The Sun.
London, England, 1835-07-07 00:00:00

PRICE 7D.

acted upon, and said that Mr. Peel, in the course
which he bad pursued, must have acted " not upon
theoretic grounds, but on those of practical knowledge
of what was intended elsewhere." Mr. Peel again de-
nied having given any pledge, and thought it was
very hard he should be so accused, and declared
that " his personal character was of more import.,
ance to him than any abstract constitutional ques-
tion." Mr. Stanley did not intend to impugn Mr.
Peel's " personal character," but he must say that
his practice on this question had not been con-.
sistent with his promises, and that if he voted
against Birmingham in this case, his conduct would
not be in accordance with the expectations he had
held out ; and he asked, " What was the use
of the Right Honourable Gentleman's requesting them
to wait and see whether there were one or two cases to
decide upon, unless he really meant to do something
effectual ? to realize by his actions the plain meaning
which his words conveyed—viz. that one borough was
to be given to one interest, and another to the other ?"
Mr. Peel " could only again deny having given any
one reason to expect-that he was pledged to any par-
ticular course, supposing there was only one franchise
to dispose of." Sir R. Peel's conduct in this matter
may perhaps be cleared up by reference to another
affair, in which it was less doubtful. When it was
known that the Catholic question was to be brought.
forward, Sir E. Knatchbull charged Mr. Peel with hav-
ing wilfully deceived the " Protestants" by permitting,
himself to be cheered throughout England as the cham-
pion of their cause, while, at the same time, he had
made up his mind to that course which he was about to
pursue. To this, Mr. Peel replied that he admitted
that his mind was made up at the time alluded to, but
that he had hoped to have been enabled to advocate
the measure as a private and independent Member of
Parliament : that is to say, the thing was a ruse de
guerre judged to be necessary for the promotion of the
object to be attained, for whether Mr. Peel was in
office or out of office, had nothing to do with the de-
ception practised upon those who imagined they were
cheering the opponent of the Catholic claims. It is a
feature in Sir R. Peel's character which makes him
the more dangerous from his apparent candour, and it
ought to make us more than suspicious of his present
appearance of liberality, as who knows what intentions
that appearance may be employed to conceal. Mr.
Stanley was one of those Whigs who sup-
ported Mr. Canning's Government, and he was
for a short time in office as Under-Secretary for
the Colonies, Mr. Huskisson holding the chief
place in the Colonial Department : he resigned, in
common with his party, on the breaking up of the
Goderich Administration. His politics were always
those of a consistent and honest Whig—his speeches
showed an original and independent turn of mind—a
mind imbued with lofty and generous sentiments ; and
except upon this unfortunate Church question, there
was nothing to separate him from other politicians of
the Grey school. There was always a degree of
self-sufficiency about Lord Stanley—something, per-
haps of the caprice of an eqfant gate , but then it
was an elfitnt gate of a noble and generous nature,
fitted for better things, and wanting only a little self-
command and reflection to be one of the brightest or-
naments of the Legislature, in which his talents quali-
fied him to take a conspicuous part. Who denounced
the disgraceful attack upon the expedition to Ter-
ceira, and exposed the shallow pretexts with which
Mr. Peel and others sought to justify an affair which
tarnished the glory of the British flag, more warmly
than Mr. Stanley ? Who pleaded the cause of the
African negro in more eloquent and convincing lan-
guage than he ? His speech on the Reform Bill was
one of the best upon that mighty question, and must
lead every one to regret that such a man should be
lost to the liberal cause. Is Lord Stanley's present
position to be considered as in some measure indi-
cating the future line of his general pelitics ? It may
be safely affirmed that with Tories of any sort or deno-
mination Lord Stanley will not continue long to act.
