The Sun.
London, England, 1835-06-25 00:00:00

Noble Duke had consultid7,7a
of the Government preceding him—he must beg to sa)
I was not aware that there were in the archives of his office an).
records of any opinions of the Duke of Wellington on the
particular question wjiich the Noble Lord had' bioug,ht before
the House. .
Lord MAHON.—As to the intervention of foreigners -in,
the internal affairs of Spain.
Viscount PAL MERST ON.—The Noble Lord' made use
of a very convenient expression, and included under one deno-
mination things totally different • indeed the fallacy pervading
the Noble Lord's speech was this, that he confounded the
measure now under consideration---nainely, the. permission
accorded to Engtijli sui,jects to enter into the service of the.
Queen of Spain a measure perfectly distinct in its na-
ture, the sending out into Spain of armies under 6enerals obey-
ing foreign sovereigns and receiving_ foreign pay,_.and there-
fore not under the orders and disposition of the Goveliament
of Spain. When the Noble Lord quoted opinions of his
(Lord Palmerston's) expressed -at the time when France
was sending an army of nearly two hundred thousand men
to dispose of and remodel the internal Government of
Spain, and seemed to found upon them a charge of in-
consistency, he should bear in mind that those opinions were
not applicable to the present case, from which the case of that
former period was totally ,and essentially distinct. Looking
to the question of policy, what remote resemblance .;could
there be between the two eases ? At that time there was an
army of nearly 200,000 Frenchmen marching into Spain to
decide what should be the constitution of that country ; and
now about 10,000 or 12,000 persons were in arms with a view
of opposing its established Gevernnieut. , And here be woultl,
in answer to the question of the Noble Lord as to the side on
which were the majority of ihe Spanish nation, deelare that
he had no hesitation in stating it to be with the Queen—
( Hear, hear)—and the proof of that fact was to be found in the
circumstance that for nearly a year and a halt the resistance
to her authority had been confined to particular provinces, and
that. no disturbances had broken out in any other parts of the
kingdom. It should be recollected, also, that the inhabitants
of these provinces formed a people different in race, habits,
and language from the people of the rest of Spain ; and there
could, consequently, be no justice in inferring from the resist-
ance of the inhabitants of Biscay, that the inhabitants of
Spain, generally, partook of the same feelings as influenced
them. The Noble Lord quoted also my opinion in the case
of 1823, that it would be inexpedient, if we sent troops, not
to send a large army. But in that war was it merely 180,000
or 200,000 Frenchmen that we should have had to encounter
Did not the Noble Lord recollect that the French army
on that occasion was merely the advanced guard of Europe—
that the other European powers supported France on that oc-
casion ; and that the contest into which we should have been
I.xl would have b:.en a conquest, not with France alone, but
with the other powers of Europe ? The objection which he
had taken, too, was to the sending of a British army into Spain
which should act under the orders of the King of England,
and not be subject to the orders of the King of Spain. No
such course had been pursued on the present occasion ; no
English army had been sent as an English army • permission
had been simply given to British subjects to enrol themselves
in the service of the Queen of Spain, and the dignity of the
Crown of Spain was in nowise wounded by a measure such as
that, because the levies so enrolled under that permission were
for the time being the troops of the power whose pay they re-
ceived, and whose colours they wore. A force such as
they constituted, and a foreign army were so palpably
distinct, that he wondered how any man could confound
them.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord had said that there was no
precedent for the course pursued. He maintained that the
case was not that of precedent, but a case of act right or wrong.
A question might have arisen as to whether such a mode of
proceeding was expedient or wise ; but no question could have
arisen as to whether the adoption of it implied the entering
into a new course of policy, and the departure from the spirit
of engagements contracted twelve months since, and which
had been before Parliament since that period, and had not
called down the disapprobation of Parliament. It was an
English interest that the cause of the Queen of Spain should
be successful ; it was of great interest to this country that that
alliance which had been fortunately cemented between the
four Powers of the. West, England, France, Constitutional
Spain, and Constitutional Portugal—it was, he repeated, of
great interest and importance in the most enlarged views of
national policy that that alliance should continue ; and it could
only continue by the success of the Queen of Spain. They
knew that Europe had been, since the French revolution of
July, divided, he would not say into hostile, but into different
parties, of which the members of each have acted together ac-
cording to their respective principles, and if they have not met
in arms, have not done so because of the anxiety which all the
Governments of Europe have felt and professed to maintain
peace, and avoid everything likely to involve Europe in war.
