The Sun.
London, England, 1866-01-27 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TlMES.—Throughout the long discussions on the
insurrection in Jamaica the British public have never
been able fully to realise the opinions and feelings of
those who were engaged in suppressing the out-
break, the apprehensions which pervaded the island
society, and the dominant motives which impelled
all concerned to treat the negroes with such extra-
ordinary severity. Even with the despatch of the
Governor and the narratives of the Jamaica press
in our hands it is difficult for us in England to form
a notion of • the temper in which the murder of the
white people at the Court-house and the subsequent
risings in the eastern part of the island were re-
ceived by men of European race, whether British or
Jamaicans. People at home were informed at the
same time of the outbreak and its repression. They
never heard of Gordon till they learnt that he had
been executed. The vast majority of them knew
nothing about the state of the negroes and the
growing animosity which had long prevailed among
them towards the whites. But it is evident that to
judge fairly of the conduct of the authorities it is
necessary to become acquainted with the opinions
prevalent in the island before and at the time of the
insurrection, and to obserre the impulses which the
white population obeyed. We are enabled in some
degree to give our readers a notion of the circum-
stances under which Gordon was tried and executed,
by publishing an account of the arrest, written by
Mr. Bowerbank, Custos of Kingston, who himself,
under the Governor's order, took Gordon into his
custody. It is well known that on the first news
of the rising Mr. Eyre devoted himself with great
energy to the task of repressing it. He was away
at Morant Bay, and almost every available soldier
in the island, together with the militia, which
could be got together, had gone with him. King-
ston being thus comparatively defenceless, there
prevailed a strong opinion in favour of proclaiming
martial law. This opinion, as we shall see, was
held by the chief persons in the place, and in the
end produced important results. Mr. Bowerbank
says that on Saturday, the 14th of October, a
special session of the magistrates of Kingston was
called. "On this occasion it. was unanimously re-
solved by the magistrates present, some 40 in num-
ber, including several members of the House of
Assembly, that Kingston was in a very critical con-
dition, and required to be placed under martial law.
A resolution to this effect was passed, and I was
requested to forward the same to the Governor at
Morant Bay, which I immediately did." This com-
munication brought the Governor in haste back to
Kingston. He must naturally have been much im-
pressed by so urgent a request unanimously made
by the legal Guardians of the Peace, after the city
had been especially excluded from the proclamation
which was issued when the first news of the out-
break was received. We know from other sources,
and the Governor mentions it in his despatch, that
in the Morant Bay district the testimony was general
that Gordon was implicated in the rising. It is
equally clear that the people, high and low, in
Kingston no sooner heard of the massacre than they
said that it was Gordon's doing. The Governor
arrived in Kingston to find his own prepossessions
confirmed by every one he met, and to receive the
assurance of the whole body of magistrates that
the danger which Gordon was causing could only be
averted by extending the area of martial law so as
to include the city. We are not, therefore, sur-
prised to find that almost the first question the
Governor addressed to the Custos was whether
Gordon had been arrested. On receiving an
answer in the negative, he said he was sorry
for the delay, but that the arrest must be
made. Subsequently both the Governor and Mr.
Bowerbank went to General O'Connor, and
the Governor again expressed his regret that
Gordon was at large. The General objected to the
arrest at that time, though, be it remarked, not
from any doubt of Gordon's complicity with the re-
bellion ; but, on the contrary, from a belief that he
was too powerful with the negroes to be taken,
unless the peace could be maintained by a sufficient
force. " The General then stated what had oc-
curred, and reiterated his opinion that Gordon
should not be arrested till more troops arrived."
