The Sun.
London, England, 1835-06-20 00:00:00

to the formation of Conservative Associations, deserves
some notice, both for the importance of the subject on
which he treats, and the manner in which it is treated.
The immediate object of the letter is to deprecate the
formation of a Conservative Association for North
Lancashire, but its general purport is to denounce
those Associations in all and every part of the King-
dom. In ordinary times, with the country in a state
of internal peace, the popular mind unexcited by the
stimulants of faction, and our institutions unassailed
by the rage of destructive innovation, we would go all
lengths with Lord Stanley in deprecating the forma-
tion of political Associations under any name whatever,
through either a real or pretended zeal for watching
over and preserving the establishments in Church and
State, and the principles and practice of constitutional
Government. But are these ordinary times ? Is the
country in a state of internal tranquillity ? Is the
popular mind sober and undisturbed by the stimu-
lants of faction ? Are our most ancient and valua-
ble institutions unassailed by the rage of destructive
innovation ? Lord Stanley himself says, "I do not
deny that the present is a period at which great
interests are at stake. I do not deny that the
Reform Bill itself, necessary as I believe that mea-
sure to have been, and called for by the deliberate
opinion of the country, may have had the effect of sti-
mulating the desire of political change, and of exci-
ting in men's minds an overweening anxiety for altera-
tions in our institutions, and an unreasonable expecta-
tion of advantages to be derived therefrom." But
will " alterations in our institutions " suffice to ap-
pease this rage for political change ? Is not their
very existence threatened ? Are not the most liberal of
Church reformers outstripped upon the road of inno-
vation by a faction calling for the separation of Church
and State—in other words, for the total subversion of
tho Church Establishment ? Are not the most
anxious advocates of a full and efficient correction of
the abuses in our institutions left behind in the "march
of liberality " by the levellers who would swamp the
property and intelligence of the country by universal
suffrage, and clear the way to the dissolution of the
Monarchy by the abolition of the House of Lords ?
Again, Lord Stanley says, " I am for from denying
that to correct such exaggerated expectations, to reason
away such overstrained desires, nay even to expose the
sophistries of ignorant or mischievons quack-doctors
in politics, who impose upon the well informed by
persuading them that the benefit to be derived must
be commensurate with the strength of the dose admi-
tered, may become the duty of those whom Providence
has placed in .a station to give them the means of
forming a more dispassionate judgment, and the influ-
ence to add weight to that judgment in the minds of
others." Now, if there were nothing more than the
sophistries of ignorant and mischievous quack-doctors
in politics to be exposed or resisted, and if these sophis-
tries were only circulated through the agency of
" Cheap Knowledge" Societies, and th© " patriotic"
licentiousness of the unstamped press, we would say
oppose journal to journal, pamphlet to pamphlet, and
tract to tract—let the press, which disseminates the
poison, supply the antidote ; but Political Unions and
ultra-liberal associations, organised for the purpose of
bringing about, by popular array and intimidation, a
change subversive of the monarchical Constitution,
must either be put down by law, or neutralised by
defensive associations. In the present circumstances
of the country, Conservative associations, if con-
ducted upon their avowed principle, and not going
beyond that, are strictly defensive. The maxim,
" When bad men confederate, good men should com-
bine," has been often in the mouths of Whig politicians.
When the institutions of the country are assailed by
either foreign or domestic enemies, we have yet to learn
that it is either imprudent or criminal for their friends
to rally round them, and, by locking their shields to-
gether, afford them more effectual protection. A coun
try in danger was never yet saved by the nicely-trimmed
and calculating maxims of cold prudence, any more
than by counsels taken of intemperate passion. Those
who would preserve our institutions must act with
boldness, determination, and energy against those who
would destroy ; but to act with effect they must also
act with union. If union can give a bad cause strength,
ititan render a good cause irresistible. If the enemies
of the Constitution attack in masses, why should the
friends of the Constitution allow themselves to be cut
up in detail ? We are opposed to all aggressive asso-
ciations ; but must we, therefore, repudiate those which
are called into existence to repel aggression, and which
confine themselves to operations strictly defensive ?
To acourage the registration of votes—one of the
great objects of Conservative societies—is to make the
Reform Act effective. In Cromwell's time, or we
should rather say, in the times that led to the usurpa-
tion of Cromwell, the political associations were all
onthe one side. The enemies of Church and State were
banded together in strict democratic union, while the
friends of the Constitutional Monarchy were compari-
tively disunited and inactive; nor were they roused from
their lethargy until to defend the Monarchy they were dri-
ven to unsheath the sword of civil war ! Far better than
such a sad and last alternative is the timely and peaceful
demonstration of strength by the united friends of the
endangered Constitution. That combined display of
numerical and moral force which we are sure the
friends of Conservative Reform can present, may teach
the Destructives that it is hopeless to attempt to carry
heir mischievous doctrines into execution. In mercy
to themselves they ought to know that they are the
minority. of the nation, although their superior activity
has for a considerable time past made them appear the
stronger party. Lord Stanley abandoned his Whig
Colleagues, because their councils had changed from
the path of Reform to enter upon that of destruction.
Since then they have come more under the influence,
or rather the control, of the Destructive party than ever
they were. The Government cannot, if it would, stay
the impetuous power that endeavours to hurry it
towards the precipice. If it wishes at all to resist that
power, it is necessary it should know that there is a
saving as well as a destructive power in the country.
Whether it wishes it or not, it is necessary that before
the waters of destruction break over the bounds of re-
gulated liberty and order, the supporters of both should
unite against the rising deluge, and form an impreg-
nable rampart round the Constitution.—Morn. Herald.
Of William Cobbett, whose almost sudden decease we
announced in the Times of yesterday, no fact can be
told that has not long been known. His origin and
progress in the world—his habits and character, pub-
lic as well as private—his errors, contradictions, pre-
judices, hatreds, unblushing effrontery, shameless dis-
regard of truth for its own sake, and matchless power
illustrating or confounding it, as might suit the tem-
per of the moment—all these have for a quarter of a
century been so familiar to the minds of men, that long
before his death they had ceased to inspire any lively
interest, or to drew any active attention. Against Cob-
bett's moral character in domestic life, as we have no
exact knowledge, we do not feel ourselves justified in
saying anything. Of his management on points of
honour and fair dealings between man and man, it has
been reported that others besides Sir Francis Burdett
were qualified to speak with more certainty than we can
pretend to. But take this self-taught peasant for all in
all, he was perhaps in some respects a more extraordi-
nary Englishman than any other of his time. " Nitor in
" adversutn" was a motto to which none could lay
equal claim with William Cobbett. Birth, station,
employment, ignorance, temper, character, in early life
were all against him. But he emerged from, and over-
came them all. By masculine force of genius, and
the lever of a proud, confident, and determined will,
he pushed aside a mass of obstacles of which the least
and slightest would have repelled the boldest or most
ambitious of ordinary men. He ended by bursting
that formidable barrier which separates the class of
gentlemen from all beneath them, and died a Member
of Parliament, representing a large constituency which
had chosen him twice. Cobbett was by far the most
voluminous writer that has lived for centuries. He

has worked with incessant industry for more than 40
~—``l7Nars, without, we verily believe, the interruption of so
• .thheli as a single weak from languor of spirit,
or .'even from ysical weakness. The first ge-
. • nag characteristic of his style is, perspicuity
;unequalled and inimitable. A second is homely,
muscular vigour. A third is purity, always simple,
and raciness often elegant. His argument is an ex-
ample of acute, yet apparently natural, nay involun-
tary, logic, smoothed in its progress and cemented in