The Sun.
London, England, 1835-05-25 00:00:00

FURTHER ARRANGEMENT.

MONDAY, JUNE 1 Third Subscription Banat the Hanover-square
Rooms.
JuNa 11... Second Grand Ball of the Officers of the Royal
Artillery, Woolwich.

LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC MEETINGS FOR
THE WEEK.

TU EZDAY... ...... Zoological, half-past eight, p.m. Scientific Business
Royal College of Physicians, nine, p.m.
•
Medico-Botanical Society, eight, p.m, •
Institution of Civil Engineers, eight, p.m.
WEDNESDAY Geological Society, half-past eight, p'. m.
Society of Arsl„,half-:past sgven„ g.tp. „
THURSDAY Royal Society, half-past eight, p.m.
Society o Atifililaries, 'eight; p int ': a'
- Royal Society of Literature, four, p.m.i
FRIDAY Royal Institution, half-past eight, p.m. , '

Yesterday Mr. Roche, rINI.P.; :Mr., Evans, Sir R.
Musgrave; and seven or eight other gentlemen, had:an interview
with the Chancellor of the Exchequer at his office in Down-
ing-street, as a deputation on-the subject of newspaper pro-
perty, in England,,,Seotland, tld.)Valses.

CHEAP J3ooKs.—Let ,complpitiithOovers
of literature have gpod reason to. rejoice at...the state, of the
times, when the most sterling works in' a's well as
Fiction. arc presented to the'in, more. eorrec.tly and elegantly
printed, and more beantifullyzillustyate.d than at. any former
period. Examples are' numerous; 'we 'stall-cite 'a' few. Mr
Ward's " T'remaine," originally 'published' tivitimo guineas,
may now be had beautifully embellished in two vols_ for 10s.
Sir Jonah .Barrington's " Memoirs of Ireland,"' originally
published at 51. 55., is now to be had with all,the forty por-
traits and other embelAishments:Jor sl. ,t3s., • Mr. I3ulwer's
" Pelham," originally published at 1/. 6.d. for 10s.
" Garrick's Life and Correspondence," originally published at
Si. 55., and containing in the txoltsz 44o.mte much matter as
six octavos, now costs only 2/. Jos..iChateanhyiAnd's eloquent
work, descriptive of the Holy Land, (" Travefs to Jerusalem")
2 vols. for 16s, Lady Morgan: •Natisnal.l'ale'Lf "'O'Don-
.nel;". the three volumes in and, f¢l fif :

