The Sun.
London, England, 1832-12-17 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We arc happy to quote some passages from an address,
written in an admirable spirit, and with great force of
language, which Mr. William Brougham has sent to the
electors of Southwark, and which we are sorry the Hon.
Gentleman was not able to deliver from the hustings from
indisposition. After thanking the electors, and congratu-
lating Southwark on the good example it had set (it being
the first contest in point of time, as the nomination, &c.,
was some hours earlier than at any other place), the ad-
dress proceeds :—" At last, then, we have obtained actual
instead of virtual representation. The people have now a
voice in the administration of public affairs, and no re
presentative, be he who he may, can in these days forget
that be enters the House of Commons charged with the
interests of a real constituency. But whilst we see
around us the triumph of order and constitutional princi-
ples, we cannot overlook what these times of popular
excitement have produced. Dangerous men and fierce
opinions were undoubtedly to he expected—they are na-
tural to the season that calls them forth, nor do they
often survive it. Tempests occasionally shake our dwell-
ings and scare us by their violence, but they rouse the
sluggish elements, which without them might stagnate
into pestilence. A pure and wholesome condition suc-
ceeds a state of sickness and disease, renovation takes the
place of decay, and the fruits are liberty and good govern-
ment. But this liberty, born of free opinion, is the re-
verse of licentiousness. Liberty is the good man's faith,—
licentiousness is the hope of the bad citizen ; it is the
duty of all who love their country to cherish the former,
for it leads to peace ; it is no less their duty to repress the
latter, for its end is anarchy. More especially do I think
it belongs to the representatives of the people in Parlia-
ment to watch over and protect the constitutional liberties
of the country, and in my opinion this duty will be best dis-
charged, not by attempting impossibilities,not by advocating
projects of dishonesty or schemes of spoliation,but by steadily
aiming at what is practicable,—by honestly reforming
what is ticious in the system,—by carefully restoring what
is decayed, and, above all, by firmly maintaining that which
is restored." Mr. Brougham concludes his address with
these words I—'6 For myself, instigated by the same honest
wish to promote your interests and the welfare of niy fellow-
citizens which has ever influenced my public conduct, I go
into the reformed House of Commons ready to act up to
the opinions I have so repeatedly expressed ; and, constantly
mindful of the just rights of the people, I shall unflinch-
ingly pursue the straightforward path, regardless of the
frowns of an oligarchy on the one hand, and, be assured,
equally fearless of the threats of a wild democracy on the
other." If the House of Commons act on the prin-
ciples so admirably stated by Mr. Brougham (as we
are confident it will), the Reform Bill will have ac-
complished a mighty blessing for this country, independ-
ently of the improved laws which it will enable us to obtain,
or the more efficient control over the public purse which
it will enable us to establish. A narrow and privileged
constituency is always suspected by that portion of the
people who are excluded from sharing electoral rights,
and a Legislature returned by it, however patriotic or
enlightened, can never command confidence in times of
difficulty, or prevent disaffection in seasons of distress.
The people are but too apt to ascribe all their sufferings to
Government, especially when they find that they have no
influence over its measures by means of their representa-
tives. The calamities of a bad harvest, or the casualties
of a necessary war, are generally, therefore, attributed to
an Administration formed by the majority of a House of
Commons established on a narrow basis of popular elec-
tien. Enlarge the constituency till you include every
man of property and intelligence in the country,—make
the persons whose complaints would be the loudest or the
most dangerous, the arbiters of their own fate,—and
tholieh their situation may not be bettered,—though their
representatives may not be able to work more wonders
than the boroughmoneers,—they will he satisfied, because
their own choice had influenced their political condition,
and because they see that their distress was inevitable.—

In all our great towns, with one or two exceptions
among the old boroughs, where bribery of the poorer class
of freemen has been resorted to, the cause of Reform and
good Government has triumphed. If we are gratified by
one return more than any other, it is that of Mr. Poulett
Thomso❑ for the great manufacturing capital Manchester,
the place most deeply interested in the prevalence of sound
c. mmercial principles. We have seen various accounts of
the numbers at the close of the poll. Our account, (let.-
patched at the close of the poll, stood thus :

