The Sun.
London, England, 1835-06-06 00:00:00

r
t Stnst, LOIstbON, SA'ithIDAY, .1-el•t 6, 1835.

to show that no class of political opinions, whether professedly
liberal or conservative, is a guarantee against the patron avail-
ing himself of his power; but I do protest against an unfair
party advantage being taken of a particular class of men.
Not to multiply instances, let the Noble Lord look to the
corporation of Derby. He will find it was stated that this
Corporation, whenever they thought the number of the free-
men in their interest was "getting low," the Mayor, or some
other influential number of the Corporation, applied to the
agents of the Cavendish family, and requested a list of the
names of persons to be admitted as "honorary freemen." Let
us just put the case fairly. The Corporation took this
course, because they wished to avail themselves of the interest
of the Cavendish family over the freemen so admitted. On
the last occasion when honorary freemen were made, almost all
of them were tenants of his Grace the Duke of Devonshire.
The agent of his Grace paid the fees on the admission of the
honorary freemen. Without the creation of such freemen, it
was said the Corporation " could not have kept the Tories
quiet —(Loud laughter)—they would have been restless."
Now we are not so intolerant here, I am sure, as to presume
that our own opinions, or our own acts, must be exactly right,
and those of every one else wrong ; but if this Corporation
Report had stated that a Tory nobleman had nominated all
the freemen, and paid for their freedom, and that the excuse
was, that without doing so, they could not have kept the
Reformers quiet (who were very restless), what a burst of
honest indignation would have been raised in this House
against such an abuse of corporate privileges.—( Loud cheers
and laughter.) I have not the slightest intention of following
the Noble Lord's example ; but I certainly wish just to put in
a claim, that this question should be considered fairly. I must
say for myself and the Corporation with which I am con-
nected, that they have no reason to shrink from any inquiry,
as far as that honourable Corporation is concerned. I will
just set one case against the Noble Lord's eight or ten, which
bears with singular appropriateness on the question of expend-
ing Corporation money in public entertainments.—( Hear.)—
The other place to which I hope the Noble Lord's antiqua-
rian will proceed in the course of his excursion into the inte-
rior, is Portsmouth (Mr. Bonham Carter bowed, which occa-
sioned much laughter.) "In Portsmouth," say the Commis-
sioners, " it can hardly be necessary to point out the complete
closeness of this system. For a long series of years, it has
been exercised with the undisguised purpose of confining the
whole municipal and political power to a particular party, and
almost to a particular family, and has been found perfectly in-
efficacious in its operation."—(Cheers.) They add, " That
no instances can be traced of municipal corruption, seems attri-
butable, not to any correcting principle in the system, but
merely to the absence of evil intentions in those who have ac
cidentally been placed at its head." Now, if I were to choose
a Corporation in the neighboarhood of which I, as an indivi-
dual not interested in the application of Corporate property,
and fond of good living, should like to reside, I should cer-
tainly say that the Corporation of Portsmouth is the one, of all
others, which I should select.—(Mr. Bonham Carter expressed
his dissent. );The Hon. Gentleman shakes his head—( Laugh-
ter)—l do not know, lam sure, when the Hon. Gentleman
entered the House, but let me beg his attention to the facts
stated by the Commissioners, with reference to that Corpora-
tion. Their revenues are, I think, 600/. or 7001. a-year, of
which about 5001. is expended in feasts. Here is the account :
" The feasts were rather more expensive this year than in or.
dinary 3ears." Now, let me ask the House, in what year they
suppose it was that the expense of feasting was particularly
heavy ? Why no less than the great era of Reform. "On
the occasion of the accession of his present Majesty, 411.
9s. was spent in refreshment for the party attending the
Proclamation—( Hear, hear)-1081. 10s. on a dinner given on
the election of the Representatives—( Hear, hear)—which
was formerly defrayed by the Members themselves.—( Loud
laughter.) The annual average expense of feasts from 1824
to 1831 inclusively was 4471. An account was given to us,
showing that the average income during that time, accruing
from dividends and rents, was 6001."—( Loud cheers.) Now
I have proved, I think, beyond a doubt, that in the whole
kingdom there is not a more hospitable borough than this—
( Hear, and s laugh)—for out of an income not exceeding.