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We know nothing more disgusting in the wretched tactics
of party warfare than the perfect recklessness with which
refuted falsehood is put forward again and again as a staple
commodity of the Tory press. Lord Melbourne's Minis-
try was not a day old when the Noble Lord was charged
with having entered into a league with Mr. O'Connell.
Lord Melbourne met the imputation with a direct negative.
It is not safe to reiterate the slander in the hearing of those
who can, on the instant, repel it. Foiled in Parliament,
the faction fills its venal columns with a mass of fabrications,
in the hope that those who read the fiction will never be
taught to know its falsehood. Now the cry is that Mr.
O'Connell is influencing the Irish appointments. The ex-
travagance of this assertion is known and felt in Ireland,
where names and persons cannot be concealed ; and it
is but fitting that the public here should be made aware
of the course of firm, but temperate policy, which is
happily developing itself in that country, where the first
object of a British Statesman ought to be to create a
liberal party in attachment to English connection and
to the British Monarchy. The Sergeantcy, rendered vacant
r! the appointment of the new Attorney-General, was
ffered to Mr. Holmes, a gentleman who unites in himself
a larger share of the estimation of all parties than perhaps
any other individual at the Irish Bar ; a Whig of unde-
viating consistency ; a lawyer of the very highest station a
Dissenter of unquestioned attachment to Protestant prin-
ciples, and certainly no well-wisher of the Church of Rome ;
a man, one of whose earliest effusions, as a writer, was a
treatise of uncommon power, written before the Legislative
Union, demonstrating the utter impossibility of preventing
that measure or repealing it. Mr. Holmes, for peculiar
reasons, into which we have no right to inquire, though we
lament their existence, declined the Sergeantcy. We
trust his refusal will not prevent his early elevation to the
Bench. It never had, in either country, a purer light or a
greater ornament. Refused by an eminent Protestant,
the Sergeantcy was offered to a Roman Catholic
barrister of high standing, of acknowledged talent—
one who was neither a Repealer nor an Agitator, but a de-
termined opponent of a repeal of the Union. Mr. Woulfe
was not only not a member of what some are pleased to
call the O'Connell party in Ireland, but is known to enter-
tain, on vital questions alleged to be advocated by Mr.
O'Connell, opinions diametrically opposite to those of the
Hon. and Learned Gentleman. He was selected for ad-
vancement, not because he was a Roman Catholic (as the
previous offer to Mr. Holmes proves), but because he was
an eminent lawyer, who has professed through life, with
firmness and moderation, sound Whig opinions, which the
present Government do not think should be rewarded by
exclusion from official station. The offices of First Ser-
geant and of Advising Counsel to the Crown were thus
cast upon Mr. Greene. A general impression prevailed
that these offices were inconsistent. In that impression,
we own, we fully concur. The First Sergeant, on the
occurrence of any event, whether of illness or absence.
which prevents one of the Judges from acting on cir-
cuit, becomes, in course, a judge of assize io he absence
of the Solicitor-General. The duties of the Crown Coun-
sel necessarily and inevitably make him the adviser of cir-
cuit prosecutions. The mind revolts at the union of those
functions. That a judge should preside at a trial of a case
involving the life or liberty of a fellow-subject, with a pre-
vious knowledge of all the circumstances—and, still more,
with a previously formed opinion upon the propriety and
necessity of the prosecution, and of the evidence to be ad-
duced to support it—involves a direct violation of the first
principles of jurisprudence, and necessarily leads, in the
minds of the accused, to a distrust of the tribunal before
which they arc arraigned. Sergeant Greene having va-
cated the post of Counsel to the Lord Lieutenant (an
office by the way, which, in point of dignity, was considered
by Lord Manners to be beneath the rank of a King's
Counsel), his place has been filled by Mr. Maziere
Brady. This gentleman is a Protestant barrister of
considerable standing, of high legal eminence, a
sound, well-read, practical lawyer ; a thorough and con-
sistent Whig. We believe he has contemporaries and fel-
low-students at the English bar to whom his talents and
acquirements are well known. He certainly cannot be said
to owe his elevation to Mr. O'Connell ; he never was a
member of the Catholic or of any other political Associa-
tion. We doubt even whether these gentlemen have bad
any other than a professional acquaintance with each other.
A miserable attempt (among the lies of the faction) has
been made, to circulate a notion that he is—what will the
reader think ?—not the gentleman to whom his name be-
