The Sun.
London, England, 1866-05-29 00:00:00

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.

THrs DAY.—Merning, lh. 59m.—Afternoon, 2h. 20m.
Ta-McE.Row.-31or1:iug, 2h. 36m.---Afternoon, 2h. 5-Im.

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LONDON, TUESDAY, MAY 29, 1866.

_-.40. ---

The debate of last evening certainly did not want
for animation, and if the Government can congra-
tulate themselves on the first evening's discussion
being safely over, they have also to chronicle the
mortification of finding themselves in a minority of
10 in a house of 491 members, including the 4
Tellers and the Speaker. Mr. GLADSTONE has a
troublesome office to perform in getting his bill
through the house, and it is probably none the more
pleasant to him from his own consciousness of the
shortcomings of the measure. Mr. GLADSTONE
cannot bring himself to support the Ballot, though
we hope before long to enrol him in the list of dis-
tinguished converts ; but he must be fully sensible,
even without the revelations of the last election,
that bribery is one of the great drawbacks and dis-
graces of our Parliamentary system. It appears
undoubtedly inconsistent to pass a bill for amend-
ing the Representation of the People Bill imme- 1
diately after such a transaction as the Nottingham
election without making some effort to mitigate
the evil. But the fact is that the antidote is ready
to our hands, and we refuse to take it,
be the poison ever so deadly. Mr. BRIGHT spoke
the truth when he said that he had no belief in the
efficacy of measures of punishment to repress cor-
ruption. " The law is strong enough now as re-
gards punishment, and yet the law seems ineffectual
to suppress bribery." Mr. BRIGHT'S cure is two-
fold—the one as efficacious as the other is illusive.
He says that you can only prevent bribery by hav-
ing constituencies sufficiently large, or by introduc-
ing election by ballot. The experiment of large
constituencies has been tried without success. No
doubt the nomination boroughs are had enough, and
the memorable twelve persons who returned a mem-
ber in the halcyon days before 1832 were far from
immaculate or independent, but the boroughs of
our large towns cannot boast much either. No one
can pretend to believe that bribery is never prac-
tised in large constituencies ; and Mr. STANILAND'S
suggestion that boroughs should be grouped in such
a manner as to make bribery physically impossible
is quite futile in these days of rapid and easy loco-
motion. Mr. STANILAND said, with great force
and justice, that when honourable members in-
veighed against the poor voter who took bribes
they ought to remember that if the temptation I
were not placed in his way by hon. members no
bribery would take place. He trusted that when-
ever a measure was brought forward on this sub-
ject care would be taken that those who offered
bribes were subjected to punishment rather than
those who received them. But, in fact, it is this
very consciousness that makes bribery so difficult
to deal with. It is almost abiurd for speeches to
be made and bills penned, for grave deliberations
to be held amid an attentive audience, when
all the while a goodly proportion of those tak-
ing part in the proceedings owe their seats to
bribery, corruption, intimidation, and influence
in some of their various forms. Election by ballot
is, as Mr. BRIGHT said, the effectual cure, though
the lion. member for Birmingham need not have
weakened his argument by telling us that " bribery
is unknown in the United States." He would
scarcely get an independent American who knew
anything of the political working of his own system
to support his statement. There is quite enough room
for censure when we can be gravely told in the
House of Commons that in a constituency of
1,000, 700 voters were bribed at au average
cost of £35 per head, a good many of
the remainder receiving £6O, without Mr.
BRIGHT'S indulging in his favourite declamatory
platitudes, and telling us that there is no other
country in the world where there is such gross
bribery charged and admitted at elections.
Vote by ballot itself will not always pro-
tect against despotic power, and it is not ne-
cessary to bribe where influence and intimidation
can effect the required end, while places and offices
in the States are usually part of the regular machi-
nery employed to secure the return of the American
PRESIDENT. Vote by ballot under our constitution
would be an effectual protection to the voter, and
therefore it would be free from many of the abuses
charged against it. As for its being denounced as
un-English we have only to conclude that the
objectors consider bribery an especial insular
virtue. But the task is an uphill one, for the
majority are against it in their hearts, and so much
heroic indignation has been spent on the proposal
that it is easy to hide the real reason for reluctance
under the mask of patriotism and independence.
Mr. BRIGHT, however, made one unlucky mistake,
into which he was betrayed by his hatred of Con-
servatism, when he sneered at the new-found zeal of
the Opposition with regard to purity of elections.
IMr.DISRA.ELI was at once ready with the very obvious
retort that it was not his party who need fear Election
Committees. Mr. DISRAELI, indeed, did not
shrink from going back to the revelations of the
last election, when the names of Wakefield and
1 Huddersfield were ominous in the ears of the Man-
chester School. Very possibly the amiable wish to
I embarrass the Government and impede the progress
of the measure had a good deal to do with the for-
midable body of 248, who supported Sir R.
KNIGHTLEY'S amendment, but the principle is one
that commends itself to all parties, and the only plea
that could be advanced against it by the Govern-
ment was that it was advisable to deal with
the question separately. Why does not the Go-
vernment put a bold face on the matter, and deal
with it not only separately but conclusively by pro-
posing the Ballot ? They cannot please mock Re-
formers by any measure of Reform. They are safe
to encounter the opposition of all Ni hose interests
, are affected by any measure of redistribution. They
nn
pacify those who fear the people by even the
most moderate reduction of the franchise. Why
not then look for that support from the
t o countryob tai
n fwrolitinchthe House?
sinceall
declared,other it
all their temporising fails
thatmodes Why
haveno t franklyfailed,
and de-
clareoze. :nit vui:cati oil thatth.e us some-
thing
the evil,
inthteryoditivicl.l.
the House has
thing should be done to
introduce vote by ballot ') 1.3 •
side have really the moat to fear from its
_