6001., the annual average expenditure on the rites of hospita-
lity is no less than 4471.—( Hear.) But mark the attachment
of the Members of this Corporation to the great principles
upon which the Reform Act were founded. Nothing can
more clearly show that attachment than their exceeding in
their feasting, and being rather more expensive that year than
in ordinary years.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) And that
year, to show their further attachment to Reform, a new item
was added to the expenditure of this Corporation which was
never heard of before-1081. Bs. was expended upon a dinner
given on the election of the Representatives—( Hear, hear)—
which was formerly defrayed by the Members themselves.
Mr. F. BA RING made a remark, which was inaudible.
Sir R. PEEL—Here is the Report in which the whole mat-
ter is set down.

Mr. B. CARTER—It is a very faithful Report.
Sir R. PEEL continued-411. 9s. was thought quite suffi-
cient for a feast on the occasion of his Majesty's accession ;
but no less a sum than 108/. was necessary to give a dinner to
the Representatives on the occasion of the election. The
Hon. Gentleman says that this Report is a faithful Report ; and
he, no doubt, has repaid to the Corporation his share of the
money. I shall say nothing in regard to the Corporation of
Nottingham, or any other Corporation ; nor, indeed, should I
have alluded to that of Portsmouth, but for the purpose of
showing that neither the Noble Lord, nor any other person,
ought to attempt to visit upon any one exclusive party the
abuses which have existed in Corporations.—( Hear, hear.)
It ought not to be attempted to be shown that the Liberal
party was exempt from this more than the Conservative. And
I, as one of the Conservative party, strongly advise all mem-
bers of Corporations readily and willingly to give up all their
religious and charitable funds for the purposes contemplated by
this Bill, provided that the Noble Lord will, by the provisions
of the Bill, guard against the transfer of the syste of abuse
from one party to another party—(Cheers)—and that the
sincere and real object of all shall be—not to take political in-
fluence from one party, and give it to another, but to attempt
to found a good and sound system of Corporate Reform—
(Cheers)—taking security, as far as security upon such a sub-
ject can be taken, that the really intelligent and respectable
portion of the community of the town be called to the ad-
ministration of the affairs of the Corporation; and guarding
against the application of the charitable or religious funds to
any other purposes than those for which they were intended.
—( Cheers.) I do not say, neither do I think, that the
charitable and religious funds have hitherto been so applied—
(Loud cheering)—but without saying anything of that kind,
it is enough to say, that the power over these funds ought to
be relinquished, if the object in view really is that of correct-
ing the abuses to which they were exposed, and not of trans-
ferring them to any other party whatever—( Hear, hear)—and
if care be taken that the revenues of the different institutions
be applied to the purposes for which they were originally esta-
blished.--( Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet went on to
say, that he could not help having some doubts as to whether
thesetrevenues would be better administered under a popular
system of Corporation government, than under the present
system—( Hear, hear)—but the consideration of the guards
which it would be proper to place upon the administration of
those funds, and for the prevention of abuses, did not in the
slightest degree interfere with the principle upon which the
Noble Lord's Bill was founded. These were matters of de-
tail, which it was proper should be well considered, and upon
which, if he asked some delay, it could not be supposed that he did
so for dishonest purposes. It aas easy to give certain powers
under a Bill like the present, but it was difficult to recall any
powers when once they were given. He hoped, therefore, that
there would not be too much haste—the principle being once
allowed in going into the details of the measure.—( Hear,
hear.) He would upon this occasion touch but lightly upon
the details of the measure as explained by the Noble
Lord. Each of those details were in itself a matter of
importance.—( Hear, hear.) He would give no opinion upon
the proposition of the Noble Lord that the suffrage should
be given to the rate-payers being householders, and not to
the 101. householders. That was a point upon which, as
might be supposed, there would be considerable difference
of opinion.--( Hear, hear.) The nature of the new Corporate
government—how frequent the elections ought to be—what
guards should be taken against abuses—what the consequence
of having two—or, he might rather say, three constituent
bodies in the state, were all important matters of detail upon
which he would give no opinion. There would now be three
different constituent bodies, namely, that for the election of
vestries, select or open, that for the election of the Corporate
officers, and that for the election of representatives to serve in
Parliament. Here there were three constituencies, each of a
different kind from the other. Whether this was wise or not
he was not prepared to give an opinion. Indeed, not having
known anything of the nature of the proposition until he heard
the Noble Lord's speech, he could not be expected all at once
to give an opinion regarding it ; but the other details men-
tioned by the Noble Lord were all matters well-deserving
of consideration, and he reserved his opinion upon them.
