The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-19 00:00:00

(From the baily Hews.)
While two great Continental Powers are on the
brink of war, and a confederation comprising some
thirty millions of men is arming in expectation of
a share in the strife, attention is once more seri-
ously directed to the state of our own National
Defences. Not that France is more likely to attack
us when she is engaged with a powerful foe ; on
the contrary, the petty slights in which M.
Walewski and his colleagues have thought fit to
indulge towards this country in certain late trans-
actions are likely to be abandoned for a much more
courteous demeanour, should the Emperor Napoleon
be brought into conflict with the stubborn races of
Central Europe. But history has shown us how a
war has an inevitable tendency to become general,
and it needs no long reflection to assure us that the
more nations are united by ties of trade and inter-
course, the more one of them must be affected by
the blows which are directed against another. It
will be, indeed, the sacred duty of England to keep
aloof from a struggle between tyranny affecting the
championship of legitimate right, and ambition
wearing the mask of disinterested philanthropy.
But, as Lord Derby warned us last night, England
may soon be called upon, if not to interfere, at least
to show her power of interference.
We have often called attention to the general
subject of National Defence, but always, we are
sorry to say, with very limited success. Indeed,
it will probably require a great calamity or a
thorough fright to make Englishmen take up the
matter in the patriotic spirit of their grandfathers.
We have pointed out the essential weakness of our
position—a weakness which no construction of rine -
of-battle ships, no activity in recruiting for the
army or militia, will ever remedy. The Englishman
of the present day has forgotten the use, of arms.
Although . his frame be as powerful, his spirit as
high; his energy as untiring, his enterprise as keen
as ever, yet the knowledge which his forefathers
possessed of resisting an enemy in war has entirely
passed away. The athletic sports of Rugby boys
may be recorded to the delight of the public, and
the undergraduates of our universities may show
their pluck and stamina in rowing a four mile race
on a stormy April day ; but the practice of football
or of vying with the toughest watermen on the
Thames is of little service to young men when their
country is in danger, and they called upon suddenly
to defend it. A great deal is said, and with justice,
of the dawdling and puerile amusements of conti-
nentals in comparison with Englishmen. Lemonade
and dominoes fill up the time which would be de-
voted to manly exercises in this country. But the
use of arms and a love of seeing and joining in mili-
tary evolutions has been encouraged by the State
among three generations of Frenchmen, and the con-
sequence is that the whole population is endowed
with a military knowledge sufficient to turn them in
a few weeks into fairly efficient soldiers. The same
may be said in some degree of the whole German
people. Though among the most domestic and
peacefully disposed of Europeans, the necessities of
their position have made them cultivate universally
the rudiments of the art of war, and a month or
two of danger would be enough to set on foot a
force to be numbered by hundreds of thousands.
What is the result of this preparedness ? A feel-
ing of self-confidence, of certainty that no enemy
can succeed in inflicting a deadly blow on their
territory, which gives both Frenchmen and Ger-
mans a dignified bearing in Europe. How dif-
ferent is the case with England! Here there is,
on an average, a violent panic every two years
about a French invasion ; and people in the
country tear open their second day's newspaper to
see whether it is not announced in large capitals
that the French are established on the coast of
Kent, and are engaged in bringing over their
cavalry and artillery. lii the House of Commons
the discussion of the subject is endless. The
French have some guns that we have not, they
have some shell that we have not; they have built
so many sail of the line or frigates ; such fortifica-
tions have been added to Cherbourg; such a dock
has been constructed at Brest. Fear of the French,
and suspicion of what they are doing, are the
predominant feeling in the minds of military and
naval members; it finds expression at all times ;
it is echoed by the Government, it is received
with greedy anxiety by the public, and it becomes
the common subject of conversation on the Con-
tinent. Who is there conversant in any way with
foreigners who does not know that the effect on
their minds is in the last degree humiliating to this
country? The French feed their vanity with the
tribute we offer them, and firmly believe that the
day is soon to come when they are to avenge in
London the loss of Canada and India and the fall
of Napoleon. Even the more clear-sighted neutrals
consider that the difficulties of a landing are only
physical, and that if it were once accomplished the
inhabitants of these islands could oppose no more
resistance than so many Chinese. Prussia was over-
thrown in a single battle and held for seven years;
even Spain, with its ranges of mountains and its
indomitable guerillas, would have been subdued
but for a foreign army. Suppose a French force
once in England, Portsmouth and Plymouth seized,
and the Channel made clear for French reinforce-
ments, what is there to prevent England being held
by an enemy long enough for the destruction of her
empire and the dictation of an ignominious peace ?