The Governor maintained a different opinion ; he
considered it " essential to the safety of the island"
that the arrest should be made, and asserted that
though the rebellion in St. Thomas-in-the- East had
been crushed "more was requisite to deter other
districts from rising." This description gives us an
idea of the state of feeling iu the island. All these
people,—the Governor, the General who had passed
all his military life among negroes in Africa or the
West Indies, the Custos, who had the best oppor-
tunities of knowing what was going on in the city,
and to whom communications were continually
being made—the 40 unanimous magistrates, the
Executive Committee, the members for the city—
in a word, everybody who had anything to do with
the maintenance of order, fully believed that King-
ston and the rest of the island were in the greatest
u daner, and that Gordon was the cause. In this
belief the Jamaica authorities and Legislature have
persevered in the most extraordinary manner. What-
ever discontent may have been excited by the mea-
snres of the Government before or since, whatever
opposition may have appeared in the House of
Assembly or the press, the idea of asserting that
Gordon was innocent never seems to have been en-
tertained. Yet it must be admitted that there are
grave doubts as to this guilt, which people high and
low, white and black, appear to have taken for granted.
According to Mr. Bowerbank's account, Gordon
came to the General's voluntarily, and probably to
surrender to the warrant. When be was arrested
and told that he was to be taken to Morant Bay he
expressed his belief that he would be condemned.
It is fair to infer that by this he only meant that
the odium in which he was held was so great that
he would not have an impartial trial. But he also
appears to have been aware that there were suspi-
cious circumstances against him, the chief of these
being that he was closely connected with the leaders
of the insurrection, and that though a constant
attendant at the vestry meetings he had absented
himself on the Wednesday of the massacre. With
regard to the latter of these remarks, it appears he
told Mr. Bowerbank before leaving Kingston that
he bad been ill, and that a Dr. Fiddes was attend-
ing him. Though Mr. Bowerbank does not believe
this, he indirectly confirms it in another part of his
narrative by saying, "As I was leaving, the Hon.
Mr. Freeman said to me, ' Gordon is not in St.
Andrew's ; he is in Kingston at his mother-in-law's.
Dr. Fiddes, who is attending him, told me so a few
minutes back.'" However, no one will deny that
there were grounds for arresting Gordon The
fatal mistake was in sending him to a spot where
he could not communicate with the persons who
might have given evidence in his favour, and then
bringing him suddenly before a court-martial to
answer for a capital crime. A man whom everybody
in a moment pointed to as a traitor and murderer
must have given ground for suspicion, but unless
there be further evidence of Gordon's wilful connec-
tion with the outbreak, we must hold that he ought
not to have suffered death.

THE " ANGLO-AMERICAN TIMES" ON THE UNITED
STATES AND MEXICO.—By far the most ab-
sorbing topic of newspaper discussion since
the close of the slaveholder'o. rebellion is that
which has arisen by the present attitude of
the United States with regard to the so-called
Mexican Empire. It is assumed by a portion of the
English press that the late diplomatic correspon-
dence between the United States and France dis-
closes, on the part of the first-named power, a dis-
position to adopt a new and dictatorial course with
reference to Mexico ; whereas the fact is, that the
United States Government has simply re-affirmed,
in Mr. Seward's correspondence, a doctrine which
has been an essential part of its political
creed for the last forty years. It is well
known, and it is felt by every individual
member of the Government at Washington, that
the Mexican question cannot be decided either by
President Johnson or by Congress. That question
is one which concerns the American people, and any
action on the part of the Government or Congress
in favor of the Austrian usurper in Mexico would
be met by the whole people of the United States
with such indignant remonstrance as would not only
settle for ever the whole question, but also the
political future of those who could be mad enough
to oppose them. For the feeling among the Ame-
rican people is deep. It does not express itself
much in words, because they know that the policy
of every Administration must of necessity be
opposed to all interference on the part of
European powers with the North American Conti-
nent. Neither President Johnson, nor any other
chief magistrate, would dare act in antagonism to
this sentiment, even if they desired to do so. But
we know that the feeling of the American Govern-
ment on this subject is strictly in accord with that
of the American people—namely, that come weal
or woe, peace or war, life or death, no Monarchical
or Imperial Government shall ever be established
on American soil by the aid of foreign bayonets.