There were three or four subjects which he (Sir Robert Peel)
considered of great importance, upon which the Noble Lord
had not at all touched. One very important question upon
which they had obtained no information was, what were to be
the limits of the new Corporations.—( Hear, hear.) At present
the limits to which the power of Corporations extended were,
from their great antiquity, in most instances well known ; but
there were some cases in which the limits to which the powers
of the Corporate body extended differed from the limits of the
borough. In many boroughs the limits of the borough were
larger than those to which the powers of the corporation ex-
tended. Nov, it was important to know, when such a discre-
pancy occurred, by what authority the limits were to be settled.
—(Hear, hear.) Another important point upon which the
Noble Lord had said nothing was, the presently existing debts
and engagements of the Corporation.( Hear, hear.) For
the satisfaction of the creditors there ought to be a distinct en-
actment upon that subject, because Corporate bodies had bor.
rowed large sums, on the understanding that they had legally
the power of doing so; and unless it was distinctly stated that
care should be taken, in any changes that might be made,
that the existing debts and engagements should first be paid,
he had no doubt but the Noble Lord's measure would create
a great deal of alarm among those who had lent money on the
security of corporate bodies.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord
bad said nothing on the subject of the Administration of
Church patronage in the power of Corporations. Let it be
supposed that a question regarding extensive ecclesiastical pa-
tronage was to arise in a Corporation, in which the greater
number of the Council were Dissenters. It would not be
quite consistent with justice that, in such a case, the appoint-
ment of the clergymen of the Established Church should rest
with such a body. He merely mentioned those matters, in
order that they might be taken into consideration by the Noble
Lord. With regard to the administration of charitable funds,
he at once conceded the great importance of their being placed
under the control of a body popularly chosen.—( Hear, hear.)
He thought that the administration of those funds should be
placed in the hands of some persons, who should have no
power of exercising their political feelings in the distribution
of them. This was in strict conformity with the Reform Bill,

for one of the principal arguments in favour of that measure,
was the previous perversion of public funds to political pur-
poses. But this he would at once declare, that he did not be-
lieve that the administration of a popular party would be purer
than any other, if political feelings were allowed to interfere ;
for popular bodies were as likely to be corrupt as an oligarchy,
when their party feelings were roused.—( Cheers.) He thought,
therefore, that the charitable funds ought to be under the admi-
nistaation of separate trustees, who had no other public duties
beyond attending to the charities themselves. There was
another case, not alluded to by the Noble Lord, which de-
served attention. In some instances estates were left for the
purposes of charity, which had been disposed of by the Corpo-
ration, but the Corporation compensated for the deficiency
thus created in the funds of the charity out of other funds be-
longing to the Corporation. Now, it was necessary that
the new governing body should be empowered in such cases to
apply as much of the revenue of the Corporation as would
make up the deficiency in the charitable estate.—(Hear.)
Another important point was the qualification, and upon that,
as upon other points of detail, he distinctly reserved to himself
the right of hereafter stating his opinion. He would give no
opinion as to whether the 101. freeholder or the householder
who pays rates should be the elector. He would also reserve
his opinion as to the frequency of elections : but in con-
sidering that point, he hoped that the House would not
forget the necessity of attending to the harmony of society.
—(Hear, hear)—and the propriety of its not being-disturbed
by an over-frequency of elections.—(Hear, hear.) On the
subject of the checks to be put upon the new governing body,
the question of qualification, and the period of holding offices,
he reserved to himself the right of forming his opinion, and of
delivering that opinion upon some future occasion. He con-
tented himself with these remarks for the present ; and he
would simply repeat, that in his opinion, with regard to Cor-
porations in general, the time bad arrived when it was ne-
cessary that some measure should be taken for the pre-
servation of order within them—( Hear)—by the establish-
ment, not only of a good system of government, but also of a
stipendiary police.---( Hear, hear.) He believed that this could
not be effected without a thorough reform ; and he hoped that
those who were interested in Corporations would join in en-
deavouring to establish this most desirable object, without en-
tertaining any narrow ideas of their own immediate interests.