This is the argument of foreigners who dislike us
no more than all foreigners do, and have no wish
to see French power increased in Europe. Our
readers may judge for themselves whether it is
sound; this, however, is to be said—that it influ-
ences the policy of rulers, excites the ambition and
cupidity of our neighbours, is at the bottom of the
present unsettled state of Europe, and has cost us
during the last year £23,300,000.
The fact is, that the unerring judgment of man-
kind tells them that mere standing armies and
fleets are not a sufficient defence of nations. A mere
artificial organization which may be demolished by
a campaign, a pestilence, or a tempest—which some
event like an Indian mutiny may cause to be wholly
transported from the land it was raised to defend—
does not give a fit security to the people, who may
at any moment be deprived of its services. There
can be only one true defence of a nation like ours
—a large and permanent volunteer force, supported
by the spirit and patriotism of our young men, and
gradually indoctrinating the country with military
knowledge. We are the only people in the world
who have not such a force in one form or another.
There are the Americans at 3,000 miles distance
from Europe, and without an enemy or a rival on
their own continent. Yet they keep up a militia
which can muster several hundred thousands strong,
and on some occasions New York wears the aspect
of a European metropolis, such is the parading,
drumming, and firing. The result of this is to be
seen in the confidence they have in their own
strength, though without either army or navy,
according to our notions of such forces. But at
a meeting held in St. Martin's-hall on Saturday
Sir Alan M'Nab cited an instance which still
more closely interests us. He spoke of the Cana-
dian militia and their services in the war of
1812. When Bonaparte was marching his forces
on Russia the ambitious President, Mr. Madison,
took advantage of the supposed embarrassment
of England to attempt the conquest of Canada
by an American army. Total defeat, however,
awaited them, and General Hull surrendered with
his whole force to Sir Isaac Brock. But of what
was the victorious army composed ? Of Canadian
Militia and volunteers ; for when the war broke
out the British " had not in Canada 900 men of all
arms above the city of Montreal." May we some
day have in this country a force as useful and
patriotic And though every Englishman may
well feel proud of the gallant army which has
fought in India ; though the words of Lord Ellen-
borough will speak to their hearts when he said
that 'with such troops we could engage any other
in the world with the absolute certainty of success,
yet we must once more raise our voices in favour of
those local and domestic levies which will be the
best support to a nucleus of Indian heroes. We
know that if the hour of danger should come volun-
teers would rush forward by hundreds of thousands ;
but it is to obviate such a panic that we would ask
for restoration of what may be called
the
theold speedy
nationaleedy force of the country. It is not
Line regiments—it is not exactly Militia that we
want—but men of ordinary occupations trained by
a certain amount of drill to support the regular
armed force either in the field or the fortress.
There is plenty of wealth and plenty of leisure for
the formation of such corps, and the metropolis
alone could furnish a contingent strong enough to
garrison any two naval ports of the kingdom.

NEW STREET FROM COVENT GARDEN TO THE
STRAND.—The works
of a portion of the above new street
are now progressing with a considerable amount of vigour.
On its western side, near to St. Michael's Church, a very
large block is being
_proceeded with, from the designs of
Mr. Charles Gray. in plan, a decided improvement will
be affected, as regards the approach to the street from the
upper end, the corner of the block being well rounded. The
new street will be 42 feet in width from wall to wall, and
one
under
abdr7ckn which is 4 feet by
hick, is already put
the surveyor, who will
t2hfeeesetw 8
sewer
einhes the
,egcegn:trehea of the n
in wider the direction of Mr. Fry,
foithwith cause the roadway to be formed, and thus open
out the thoroughfare to Barleigh-street,—Buildng Neva.

THE MI ISTERIAL
(From the Da I.
•• . •
" Acta fabtda est" Both .
rem
the peace of the world is at ••' *;>.