longs, but a Mr. James Charles Brady, a Roman Catholic
barrister of great promise, who was a member of the Ca-
tholic Association, but who left the bar in consequence of
ill health, and died upwards of a year ago! Mr. Maziere
Brady is indebted for his appointment solely (we are in-
formed) to the opinion entertained by the Irish Attorney-
General—his personal friend—of his perfect fitness for
the discharge. of the functions of the laborious office
intrusted to his charge. The death of Mr. Lloyd created
a vacancy in the place of one of the Judges of the Insolvent
Debtor's Court. This vacancy has been tilled by the appoint-
ment of Mr. Richard Farrell, a Roman Catholic barrister
of the rank of King's Counsel, but having so little pretensions
to being a favourite of Mr. O'Connell, that an Irish news-
paper (The Pilot ) which is generally supposed to be the
able supporter of Mr. O'Connell's views of Irish policy,
published on the 18th of this month a paragraph strongly
condemnatory of Mr. Farrell's appointment, on the ground
that his political liberality was of a temperature too tepid to
make him a public favourite in Ireland. Of Mr. Farrell
we shall only say, that he is not, and never was, a political
associate of Mr. O'Connell ; and that we believe one rea-
son for his elevation, and we do not think it a bad one,
was, that he stood high in the estimation of Lord Wel-
lesley, to whom, we believe, he in fact owes his own
appointment. The second Judge of the Insolvent Court is
about to retire ; his place is to be filled by Mr. William
Henry Curran. We believe that the most bare-faced
public slanderers who cater for the Tory press will not im-
pute this gentleman's elevation to the influence of Mr.
O'Connell. Mr. Curran has been long known, both in
this country and in Ireland, as distinguished even more for
his temperate, firm, consistent course as a politician, than
for his varied accomplishments. A Whig, and a firm one,
he commenced his professional life at a period when to pro-
fess the principles of his party was, in Ireland, to ensure
proscription from all advancement. The son of one of the
most distinguished men his country ever produced, inhe-
riting the talents and the public virtue with the principles
of the illustrious man whose name he bears, Mr. Curran
has never for one hour swerved from the strenuous, consis-
tent, but temperate course with which he commenced his
public career. He has long discharged the duties of an
Assistant-Barrister, not only with acknowledged popularity
and efficiency, but with a purity in his professional conduct
with reference to his judicial functions of which we fear
there are in Ireland but few imitators. From the time of
his appointment to the chair of Assistant-Barrister, he is
known to have inflexibly refused professional business from
the attorneys who practised in his Court. His habits of
business, and his many acquirements, early attracted the
notice of Lord Melbourne, when he was Chief Secretary
for Ireland ; and we believe that to his Lordship's convic-
tion of Mr. Curran's competency, the sister country will be
indebted for his elevation to an office of great importance to
the administration of justice, requiring assiduity, habits of
application, and knowledge of mankind, even more than
mere professional acquirements. The Assistant-Barrister-
ship, vacant by the appointment of Mr. Farrell, has been
given to Mr. Moody, a barrister of long standing—not a
Roman Catholic—not a friend of Mr. O'Connell—but a
Dissenter—the son of a Dissenting clergyman, who, in times
that ought not to be forgotten, stood by the Whig party
in Ireland with unflinching fidelity—the tried and accom-
plished friend of civil and religious liberty. We believe
(and it is with shame we state it) that Mr. Isloody is
the first Protestant Dissenter who was ever appointed
an Assistant-Barrister in Ireland. His fitness for
the office is best attested by the universal satisfac-
tion with which he discharged, on many occasions,
the duties of Assistant-Barrister in a populous and
extensive county, in the absence of the gentleman to whom
the office belonged. We have now enumerated the
recent appointments in Ireland. To the friends of a Re-
forming Government they have given unmixed satisfaction ;
by the enemies of that Government they are regarded with
a disappointment not unmixed with despair. The Govern-
ment have performed with firmness, unawed by clamour,
one of the very first and momentous of their duties : they
have selected competent servants from amongst their friends.
Already this vigorous policy is beginning to tell. It is
creating confidence in the King's Government—it is multi-
plying their friends—it is dispiriting their enemies. We
trust it will be undeviatingly pursued. Let the Ministry
here and in Ireland act upon this principle, which is, after
all, one of sheer common sense, and they may soon laugh
to scorn the railings of a disappointed faction, and the fa-
brications of a shameless press.—Morning Chronicle.