If the Mexicans deliberately choose an Imperial
ruler•--be he even an Austrian—the United States
will oppose no objection ; but if France will force
an Austrian prince upon the people of the
Mexican Republic, then the United States
will feel impelled to protect and defend Republi-
canism on the American continent, at whatever
PAL It is not, we think, strange that Europeans

should fail to understand and appreciate those pecu-
liarities of the American people which show them-
selves in this Mexican embroglio. In Europe the
people have become accustomed to Monarchical and
Imperial institutions; they love and admire them,
and are generally loyal to their sovereigns ;- still, it
is almost universally felt that the European phase
of society is destined eventually to pass away or be
transformed. The great doctrine of political equa-
lity is growing more and more potent iu Europe,
and it is felt here that although a pure and
unsullied monarch like that of England, or
a powerful and magnanimous one like that
of France, are worthy of respect and veneration,
yet that monarchies and empires, per se, are unne-
cessary. In America, on the contrary, the people
believe that the political and social system under
which they live is destined to endure as long as
civilisation endures, and at last to embrace all men
—a state of society in which religion shall be free ;
in which there shall be, as fir as possible, no ine-
qualities of property which are not due to the exer-
tions of living owners ; in which every man, white
or black, shall stand as far as law is concerned with
an equal chance in the race of life. In a word, the
American people believe, and if necessary will fight
in defence of that idea, that man, as man, shall be
most valued, most cherished, in the State ; and
that all the resources of society shall be
concentrated, not in educating, and polishing, and
ennobling the few, but in bestowing upon all
a fair degree of culture and comfort. This is
the " idea" of the American people. But they
do not -wish to impose their belief upon Euro-
peans. They are willing that the people of Europe
should choose their own forms of government ; and
we think we are not overstating the case when we
declare that no Englishman venerates the Royal
Lady of England, and no Frenchman admires the
Imperial Ruler of France, more than the Americans.
They know how to respect virtue and intelligence,
but they also know how to estimate Royalty and Im-
perialism at their true worth. And in determining that
Republicanism shall have a fair trial in Mexico, they
are only deciding in favour of their own cherished
ideas in favor of Republican institutions generally.
In conclusion, we must express our conviction
that the present difficulties will not result in a war
between the United States and France. We have
great faith in the determination and persistence of
the American nation—we have equal faith in the
peaceful purposes of the French Emperor. His
late speech to the Legislative Assembly is more
than pacific—it is friendly and frank—and we be-
lieve Napoleon will profit by the lesson which his
uncle learned at his cost—and that Mexico will
never prove another Moscow.

The Relations Between France and the
United States.

The doctrine which passes by Vie name of President
Monroe is an article in the creed of every American.
Monroe himself cannot, indeed, be held responsible for the
exaggerated form the doctrine has assumed in the last
generation. He was content to protest against the inter-
ference of any European power in any part of America.
His words were, " That the American continents, by tke
free and independent condition which they have assumed
and maintained, are henceforth not to be considered as
subjects for future colonisation by any European Power,"
and this declaration was occasioned, as Mr. Calhoun, a
member of the Monroe Cabinet, afterwards explained, by
the threat of the Holy Alliance to intervene and help
Spain in her wars with her revolted colonies. But the
Monroe, doctrine has grown from a protest against foreign
intervention into a determination to tolerate nothing but
Republican Governments in the Continent of America.
The distinction between the original form and the subse-
quent development of the doctrine is of the utmost conse
quence with reference to the future conduct of the
Mexican question, but it is wholly immaterial with respect
to the past. State it as moderately as we may, it cannot
be denied that the Emperor of the French rode roughshod
over it when he first pushed on his Mexican expedition.
When he overstepped the programme of the allied Powers
and upset the Republican Government under President
Juarez, he was committing an act of the very character
against which President Monroe protested. And he did
this at a time when the Federal Government was unable
to take any active steps to prevent him. Their hands
were full, the restoration of the Union seemed doubtful,
and it was held certain that, if restored at all, its powers
would be very much crippled. We cannot be surprised
that the resentment excited by;ft French intervention in
Mexico, undertaken under such circumstances, should be
excessive, or that it should occasion menacing remon-
strances the moment the return of peace enabled the
Government to speak its mind freely. It has, in fact,
driven the President and Mr. Seward to the adoption of
the Monroe doctrine in its most extended interpretation.