With respect to the administration of justice, he thought that
they were imperatively called upon to do something effectual.
He was not, however, prepared to say how far the Local
Courts, if established, ought to supersede the Borough courts.
Upon that point, as upon others, he reserved his judgment.
The point upon which he had the greatest doubt of those upon
which the Noble Lord had touched, was that of the power to
be given to the Council to license public houses.—( Hear.)
Upon this point he had serious doubts. With regard to the
division of boroughs into wards, he observed, that out of 183
boroughs which had been mentioned by the Noble Lord, only
20 had been reserved which were to be so divided. That was
a matter, however, of detail, which might be easily regulated.
He would however say, that whatever mode could be adopted
by which the Corporations might be most fairly managed, and
whatever mode could be devised by which respectable persons
would be induced to undertake office in the new governing
bodies, was most important not only to the country in general,
but, he would say, to the lower classes themselves.--(Loud
cheers.) And to the Noble Lord he would say that the more
he insured the introduction of those persons into the govern-
ing body, whose station, property, and intelligence insured
impartiality and good conduct, the more reason he would have
to calculate on the good result to be expected from his mea-
sure.—( Loud cheering.)
Mr. STRUTT then rose, but amidst the noise and confu-
sion consequent on Members leaving the House, it was diffi-
cult to ascertain the purport of his remarks. He was under-
stood to say that the Corporation of Derby, which he had the
honour to represent, having been alluded to, he could, upon
the part of the members of that Corporation, state that none
would more sincerely coincide with him in thanking the Noble
Lord for having introduced this measure than they would.
—( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Mr. HUME hoped that all parties would co-operate in mak-
ing this measure as perfect as possible. He wished to ask the
Noble Lord whether his Bill was intended to apply to any
other Corporations but the 183 mentioned by him.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL, who answered this question, as
well as several others put to him, in so low a tone of voice as
to be very imperfectly heard, was understood to say that a se-
parate measure would be introduced in regard to London.
With regard to some of the other Corporations mentioned in
the Report, they were so small that he had not determined
whether they should be included or not. The Noble Lord
then made some explanation regarding the boundaries to which
the powers of the Corporations were to extend, but in so in-
distinct a tone, that we were unable to catch his meaning.
The Right Hon. Baronet had complained of his having gone
into details of the abuses of some particular boroughs, but that
was not the case, as he had only stated of whom the Corpora-
tion consisted in those boroughs.
Sir ROBERT PEEL observed that there were some
small Corporations which had ceased to return Members to
Parliament ; he would, therefore, suggest that if they wished
to resign their Corporate privileges they might be at liberty to
do so. He thought that there could be no objection to this,
provided it was done with the consent of all the parties in-
terested.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL was aware that there were some
small Corporations which did not possess sufficient means of
paying their expenses : it might, therefore, be desirable to
get rid of them. He saw no objection to the suggestion of
the Right Hon. Baronet.
Mr. BROT HE RTON, as a Member for one of the new
Boroughs, rose to express not only the great gratification with
which he had heard the Noble Lord bring forward his plan of
Corporation Reform, but also the liberal sentiments expressed
by the Right Hon. Baronet opposite. The measure now proposed
he was sure would give great satisfaction to the country.
His chief object, however, in rising, was to state to the House
that the plan proposed by the Noble Lord was not without
a precedent. In the borough which he had the honour to re-
present, the principle of the proposed bill had been acted
upon for upwards of three years, and it had been found to be
most beneficial. Every rate payer had a vote in the choice
of the municipal officers who had the management of the
funds of the Corporation, and the members of the Council
were elected for three years, one-third going out of office an-
nually. The Borough was divided into two wards, or dis-
tricts, and there was not the slightest commotion at elections.
He mentioned this fact merely to satisfy the timid, who, not
having experience, might suppose that the suffrage proposed
was too democratic. But he could assure the House that the
payment of parochial rates had such an effect in limiting the
franchise, especially in large towns, such as Manchester and
Salford, that it made very little difference as to the number of
electors, whether ten pound householders only, or every person
paying rates, were entitled to vote. He therefore, did not en-
tirely concur with the Noble Lord on one point ; he did not
see the expediency of making the payment of rates for three
years a necessary qualification for a vote. This would unne-
cessarily limit the constituency. He thought highly, however,
of the measure, taking it altogether, and he had no doubt that
it would give general satisfaction to the country. He felt
perfectly satisfied that the property intrusted to the control of
the corporate bodies to be appointed under the Bill would be
managed faithfully, and to the satisfaction of the public.