Lord Stanley is no " Conformer," he is a decided
" Reformer, —a Reformer of an aristocratic cast, if
you will, but still a Reformer upon principle ; and he
is not the man to modify his views to suit the purposes
of Tories of the New School, who conform now for
expediency sake, but by whom a principle of
any kind is held in utter abhorrence. How
opposite is the character of Lord Stanley's
mind to that of Sir Robert Peel ? The one im-
petuous, haughty, and capricious, but natural, open,
and straight-forward ; the other measured and correct,
but artificial, worldly, and jesuitical. The one basing
all his conclusions upon some " principle," the other
escaping as much as possible from " principle," as a
rule in politics. The latter referring as a standard to
things " as they are," the former shaping his ends
with reference to his notions of things " as they ought
to be." Lord Stanley's eloquence upon particular oc-
casions has shown an enthusiastic and generous sym-
pathy with the rights and liberties of his fellow-men ;
but who ever heard from Sir Robert Peel one fervid,
thrilling expression, which might indicate a feeling for
the cause of universal humanity, exulting in its na-
scent liberties, or paling at the sight of its oppres-
sion ? In Sir Robert a world of disingenuous ma-
noeuvres are made subservient to the promotion
of party purposes, and appear almost respectable
from the unbounded party devotion which stands
in the place of political " principles' anti liberal sen-
timent. Lord Stanley would not stir a step out of his
way to save his whole party from perdition. The
latter is, indeed a thorn in the side of his political
friends, while the former is the Atlas that sustains the
sinking fortunes of Toryism, and may almost be said
to be at this moment the life blood of its existence. If
Lord Stanley would take one leaf, and one only, out
of the book of that experienced statesman, with whose
character his own presents a tolerably perfect contrast
—if he could acquire a little of Sir R. Peel's prudence
and political attachment, and could also put in practice
some degree of self control, and act upon a proper
sense of the necessity of mutual aid and co-operation to
carry great objects into effect, he might still be a valuable
coadjutor in the cause of liberal government; but it is
impossible for him to occupy a neutral position, and a
capricious leaning to Toryism cannot lead to anything
else than a loss of political character. The Tories
will not thank a man for his support who writes
against Conservative Associations, or throws his weight
into the scale against a State provision for the Mar-
quis of Londonderry. They want people who will
" go the whole hog," and who, either directly or in-
directly, will assist them in regaining " that just in-
fluence in the State, which the Reform Bill has for a
tinge deprived them of !" They petted and flattered
Lord Stanley when he separated himself from his
party, because at that critical period the desertion was
of infinite service to their almost hopeless cause ; but
unless this Noble Lord is prepared to give them a
degree of support more decided and absolute than ever
he gave his own party—and we believe he has too
much principle for that—he will find that, however
present pride or caprice may be gratified, his ambi-
tion will not he eventually served by assisting "Tory
politicians to mutilate the measures and endanger the
government of his personal and political friends.—
Morning Chronicle.
We are happy to observe, from the notice given by
Lord Stanley, last night, with reference to the Irish
Church Bill, that his Lordship is not to be driven from
his purpose of resisting the meditated plunder of eccle-
siastical property, under the gentle name of appropria-
tion. In the notice to which we allude, Lord Stanley
has pledged himself to bring forward a direct proposi-
tion, asserting the right of the Church to its own funds
—that is, to the funds which have always confessedly
belonged to the Church, until now that, for the first
time, the State puts in its claim, just as a pick-
pocket puts in his claim to
,a pocket handkerchief,
by an act of appropriation. It is upon this clause

nd st
q gr t sag .rin-
zing, up ,;an
s. sible,
the revenues of the ChurA 'be .once esta 41, the
hand of aggression will not stop there. Aftlyhts
take out of one pocket will take out OfS'A.,oilteki.:,..
oussC
those who relieve the Church of its stiM ev
will not abandon individuals to the serious m _se •
bility of possessing more than their want-stiesuire' OZ,
Lord Stanley should fail in his endeavour to remove
what has been justly called the spoliation clause, the
institution of property will be shaken to its base, the
great purpose of all civilised government will be sub-
verted, and, though the process may not be ins
stantaneous, it. will come at last to the breaking up of
social order, as &necessary consequence of the dissolu-
tion of property. It well becomes Lord Stanley, who
has proved himself a bold Reformer by supporting
the Reform Bill throughout the whole of its difficult
progress, to stand firm in his resistance to such a
clause as is now attempted to be carried, under the pre•
tence of improving the condition of the Irish Church.
That his popularity may---,-nay, that it must suffer
for the moment, we need not be told. Infaet, he has
already experienced it. The tone of the.
,Minis-
terial journals, and the conduct of the Ministerial
and Radical Members in the House have apprised him
long since that real patriotism is capable of being m's.
represented. But the time will come when his country
will do justice to his motives. The very rancour with
which he is followed at present, is a proof of the im-
portance-Which his political enemies attach to the part
he is acting. If, happily for the country, he should
succeed in the attempt he is now making, the grati-
tude of the nation will, at no distant period, 'reward
him for the obloquy he has encountered for the sake
of principle. Even if he should fail he will have the
testimony of his own approving conscience, and the
concurrent applause of all those who distinguish be-
tween the change of improvement and that of revolu-
tion and destruction. Professing ourselves of that
number, we tender him our thanks for the attempt in
which he is engaged, and heartily wish him success.—
Morning:Herald.
---very--useful notice, which we should like to see
imitated in all the metropolitan districts, has been
just published by the overseers of St. Bride's parish.