Mark Phillips, Esq 3,004
The Hon. C. P.Thomson 2,119
J. S. Loyd, Esq. 1,853
John Thomas Hope, Esq 1 574
Cobbett 1,347
But the numbers given on Saturday, as the result of the
poll, were, Phiiipe 2,923, Thomson 2,069, Loyd 1,832,
Hope 1,500, Cobbett 1,303. We presume that Mr. P.
Thomson will sit for Manchester in preference to Dover.
As this gentleman took no part in the election proceedings,
and could have no loci' influence, while great local in-
fluence was possessed by one of the beaten candidates, we
bold his return to be a triumph of principle. It affords
an unequivocal proof that if the Right Hon. Gentleman
has, on account of his commercial principles, been as
sailed with much virulence, these principles have obtained
for him the support of the persons best acquainted with
the commerce of the country. The triumph of sound
principles at Manchester must have the most powerful
effect in continuing to the present Government the support
of the moral and intellectual part of the community in
faller places, as well us in that great emporium. There
are circumstances connected with this election to which
want of space will not allow us to allude at present ; but
we shall return to the subject.—Morning Chronicle.
We have for months predicted, and are true prophets,
that the ballot alone can redeem the electoral body of thi•
country from the deplorable political corruption, more or
less prevalent in the cities and boroughs especially. The
country newspapers teem with reports of riots and out-
rages, beyond all former precedent ; and it is impossible to
deny that corruption and the foulest arts have prevailed
in the smaller constituencies, and again closed many
places which the Reformers hail opened. The ballot, or
a new schedule A! Warwick, Stamford, Newark, Gran-
tham,
istol, Norwich, Liverpool, and other towns, ex.
hihit the triumph of corruption and Tory devices. The
accounts of the riots are disgraceful beyond description,
and resemble more the narrative of the barbarous conflicts
of South Sea savages, than events in a Christian country.
We have always said that the ballot was essential for the
machinery of purity and freedom of election. The Bir-
mingham .Journal of Saturday records the odious dis-
turbances at the elections in the midland districts only,
such as make the virtuous mind shudder; and whether they
originated with Reformers or Anti-Reformers, the national
disgrace and injury to the morals of the people are equally
great and reprehensible. Coventry was the scene of a
revolutionary riot, and heaps of wounded were carried
away from the scene of conflict. In Warwick the Magis-
tracy actually requested the candidates not to address their
ft iends, or appear in public ; and in both towns the windows
of adverse parties were demolished. In both towns num-
liers of " foreigners" or strangers, fighting men, became ne-
cese-Ary to the respective candidates! Wolverhampton exhi-
bited tLe most brutal outrages; and Walsall was crowded
by an incur lion of strangers, double its population, the
most rnurderoti conflicts alarming the inhabitants for two
slays—in both boroughs the military being necessary to
preserve life and propeity, and protect the poll. Indeed
we might fill our columns with reports of these shameful
disorders—of the gross party influence and partiality of
those foul bodies, close corporations, nuisances which
moat be abated. A Reformed Parliament will never to-
lerate this shameless perversion and degradation of the
electoral rights of the constituency ; if they do, assured we
are that the independent and public-spirited e'ectors will,
in the neat Parliament, return nu candidate adverse is
ballot. Talk, indeed, of an " on-English mode of
Voting " Is England to remain thus disgraced lay a de-
fective representative system ? Are the uneducated and
ignorant scum of society to be tread by any political
party in this shameless and unchristian manner ? Is
every vice in the black catalogue of human infirmities to
he practised with impunity, and let loose at a time when
passion and prejudice should be as much as possible al-
layed? Gratifying it is to us to know that a rapid con-
version to the ballot is everywhere gaining ground; and if
the abominable and unexampled scenes of this general elec-
tion shall obtain fur us that vital essential of representa-
tion, good will come out of evil.-211-ornisty- Chronicle.
We have scarcely' room to notice the progress of the
elections, but we cannot observe a total silence on the
subject. Lord Althorp and Mr. Cartwright are in fur
one division of Northamptonshire—that is, a Reformer
and a Conservative represent the sentiments of the people
so that Northamptonshire has the credit of
blowing hot and cold with the saute breath. Sir Charles
tinightley disting.uished himself on the occasion by a
speech as little encumbered with thought or with temper
as the speeches of another Sir Charles used to be in an-
other arena. But we entreat our readers not to overlook
the oration which Lord Palmerston has delivered to the
constituency of South Hampshire—in defence of his own
doings, and the doings of his colleagues. Lord Palmer-
ston will have it " that there is no Dutch war at all—
that this Dutch war is a mere creature of the vivid ima-
gination and exuberant fancy of those who set up the

cry." One would think that the provinces of fact a n
imagination were sufficiently distinguished by this time to
prevent any confusion upon that score. But the contrary,
it seems, is the case ; and the killed and wounded with
which the trenches and hospitals are Choked up pre-
sent nothing but a set of troops—violent ones, it
must be confessed, though not so violent (accord.
ing to Lord Palmerston) as to be mistaken for
the real casualties of war at this period of inexpressible
and unintelligible tranquillity. Another feature in these
elections is the failure of Mr. Hunt at Preston, and the
success of Mr. Cobbett at o:dhara. It is curious to see
the Radical who has been tried is Parliament dismissed,
and the Radical who has not been yet tried accepted. It
would not be difficult to assign a cause for this, but we
may leave the commentary to tia.e. The retirement of
Lord Henley from the contest for Middlesex has led to
the introduction of a new candidate in the person of Sir
Charles Forbes—the Sir Charleses are all of a kidney,
red-hot raving Anti-Reformers—and the last-mentioned
gentleman does not yield to any, even the most illustrious
of his namesakes, in the clamour of his opposition to "the
diabolical Bill." After the resignation of Lord Henley it
does not require much foresight to pronounce that Sir
Charles Forbes will be very easily disposed of, should he
be rash enough to go to a poll.—lt is with great regret
we state that disturbances, attended with fatal conse-
quences, have taken place at Sheffield and at Stockport ;
at the former of which places it is said that five people
have been killed, and at the latter two.—Morn. Herald.

The elections for the English boroughs are now nearly
complete, and they verify many of our fears and apprehen-
sions as to the results of the very extensive change that has
been made in the elective system of the country. The
bludgeon-and-brick-hat doctrine, which was so strongly
patronised by the organs of the Government in the elec-
tion of 1831, exercises its full influence on the general
character of the present election ; and the wild undefined
desire of change is throughout tire boroughs the ruling
groundwork for popular favour. It was often stated in
the debates of the last and previous Session that the an-
nihilation of the close boroughs would be the means of
excluding almost entirely the representatives of our colo-
nial possessions and other distant dependencies. This
apprehension is now fully verified. The Government
were sedulous in inculcating on the country that nothing
was so foolish and inconsistent with our interests as to hold
colonies, and they made common cause with the Dis-
senters and Radicals in giving currency to every state-
ment, however exaggerated, that was offered respecting
colonial slavery. This was done without the slightest re-
gard to truth, and even contrary to the clearest evidence
of what was true. The consequence has been that every
Member of the late Parliament who took any part in the
investigation respecting the state of society in the West
Indies, with the view of bringing before the public an
honest exposition of the truth, has, by the influence of
the Government and their sectarian associates, been ex-
cluded from any voice in the present Parliament. As re-
gards our Indian possessions the case is nearly similar ; so
now that amiable and intelligent young man, Lord Howick,
and his sapient and simple follower, Lord Goderich,
may promulgate what " Orders in Council " they please,
and place in them all the absurdities they think fit, with-
out meeting Parliamentary challenge or exposure. We
hear, from very good authority, that the memorable Budget
is to be re-produced, and that the Canadians and ship-
owners, who then fought, through their representatives,
so gallantly and successfully, in upsetting and exposing
that extraordinary production, are now to have it saddled
upon them by the wisdom and authority of the Reformed
Parliament. If the Government have been successful in
making their own crudities pa-s current in regard to these
interests, their management has been equally successful in
shutting out almost all the great legal talent of the
country who might venture to criticise and expose
the less learned proceedings and derangements of our
present Lord Chancellor. We would ask if there
was any legal man in the House of Commons who
gave so much useful assistance to the Legislature during
the last two sessions as Sir Edward Sugden ? It has been
the special and unwearied object of our Whig rulers to
exclude him from Parliament, and they have succeeded.
Their exertions have been equally successful in excluding
Mr. Pemberton ; and we would further ask any man in
this country who is qualified to judge on the case if there
be any men connected with bis Majesty's Government
who hold in the opinion of the country one-hundredth
part the authority that these two gentlemen do for all le-
gislative purposes ? This is a subject we shall have after
occasions of recurring to. It is one that the mind of the
country must engage itself with; and we mistake much
if this frenzy in favour of Whig and Radical movement can
be of long continuance.—Morning Post.

