The Sun.
London, England, 1859-12-07 00:00:00

way or other, have an opportunity of meeting
our constituents. We might, indeed, hate
visited you at your own homes ; but as that would
look rather too much like canvassing, it has seemed
to us that we should not do amiss if, instead of going
to you, we took the liberty of asking you to come
and pay a visit to us. (Laughter, and hear, hear.)
When last we met in this hall we met here to hear
an announcement from the Mayor—au announce-
ment of the state of the poll. Well, we then knew,
gentlemen, what had become of the Tories of this
borough. (Laughter and applause.) We did not
know what had become of the Tories in England
generally, but the result was that we were placed,
when we came to meet again in London, in a much
smaller majority than we had hoped for. However,
gentlemen, when Parliament met, and when the
necessary forms had been gone through, we pro-
ceeded to do that which I think it was your wish
we should do—viz., to turn out the Tory Govern-
ment. (Loud cheers.) The result of the dissolution
was in a great measure to destroy the legislative
year, because, as you all know, w hen a dissolution
takes place several weeks are consumed in the pro-
cess which then ensues, and when a change of Go-
vernment takes place anotherloss of time is inflicted
upon the country. Consequently, there was very
little time left for legislation. However, we had
some of our combats. Upon the Endowed Schools
Bill we had a large majority against our opponents,
and I am glad to say that on the great question of
church rates we assembled as many as 263 against
193—(applause)—so that I am pleased to be able to
say that, although the political majority in this House
of Commons is not sogreat as we might have hoped,
still there is no symptom, as far as I could judge, of
there being any intention on the part of the House
of Commons to return to anything like religious in-
tolerance. (Hear, hear.) Before the House of Com-
mons separated for the recess I had occasion to take
a step which I hope is ono you will not disapprove.
In the month of August last there was a question
as to the assembling of a Congress, and, as my
hon. colleague has just told you, we are now
receiving the intelligence that a Congress is in
point of fact about to meet in Paris. A member of
the House of Commons, Lord Elcho, was of opinion
that the Government ought not, under any circum-
stances, to go into a Congress. The Government,
on the contrary, was, I thought, somewhat too
anxious to hurry into a Congress without stipulat-
ing for proper conditions. (Hear.) When Lord
Elcho brought forward his motion, which if carried
would have had the effect of absolutely preventing
the Ministers from going into a Congress, they
were anxious to meet him with a direct negative,
and the result of that would have been that they
would have got the opinion of the House of Com-
mons in favour of their going into a Congress in, as
I thought, a somewhat heedless, manner. I there-
fore took the liberty of moving what is called the
previous question—the meaning of which is, that I
asked the House of Commons not to decide either
for Lord Elcho or for the Government, but to leave
the responsibility of determining the question of a
Congress upon the shoulders of the Ministers.
And, gentlemen, I am happy to say that I suc•
ceeded in carrying the previous question. (Cheers.)
I supported the motion by urging it upon her Ma-
jesty's Ministers that it was their bounden duty to
refuse to go into a Congress, unless they should
obtain a distinct stipulation that no extraneous
force should be used in Italy in order to put down
the free Governments which had been formed in
that country. (Loud applause.) I saw with
great delight that when Lord John Russell,
Minister for Foreign Affairs, addressed an as-
sembly in the town of Aberdeen he was able
to say that Ministers had arrived exactly at
that conclusion. (Hear, hear.) He there told
the assembled people that, although England
would probably be persuaded to go into a congress,
she never would be persuaded to go into a congress
except upon the distinct understanding that force
should not be applied in order to put down the free
people of Italy. (Loud cheers.) I rejoice in being
able to state that fer the course I then took in the
House of Commons I have received the thanks of
one of the best and truest patriots Italy ever pos-
sessed— (hear, hear)—l have received from Italy, I
rejoice to say, the thanks of General Garibaldi.
(Continued cheering.) Now, gentlemen, I entirely
concur in all that my hon. friend Colonel Tynte has
said upon the subject of reform, but I. have so great
a desire to address you upon another subject that,
if you will permit me, I will pass on to the question
which is occupying our minds so greatly at this
period. We cannot conceal from ourselves that a
great cloud is overcasting our political prospects.
