The Sun.
London, England, 1866-11-15 00:00:00

Impeachment.

The Chicago Tribune cites the impeachment of
WEST H. HUMPHREYS, Judge of the District Court
of the United States for the Eastern, Middle, and
Western Districts of the State of Tennessee, as a
precedent for the guidance of an impeachment of
ANDREW JOHNSON. The House of Representatives
at the Session commencing 1861 adopted a series of
articles, impeaching Judge HUMPHREYS, which were
tried by the Senate in May, 1862. The first of the
articles, seven in number, was to the effect—" That
" regardless of his duties as a citizen of the United
"States, and unmindful of the duties of his said office,
" and in violation of the sacred obligation of his
"official oath, * * the said WEST H. HUMPH-
'• KEYS, on the 29th day of December, A.D. 1860, in
" the city of Nashville, in said State, the said WEST
"H. HUMPHREYS then being a citizen of the United
"States, and owing allegiance thereto, and then
" and there being judge, &c., at a public meeting
"on the day and year last aforesaid, held in said
"city of Nashville, and in the hearing of divers per-
'• sons there present, did endeavour by public speech
" to incite revolt and rebellion within said State
" against the Constitution and Government of the
"United States, and did then and there publicly
"declare that it was the right of the people of said
"State, by an ordinance of secession, to absolve
" themselves from all allegiance to the Government
"of the United States, the Constitution and the
" laws thereof."
ANDREW JOHNSON was Governor of the State,
and through his instrumentality Judge HUMPHREYS
was impeached. He was impeached by a House of
Representatives, from which ten States were ex-
cluded, in which he had no representative, and
where only a small portion of the people of Tennessee
could be heard. He was impeached by a " Rump"
Congress, "by a body hanging on the verge of Go-
" vernment," and " calling itself the Congress of the
" United States." He was tried by a Senate, in
which 11 States had no members, though entitled to
22 votes, which, had they not been excluded, would
have rendered it impossible to convict him. But
what makes this case a stronger precedent at the
present time is that the first article of the impeach-
ment is for a speech, the sentiments of which were
in contravention of his official duty. Upon this
article the vote was unanimously " Guilty." Upon
most_of the charges there were some votes of not
guilty, and upon one or more he was acquitted,
but upon this charge of having made that speech he
was convicted by an unanimous vote. The Con-
stitution. provides that " The PRESIDENT, VICE-
" PRESIDENT, and all civil officers of the United
" States, shall be removed from office for and con-
" viction of treason, bribery, or other high crimes
" and misdemeanours."

The Senate decided that a speech inciting a
people to revolt, or rebellion, against the Consti-
tutional Government, by an officer sworn to fidelity

to both, was sufficient offence to sustain an im-
peachment, therefore Judge HUMPHREYS was amen-
able to no law but that to which the PRESIDENT
and all other civil officers are amenable. The same
Constitution protected him that covers ANDREW
JOHNSON. The House that was competent to im-
peach him is as competent to impeach the PRESI-
DENT, or any other officer. The Senate that was
competent to try and convict him is as compe-
tent to try and convict any other civil officer. There
is no escaping the precedent of this HumrunEYs'
case, for which the country is indebted to ANDREW
JOHNSON.

The plea of Mr. JOHNSON'S followers is that
speeches—no matter how revolutionary and rebel-
lious—cannot furnish legal ground for impeach-
ment. The Senate, however, upon this:case, brought
before them by Mr. JOHNSON, unanimously decided
that such a speech by a Government officer, sworn
to support and execute the laws, was sufficient to
warrant, upon proof, not only the impeachment,
but also the conviction and deposition of the guilty
official. The Chicago ribune overlooks the fact
that Judge HUMPHREYS, an officer of the United
States, openly incited the people to rebellion in aid
of a great and dangerous revolution at that time in
actual existence. There is a wide difference be-
• tweeu this case and that of a speech in time of
•
stPeace,ecemndds
dw fromt i
him. with
henw
Presidenthha ci
his dignity
PresidentdtihgenmajoritytyJOHNSON
t ootf tehgoewrf
grade
United i
ot ef d
a,Statesstu mdpe
• orator, and reviled the Senate in the same hearty
; a great indiscretion, for which he h
penalty ; but neither the case of y areaHistsaust npernaueimadgEbuayellsr sh,teyanrvooeyr-f
any other, can furnish a sufficient precedent for the
• impeachment of ANDREW JOHNSON. There are
curious turns in the lives of American statesmen,
and ;President JOHNSON'S gives an example. But
a few weeks ago he was the triumphant dictator of
the United States. The Philadelphia Convention
had been a brilliant success, and promised for his
policy a sure victory. The very means he adopted
doubly to secure this result caused the down-
fall of his popularity. He then gave him-
self credit for not, under tempting circumstances,
erecting himself into a CIESAR. He now, on
taking up any American newspaper, finds
the subject of his own impeachment freely discussed.
He has been struck down by one blow, and, strange
to say, that blow was delivered by himself.. Another
blow might knock him back, and place him again
firmly in his seat. If that blow is given it will be
struck by his bitterest enemies. The effect of an
impeachment against President JOHNSON will per-
haps restore him to national popularity, and undo
the work he has himself done. It would be a curious
result, and one history might dwell on hereafter
with interest, if the PRESIDENT knocked himself out
of his place as leader of the nation while blindly
striking at his enemies ; and if those enemies, rush-
ing to take advantage of his error fully to