The maintenance of peace not only in the Peninsula, but also
in Europe, was one great object which the Quadruple Alli-
ance was intended to effect; and, in his opinion, there was no
better guarantee for the continuance of the peace of Europe
than that Alliance—an Alliance founded not on any selfish
views of interest, not for any purpose of national aggrandize-
ment, not from the remotest design of aggression against
others, but solely for the purpose of preserving the peace of
Europe, and maintaining the independence of the States who
were parties to it. With regard to the convention, it was
clear that it did include the troops who were going from this
country; on that point there could not be a question. With
regard to their pay—the Noble Lord must be fully aware that
the British Government had nothing to do with that point.
When the Noble Lord was pleased to taunt those men who
should enrol themselves in the service of the Queen of Spain
as mercenaries—ready to call themselves Englishmen to-day
and Spaniards to-morrow--( Heal-)—as men who disgraced
their country, and were about, to sell for lucre their own blood
and the blood of their countrymen—( Loud cheers from the
Ministerial side)—he (Lord Palmerston) could not out express
a deep regret that the Noble Lord, whom he knew to possess
the feelings of an Englishman, and who had devoted his
kisnre and the faculties of his mind to subjects connected

it had been ilia- for hi ery tees in .pail,---"( Ileac,
hear)—and if he had rightly acquirsei it, hoe in-
considerate, how unworthy were the iialtry imputations thrown
out by the Noble Lord? There was also Lord Beresford,
who was holding the rank and receising the pay of a field-
marshal in the service of Portugal, and who had also served
as a -mtushal of the Portuguese arnij under sanction : he
.(Colonel Evans) was about also to- serve under sanction
,---and Under one than Which he did not conceive he could
have a sitronger.—( Hear; hear, and cheers.) The Noble Lord
said that he (Colonel Evan) and thoSe who would act with
him, were equally ready to serve either one 'Government or
another—one set of principlo 'or - anoiher set; •but was ho
going to serve irt support
,of principles which he had not
hitherto supported? And if the Noble. Lord would point out
any officer or soldier in the force to be placed undCr his com-
mand, who did not more or less participate in the feeling
' which he himself entertained, .and •which itiffueaced him, he
would engage that that individual should not make part of the
expedition. The Noble Lord had also alluded to the lowness
-of his rank, and seemed to question, on thii ground. the pro-
priety of his appointment. All he could say on this point was,
that he was perfectly ready to admit the moral weight which
the rank of the officer who might be appointed to it, added
to the command which he had the honour to receive ; but ho
need hardly inform the House, that he had not sought the ap-
pointment"; that it had been offered to him in a very flattering
manner; and that as he had willingly and cheerfully accepted
it, so he was ready to resign it to anygeneral or field-marshal
who was prepared to act on the principles of the Noble Lord,
which he took for granted. Were the same as those which
influenced the Duke of Wellington : namelY, to take such steps
as were necessary for putting down Don Carloe.---( Cheers.)
As to his experience he must be allowed to consider the opinion
of the Noble Lord on that head as one to which he was not
certainly prepared implicitly to submit ; and as. to his devo-
tion to his own country he might, without meaning to attach
any undue importance to the services which he had rendered,
declare that he had given at all-events as streng proof of his
attachment to it as any which the Noble. Lord could adduce.
(Continued cheers.) With respect to the charge of being
mercenary he should take no further notice of it than to say
that it might perhaps be urged on something like ostensible
grounds, if the Noble Lord who made it had not required that
he should be paid the amount of his 'quarter's salary for the
time during which he remained in office.—( Hear.) He was
satisfied that the House would expect no further explanation
from him ; and, he -should, therefore, conclude by reiterating
what be had preViously said : that the whole of the Noble
Lord's speech was a tissue of inconsistencies and evasions from
beginning to end, and of denials in one or two points of what
he had previously stated.—( Cheers.)
Mr. POULTER expressed his entire approval of the
course adopted by his Majesty's Government in acting in such
a way on the principles involved in the Quadruple Treaty as
must prove successful in restoring peace and good government
to Spain.—( Hear.)
Sir R. PEEL was bound, in the first place, to thank the
Noble Lord for the frank and cordial testimony which be had
borne to the manner in which the late Government had gene-
rally carried into effect the obligations contracted under the
Quadruple Treaty by a former Government.-4 Hear, hear.)