Mr. EWA RT felt bound to observe that he, as the repre-
sentative of an old Corporate town, was equally satisfied with
the Hon. Member who spoke last with the measure of the
Noble Lord. He was convinced that the extent of suffrage
limited in the way proposed by the Noble Lord would not
greatly reduce the number of voters. It was a curious cir-
cumstance that one of the first countries that adopted a sound
system of municipal government to any extent was strictly
monarchical. He alluded to Prussia, where, in 1808, an ex-
tensive measuse of municipal reform, corresponding in many
respects with that of the Noble Lord, was proposed by one of
the first Ministers of State that ever lived in that country—
he meant Stein. There were some principles connected with
that plan which he thought might be taken up with advan-
tage by the Noble Lord, and adopted in his measure. Among
other things, he provided that any householder should enjoy
the privilege of voting, and that the Suffrage should be taken
by Ballot. Thus this mode of voting had been adopted in
Prussia—a strict monarchy, and almost a military Government;
and although it had in some respects been in operation for
upwards of thirty years, no complaints had been made, and no
evil had been found to result from it. Approving as he did
of the Bill, still he claimed the right of making any objections
that occcurred to him, and above all, urging the adoption of
vote by Ballot. There was no doubt that the measure of the
Noble Lord would meet with the approval of the majority of
the House, even if there were not—which he seriously hoped

would be the case—a general feeling in its favour, -and he
was equally certain that it would receive the general appro-
bation of the country.
Mr. O'CONNELL was anxious to say one word before the
question was put to the vote. He thought that there was an
essential defect in the title of the Bill. There was a defi-
ciency of one word which greatly diminished the value of the
measure. It was entitled " A Bill for the Better Regulation
of Municipal Corporations in England and Wales." The word
he wished to see annexed to it was Ireland.--( Hear, hear.)
In other respects he did riot think that it was possible to pro-
duce a measure which was more entitled than the present to
universal approbation. From the omission he had alluded to,
it might appear that, since the Union, Ireland was only to be
treated by measures of coercion ; and while the House had
been extending the franchise to other parts of the empire, it
had been cutting Ireland short of her share. They had al-
ready experienced the evils of doing injustice to Ireland in
many points. The I
E Irish Reform Bill was distinguished by
its injustice in
,this point, namely doing so mnch less for Ire-
land than for England. He hoped that they would remedy
the injustice they had done, and that they would give a mea-
sure equally extensive as the present to Ireland.—( Hear. )
They required no more—they would not he satisfied with less,
nor ought they to be satisfied. The Right Hon. Member
for Tamworth had thrown out an observation respecting leav-
ing Livings in the hands of Corporations, the greater portion
of the members of which were Dissenters. He belonged to a
sect in Ireland which preponderated in some towns, and he
should not object to an arrangement which, he believed, would
be satisfactory. . At present Roman Catholic laymen, although
possessed of Livings, could not institute to them, and this had
never been complained of. Now he would suggest, that in case
the greater number of the members of the Corporation were Ro-
man Catholics, that
i the right of bestowing the Church patro-
nage belonging to t should be given to the Bishop, as the
proper guardian of the Church.—( Hear.) On this principle he
should not hesitate to recommend this alteration, but he hoped
that Irel,aid would have all the other parts of the Bill con-
ceded to her. H e was sure that this measure would give the
greatest satisfaction to all persons not connected With mune} o-
lies. The Right Hon. Gentleman had taunted the Noble
Lord with selecting the ,Grouglis he had alluded to only from
one side, but it could not be said, with respect to Ireland, that
partiality could be resorted to in the selection of boroughs, for
it so happened that the Corporations in Ireland WON all on

one side. It was perfectly clear that Catholics were entitled
to admission into the Corporations by birth or servitude, and
yet by a by-law they had been constantly excluded. One of
the wiseacres now on the Bench, Chief Baron Joy, had en-
deavoured to confirm this regulation of the Corporation of
Dublin. Ireland required Corporation Reform more than
England ; and he trusted that the Noble Lord and his col-
leagues would not give less to his countrymen than they had
given to the people of England.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. HA WE S asked a question, but in consequence of the
noise of Members leaving the House, it was not heard in the
gallery.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, that under this Bill there
would be a power of making new Corporations ; but it was
not intended to apply this principle to the new metropolitan
boroughs.