They are not content with denouncing the forcible expul-
sion of Juarez from power, the introduction of Maximilian
into Mexico, and the maintenance of his throne by the as-
sistance of foreign bayonets. If this had been all to
which they objected, it would have been sufficient to insist
upon the withdrawal of the French troops, leaving to the
Mexicans thmiselves the determination of the form of
Government under which they shall live. But the propa-
gandism of Republicanism is as intolerant as the propagan-
dism of autocrats. The Republics of the New World aro
looked upon by the citizens of the United States as
banded together in a now Holy Alliance, and a
threatened extinction of one of them in a calamity which
justifies the forcible interference of all the rest. Unhap-
pily, too, at this conjuncture the unjustifiable conduct of
the late Spanish Envoy towards Chili has provoked a
storm of resentment against European interference on the
American Continent which may drown the voices of those
who speak of moderation.
The best hopes of the maintenance of peace between
France and the United States lie in the deep feelings of
friendship and sympathy which Americans have towards
the French people. If the Emperor Napoleon were obsti-
nately to persist in upholding the Mexican Empire by
force these sentiments might doubtless be overpowered„
but the belief of Americans in the ancient friendship of
France is strong enough to endure much provocation.
We cannot, however, but feel that the lino taken by the
American Government is but ill calculated to preserve
the alliance dear to American citizens. However desirous
the Emperor Napoleon may be of retiring with decency
from Mexico, the chance is almost denied him. The
Imperial Government have always declared that the
French occupation of Mexico was only a temporary
measure. They have said that as soon as the Emperor
Maximilian had been inducted . into his position all
auxiliary troops would be withdrawn, and it would be
perfectly consistent with these declarations were the
French troops recalled to-morrow. It is, however, an
obvious condition of their withdrawal that no other
foreign Power should immediately afterwards intervene in
Mexico.

The Austrian protegO of the Emperor Napoleon has in
some fashion been adopted by his subjects, and he has a
right to a fair trial. If his Government is such that the
Mexicans desire to keep him as their Emperor, it is not
easy to see why their wish should not be gratified. Mexico
is not the only Republic which has become an Empire, and
the United States have recognised in Europe what they
refuse to tolerate in America. The objection lies in that
exaggeration of the Mexican doctrine for which Mr.
Monroe is not responsible. Let President Johnson recur
to the most moderate proposition enunciated by his pre-
decessor, and the task of coming to an agreement with
France is at once indefinably lightened. Mr. Monroe pro-
tested against European interference in America, but left
each American community to choose its own form of
Government. If France retires from Mexico, this protest
is satisfied, whether the Empire of Maximilian be retained
or abolished. It is true that the Empire will have owned
its origin to European influence, but if Mexicans acquiesce
in it when this influence is removed the vice of its origin
ought to be forgiven. Tho language of M. Drouyn do
Lhuys leads to the belief that the auxiliary corps would
be recalled to Europe at once if the American Government
would give a pledge that Mexico would be left to settle
its own future destiny, and we hope so moderate a solu-
tion of a most embarrassing question will be accepted by
President Johnson.

England is interested in Mexico, but our only desire is
that good order and settled government may be established
throughout her rich provinces. Indignation against the
anarchy of a generation, and a hope that something might
be done to make the wealth of Mexico a benefit to the
world, excuse the favour we at first showed to an enter-
prise so unpromising as the Mexican expedition. The
United States are interested in Mexico, and the citizens of
the Union have long looked upon themselves as heirs in
reversion of ber mines and minerals. But neither the inte-
rest of the States nor of ourselves in Mexico can compare
with the interest we should feel in the maintenance of
peace between France and the Union. We are almost as
much interested in peace between them as we are in main-
taining peace with each of them. And the Government
and people of the United States must be conscious that
nothing would be more deplorable than a rupture with a
great European Power immediately after an end had been
put to their Civil War. The difficulties which they have
to contend with at home are of a magnitude to task the
utmost wisdom and energy of their rulers, and nothing but
a spirit of wanton mischief would add to their actual em-
barrassments. We believe that the American Government
are mindful of these considerations, and of their unbroken
friendship with France, and we have confidence that they
will be eager to accept a pacific solution of the Mexican
difficulty compatible with the dignity of both nations.—
Times.

