this broad
constitutional principle my friends and I acted. We acted
in the spirit of that Reform Bill. When we found that we
had not the confidence of the House of Commons, although the
array against us was miscellaneous in the extreme, although the
majority was small, we felt lit our duty to resign.-Cheers.)
However strongly we might have opposed the elective system
before, we now adhered to our pledge; we not only gave the
Reform Bill a fair trial, but we regarded it as a constitutional
settlement of a great question.—( Loud cheers.) We did not en-
tertain the idea of governiitg the country against a majority of
the Reformed House of Commons.—(Cheers.) Allow me
then to recommend you all, in common with myself, to refrain
from flattering ourselves with any distant hope of altering the
present system—let us not seem to threaten, even in thought,
those who have acquired new rights with the forfeiture of that
acquisition.—( Cheers.) Let us stand by the Constitution as
it exists at present.—( Cheers.) Let us never hint at altera-
tion, or raise a secret doubt by our conduct, even in the minds
of the most suspicious. I may venture to prophecy to you that
the proposition for change will come from the other side.—
( Great and continued cheering.) If it should come, it will
never come from anybody excepting some one of those who
were themselves the authors of that Reform Bill.—(Great
cheering.) Ay, it will come from them, and the moment,
perhaps, is not far distant,—the moment they have ascer-
tained the Bill is not likely to answer the purposes they
had in view—the moment they see it is not potent to ex-
clude the influence of what we call Conservative principles.
—( Continued cheering.) Allow me to say to you, gentle-
men, that your duty will be to use every just constitutional in-
fluence which you possess. There must be no laziness,—
no apathy,—and above all, no despondency.—(Cheers.)
Do not agitate the minds of men by new discussions as to the
foundation of the principles of government, and so forth. Do
not affect the feelings of those who have acquired new pri-
vileges either by direct threats, or by the more sinister and
unmanly mode of intimating an intention to fritter down these
privileges hereafter.—(Great cheering.l But I have said
enough upon this subject : I do not despair that if we continue
to exert ourselves here, if we set an example to the empire, it
will, in all its parts, be before long animated by the kindly
constitutional and truly English feelings which are here dis-
played.—( Loud cheers.) You must try above all things to
regain your influence in the House of Commons, not as your
enemies would say, by bribery and corruption and unworthy
means, but by going forth and giving a frank exposition of
your principles—(Cheers)—and by showing that there is
nothing selfish in your support of institutions under which
we all live, and the rights which we all enj Weoy. of
course avow this—l apprehend that we are not interested
in the maintenance of any abuse—(Cheers)—that we are
willing to correct every abuse—(Cheers)—and to concur
in the application of the best remedy which can possibly
be devised for that peroose.—( Loud cheers.) We hold, I
apprehend, that no public office ought to be maintained for
the purpose of patronage—(
Cheers.)--that they can only be
vindicated on the ground of their :,Ping
necessary to the public
service.—( Cheers.) We want no sineJures.—( Loud CLeers.)
We want no more amount of salary for tlse reward of aizy
public men than that which may be sufficient for securing
integrity and competence in the discharge of important
official duties.—( Cheers.) We deny that we are separated by
any line of interest, or by any other line of demarcation, from
the middling classes of this country.—( Cheers.) Why, who
are we, or at least nine-tenths of those who are here assembled,
that any one should tell us that we have an interest separate
from those of the middling classes of society 7—( Cheers. )
If we don't belong to the middling classes of society, I want
to know how wide the interval may be that is presumed to se-
parate us ?—( Cheers.) Speaking in behalf of nine-tenths at
least of those assembled within these walls, I say we disclaim
any separation from the middling classes of society in this
country—( Loud cheers)--and if circumstances may appear to
have elevated us above them, to what, I venture to ask, is that
elevation in our case owing ?—( Cheers.) Either on our cwn
part or on the part of our immediate forefathers, it is owing to
nothing else but to the exercise of those qualities of diligewhich
nce,
the love of order, of industry, of integrity—(Cheers)—
secure to every member of the middle classes of society the op-
portunities of elevation and distinction in this great commu-
nity-7( Cheers)—and it is because we stand in our present
situation—it is because we owe our elevation in society to
those qualities to which I have alluded, and because we feel
that the same elevation may still be secured by the same
means, that we feel our interests identified with their's,
and, by the blessing of God, are determined to keep open
to them those same avenues that have been opened to
ourselves—(Loud cheers)—nor will allow their course to be
obstructed by men who want to secure the sortie advantages
by dishonest means.—( Loud and continued cheering.) Gen-
tlemen, while on this subject, will yon allow me to recall to
your recollection what was the grand charge against myself
—that the King had sent for the son of a cotton-spinner to
Rome, in order to make him Prime Minister of England.—
( Cheers.) Did I feel that by any means a reflexion on me?
Did that make me at all discontented with the state of the laws
and institutions of the country ? No ; but does it not make me