The country at this moment is presenting, as I
think, a most extraordinary speassis. On the one
hand, there are
her Majesty's Ministers assuring us
that we are living in a state of perfect peace and
perfect
and,o m
n atheitoy wtheirth all
hand,
the Governments
thepeop
leof
E uo Eu
rope;
and, lanudropate.e;
arming as though we were on the verge of a war.
Well, this is a very extraordinary state of things to
contemplate, and with your permission I will endea-
vour to giye you the view which I take of the circum-
stances in which the country is now placed with re-
gard to this question. Some gentlemen in address-
ing public meetings have spoken as if the exertions
the country is now making in the way of armament
were merely against enemies in general, and they
have shrunk from saying against whom these pre-
parations are being made. Ido not think that is
a course worthy of the candour of the public men
of England. (Hoar, hear.)
te. distinctly.anxiety All that I say I shall
ourselvessay
present moment is not founded upon any fear of
of the country at the
thaantd
or any other country in
Europe
xPereupsts ia,
the Russia,
country
of France. (Hear, hear.)
I want to know what this is all about. (Hear,
hear.) A few years ago the notion of a war between
England and France, or even of a quarrel, would
have been thought almost as extraordinary as the
notion of a war lsetween Bath and Bristol. I wish
to explain to you what my conviction is concerning
the circumstances under which this great change
has occurred. I think it, gentlemen, of great im-
portance that we should look at this matter
calmly and dispassionately, for depend upon it that
if you allow yourselves to be forced into violent
exertions by anything like false apprehensions
there will be a reaction, and you will return into IL
state of fancied security which will be more dan-
gerous and more prejudicial than the too exoited
state into which you may bo led by false views.
(Hear, hear.) It has happened to me, I think I may
say, to know something. of the proplo of Frence ;
to know something of the army of France ; and to
know a little, mostly, of course, by reading, and
partly by a little personal acquaintance in old
times, of the Emperor of the French. Now, gentle-
men, the people of France, we all know, are a proud
and brave people,
who would rise like one man to
avenge anything like an injury or insult to that great
country. On the other hand, there are a great many
people in France who would take a good deal of
pleasure in hearing of the successes of a short and
triumphant war. This is the case in most countries.
But upon the whole I believe the mass of the popu-
lation of France are an industrious and peaceful
people. (Hear, hear.) You may have seen the
other day a curious anecdote in the newspapers,
which I do not advert to merely because it is an
anecdote, but because I really and truly think that
it was a good illustration of the character of the
French people. It was said that a peasant pre-
sented to the Emperor a large tureen of—what do
you think ?—of turnip soup—(laughter)—and he
presented this turnip soup with a request that his
son might be let off serving in the army. Now, I
do not think the turnip soup would be very good
stuff to live upon, and still less to fight upon—(loud
laughter)—but still I think that humble gift of the
French peasant and that simple request which he
made to the Emperor of the French were a true
illustration of the great majority of the French
people. They want to live in peace and enjoy the
humble food to which they are accustomed, and
not to be called upon to serve in foreign wars.
That, I believe, to be the feeling of the French
people. Then, if we go to the army, no doubt there
are there severalcorps of men of very brave and en-
terprising character—we speak of them mostly as
the Zouaves,—men who enter the service as volun-
teers, who are as brave as tigers ; no doubt, they
are ambitious people, and would be disposed, as
many good troops are, to go to war if ever an op-
portunity offered. But when you come to look
at the great bulk of the French army—when you
come to look at the troops of the line, you find
there exactly the peasant class of whom I have been
speaking; You go back to the poor humble pea-
sant of the turnip soup, and they are m
i en, as far
as I am able to judge, as harmless and inoffensive,
if only let alone, as are to be found in Europe. I
have passed a good deal of time with the French
army; I have been with them in the bivouac, I
have been with them on board ship. I have seen
them in almost all situations you can see troops,
and I think I can undertake to say, whatever the
Zouaves and crack regiments may be, that a more
harmless and inoffensive body of men than the
troops of the line is hardly to be found perhaps
anywhere in Europe. (Hear, hear.) So much for
the people and the army. I now come to the French
Emperor; The French Emperor was a guest in

this country ; he has a friendly feeling towards
England; he has always been a friendly ally to
this country—(cheers)—and at present he has no
quarrel with us. (Hear, hear.) I have come to
this, that the French people are generally speaking
peaceful, that the army is not especially warlike,
and that the French Emperor is what I have just
described. Now, why is it, I ask, that we are all
in a state of anxiety ? I proceed to tell you. I
tell you that the cause of our anxiety is this—that
the government of France is centred in one man.
