The Sun.
London, England, 1866-07-14 00:00:00

E W S PAPER
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effect on public events, you
impertinent in me to offer ,
It is the subject of those measures for the improve-
ment of the representation of the people in Parlia-
ment which generally go under the name—though
very erroneously—of Parliamentary Reform. (A
laugh.) Gentlemen, I hear very often, or, I should
rather say, I read very often, that the subject of
Parliamentary Reform is the great diffizulty of the
present Ministry, and will be their stumbling block.
I am of quite a different opinion. I see no difficulty
in the matter at all—(a laugh and cheers)—and if
we stumble rest assured we shall not stumble over
Parliamentary Reform. If it is to be deait with I
think the present Government have as good a right
to deal with it as any body of statesmen in existence.
The great Reform. Bill of 1832 was mainly devised
by Lord Derby, and it was entirely carried by his
energy ; and as regards the only measure of Reform,
since the great Reform Bill, that is ever mentioned
with respect—why I myself am the person mho
brought it in. (Cheers.) And I have seen in the
recent campaign in the House of Commons that
every division that has taken place and every strong
manifestation of opinion that has been expressed,
have ratified the principles upon which the Bill of
1859 was founded. (Cheers.) Night after night
in the House of Commonsl have listened to gentle-
men sitting opposite to me—distinguished Liberals
of all hues—who, with scarcely an exception, rose,
and in tones of courteous penitence publicly ex-
pressed how much they regretted that they had
voted against the Bill of 1859. Well, under such
circumstances, I want to know what is to prevent us
if the question is to be dealt with, from dealing with
it as efficiently as any other public men ? We must
understand it ; or at least we understand it better
than some of those who have dealt with it. (A.
laugh.) Therefore I cannot at all agree with those
who think that Parliamentary Reform will be a
source of trouble to the present Ministry, or will be
one of the causes of their downfall, if that should
ever occur. (Renewed laughter.) After having
stated this, I will tell you frankly that lam not
about to give any pledge on the part of her Ma-
jesty's Government that we are going to deal when
Parliament meets next Session with the subject of
Parliamentary Reform. We hold ourselves per-
fectly free to do what may seem best forthe country.
(Hear, hear.) I don't see any very discontented
or disconsolate faces in consequence of the an-
nouncement—(a laugh and "Hear, hear")—but
under any circumstances it was my duty to make it.
And, gentlemen, rest assured that if we deal with
the question at any time, we will deal with it in the
spirit of the English Constitution. We shall
not attempt to fashion or remodel the institu-
tions of this country on any foreign type
whatever, whether they be American or whether
they be French. (Loud cheers.) I attribute
the failure .of the late Government in dealing with
the subject to the confusion of ideas whichprevailed
among them, even as to the principles on which
they ought to legislate. It was impossible clearly
to understand whether the measure was framed on

PRICE.... 4d.
STAMPED sd.