In Blackburn the new constituency have chosen Messrs.
Fielden and Turner, tw9 eminent manufacturers, who
were born in the town, and who have acquired their great
wealth by employing its inhahitants. Manchester has
followed that example in respect to the election of one of
its representatives, and probibly would have done so with
respect to both, had another candidate belonging to the
district offered himself, with sufficient pretensions on the
score of talents—inspiring entire confidence in his Re.
form principles—and coming forward under open or im-
plied engagements to support his Majesty's Reform Go-
vernment, and to advocate the principles of their enlight-
ened commercial policy. In alluding on Saturday to Mr.
Poulet Thomson, on whom their second choice has fallen,
we did not sufficiently take into consideration these cir-
cumstances, and seemed, in consequence, to ascribe to the
Right Hon. Gentleman, whose seat had previously been
s.cured for Dover, motives of personal ambition in being
returned for two places, by which, on better information,
we are convinc,d that he is not actuated, and which, there-
fore, we cordially retract. To explain the cause of our
mistake, it is sufficient to state, that as Mr. Loyd could not
offer those guarantees, either with respect to the promotion
of Reform measures, or attachment to the existing Reform
Administration, which the friends of free trade and liberal
government who proposed Mr. Thomson required of
their candidate, the latter gentleman allowed the strength
of that party, and consequently the zealous concurrence
of the people of Manchester in the present policy of the
Cabinet, to be tried in his nomination—he himself taking
no active part in the canvass, and exercising no influ-
ence over the electors. While the result is flattering
to the character of the Right lion. Gentleman, we are
glad to see that it has been brought about by motives
altogether foreign to the desire of acquiring undue per-
sonal importance. The experiment was worth making
for the sake of the Ministry and of free trade principles,
and the experiment has succeeded most satisfactorily in
the person of the Right Hon. Vice-President of the Board
of Trade. The princip!es announced by the candidates for
most of the boroughs, either during their canvass, at their no-
mination, or in returning thanks for their success, have been
more or less energetic; but we can find very few recorded in-
stances in which they have been Jacoltinical or subversive.
The most moderate and rational of the new Members—all
those, in short, who support the Ministry—have agreed that
the Reform Bill, or the reformed Parliament, which springs
from it, is merely the instrument for effecting further
improvements in our institutions, and for insuring to the
people the benefits of good government. Many of them,
like Mr. James Broug ham, at Kendal, have shown a pecu.
liar zeal to effect reforms in the Church ; others have de-
clared more energetically against monopoly, and particu-
larly against the monopoly of bread ; and a third party
have dwelt with peculiar emphasis on the necessity of an
immedi 'le change in our colonial system ; but none,
except Cobbett, have announced projects of spolia-
don. With respect to the Reform Bill itself, though
many have spoken in favour of an extended consti-
tuency—of the ballot—and of shorter Parliaments, yet the
majority—the great majority—declare against the ap-
parent necessity of an immediate change. It has " worked
well" during the present elections,—it has sent into the
House of Commons, or is likely to send, men who fairly
represent the national feelings, who are at least on a par
with the national intelligence, and who have made every
pledge to support the national interests. The people
ought, therefore, honestly to try the efficiency of this in-
strument before they admit the expediency of attempting
its improvement, and not to act with that fickle love of
alteration with which the Puritans are accused in
Budi-
bras

" As if the Senate was intended
For nothing else but to be mended.—Times.
There is no use in concealing the tact, that the elections

—a few gratifying cases being excepted—have gone in a
great measure against the Conservatives. Wetherell beaten
in Oxford, and, prop prodor ! a Papist, an actual Papist,
returned—Sugden in Cambridge—Sadler in Leeds—Fol-
lett in Exeter—Lyall in London—Hope in Manchester—
Sandon and Douglas in Liverpool—almost every where
we have been, as the honourable Member for Pontefract
would say, considerably floored. We have some crumbs of
comfort, to be sure, of which the most weighty is the re-
turn of Vyvyan and Baillie so triumphantly for Bristol.
The counties, too, we think, will help us a little but after
the miscalculations and mismanagement which we have
already witnessed, we are by no means sanguine. We
have seen the London elections all played into the hands of
the Whigs, against the wishes Of nine-tenths of the people,
and ninety-nine hundredths of the property and respecta-
bility of the town ; and why should not the same accident
—if accident it is—happen in the country? A compact
and united body as the Whigs are, and as active and ran-
corous as they are compact, may he able to triumph over