"7di th- re-
aNbostehnienegowf
eaxs
cmitoeremennottiocuetabolfedolakorsil
cincts of the Palace of Westminster, when the hour
• for Ministerial explanations had struck. There
were few strange faces in the galleries, no mur-
muring crowd in the Hall, no hushed inipatienue
at the doors, no shuddering expectation --in the
lo11“p- • Tf, was not, as on the memorable occasion
_Hate and simultaneous evacuation
of the Papal States by the occupying forces was
announced to Europe with all the pomp, pride, and
circumstance of a Disraeli's measured music, and
a Malmesbury's splendid negligence of phrase.
Distance lends dignity to these explanations. All
Europe is on tiptoe to catch an echo from the
British Delphi; but the Island itself is familiarly
incredulous, and as you approach the very temple
you find the native population amused but unbe-
lieving. It is the old story of Renza vcduta fede
perduta. The frequenters of the mysteries preserve
a religious silence while the Ministers of the
Crown are uttering a mechanical voice from behind
the bar, and laugh in their sleeves at the so-
lemnity which imposes on a world of willing hopes.
In sober truth, the apathy and indifference which
waited the long-deferred vaticinations of her Ma-
jesty's Government last night are only too easily
accounted for. It is not that our Tory pastors have
used Wolf so often and so idly that no one is afraid,
but that they have cried Peace so feebly and so
falsely that even their silence is less alarming than
their speech. If any doubt survived in factious
breasts of the temper and sagacity with which a
Tory Government contemplates a question in the
issues of which nothing less than European peace
and freedom and the strict neutrality of England
are involved, assuredly that doubt is now dispelled.
One-half at least of Mr. Disraeli's deliverance,
spoken in a subdued and almost sonorous tone, as
of despairing expostulation with " some persons
unknown," was confined to a summary of what
we may call the published history of the Italian
question since New Year's Day, and it naturally
possessed the peculiar interest of a story which has
no merit but its plot, and of which the plot
is known. It was only when he approached
the two cardinal points on which the crisis
of the moment turns—viz., the disarmament of
France and. Austria, and the admission of Sardinia
to the Congreis—that the first taste of something
more pungent than a rechaufe was vouchsafed to
public curiosity, and that the policy -of our present
Ministers pierced through the flimsy reticence
with a noxious and nauseous aroma of insincerity
and mischief. Ingenuity the most supple and feline
cannot escape a laboured and ineffective air of
hesitation and embarrassment, when it would fain
disguise a policy it dare not avow, under a fancy
dress of feelings it is forced to assume. Through an
affected inclination to speak with open sympathy
of Italy, a real disposition to act in cordial secrecy
with Austria is dimly and darkly discovered.
Through all those liberal antics the cloven foot of
Castlereagh peeps awkwardly out, and the trip-
ping heels of Neo-Toryism htive the fine old Tory
limp of other days. Such information as Mr.
Disraeli affords is, we flatter ourselves, tolerably
known evento the most careless of our readers, but we
are willing to repeat it for what it is worth. France
and Austria accept the principle of disarmament,
but the mode is not yet agreed upon. Sardinia dis-
sents to the principle, because, as our Ministers
believe, she is not admitted to the Congress. In
these few words the sum and substance of Mr.
Disraeli's statement is contained, and if the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer had, in his capacity of Go-
vernment organtplayed no other voluntary than this,
we should certainly have abstained from any pedal
bass accompaniment on our own account. But the
soul of goodness in things evil is perceptible in the
indiscretions even of adepts who tell truth by
stealth, and blush to find it known.
It is due to Mr. Disraeli to remember that his
explanations require to be read between the lines ;
his most admiring hearers are conscious of a men-
tal process of turning the polished phrases inside
out in order to get at the meaning unexpressed.
But last night he was almost incredibly frank,
once or twice ; he commended the ' dignified con-
ciliation" of Austria, and described the conduct of
Sardinia as " embarrassing, perplexing, and even
ambigaous." Mr. Gladstone drew the German
sting from this censure and this praise when he
suggested in the form of a dilemma that either
there was " much that is unknown to us in the
meritorious conduct of Austria and in that which is
questionable on the part of Sardinia, er else that
the spirit in which our Government has dealt with
both parties has not been one of entire impar-
tiality." Thanks, however, to the laudable frank-
ness of Ministers, we are not left to a dilemma to
detect their " entire impartiality" in the present
European crisis. We trust the constituencies to
whom Lord Malmesbury and his colleagues are
about to appeal will well and carefully weigh the
concluding paragraphs of Mr. Disraeli's speech.