That testimony must be considered the more just and deserved
because it proceeded from the Noble Lord who had access to
all the documents, official and 'secret, as well as the more se-
cret correspondence whichhad-passed through the hands of his
Noble Friend (the Duke of Wellington); and with all the
knowledge derived from such sources the Noble Lord
bad not hesitated to declare, that if even the parties to it had
been called on to execute that treaty, they could not have
done so in a more honourable and complete manner than that
in which the inentions' of the former Government were car-
ried into operation by his Noble Friend.—( Hear.) The
Honourable Member for Westminster seemed to think that the
only act done by the British Government in execution of that
treaty was the exportation of 40,000 stand of arms. He ap-
prehended, that whatever the spirit and intention of the treaty
was, all that the British Government was called upon to do
was literally and honourably to fulfil the special engagements
into which they had entered. The obligations of the British
Government under that treaty, were, as he understood them,
to afford arms to Spain, to allow the opportunity of getting
Spanish vessels repaired in our harbours, and also to give Spain,
if circumstances required it., the aid of a naval force. He was
sure the Noble Lord opposite would bear out the truth of the
observation, when he stated, that though the obligation of
supplying a naval force to Spain was in case of necessity im-
posed on England, yet the law of nations did throw great
obstacles in the way of the fulfilment of that special oblige-
time —( Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) Without a de-
claration of war, it was with the greatest difficulty that the
special obligation of giving naval aid could be fulfilled with-
out placing the force of such a compact, the performance of
which was guaranteed on the existence of certain circum-
stances, against the general binding nature of international
law. Let them take, for instance, a neutral nation requiring
arms. Whatever the special obligation imposed on this.
country might be, it did not warrant us in checking the enter-
prise of our own countrymen, or preventing that neutral state
from receiving a supply of arms. But we had no right,-with-
out a positive declaration of war, to stop the ships of a
neutral country on the high seas. He apprehended that the
Queen of Spain had the same claim on the cordial assistance of
this country as any other ally. She had been recognized, no
matter, by, what Government—for he considered nothing of
such vital importance to the character and interests of this
country, as that the engagements entered into by one Adminis-
tration should not be disturbed by another of opposite political
principles ; and upon that principle he should have considered
it unjustifiable on the part of the Administration to which he
belonged to attempt to evade the obligations of the Quadruple
Treaty (however they may have dissented from the policy by
which it had been originally dictated), or to refuse to carry it
into operation in a -fair, honourable, and equitable manner.—
( Hear, hear.) But still, consistently with the admission that
the Queen of Spain was equally entitled as any other friendly
power to the cordial assistance and good wishes of this coun-
. .

with the history of the country in question, should have felt so
coldly on the matter, that he should take so false and narrow a
view of it, as to throw out on brave and honourable men im-

iry, he might call in question the policy of a particular act,
which for the first time in the recent history of this country
admitted of direct military intervention as to the domestic

putations so entirely undeserved. Could the Noble Lord not
conceive that any motive could lead Englishmen to fight under
the banners of a constitutional Sovereign except the mere lucre
of pay ?—( Loud cheers.)
Lord M AHON had expressly stated that the motives of
these men might be honourable, but not sufficient.

affairs of another nation.—(Loud cheers.) The general
declaration of the political interest of this country being
served by the maintenance of the Quadruple Alliance, or
the existence of a particular form of Government in Spain ;
those who acted upon such doctrines after the manner of
the Noble Lord, warranted the interference by military
_ . _ _

Viscount PALMERSTON had certainly understood the force of all the other countries which were parties to that
Noble Lord as dwelling much on personal interest, and talk- treaty, on the assumption of having some vague and hide-
ing of condottieri, and declaring that men were not justified in finite special interest to promote by the adoption of such a
the eyes of God in shedding the blood of others except in de- course.---( Cheers.) It might be said, however, that he was
fence of their country; but of course, if the Noble Lord had not not warranted in applying the terms "direct military inter-
expressed such feelings, the observation made by himself in ference," to the expedition which had been saentioned by the
reference to them at once fell to the ground. He had only to Government. How did it, in principle, differ from such an in-
state further, that he entirely differed from the Noble Lord terference ? It was imposside to deny that an act, which the
upon the particular question under discussion ; he thought that . - British Government permitted, authorizing British soldiers
the Government of this country was perfectly justified, not only and subjects to enlist in the service of a foreign Power, and at-
-I.y law, as the Noble Lord admitted, but by policy, by pru- lowing them to be organized in this country, was not a recog-
dunce, and a due regard to its interests, in taking the step ninon of the doctrine of the propriety of assisting by military
which it had taken—a step widely different from the measure force a foreign Government in an insurrection of its own sub-
