The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-24 00:00:00

PRICE 4D. STANITED, SD,

-Mr. TAMLYN moved that Mr. Kenyon Parker,
Q.C., formerly a gallant Lieutenant of Marines, be
added to the committee, whereupon
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL moved that Mr.
Kenyon Parker, a gentleman who was an honour
to the station he filled, and who fought in the plains
of Lombardy in 1848, should be appointed secretary
to the committee, which was seconded by Mr. For-
syth, and carried by acclamation.
Sir HUGH CAIRNS then moved a resolution to the
effect that gentlemen wishing to join the corps be
requested to send in their names to the committee,
and also that the members of the Inns of Court who
did not intend to join, but were willing to contri-
bute to the incidental,expensei, should send their
mimes esti. lie'hoPed that the Inns of Court them-.
selves would frnd that-it was _within their power, as
he was sure it was within thekinclination, to con-
tribute towards the expenses necessary to the in-
auguration of such a corps. (Cheers.)
On the motion of Mr. Montague Smith, a vote of
thanks was given to the chairman, and the proceed-
ings
terminated.

THE NEW MINISTRY.

(From the Morning Chronicle.)
It is usual to attribute the disorganised state of
parties—to which, not so much from the want of dis-
ciplined obedience in the mass of members, as from
the inordinate pretensions of the leaders of every
petty section, are rightly ascribed most of the diffi-
culties which for the, last few years have impeded
the formation of strong and lasting Administra-
tions, and the satisfactory conduct of publiC))yii,
ness—entirely to the corn-law "tergiversation" of
Sir Robert Peel. The proceedings of that states-
man will explain, of course, the divisions which
have existed amongst the Conservatives ; but ,it is
a mere flight of imagination to refer to them the
far wider and more important schism in the Liberal
ranks. - That schism, with its consequences, must be
carried to the account of Lord John Russell. Even'
in the earliest period of his official life, the noble
lord was a stumbling-block in the way of his col-'
leagues. He sowed difficulties for them' to reap,'
and found his profit in that temporary disruption
of the party, which the inability to provide for the I
engagements he had made necessitated. As the abler'
men, who' stood in his way, left the Whig ranks, he,
rose to the highest position ; and when Lord Mel-
bourne retired from public life he became the ac-
knowledged leader of the great' Whig party. As
such leader, he came into office upon the dissolu-
tion of the Conservative majority which followed
Sir Robert Peel's conversion to free trade ; and,
heading a united party against one for a time irre-
concilably divided against itself, his Premiership
might probably have equalled in duration that of
Lord Liverpool, if he had been content to refrain
from quarrelling with his colleagues and supporters.
That, however, was imposssiblo. His restless 1
energy about trifles, unwearied activity in doing
and saying uncalled-for disagreeable things, and
imprudent love of claptrap, soon involved him
in disputes with his nominal followers ; whilst
the division of the Party was consummated by
his expulsion of his dear friend Lord Palmers-
ton from the Cabinet. From that day to this the
Liberal party, and to some extent the country,
have been the victims of the squabbles between
,these two statesmen. Lord Palmerston, who was
not the aggressor, could not sit quietly down under
his disgrace, and consoled himself by turning out
his late chief. Lord John Russell then ceased to
be undisputed leader of the Whigs ; but the fall
was one in which he could not quietly acquiesce.
In the coalition Government he oceupied, in the
short space of two years, three different offices ; and
at last, unable longer_to brook the Premiership of
another, he overthrew it. The manoeuvre was a
most unhappy one. Intend;r.g to restore himself
to the highest place, he really put his rival into it,
and in his desperation increased the triumph of
Lord Palmerston by accepting office under him.
Then came the Vienna Conferences, and the resig-
nation to which the openly expressed disgust of
his faithful friends of a few months before obliged
him.