the former, whom they intend to r At, u over the aristo.
cracy whom they are about to trample on, and the people
whom they detest. In the midst of our sorrow for the
decline and fall—a temporary fall, we hope--of our friends,
we cannot avoid giving expression to two distinct classe-
of feeling—contempt for the working men, the managers
as they call themselves, and, as we are sorry to say, they
too often are of our own party, [and absolute pity for the
deluded Radicals. Of our own set hereafter--of the Ra-
dicals we may well say, that they have been made cat's-
paws Of by the Whigs. As long as bawling and brawling
were necessary to the carrying of the Whig Bill, so long
the Radicals were taught to lift up their most sweet voices
in behalf of it, by bellowing like so many bulls, or bray-
ing like so many asses ; and their instructors, not content
with such specimens of their vocal powers, taught them
to use bludgeons and brickbats, to knock the brains out
of any person who dared to oppose the orders of the
Whigs. And the Radicals were fools enough to obey.
They it was who, by their brute violence, carried the
elections, and then,—aye, what then ? Why, the old
story—
" The orange sucked, we fling the rind away."
—The Radicals now, instead of being called the people--
the flower of England—the strength of the country, and
other pet words of the same kind ; are roared against, or
thundered against as Destructives—as raffs, rascals, rab-
ble—every thing that is base and abominable. They are
not to be trus'ed—not to be allowed to go alone—and the
police is ordered to be let loose upon them, with the corn.
fortable assurance that the blue-coated gendarmerie is
quite sufficient to smash any mob that has the treasonable
audacity to do, now when their masters want them no
longer, the same work which these said masters urged and
exhorted them to do strenuously scarcely half a year ago.
Unhappy Radicals ! We well know that you hate us—
would pull down our house,—hoot ourselves—burn our
paper—that you lose no kind of opportunity of railing
against or injuring us—and that among many of your
other mistakes, you set us down as the bondthralls and
tools—at once the Gurths and Wambas of the Tories.
Never was blunder greater. If you knew how we stood
with that party, you would well know that we are far too
independent to do what some among them require. We
cannot cast away our principles at a whistle, or, having
once found a man to be a traitor in any vital matter, ever
duck in obeisance to him again—and therefore we will
not serve the purposes of those who want nobody but
slaves and sycophants about them. Strange as it may
appear to those who look no deeper than the surface, we
are considerably hated and industriously maligned by the
gossipping clique of the clubs, and the discarded offscour-
ings of the public offices. From these people you hear as
much abuse of the Age as you do from the Greys or their
set; and we can assure them that there is no love lost.
They have long endeavoured to supplant us by establish-
ing valtry papers in impotent rivalry, and hiring beggarly
hacks to traduce us, or decry our labours—happily in
vain. Their wretched journals die of inanition one after
the other, after drivelling through their little hour—and
their conductors are obliged, after griping as hard as they
can at the pockets of their employers, to turn their
hand to other work, as wretched, in point of
intellect, and almost as base in practice. Let
that rest, however. We pity the Radicals, as we
have already said, and we despise the trading red•tapers of
our own party. Every election, we are happy to say,
is thinning their forces, and we can now return in reality
the contempt which they formerly affected to feel for us.
When they had a chance of returning to office, they
openly avowed it as their intention to curb the Age—the
Age now sends them the compliments of the season, and
assures them that they will never return to office again—
never, as the old ballad has it,
till St. Mungo comes over the sea ;
And 7 trust, exclaims the weary wight,
That that will never be.

They may retire to the otium cum dignitate of the hum•
bug Charles-street club—that is to say, as many of them
as can afford to pay the subscription. We suppose that
the elections will have the effect of strengthening Lord
Grey, contrary to the general opinion which prevailed a
fortnight ago ; and if the first use he makes of his addi-
tional strength be to kick out Goderich, Palmerston, and
Grant, the nauseous party par excellence—as they say he
will, we wish him joy in his laudable undertaking. As
for oureelves, our course is clear—we shall continue as we
began, perfectly independent of all parties. As old
George IV. said of us, we may mention it, as he is ga-
thered to his fathers—we shall persevere in sticking to
the King, and abusing the King's Ministers whenever we
please. We hope that this country will, in spite of all the
unfavourable omens which abound, continue to he mo-
narchical, and that Prince of the House of Hanover who
may occupy the throne, shall have from us the duty and
the honour which all real Tories are ever ready to pay
the King; but we confess that, on looking carefully
through the ranks of all parties as at present constituted,
we do not see the materials of any administration the po-
licy of which would be altogether to our fancy. The
plain truth is, there must be a complete re-modelling of
all the parties in the State before any sound Ministry can
be formed. The time, perhaps, is not so far off as people
imagine when this re-modelling may be expected.— The
Abe.

GENERAL ELECTION.

WEST SURREY.

A county meeting for the election of Members was held
at the Town-hall, Guildford, on Friday. Mr. Leech, a
candidate on liberal principles, is opposed to Mr. liolme
Sumner, and the other emendate is the old Member, Mr.
Denison. Mr. Leech was proposed by Mr. Frankland,
in a most eloquent and admirable speech, and on the show
of hands, the result was almost unanimous in his favour. A
poll was, however, demanded by Mr. Stunner, which will
be proceeded in this day (Monday) and to-morrow.

EAST SURREY.
(Concluded from The San of S iturday.)

Major BEAUCLERK then came forward ; he was greeted
with rapturous applause, intermingled with slight disap-
probation. As soon as we were enabled to hear the lion.
Candidate, we understood him to say—l stand here, Gen-
tletnen, this day, to ask of you the highest honour which
you can bestow upon a fellow-subject--the honour of re-
presenting in Parliament the independent feelings and in.
terests of this great county.--(Cheers.) [ can safely say,
Gentlemen, lam the nominee of no party—the pledged
supporter of no individual or faction ; but that I depend en-
tirely upon the principles which I have invariably advocated;
and standing as I do now at the bar of my country, by those
principles I mean to stand or fall.--(Cheers and confu-
sion.) The proceedings were interrupted for about ten
minutes iu consequence of the continued uproar of a party
stationed in the lower part of the hall, who were con-
stantly shouting " Allen," and endeavouring to interrupt
the proceedings. This was continued at intervals through-
out the Gallant Majar's address. [We were informed on
quitting the hall, by two respectable gentlemen hearing
the colours of Major Beauclerk, that some of the indivi-
dua's in question had offered to shout for Major Beauclerk,
if paid for that purpose.] After several ineffectual efforts
on the part of the Sheriff to restore order,
An ELECTOR rose, and declared with great indignation,
that the parties interrupting were a hired rabble, and re-
quested the High Sheriff to call in the constables.
Mr. BarscoE called on the electors to preserve order,
and to give that fair hearing which had been given to the
previous candidates.
The HIGH SHERIFF called the parties at the lower end
of the hall to order. lie trusted they would not allow the
meeting to destroy the first fruits of the Reform Bill in the
bud. How could he conscientiously return two Members for
that division of the county unless they listened impartially
to every gentleman who came forward to address them ?

Mr. ALLEN the❑ mounted a chair behind the Sheriff,
apparently for the purpose of obtaining silence, but was
overwhelmed with cries of " off, off," and loud calls for
Major Beauclerk.