They are but the faintest possible echo of the Aus-
trian harangues in the Upper House, but they give
us to understand palpably enough that in the opinion
of her Majesty's present advisers an Italian war is
a European war, and that any attack upon Austria
" beyond the precincts of Italy" implicates the
most urgent interests of England. The Chancellor
of the Exchequer assures us in almost as many
words that the safety of the Austrian Government
is identified with the dearest principles of civilisa-
tion. This is only an official and. Tory way of
hinting that England may be called upon to waste
her blood and her treasure on behalf of Austrian
interests in South Germany, and to save bankrupt
despotism from being sold us. We fancy the
English people are doubtfully inclined to prop up
a power whose moral assets are a league of dark-
ness with the Papacy—whose material assets are
assignats and armies—and whose actual subsistence
from day to day is sustained by the wholesale
plunder of fiduciary deposits.
We trust the common sense and honest feeling o
our countrymen will now perceive in what sort of
keeping the peace and freedom of Europe and the
strict neutrality of England are placed at this
anxious instant. It was reserved for the chiefs of the
liberal and independent party in the House of Com-
mons to indicate the character of that great assembly
of freemen in the face of Europe. Mr. Disraeli, it
is true, emitted an empty platitude about the supe-
rior might of public opinion, which was probably
somewhat more novel and striking when it was, we
will not say originally, enunciated by Lord Palmer-
ston half a century ago. Tory homage to public
opinion bears a sad resemblance to the proverbial
tribute of vice to virtue. Homage to public opinion
from the lips of the ardent apologists and ready
champions of Austria is to our thinking curiously
misplaced and ill-timed. At any i ate the public
opinion of England found no recognisable expres-
sion last night in the fatuity and insolence of that
Hospital of Incurables which is known to the
Commons as " in another place," and which, if its
obstinacy in some politics bore any analogy to its
infatuated talk on foreign affairs, would soon be
" another place" no more.
Thank Heaven we have a House of Lords—that
is only a House of Lords be the.public sen-
timent wherever last night's discussion in that
painted chamber is read to-day. For if whispering
courtiers, and dynastic go-hetweens, and diplomatic
jugglers hold the brief of Austria in the house of
hereditary un-wisdom, yet among the representa-
tives of the people, who, after all, do hold the purse-
strings, and bring giddy rulers to account, the
heart and the mind of England will, we confidently
anticipate, find eloquent and authoritative voices in
June next, as last night.

AMUSEMENTS IN PAS.sION WEEK.

Passion Week may be regarded as the general
festival of the " entertainers," when dramatic per-
formances are interdicted by the stern authority of
the Lord Chamberlain, and the thousand pleasure
seekers constantly on the look out for amusement
rush to any place where for a couple of hours they
may find a refuge from ennui and boredom.
Mr. and Mrs. German Reed were to appear at
the Olympic, Mr. and Mrs. Howard Paul at Sadler's
Wells, and that undying evergreen, Mr. Adams,
was to have exhibited his orrery at the Haymarket.
nßugt morningythesetesridganyatureof m
anr.official
Bodham D
documoennnt,e be
tahr -
i
licenser of plays, was received by each of the
entre-
preneurs,'e setting forth that the advertised per-
formances were illegal, perf_ormances within the
walls of a theatre during Passion Week being
negatived by law, and none of the above-named
music license, under which the
buildingsproposed having a
entertainment could be 'given.
In obedience to this edict, Mr. and Mrs :German
Reed did not attempt to open the Olympic, and
they will have to submit to a heavy loss incurred
for advertising, printing, rent, &c., through the
enforcement of an absurd law, and the reprehensible
tardiness of the Lord Chamberlain's officials, whose
admonitory notice was not received until the' actual
day of opening.
Of the course pursued by the others who were
honoured by an official warning we know nothing,
but it is obvious that the absurdity of the law is
only equalled by the preposterous manner in which
it is administered. An entertainment given by
people whose well-known names are sure and cer-
tain guarantees of its respectability, is permissible
in a " hall," would be permissible in the
Argsll-
rooms, or any place which has a music and dancing
license, and yet is tabooed in a theatre, a place
where, as it is well known, music and dancing are
never carried on.