In the House of Lords the Prime Minister denies that
there is an understanding between him and Mr. O'Connell.
In the House of Commons Mr. O'Connell speaks of " the
great measure of Corporation Reform which WE have it in
contemplation to bring in." There can be little doubt which
of these contradictory statements would, in the absence of
all collateral circumstances, have the better claim to credit.
Unfortunately, however, for his Lordship, it is too palpable
that his Administration depends for its existence on the aid
of Mr. O'Connell. Hence the inadvertent " WE" has led
to a very prevailing belief, notwithstanding any assertion to
the contrary, that his Lordship and Mr. O'Connell are
" Like to a double cherry, seeming parted,
But yet a union in partition."
This belief is, as a matter of course, accompanied by a feel-
ing that, in his endeavour
To mask the business from the common eye,"
Lis Lordship has made a sacrifice quite inconsistent with

his character as a gentleman, and his station as the first
Minister of the Crown. Now, his Lordship's denial of the
" understanding" may be perfectly correct, and, in the con-
sciousness of his own innocence, he may refuse to take any
steps in consequence of the authoritative " wE" of Mr.
O'Connell. It is, however, quite possible that, from a too
tender regard for his character, his Lordship may have re-
course to some very strong measure on the occasion ; and
as that may, perhaps, consist in the throwing Mr. O'Con-
nell overboard, we beg to call to the recollection of the
Noble Lord flee following almost parallel case, in order that
he may form some notion of the almost certain result of
such a [proceeding :—One day when a celebrated organist
had greatly delighted his auditory, the organ-blower said to
him, after the church was cleared, " Sir, I think WE' did
rarely to-day."—" We, sir !" said the organist. " Ay, WE,
to be sure," answered the other. " What would you have
done without me ?" The next Sunday the organist, sitting
down to play, could not make his organ speak ; and there-
upon, calling to the bellows-blower, asked what he meant ?
Why he did not blow ? " Shall it be WE, then ?" said the
other ; which the organist was forced to consent to, or
there had been no music. The similarity of the two cases
is complete, with one slight exception. The organist, impa-
tient of the " WE," could have discharged the bellows-
blower, and engaged another and a less unruly and ambitious
person, to supply his place. But can Lord Melbourne dis-
charge Mr. O'Connell ? Alas ! no. Revolting as it may
and must be to him, there can be no music if he will
not submit to the " wE."—Morning Post.
Nothing more satisfactorily indicates the hopeless condi-
tion of the Tories than the impish tricks of their malevo-
lence. Stroud was visited by a nondescript, that, like a
guilty thing, shrunk from showing its face to the electors,
and shunned the day of nomination. Stafford is annoyed
by a similar nuisance, in the shape of a candidate, who
starts up like Punch, and, after a little pantomimic gesti-
culation, drops behind the curtain. On every struggle of
the recent elections throughout the United Kingdom—
Devon and Inverness excepted—has victory followed the
banners of Reform : in Stafford alone is the contest as yet
undecided ; but the principles at issue,—the intelligence
and independence of the electors—and the intrinsic qualifi-
cations of the respective candidates, can leave no doubt
as to the final result. On one side is the principle of
equal political rights to every man, and general ame-
lioration to all. On the other side is the principle of
unjust exclusion and oppression of the many for the ag-
grandisement of the few. In connection with the holy
principles of justice and freedom is their conscientious and
able advocate Colonel Anson ; in connection with the ac-
cursed principles of injustice and oppression is a unity, a
mere mummy, as incapable of forming as of expressing an
opinion, and put forward by the Tories for the purpose, if
elected a member of the House of Commons, of swelling by
a silent vote, as faction dictates, the array of 'enemies to
national prosperity. Freemen of Stafford, can you hesitate
in your decision ? Look to York as your cynosure, and
let a similar majority to that of the West Riding prove
your abhorrence of the anti-national conspirators, and your
indiznition at the impositions they would practise on you.
The Liberals of the metropoliB and of the empire generally
have their eyes upon you, and demand your united efforts
in the common cause. Give by your votes a death-blow
to the public enemy, and let Stafford have the honour to
inscribe the hic jacet on the tomb of Toryism.—Morning
Advertiser.

SECOND EDITION.

SUN OFFI CE, Seven o•'clock

THE PARLIAMENT.

(THIS EVENING.)

HOUSE OF LORDS.