that the greatest of calamities which can happen to a
nation-,-for I loop upon a state of war as such—will
not be experienced by us in our generation. (Hear,
hear.) But there ne.,er was a tiMe, as far as the
national spirit ar.d the national resources arc con-
cerned, when England was more prepared, and
would be more prompt, to maintain her honour and
protect her interests. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, our
relations with our allies, although they may not agree
among themselves, were never more friendly and
confidential than at the present moment. And, there-
fore, I hope that, consulted by all, we may prove to
be of some advantage when that period arrives—it
may be nearer, notwithstanding all this hurly-burly
of war, than some of us expect—at which a con-
gress may be called, and when England, though not
a belligerent, will not, I am sure, shrink, if the ap-
peal is male to her, from taking her seat in that
supreme council. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, if our
relations are friendly with Europe, they are also, I
am glad to say, most cordial with the Government
of the United States. (Hear, hear.) There never
was, I think, a time when a better understanding
existed between the two Governments of England
and the United States than exists at present. We
have had a memorable instance very recently of the
good feeling of that Power towards this country in
the manner in which it has dealt with the Fenian in-
surrection in America. (Hear.) But what is more
gratifying than even that exhibition of good feeling
on the part of the United States is the proof offered
to the world of the real efficiency and power atlieir
form of Government. Never were more prompt,
energetic, and efficient measures taken than those
adopted on that occasion by the United States. 'The
mode in which they fulfilled their international
duties, and the cordial spirit in which they commu-
nicated with the Government of England in this
matter, have consolidated what was before a deep
and cordial feeling on the part of the people of this
country towards the American Government.
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, having touched for a moment
on that Fenian insurrection, my thoughts are natu-
rally brought to that part of her Majesty's
dominions with which it has become connected. I
think it must be a ground of very great dissatisfac-
tion to every man that in the happy dominions- of
her Majesty circumstances which could not have
been foreseen, but which are unprecedented in his-
tory, have occasioned the suspension of the consti-
tutional liberties of a considerable portion of her
Majesty's subjects. But we have one source of con-
solation under circumstances so distressing and
anomalous, and it is this—that the suspension of
the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland has not been ne-
cessitated by the Irish people, and has not been had
recourse to to control the Irish people, but has been
resorted to by the Government of the Queen in
order to grapple with a foreign conspiracy, and to
prevent foreign agents from tampering with the
loyalty and ruining the interests of her subjects.
(Hear.) I will not presume on this occasion to
offer an opinion as to whether the continuance of
the suspension of the constitutional liberties of that
part of her Majesty's dominions may be necessary
yet for a brief time. Of course such a question be-
fore it is settled must be duly and deeply considered ;
but I am sure that if it is decided in the affirma-
tive it will be for no other object than to baffle the
intrigues and machinations not of Irishmen, but of
those who arc imperilling their best interests, and
who are the worst foes of the prosperity of Ireland.
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I have no hesitation in ex-
pressing My own opinion—and I am sure it is also
the opinion of my colleagues—that the condition of
Ireland is not satisfactory to this country. When
I observe year after year the vast emigration which
takes place from Ireland, I feel that it is impossible
to conceal from myself the fact that we are expe-
riencing a great social arid political calamity. I ac
knowledge that under some conditions, and even
under general considerations, emigration is the
safety-valve of a people. But, gentlemen, there
is a difference between blood-letting and haemor-
rhage. What I see in Ireland is not that scien-
tific depletion which re-animates the health and
gives fresh vigour to the constitution, but a
wasting away of nature which I think ought be
staunched ; and the political styptic which is re-
quired under the circumstances it is the duty of
statesmen to discover. Gentlemen, I never will
myself support measures which, however plausible
in their theory, may violate the great principles of
political economy, because I know that those prin-
ciples can never be outraged with impunity. (Hear,
hear.) Nevertheless, I hope that the existing Go-
vernment may find means of introducing measures
with respect to Ireland the general tendency of
which will be to check emigration. (Hear, hear.)
Gentlemen, I was in hopes that the rate of interest
was not distressing the trade of our county town.
But although I have now been only a very few
minutes within its borders, I have already received a
communication upon the subject. I regret very
much that at the present moment the rate of kite

the rights of man or on the rights of numbers ; but
we who opposed their views did not recognise that
the rights of man should prevail in legislation, or
that a numerical majority should dictate to an an-
cient nation of various political orders and classes.
(Hear, hear.) What we wish is that whenever any
increase in the electoral constituencies of this coun-
try takes place it should take place in unison with
the Constitution of England. What we wish is
that the electoral power should be deposited with
the best men of all classes, and that is the principle
upon which, if called on, we propose to legislate.
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I have now to thank you
for the honour you have done me in returning me,
as my hon. friends have reminded you, for the
eighth time to the House of Commons as the mem-
ber for the county of Buckingham. It is a great
honour, and I deeply feel it. I believe lam the
first member for the county of Buckingham who
has been returned eight times ; and—though I trust
and believe the present Parliament will be a very
long one—(a laugh)—l hope to live—l won't say
to be returned eight times more, but to give you
frequent opportunities of showing me that I con-
tinue to possess your confidence. (Cheers.) Gen-
tlemen, I can tell you that it is not a mere expres-
sion of words when. I use this language. It is a
very great thing in the strife and struggles of po-
litical in questions which have perplexed coun-
cils and nations, to feel that you are backed by
your own country, and that you can rely neon the
confidence and sympathy of an ancient, a consider-
able, and an honoured district of a country like
England. (Cheers.) I have felt that advantage
through your favour now for nearly 20 years. I
attribute what progress I may have made in public
life, and what position I may have attained, pri-
marily and almost entirely to your friendship and to
your trust. I need not say, gentlemen, under such
circumstances, that I shall do my best, I will not
say to merit, but at least to attempt to merit,
the confidence and friendship which yon have
shown me. What may be the fortune of the
Government of Lord Derby it is not for me to . at-

tempt to predict ; but this I may say—that called

upon his Sovereign, in the spirit of the Constitution,
to form a Ministry, he has laid before her Majesty
the names of men wh3 are entitled to the respect of
England. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, there is before

rest in this country is so high. But when I am told
that it only requires a word from the Chancellor of

us an opportunity of effecting many changes which
will be most advantageous to the country. There

the-Exchequer to relieve trade from this burden, I
regret to say that my power has been much exag-
gerated. (Hear, and a laugh.) Gentlemen, it is
no more in the power of the Chancellor of the Ex-

are many great deficiencies in our legislation—there
are at present many subjects which call for consi-

deration, and which require to be duly dealt with.