with which the Noble Lord had confounded it, the sending of jects?—(Clieers.)' The Noble Lord had stated that the insur-
e foreign army into Spain. For his part he must say he ad- rection in Spain was confined to the Biscayan provinces. The
mired these brave men, who were embarking in the cause of Noble Lord had not, he thought, escaped from the dilemma in
the Queen of Spain, and he cordially wished them that success which his Noble Friend had shown him to be situated, namely
which lie confidently believed would attend their efforts.— —that if the Queen's Government were established in the ge-
(l~kar, hear.) : neral affections of the people—if those who, it was said, ins-
Colonel EVANS referred to the observations made by the sessed intelligenCe, opulence, and knowledge of political rights,
Noble Lord in reference to himself, and those who were about and who were iu favour of her ,Government, preponderated ire,-
to embark in the expedition which was to be placed under his mensely. over those engaged in the insurrection, why did they
command ; .he said that- the Noble Lord had, among other not put it down without calling for the assistance of any foreign
things, spoken of them as men who were ready to call them-
power? But.if, on the other hand, it happened that the ques-
selves Englishmen one day, and Portuguese or Spaniards the tion was a disputed one—that the opinions of the people were
next. He then proceeded to Put a question to the Noble nearly equally divided—and if the difficulty of suppressing the
Lord, asking, we believe, whether he had meant to imply any- insurrection arose from the fact, that the Pretender to- the
thing disrespectful in the observations he had made, and added throne had support nearly as powerful as its possessore_we
that he should wait for the Noble Lerd's answer. . f had, in that case, embarked in a contest, the issue of which
Lord MA HON could have no hesitation in saying that he i could not now be foreseen, and the settlement of which by our
had no intention of making any remark disrespectful to the arms, must lead to au eternal source of turmoil and warfare, if
Gallant Colonel. - the precedent of such intervention were once established.—
Colonel EVANS a--rid that the answer was completely (Loud cheers.) The Noble Lord, however, had stated that
evasive.—( Loud cheers.) The Noble Lord had said that he the spirit of the treaty had justified that act. The spirit of
meant no disrespect to him personally; was it to the men or the treaty never contemplated military intervention by my of
to the officers that he meant to apply it? The Noble Lord the parties to it ; and the justice of the proposed interference
was involved in a series of contradictions and evasions through- en the part of this country, could only be defended on the
out his speech, both reference to persons and things.--(Cries ground that the treaty warranted the embarkation of a British
of " No, no," from the Opposition benches.) The Noble army to assist the Queen of Spain.--( Hear, hear.) So much
Lord might disclaim any intention of conveying disrespect to- for the foreign policy of the act. He should next say a word
or two with reference to its bearing on the domestic concerns
himself personally ; but if he meant to apply disrespect to or'
who would serve with him, he (Colonel Evans) must of this country, He was desirous of knowing from the Noble
say that he should, on their part, treat any such intimation of Lord (J. Russell) whether, by the authority of the Crown, or
disrespect towards them with all the disgust and contempt by agreement with the parties, the number of men intended to
which he should conceive it to merit if 'applied to himself.--. be. raised and disciplined in this country was limited, or left,
(Loud cries of "Chair," from the 'Opposition side.) according to the Order in Council, undefined ?—( Hear, heat.)
The SPEAKER ihen rose and said a few words, which The danger of the principle acknowledged was, that a certain
were utterly inaudiblee after which ' number of individuals was not prescribed;. but that it Was left
Colonel EVANS had merely said, that "if" the Noble Lord open to those who had the management of the expedition, to
had made such an intimation, he should entertain those feelings; keep at home, cr send out, what must be considered battalions
he did not at that moment know whether the Noble Lord ha] cf British troops, to the service of the; Queen of Spain.' lie
was particularly anxious to know the system- of discipline
or had not, for in some parts of Inn' speech belied 'said things
which he had counter-said in others, and therefore he (Col. under which it %ITS intended that -the troops should be
Evans) did conceive that he 'might be allowed to put the mnintained.—(llear, hear.) It was possible that those
hypothetical case, and might say that if •the Noble Lord composing a force which was described as the British
meant to throw out expressions of disrespect; he (Col. Evans) auxiliary force, might consider themselves . subjected to the
would return them-to him with Perfect contempt and disgust. military cone of the service in which they had enlisted.. ' But
Whether the case was to apply to the Noble Lord or not, he he was desirous of being informed whether there was Any re-
could not tell, because he did not know whether the Noble gulation empowering the application of the military code of the
Lord meant or not to apply the exnressions. The Noble Lard country to the British subjects who embarked in the defence
had spekeii of Condottieris surely that name could not apply to of the. Queen of Spain ?—(Cheers.) Now he was of opinion,
British soldiers under any circumstances I The term condot- tire if. these parties entered into a voluntary engagement to
tieri had been applied to a class of :men who hired themselves serve the Queen of Spain, they could not tie punished for any
nut, but did not fight inueli ; and the Nuble Lord could not breach of the discipline observed he the forces of this country.