Lord John was now left with about half-a-dozen
'riends, and Lord Palmerston was the recognised
eader of the Liberals. But the party was not to
be allowed to consolidate itself under its new chief.
Powerless for good, Lord John determined to show
that he ought not to have been put away, and
finally contrived to turn out the man who had sup-
planted him. His star now seemed to be in the
ascendant. Lord Palmerston was labouring under
popular distrust, Reform was rising into the ques-
tion of the day, and the Radicals turned their
hopes to the author of the Refsrm Bill. How
nearly he succeeded in attaining his object is mat-
ter of history. Had the Government of Lord Derby
resigned upon the loss of its Reform Bill, Lord J.
Russell would have become Premier, caring little
that the discord amongst the Liberals would there-
by have been intensified. Now Lord Palmerston.
is Premier, and Lord J. Russell, nominally recon-
ciled to his rival, accepts office under him. What
probability there is of cordial union between the
two men, this summary of Lord John's later career
plainly shows.
If any system has been pursued in the composi-
tion of the new Cabinet, it must undoubtedly have
been that much-abused one of putting the round
men into the square holes, and the square men into
the round holes. Grant that a company composed
entirely of stars, or artists fancying themselves
stars, could, under some circumstances, get through
its performances creditably, assuredly it must
soon be hissed off the stage if to each man is
assigned the very part for which he is confessedly
unfitted. Yet Lord John Russell, whose whole
claim to public approbation is founded upon his
assumed services in the cause of progress at home,
who has professedly upset the late Government
because it did not take up reform in the proper
spirit, who indeed claims for himself the exclusive
privilege of initiating reform legislation, is ap-
pointed to the very post in which there is the least
opportunity of using his main, if not his only qua-
lifications. A Foreign Minister surely has just_ now
.
more than enough to do to discharge properlyh
las
own important duties, especially when that
Mini-
ster is quite new to his work, and has had noned
the training calculated to facilitate its
e
perform-
ance. We do not care just now to
dwell on
obvious unfitness of Lord J. Russell for his new
upon the
position, as evidenced by his former handling of
foreign questions. Yet it is impossible to forget
that in the negotiations which preceded the Rus-
sian war—negotiations which, it is now well known,
might, if carried on with knowledge and firmness,
have prevented that deplorable contest—Lord John
Russell represented this country, yielding the office
to Lord Clarendon when nearly all chance of avert-
ing the struggle had passed away. The matter
now to be settled is far more important and diffi-
cult, and the marl who was not strong enough for
the work of 1853 is not likely to be grown to the
height required for that of to-day. But we have
no need to look for illustrations of the ability of
the Foreign Secretary to deal with foreign affairs,
beyond the Vienna Conferences of 1855. Of his
failure there--to use the very mildest term possible
—it is sufficient to say that no one has yet been
found to defend him. Friends and foes alike have
characterised his conduct in terms of the
severest condemnation. In truth, he has offered
no defence beyond his own declaration of
his innocence. "Everybody blames me," he
says ; "at mild plaudo, ipso cloud, when I look
at the documents which vindicate my charac-
ter, but which, unfortunately, must not at present
be made public"—a plea to which nobody can
listen. There are, moreover, defects of character
and temperament which disqualify Lord John
Russell for the conduct of delicate and critical
negotiations. Some men will rather lose a friend
than the chance of saying a sharp thing. Lord
John Russell will not be able to resist the tempta-
tion of writing a blustering despatch for all the
damage it may do to the interests he represents.
So restless and unquiet, so convinced of )is own
Rapacity for everything, he issutaik:.tpindr,A4kx ,
thb settlement of matters with which he has no

representa-
should propose that there should be two
tives for each inn, and that they should b'e for
Lincoln's-inn—Sir Hugh Cairns and Mr. Selwyn.
Inner Temple—The Queen's Advocate and Mr.
Kenneth Macaulay.
Middle Temple—Mr. Rodwell and Mr. Green.
Gray's-inn—Mr. Huddleston and Mr. Lush.
Serjeant's-inn—Mr. Sergeant Wrangham and
Mr. Serjeant Pigott. (Cheers.)
Mr. DIGBY SEYMOUR then suggested whether
the committee should not have power to add to
their number, inasmuch as it was •probable that
many of the outer bar and juniors would take a
very active part in the corns.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL thought that the ob-
ject of the hon. and learned gentleman would be
effected if they added to the resolution the words,
" with power to add six additional members to the
committee, to be taken from the outer bar. (Cheers.)
The resolution in the amended form was then
agreed to.