His Royal Highness the Duke of CAMBRIDGE took the oaths
and his seat.

MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS.

Mr. BAILLTE and other Members of the House of Commons
brought up the Honiton Church Bill and several Private Bills.
Mr. Crafer presented papers from the Treasury.
Mr. Campbell, from the East India House, presented the
annual account of the revenues and charges of India.
SCOTCH CHURCH.

Petitions in favour of the Scotch Church, and also against
any public grant, were presented ; by the Duke of Gordon, in
favour of the grant, by the Earl of Rosebery, from Dalkeith
and several other places, against the Grant, by the Duke of Su-
therland, from Caithness and the Synod of Ross, in favour of the
Church of Scotland, and against the grant to Maynooth
College, and by Earl Cawdor from Ayr.
OBSERVANCE OF THE SABBATH.

The Bishop of LICHFIELD and COVENTRY' pre-
sented petitions from parishes in Derby for the better obser-
vance of the Sabbath.
ISLINGTON MARKET BILL.

Lord YARBOROUGH presented a petition from the gra-
ziers of Boston against the Islington Market Bill.
EDUCATION.

Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from Berkliamp
stead, in favour of a more extended plan of education.
CRIMINAL LAW.
_ _

The Marquis of L ANSDOWNE, in laying on the table
a return of the number of convictions in England and \Vales,
according to an order of the House. stated that since the returns
had been moved for, he had made inquiries whether or not
it would be practicable to extend the returns to Scotland and
Ireland, and letters had been despatched to Scotland and Ire-
land for that purpose. His Noble Friend would see when he came
to examine the returns, that they had required great
labour to bring them to the state in which they
at present were.--( Hear, hear.) Information had not
been received either from Scotland or Ireland, but if
had been thought better to lay the returns before the House,
as far as they related to England and Wales.
GAOLS.

The Duke of RICHMOND stated, that as the evidence
that had been taken before the Gaol Committee had not been
placed in the hands of many of their Lordships till the pre-
sent day, he was inclined to defer the resolution of which
he had given notice for to-day, until a future opportu-
nity—( Hear, hear,)—but, at the same time, he was
anxious to make a proposal to his Noble Friend at the head
of the Government, which, if acceded to by him, would confer
great benefit on the country at large, and give satisfaction
to their Lordships. Every man now admitted that the
Gaol Act required amendment, and he believed their
Lordships would all agree with him that that task could be
best undertaken by the Government, who had greater
facilities than any private individual could have of bring-
ing it to a successful issue. The proposal was that,
without loss of time, Government should lay on their
Lordships table, without loss of time, a Bill for the amend-
ment of the 4th George IV., chapter 54, commonly called the
Gaol Act, that that Bill should enact that one uniform
system of prison discipline should be arranged for every
gaol and House of Correction in the country—and also a
clause that the rules and regulations for the government of
prisons, which heretofore had been submitted to the Judges
of Assize, should be submitted to the Secretary of State.
He would propose that the Bill should be referred to the Com-
mittee on Prison Discipline, because, from the immense mass
of information they had obtained from witnesses, as well as from
their own visits to the jails of the metropolis, he considered they
they were the best judges of the matter. From all that had
appeared before them, it seemed that no one but one belonging
to the class of the most criminal could, under the present
system, be imprisoned in an gaol in England without conta-
mination.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He hoped his Noble Friend
would agree to the plan he had proposed, for if so, one of the
greatest grievances of the present day would be done away
with—it was imperative that their Lordships should do some-
thing during the present session.
Viscount MELBOURNE said from all his knowledge
and experience upon the subject, and from the grounds
which had been stated, he felt himself obliged to say
that the recommendations must be carried into effect—
( Cheers)—and he had no hesitation in pledging himself
on the part of the Government, that they would take a very
early opportunity of laying a Bill on the tablg, in order to
carry into effect the first three resolutions.—( Cheers. )
Petitions in favour of the Church were preseeted by the
Duke of BUCCLEUGH and the Earls of RODEN and WILTON.
Lord FARNHAM moved for a return of all the indictments
preferred against individuals for being concerned in party
processions, since the Bill regulating them had passed
the House. He did so in order, therefore, that the
doubt stated on Friday with respect to the meaning of
that law should be set at rest.—Ordered.