In answer to a question of Lord SAND ON,
Lord JOHN RUSSELL stated, that all persons having
the right of voting under the Reform Bill would have a vote
in Corporations.
In answer to another question,
The NOBLE Loan stated, that after the present race, there
would be no freemen to vote.
Mr. B &INE S was sure that the Dissenters of England and
Wales would not wish to interfere with the Church patronage
belonging to Corporations, even though they should form a
majority of their body. All that they sought for was an equa-
lity of civil rights, and perfect freedom of religious opinion.
He agreed fully with the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member
for Tamworth, that it would be as improper to exclude Con-
servatives from their fair share in the honours and privileges of
Corporations, as it was to exclude Liberals, and all that was
sought for was an equal participation in those immunities.—
(Hear, hear.) He sincerely hoped that in future there would
be no exclusion on account of religion or politics on either
side. The plan announced by the Noble Lord seemed admi-
rably calculated to guard against this evil—the source of so
many complaints, and the foundation of so much party jealousy
and discontent. It was a truly liberal and extensive plan,
founded upon the ancient constitutional elective municipal
franchise, and it would, in his opinion, give general satisfac-
tion to the country.—( Loud cheers.)
Mr. ROEBUCK remarked, that in many large towns
there were great numbers of persons who had holdings under
ten pounds, and were not rated, consequently they would not
be entitled to vote in corporations.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL replied, that rating, usually
depended on an arrangement between the landlord and te-
nant. A person could generally be rated on an application
on his own part.
Mr. FINN was most anxious that a measure of equal ex-
tent with the present should be granted to Ireland. In that
country the corporations were infinitely worse, and squandered
the money of the people away in a manner which the people
of England conld form no conception of. He wished that
the Government had some measure ready for Ireland.
The CHANCELLOR ofthe EXCHEQUER assured the
Hon. Gentleman that it was the intention of his Majesty's Go-
vernment to bring forward a measure of Corporation Reform
for Ireland as extensive in its provisions as that introduced by
his Noble Friend.—(Hear, hear.) He could speak of the
necessity of reforming the Corporations in Ireland ; he had had
experience of the conduct of one of those bodies, and he knew
that the conduct pursued by that was not singular to it. There
was a circumstance which prevented the present Bill being ap-
plied to Ireland, namely, the principle of giving votes to rate-
, payers. Every one connected with that country must be aware
the principle could not be applied. He was sure when the
measure for Ireland was laid before the House, the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman as- well as the Hon. Member who spoke
last would do justice to the wishes of the Government. In the
course of a few days the Report on Irish Corporations would be
laid on the table, a measure founded on it would be shortly
afterwards produced, and he trusted that it would give as much
satisfaction as the Bill now proposed to be introduced.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL wished to remind Hon.

Members that England was not the first country that had had
a measure of Corporate Reform conceded to her by the present
Government. They had conceded such a measure to Scotland
three years ago, and it had been found to operate most benefi-
cially. The people of England had waited patiently until the
inquiry of the Commissioners had been completed, and a mea-
sure was now produced which appeared to give general satis-
faction ; and he trusted that in the course of a few days a Bill
for Ireland would be introduced, and would meet with a similar
reception. He could not sit down without referring to an ob-
servation—which appeared something like a slight slur—which
had fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet. He was sure that
when the Right Hon. Baronet had read the whole of the Re-
port, he would feel that they had acted with the greatest im-
partiality. Indeed, the case of Derby, referred to by the Right
Hon. Baronet, was a proof of this.
The motion was then put and agreed to.—(Loud cheers.)
Shortly afterwards Lord JonN RussELL appeared at the bar,
holding in his hand the Municipal Corporation Reform Bill,
and was loudly cheered.
The Bill was brought up, read a first time, ordered to be
printed, and to be read a second time on Monday se'nnight.