(Hear, hear.) All the resources of 37,000,000 of a
warlike people are centred not in a Parliament, not
in a Council of State, not even in that crop of states-
men which we are accustomed to call a Ministry,
but in one man. That is the circumstance which in
my mind makes all the difference with regard to
the safety of Franco as our neighbour: If the Go-
vernment of France were vested in a Parliament,
or in an ordinarily organised Council of State, we
should know that a body of that kind would be pur-
suing the interests of France, and unless it should
be for the interests of France to go to war with us
we might safely rely upon it that peace would con-
tinue, and, at all events, we should be sure that we
should have due notice of the change, for it would
be impossible that in a day, a week, or a month an
ordinarily organised Council of State, such as France
possessed before the last Revolution, could suddenly
pass from a state of perfect amity to a state of hos-
tility with England. (Applause.) But in the state
of things which actually exists you have the vast
army of France, the enormous pecuniary resources
of France, and even the commercial navy of Franco,
all placed under the power of one human being.
The Emperor of the French not only commands all
the armies of France, not only commands the navy
of France, but he has the power of marching almost
the whole of the commercial navy of France—
marching them like soldiers, to serve in the mili-
tary navy of the country ; and we all know, also,
that 'he has succeeded in inventing a financial sys-
tem which enables him to borrow the earnings of
the country, and to raise almost any amount of
money at a very short notice, and without the inter-
vention of the ordinary capitalists who used to be
employed for purposes of that sort. It comes
to this—that you have sitting, as it were, in his
library a thoughtful man who is in the habit
of keeping his own counsel—a man who pores over
books relating to battles and wars. 1 recollect
he told me once that he was engaged in writing
a history of all the battles that had ever been
fought. There he sits alone in his library, sur-
rounded by books of this description, surrounded
by plans and designs of all contrivances which
human ingenuity has invented to destroy human
life, and commanding at the same time the resources
of which I have endeavoured to give you some con-
ception. Well, then, it is very evident that this
man is a dangerous neighbour. (Hear.) Any
medical man will tell you that, however friendly
his feelings may be to-day a mere fit of the gout or
of indigestion may convert him into an enemy to-
morrow. Your security, if you rest it upon the
French, must repose upon the will of ono man.
Will you trust it to the good-will of one man ?
(Cries of " No.") We must test the Emperor by
his words partly, and by his acts. I hear to day
that some gentlemen of Liverpool have taken upon
themselves to put a question to the Emperor of the
French, pnd have asked him to tell them at once
what his real intentions are. (Laughter.) I must
say the answer of the Emperor has in it a good
deal of dry humour. He tells them that they must
be very much afraid, or very confident. They
must be very much afraid if they imagine such a
thing was possible, and they must be very
confident, indeed, if they imagine they could
place any great reliance on any answer he
might choose to give them. (Hear, hear.) How
it could have entered their minds that they could
draw from the Emperor what he would not
give to her Majesty's Secretary of State is
a thing that somewhat passes my comprehension.
(Hear, hear.) lam willing to say that the answer
he gave is partly truthful. He says he has always
been a faithful ally of this country. I say so
too; but what would that amount to if any circum-
stance leading to a quarrel should happen to
arise ? What we must look to is not the words
of the Emperor of the French, or of any living
Prince, but to his acts. (Cheers.) The acts of the
Emperor of the French are of this kind :—He has
surrounded himself with so vast an army, under the
name of a peace establishment, that at a few weeks'
notice he can attack, and victoriously attack, one of
the greatest military empires in the world. That
is how hestands in regard to his land force. Well,
you may say that he assembles this land force for
the purpose of attacking Austria, Prussia, or some
continental States, or even for the purpose of keep-
ing • down his own people at home. But against
whom is he making his great naval preparations 2
(Hear, hear.) For what purpose is he busily en-
gaged in preparing the coast fortifications of
France ? (Hear, hear.) Why all the world knows
that there is no country against which the naval
preparations of France can be directed except Eng-
land. I have received intelligence only within a
few days which shows me that the Emperor has no
Minister—that he does not allow Ministers to make
a remonstrance to him of the most respectful kind.