stet I and ought it not to make you, gentlemen, do all you can to re-
--ve to other sons of other cotton-spinners—(Loud
uiities, by the same system of laws under which
flourished, of arriving by the same
Cheers.) We are
the perpetuation of
4^e interest than
`•aped

the same opt-.
this country has so
honourable means at the like u..,_
charged with having some interest ...
abuses. Why, can there be any one with a great.
as can possibly be consistent with the mai
as
we have that the public burdens should beas.
facettenin on
public engagements? We are represented n mucht an ll
g 1;f t e
motive,a n d to thoseas,
the public
associated
w income.ithi
t
ttbh
et sr e compay represented
say have a direct, a
connected with the increase of the public revenue that can
countervailbordees_ (thcehienetresr.e)st w.weeh,avtheeirneftohree,relducti,on
_of the. public
superior interest to any other in the correction of
_every abuse
and the application of every just economical.remedy ;
debe con.-
s i
nationst ent 1 yt witho
correct those ysurtitrhealth!actenpmtcyr we
ni,
do not disguise that it is 6ur firm resolution toof mthailanteuoinuottor the
re
ai feelings,abuses,
and
ds itsot eonotol
utmost of our power the lini_itea
(Cheers)—to respect the rights of united church' f
lature—( Cheers)—to maintain inviolate ale
,- sin it scl
England and Ireland--(Loud cheers)--to a
elli°vlelarrie.bYranch of the Logy's-
predominant establishment—( Renewed cheers)—meaner by
predominant
predominance, not the denial of civil rights to other classes of
the community, but maintaining it in the possession of its pro-
perty and of all its just privileges. Such it is our firm resolution
to preserve it, submitting to no compromise—(Cheers)—and
exercising every privilege which the constitution as intrusted
to us supplies for its legitimate maintenance arid support._
(Loud and continued cheering.) We make that appeal to the
middling classes of the community—we make that appeal to
those who are the depositaries of the elective franchise. We
tell them that it is not only our determination to resist any
direct attack on those institutions, but that we are also resolved
that we will not perolit the ancient institutions of this coun-
try—(Cheers)—the mitigated monarchy, consisting of three
branches of the Legislature, we are determined that we will
not allow it to be changed by specious propositions of reform
into a democratic Republic.—(Loud cheers.) We will not
allow, if we can prevent it—we will not allow, by any the
most plausible pretext, such an infusion of democracy into the
institutions of this country as shall essentially change their
theory, and by slow degrees deprive us of the advantages we
have so long enjoyed under our limited monarchy and ancient
institutions. Now, gentlemen, that is what I apprehend by the
Conservative principle—(Cheers)—and such is the ground on
which we make an appeal to the country at large, for the
maintenance of our principles.—( Cheers.) We tell all, in
whatever class of life they may be, that they ought to feel as
deep an interest in the maintenance of those principles as any
of the politicians or men of property who are now within my
hearing.—( Cheers.) The encouragement of industry depends
on the maintenance of those principles.—( Cheers.) The
preservation of order depends on this not less than the main-
tenance of that security which has hitherto led men through
honest industry to accumulate property in this country.—
(Loud cheers.) And now that the feelings excited by a late
political contest have subsided, I cannot help entertaining a
sincere hope and belief, disclaiming any intention of inter-
fering
improperly with the political franchise, there is still that
fund of good sense in this community that will enable you, if
not to gain a predominating influence in the Commons House
of Parliament, still to acquire that degree of influence that
shall control and prevent many bad projects. My advice to
you, then, is, not to permit past differences on political sub-
jects now to prevent a cordial union with those who take a si-
milar view with yourselves on matters of immediately pressing
emergency.—( Cheers. )There are many questions on which you
formerly differed now settled ; but there are still many public
men from whom you formerly differed, and who now agree
with you that the Reform Bill is not to be made a platform
from which a new battery is to directed against the institu-
tions of this country—(Loud cheers)---and if they agree with
you. on that point—if they wish to correct real abuses, still
determined to maintain the ancient principles on which the
constitution of the country is founded, to protect the interests
of order and property, my advice to you is not to allow past
differences to obstruct an harmonious and real union for the
preservation of all that remains.—( Loud cheers.) Gentle-
men, I ought to apologize for detaining you so long, and I
sha?l not now much longer prevent my Hon. Friend, the chair-
man, i.'"fmi proceeding with the remainder of the toasts.—
( Cheers.) But, in conclusion, let me entreat you to recol-
lect the associaa9ns connected with the place where we are
now assembled. FrOrn this place a voice issued in 1793, of
memorable moment—a voice in support of the ancient prin-
ciples of the British monarchy—(Cheers)—a voice which
enabled the Ministers of the day to check the contagion
of democratic and French princes then in their rage.—
( Cheers.) I call on you to remember iLe motto under which
you are assembled, Concordia parva res crescunt :
little your influence now may be, by firm union, by determined
perseverance, you will overcome all difficulties, and rally
around you a thousand arms to fight in the same cause.—
(Loud cheers. ) Proclaim to the country from this the centre
of the metropolis, that, entertaining principles of moderation,
you still will stand by the ancient walls, the ancient landmarks
of the constitution—(cheers)—that you will rally round the
monarchy and protect it in its just prerogatives, protect the