tion."2—that to it among their own supporters there
would be alarm and consternation at the bare men-
tion of such a thing, and that even the Whig leaders
of the Cabinet would hesitate to relinquish their
old prerogatives of influence and authority ?
The Leader of the House has openly declared
himself a Reformer—why should he not adopt a
measure so consonant with his principles? We
hope Mr. GLADSTONE will consider the question in a
new light; and, if he does, he will gain far more than
he has lost by the temporary defeat of last night.
We are glad to find that he still maintains his
determination to Carry the bill through this session,
though it will no doubt have to undergo a good deal
of alteration and amendment before it is suffered to
pass finally through committee.

The arrangements for the Conference seem to be
proceeding slowly but surely, and no particular
obstacle now lies in the way, to judge by the tenure
of the recent accounts. Identical Notes have been
despatched by England, France, and Russia to
Vienna, Berlin, Frankfort, and Florence. It is
believed that the invitations were favourably re-
ceived, and that the Representatives of the diffe-
rent Powers will shortly assemble in Paris. This
is satisfactory intelligence, and the sooner they do
so the better, for this state of suspense is very bad
for all parties. No very important incident is
mentioned among the foreign intelligence,
and, indeed, all parties seem to be on the
look out rather than originating schemes of
their own just now. The Duke of COBUEG has left
Berlin after a short stay, during which he has had
several interviews with Count BISMARCK. It is
well known that his highness's policy is not a very
liberal one, and therefore we do not expect any very
great things from his advice or co-operation. From
Vienna we hear that Count GOTTZ, the Prussian
Ambassador at Paris, received instructions that
Prussia would accept the Conference on condition
that its decisions were not binding, and that its
duration should be as short as possible
on account of the armaments which were
being maintained. This is a thoroughly
Prussian style of argument, and no wonder that
experienced persons should entertain so little hope
of a favourable result when such is the meaning
attached to its decisions. Where is the use of a
Conference at all if no attention is to be paid to its
decisions and no weight attached to its opinions.
It is amusing to notice the different assertions
that are put forth in various directions respecting
this Conference. The Oesterreichische Zeituny de-
clares that " Austria will join the Conference, but
without prejudice to her rights and honour ; she
will not put forward any claims with her troops
under arms; but, on the other hand, she will not dis-
arm in the face of the pretensions of other Powers."
The truth is that the Austrian Government has not
been treated very fairly of late years, when any
treaty has been made, and therefore they are now
naturally rather anxious as to the result of the pre-
sent disturbance. In this, as in everything else, the
Berlin authorities are reaping the consequence of
their unprincipled actions of yore, and no one can
pity them in their distress and dilemma who re-
members their selfish and vindictive course. Count
MENSDORFF has been understood to intimate to
the Austrian Ambassador at Paris that the only
conditions upon which the Government of Vienna
would take part in the Conference were that
" legitimate rights and existing treaties " should
form the basis of all its deliberations. How far the
realisation of this desire will accord with the recent
notable expression of the French EMPEROR, that he
detests the Treaties of 1815, remains to be seen, and
the solution of the problem will rest with the other
marvels and mysteries of the affair. It is not an
enviable task which lies before those who are to
officiate at the Conference. What with the claims,
the pretensions, and the prejudices of the various
parties, it will be almost a work of superorogation