I will not enlarge upon them on this occasion. They
are subjects which have been forgotten in that
factitious spirit of political excitement which it has
been the interest of a few individuals to stimulate
of late years in this couiligr pad
ermg on all that
4.briAtirr red, is watching, with that shrewd vigi-
lance which is peculiar to this country, all that has
happened, and feels that the time has arrived when

chequer to regulate the rate of interest than it is to
regulate the direction of the winds. (Laughter.)
I am told, gentlemen, if my predecessor had not
added to the letter of licence which he granted to the
Bank that the rate of inter wou have dimhi-
-10
e ore now. It is my opinion, having duly

considered the subject, that the rate of interest,

he letter of licence to the Bank had been com

it becomes the administration of the country and
her Legislature to give their best thoughts, their
most earnest consideration, and their most active
efforts to measures which will generally ameliorate
the condition of society and extend the blessings of
civilisation in every part of the country. (Cheers.)
There are several questions which call for almost
instant consideration when Parliament again meets
for business. The revelations which have taken
place respecting the infirmaries of our union poor-
houses in London have called forth a feeling of uni-
versal horror • but, gentlemen, that is only a part
of a large subject. It will be necessary for us to
consider how far we can improve not only the general
administration of that branch, but also how we can
branches of ,th
improve other e Government of the, This is
great metropolis. (Hear, hear.) Is a ques-
tion which will demano. Thendtheut thmosterle abour, and
the gravest consideratinare ques-
tions connected with the ad ministration of the law,
such as the code of bankruptcy, which can be no
requireopini immediate
is tlonger delayed, and which must be dealt with in
edtihaatet
a large and comprehensive spirit. - I might refer
to other matters also which
niafltattichtneetriso
newi
Parliament
; will
11
a y gentlemen,
the
ggives
its my
attention to those
foundation of a claim to the
support of the country. lam far from wishing that
time should be employed in mere discussions as to the
best principles on which political power should be dis-
tributed in the country, unless those who undertake
to raise those discussions can come forward with the
to men
and which may of
a measure which will give satis-
factioncertainty of carr •
oifn
ehse uh nt
notry straentgetmhepenrtahtee
eaxnidstirnao.tionaisprit,
(Cheers.) We are taunted sonic-
, institutions
'having a policy. The persons who say
tthat are generally eccentric individuals—(a laugh)
—who are interested in some particular, fantastic
scheme, in which they think are involved all the
causes of national prosperity and popular greatness.
We don't pretend to have a policy, if that is the de-
finition of a policy ; but our policy to our own minds
is definite and distinct. It is to uphold our Consti-
tution in Church and State—it is to bring in all
those measures, and pursue in every respect that
policy which will secure for this country a continu-
ance of prosperity and peace. That appears to me
to be the policy which should be pursued by an Eng-
lish Ministry, and if it be pursued in spirit and in
truth it will entitle them to, and obtain for them,
the confidence and support of their fellow-country-
men. (Cheers.) Again, I thank you with the
utmost sincerity for the great honour you have done
me in once more electing me a member of the House
of Commons, and thereby publicly ratifying the
choice of your Sovereign. (Loud cheers.)
A vote of thanks having been voted to the High
Sheriff, on the motion of the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, the proceedings terminated.

pletely open, would have been exactly the same as
it is at this moment. For five years this country

has indulged in a system of speculative commerce

such as never had been known in her annals.

consequence is that throughout the whole continen

of Europe there is a floating mass of English com-
mercial paper of an unprecedented amount ; these
commercial bills are duly forwarded to London ;

and, instead of being met as they would be in a

period of wholesome commerce and established

credit, they are met by a demand for bullion, and
bullion alone. (Hear, hear.) While the drain is
going on it is totally impossible that we can look
for any reduction in the rate of interest ; and
you may rest assured that there is no legisla-
tive means by which you can artificially settle
the rate of interest at any time. Gentlemen,

lupon this subject it is necessary that sound
opinions should prevail in the country. No
doubt, trade and commerce are both curtailed and
restricted, when money is dear. It is very easy to
say, 44 How is it that in France we can get niloone?y,,
for 4 and 6 per cent., when in London it is
Why, the answer is very simple.
iThletrievisyaspgeraeka-t
deal of money in France, and,
co ':11.1;nd that is a
ing, very little money in England.,
ghtnerEednigtl,avindh.ilet
reason why money
another cause also why
England. But there is
than
.
is cheaper in France than it is in
eWN',eilamll
aybestianteFroafnvceeryihani
Fmroannecye i s
thereciwl ear
England there is a state of very damaged credit ;
and those two causes concurring have brought about
the position or financial mawttheireshwthhiicsh
expe-
rience, and which we all deplore. (Hear, hear.)
There are three means by
removed. There is time, which will absorb all the
paper of English houses that is now floating on the
Continent; there is peace, which I am sanguine
enough to think may soon be restored ; and there is
a good harvest, of which happily there seems every
prospect. These are three several causes which will
reduce the rate of interest. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I
have touched on these topics of the day which I be-
lieve are most interesting. There is a subject on
which I would like to say a few words, notwithstand-
ing the canicular heat which prevails at this moment.
(A. laugh.) It is a subject which lam sorry to say
does not appear to be now so popular with English-

men as it once was; but as it has had a considerable