independent exercise of the authority of the House of Lords—
(cheers)—and maintain firm and inviolable the rights of the
Established Church.—(Cheers.) You will stand by, in the
in the emphatic language of Acts of Parliament, the Protes-
tant Government and Protestant religion of this country.—
(Cheers.) Elevating that voice, maintaining those principles,
w I must contend so moderate. so lust, so nec.essarv, so ra-
tional, votoe you rat3e win tie ro-2,-cnvc-u
from every part of this country, and the pulsation of the
heart of this great corporate community will vibrate through
every artery of this happy and mighty empire.—(The
Right Hon. Baronet sat down amidst loud and long-protracted
cheering.)
The CHAIRMAN then gave the health of his Grace the Duke
of Wellington, with whose military and political career they
were all well acquainted, which required no eulogy from him,
and whose services to the city of London especially, endeared
him to every good-hearted citizen.—(The toast was drunk with
all the honours.)
The Duke of WELLINGTON rose and said,—l beg leave,
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, to return you my warmest
thanks f, the honour you have done me in drinkine, my health,
especially for the mention, in recommendation of of the
services in which I have been engaged, but most particularly
of those which it has been my good fortune to render to the
city of London.—(Cheers.) But the question on this
day is not the services which I have rendered either to the
city of London or otherwise.—(Cheers.) The object of this
meeting is to enable you to pay a compliment to a deserving
public servant—(loud cheers)—the highest compliment which
it is in your power to bestow, and of which he must be most
ambitious—l mean your approbation.—( Loud cheers.) I have
no claim—l have no merit on this occasion—cheers
)-
cepting that of having rendered to my Right( H
ive on. Frien exd
every assistance which it was in my power to g--(Loud
cheers)—in the situation which I filled in his Majesty's
councils—(renewed cheers)—l have no claim, except that
of a concurrence with you in admiration of the great ta-
lents, temper, fortitude, and manly discretion manifested
by my Right Honourable Friend—(loud cheers)—during,
probably, the most arduous and difficult, even if the shortest,
tenure of office that ever fell to the lot of a Minister of the
Crown.—( Loud cheers.) I must say I deeply regret that the
result of the labours of my Right Hon. Friend was not more
successful—(cheers)—and I believe that you who have heard
to-night the exposition of his principles and policy, and the
advice which he tendered to you—(cheers)—do sincerely
lament that he did not for a longer time carry into execution
his measures and plans at the head of his Majesty's Govern-
ment.—( Continued cheering.) But when we consider what
the measures were which my Right Hon. Friend had proposed
to bring before Parliament, and which he must have completed
if he had been so allowed to introduce them—(loud cheers)—
measures having for their object the satisfaction of this country
upon many important topics which have become matters of
interest since the establishment of the new institutions of
the country, and measures the result of which must have been
the cessation of agitation not only in this country but in Ire-
land—l do think we have all reason to regret, as I believe
his Majesty does--(loud cheers)—the result of my Right Hon.
Friend's short experiment of office.---(Loud cheers.) I beg
leave to thank you most cordially for the honour you have
done me, and I beg leave to say I think my Right Hon. Friend
well deserves the high compliment you have paid him.—
(Loud cheering, which lasted some minutes.)
Sir R. PEEL, in a highly complimentary speech, proposed
" the health of the Chairman." The toast was drunk with
great enthusiasm.
The following toasts were next given, and the noblemen
and gentlemen who were mentioned respectively returned
thanks:—
" The Lord Mayor and the Magistracy of the city of
London."
" Lord Ashburton and the commerce of the United King-
dom."
" The Right Hon. Frederick Shaw and the prosperity of
Ireland."
" The Right Hon. Sir George Clerk and the prosperity of
Scotland."
" Lord Sandon and the commerce of Liverpool."
The CHAIRMAN then gave " the health of W. Woolridge
Nash, Esq., and the Merchant Tailors' Company," which was
drunk with three times three, and appropriately acknowledged
in a short speech.
The next toast was, " the health of Lord Francis Egerton,
and the manufacturing interests of the United Kingdom."
His LORDSHIP, in returning thanks, expressed the great
satisfaction he felt in being connected with a part of the country
in which so many triumphs of human ingenuity had been dis-
played as almost to repeal that prime curse of man, that by the
sweat of his brow he should earn his bread, but which, the
highest distinction of all, had the honour to have reared
and nurtured the man whom they had met to honour—
(Cheers)—which sent him, under circumstances of difficulty
such as the annals of this country, even in the days of Pitt—
(Cheers)--never paralleled, to exert his matchless eloquence,
his sound judgment, and unimpeachable integrity—( Loud
cheers)—ir. defending those institutions of the country which
they all wished to maintain.—( Cheers.) Those talents had
not been exercised in vain.—( Loud cheers.) However his
Right Hon. Friend might despise the empty rewards that
temporary popularity might. bestow, his was not that ambi-
tion described by the poet, and which
66 Sighed because it found it vain to trust
The faithless column or the mouldering bust."
He might now read his elegy in the applauding voice of his
country ; and the applause which the nation now accorded
would be amply sanctionedand approved by posterity.—( Loud
cheers.)
" Ships, Colonies, and Commerce," was then given and
drunk amidst loud cheering, after which the Chairman, at-
tended by Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington, left
the room, and the meeting immediately broke up.

