The Sun.
London, England, 1859-07-02 00:00:00

glory or by calculations of policy, whether they were pos-
sessed with a jealousy of free institutions or inflamed with
a lust of conquest—they were justly chargeable with the

enormous crime of making the rivers orlfalY 0 flo, and
dying her soil with the blood of innocent men. He wished,

however, to be just to France. She was to gain nothing
by the present war, for he verily believed that the French
people would only have to pay the expense without re-
ceiving the profits, and the crop which had been raised by
their blood they would not be allowed to reap. Nor would
the Italian people derive any benefit from the horrible car-
nageof which the plains of Lombardy were now the scene.
He ardently wished to see the cessation of the oppression to
which that race had been long exposed, but when he con-
sidered the kind of policy which seemed now to prevail he
was thrown back in recollection to very evil times, and was
reminded of that wholesale dealing in revolt and insurrec-
tion which distinguished the National Convention of France
in 1792. The celebrated decree of the 15th of February,
1792, if it did not actually commence, at least extended and
continued a fearful war for upwards of 20 years, offering to
any people that chose to revolt against their rulers not only
the right hand of fellowship but the assistance of the Re-
publican armies, which were positively instructed to protect
the rebels of every country from the punishment which
they had incurred. At the present day it was not by
decrees that similar objects were attained, but by deeds and
acts still more significant nations were encouraged to revolt,
and assistance was now promised to the people of the north
of Italy, now to the Hungarians, now to the inhabitants of
the Duchies, and now to the subjects of the Pope himself.
It was singular how the very language of 1792-3-4 had been
adopted in recent manifestoes, It did not speak of France,
but when the ally of France was endeavouring to make war,
and encouraging by every means a warlike spirit, he saw
with no little horror in the Governmentpress such language
as the following :—" War, it is true, is an evil • but there
are many evils in this lower world, and national indepen-
dence, the freedom of oppressed peoples, is a tree which re-
quires to be manured with a sufficient number of human
corpses!' Sueh were the very words of that execrable crew
the Committee of Public Safety. One of the most distin-
guished of their leaders, St. Just, a colleague of Robes-
pierre, declared that liberty required to be founded upon
mountains of corpses—" sur des moptagnes de eadavt es."
He had hoped that Europe had seen the last of wars waged
in the name of liberty,liberty,but, .unhappily, he had lived to see
a slaughter so horrible in its extent and consequences that
the mind recoiled from its contemplation. The war, it
might be said, had gone too far to be stopped, but he trusted
that England would interfere at the very earliest moment
with a view to the restoration of peace, and that, too, without
even asking who was to blame. It was to be hoped that the
losing party would perceive that by persisting in an unequal
contest she might only lose the more. It was greatly to be
dreaded that Germany might be induced to take part in the
struggle. There could be no doubt there existed already
too much disposition to break the peace in that quarter :
and if the sword were once drawn there, no man could tell
to what extent the war might go, or how it might end.
There was no actual attack threatened aphis:, Germany ;
the danger was only one of a possibility ; and it was there-
fore earnestly to be desired that every effort might be made
to keep Prussia from engaging in hostilities, and to prevent
the greatest of all calamities, a universal war. In France
he believed that all persons of education, of property, and
respectability were still averse from this war, and lamented
that it should have broken out. The multitude, armed and
unarmed, might indeed have their heads turned by tempo-
rary success, just as they would, on the other hand, be the
first to be cast down by any reverse of fortune ; but they. were
not those to whom we must look for sound public opinion.
He equally believed that there could be no such unpopular
movement on the part of the French Government as a
quarrel or a breach with this country. But was that
any reason why we should not be prepared ? Quite the
contrary. We might say to France, " We don't distrust
you ; we don't believe that you will do us any
wrong ; we rely on your professions and your promises.
Nevertheless, common prudence requires that we should
guard against every possibility, and possible danger may
arise from a change m your Government, for no one can
tell what might be the disposition of your military classes!'
Let us, therefore, be prepared by land and by sea. Above
all, let us be prepared by sea. He hoped and trusted that
he should have a satisfactory answer to his question from
the noble duke opposite, and that it would be authorita-
tively declared that there was no foundation whatever for
the report as to the navy estimates being lowered. Instead
of the preparations of the late Government being lessened,
he would rather that they might be extended, so as to
render an attempt upon our shores, happen what might,
absolutely impossible. There was the widest difference con-
ceivable between a constitutional Government, with a free
Parliament and a free press, and Governments such as
those of the two allies, France and Russia, where every
expression of public op inion was stifled. His belief was
that had there been a the Government in France this
lamentable war in Italy would have been utterly impossible.
It arose froth there having been no legitimate vent for that
public opinion which was at first quite unanimous against
war, although when hostilities had been actually declared
a certain change took place. Under these circumstances,
and having regard to the naval force of France and Russia,
it was our bounden duty to make it absolutely impossible
that the Channel should be commanded even by the united
fleets of those two Powers. (Cheers.)
The Duke of SOMERSET (who spoke in so low a tone as
to be very indistinctly heard in the gallery), was understood
to say that he would not attempt to follow the noble and
learned lord through many of the observations which he had
offered to the house, but would confine himself to giving
an answer to the question that had been put to him. In
doing so he would lay before their lordships such informa-
tion as he possessed respecting the progress which had been
made in the reconstruction of our navy ; and here he felt
he had, perhaps, to defend the late Government rather than
the present. He had seen with great surprise a statement
that he had commenced the duties of his office by reducing
the navy estimates and striking off he knew not how many
of the dockyard workmen. What really happened was,
that on the 11th of April last, the Board of ,Admiralty