Then it comes to this, that you have one man, with
the vast resources of 35,000,000 of people, without
any Minister, governing alone, with this enormous
power—not quarrelling with you, he is much wiser
than that ; but preparing for the eventuality of
war. I say that if we were to remain perfectly
passive in this state of things we should be mad-
men or idiots. (Hear, hear.) You will ask me, how
long is this state of things to last ? When is there
to be an end of all this ? When is there to be a ter-
mination of this miserable state of things, which
brings two European countries into the wretched
condition of perpetually arming against each
other ? I can only answer that, in my opinion,
the end of it will be in the day when it
shall please France to return to Parliamentary Go-
vernment. (Cheers.) France is a country full of
wise and eloquent men, full of men perfectly
capable of understanding the interests of France ;
and on the day when France ceases to have what I
must call a revolutionary Government—for it is a
Government founded upon a revolution and upon a
confiscation of the rights of the people,—when the
revolutionary Government shall cease and Franco
shall again enjoy a free Parliament and a free press,
then there will be an end of all this miserable
rivalry which sets us arming one against another.
(Prolonged cheering.) In the meantime we must
prepare for war. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now,
let me ask you what are the ways in which a fatal
blow may be struck against England. In my
judgment there are two ways. England, as you
know, is dependent for her absolute existence upon
the free transit of the seas. Most of you are aware
that we are not a people who live upon our own
ground like peasants in a remote country, but wo
are people who live, as it were, upon the commerce
of the world ; and if for one year, or even for two
months, England were debarred the free use of the
seas the whole country would be thrown into a
state of convulsion frightful to contemplate. The
notion of being excluded from the use of the seas
is not altogether so chimerical as many in this
country may really suppose, because in the last
Russian war, which lasted two years, we excluded
Russia from the use of the seas during the whole
of that time, so that she could not send a cock-
boat to sea. Luckily for her, she was a
country dependent upon agricultural industry,
an fl was not absolutely ruined by it, though she
suffered intensely. If we were in that situation for
two weeks the results would be dreadful. It is,
therefore, of absolute necessity that England should
be strong at sea. Now, we desire no sort of supre-
macy upon the seas in time of peace. We have
long abandoned all those absurd notions that an
English vessel is entitled to make a foreign ship
lower her topsails in the Channel, and all customs
of that kind. We desire no more privileges on the
high seas in time of peace than the humblest State
in Europe; but let there come a time of war, and
then we must still have the free passage of the
seas. And to whom is given the free passage of
the seas ? Why, gentlemen, in time of war the free
passage of the seas can be given only to the
strongest—(continued cheering)—and England
must make up her mind to be the strongest at sea,
or she will perish in the way I have described.
(Hear, hear.) Therefore, gentlemen, I give great
credit—although he is my political opponent—to
Sir John Pakington, the late First Lord of the Ad-
miralty, for the great exertions he made in order
to bring the British fleet to something like a condi-
tion worthy of England. (Hear, hear.) The other
blow which may be by possibility struck against
this country is by means of invasion. The possi-
bility of an invasion does not altogether depend
upon the supremacy of the seas, because, as many
of you know, the old Emperor, the first Napoleon,
laid his plan for the invasion of England upon the
supposition that he should be able to make the
attempt and to land here with an im-
mense forcs, if only he could be master of the
Channel for 24 hours; and naval men will tell you,
especially since the application of steam power,that
although England may be, as I trust she ever will
be, the strongest at sea, it still may be possible in

i)7.7
7 EWSPAPER
"".e*
_
4:444*-
•
.44/4;,,
IQ
- FRENCII C0.211.3.1.ERCA _
PARS, =Monday.—Confidence has beeNsincaat
• ss_ .;;o. restored in commercial circles within the last few
411111"
, days. The circular of M. Billault, recommending
moderation to the French press, has produced an
excellent effect, and the announcement of a Euro-
! pean Congress has in some measure calmed the fear
of disturbances in Central Italy. In the meantime,
the purchases made for consumption at this season
of the year had given increased activity to traffic
in the seaports and in the manufacturing towns.