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, IVJAT 12, 1835.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We have in this day's Times two able letters, one
from "A Spectator," from "A Conservative" the other.
Spectator"to dwells With much exultation upon the
certainty of_san immediate and formal union between
Robert Peel and Lord Stanley, and founds on it
that the " ill-assorted occupants of the
-non be gcattereu to the winds
',c•nnt Adminis.

the assuran,..
Government seats" must...._
by such an union. We believe the pr..—
tration to be " ill-assorted," because there is a tonsl-
i
derable, and by far the most respectable, portion of
t,
which would never agree to measures) of father tic,
1 a certain section of their cot-
leagues to be an essZ.:
proc.aime- by
!ial complement to the Reform
"
Bill itself. The league between the a
whole, and the great body of their non-Whig sup-
porters, meaning thereby the host of English and Irish
Tt adicals, appears to us to be still worse assorted, be-
cause 1:::e English Radicals go to an organic change
of our inst.':tutions, and the Irish ones to a breaking up
3
Nevertheless, we are not among those
of the empire. 5.
:yliance between Sir R. Peel
who expect that an avoweu
6:„.,er t . produce an
th o
and Lord Stanley would suffice,
open division of the Cabinet—or a separation between
the same Cabinet as a whole, and the bulk of its Ra-
dical allies. The joint forces of Sir R. Nei And Lrini
Stanley did not before the resignation of the late Mi-
nisters amount to a tnajotity of the House of Coffi-
n-ions—and they proved themselves, by the event, un-
equal to carry on the Government, against the triple
'partnership—the as triplex—of the Whig-Radical-
Repealers. The junction, therefore, of the same two
classes of Conservatives, at the present moment, would
have the same fruitless result—circumstances are not
ripe for it. Every one must allow that it is a grievous
inconvenience to have parties so constructed as not to
afford a chance on either side of more than a very
scanty majority in support of any Minister. The
Peel and Stanley Conservatives have shown that
they could not govern England, though with a party
far better organized and compacted than that of their
many-coloured enemies, and one at the same time
which very nearly approached the Whig-omnibuses
in numbers. It remains to be proved—and the proof
will not be long forthcoming—that the Melbourne
Ministry cannot govern with a majority of from 15 to
30 votes in a house of 658 members. As an Oppo-
sition, the Conservatives will derive more advantage
from their superior cohesiveness and discipline, as com-
pared with their piebald antagonists, than they did
while the latter were in the hot pursuit of office. But
although in the long run the present Administration
must find it impossible to carry on the public business,
and to enforce the aggregate of measures which are
likely to provoke much keen resistance from so power-
ful a foe, it will nevertheless succeed so far as to carry
through the House of Commons a bill framed in the
spirit of that resolution which the late Ministers failed
in combating, and to which Lord Melbourne, when in-
terrogated, declared that he felt himself irrevocably
pledged. Such a bill for the dismantling of the
Irish Church, we repeat, there is little doubt of getting
passed through the House of Commons by a small
majority, and with that division we apprehend the
prosperity of the Administration, constituted as it
is, will be very apt to terminate. The next stage
in the progress of the anticipated measure will be
its introductian to the House of Lords, and there
what must be its destiny ? Their Lordships will
probably pass so much of the Tithe Bill as shall steer
clear of the alienation of ecclesiastical revenue to tem-
poral purposes, agreeing to the principle of commuta-
tion proposed by Sir Robert Peel, and to those provi-
sions of the Right Hon. Baronet's measure (or to
something like them) which met with scarcely the
shadow of hostility either from Lord John Russell or
from the bitterest of his supporters. But it may be set
down, we believe, as unquestionable, that the House
of Lords will not so far abandon all their fixed attach-
ment to Protestant institutions, as blindly to vote the
diversion of a surplus, of which the existence is un-
known to them, and by doing so leave the decision
both of its general amount and of its detailed ap-
plication to men the rnoNt the whole empire
,0 the Established Church, and to the Crown and Go-
vernment of Great Britain. 'Well, then, the bill returns