Major BEAUCLERK again came forward, and was re-
ceived will tremendous applause. The friends of Mr.
Allen appear determined to prevent the electors present
from hearing those observations which I had intended to
address to them. I do not wish to oppose Mr. Briscoe,
whose conduct in Parliament has met with that approba-
tion which it justly deserved ; but I decidedly declare my
opposition to Mr. Allen ; anti I do so because I consider
that gentleman unfit to represent this county for various
reasons. It is not my wish to offer any Opposition to the
institution of Dultvich College, but I am persuaded that
the duties of the office of Warden to that institution, if
properly discharged, are so onerous, as to prevent the
party who fills that office from any opportunity of pro-
perly representing this important county. I come for-
ward, Gentlemen. supported by the independent electors
of this county; I come forward for the purpose of carry-.
ing Reform into practical effect.—( Hear, hear.) It is my
wish to see the Reform Bill produce some fruit which shall
class, but which
at large.
sliheabllevnerofitcoioalt,entohtetolmopripeincleassss
oofr atnhootonoemr
community
In order to effect this, I feel confident, and I am sure you
will agree with me, that retrenchment in the public ex-
penditure is absolutely necessary, and retrenchment, too,
with no unsparing hand.—(Cheers.) I believe that it is
essential to the freedom of election to give to the electors
the security of the ballot.—(Applause.) I believe that
triennial Parliaments, the ancient constitution of the

country, must be re-established, if we really desire to
promote the happiness and prosperity of the country.—
(Loud cheers.) Negro slavery I consider to be an abo-
mination, and obnoxious to the laws, both of God -and
man. 1 shall, therefore, support, to the utmost of my
power, the immediate abolition of that stain upon the cha-
racter of the British nation.—(Applause.) Upon the
question of flogging in the army and navy, I declare my
opinion to be, that it is as ineffectual as it is disgraceful;
and 1 shall certainly use my best endeavours to do
away with a system so demoralizing and degrading.
And, I must say, that in my opinion a considerable reduc-
tion in our standing army might be made, with safety and
advantage.—(Hear, hear.) The tithe imposition I con-
sider as a clog upon industry and agricultural enterprise
—alike prejudicial to the farmer and invidious to the in-
cumbent—it prevents the capital from flowing upon the
land ; for no man will invest his money in improving his
estate, if the profits arising from that improvement are to
go into another's pocket.—(Applause.) The tithe system
must therefore be abolished, and another mode substituted
of remunerating the clergy. The Hon. Candidate then
declared himself favourable to a graduated and equitable
property tax, by which means the assessed taxes might be
repealed, and the burden of taxation shifted from the
shoulders of the industrious and middle classes, and placed
upon those more able to sustain it. By these means, I
feel assured that property will be secured to its legitimate
owners. I have as much, if not more, landed property
as any candidate who has presented himself; and, there-
fore, it is absurd to suppose that I would advocate any
measures destructive of property. I am firmly of opinion,
with respect to Church Reform, that the exclusions and
corruptions which at present enfeeble that establishment
(of which I am a member) ought to be at once removed,
in order that its very tolerant and worthy principles may
be more firmly based on the respect and esteem of the Bri-
tish people. As to being a Repealer (of which I have
been falsely charged), I disclaim most entirely any wish to
dissever the connexion which at present exists between the
two countries of England and Ireland, and I have repeatedly
declared that I consider the repeal of the Union as fraught
with the utmost injury to both countries. I am an avowed
enemy to all the corruptions which impair the established
institutions of our country, and am anxious to see them
removed, in order to secure their firmness and efficiency.
If you send me into Parliament as your representative, I
shall, to the best of my ability, carry the war into the
enemy's camp; I shall resist abuses wherever I meet with
them ; oppose myself to corruption wherever I encounter
it; use every eff,rt to tear up the tree of evil, and in its
place to plant the tree of liberty, so indegenous to the
hearts of a free community.--(Continued cheers.)
Mr. LAINsoN then came forward. He apologized for
being totally unaccustomed to public speaking.—(Con-
siderable confusion, which prevented us from hearing dis-
tinctly the address of the Hon. Gentlemen.) He had been
a Reformer for the greater part of his life, and the situa-
tion which he had then arrived at, he had arrived at by
his own industry. He claimed merit for one thing—
hone•ty of purpose; and he hoped that, by so doing, he
had proved himself worthy the confidence of the electors;
for having acted with prudence in the guardianship of his
own property, he had, at least, given one proof of his fit-
ness to guard the public purse. The Hon. Gentleman de-
clared himself to a Whig, but not bound to any parti-
cular party. He should not have come forward, but for
the resignation of Alderman Venables, and the most re-
spectable requisition that had been forwarded to him. He
had nothing to seek by going into Parliament. He wished
for nothing, and had nothing to gain ; but if they returned
him, he would serve them honestly and faithfully, and to
the best of his ability.
The CHAIRMAN then put the names of the various can.
didates to a show of hands. For Mr. Briscoe about two-
thirds of those present held their hands up. For Mr.
Allen about 40 For Major Beauclerk almost every hand;
and for Mr. Lainson about a dozen.

The HIGH SHERIFF then declared that the election, by
show of hands, had fallen on Aubrey William Beauclerk,
Esq.—(Tremendous cheering)—and John Ivatt Briscoe,
Esq.—(Great applause.)

The friends of Mr. Allen and Mr. Lainson demanded a
poll, which will take place on Tuesday and Wednesday
next, at Camberwell, Croydon, Reigate, and Kingston.
Mr. BRISCOE moved a vote of thanks to the High
Sheriff, for his impartial conduct in the Chair.
Major BEA UCLERK seconded the motion, which was
carried by acclamation.

The limn SHERIFF returned thanks, and the Court
then broke up, with three cheers for the return of Mr.
Briscoe and Major Beanclerk.

BERKSHIRE, ABINGDON, DEC. 15.

This was the day appointed for the nomination of the
candidates for the honour of representing the county of
Becks, at Abingdon.

Mr. RAMSBOTTOM proposed Robert Tbrockmorton,
Esq., of Buckland, av a fit and proper person to represent
the county of Berks in Parliament. —( Cheers.)
Mr. MONCK, the former Member for Reading, came
forward to second the nomination.