On the motion of the Duke of RIGIIMOND, it was ordered
that the first report of the Gaol Committee be sent to the
House of Commons.

Lord BROUGHAM gave notice that on Thursday next
(which was after altered to Wednesday) he would call their
Lordships' attention to the subject of Marriages in Scotland,
and the Law of Patents.

The Duke of BUCCLEUCH presented a petition from
the farmers, graziers, and others of the county of Bucks and
neighbouring counties, against the Islington Market Bill ; and
from the same places, complaining of agricultural distress.
. The Marquis of WESTMEA FH wished to know from the
Noble and Learned Lord opposite (Brougham), when it was
his intention to proceed with his Ecclesiastical Courts Bill.

Lord BROUG HAM said that a Learned Friend of his in
the other House, the late Attorney-General, had introduced a
Bill into the other House, which, if carried, would carry his
(Lord Brougham's) intentions completely into effect. In
the course of a week or ten days they would see the
progress that Bill had made, which would determine him
as to the course he would take. There were very
great difficulties in the way, but he trusted they
would be all overcome ; if not, he thought the better plan
would be to leave out that part of the Bill which affected the
vested interests which would be affected by the abolition of so
many Courts.
The question of adjournment havin,g been put—
The Earl of RODEN wished to know if the Noble Vis-
count at the head of the Ministry whether he was yet prepared
to lay before the House a copy of the dispatch sent to the
new Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.
Lord MELBOURNE said he had not heard of any grounds
for the production of the dispatch, especially as he conceived
its production would be injurious to the public service.
The Earl of RODEN repeated the charges made by him

on a former night. For the benefit of those Noble Lords who
had not been then present, he repeated that the Lord Lieutenant
proceeded from Kingston to Dublin in a procession in which were
carried the emblems of sedition—the harp without a crown—
the cap of liberty, &c. He did not'iwish for the punishment of
any of the parties present, but he wished to enter a
claimer for the same liberty to those loyal Protestant sub-
jects who were members of the Orange Institutions
the Noble Lord having refused to give a copy of the dis-
patch he (the Earl of R.) was yet ready to prove his
statements at the bar of the House, and in that position he
would leave the question in the hands of their Lordships.
®The Earl of LEITRIM—Ths Noble Lord has said that his
statements have gone uncontradicted; they would do so no longer
he would contradict them most unequivocally ; the order and
decorum kept in that procession he had never seen exceeded,
and he saw no banner but what appeared to be the emblems of
the trades present. He had been informed that one banner
had appeared with the " Repeal of the Union" for its motto ;
but the character of an assembly of thousands was not to
be taken away for the indiscretion of one individual.—
The people of Ireland were of very enthusiastic temperament,
and naturally expressed themselves is a warm manner, and as
the Catholics bad looked forward to the present Government
as one of a liberal policy, and expected that it would introduce
a measure for the reform of the Corporation of Dublin,
it was natural for them to express their feelings in an en-
thusiastic manner. But all the clamour that had been made
in Dublin, and re-echoed here on this much misrepresented
procession, was the mere effect of the hostility of certain
parties to everything that was conducive to reform.—( Hear. )
Lord LONDONDERRY thought that what the Noble
Lord had stated proved that there was some ground for in-
quiry into this matter. A Noble Lord on that side of the
House (Lord Roden) had offered to prove at the bar of their
Lordships, House, that the statements which the Noble
had just contradicted, and if no judicial enquiry was instituted,
the Government should at least produce the Lord Lieutenant's
letter.—( Hear.)
After a few words from the Earl of Wicimow and Lord
MELBOURNE, the House adjourned.