in the state which we have described to the House of
Commons, minus only that clause which, under the
form of a resolution, when proposed eleven months ago
to the Whig Ministers by Mr. Ward, they At 4f-
jeeted, for want of materials whero,l IA; iest its authenti-
city. Will the HOUSi; of Commons, then, accept the
amendments, positive and negative, of the House of
Lords ? or throw out the Tithe Bill from pique at the
opposition given to a particular branch of it ? In the
latter case the spirit of faction will have achieved a fresh
triumph over constitutional decency and the peace of
Ireland. Tithe will then continue what it is at pre-
sent—a nominal, but no more than nominal, lien upon
the land—a nominal, but quite unreal, support for the
clergy—a handle for agitation, and a firebrand of dis-
turbance, while the substantial parts of the most im-
portant question now afloat amongst us arc sacrificed
to a mere watchword of unrelenting faction ; men's
minds become hardened to the contemplation of law
ostentatiously and unresistingly violated, and to the
actual, total, and unredressed spoliation of the esta-
blished clergy. This, therefore, we do so much justice
to Lord John Russell as to consider a state of things
which his Lordship will scarcely risk his reputation by
producing. The alternative, then, which we suppose
will be adopted by the House of Commons, is that of
passing the Church Bill as sent down by the Peers,
and thus affording the country a wholesome law for the
commutation of tithe, not disfigured by that unstates-
manlike addition which party perverseness had ingrafted
on it. However, it is plain to us, that let the Church
Bill end how it may, it is likely to be soon followed
by a reconstruction of the Ministry. Whether Lord
John Russell will find the fetters of his pledge in favour
of the alienation of church property too galling, under
the erasure of that provision from the Bill, as finally
enacted, and will therefore, with the more Radical
portion of his colleagues, resign, it is difficult for us
to conjecture. But if he does not, there is great
reason to believe that he will be saved the trouble of
a voluntary resignation. It may, as we have said
before, be possible to force a single measure, on behalf
of which many opinions, and one predominant party
interest, were agreed (especially when it had been made
a sort of rallying point) against a very powerful mino-
rity. But to carry on a protracted Parliamentary war-
fare, to stand the wear and tear of successive months,
to be an of ective Government against the will of al-
most one-half of the House of Commons, skillfully
and intrepidly directed against, moreover, the known
and palpable repugnance of both the other branches
of the legislative body, is what appears to us altogether
and flagrantly impracticable. At least, it seems clear
that with whatever obstinacy Lord John Russell may
cling to his crotchet about Irish church plunder,
Lord Melbourne must feel it his duty not to keep the
country in confusion from servile acquiescence in the
views of others with which he cannot at the bottom of
his heart concur. Lord Melbourne will not become a
butt for the ridicule of his adversaries and the mortified
compassion of his friends, by attempting to maintain a
losing fight at the head of a weak and half-affected army.
If the noble Lord be told, as events will soon announce
to him, in the language of our correspondent, that he
must make up his mind to be either a Conservative or
a Destructive, we have certainly no hesitation in assuring
ourselves in what manner the noble Lord must decide.
If the question lies between Sir Robert Peel and Mr.
Joseph Hume, or between the Duke of Wellington
and Mr. Daniel O'Connell, it is obvious to all the
world what must be Lord Melbourne's judgment; and
' that judgment we can tell him he will shortly be called
upon to pronounce. The Irish Church Bill once
passed in any imaginable shape through Parliament,
there is hardly another question on which he and the
revolutionary faction here or in Ireland are agreed ;
nor is there one, so far as we can see, on which his
Lordship and the more moderate of the Conservatives
need differ. The conclusion is, that the country may
Took ere long to a subversion of that crazy fabric which
has been thrown together in pardonable resentment at
ill usage which we have no desire to palliate. The
Radicals, with Lord John Russell, will be sent back to
their proper post ; but Sir Robert Peel, with the Con-
servative majority of the Cabinet, will be found in the