Mr. WROUGHTON nominated Robert Palmer, Esq.—
(Cheers, and some disapprobation.)
Mr. G. H. ELLIOTT seconded the nomination.
Mr. HENRY RUSSELL proposed Philip Pusey, Esq., of
Pusey-hall.—(Cheers and hisses.)

Mr. C. EYitE, of Welford, secdnded the nomination.

Sir F. BURDETT then presented himself, and was hailed
with loud cheers. He had the satisfaction to present to the
electors a fourth candidate, who appeared to him to be not
only personally a gentleman of the highest respectability,
hut one who was every way qualified and fit to represent
that great county.—(Curers.) Giving to the other can-
didates all the credit to which they were justly entitled en
account of their descent, and especially bearing in mind
the honour reflected on the family of Mr. Throcktnorton
by the virtues of his uncle Mr. Joh❑ Throckmorton, his
late revered friend, still he thought that Mr. Walter, by
his own conduct, and by the principles which he professed,
had placed himself on as high a pinnacle of public estima-
tion as any of those with whom he came in competition
on the present occasion.—(Cheers.)
. .

Mr. PYSHE PALMER seconded the nomination.
Mr. THROCKMORTON came forward amidst considerable
applause. He was not one of those who approved of the
practice on tl,e part of constituents calling upon their re-
presentatives to pledge themselves to any particular line of
conduct upon the public questions that might be brought
under the consideration of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) At
the same time they (the electors) had a right to expect
from a candidate a fair exposition of the political principles
that would govern his public conduct, and he had a right
to give them such an explanation. Three questions had
been the subj.cts of considerable discussion during the pre-
sent canvass in this county, and they seemed principally to
occupy the attention of the electors here,--he meant tithes,
corn laws, and slavery. He would beg leave to say, that
it was not so much the amount of tithes, as the present
onerous mode of their collection, that caused them to be
complained of, and had generated such feelings of dissen-
sion between two parties that ought to be always insepara-
bly united—the pastor and his flock. He trusted that as
soon as Parliament met, some plait might be devised by
which the cler2yinan, without in any way suffering in the
amount which he at present received, would be paid that
amount in a less objectionable way ; that he would receive
it in a different shape, and in a inure certain manner.
The clergyman's rights to his property at the same time
should of course be protected, and the rights of the Church
of England to its property were founded upon every pos •
sible law, and no property, as far as law and justice were
concerned, could be more safely secured. The next sub-
ject to which lie should advert was the corn laws. He
was not himself dissatisfied with the present system of corn
laws, but if any other plan should be proposed in Parlia-
his 3lajesty's Government, or any other
most
bea carefulbetter
eatrheto plan,a nd anxious
attention.
for the farming interest as for the public at large, he
nt
tent individual,eioint h.
would be ready to give it his support, and if not he should
rhlbefysivt
should
give
a pipt
most certainly resist it.—( Hear.) With respect to that most
difficult vestion, negro slavery, lie knew that the very idea
of the existence of slavery in any part of our dominions
naturally excited the indignation of an Englishman.—
(Cheers.) The qutation must speedily be settled, and, in
the next Parliament, if slavery be not totally abolished, a
great step must be made towards its speedy abolition. Such
measures should certainly have his warmest support.—
(Cheers. )
Mr. R. PALMER said that it was no small honour for
any man to have to boast as he could, that he had been re-
turned by them for the fifth time as their representative to
Parliament. One of di, first and most important questions
that would be brought before a reformed Parliament would,
no doubt, be an alteration in the corn laws. He considered
that it would be unsafe and unwise to propose any altera-
tion in the present corn laws. One of the candidates had
expressed himself favourable to the substitution of a fixed
duty for the present fluctuating one, but he had never
stated what amount of duty he thought would be sufficient.
He (Mr. Palmer) thought that such a system was open to
many objections, and lie was decidedly for adhering to the
i)resentsys system
of
f protection. The next subject to which
lie should ad was that of tithes. The Hon. Gentleman,
after expressing his concurrence in the sentiments of his
late colleague Mr. Tbrockmorton, as to the undoubted
right of the clergy to their tithes, declared himself favour-
able to a properly regulated commutation of them, so as to
do away with the injurious effects arising from the present