This movement, however, may be regarded as a pre-
lude to rather than as a complete revival of trade.
It is nevertheless a certain security to manufacturers
and shopkeepers that better times arc coining.
There is a good demand at Mulhouse for cotton
thread and cloths; and prices are well maintained.
The manufacturers of Rouen and other Norman
towns are busy executing orders on hand. The late
sales by auction at Rouen and Havre were well
attended by buyers. Adviecs from Marseilles state
that there is not much business doing there. An
announcement, however, that the Emperor of Mo-
rocco had permitted the free exportation of wool
had created a certain animation. The silk trade is
at present dull in Lyons, and the manufacturers
are engaged in organising; a system to improve their
condition. They propose to create a large joint-stock
capital by subscription, to build large stores for the
reception of raw silk, by which means they expect
to compete with England in the importation of that
article. With a sufficient supply of silk to be dis-
posed of by periodical public sales they rely on the
superiority of their manufactures to defy competi-
tion. At present they are depending on casual
orders from Italy and the United States, and the
sicdooliebi s.rei ql
Theui
aetintc ebae
beet-root
tsc;srtihntniaott
nsanaggsarrme atitrgahnumber of looms are
ie'xrpaeneeteedis
not in
when
one considers the vast capital employed in the
manufacture of that article, and the improvements
introduced in machinery. It may be remarked
that the consumption of sugar in France is not one-
half so much as in England, where the population is
much less. This is another proof of the unwise
sYstem which prevails in the arrangement of the
duties—the tax being double what it is in Eng-
land. In the United States, with a population of
only 25,000,000 inhabitants, the consumption of
sugar annually is 431,000 tons, while in France it
is only 180,000 tuns. It is clear, therefore, that the
excessive duty imposed on sugar in France is inju-
rious to the exchequer, the manufacturer, the colo-
nial proprietor, but above all to the people. The
ironmasters are not complaining as they were some
time since. They even expect a prosperous season,
relying on the vast line of railways yet to be com-
pleted to keep them actively employed. If the plans
of the various railwa companies be accomplished
1,400 kilometres will' be in use by the end of the
next year, wit as many more to be completed in
the following years. There is not much to be said
about the corn trade. The depression in prices,
which some days back we produced simultaneously
in various markets throughout France, has had no
influence on speculators, holders of wheat not being
intimidated nor buyers more numerous. The future
rise or fall of prices will be regulated by the quan-
tity of wheat received from corn-growing coun-
tries, and by the amount of old wheat held over by
the French farmers since last year. The approach
of the rent day at the close of the year may pro-
bably force many farmers to bring their corn to
market, and thus produce a temporary fall in prices.
The Paris corn-market was quiet last week. On
Wednesday the farmers held firm, and many of
them brought home their samples rather than sub-
mit to a reduction of the prices of the preceding
week. Nevertheless a reduction was effected of
from 75c to if the sack of 120 kilogrammes. Choice
samples did not exceed 32f, first quality 31f and
311 50c, other qualities 28f. to' 30f. Wheat pur-
chased for speculation experienced a greater re-
duction, there being a considerable number of sel-
lers in the market. Montereau wheat was of
at 30f. the 120 kilogrammes ; Beane° 30f 50c ;
Vendome 291'. 50e to 30f. Although the price of
bread has been raised 2c the kilogramme, the bakers
have shown very little inclination to purchase
wheat ; they refused to buy even at a reduction of
if the sack. Flour of the four marks fell to 56f the
sack of 157 kilogrammes for immediate delivery ;
for January and February, 57f 50c ; March, 61f ;
and April, 61f 50e. The accounts received from the
provincial markets yesterday caused a considerable
rise in the Paris flour market last evening. Several
bargains were concluded in flour of the four marks
at 58f the sack for delivery during the present •
month ; January, 59f ; February, 59f 50c. Oats
were more offered in the Paris market last week.