service of the King, garrisoning their country's insti-
tutions.—Times.

The proceedings at the grand entertainment given
yesterday in the city of London to the late Premier, a
full report of which appears in another part of this pa-
per, will afford our readers a very high gratification.
All men take an interest in the just appropriation,
and the suitable display of national gratitude
ottnl...- __A 2 aL —Cs - .

,olvard_
servam.s ui we knarc as have '
-.0
z e
tsoe rbver cae sptroi
mt rcy
o onue ne
rt
of NtVhhellwehiotlelscuonini t
versally held:
,enuerecl importan
and valurr4V
iTalnitv that such statesmen should be cherished and
tiphela also with a view to the future benefits which
the nation may reasonably ex pea to receive at their
***
in whatever point of view Sir Robert Peelis regarded, whether as the object of natif,-„al grati-
tulle l'er the past, or as the sheet-ant:llor of flat:-
..onal
destinies
be Mnutte4 on all handc'
hope and confidence as regards. the
natrtye,stiitm.,,7ot
of
public approbation and,
hte
to a
othfatthesuccr
teem as that which was yesterday offered to p •
1.10•
wllose claim to such
Hon. Baronet, could never have been
nable : and never, Statesmen, of any age or nation,
a distinction was more unquesti
cer-
tainly, was such a tribute i-endered with greater cor-
diality and enthusiasm than pervaded the noble festival
of yesterday. It Dfords us the greatest pleasure to
state that t);e reception of Sir Robert Peel within the
Walls of Merchant Tailor's Hall was not more gratify-
i na than that which the Right Hon. Baronet expe-
rienced from the populace in his progress to the place
of entertainment. Yesterday may justly be described
as a day of triumph to those who wish to repair and
improve, but not to destroy, the venerable institu-
tions of Great Britain. Constitutional and patriotic
sentiments seem to have been, at all places, and
among all classes of the community, equally in the
ascendant. We will not impair the effect of the
speeches delivered upon this occasion by any com-
ment of ours. Every man in Great Britain will read
them with the attention to which their several merits,
and the importance of the occasion on which they were
delivered, entitle them. That of Sir R. Peel natu-
rally claims the first attention. It was a speech—and
to bestow higher praise is impossible—entirely worthy
of his established reputation as an orator and a States-
man. The Right Honourable Baronet unfoldeJ
in a few words, but with infinite force and dis-
crimination, the present position of the country ;
pointed out the means by which alone the insti-
tutions that have elevated it to its present state
of glory, happiness, and power, can be preserved
from destruction ; and appealed in a manner which we
hope we may describe as irresistible, to the patriotism
of his fellow-countrymen for the active, vigorous, and
persevering employment of those means. The speech
of Mr. Shaw is also entitled to peculiar attention, not
only from its ability, but from his connection with., and
intimate knowledge of, the Sister Kingdom,
affairs
of which constitute, at the present per.",od, the most
important department of British politics. What is of
still greater importance, however, than anything that
could have been said at this great national festival, is
the proof which it presented of the great and growing
popularity of a statesman who is the undisputed leader
of the Conservative party in Great Britain. It is in
this point of view that the meeting assumes the cha-
racter of a glorious and invaluable triumph.—Morn-
ing Post.

ITln^

The Session of Parliament re-opens this day, after
a vacation of more than usual length, and characterized
by a series of struggles unexampled in political history,
but in all of which, with one solitary exception, the
people have nobly triumphed. No means have been
left untried by them—no labour spared--no exertion
denied, to prove to their opponents, on the one hand,
their determination to have an efficient reform in church
and state, and to convince their representatives, on the
other, that they have only to do their duty, in order to
ensure their warm, enthusiastic, and unflinching sup-
port. It is, in consequence, with just reason, that
they expect the most zealous and energetic exertions
on the part of the latter to enforce economy and re-
trenchment—to uproot abuses wherever they arc found
to exist—and to adopt whatever measures may appear
to be most conducive to the permanent welfare of the
country ; and woe, indeed, to those who have pro-
fessed themselves their friends, and 'shall
,Ino
foli,-3
deny them in the day of trial ! the
best institutions and most a lig itSr ! for who can
measure the ut an insulted and disappointed
ho-set bounds to-the extent or consequences
:orifieir just indignation ?—who tell what would be
the end of a movement which would in itself be a re-
volution ? But we will not indulge for a moment in
such anticipations. The representatives of the people
are not only bound to redress their grievances with as
much expedition as their nature will admit of, but
have given earnest, in the overthrow of a Tory Admi-
nistration, that such is their determination ; while
from those who are Members of the Government
we have the most positive assurances that
due diligence shall be exhibited in maturing and
bringing forward those measures of reform which
the state of the Church in Ireland, the state of
our Corporation System, the disqualifications under
which the Dissenters lie, and the nature of many of
the taxes which press upon the industry and intelli-
gence of the country, imperiously demand. On the
latter subject, the answers of the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer—clear, manly, candid, and straightforward—
leave nothing to be desired. The difficulty with him
is not an objection to the repeal of taxes which have
become obnoxious to the people, and which ought, in
consequence, to be repealed ; but that of finding a
proper substitute, on the one hand, and, on the other,
of inducing others to agree to it. Let him find the
one, and we will undertake that the people shall answer
for the other. With regard to the other measures
which we have alluded, we have the strongest gre.;unds
for believing, that be their fate what it may
the House of Commons, or in that othe:. either in
place where
many measures for the benefit of th.-,
with an untimely end, they will 'oe suchpeople have met
as shall answer
the purposes for which they have been devised, and
give satisfaction to th.,,
. people ; but it_ is, at the same
time, proper to warn every true Reformer, that but few
of these measures can either be brought to a satisfac-
tory completion, or indeed be much advanced, during
the present session. We are already arrived at what
ought, not only according to ordinary practice, but in
all reason, to be the middle of the legislative year ; and
there is not any one of the measures to which we have
alluded which would not consume from two to three
months at least before it could be passed into a law.
This would bring us at once to the middle of August—
a
period of the year beyond which it would be found im-
possible to muster a sufficient number of Members for
the transaction of public business, and whose continued
residence in town, were it possible, would in various
respects be a serious injury to the country—and hence
we are inclined to believe that his Majesty's Ministers
will endeavour to do what it is possible for them to ac-
complish in an efficient manner—announce the re-
mainder of their measures, or perhaps lay them upon
the table of the House in the shape of Bills, and pro-
rogue the Parliament in the course of the next two
months. That the people will experience some disap-
pointment at this result, is scarcely to be anticipated.
They know that they have a Government in which
they can confide—they know that a delay of some five
or six months can make but little difference to them ;
and we trust to that good sense by which they have
been always characterized, for reflecting that they are
indebted for the delay, not to his Majesty's present
advisers, but to that hateful faction which usurped the
reins of Government in spite of the will of the people,
and consumed the first months of the Session in a vain
attempt to retain them.—Morning Advertiser.
Among the numerous pamphlets to which the evils
of the past and the spirit of the present times have
given birth, there are few which deserve more the at-
tention of the public at large, and of his Majesty's
Government in particular, than one which is now be-
fore us, entitled " The Magistracy of England, its
abuses, and their remedy in popular Election." The
author has treated the subject briefly, but appears to
us to have digested it with care, and to have com-
prised, with one solitary exception, every important
point connected with it. To follow him throughout
the whole of his argument would be as impos-
sible on the one hand, within our limited space; as
it would be unnecessary on the other. The abuses
of the magistracy are not only well known, but