mode of collection. The Hon. Gentleman likewise expressed
himself favourable to the abolition of slavery at the earliest
possible moment.
Mr. PUSEY commenced by saying that it had been ob-
jected to him that he had been the representative of a
close borough (Cashel), and therefore that he was unfit to
represent that county. It would be strange if a circum-
stance which had happened to the late Member for the
largest county in England (Yorkshire)—he meant Lord
Brougham, the now favourite of the people, but who had
sat for a long time for a nomination borough—should dis-
qualify him (Mr. Pusey) from aspiring to the representa-
tion of Berkshire. When he was first in Parliament, two
years ago, there was a question between the Duke of
Wellington's Government and the Whigs as to the trans-
ferring the franchise from East Retford to Birmingham,
and in that instance he (Mr. Pusey) voted with the
Whigs for giving it to Birmingham. When:the Duke of
Wellington went out of power, he (Mr. Pusey) then, in
addressing the House for the first time, stated his convic-
tion that they could not go on unless a measure of Par.
liamentary Reform was carried, and that he hoped that the
Duke of Wellington's Government would give such a
measure.—( Voices in the crowd, " Why did you not sup
port the Reform Bill ?") It was not introduced then. He
objected to the Reform Bill when it was brought forward
because he thought it was an experiment in the way of
change, to an extent that he did not think we were war-
ranted in going. The Hon. Gentleman then expressed
himself favourable to a commutation of tithes. With re-
gard to the corn laws, he thought that a fixed duty would
not be so favourable to the farmer as the present varying
duty. He professed himself friendly to the abolition of
slavery.
Mr. WALTER then came to the front of the hustings,
and was received with the loudest acclamations. He spoke
to the following effect :—Gentlemen, I stand before you as
a Reformer. In that word " Reformer" all is comprised
which may serve as a fit introduction to your favour. I
may, I suppose, say without vanity, that which has been
objected to me as matter of repro ,ch, that I possess the
habits of business ; and I pledge myself not merely to re-
commend economy, but to investigate all the items of pub-
lic expenditure, hie one who has to give an account to you
from whose purses the money to satisfy them must come, of
the expenses which he has allowed to pass.—(Cheers.)
It is asked, what will the Reformed Parliament do ?
I trust that it will alter and amend the present unequal
system of taxation,—that it will remove it from the ne-
cessary expenditure of the poorer and middle classes of so-
ciety, and impose it as much as possible on the wealthier.
—(Cheers.) I look especially to the repeal of the assessed
taxes—(Cheers)—.to the reduction, if not to the removal,
of the malt duty—(Cheers)—and to the diminution of
those imposts which press most heavily upon the indus-
trious classes. I agree with Sir H. Parnell that it is
most difficult to ascertain the amount of the civil expen-
diture; but still there are means by which our expendi-
ture may be diminished to the amount of perhaps millions
annually; and those means are, a reduction of the charges
of collecting the revenue—a reduction of our military
es•ablishments to the lowest scale consistent with efficacy
of the public service—a reduction of official salaries—
(Cheers)—an abolition of undeserved pensions—(Cheers)
and a more scrupulous economy in the government of our
colonial dependencies. These are my principles with re-
spect to the mode of raising a public revenue, and to the
management and application of that revenue afterwards.
The next subject to which I feel it necessary to advert is
the corn laws. An Honourable Gentleman on the other
side has cal'ed upon me for some specific declaration upon
this subject. I have already declared that the home
grower must he protected. I feel it difficult to be more
specific on this occasion, but I may add that I have not
been remiss in reflecting and conversing on the subject
with a great many members of the agricultural interest;
and in the vast majority of cases have found my opinions
approved. I can assure you, with great sincerity, that
my best and most anxious attention shall be uniemitangly
applied to this subject. On the subject of tithes I have
no hesitation is repeating my opinion that an arrang,-
ment may be made, and that speedily, too, which, in-
stead of spoliating the Church, would satisfy the clergy,
and at the same time the great body of the nation.
I bold that the life-interest of the present possessors should
be protected in the most sacred manner; and I think that
in this manner the necessities of the Church may be re-
conciled with the rights of the community and with the
best interests of religion.—(Cheers.) Another great
topic of interest is the slave trade. How singular it is,
that one race of men, merely because their skins are
white, should have the power of considering whether they
may enslave another because their skins are black.—
(Cheers.) Every body, I believe, is satisfied with the
sincerity of the present Ministers in their desire to meet
the wishes of the people and the calls of religion and hu-
manity upon this subject ; and I am convinced that any
measure to be effectual must, like the Reform Bill, be a
Ministerial one. With Ministers I will go as far as the
farthest ; and should they fail to do what is expected of
them, I will support and defend any measures, ema-
nating from whatever quarter, that may tend to remove
this deep stain from our country.—(Cheers.)
Here Mr. Walter was interrupted by a loud clamour,
raised by a steward or servant of Mr. Palmer. Mr.
Walter suddenly stopped, and said, " The servant of Mr.
Palmer is interrupting me. Will you order him, Mr.
Palmer, to be quiet ?"—(Cries of " Shame—its Palmer's
steward.")
Mr. PALMER—I hope that I am sufficiently well known
to the county to insure belief to my word when I assert,
that no tine connected with me, with my approbation, will
interrupt any speaker.

The disturbance having subsided, Mr. WVALTEB pro.
ceeded—Gentlemen, a Reformer I have been from the be-
ginning; I have with you fostered the measure
in its infancy, and through your support I hope to carry
it temperately on to a complete and perfect manhood; so
that, pervading all the offices of Government, and the
establishments of religion, it may retrench and prune
what is unnecessary anti burdensome—give stability to
what is indispensable for our tranquillity and happiness—
and mike us a better, a richer, and a wiser people.
Mr. PascoE GRENFELL—I respect Mr. Pusey as an
individull, but I do not consider hint now as a private in-
dividual, but as a public man.—(Cheers.) Considering
his past conduct, I cannot bring myself to vote in his fa-
vour on this the first occasion that the people of Eng-
land are called on to exercise the franchise which the Re-
form Bill bestows upon them.—(Loud cheering.) has
not the Hon. Candidate, I would ask you, during all the
time in which he has represented Rye, Chippenham, and
Cashel, opposed not only every clause of our Reform Bill,
but every measure calculated to produce Reform—
(Cheers, and cries of " So he has")—which has been in-
troduced into the House of Commons?—(Cheers.) These
are the public grounds which will induce me to use every
energy in my power daring this contested election to keep
him out of Parliament.—(Cheers.)

Mr. H. MARSH then came forward amidst a slight
hooting, which was immediately answered by the loudest
cheering which we ever heard given in any public as•
sembly to any individual. He spoke to the following ef-
fect :—Brother electors, and you the other inhabitants of
Berkshire,—l was employed yesterday in the county of
Hants in advocating the same cause which I am here ad-
vocating now, and am most happy to inform you, that in
that county the friends of Reform had a most glorious
inajoritv.—(Cheers.) Yesterday I was a Hampshire hog,
to-day I am a Berkshire dog—(Laughter)—and as the
Hampshire hogs gave a glorious grunt yesterday in favour
of Reform, I hope that you, the Berkshire dogs, will
bark out equally glorious to-day.—(Cheers and laughter.)
Imagine to yourselves, Gentlemen, an old, though not a
tired or quite worn-out, pilgrim on the road to Reform.
—(" God forbid, Harry : you should be immortal,") I
have travelled that rough, rugged, and difficult road be-
tween 30 and 40 years. Now I leave you to estimate the
gratification which I experience this day in finding myself
arrived at my present position.—(Cheers.) When I look
on the right hand of me and behold that honest and pa-
triotic Baronet, I recollect that in 1809 I attended
a deputation appointed to wait on the Hon. Baronet, then
in the Tower of London, and for what ?—for treason
against his King and his country ?—No, but for treason
against their High Mightinesses the boroughmongers.—
(Cheers. ) What, then, must be the gratificatio❑ to the
Hon. Baronet now, on seeing such a sight as that now
before him? if Mr. Walter had not come forward to
fight oar battle, we should now not have been in our pre-
sent situation, and therefore, though be is not a tried man,
he is yet an approved one, and deserves your confidence
and support fur coming forward when your cause was in
need of support.—(Cheers ) I trust that as you will
show your gratitude to Mr. Throckmorton by returning
him to Parliament for what he has done for you in Par-
liament, so likewise you will return Mr. Walter to the
same Parliament for what he has done fir you out of Par-
liament.—(Cheers, and cries of " We will.")
The HIGH SHERIFF then called for a show of hands fur
the different candidates. A great number were held up
for Mr. Thruckniorton, about 20 or 30 for Mr. Palmer,
not quite so many for Mr. Posey, and a very large display
of hands was made when the name of Mr. Walter was
announced. The High Sheriff then declared that the show
of hands had been in favour of Messrs. Throckmorton,
Walter, and Palmer.—(Great cheering.)
A poll was then demanded on the part of Mr. Posey,
which was of course immediately granted, and the High
Sheriff then declared the Cowl adjourned until nine