Black oats of the best quality were sold at 27f the
150 kilogrammes, to be delivered outside of Paris.
Beauce and Brie, first quality, 25f 50e to 26f, and
ordinary, 24f 50c to 25f. Rye was less in
demand last week than the preceding—farmers,
however, did not press sales. They held
to 17f 85c the 100 kilogrammes. Barley
was likewise less in demand. Champagne was firm
at 21f the 100 ki!logrammes. Other qualities at
from 19f to 20f. The telegraph has supplied us with
the prices of the provincial markets held yesterday:
—" Arras—Market less abundantly supplied than
the last. Wheat in demand at a rise of 50c the
hectolitre ; prices 16f to 22f. Chartres—A smaller
market than the previous one. Wheat bought up
quickly at an advance of 59c the hectolitre. Oats
more firm. Dijon—An ordinary market—quick
sale—prices without variation, but well maintained.
Marseilles—Affairs dull. Irka wheat, best quality,
301 for delivery ; African, 33150 c ; Roumelia, 25f
73c ; Danube, 29f. Metz-1,334 hectolitres wheat
sold at an average of 321 88c, being a fall of 44c
the 100 kilogrammes. Orleans—A large market,
with more firmness in prices, and a greater amount
of business transacted. Wheat, 18f to 20f the hec-
tolitre. St. Laurent les Macon—A small market
of wheat ; prices well maintained, at 24f to 24f
50c the 100 kilogrammes." There has not been
much business transacted in the Paris oil market
last week. Rape oil in cask is quoted at 93f 50e,
the 100 kilogrammes, being a fall:of if since the pre-
ceding week. Linseed oil is firm, at from 91f to
92f. Superfine olive has risen from 270 f to 275 f
the kilogrammes. Rapeseed is dull of sale at 34f
50e, the 100 kilogrammes.
Wine of the last vintage in good condition is
sought for by the retailers in Paris, and prices are
well maintained. Old wines are in excellent de-
mand, without any change in princes, except at
Nantes, where a a slight fall is noticed. Prices are
extremely firm at Bordeaux, and it is difficult, if
not impossible, to induce the wine-growers to make
the slightest reduction. The most ordinary Bor-
deaux wine, of the growth of the year 1858, can-
not be bought at less than 650 f the tun. 'Wines of
the first quality are worth 90f the cask of 200 litres
at Chateauroux ; second quality, 80f ; and third
quality, 601. At the last fair of Issondun, wine of
very ordinary quality was sold at from 60f to 64f
the cask of 200 litres; 500 casks of wine of the last
vintage were sold at prices varying from 64f to
71f. Old wines were very scarce, and sold for 801.
The demand for wine is not brisk at Nantes, and
good wine of the present year may be bought at
lf and 2f the hectolitre less thsn immediately after
the vintage. Wines are gradually rising in value
in the Maconnais, and the Beaujolais. New wines
are worth from 80f to 120 f the tun of 214 litres, ac-
cording to quality. The wines of the last vintage
pricesare linpro will be excellent.
The
be accounted for by
tbeg mentionednnii
quality
being
price
vqiinigo,tedansd-a,rwyitllitttlaegeirom those already
any difference may
of beetroot spirit has declined from 103 f to 99f the
inferior or superior. The
hectolitre. Montpellier is quoted at 130 f.

a particular time and at a particular part that her
rival may have the command of a portion of the
Channel, and the comriand of a portion of the
Channel for 24 hours, as the old Emperor put it,
would be enough to make an invasion possible.
Tell, if it is not an impossibility, I ask you how it
is to be met if it does come to pass. Why, gentle-
men, all England has answered the question. The
Emperor of the French came over here as our ally
and our guest, and he saw the reception which a
free people was able to give to an allied Sovereign
towards whom they bore good-will. If it should I
ever be his mission, or his destiny, as he would
perhaps call it, to come here as an invader, then
I he wilt see, if I mistake not, what kind of a recep-
tion a free people can give give to an enemy who
dares to invade their shores. (Protracted cheering.)