being properly desirous of expediting 'the works in pro-
gress in the dockyards ordered that the men should be em-
ployed during extra hours. At a later period, however, fur-
ther works being necessary, on the sth of May they or-
dered more men to be taken on, such a measure being
quite right in point of economy, and one which he was
quite ready to defend. Much had been said as to the mode
in which the navy had been managed, for many years past.
It had been his lot when a member of the House of Com-
mons to spend a whole summer in going carefully through
the navy estimates, and, having had before him all the,
Persons who had been connected with the service for a long
time previous, he had been enabled to collect some infor-
mation on the subject. Reverting to the period between
1830 and 1840 no doubt those were years of a reduced ex-
, penditure upon the navy. ; but the economy then practised,
st, far itnin giving occasion for regret, was in fact matter
for present congratulation, because a larger outlay in those
days would have been entirely wasted, the class of vessels
then built being ill adapted for existing exigencies, so.that
if a greater number of them had been launched they would
now have been useless. Then came the period of steamships,
but of steamships with paddles, when the Admiralty again
set to work and produced a number of vessels of that
class. But before many years had elapsed the screw-
propeller was introduced, superseding the use of the
paddle. If, therefore, they had gone on building steamers
fitted with paddles, they would have been found unsuited
to modern requirements. In 1847, the year before the
inquiry was made before a committee, we had not
a single ship of the line fitted with the screw. In January,
1853, however, we had as many as 15 vessels with the screw.
Since that time the work has been going on with consider-
able industry, for a return made up to the Ist of January of
the present year showed that the number of such vessels
had increased from 17 in the year 1853 to as many as 50 in
1859. Since the beginning of this year there had been a
further augmentation to 56. The force had therefore been
continually, increasing, and that increase had, he need not
say, been attended with a very large expenditure. The late
Board of Admiralty had also ordered the construction of a
powerful vessel of large tonnage to be coated with iron. In
going into this question it wasnot only necessary that large
estimates should be taken, but that the difficulties of pro-
perly adjusting the expenditure should be well considered.
If he wished to produce a number of vessels on paper there
was no doubt that the best course would be to convert ex-
isting vessels into screw line-of-battle ships ; but the vessels
so produced would be comparatively inefficient. There was
also the question of manning, which would be attended with
very considerable expense. There was an expenditure for
an immediate purpose—the expenditure in obtaining men
who were to be at once available--,and then there was the
large expenditure consequent upon bringing up boys for the
naval service. No doubt, much of the expense would be so
much money wasted, but still it was justifiable on the
ground of precaution. That was the view he had taken
with regard to the future position of the navy ; and he
could assure the house that, both with regard to providing
ships and the men for manning them, the present Board of
Admiralty were as anxious to. do their duty as the late
Board, and to pursue a course which would place the mari-
time defences of the country in a satisfactory position.
(Hear, hear.)
The Earl of HARDWICKE said he cordially joined in
the sentiment expressed by the noble duke that the great
object to be achieved was the raising the maritime defences
of the country to a pitch of efficiency which would preclude
all apprehensions of invasion. He held that it was the duty
of the Government to render the navy of England suffi-
ciently powerful not only to maintain the British Channel
as the British Channel, but to enable us- 4o insist that the
boundaries of this country in that direction, should be the
low water mark on the French shore. (Hear, hear.) Tliey
might talk of the militia, rifle corps, and all the rest of it,
but if there was a chance of a fleet of men-of-war appearing
off the English coast, such would be the feeling which it
would produce in the country that far more pecuniary suf-
fering would be occasioned than any that the noble duke
could cause by any measures he might take for placing the
naval defences on a satisfactory footing. He might be per-
mitted to refer to the condition of the French navy during
the last war, and to the manner in which that navy sur-
mounted the difficullies it had to encounter. In 1794 the
French had 771ine-of battle ships and 176 frigates. In 1812,
having suffered defeat at Trafalgar, and having sustained
,severe blows at various other times, their line-of-battle ships
'lB4 risen to 113, and their frigates to 272. (Hear.) So that,
even then, in the face of such disasters, their power of pro-
duction was such as to give us ample warning of the achieve-
ments in that respect, of which the means and energies of
the French capable. In 1853 the first screw
ships of people were
were constructed in this country
trade w
fremely i 1857 the state of the British navy was ei
of the line, a
the late rregalar Down to the close of 18.57, just before
_Government took office, we had a fleet of 2.5 sail
sail of the line.
they continued '
and during the interval of 411 days, in which
plification of thellVower, they increased the navy to 5()
could assure the
Productive powers of this country, he
conversation and astoniske
(Rear,
halledar.) And that practical exem-
plification
would venture to n been the frequent theme of
ent on the other side of the water.
he was rapidly augmenting
to the noble duke that while
he should turn his attention
(Hoer, hear.) That class of vessels, :ie strength of the naval force
o the condition of our frigates,
of water, it was well known were beingof
of war in'enabling a belligerent ethertfernely useful in time
a light draught
wlnaskiaglswthellis "coutrtrpyllWadosesso
s swe las said always
on
one ofm ac:ynav:Y3°l4llfedwrlichgaoeinreterasilis,t7ilaneaend their
o
lordships would remember that Lord
placed the greatest reliance on that class or
_.r for with-
one occasion he believed that after he wlllssvhdeead the word
frigates the
"frigates" would be found engraven on
out them he could neither see nor hear.
French were still superior to us. The question
of
was of comparatively little importance, and he tattrQed °llO,,eY
noble duke would only take into consideration how he
could
best use the power of production at his disposal, and how
could most efficiently obtain men for the ships when ant.
In the evidence laid before the Commissioners for Manning
the Navy, it appeared to be the opinion of the chief authori.
ties that in the event of hostilities it was of the greatest im-
ortance that this country should have three fleets—one of
30 oil of Os la 40 cluivl, no et 20. og SU lino