TATTERSALL'S.

DERBY.

ti

have been proved beyond the possibility of.
Appointed by an authority wholly 17,,esie
they are themselves irresp.,-,-,-,;e,c, 4• ace'
respect for the mode in which 1: . ''l -
ew+
vast powers with which a comm; .?,), ill -..... it.
vests them. The recornrner-oh 4.5"' ezep„:.7 i4e,
LI irs ... :. 0f t h.. --‘4Be
tenant is a mere C.-- try
al- • -

....g of •thei:opredaLceieitinc.,•
antamount to
....,,,e, it being notor
is:yfiirisl
into
0, tthba:
~ie said " recommending"
1.-An-t 1 Chancellor could
date ; and, secondly, that that
not, if he would, institote that strict inquiry
characters of the n^ a man-
not,
recommended, which would
mbea;ffistrcia.etentsoto, -•-
. satisfy him
Hof their moral and l
qualificatif;di. Th ,-.-
e. ~a.tur,l consequence is, that the
ienaht „ - , - dPP°lllt,ed looks up to the Lord Lieu-
..., his pat-to„, and that the latter-possesses the
--3 c perfect and absolute control over the whole
magis tra-,y
of his county—a control which, as is
justly remarked by the author of the pamphlet,
.s exercised "in the manner in which all irre-
sponsible power is executed, in a reckless and per-
nicious disregard of the real nature of the trust, and
the consequences which must inevitably result from its
abuse." The Judge ceases, in fact, to be n minister
of justice, and is speedily and surely ccP:certed into a
political partisan, either for his own l'-,enefit, or for that
of his patron. The question, t
system so scandalous, ten, is not whether a
in eve7v respect, should be suf-
fered to exist—for its de
sons—but what. r,:ib-k.nell has been tolled long
ago in the minds of
P!:i impartial and unprejudiced per-
to be applie is the remedy, and how is that remedy
?..,. ? We answer, with the author of the
Pain, Phl:'4, a recurrence to the " practice of our fore -
fat.':lers"—popular election ; for however oddly it may
sound in the ears of some persons less acquainted with
the history of our institutions than the Barrister who
is the author of the present pamphlet, it is a fact borne
out by the public records of the country, and therefore
incapable of denial, that the appointment of the Ma-
gistracy rested originally with the people, and that they
only lost the right by a long series of usurpations on
the part of the Clergy and others. That that right
should now be restored, is the judgment both of reason
and justice. If the " paramount qualification of a Jus-
tice of the Peace be that he should possess the personal
confidence and esteem of a majority of his fellow-citi-
zens," who, it may be fairly asked,—
" So capable of forming a just estimate of this qualification
as those fellow-citizens themselves? Can it be J.rapposed that
a Lord Lieutenant or Lord Chancellor, or any single indivi-
dual, is equally competent ? Such a mar, is constantly liable
to have his mind poisoned and misled 11y every petty slanderer
whose officiousness and party zeal +'3o easily enable him to gain
access, and the conscious serjurity from detection, which
such miscreants feel in the
them to give u ;:r confidential communications, em-
boldens'*,erance to all the base calumnies which
personal hatreds,
generated in local feuds, or parish broils,
may prompt
11.1..iem to invent. Ought the elections of impor-
tant publ
;:c functionaries to be subjected or exposed to such in-
terfP:rence ? Is it not founded in reason and justice that offi-
cers, at whose disposal are frequently placed the liberties and
property of numbers of their fellow-countrymen, should be
elected by the free voices of those who are so deeply interested
in the faithful fulfilment of their official duties ? How sensi-
ble and apposite is the language of that great authority, Lord
Coke, in favour of the popular election of the magistrates,
viz. ' because the office concerned the subjects of every county,
and they had a great interest in its just and due exercise.'
" It will no doubt be urged against the popular election of
Magistrates, that it tends to impair their independence by too
great an exposure to external impulse. This, though at first
sight a plausible, is by no means a sound objection; but, even
admitting it to be entitled to some consideration, every man of
discrimination and judgment will at once pronounce that any
influence which may emanate from openly testified confidence,
respect, and esteem, if not a positive advantage (which, how-
ever, most people would admit it to be) is certainly not so
baneful in its tendency as that which we have seen at present
springs from a totally adverse source."
Now for the plan itself, as developed by the au-
thor, and we have done for the moment with one
of the clearest, most argumentative, and convincing
pamphlets which has for a long time ic.szLAl from the
press : _ .