I have great faith in our army, and no on.e can be
more impelled by a thousand circumstances than I
am to look with affection and admiration to the
achievements of that brilliant force. The invader,
whoever he may be, will hear something of our
army ; but if I mistake not, should he ever touch
the beach he will hear something of the volunteer
artillery—(cheers)--and if he comes a little further,
and gets into our turnpike roads and our lanes, and
comes to our homesteads to help himself to our hay,
or to our turnip fields to make a meal of the soup
we were talking about—(laughter)—he will hear
something likewise of our rifle volunteers. (Great
applause.) I do not know whether it enters into
the plan of any French general, in the event of such
an enterprise, to come to Bridgewater. (Laughter.)
I should be ashamed of myself if I professed
to tell any limited assembly of Englishmen
_that
they were better and brtiver than any other set of
men ; but I am entitled to say that there are diffe-
rences between different portions of the population
of England which are in many respects remark.
able, and the one speciality I have observed in the
people of Bridgewater is this—that they are always
quick in whatever they do. (Laughter and loud
cheers.) It does so happen in military affairs that
it is quickness that wins the day. (Continued
cheers and laughter.) The Emperor of the French
knows that when he was seeking to encroach
against England, when he was seeking to persuade
us to adopt laws which he recommended to us, the
first, or almost the first town in England which pe-
titioned against any such conduct was the borough
of Bridgewater. (Great applause.) That quick-
ness which you showed in politics, you will, I trust,
manifest in the field if the troublous time should
come, to render it necessary for you to bring out
your rifles. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I must say
that I look at this moment throughout the country
with the greatest admiration, sympathy, and ap-
proval, founded upon two entirely distinct grounds.
I admire it as an admirable and magnificent demon-
stration of the high and proud, and brave spirit of
this conntry at the notion of its being threatened
by an invader ; but I also admire it as a demon-
stration against the policy of standing armies.
(Cheers.) You were threatened with an invasion
of some 300,000 or 400,000 men, and you have the
manfulnesss not to be frightened into the folly of
attempting to hire 300,000 or 400,000 mercenaries
to meet them. (Hear, hear.) You all say you
will do what you can to make your small but
excellent army as perfect as possible. You will give
it all the appliances which humun ingenuity can
contrive t 3 make it perfect. You will, if necessary,
augment it in moderation—but if it is a question of
giving it auxiliaries in great force, if it is a question
of giving it auxiliaries by tens of thousands, or hun-
dreds of thousands even, to meet any great danger,
then you all say you will do the work yourselves.
(Prolonged cheering.) I think I have disclosed to
you the views which I take of the circumstances in
which we are placed. You will have collected from
my observations that our danger does not arise from
any hostility on the part of the French people, that
it does not arise from any ferocity on the part of the
French army, that it does not arise from any un-
friendly feeling on the part of the French Empe-
ror, but that it does arise from the fact that a
revolutionary Government is existing in France,
which has armed one man in the name of an Em-
peror, whom I would rather call a Dictator, with a
power so great that until that power is moderated,
as all power ought to be, no neighbour can bo
entirely safe. (Continued applause.) Gentlemen, I
have now only to thank you for the kindness with
which you have heard me, and if there are any sub-
jects I have failed to advert to I hope you will attri-
bute it to the anxiety I felt to address you upon the
one which seems to absorb all the interests of the
day. (Immense cheering.)
On the proposition of Mr. HENRY LOVIBOND,
seconded by Mr. T. 0. 11. REED, a vote of thanks
was enthusiastically accorded to Col. Tynte and Mr.
Kinglake for their services in Parliament and for
their speeches and attendance that evening.

COURT OF ALDERMEN.

A Court of Aldermen was held yesterday at
Guildhall, the Lord Mayor presiding.

TIIE LONDON RIFLE BRIGADE.

--
Mr. Alderman ROSE (in the absenco of Mr. Al-
derman Wire, from illness, arising from an acci-
dental fall) presented a petition, signed by nearly
500 members of the London Rifle Brigade, praying
that the Court would give its consent to the ap-
pointment of Capt. George Montagu Hicks (of her
Majesty's 41st Regiment) to be lieutenant-colonel of
the brigade.