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The Fenian Brotherhood—How to arrange

all Difficulties.
The Fenian Congress, now in session in this city, seems
at last to have arrived at some satisfactory conclusion.
President O'Mahony's accounts have been examined and
have been found quite correct. The Congress is entirely
contented with the exhibition. It appears that none of the
Fenian funds have been expended for cigars and cham-
pagne or patent leather boots. Indeed it is stated that the
salaries of thoso persons employed at the Fenian head-
quarters know not how they can afford to wear any boots at
all. The kid glove canard of course falls to the ground with
the rest of the stories about the misappropriation of the
money received for the liberation of Ireland. The books
foot up squarely ; all the items are endorsed by the Con-
gress, and the balance sheet presented is a model to our
business men. This being the case, and the finances
being in such an extremely rosy and balmy condition, the
meeting would doubtless have adjourned in the very
highest hilarity had not President O'Mahony, anxious to
do something extraordinary to celebrate his vindication,
entered the hall and read from same paper the bogus report
that the Fenians in Ireland were actually fighting, and
had won their first battle. No such news, and no news
of any kind, had reached this country from Europe during
the day, but the credulous Congress accepted the report
as gospel. The authors of this cruel hoax may congra-
tulate themselves upon its success. The members of the
Congress indulged in cheers, and tears,
and prayers,
and finally broke up with great excitement to find
themselves the victims of a stupid and foolish practical
joke.
But although this little incident throws a gleam of satire
over the proceedings of the brotherhood here, yet this
Congress has amply shown that the rank and file of the
Fenians are in earnest, that they really desire to settle
their differences, and that they wish to help suffering
Ireland in some way or other. If they refuse to listen to
our suggestion, and turn the money in the hands of their
treasurer into an emigration fund, and if they still persist
in their projects of rebellion, revolution, a war with
England, and an Irish republic, let them arrange their
quarrels and cover their plans and purposes with the cloak
of secrecy. No conspiracy that ever amounted to anything
was reported in all the newspapers from day to day. It
rebellion that everybody knows all about is fatal to no one
except those who originate it. The circles that are repre-
sented in this Congres profess to be perfectly satisfied will
O'Mahony. Very well, then, let them obey him implicitly,
and make no further fuss in regard to the matter. As
for those circles that have faith in Roberts, they
can either
yield to the will of the majority or they can keep up their
organisation, with Roberts at their head, and assistthe Fenian cause in their own way. There is nothing to
prevent two organisations from acting effectively together
in aid of the same object, provided they do not fall out
about minor affairs and neutralise each other by a quarrel
worthy of Donnybrook. It would, of course, be better if
they could all act under the same head, and if O'Mahony,
Roberts, General Sweeney, and the senators could shake
hands and be friends ; but even at the worst the two
organisations doing their work independently would be
preferable to this constant and disgraceful squabbling, this
crimination and recrimination, this mutual abuse and
slander. We have no great faith that the Fenians will
ever be able to accomplish anything practical ; but if they
are of a different opinion, for Heaven's sake let them go to
work and show us some results. Far be it from us to
object if any set of men choose to make fools of them-
selves in a manner that does no mischief to any one
except the English. But in order to accomplish anything
the Fenians must be quiet, reticent, secret, mysterious'
Making loud speeches, and blackguarding each other will
never free Ireland or render Fenianism respectable. We
therefore advise concert, harmony, and mystery to the
Fenian brotherhood ; and if we had no other motive for
this counsel it would be enough to say that the adoption of
our advice will relieve the public front a dispute of which
nobody seems able to comprehend the merits, and which
has long since become a serious annoyance and a conunoll
nuisance. If these are plain words they are also true ones,
and the Fenians may thank themselves and their leaders
that such words are both just and necessary.—New r 0741
Herald.