to reconcile all the contending parties and
settle the differences that so extensively pre-
vail. The Elbe Duchies are the chief subjects of
disunion according *to Austria, and we think that
this is a correct view of the subject, for until that
" vexed question" is settled somehow, there is no
use of expecting any definite object to be gained.
In Venetia great discontent has been caused by
the official notification of a second conscription, and
no wonder, for the threatened war will not be very
popular in that quarter. Prussia and Italy appear
to have given a sort of sulky consent to the pro-
posed Conference ; and the utmost stretch of
their amiability appears to have been that they
agreed to postpone any hostile movement until the
Congress shall have proved a failure. Perhaps they
wish it to turn out so ; at any rate there is little
doubt that Italy would prefer war to a patched-up
peace, and we have no doubt that Prussia would
also welcome hostilities were she more certain of
success, and more convinced of the support of her
people. If this fails her she would still infinitely
prefer to make all arrangements on her own ac-
count with Austria, France, and Italy, and not
have to face the assembled Powers of Europe,
neutral as well as offensive ones.

Yesterday the Saxon Chambers were opened by the
KING, and his MAJESTY'S speech was, of course,
very interesting, for it referred to the exciting
events of the present time, and, as was truly
observed in the discourse, " a period when the com-
plications in the relations of the two great German
Powers threaten Europe with a sanguinary conflict."
Very forcibly did the KING declare that it was not
the duty of the German States not concerned in
these questions at issoe to take up either side of the
dispute. In pursuance of these views Saxony has
gallantly maintained her own in the face of a very
determined opposition from Herr BIS3IARCK. The
steps that were taken in order to carry out
this course were briefly alluded to by
his MAJESTY, and he concluded his earnest and
impressive harangue by declaring that he should
await the " vicissitudes of fate" with calmness,
stiong in the conviction that no provocation had
been given, but that he had " stedfastly stood for-
ward for the rights of the German nation and of
his Royal House, and would trust to the MOST
HIGH for protection in the just cause."

One of the most notable incidents in this war has
been the independent manner in which several of
the States and small kingdoms have come forward
to assert their rights. Their amalgamation with
the two great Powers will not be so easy a task as
some have imagined ; and, indeed, we doubt
if it can' be done at all, in consequence
of the just indignation that has been felt at the
aggressive conduct of Prussia. It has raised up a
spirit of resistance that will not easily be checked ;
and neither is it desirable that it should be, because
in this opposition we find the bet, security .for Ger-
man rights and privileges, the best assurance that
freedom shall not be entirely banished from the
fatherland. It is difficult to see how peace can be
secured, unless the Duchies are entirely given up by
the two great German Powers. This would,
of course, be a bitter disappointment to Prussia
and a vexation to Austria ; but we can see
no other solution of the present difficulty.
The other Powers of Europe and the States of
Germany wi l not no look tamely on, as they
might have A year ago, and allow these unscru-

pulous allies to parcel out the coveted territories
between them. It may yet be that Denmark will
be virtually the victor in the end, and that her Ger-
man aggressors may have to retire from the struggle
possessing no more of these disputed Duchies than
King CHRISTIAN himself. If, however, they resolve
on war, we are convinced that neither Austria nor
Prussia will have cause to rejoice at the decision,
for too many other parties are on the look-out to
make their own opportunity out of the general con-
fusion and dismay.