Air. HOPKINSON, a member of the brigade, ap-
peared at the bar of the Court in uniform, accom-
panied by a number of his comrades, to support the
prayer of the petition. He said that the general
wish of the brigade, who had to some extent sacri-
ficed their business, and entirely sacrificed their
pleasures, for the purpose of devoting themselves
earnestly to the defence of their country, was that
) their endeavours might result in no ignoble end.
• I To avoid such a result they felt it necessary that
their lieutenant-colonel should be a man who united
military abilities with courtesy, patience, forbear-
ance, perseverance, and an insight into character;
and such a man they believed was to be found in
Captain Hicks, who had been selected by the Coun-
cil of the Brigade for recommendation to the Court
of Lieutenancy. That Court, however, no doubt
with great propriety, had thought it expedient that
before they confirmed the appointment the Court of
Aldermen should be asked to give their sanction,
since Captain Hicks, as Governor of Whitecross-
street Prison, must be regarded as their servant.
The brigade, therefore, now respectfully asked that
that sanction might be given, for Captain Hicks
had already endeared himself to them, and they
felt that under his instruction and superintendence
their labours to perfect themselves in military
discipline would not be in vain. They were now
a body of 000 men, and would soon be 700.
They were thoroughly in earnest in their devotion
to military duties. but, lie regretted to say,
although ho did not wish to • make a parade of
such matters, that the London Rifle Brigade,
from whom so much had been expected, and upon
whom the public eye had so long been fixed, were
already smarting under sore grievances, and sin-
cerely did they hope that the Court of Aldermen
would show their sympathy by at least giving
their consent that the man of their choice—Captain
George Montagu Hicks—should be their lieutenant-
colonel. (Applause.)
Mr. Alderman ALLEN (captain elect of the bri-
gade)—As there may be some discussion on this
subject, I move that strangers do withdraw.
(General cries of "No, no.")
The LORD MA YOR—Do you wish to press that ?
Mr. Alderman ALLEN—Yes, I do.
The LORD MAYOR —ls the motion seconded ?
Sir H. MUGGERIDGE—Yes, I second it.
Several Aldermen—No, no; it is quite unne•
cessary.
Mr. Alderman CUBITT—I think, my lord, it will
be better, if there is to be a discussion, that the
court should be cleared. (Hear, hear, and "No, no.")
The Town Clerk—Notice is taken that strangers
are present. Strangers must withdraw.
The court was cleared accordingly, and the dis-
cussion proceeded with closed doors for three-
quarters of an hour, when strangers were re-
admitted.
The RECORDER, then addressing the deputation,
said—l am desired by the Lord Mayor to read to
you the following resolution, which has been agreed
to by the Court :—" That this Court sees no objec-
tion to Captain Hicks's accepting the appointment,
provided his sureties assent and are willing to con-
tinue their liability under their bond ; and it has
been likewise resolved that a copy of this resolu-
tion be forwarded to the Court of Lieutenancy."
The deputation then thanked the Court and
withdrew, evidently well pleased at having suc-
ceeded in. securing Captain Hicksas their lieutenant-
colonel.

TILE TURNOUT AT STALYBRIDGE.—This turnout
is over, and all the hands have gone in, an agreement satis-
factory to master and workpeople having been come to.

--•
MURDER OF A SOLDIER AT GOSPORT.---John.
Connell, a private in the Waterford Militia Artillery, sta-
tioned in the Ilaslar Barracks, was committed on the coro-
ner's warrant to Winchester Gaol yesterday, to take his trial
on a charge of having wilfully murdered Michael O'Brien,
a private in the same regiment, in a row, which occurred in
the barrack yard on Friday night, the 25th ult. It appeared
in evidence that Connell and deceased (who died from the
effects of a blow on the head) had been fighting, and Con-
nell was proved to have taken a poker from one of the bar-
rack rooms on the night of the murder ; and the hospital
sentry, stationed about 50 yards from the spot where the
occurrence took place, heard some one say, " He has a
poker," but could not recognise the voice.
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The resolution, our reporter was subsequently
informed, was moved by Mr. Alderman Copeland,
seconded by Mr. Alderman Hale, and carried
unanimously, after a rather warm discussion. Had
the result been different, it is said therewould have
been an emeute, the volunteers: having set their
hearts upon having Captain Hicks as their lieu-
tenant-colonel, and no one else.