o'clock on Tuesday morning, for the purpose of kavict
the poll taken at the various polling districts throughout
the county.
_ _

After thanks had been voted to the High Sheriff, the
meeting separated.

A MARE'S NEST.

The Times would prove, on the authority of the
New York Advertiser, that there is no freedom 01,
election in that great city, and that the ballot has
utterly failed. The evidence in proof of these large
assertions is, that in the election of the President,
one of the " faithful subjects of Tammany" voted
five times over for General Jackson. Upon this
single instance, a case of defect in arrangement Will
hardly be supported; but were there ten thousand
such instances, they would only prove that veil
easy provisions against such frauds were wanting,
end once known to he wanting, they would imme
(timely be supplied. Is it presuming on the iglu''
ranee of its readers, or in the innocent simplicity of
its own profound stupidity, that the Times quotes
the New York Advertiser as a convincing evidence
against the ballot and freedom of election in NO
York ? With like sagacity, the New York Advil"
user might quote the Alorning Post, to prove the;
England was revolutioned and all things turns°,
topsy-turvy, the persons of our gracious King so,
Queen included. Again, American Papers °'
strongly democratic politics might quote certai°
publications in London, to show that the Monarchy
of England had utterly failed and was worse that
useless, a vast cost for a puppet ; and that the
House of Peers was a sheer unmixed mischief, t°
which none but the infatuated slaves of custom
could submit. What inference would the Time
desire the people of the United Sates to draw from
such representations ? Certainly not the true one'
Nothing can be more idle than to reason against the,
adoption of the ballot in England on the ground °I
its alleged failure in America. Had it failed in Al0e:
Ilea (where every thing stands or falls by the Sell'
of utility, and custom has no sway unless beneflt,lll
experienced) it would have ceased to exist. 111
existence is, therefore, evidence that it is succesolw
and approved; but had it failed, the failure in 0,8 I
United States would be no argument against till
uses in England. The people of the Union art It
mo.t independent in the world. The peopiL
England are probably the most dependent.
ballot might be dispensed with in America, as
foul influences can have slender force; while;
England, where they have vast power of one sort
another in almost every class, the secret voting is
the only safeguard, the only protection for the OP;
scientious discharge of duty. No condition, °
sphere, in England, is superior to the influences;
Where the powers of favour or injury, of patrong
or of persecution, cease, the influences of caste, et);
terie, fashion, and the Court begin,—and to b
powerful they are over the little great, who, Wl.ll
all their pride, are generally the meanest ai;
most abject of beings in their submission to the ifl°
of their worship or their awe. Hence, in Ariel°.
erotic Clubs, the ballot is employed as the only
curity against solicitations which it were difficult to
resist, and the only mode of obtaining an unbias
judgment on the claims of candidates. When, 110;
ever, reference is made to the club ballot, it must
always be remembered that it arms enmity with thise
tremendous power of the black ball, which cancel)
ten friendly votes (in some of the smaller clubs op
or two black balls exclude). In the political ball?t
,
objection is not so formidably armed; it contend
on equal terms with support, and malignity is It
tempted to exercise by the extraordinary power
its disposal. This difference should always be WO,
in mind, as it clears the political ballot from objech'
tiona that do, in some degree, attach to the clO
ballot, which nevertheless, after all deductions 1114
properly operifyor the
prefe evilsrre we
dast have glanced
instruin instrument for
fis yet
orexuali
ing a fair choice.—Examiner.

HUNTING APPOINTMENTS.

vow
The King's Stag Hounds will meet on Monday, Dec. :ist
Two-mile Brook, and Friday, 21, at the Golden Ball, tiro
nail—at eleven.
T. Smith, Esq.'s (the Craven) Hounds will meet on Mono'
Dec. 17, at Wallingtons ; Wednesday, 19, at ChesburY 1:„"
day, 21, at Welford-house ; and Saturday, 2'2, at Ham Ashley
at half-past ten.
haul
The Brighton Harriers will meet on Mondays, at Pate-- x;
Wednesdays, near the Race-course; and Fridays, at the PY
The Brookside Harriers will meet on Mondays, at „er.
market ; Wednesdays, at Ashcombe and the Kennel,
'lately; and Fridays, at Telscombe Tye—at half-past ten.
The East Sussex Fox Hounds will meet on Monday, Dee'
at Exceat-bridge—before eleven. Dee•
The Essex Union Fox Hounds will meet on Tuesday,
18, at Norsey Wood; on Thursday, 20, at Galleywood-cawl I
mon ; and Saturday, 22, at Laindon-hill—at half-p4St ten, At I
Mr. Mure's Fox Hounds will meet on Tuesday, Dec* '"
Orton Lion—at half-past ten, 1
The Cottesmore Hounds will meet on Monday, Dec. 141
Stocken.hall ; Tuesday, 18, at Wing; and ThursdaY•

Market Overton—at a quarter before-eleven. $t
Earl Fitzwilliam's Hounds will meet on Monday, Dec. I.' p,{
Elton Toll-bar; Wednesday, 19, at Abbott's Rippon; '•

Thursday, 20, at Castor Hanglands—at ten.