then, he should think, apply it to any of the persons :bete to _( Hear, Lear.) He much doubted the policy, under any ter-
engage in the undertaking in• queen-on. The ' Noble Lord cumstatices, of encouraging the embarkation of battalions to a
had spoken also of= mercenaries ; Aid eas • the meaning of foreign country,-from which they niust shortly return en their
brat term? It 'Tolled to those who Wake, itefed, cr. fought native homes With habits acquired in tv'foreige country; syhere
for pay. The Noble Lord had said, hoWener, that he did not they caunot be under the same control as military men'who
apply that term to him (Col. Evans); but he was not willing looked to .this country for reward at the termination of their
to accept of a compliment at the expense of those engaged with iabours.—( Hear, beer.) And looking te thew:: considerations,
him in the same undertaking. The Noble Lord said that they he must .be permitted to say that, both with, reference to the
were mercenaries, but that he (Colonel Evans) was not. Ife- foreign policy, and as it bore on our ee,n domestic interests,
did not see how that could possibly be 'the case; nor did he he entertained serious doubts as to the present expediency and
justice of the intene.ed undertaking ; end he regarded the see how he himself :could be entitled to the appellation pre-
causebe-
he served under another 'COvernment with the permis- cedent t-Olie'n v;otild be established by it; and its capability of
sion of his own._( Hear, hear. ) If he aecepted A cemmission being hereeiter perverted. with the most serious rearm.—( Loud
in the ranish serv•eq, "what did lie•eirere than :the-Nitre tEtrr\--:" ", Inca-
iotol In," Ott hosign,p,dicyaw., ea ci AinthAtvd,oh,L,ith i
}fin -e
said, the Right Hon Baronet who
seraroveit. 144fur;,othanerthitobiliwo ,1 1144004:7100 4,eht Fe
-eel IliFfPou.se hact fully admitted th; force of the
!twint til itticliekn tlitticeVeHtnheteetea elat'ili4fi iteAltiepr nyeeala •-• iflAcqnstfre end at the same time he concurred in tae
ctit) *Mkt Jr-13/4%1*(1"W tiL9tgi birittl_,Liva dud dl , ,i
1
i, SYlconlle Lord (Mahon) as a fit one. Now he
.vtt tL.NivM jittorl_ dzirriteaz4 wytt,
.4,v. cvr , ty.rlt). would beg to
_call
.the attentio.n, of the
1 -11'IW'T 7-thlfhilik th tl., apt h-; 7 ' h
f
trace (Velm t Vitct non of the several parties at the signing of
VrtilloV,,,, ~.1, , . , a iltd A At y,s,.rriFrt to con- !Lie gun rea,a . , eaty. Just before that treaty *as entered
one. concurred in the
e!itpikta 7tF;sr • ratatftnetn4 evot• ate. ieli:eaidirt.aeek, lat aa-gra 40 Carlos and Don
.Mieeiel were boli, at the head of
%rw hitkl,
tiiintlitstjbearott 06: ittOpmptattfile ti'lt .b falilliPAßlVelitertugal. D.on Caalos had ooi:n the next heir
ertike of cLord Palmerston) ,ord) (Mahon) as a fiAtrtyn.7.oN:ollo;ttihbleb:ne'
wouf d beg' to call the attention on o the several parties at the signing of but his canal te the succession had
He trusted th del.
before that t
Ihe meant to n°
House to the situati
Duke ; • eon- the quadripartite treaty. .fuss
indeed he into Don Carlos and Don Mir before
• be at the head of
Don Carlos had
im's,nPr_perty more troops • ~ ,
But to the Settn',, throne,Ba •was entered
1 Suna. et ps invacting . ortu I eel vier° both
I e but • • • been the next heir '
. .t his want to the . succession, had