Its object is to inform the inhabitant householders in
good time that the poor rates and assessed taxes, due
on the sixth day of April last, must be paid on or
kfore the 20th 9f the current month, to entitle them
to be registered anti to vote for Members of Parlia-
ment, under the provisions of the Reform Act. They
are reminded at the same time that a shilling fee for
such registration is allowed by the same Act, and
made chargeable on the poor rates ; and that it will
be of essential consequence, in order to prevent any
future mistakes or cavilling as to their right of fran-
chise, to take care that their name and residence shall
be described in correct terms in the printed list affixed
to the church door. It has been unhappily the case
that during the elections which have succeeded the
Reform Act, proofs of great supineness, great care-
lessness, or great ignorance, with regard to the proper
means anti time for securing the franchise conferred
by that Act, have been lamentably displayed. A
timely notice like the foregoing, if simultaneously pub-
lished throughout the whole of the metropolitan dis-
tricts, will at all events help to enlighten the ignorant,
—to stimulate the supine, andmay, perhaps, suggest to
those who carelessly suffer their political right to
fall into abeyance, a serious consideration of the folly,
not to say the criminality, of their conduct. It is but
one vote, is the common apologetic try for remissness
on this subject. But what would become of the
great questions of Reform—questions which involve
the well-being and safety of the country—if all
Reformers were to shape their course by such a
fluctuating, trifling, and delusive marshlight as
this ? There are times, moreover, when votes
reckoned by units are of vital consequence to a cause,
just as the last feather is proverbially said to
break the camel's back. It is little to say, that by this
so culpable neglect, a freeman makes himself unfree,
or rather that a man unmans himself—mutilating, in a
political sense, his moral powers of contributing to the
healthy functions of the society to which he belongs.
But if a Reformer, he does a still worse act ; he con-
tributes to the triumph of principles which he de-
nounces as injurious to himself, his neighbours, and his
country; he contributes as much as in him lies to the
re-imposition of that yoke of Tory domination, which
has been twice shaken off by a convulsive and spas-
modic effolVor the entire country,an effort which can-
not be expected to be often repeated if freemen are not
true to themselves—and the weight of which in-
creasing in burdensomeness with the augmenting
decrepitude of the body politic, has nearly crushed
the healthy energies of England to the earth, and made
her the scorn and mockery, instead of the terror of
foreign tyrants and their affiliated dependents in every
corner of the..world. It is to be expected that no long
time will occur before another dissolution of Parlia•
ment. It is neither natural nor rational that beyond
this parliamentary session the present Government,
thwarted as they must calculate on being by the
Court, the Peels, and the Clergy, will accept at the
hands of their opponents a Parliament packed as much
as they could with all the allies which Treasury in-
fluence could give during their late transient, des-
perate, and floundering grasp of power. We need
add nothing to the force of the arguments we
have adduced, in order to show sincere Reformers
the necessity of acting immediately up to the spirit
of the very commendable notice to which we began
with calling attention ; but we may add an intimation
of the proverbial wisdom of borrowing a leaf from
the book of a vigilant enemy. The Tories are wise
in their generation— they are cunning as serpents, if
they are not as innocent as doves. Registration of
Conservative voters is the pivot of all the most active
operations now going forward throughout the circles of
their mischievous predominance, from the centre of
their web of Machiavelianism in the. Carlton Club,
through that web's " vast extent of flimsy lines" em-
bracing the knots of Conservative jobbers, which still
putrify in the remaining relics of rotten Corporations.
It was the first advice of Sir Robert Peel, on returning
post haste from Rome, to act upon this plan. As
Demosthenes recommended but one thing to orators—
" action, action, action," so Sir Robert Peel recom-
mended one great measure to his party—" registration,
registration,
registration." The political tact and sa-
gacity of Sir Robert Peel are admitted by foes and
friends. Let us then make the wisdom of our oppo-
nents ours by applying their counsel to ourselves. We
apprehend we have said enough to our brother Re-
mers. Verbum Sapientibus.—Morning Advertiser.
" Never holloa till you are out of the wood." This
is a very old proverb ; and we suspect Mr. Wason has
more than once been reminded of the advice given in
the saying, since he has shouted his " purity" war cry
in the case of Ipswich, Yarmouth, &o. A petition
was last night presented from Ipswich against the Hon
Member's own return, and, if we are not much mis-
taken, some slight doubts of the " purity.' existing
at the late election there, were more than hinted at in
this document. It was a pity this was not known at
Blackwall the other day—it would have rendered " the
keeping and " vraisemblance" exhibited in that matter
quite perfect, and added an additional gusto to the
flavour of• the white bait—though, perhaps, like
the health of the King and the Princess Victoria, the
announcement might have been received with "loud
laughter." We can make a shrewd guess, however,
as to which side of the
,mouth the laugh would have
been on. Now, just for argument's sake, let us sup-
pose pose that this bribery man-midwife, who ushers a
cases of corruption into the world's light, with that
obstietrie look and voice so peculiar to himself (and
beatin,, poor Mr. Gisborne s and Sir John Campbell's
•
hollow)—suppose, we say, that this would-be-son-
in-law of Sir Anthony Hart shoul hirself be un-
gross br ery and cor-
seated on the grounds of
ruption," will not this be a charming commentary on
the white bait affair y.-----but will it not beat "
littlu
fishes ?"—Morning Post.
We are accused by an evening paper, little scrupu-
lous as to what it asserts, of having studiously avoided
noticing those parts of Dr. Murray's letter to Lord
Melbourne which contained denials of what we had
before asserted to have been the recorded acts of that
titular. Prelate, in common with his brethren of the
he evening paper cannot charge US
Popish mitre.T

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