" In the first place, all persons, qualified under the existing
111; to vote for knights of the shire, should have the privilege
of electing the county magistrates, who should still receive
their commissions under the Great Seal, and, previfraly to
entering upon their office, take the same oaths as heretofore.
" The term of their continuance in office is the next point
to be settled, and it is of the most vital importance to the in-
offavpoour.r
stitution ; differences of opinion are naturally
Feet ido nin
competent to form a judgment, that
its duration; but, notwit.h_sitcaisndtihrg
d..euci4fleadt
conviction
of a fixed ois,___,statel, tinera
eaigophstiotbnpieye justiciarysr:abbalnuetdoinbm establishmentjootpoattr toeiobjection, as
asyssbi
ytni
irresistibly
injuriously,
divertingiorsuit oisodlyliy
assail ifseon theirp
iemnpoteopr
cr
sons unque moors
of
their minds, n:'n.gldoust
into the field of electioneering objects, views, and purposes.
The on_ yl other limitations which present themselves are
Misr_ guantdiu se
two, 'eh a-0 ire'
Lens gesserint ; to the former thAe Lek'
founded antipathy ; the latter, however, is warranted _se
the instance of our superior judges, and, if properly
acted upon, is probably the most desirable. In the Lord
Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal should rest
the power of striking out of the commission those who are
proved, to his satisfaction, to have been guilty of misconduct
or culpable neglect. It was stated by Mr. Brougham, in his
speech on the state of the law, "that it was laid down as a
rule by Lord Eldon, from which no consideration, his Lord-
ship used to say, should induce him to depart, that, 'however
unfit a Magistrate might be for his office, he should never strike
him out of the commission until he had been convicted of
some offence by a Court of Record." Such a course of pro-
ceeding is perfectly unjustifi;.hle, and much slighter evidence
than what is furnished by the judgment of a Court of Record
must it is obvious, be held sufficient to call for the removal of
a magistrate, if the purity of the body is to be maintained.
" The amount of qualification now required for a Justice of
Peace is too low, and ought, it is conceived, to be raised to
three hundred pounds per annum, at the least, to be issuing
out of lands or tenements : the amount, however, may be made
the subject of future consideration; as also whether it may
not proceed from other descriptions of property, as money in
the public Funds. Subsequent pecuniary qualifications should
of course be a ground of exclusion."—Morning Advertiser.

SPORTKiG INTELLIGENCE.

Mundig, whose rapid advance was noticed in our reports from
Newmarket last week, was again in the ascendant. He was backed
freely at 13 to 2, just half the odds quoted against him in our last.
Pucelle was also better, but none of the others underwent any
change.
7 to 4 agst Lord Jersey's Ibrahim (take 2 to 1)
11 to 2 agst Mr. Ridsdale's Coriolanus (take 6 to 1)
13 to 2 agst 3lr. Bowes's Mundig (taken freely)
7 to 1 agst Lord Orford's Ascot (taken)
10 to 1 agst Duke of Cleveland's Pucelle colt (taken)
16 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Silenus (taken)
16 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Leopoldine (offered)
25 to 1 agst Mr. Grant's Knobstick (offered)
500 to 200 on Ibrahim agst Coriolanus (taken)
No others mentioned,

OAKS.
6 to 4 agst Mr. Greville's Preserve (offered)
11 to 2 agst Lord Chesterfield's Eva (taken)
7 to 1 agst Lord Orford's Bodice (offered)
11 to 1 about Mr. Mostyn's Queen of Trumps (taken)
5 to 1 agst Ibrahim and Preserve both winning (taken)
Hester is declared not to start.---The room was crowded to excess.

NEWMARKET FIRST SPRING MEETING.

1837.
MosnAY.—Sweepstakes of 100 sovs. each, h. ft. T.Y.C.
Lord Tavistock's c. by Augustus—Mona, Bst. 91b.
Mr. Poyntz's c. by Belzoni—Diamentina, Bst. 71b.
Lord Chesterfield's f. by Peter Lely—Worthless, Bst. 41b.